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OUR BURMESE WARS

RELATIONS WITH BURMA.

OUR BURMESE WARS

RELATIONS WITH BURMA:

BEING AN ABSTRACT OF MILITARY
AND POLITICAL OPERATIONS, 1824-25-26, and 1852-53.

WITH VARIOUS

LOCAL, STATISTICAL, AND COMMERCIAL INFORMATION,

AND A SUMMARY OF EVENTS FROM 1826 TO 1879, INCLUDING A SKETCH

OF KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS.

COLONEL W. F. B. LAURIE,

AUTHOR OF " RANGOON," AND " PEGU," NARRATIVES OF THE
SECOND BURMESE WAR.

As long as the sun shines in the Heavens, the British flag shall wave over those

possessions." — Marquis of Dalhousie (1854).
: Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim are British, and British they will remain for many
generations of men. We govern in order that you should live in peace, pro-
sperity, and happiness."— Earl op Mayo, at Rangoon (1872).

SECOND EDITION.

LONDON:

W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATERLOO PLACE,

PALL MALL, S.W.

PUBLISHERS TO THE INDIA OFFICE.

1885.

H€*l^v

MORSE

STEPHEN*

GENERAL SIR WILLIAM HILL, K.C.S.L,

WHOSE GALLANT DEFENCE OP PEGU

WILL EVER BE CONSIDERED ONE OP THE MOST REMARKABLE EVENTS

IN THE HISTORY OP OUR BURMESE WARS,

THIS VOLUME

IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED.

S1276T

GENERAL PREFACE.

It seems almost superfluous to ask the attention of
intelligent Britons to a region little known among
them, but one, most assuredly, that has " a greater
future before it than any country in Asia." Expe-
rience, however, has shown the necessity of so doing ;
for if we do not yet nearly realise the immense in-
terests we possess in our old and "loved India" — the
most splendid dominion under the sun — how is it to
be expected we should do so in our comparatively new
portion of Chin-India ? That people often require to
be reminded as well as informed, is another reason for
the appearance of this volume, the greater portion of
which is devoted to the operations of our Burmese|"Wars,
and much of the remainder to the bright and hopeful
effect. As regards the Military portion, the object of
the present "Abstract" is two-fold. It is to supply the
place of a new edition of the Author's former Narra-
tives, by giving a considerable part of what seemed

Vlll GENEEAL PREFACE.

best worth preserving, and a few additional incidental
remarks, with an especial view to interest those who
served in the last war, and to make it in some degree
useful in case of future operations.

In his preface to " Rangoon," the first Narrative of
the Second Burmese War (August 1852), it was stated
as one of the Author's principal objects, " to give the
reader as much information regarding Burma, and
take from him as little time, as possible. Wherever it
is a soldier's lot to roam, the pleasant duty may be
frequently performed of attempting to gather and
afterwards to diffuse knowledge. It is a duty which
our age demands of every man who thinks he has a
sufficiency of capacity." Again, he added, while the
war was not yet finished : — " Apart from the extreme
probability of the cause of civilisation being advanced,
in a distant and comparatively unknown land, by the
Second Burmese War, which should make the subject
one of general interest, there must be a vast number
of readers at home and in India who have friends and
relatives in Burma. This is the grand key to the in-
terest of Englishmen in the war. The possession of
Rangoon may be said to have put nine-tenths of the
Burmese Empire at our disposal. The conquest of
the remainder of the country may ensue, and other
pens will probably describe the course of events. But
on account of the liberal encouragement bestowed on
the present undertaking, the Author may be disposed,
if all goes well, to write another volume."

" Pegu," the concluding volume — written after the
Author reached Toungoo — completed an account of

GENERAL PREFACE. IX

the conquest of the province ; and the book, more than
double the size of " Rangoon," with more plans and
sketches, originally appeared under circumstances far
from favourable. The adverse influence of the time —
the outbreak of the Crimean "War — operated on his
Oriental military narrative in much the same manner
as that bewailed by a famous sensation novelist, who
brought out one of his great works in 1 854, but which
had no great sale while England was watching a
serious national event, and new books, in consequence,
" found the minds of readers in general pre-occupied or
indifferent." Still, "Pegu" struggled on, being the
only authoritative standard of reference on the subject ;
and, aided by Government patronage, the book even-
tually became out of print. It is now, doubtless, to be
found in many libraries throughout England and India;
and not the least pleasing retrospect in a rather event-
ful life, is to the time when the writer travelled with
his father in Sweden, and personally presented a copy
of " Pegu " to King Charles the Fifteenth — soldier and
artist — thereby making sure of at least one Narrative
of the Second Burmese War being honoured by a place
in the royal library at Stockholm.

It was gratifying, some years ago, to learn from a
distinguished member of Her Majesty's Indian Council
that " Pegu " had been found "useful and interesting ";
and various officers, from time to time, notwithstand-
ing (as remarked in the preface) the difficulty of
producing a good book with the heat, the din of war,
and the frequent impossibility of procuring correct
information to contend against, have signified their

X GENERAL PREFACE.

approbation. The Author having considered it most
important at the present time — when Burma promises
to be of far more than usual interest to the military as
well as to the commercial world — to give a summary
of events during the First Burmese War, in order that
the conduct of the two wars, and our relations with
Burma, may be better understood than hitherto, of
course it comes first in order. The very brief account
of that now famous war given in the Introductory
Sketch will, it is to be hoped, tempt the reader, should
he have time, to go through the more lengthy abstract
which is contained in the second and third chapters
(Part I.), of which the present writer appears, in a
very great measure, as editor rather than author or
compiler. The First Burmese War will also be found
alluded to, and occasional extracts given, in connection
with the operations of the Second ; but the study of a
connected sketch of such eventful Burmese Campaigns
as those of upwards of fifty years ago, will enable
military readers to better understand the. few remarks
on the operations, given in the fourth chapter. Again,
Pegu and the Irawady being now ours — forming our
grand base of operations — in the event of another war
we should probably have to make use of (and of course
improve) the same theatre of action as that in which
the gallant first Army of Ava played so distinguished
a part.

There is no desire in this work to advocate an an-
nexation— far less an aggressive policy ; and such a
desire is hostile to the intentions of a wise Government ;
but no intelligent Englishman will deny — and if he has

GENER L PREFACE. XI

denied it hitherto, it is to be hoped he will do so no
longer — that the First Burmese War was vigorously
prosecuted because we sought to save Bengal at least
from invasion. And if, during the Mutiny of 1857,
we had not possessed the lower provinces of Burma,
there is no saying what trouble might have been
created on our south-eastern frontier, and what the
consequences might have been. When the Mahomedan
began to discover he had lost his military and the
Brahman his social sway, they might also have dis-
covered that Pegu was a very convenient province for
the game of murder and rebellion. The Second War,
followed by the grand political stroke of annexation —
which was forced on us — prevented the chance of
Burma aiding the fiends engaged in the Mutiny !

Talking one day with that eminent Anglo-Indian
writer, the late Sir John Kaye, on the subject of
annexation, and having incurred his displeasure by
alluding to "the force of circumstances," of course it
was useless to point out to the Political Secretary how
valuable the possession of British Burma was to us
during the Indian rebellion; how the isolation of
Burma kept the Court of Ava out of the influences
of the mutinies altogether ; how the Bengal sepoy
regiment stationed in Pegu found no sympathy from
such a different race as the Burmese in the matter
of disaffection; how we could spare British troops
from the province at such a critical time ; or how the
Grolden Foot sent a handsome donation of one thousand
pounds to relieve the sufferers by the Mutiny ! All
was lost on Sir John, who conscientiously — like his

Xll GENERAL PEEFAGE.

admirable friend, Sir Henry Lawrence, denounced
annexation.

As the time is probably near at hand when, if the
Golden Foot does not make a better wheel into the
ranks of civilisation, there may no longer be a King of
Burma, it is curious to notice that the last of the so-
called " Great Moguls," the King of Delhi, died while
a State prisoner at Rangoon on the 11th November
1 862, and was buried the same day — the Mahomedans
of the town being heedless of the event. Such was the
end of the Mogul, who disputed the Empire of India
with us, but now had been so long harmless, realm-
less, and " a prince without the shadow of power," that
even at his death the pious Mahomedans deemed him
hardly worthy of notice !

One word more about " Annexation " — a word fre-
quently used in the following pages — a word which
should never be connected with " party " where its
realisation is meant for the good of mankind. Think-
ing of the great Canning's remark about the tremen-
dous power Great Britain is destined to wield in the
world, it is almost impossible not to fall in with Paley's
observation on the cases in which the extension of
territory may be of real advantage to both parties.
The moral and political Archdeacon writes of the case
where " neighbouring states " — one of them Upper
Burma, for instance — vbeing severally too small and
weak to defend themselves against the dangers that
surround them, can only be safe by a strict and con-
stant junction of their strength: here conquest will
effect the purposes of confederation and alliance ;tf in d

GENERAL PREFACE. Xlll

the union which it produces is often more close and
permanent than that which results from voluntary
association."

This is a very " pithy " sentence and one well
worthy of study. How could Upper Burma ever keep
back China, or Russia, or, perhaps, Germany — if she
is to be allied with the flowery land — single-handed,
and probably with a hostile league of tribes against the
Golden Foot, in case of an attack from the northward ?

When a much younger man, the Author was all in
favour of annexation. Like many other sanguine
patriots, he thought we should be everywhere, and
annex every country that fell out with us ; but time
has sobered down his ambitious views ; and he now
adopts the more Conservative principle of non-inter-
ference, when it can possibly be adopted without in-
jury to our prestige. On the point of annexing only a
part of a country, the writer, it will be seen, has
expressed his decided views. He may further add
that, as Euclid teaches us — " the whole is greater
than its part " ; so, in political result, the axiom is —
If annexation must come, the whole is safer than a
part ! Commercial activity and enterprise also are
seldom safe when dealing with fractions.

The fourth part of his work will probably possess
more interest for the general reader and the merchant
than the others. To get a good general knowledge of
Burma, the Author must refer his readers to the
interesting volumes of Colonel Yule, General Fytche,
Dr. Mason, Dr. Anderson, Captain Forbes, and a few
others of less pretensions, such as Surgeon- General

XIV GENERAL PREFACE.

Gordon, Colonel McMahon, and Mr. "Wyllie (in his
"Essay on the External Policy of India"). Mr. St.
Barbe, in reviewing the latter book, which has " no-
thing specially to do with Burma," says that the essays
are " valuable for the most part as expounding a policy
which is fast becoming effete — the policy of masterly
inactivity, which their author was t)i£ first to designate
and describe." Of course, in times like the present,
when so much ambition among European Powers is
afloat, " masterly inactivity " is simply ridiculous and
impossible.

It is to be hoped that commerce in Burma, and its
enemy, the eccentric, cruel, and obstructive King
Theebau, have received the attention they deserve.
Doubtless, there is a brighter day at hand for the
country, at which, of course, London, Liverpool, Glas-
gow, and Calcutta — above all, Eangoon — will especially
and naturally rejoice. The foreign trade of British
Burma — unparalleled in the annals of Eastern Asia —
notwithstanding the disadvantages under which it has
recently laboured, affords a prospect most bright and
advancing.

In conclusion, the author is pleased at being able
to add to the utility of his work by giving an excellent
map by that safe and experienced geographer, Mr.
Trelawney Saunders. With reference to the numerous
plans and sketches which enriched his former volumes
— among the artists being Lieutenant (now Major-
General*) Alexander Fraser, of the Bengal Engineers,

* RE., and Secretary to the Government of India. To this
officer the author was indebted for military sketches of Shwc-
gyeen and Gongoh.

GENERAL PREFACE. XV

whose light-houses and other engineering works will
ever honourably connect his name with British Burma
— only two illustrations have been selected — the scene
Donabew, where the greatest of all Burmese generals
died, and where a distinguished British general of the
present day first saw active service — which will give
some idea of Burmese forest or jungle warfare.

W. F. B. L.

1, Oxford Gardens, London, W.
December 1879.

CONTENTS.

PART I.

Chapter I. — Introductory Sketch ....
II. — The First Burmese War ....
III. — The First Burmese War (continued)
IV. — Remarks on the Operations
V. — The Finances of India fifty years ago ; or, after
the First Burmese War

Page

1
19
49
64

PART II.

The Second Burmese War.

Chapter I. — The Burmese provoke a Second War . . 81
II. — From Madras to Eangoon .... 95
III. — Naval Operations before Rangoon and Dalla.
— The Landing and Advance. — The White
House Stockade 107

XV111 CONTENTS.

Pn-e

Chapter IV.- — The Grand Advance on the Shwe Dagon

Pagoda 122

V. — Capture of Bassein. — Burmese Attack on

Martaban 141

VI. — Pegu. — Prome. — The Grand Question. — Lord

Dalhousie at Eangoon . . . .157

PART III.

From the Advance on Prome to the Entire Conquest
of Pegu.

Chapter I. — The Advance on Prome. — Capture and Occu-
pation of Pegu 181

II. — The Burmese Investment of Pegu. — Critical
Position of Major Hill and his Troops. —
Summary of Military Transactions . . 219
III. — Belief of Pegu, and other Operations. — The

Proclamation ...... 236

IV. — Sir John Cheape's Operations against Myat-

htoon 257

V. — Lord Dalhousie's Policy in the Second Burmese

War. — Various Remarks . . . .275
Notification. — Troops in British Burma, 1853

and 1864 310

Account of Gross Revenue from Territory
ceded by the Burmese, including the annexed
Provinces of Pegu and Martaban, for 1855-56 314
Letter from Lord Dalhousie to Major Hill . 316

CONTENTS. XIX

PART IV.

Various Papers on Burma.

Page

Paper I. — View of the Condition of Burma in 1854-55 . 318
II. — Sparseness of Population, and Health of the

Indigenous Races 328

HI. — A Brief Review of the Progress of Trade in

Pegu (1864) 346

Note.— Revenue (1878-79) and Commerce 350
IV. — From Mandalay to Momien (Review). — Trade

Routes from Burma to Western China . . 353
The Shan Tribes. — Productive Capacity of the

Shan Countries 366

V. — The Value of Upper Burma .... 369
VI.— Summary of Events from 1826 to 1879,
including a Sketch of King Theebau's Pro-
gress 374

Annexation and Non-Annexation . . . 416
Postscript : — The Looshais and the Nagas . . 420
Notes : — 1. — The Burmese Royal Family . 425
2. — Withdrawal of the British Re-
sident from Mandalay . . 426
3. — Population of Mandalay . .427
4. — King Theebau's Head Queen . 427
British Burma Division (1879) . . .429

Addenda to PART 1 431

n 440

„ HI 446

IV 466

Index 479

CONTENTS.

Map and Sketches.

1. — Central Portion of British Burma.

2. — Kough Sketch pertaining to Operations against Myat-htoon.

3. — Plan of Breastwork captured from Myat-htoon.

OUR BURMESE WARS

AND

EEKATA.

Page 17, Hue 14. For Irawady read Irawadi, the correct spelling of the
great river, which is, in the original Sanskrit, Airdvati,
feminine of the god Indra's elephant, from aira,
" moisture," and vati, " like." — See Ashd Pyee, p. 81.
„ 44, line 32. For Ma read Maha, Bandoola.

„ 170, note. For Thebau read Theebau ; and for Santama read Gautama.
„ 174, note. For peninsular read peninsula.
„ 357, line 11. -For something wrong read considerable difficulty in the

framing of the Burmese Treaty of 1862, &c.
„ 390, line 12. For Ramathayu read Ramathayn.
„ 393, line 17. For Meuhla read Menhla, or Minhla.

Note. — A distinguished London critic pointed out an error in the author's
rendering of the meaning of the word " Moozuffer," as applied to one of the
grand old East India Company's frigates. It does not signify a "traveller,"
but " victorious," which is written, in the original Arabic, Muzaffar. The
word Musdfir, " a traveller," is Arabic also, which in this case was wrongly
applied. (Page 187, line 8.)

that the barter of commodities is " necessarily coeval with the
first formation of society/' and that trade and commerce form

* The Mogul Empire generally. We agree with the author of " Burma, Past
and Present," in considering the Mogul dynasty in India a misnomer, as
Baber and his descendants were not Moguls, but of the kindred race of Turks.

CONTENTS.

Map and Sketches.

1. —Central Portion of British Burma.

2. — Kough Sketch pertaining to Operations against Myat-ht(

3.— Plan of Breastwork captured from Myat-htoon.

OUR BURMESE WARS

AND

RELATIONS WITH BURMA,

PART I.

CHAPTER I.

INTEODUCTOEY SKETCH.

It is still an interesting problem to solve, whether the Mon-
golian race, up to the present time, has retarded the beneficial
progress of the world. Taking an extensive yet fair view of
the question, the mind is puzzled by its numerous intricacies,
till at length we are obliged to fall back on a somewhat similar
conclusion formed by Gibbon regarding the Mogul Empire,*
that, perhaps, it has been rather the scourge than the bene-
factor of mankind. From childhood we learn the lesson that
war is only justifiable when defensive and unavoidable, not
when it is offensive and unnecessary. Common sense teaches us
that the barter of commodities is " necessarily coeval with the
first formation of society/' and that trade and commerce form

2 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the very key-stone of progressive civilisation. In the matters
of war and barter, therefore, the Mongolian race has been
largely to blame, inasmuch as it has given to the world far
too much of the one and far too little of the other. Welling-
tons and Richard Cobdens have been required from time im-
memorial in Asia. And yet, perhaps, had similar luminaries,
especially during the last two centuries, for their hour, become
lords of the ascendant in China and Chin-India (or Indo-
China), a bombastic general of the flowery land could never
have mastered the art of war on just principles, nor an arrogant
Burmese sovereign the soothing influences and mighty advan-
tages of free trade. Of course a strong natural love of exclu-
sion lies at the root of the evil ; and this is more evident in the
Mongolian race than among the other varieties of mankind.

Friendly relations with Eastern countries, among us, as with
other European empires and kingdoms, have ever been few and
far between. Even in Europe shrewd and practical statesmen
know well that what is styled " a supposed community of in-
terest" must form a chief ingredient in the friendships, and
especially in the commercial relations, of empires and states ;
and not balancing this consideration properly, the result must
ever be a monopolizing tendency, which must in the end gene-
rally lead to war. Of course this is very lamentable, and very
derogatory to human nature; but it cannot be helped, particu-
larly in the case of nations less civilised than our own.

It is curious to think what the result would now have been
had the little band of zealots who, tired of the excellent yet
bare morality of Confucius, left China, early in the Christian
era, in search of a new religion, brought back (65 a.d.), instead
of Buddhism from India, Christianity from Palestine. There
is one thing almost certain, that, were the four hundred mil-
lions of Chinese (Buddhists), and say the eight or ten millions
of Indo-Chinese, Christians at the present time, there would
be an almost entire absence of a deep love of seclusion among
them ; the possession of an eager and continual thirst for barter

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 3

on the largest scale j no fear to zealous members of the Senate
regarding the crippled finances of India, and, perhaps, Chinese
Burmese, and Siamese firms in London rivalling the British
houses.

But China and Indo-China are still Buddhistical, and India
is still the land of the Veda and the Koran — the principle of
life apparently still so strong within these creeds as to make it
difficult to think when they are to perish. So we proceed at
once to give some popular information regarding our Burmese
wars and relations with Burma.

As early as the middle of the sixteenth century the Burmese
had conquered the inhabitants of Pegu, their former masters,
and had established a strong independence. This brave and
warlike nation speedily assumed a high rank in the East. The
Burmese accession of power and territory naturally produced
a desire for increased traffic ; and, as regards the British, about
the middle of the seventeenth century — not many years after
the surgeon, Boughton, had done his country service by obtain-
ing for the English nation permission to traffic, free of duty,
in Bengal — our trade with Burma flourished to a considerable
extent. Grain, oil, timber, ivory, and other valuable com-
modities, were not to be neglected in the early fervour of com-
mercial speculation.

The fertile delta of that magnificent river, the Irawady, was
visited by our countrymen under great disadvantages. The
European barbarians — for the offensive term was used in the
same sense by Burmese and Chinese — dared not sail up the
Rangoon river, or any other of Burma's noble waters, without
acknowledging the supreme authority of the Lord of the White
and all other Elephants, whose trunks "put a girdle round
about the earth/' while under the shade of their master's golden
umbrella the spheres steadily and gracefully reposed. But our
merchants too frequently made respect for local authorities a
secondary consideration, which, perhaps, first inclined the higher
order of Burmese to look upon us in no very favourable li°-ht.

1 *

4 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Far different was the conduct of the early servants of the East
India Company. These functionaries, we are told, knew well
how to humour the Burmese national vanity; and even go-
vernors of Fort St. George addressed the "Golden Feet" in
terms of great humility. An old letter has recently been dis-
interred, filled with what the writers in the " Spectator/'
had the gorgeous epistle come in their way, might have de-
nounced as a brilliant example of an effort to be ridiculous for
a political purpose. It is impossible to mistake the " studied
ornaments of style "* in a letter from Nathaniel Higginson,
Esq., &c, Governor of Fort St. George, to the King of Ava,
dated the 10th September 1695.

"To His Imperial Majesty, who blesseth the noble city of
Ava with his Presence, Emperour of Emperours, and excelling
the Kings of the East and of the West in glory and honour, the
clear firmament of Virtue, the fountain of Justice, the perfec-
tion of Wisdom, the Lord of Charity, and Protector of the
Distressed ; the first mover in the Sphere of Greatness, Presi-
dent in Council, Victorious in War; who feareth none, and is
feared by all : Center of the Treasures of the Earth, and of
the Sea, Lord Proprietor of Gold and Silver, Rubys, Amber,
and all precious Jewells, favoured by Heaven, and honoured by
Men, whose brightness shines through the World, as the light
of the Sun, and whose great name will be preserved in per-
petual memory. . . .

. . . " Your Majesty has been pleased to grant your
especial favours to the Honourable English Company, whose
Servant I am ; and now send to present before the footstool of
your Throne a few toys, as an acknowledgment of your Ma-
jesty's goodness, which I beg your Majesty to accept; and to
vouchsafe an Audience to my Servants, and a gracious Answer
to my Petition."

" Spectator," essay on " Metaphors.

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. O

Let us now hear the object of the petition, one of curious
interest at the present time.

" I humbly pray your Majesty's fountain of goodness to con-
tinue your wonted favours to the Right Honourable English
Company, and to permit our Factors to buy and sell, in such
Commoditys, and under such Priviledges, as your Royal bounty
shall please to grant ; and allow us such conveniencys, as are
necessary for the repair of Shipps, whereby I shall be en-
couraged to send my Shipps yearly to your Majesty's Port,
having orders from the Honourable Company, to send Shipps
and Factors into all parts of India, when their Service re-
quires it."

It was well said, early in 1852, " We shall look with addi-
tional interest for the Burmese Blue Book, that we may have
an opportunity of comparing the humble, cringing, obsequious
memorial presented by the Agent of the Governor, on his
knees, to the Lord of the White Elephant, with the cold and
imperious missive of the present Governor-General. These two
letters would of themselves form no incorrect index of the
difference between the Company Bahadoor, as a pedlar, and
as an emperor."

And now, before inviting the reader's attention to a slight
historical retrospect, let us ask him to turn to the map of Asia,
and mark how the country of Arakan and the province of
Chittagong are situated relatively to Calcutta and the coun-
tries of Ava and Pegu.

Every one knows that the Portuguese were the first regular
European traders in India, round the Cape of Good Hope.

Many of these adventurers, about the year 1600, had settled
on the coast of Chittagong and Arakan. Ten years after their
arrival, the Portuguese and Arakanese, acting in concert against
the Subahdar of Bengal, agreed to invade his Subah by land
and by water. The limited forces went boldly to the attack ;
but the invaders were entirely defeated. The perfidious com-
mander persuaded the Governor of the Portuguese settlement

6 OUJi BURMESE WARS.

in India, who resided at Goa, to equip a large fleet, and upon
its arrival on the coast Gonzales joined the admiral in attacking
the city of Arakan. They were repulsed with great loss,
reckoning their naval leader among the killed, while the cap-
tain escaped to the island of Sundeep, defeated, disgraced, and
ruined. It is remarked, by a competent authority, that the
attempt of the Arakanese to revenge themselves against the
inhabitants of Sundeep and all the neighbouring coasts, with
succeeding inroads of a similar nature, created the Soonder-
buns,* which region once flourished as the abode of wealthy
and industrious men.

We next hear that the Assamese, occupying a fertile country
to the north of Ava, were repulsed, and the Arakanese driven
off by the occupants of Sundeep, to secure the peace and pros-
perity of Bengal. It is curious to compare the progress of an
expedition set on foot by Meer Joomla, the Subahdar, in the
year 1661, against Assam, with the British martial adventures
during the first Burmese war. Having crossed the Brahma-
pootra, with his stores and provisions, at Rimgamutty, Meer
Joomla, forming a road as he went,t marched his army by land.
The march was tedious, seldom exceeding one or two miles a
day; the army was harassed by the enemy. Meer Joomla
shared every privation with the troops. At length, coming to
conclusions, the Mogul army struck terror into the hearts of
the Assamese. Their Rajah fled into the mountains, and many
of the chiefs swore allegiance to the conquerors. Meer Joomla,
in the plenitude of his triumph, contemplated planting the
Mahomedan flag on the walls of Pekin. But reverses now fell
upon the Mussulman. The valley of the Brahmapootra, from

* " History of Bengal," by Marshman, p. 39.

f This system of making war in a wild country was much in favour with
the late Duke of Wellington, and he ascribed Sir Harry Smith's failure al the
Cape of Good Hope entirely to his neglect of so salutary a precaution.

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. /

the violence of the rains which set in, became one vast sheet of
water. The cavalry were rendered useless by want of forage,
and the enemy cut off the provisions of the invaders. At
length dire pestilence ravaged the camp ; but with the change
of season the land dried, disease disappeared, the Moguls re-
gained health and courage, and, resuming the offensive, forced
the Rajah to solicit peace. Meer Joomla was happy to grant
this, for he was suffering from disease brought on by exposure.

A large sum of money was paid to the Moguls ; but yet was
Assam unconquered.

Burmese supremacy over the once independent kingdom of
Pegu continued till about the middle of the eighteenth century.
The Peguese (or Peguers*), however, having obtained assist-
ance from the Dutch and Portuguese, at length took up arms
against their oppressors, gained many victories, reduced the
far-famed capital, Ava, and took prisoner Dweepdee, the last of
a long line of Burmese kings.f

But the fallen people were naturally too brave and energetic
to remain long in a state of vassalage. The history of Euro-
pean countries presents us with more than one instance of a
nation long prostrate throwing off a foreign yoke through the
powerful and seemingly magical agency of one man ; and such
a fortune Burma was destined to realise. About the year 1753,
Alompra, the hunter, arose. He was a man of humble birth,
but through the exercise of an indomitable will acquired the

* They are also styled Peguans, whom the Burmese call Talains or Talaings.
The Burmese, Karens and Shans are the other chief distinct races.

t Bonna Delia, or Beinga Delia, the Pegu Sovereign, after the conquest of
Ava returned to his own country. "Renegade Dutch " and "Native Portu-
guese" are the terms applied to the European powers above noted. We
mention this because " the Portuguese, in the middle of the sixteenth century,
assisted the Burmans in their wars against the Peguese, and continued to
exercise an influence in the Burman and Pegu countries, and still greater in
Arracan." — " Account of the Burman Empire."

OUR BURMESE WAES.

possession of a fort in the neighbourhood of the capital. At
first he carried on a sort of guerilla warfare against his enemies
the Peguese, and his forces speedily increasing, he suddenly-
attacked and took Ava. Alompra afterwards invaded Pegu,
became master of its capital, extinguished the Pegu or Taking
dynasty, and founded the great empire which has existed to
this day (1852). It was during Alompra' s reign that the
British Government was first brought into political relation-
ship with the Kings of Burma.

• During the war of conquest against the Peguese, we find the
French and English traders playing conspicuous parts. M.
Bourno, beyond the Ganges, appears to have been as zeaious in
his way as was the great Dupleix when in his glory at Chan-
dernagore or Pondicherry. The former, no doubt, had an eye
to the acquisition on the part of France of the capitals of
Ava and Pegu, while the latter plodded over his favourite
scheme of reducing Madras and Calcutta to their original
condition of fishing towns. The Frenchman intrigued with
both parties; the Englishman, Mr. Brooke,* declared for
Alompra.

Alompra appears to have entertained considerable respect
for the English character, notwithstanding that the conduct of
some of Brooke's countrymen was highly discreditable ; and it
is difficult to believe that the great Burmese leader participated
in the massacre of the English at Negrais, on the 16th of Oc-
tober 1759. This tragedy seems to have been brought about
through a combination of French treachery and jealousy. The
massacre was contrived by an Armenian named Gregory, who,
jealous of the growing influence of the English, found a ready
agent in a young Frenchman named Lavine. This Lavine had
been left by his treacherous friend, Bourno, as a hostage, during
one of the pretended negotiations with Alompra.

Resident at Negrais, then the company's chief timber-station.

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. V

Lavine and Gregory projected the extermination of the
English in Burma. At an entertainment given by one Southby,
the successor of Brooke, a Portuguese interpreter, well known
to Lavine, was present as a guest. At a signal given during
the evening the room was filled with armed men. Southby
and his English friends were instantly murdered, and soon after
all the Indian servants of the factory, upwards of one hundred
in number, shared a similar fate. The guns of the fort were
turned on the British ships by Lavine, who of course gloried
in having performed the chief part in a treacherous and
cowardly act, while he beheld our vessels steering for Bengal.
Happily in the latter part of our Eastern possessions events
were occurring of a cheerful character.

Since the commencement of 1757 Admiral Watson and Clive
had regained Calcutta, Chandernagore had been taken from
the French, Plassey had been won, and in the same year as the
above massacre Clive wrote his famous note previous to the
entire defeat of the Dutch at Chinsurah : —

"Dear Forde, — Fight them immediately; I will send you
the Order in Council to-morrow."*

It was not long after Clive had fixed the destiny of India
that the famous Alompra died.f One of his last actions was
to invade Siam, a great valley at the head of a wide gulf, shut
in by two ranges of mountains. Death arrested the sword of
the conqueror just as he had commenced the siege of the capital.
It was left for future adventurers to possess the rich plain of
Siam. The inhabitants of this country, unlike the Burmese,
are indolent and wanting in courage. It was, therefore, in

* Clive received the Colonel's letter while he was playing at cards. With-
out quitting the table, he wrote the reply in pencil. (History.) This is,
perhaps, the shortest order to fight a battle ever written, — no words lost, all
to the point.

t 15th May 1760.

10 OUR BURMESE WARS.

their destiny to become the prey of the valiant and enter-
prising.

For many years after the affair at Negrais, English traders
confined their operations to Rangoon, " where traffic with the
natives was comparatively uninterrupted, except when the ships
were impressed by the Burmese to be employed as transports
during successive Pegu rebellions/''

Shemburen (or Shembuan), who may be said to have suc-
ceeded Alompra, crushed one of these serious revolts. He
further added to the glory of the empire by defeating a large
army of Chinese ; but failed in an attempt to possess the terri-
tory of Siam, excepting that part which is at present styled
the Tenasserin Provinces, including Mergui.* Shemburen's
brother afterwards succeeded in annexing the province of
Arakan,f reaching about five hundred miles along the eastern
coast of the Bay of Bengal to the Burmese Empire, which
now embraced Ava, Arakan, Pegu, a portion of Siam, and
various minor territories bordering on the British possessions.
The town and district of Chittagong had been finally lost to
the Arakanese in 1666, and annexed to the Subah of Bengal.

The Burmese and British territories now coming into con-
tact, a series of misunderstandings commenced; the seeds of
future war were sown. At the conclusion of a dispute con-
cerning some refugees from Arakan, who had, about the year
1794, found their way into the British territory, Colonel Symes
was sent by the Bengal Government on a mission to the Court
of Ava. His object was to establish ff amicable relations be-
tween the two Powers, and especially to procure for British

* Our landing at Rangoon in 1824 gave the Siamese hopes of recovering
these lost possessions, which our capture of them entirely destroyed.

f This was the work of the famous Minderajee Praw, fourth son of Alompra,
who, in 1783 (corresponding with the Burman year 1115), sent a fleet of hoats
against, and conquered Arakan. The surrender of Choduba, Ramree, and the
" Broken Isles," followed the conquest.

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 11

traders immunity from the oppression and extortion to which
they were constantly exposed in their visits to Burmese ports."
By the treaty thus concluded, this oppression and extortion was
lessened ; but only for a short time.

Some years after the mission, about 1811, a serious rebel-
lion having broken out in Arakan, the King of Ava believed
that it had been instigated by the English, and accordingly
laid an embargo on all British vessels at Rangoon.

Here was sufficient cause for hostilities. But the cost of
the wars in India, promoted during the government of the
Marquis Wellesley, had rendered it imperative upon the local
rulers who succeeded him to avoid such an expensive alterna-
tive ; and another mission was, therefore, in the first instance,
preferred. What other inference could an ignorant and iso-
lated potentate draw from this apparent acceptance of indignity
than that the English were powerless to resent, or rated an
amicable intercourse with Burma too highly to risk a perma-
nent rupture ? He mistook a prudent policy for fear, founded
on inherent weakness, and his arrogance proportionately in-
creased. At first his designs were cloaked by an appearance
of inaction, and the time of the British Indian Government was
too much occupied by the quarrels with Nepaul and the Mah-
rattas, to allow of its watching the movements of any Power in
the south-east. But gradually the King of the White Elephant
unfolded his schemes of aggrandisement, invaded Assam, re-
duced Munnipoor* through the agency of his general, one
Bandoola, and, although at peace with the British, sent troops
into the Company's territories, oppressed our traders, and in-
sulted our flag and country in every possible way.

Thus we were forced into preventing the future encroach-
ments of a very warlike and ambitious neighbour whose " arro-
gant pretensions and restless character" had so frequently
interrupted the peaceful relations subsisting between India

* Then an independent state lying between Burma and Assam.

12 OUR BURMESE WARS.

and Burma, keeping " the frontier provinces in constant dread
and danger of invasion." Then we were just beginning to
learn that in India we must be " everything, or nothing."

At this juncture Lord Amherst landed in Calcutta, on the
1st of August 1823, as Governor-General of India. He gave
his immediate attention to the conduct of the Burmese. An
explanation was demanded of the numerous offences committed
against the British Government ; but the haughty and inde-
pendent reply betrayed a spirit of aggression, and every attempt
at an honourable and satisfactory adjustment was met with
scornful silence. The Governor- General then declared war
against the Burmese. The declaration was dated the 5th of
March 1824, and operations commenced by the advance of a
British force, which had been collected at Goalparah, into
Assam, while arrangements were made to vigorously prosecute
the war in other quarters. We should state that the Assamese
were subjugated by the Burmese in 1822, when their General
was proclaimed Rajah of Assam, subordinate to the Emperor
of Ava.

It will give some idea of how British tenure of India was
valued by the Rajah of Burdwan at this period, to relate that
at the time of the Burmese war Lord Amherst asked the
Rajah for a loan of a certain sum of money, promising to repay
it at the end of twenty-five years. The Rajah declined, saying,
he did not know whether twenty-five years hence the Company
would possess the country. And now commenced the most
expensive and harassing war in which the British had ever
been engaged in India. Almost totally unacquainted with the
character and resources of the country into which our arms
were to be carried — unaware of the nature of the climate,
which in the marshy districts scarcely yielded to Walcheren in
the pestiferous quality of the atmosphere — the Government
entered upon its arrangements with a recklessness of expense,
and a disregard of the future, which ignorance might account
for, if it did not wholly excuse.

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 13

Steam, at this time, had scarcely asserted its wonderful
agency. As an engine of war it was certainly unknown every-
where, although steamers peacefully traversed all the rivers of
Great Britain and some parts of the continent of Europe ; and
in India, so backward had been the endeavours of the Govern-
ment to honour the enterprise of "James Watt/' that not
more than two or three vessels had begun to boil and bubble
through the seas which washed the coasts of Coromandel and
of Burma. Slow-sailing trading-vessels were consequently the
only means of transport available for one portion of the army
destined to invade Burma; and such were the difficulties of
the country lying between Calcutta and Arakan, that the other
part of the force, despatched by land, was three months in
reaching its destination.

Rangoon, situated on a branch of the Irawady called the
Rangoon river, about thirty miles from the sea, was captured
by the British in May 1824, and a movement was soon after-
wards made into the interior; for the Governor- General of
India had resolved to dictate terms to the haughty Burmese
ruler only at his capital, in presence of an army prepared to
dethrone him as the penalty of refusal. A gallant and stubborn
resistance was made by the Burmese throughout the war, which
actually lasted nearly two years.

About the opposing army not the least interesting feature
was that of a body of eight thousand Shans forming a part of
it. These were opposed to the British in 1825 ; and the troops
were accompanied by three young and handsome women of
rank, who were believed to be prophetesses and invulnerable.
These females rode on horseback at the head of the troops,
encouraging them to victory. At length they were utterly de-
feated, and two of the heroines were killed in action. The
Ranee of Jhansi in 1857-58 appears to have had something of
this mysterious bravery about her.

Formidable stockades, consisting entirely of timber, every-
where presented a barrier to our advance, and cover to the

14 OUR BURMESE WARS.

enemy, who employed musketry and cannon as well as the more
savage implements of war in the prolonged contest. The heavy
periodical rains, flooding the land, impeded operations for several
months ; and during this period of inaction disease, the result of
malaria, penetrated the British camp, and nearly decimated the re-
giments. Not less than one-half the invading force was destroyed
by the combined agencies of fever and patriotic resistance.

It appears by a return drawn up by Lieutenant -Colonel
Kelly, the Deputy Adjutant-General, that during the first year
34 per cent, of the troops were killed in action, while 45 per
cent, perished from disease. In the ensuing year the mortality
from the same causes had decreased one-half; but the total loss
during the war amounted to 72-i- per cent, of the troops engaged.
There were present at Rangoon on the 1st of January 1825,
officers included : —

Artillery, including rocket-troops . 1,071
European infantry . . . .4,146
Native infantry, &c 7,628

Total . . . 12,845 men.
At Arakan and the South-east Frontier, on the 1st February
1825, there were 9,937; and at Prome, on the 11th August of
the same year, 12,110. The loss from the commencement to
the close of the war was : —

Grand total of officers
Native commissioned .
Non-commissioned rank
and file, Europeans
Ditto, Natives
Extra, killed, deceased, s

Total casualties . . . 5,078
(According to the Deputy Adjutant-General's return, 5,080.)

Killed.

Deceased.

41 =

28 =

105

3,029 =

3,134

1 missii

1,305 =
:lg

1,395
450

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 15

The mortality was frightful ; the country, devastated or un-
friendly, yielded nothing in the way of sustenance to the
troops, and supplies were therefore continually forwarded from
India, increasing the cost fearfully, and rendering the condition
of the army extremely precarious. By dint of perseverance,
and the courage which never deserts British or native troops,
ably commanded, and with a grand object in view, Assam,
Arakan, and Mergui, fell into our hands ; the Burmese were de-
feated at Prome, on the Irawady, and elsewhere ; and the troops
approaching Ava, the monarch, terrified at the prospect of losing
his capital, and perhaps his empire, met them at Yandaboo, where
he signed a treaty consenting to pay one million sterling towards
the expenses of the war, and ceding Assam and all the places
on the Tenasserim coast. This contribution and these cessions
fell far short of indemnifying the British India Government for
the outlay, which, from first to last, had exceeded twelve
millions sterling.

The territorial acquisitions, though by no means productive,
have not been without their advantages in a commercial and
political view. Extending from about 17° 35' to 10° north
latitude, and from 97° 30' to 99° 30' east longitude, the
' ' Tenasserim Provinces " as they have since been called, embrace
a distance of five hundred miles in length, and forty to eighty
miles in breadth, according as the sea-coast approaches or re-
cedes from the range of mountains which forms the eastern
boundary of the British territory. This chain of mountains,
rich in tin ores and other valuable minerals, runs, under dif-
ferent names, from north to south, and, draining its eastern
slopes into the Gulf of Siam, and its western slopes into the
Indian Ocean or Bay of Bengal, forms a clear, well defined
boundary between the kingdom of Siam and our Indian pos-
sessions.

The town of Tenasserim was once famous ; it is now of less
importance. Not far from it are tin mines, worked by Chinese,

16 OUR BURMESE WARS.

which may arrest the attention of the inquiring traveller.
These mines are farmed from our Government ; but are under-
stood to be generally unprofitable to the merchants. In Siam,
the cultivation of the soil is chiefly carried on by Chinese.
Brass and rubies form the principal treasures of this strange
country, which, on account of various misunderstandings
between the king and other nations, has now an insignificant
traffic. After the conclusion of the treaty of Yandaboo, Sir
A. Campbell, the Commander-in-Chief, selected the commanding
position of Maulmain, at the point of junction of the Salween,
the Gyne, and the Attaran rivers, for the permanent canton-
ment of a British force.

The town of Maulmain has gradually become of considerable
commercial importance, and with a good port for shipping,
and every prospect of an extended timber trade, there is hope
that it may one day rise to the dignity of an enlightened and
wealthy city.

But why should only one town gain happiness and prosperity
in such a land as this ? Let us hope that Rangoon, and the
other towns of Pegu, once a mighty and independent kingdom,
may likewise soon prosper through the blessings of an extensive
and well-protected commerce, doing honour to our government,
and adding glory to the name of Great Britain in India beyond
the Ganges.

The above remarks, which may give some historical interest
to his pages, include, with some other matter, the whole of the
original sketch with which the writer introduced his readers,
during the second Burmese war, to " Rangoon." Since then, the
enterprising and munificent East India Company has given way
to Her Majesty, who, in April 1876, assumed the title of " Em-
press of India." And, as will be fully seen towards the close of
this volume, what a change has come over Rangoon ! It is now
the Liverpool of Chin-India, the commercial capital of Burma,
which only wants a greater development of trade with the

INTRODUCTORY SKETCH. 17

upper portion of the country, and south-west China, to increase
the wealth of Pegu, which chiefly requires a larger population,
and which even now is the most hopeful princess among all
Her Majesty's Eastern provinces. The Burmese hereafter will,
doubtless, be glad to learn that we entertained this strong view
of their golden land's excellence, especially if our hopes should
be realised ; for we learn from high authority that, in speaking
of their country, they often call it Ashe-Pyee, the Eastern
country — " the country before, or superior to all others."*

It may here be useful to introduce the reader of this sketch
to the correct spelling of Burma. In the present volume we have
taken two letters out of the next most important word, Irra-
waddy — in the Arabic wddi we find only one d — now presenting
it as Irawady, although Irawadi, or Irawadee, may be better.
From Burmah we have also lopped off the final and most un-
necessary h. There is no h in the original Burmese word, which
is"Myanima"; or Burma is a corruption of Mrumma. By
all Burmese scholars the word is written Burma ; and it must
be clearly understood that the spelling of Indian words, as now
used, has nothing to do with that of Chin-Indian. " Burma,"
however, is strictly used in the India Office. We were glad to
notice this spelling adopted in a popular journal some six years
ago ; but on the death of the late king, in particular, the in-
truding h came forth again, and has been universally wrong
ever since. The peculiarly Hindustani word subah, a province,
may be so written in English because it ends with an h in the
original character ; although suba is quite sufficient, and looks
better or more simple when coupled with ddr, — suba-ddr, the
chief of a province. But for the h in Burmah there is no pos-
sible excuse, except that worst of all, bad habit. So let it be
written Burma in the English language for the future! It is
good to turn attention even to such " trifles/' especially when

General Albert Fytche's " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i., note, p. 212.

OUR BURMESE WARS.

Orientals notice them, and when we are so forcibly reminded, by
a well-known statesman,* that we are an Eastern as well as a
Western Power !

Viscount Cranbrook, Her Majesty's Secretary of State for India.

CHAPTER II.

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. FROM THE OUTBREAK OF THE
WAR TO THE DEATH OF BANDOOLA AT DONABEW.

We now purpose to cite the chief military and political opera-
tions during the First Burmese War. But first it may be
stated that, as a reason for an earlier rupture not taking place,
the Burman emperor's hereditary enemies, the Siamese, in
1822 engrossed the greater part of his attention. Subsequent
events, however, speedily showed that the pacific or conciliatory
disposition evinced by the East India Company only tended to
increase the insolence and rapacity of the Burmese.

In 1823 various acts of aggression were systematically com-
mitted. Several of our Mugh subjects (Arakanese emigrants)
were attacked and killed on board their own boats in the
Naaf river ; and a party of the Company's elephant hunters
were taken from within the British boundaries and carried pri-
soners to Arakan. Even these insulting acts might have
been overlooked ; but an attack made upon the British guard
in the island of Shuparee, of which we had retained possession
for many years, was of a still more serious kind, and could be
regarded in no other light than as an explicit declaration of
undisguised hostility.

2 *

20 OUR BURMESE WARS.

The attack was made on the 21-th of September by a body
of six hundred Arakanese troops, who killed and wounded
several of our soldiers, upon whom they came altogether un-
expectedly. They were, however, speedily reinforced, and the
enemy was driven oat of the island. A remonstrance was also
immediately addressed to the Court of Amarapura, but no
answer was deigned to be returned. The Governor-General
now became aware that there was but one line of conduct left
for him to follow, and that further forbearance on his part would
have been attributed to pusillanimity, and advantage taken of
it accordingly. On the 5 th of March 1824, therefore, an
official declaration of war was issued by the Government of
Fort William — characterised not more strongly by its temperate
firmness than by its British frankness and honesty.

This step excited, as was to be expected, no inconsiderable
sensation throughout our possessions in British India, as well
as in England, as soon as the news arrived. It was at Calcutta,
however, from its vicinity to the Chittagong frontier, that its
importance was principally felt.

It was known there that one of the Burmese generals had
already gasconadingly announced his intention of taking pos-
session of the town, preparatory to his march to England ! It
was destined, however, that ere long the arrogance of this
haughty nation should be effectually tamed. The war opened
with military operations on the frontiers of Sylhet and Chitta-
gong, to both of which districts troops were speedily marched.
It was in Sylhet and Assam that affairs of greatest consequence
took place. Our troops there were under the command of
Major Newton, who, in several engagements with the far
superior forces of the Burmese, gained decisive advantages
over them. The first success obtained by the enemy was in an
affair which took place at Doodpatlee, after Colonel Bowen had
arrived to the assistance of Major Newton with a force from
Dacca. The Burmese, amounting to about two thousand, had,
according to their invariable custom, stockaded themselves with

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 21

unusual strength and care, and " fought/' says Colonel Bowen,
" with a bravery and obstinacy which I had never witnessed in
any troops." The action lasted from early in the day till night-
fall, when the British were obliged to retire with a severe
loss.

The Burmese, however, also suffered much ; and soon after,
evacuating their stockades, retreated in the direction of Assam.
Fresh troops were sent into Assam under the command of
Colonel M'Morine, who, by the latter end of March, had pene-
trated as far as Gowahati. The Burmese Government, hading
it necessary to concentrate their force in another quarter, with-
drew the greater part of their troops from Assam, and left
Colonel M'Morine in quiet possession of the country. In
Chittagong, in the meantime, affairs were going on less success-
fully. Captain Noton held the chief command on this frontier,
but an error seems to have been committed in intrusting too
few men to his charge. The small corps he commanded was
attacked in May by a powerful body of Burmese, and totally
defeated, Captain Noton and most of his brother officers being
slain in the engagement. The alarm speedily reached Calcutta,
before which it was imagined the Burmese would instantly
make their appearance, there being no intermediate force to
oppose their advance. In this emergency, the European inha-
bitants formed themselves into a militia, and a large proportion
of the crews of the Company's ships were landed to aid in pro-
tecting the town. But the panic was soon discovered to be
greater than the occasion required.

The enemy did not think of approaching one step nearer
than Ramoo, where, for a time, they took up their head-
quarters.

While these events were passing on the northern frontiers of
the Burman Empire, a plan was matured by the Bengal Go-
vernment, the execution of which was to effect an entire change
in the features of the present war. Hitherto we had been
acting principally on the defensive ; but it was necessary, con-

22 OUlt BURMESE WARS.

sidering the enemy we hud to deal with, to make it a leading
object not more to repel aggression than to humble arrogance
and intimidate foolhardiness. It was necessary to show the
Burmese that we could not only endure, but inflict; that as
we were not easily roused into anger, so our animosity was
only the more fearful when it at length broke forth. The
measure which was about to be carried into effect was that of
despatching a considerable force by sea to make a descent upon
some part of the enemy's coast, where probably such a visita-
tion was but little expected. The force destined for this im-
portant expedition was supplied by the two Presidencies of
Bengal and Madras ; and, when united, was put under the
command of Brigadier- General Sir Archibald Campbell.

The place of rendezvous was the Port of Cornwallis, in the
Andaman Islands, where the troops arrived by the 3rd of May
1824. From thence Sir Archibald Campbell sailed on the 5th
direct for Rangoon, detaching one part of his force under
Brigadier M'Reagh, against the island of Cheduba, and another,
under Major Wahab, against the island of Negrais. On the 10th
the fleet anchored in the Rangoon river, and on the following
morning sailed up to the town in order of attack, receiving little
or no molestation by the way.

The Burmese at Rangoon seem to have been taken com-
pletely by surprise ; and when the news of the arrival of a
British fleet spread over the country, nothing could exceed the
wondering consternation of the inhabitants. In whatever
virtues, however, the Burmese may be deficient, certainly
courage is not of the number; and as soon as their first
emotions of astonishment had subsided, they prepared at all
hazards for a resolute, and, in this instance, we ought perhaps
to say patriotic, defence. Perceiving their feebleness, and being
not as yet sufficiently aware of their hardihood and folly, the
British commander humanely forbore opening a fire upon the
town, in expectation that its governor would offer him some
terms of capitulation. But it was soon discovered that no such

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 23

intention was entertained. A feeble and ill-directed fire was
commenced upon the ships from a sixteen-gun battery, which
was in a very short time effectually silenced. The troops were
then ordered into the boats to effect a landing, and in less than
twenty minutes the British flag was seen flying in the town,
without the loss of a single life, or the discharge of a single
musket. It was only the houses of Rangoon, however, that
were thus got possession of. The inhabitants had all betaken
themselves to the jungles in the neighbourhood, and our troops
found nothing but a collection of empty habitations to refresh
themselves in after their fatigues. The quantity of ordnance
captured was indeed considerable, but in general of a very im-
perfect description. The islands of Cheduba and Negrais fell
into our hands much about the same time, though not without
a spirited opposition on the part of the inhabitants of both.

The prospects of our little army, now quartered in Rangoon,
were anything but encouraging. The town was empty, in the
most literal sense of the word. Every attempt to establish any
intercourse with the native Burmese, for the purpose of obtain-
ing provisions, was found to be fruitless. The rainy season
was just setting in, which in Eastern climates is always pecu-
liarly unhealthy to European constitutions ; and, as far as any-
accurate information could be procured, it was ascertained that
his golden-footed Majesty was making preparations, on the
most magnificent scale, " to cover the face of the earth with an
innumerable host, and to drive back the wild foreigners into
the sea from whence they came ! " To add still further to the
discomfort of Sir Archibald Campbell's situation, some dis-
agreements unfortunately took place between the naval and
land forces. It had been expected, it is true, that the mere
capture of Rangoon, together with the two other maritime
possessions of the Burmese, already alluded to, would have
produced such an effect on the Court of Ava that terms of
peace would have been immediately proposed.

Nothing, however, was further from the intentions of that

24 OUE JiUltMESE WARS.

proud Court ; and subsequent events proved, that though the
Burmese may be beaten, they will die rather than confess they
have been so.

The Commander-in-Chief, therefore, finding that as yet no
practical benefits had resulted from his success, and that, on
the contrary, the almost impenetrable jungles which surround
Rangoon were rapidly filling with troops from all quarters, ad-
mirably skilled in every species of desultory warfare, and pre-
pared to drive him either once more into his ships, or, if he
thought of advancing, to dispute every inch of ground with
him, saw the necessity of having recourse immediately to bold
and vigorous measures. His first object was to ascertain the
possibility of obtaining a sufficient number of boats, manned by
skilful pilots, to convey a considerable portion of his force up
the Irawady. This river may be set down as the great high
road of the Burman Empire. Indeed, all the knowledge which
we possess of that country was gathered by Colonel Symes,
and our other envoys, upon its banks. It runs from north to
south, through the whole of the kingdom of Ava ; and to it
alone is to be attributed the internal commercial prosperity of
the empire.

Every village on its banks is obliged to furnish one or more
war-boats, carrying from forty to fifty men each; and of these
His Majesty can muster, on the shortest notice, four or five
hundred. An impression appears to have been entertained by
our Indian Government that, from the spirit of dissatisfaction
which they supposed must necessarily exist in the minds of
many of the inhabitants against the tyranny of their despotic
monarch, they would be found, in uumerous instances, willing
to give all the aid in their power to the British. It was re-
collected, besides, that Rangoon was a town of Pegu, one of
the conquered provinces of the Burman Empire, and that, for
a long period of years, the most determined hostility had
existed between the two countries. There was perhaps nothing
irrationally sanguine in the hopes which these considerations

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 25

gave rise to, but they were entirely fallacious. Whatever com-
plaints the Burmese might have among themselves against
their government, and however severely the Peguers might
continue to feel the subjection into which they had been re-
duced from a state of independence, yet, like the people of
ancient Greece, at the appearance of a common foe all these
causes of internal dissension were forgotten.

Not a single boatman acquainted with the navigation of the
Irawady was to be procured ; and whether inspired with fear
or patriotism, but one desire was manifested, from the throne
to the hovel, — to shun all intercourse with the English. It
would probably also have been dangerous to have ventured
far up the Irawady unless the co-operation of a land force
could have been depended on ; and before that could be the
case, it would be necessary to clear the way by some hard
fighting. The design, therefore, was for the present abandoned.
In the meanwhile, the rainy season set in with all its attendant
evils. The rain fell in such torrents that it was impossible
for our troops to keep the field and act upon a regular sys-
tem. Harassed, too, by continual incursions of the enemy,
threatened with an approaching famine, and reduced by an
epidemic which broke out amongst them to a state of the
greatest debility, it seemed almost impossible for them to
achieve anything of importance. Neither the hostility, how-
ever, of the Burmese, nor of the climate, could subdue British
courage. For six months, from May to December, our opera-
tions were confined to Rangoon and its vicinity, it being the
determination of the enemy to prevent us, if possible, from
advancing a step into the country. Our ultimate success in
compelling them to retreat further into the interior, and thereby
affording us an opportunity of following them, depended not
so much on the decisive advantage gained in any one action, as
on the continued judgment and skill which regidated the whole
system of our military tactics. We never advanced a few miles
out of Rangoon for the purpose either of dislodging the enemy

2'j OUR BURMESE WARS.

from a position they had taken up, or of gaining possession of
some post which appeared of importance, without being almost
sure of achieving our object. But as soon as a certain resist-
ance had been made, the Burmese were accustomed to retreat
leisurely from their stockades into the jungles, where, though,
we knew we had beaten them, it was impossible for us to follow.
Many rencontres of this description took place, into the details
of which it is unnecessary for us to enter. A short account
of one or two of the most remarkable will suffice as a descrip-
tion of the whole.

On the 28th of May the British and Burmese troops came
into contact for the first time. Sir Archibald Campbell led his
forces about five miles up the Rangoon river, and found the
enemy had taken a position in one or two scattered villages,
flanked on both sides by a jungle. Confident in the strength
of their situation, they received the British with shouts and
cries of " Come ! come ! " A heavy fire was immediately com-
menced upon our troops, whose muskets, having suffered
from rain, were so inefficient that it was necessary for them
to close without loss of time. The Burmese were altogether
unable to withstand the violence of our charge ; but, shut in as
they were in their own encampment, and thrown into irretriev-
able confusion by the impetuosity of our attack, their only
alternative was to continue fighting with desperate resolution
until they were cut to pieces. Being unaccustomed to give,
they did not expect quarter ; and in self-defence, therefore,
our soldiers were unfortunately obliged to disregard the dictates
of humanity. Having taken possession of the villages, in which
about four hundred Burmese lost their lives, Sir Archibald re-
conducted his troops to Rangoon.

Soon after this affair two deputies arrived from the Burmese
camp uuder pretence of negotiating a peace, but in reality
only with the view of gaining time for the main body of the
enemy to strengthen themselves as much as possible at Kem-
mindiue, a village three miles above Rangoon, on an elevated

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 27

situation, with a thick forest in its rear. They were intended,
perhaps, to act also as spies, and report upon the condition and
spirits of the British array. Whatever was their object, nothing
satisfactory was proposed by them in the interview they had
with our commissioners.

Determined to convince the Burmese that we were not to be
lulled into a treacherous security, our commander, on the
morning of the day after their departure (10th June), ordered
a general advance upon Kemmindine. The road was not left
undisputed. About half-way a strong stockade ran across it,
the fruitless attempt to defend which cost the enemy two
hundred men.

The way being cleared, the column again moved forward,
consisting of about three thousand men, and by nightfall the
troops had taken their position in many places within a hundred
yards of where the enemy was posted. At daybreak on the
following day, firing commenced, which upon our part, in less
than two hours, produced a very visible breach in their fortifica-
tions. This, together with the recollection of their discomfiture
the day before, operated so powerfully on the Burmese, that,
notwithstanding the still existing strength of their stockade,
they thought proper quietly to evacuate the place during the
cannonade. It was this facility of securing a retreat, assisted
as they were by the chain of posts which they occupied, and
the thickness of the surrounding jungle, that particularly
annoyed our troops, who, just in the very moment of victory,
constantly found that their enemy had slipped as it were from
between their very fingers. The object, however, which Sir
Archibald Campbell had in view in making this attack was fully
accomplished.

A terror of the British arms began to pervade the country ;
and, in the course of a few days, every stockade in the imme-
diate vicinity of Rangoon was abandoned. In this, as well as
in all his other expeditions on the banks of the river, the
Commander-in-Chief received most effective and valuable

28 OUR BURMESE WARS.

assistance from the co-operation of the naval part of his force.
A short cessation from active hostilities took place after the
affair of Kcmmindine : but both parties were preparing to renew
operations with increased vigour. A reinforcement arrived at
Rangoon from Madras ; and the detachments which had taken
possession of Cheduba and Negrais, returned very seasonably to
the main army, now a good deal weakened from various causes.
The Burmese, on their part, were not idle. Their former generals
having failed in driving " the wild foreigners into the sea/' had
fallen into disgrace, and were succeeded by a senior officer of
some reputation, who brought with him a considerable body of
fresh troops.

His object was, not so much to meet the British in open fight,
as to hem them in within a limited space and harass them with
a protracted system of desultory warfare. To such proceedings
it was of course not our interest quietly to submit ; and accord-
ingly, various expeditions were undertaken for the purpose of
breaking through the cordon which the enemy was attempting
to form round us. In one of these, ten stockades were taken
in one day, and the new general, with many other chief's of
rank, were killed. Still, however, no thoughts of peace were
entertained by the Burmese ; and it was now evident that,
whatever successes wrere gained, as long as our operations were
confined to the neighbourhood of Rangoon no effect would be
produced by them on the Court of Ava. Unprovided, there-
fore, as Sir Archibald Campbell was with the means of ad-
vancing into the interior, he resolved to have recourse to the
only other alternative left him, which was to intimidate the
Burmese still further by the capture of some of their southern
maritime possessions. An expedition was fitted out for this
purpose, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Miles, who,
in the course of a few months, made himself master of Tavoy,
Mergui, and Tenasserim, seaports of much importance on the
eastern shores of the empire. Two of the King's brothers, the
Princes of Toungoo and Sarawuddy, now took the command of

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 29

the array. The one fixed his head-quarters at Pegu, and the
other at Donabew, both at a considerable distance from Ran-
goon. Along with them came a body of astrologers, who were
most probably kept in pay by the Burmese Government, as
useful engines by which to act on the superstition of the people ;
and likewise a party of troops called the King's Invulnerables,
from the belief entertained, or affected to be entertained,
both by themselves and their countrymen, that the fire of an
enemy could not injure them. Notwithstanding the exten-
sive nature of their preparations, however, and the confidence
they expressed in their own success, the operations of this
new armament ended as disastrously as those of any which
had preceded it. Instead of gaining any advantage over the
British, they were invariably driven back with considerable loss
as often as they attempted to approach our encampments. Yet
it is not to be denied or concealed that the Burmese are no
contemptible antagonists ; they are constitutionally brave, they
are trained to arms from their cradle, and there is a persevering-
obstinacy in their style of fighting, which, with troops less per-
fectly disciplined than those of England, would have every
chance of being ultimately crowned with success.

But the golden-footed monarch of Ava had found out, at
length, that however he might at first have affected to despise
the small army which had taken possession of Rangoon, five
or six hundred miles distant from his capital, it was more
than a match for the best generals he could send against it,
followed by thousands of his favourite troops. He saw the
necessity, therefore, of collecting his energies for a yet more
powerful effort. His forces, he found, were too much scat-
tered ; he was convinced that he was attempting to do too
much at once. He recalled, therefore, the armies he had
sent into Assam and Arakan; and, concentrating the whole
military power of his kingdom, he gave the entire command
to Maha Bandoola, the well-known Burmese general, whose
reputation, from his partial successes over the British in

80 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Chittagong, stood exceedingly high. Bandoola had advanced
to Ramoo, where he was probably making preparations for
an expedition into Bengal ; and it is not unlikely that
he found it exceedingly disagreeable to be awakened from
his dream of future victory, by being recalled to defend his
own country from invasion.

His retreat from Ramoo, and subsequent march through
Arakan (which, in the midst, as it was, of the rainy season,
must have been a peculiarly arduous one), relieved the inha-
bitants of Calcutta from considerable anxiety; and, shortly
afterwards, enabled our troops in that quarter to advance with
little opposition into the very interior of Arakan, taking posses-
sion of the capital itself.

As soon as Maha Bandoola arrived at Ava, every honour and
attention was conferred upon him by his sovereign ; and after
a short delay in the capital, he set out for Donabew, accompanied
by a large fleet of war-boats, which carried down the river
strong reinforcements of men and military stores. We were not,
however, unprepared to receive these new enemies ; and some
overtures of a friendly nature which we had a short time before
received from the Siamese tended to inspire us with additional
confidence.

As it was now also clearly foreseen that an advance towards
the capital of the empire would be necessary before we could
expect to intimidate the Burman monarch into a desire for
peace, five hundred native artisans had been sent to Rangoon
from Chittagong, who were busily employed in preparing boats
to convey our troops up the Irawady. The arrival, likewise, of
several battalions of British and native infantry, as well as of
some troops of cavalry, added considerably to our numerical
and actual force. Towards the end of November the largest
and best appointed army which the Burman Government had
yet sent into the field marched down from Donabew, and made
their appearance in the neighbourhood of Rangoon, with the
intention of driving us first from our position at Kemmindine,

THE FIEST BURMESE WAR. 31

and then of forcing the scattered remains of our army to seek
for safety in their ships.

The name of the Commander-in-Chief, Bandoola, was in itself
a tower of strength; and there was not probably a Burman
into whose imagination the thought ever for a moment entered
that this invincible leader could, by any possibility, be un-
successful. Both armies met for the first time on the 1st
of December; and as the particulars of their first engage-
ment, where so much talent was displayed on both sides, cannot
fail to be read with interest, we shall make no apology for in-
troducing in this place an extract from the " London Gazette
Extraordinary " of April 24, 1825, consisting of—

"Copy of a letter from Brigadier- General Sir A. Campbell,
K.C.B., to George Swinton, Esq., dated Head-quarters, Ran-
goon, 9th December 1824.

"Sir, — The long-threatened, and, on my part, no less
anxiously wished for event, has at length taken place. Maha
Bandoola, said to be accompanied by the Princes of Tonghoo
and Sarawuddy, appeared in front of my position on the morn-
ing of the 1st instant, at the head of the whole united force of
the Burman Empire, amounting, upon the most moderate
calculation, to from fifty to sixty thousand men, appa-
rently well armed, with a numerous artillery, and a body of
Cassay horse. Their haughty leader had insolently declared
his intention of leading us in captive chains to grace the triumph
of the Golden Monarch ; but it has pleased God to expose
the vanity of his idle threats, and crown the heroic efforts
of my gallant little army with a most complete and signal
victory.

" The enemy had assembled his forces in the heavy jungle in
our front during the night of the 30th ult., and, being well
aware of his near approach, I had previously made every neces-
sary arrangement for his reception, in whatever way he might
think proper to leave his impervious camp. The absence of

32 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin"" at Martaban, and of a strong de-
tachment under Lieutenant-Colonel Mallet, which I had sent to
display the British flag in the ancient capital of Pegue, had much
weakened my force; but I had been too long familiar with the
resolute resolution of British troops to have felt any regret that
fortune had given me an opportunity of contending with Ban-
doola and his formidable legions, even under circumstances of
temporary disadvantage.

" Early in the morning of the 1st inst., the enemy com-
menced his operations by a smart attack upon our post at
Kemmindine, commanded by Major Yates, and garrisoned by
the 26th Madras Native Infantry, with a detachment of the
Madras European Regiment, supported on the river by as
strong a naval force as could be spared. As the day became
light it discovered numerous and apparently formidable masses
of the advancing enemy issuing from the jungle, and moving,
at some distance, upon both our flanks, for the purpose of sur-
rounding us, which I allowed them to effect without interrup-
tion, leaving us only the narrow channel of the Rangoon river
unoccupied in our rear.

" Bandoola had now fully exposed to me his plan of opera-
tions, and my own resolution was instantly adopted of allow-
ing, and even encouraging him to bring forth his means and
resources from the jungle to the more open country on his
left, where I knew I could at any time attend him to ad-
vantage.

"The right corps of the Burmese army had crossed to the
Dalla side of the Rangoon river, and in the course of the
morning was observed, in several divisions, crossing the plain
towards the site of the ruined village of Dalla, where it took
post in the neighbouring jungle, sending on a division to occupy

* Afterwards Major-General Godwin, C.B., commanding " the army of
Ava " in the second Burmese war.

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 33

the almost inaccessible ground on the bank of the river, and
from which they soon opened a distant fire upon the shipping.
Another division immediately took ground in front of Kem-
' mindine, and for six successive days tried in vain every effort
that hope of success and dread of failure could call forth, to
drive the brave 26th and a handful of Europeans from this
post; while tremendous fire-rafts, and crowds of war-boats,
were every day employed in the equally vain endeavour to
drive the shipping from their station off the place.

"The enemy's right wing and centre occupied a range of
hills immediately in front of the great Dagon pagoda, covered
with so thick a forest as to be impenetrable to all but Burman
troops ; and their left extended nearly two miles further, along
a lower and more open ridge to the village of Puzendoon
where their extreme left rested. They were no sooner thus
placed in position, than muskets and spears were laid aside for
the pick-axe and shovel, and in an incredibly short space of
time every part of their line out of the jungle was strongly and
judiciously entrenched.

" In the afternoon of the 1st, I observed an opportunity of
attacking the enemy's left to advantage, and ordered Major
Sale, with four hundred men from the 13th Light Infantry,
and 18th Madras Native Infantry, under Major Dennie of the
former and Captain Ross of the latter corps, to move forward
to the point I had selected ; and I never witnessed a more
dashing charge than was made on this occasion by His Ma-
jesty's 13th, while the 18th Native Infantry followed their
example with a spirit that did them honour, carrying all oppo-
sition before them. They burst through the entrenchments,
carrying dismay and terror into the enemy's ranks, great num-
bers of whom were slain ; and the party returned loaded with
arms, standards, and other trophies. Having correctly ascer-
tained everything I required, 1 now, as I originally determined,
abstained from giving any serious interruption to the inde-
fatigable labour of the opposing army, patiently waiting until

34 OUR BURMESE WARS.

I saw the whole of their material fully brought forward and
within my reach. About sunset in the evening, a cloud of
skirmishers were pushed forward close under the north-east
angle of the pagoda, who, taking advantage of the many pa-
godas and strong ground on our front, commenced a harassing
and galling fire upon the works. I at once saw we should
suffer from their fire, if not dislodged; therefore ordered two
companies of the 38th Regiment, under Captain Piper (an
officer I have often had occasion to mention), to advance and
drive them back. Were it permitted, on such an occasion, to
dwell upon the enthusiastic spirit of my troops, I would feel
a pleasure in recounting the burst of rapture that followed
every order to advance against their audacious foe ; but it is
sufficient to remark that the conduct of these two companies
was most conspicuous. They quickly gained their point, and
fully acted up to the character they have ever sustained. At
daylight on the morning of the 2nd, finding the enemy had
very much encroached during the night, and had entrenched a
height in front of the north gate of the pagoda, which gave
them an enfilading fire upon part of our line, I directed Cap-
tain Wilson of the 38th Regiment, with two companies of the
corps and one hundred men of the 28th Madras Native In-
fantry, to drive them from the hill. No order was ever more
rapidly or handsomely obeyed. The brave sepoys, vying with
their British comrades in forward gallantry, allowed the ap-
palled Burmese no time to rally, but drove them from one
breastwork to another, fighting them in the very holes they
had dug, finally to prove their graves.

" In the course of this day Colonel Mallet's detachment re-
turned from Pegue, having found the old city completely
deserted, and gave me the additional means of attacking the
enemy the moment the time arrived.

" During the 3rd and 4th the enemy carried on his labours
with indefatigable industry ; and but for the inimitable prac-
tice of our artillery, commanded by Captain Murray in the

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 35

absence, from indisposition, of Lieutenant-Colonel Hopliinson,
we must have been severely annoyed by the incessant fire from
his trenches.

" The attacks upon Kemmindine continued with unabating
violence; but the unyielding spirit of Major Yates and his
steady troops, although exhausted with fatigue and want of
rest, baffled every attempt on shore; while Captain Eyves, with
His Majesty's sloop 'Sophia/ the Honourable Company's
cruiser ' Teignmouth/ and some flotilla and row gun-boats,
nobly maintained the long-established fame of the British navy
in defending the passage of the river against the most furious
assaults of the enemy's war-boats, advancing under cover of
the most tremendous fire-rafts, which the unwearied exertions
of British sailors could alone have conquered.

" Captain Byves lost no opportunity of coming into contact
with the much- vaunted boats of Ava; and in one morning,
five out of six, each mounting a heavy piece of ordnance, were
boarded and captured by our men-of-war's boats, commanded
by Lieutenant Kellett of His Majesty's ship 'Arachne/ and
Lieutenant Goldfinch of the ' Sophia/ whose intrepid conduct
merits the highest praise.

" The enemy having apparently completed his left wing with
its full complement of artillery and warlike stores, I deter-
mined to attack that part of his line early on the morning of
the 5th. I requested Captain Chads, the senior naval officer
here, to move up to the Puzendoon creek during the night,
with the gun flotilla, bomb-ketch, &c, and commence a can-
nonade on the enemy's rear at daylight. This service was
most judiciously and successfully performed by that officer,
who has never yet disappointed me in my most sanguine ex-
pectations. At the same time two columns of attack were
formed, agreeably to orders I had issued on the preceding
evening, composed of details from the different regiments of
the army. The first, consisting of one thousand one hundred
men, I placed under the orders of that gallant officer Major

36 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Sale, and directed him to attack and penetrate the centre of
the enemy's line j the other, consisting of six hundred men, I
entrusted to Major Walker of the 3rd Madras Native Light
Infantry, with orders to attack their left, which had approached
to within a few hundred yards of Rangoon. At seven o'clock
both columns moved forward to the point of attack j both were
led to my perfect satisfaction, and both succeeded with a
degree of ease their intrepid and undaunted conduct un-
doubtedly insured ; and I directed Lieutenant Archibald, with
a troop of the Governor- General's body-guard, which had
been landed the preceding evening, to follow the column under
Major Sale, and take advantage of any opportunity which
might offer, to charge.

" The enemy were defeated and dispersed in every direction ;
and the body-guard, gallantly charging over the broken and
swampy ground, completed their terror and dismay. The
Cassay horse fled, mixed with the retreating infantry ; and all
their artillery, stores, and reserve depots, which had cost them
so much toil and labour to get up, with a great quantity of
small arms, gilt chattahs, standards, and other trophies, fell
into our hands. Never was victory more complete or more
decided ; and never was the triumph of discipline and valour,
over the disjointed efforts of irregular courage and infinitely
superior numbers, more conspicuous. Majors Dennie and
Thornhill of the 13th Light Infantry, and Major Gore of
the 89th, were distinguished by the steadiness with which they
led their men ; but it is with deep regret I have to state the
loss we have sustained in the death of Major Walker, one of
India's best and bravest soldiers, who fell while leading his
column into the enemy's entrenchments ; when the command
devolved upon Major Wahab, who gallantly conducted the
column during the rest of the action; and I observed the
34th Madras Native Light Infantry, on this occasion, conspicu-
ously forward.

"The Burmese left wing thus disposed of, I patiently waited

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 37

its effect upon the right, posted in so thick a forest as to
render any attack in that quarter in a great me sure imprac-
ticable.

" On the 6th I had the pleasure of observing that Bandoola
had brought up the scattered remnant of his defeated left to
strengthen his right and centre, and continued day and night
employed in carrying on his approaches in front of the great
pagoda. I ordered the artillery to slacken its fire, and the in-
fantry to keep wholly out of sight, allowing him to carry on
his fruitless labour with little annoyance or molestation. As
I expected, he took system for timidity ; and on the morning
of the 7th instant, I had his whole force posted in my imme-
diate front — his first line entrenched so close that the soldiers
in their barracks could distinctly hear the insolent threats and
reproaches of the Burman bravoes.

" The time had now arrived to undeceive them in their san-
guine, but ill-founded, hopes. I instantly made my arrange-
ments, and at half-past 11 o'clock everthing was in readiness to
assault the trenches in four columns of attack, under the
superintendence of Lieutenant-Colonel Miles, my second in
command, and commanded by Lieutenant-Colonels Mallet,
Parlby, Brodie, and Captain Wilson of the 38th Regiment.
At a quarter before 12 I ordered every gun that would bear
upon the trenches to open, and their fire was kept up with an
effect that never was surpassed ; Major Sale at the same time,
as directed, making a diversion on the enemy's left and rear.
At 12 o'clock the cannonade ceased, and the columns moved for-
ward to their respective points of attack. Everything was done
under my own immediate eye, but, where all behaved so nobly,
I cannot particularise; but I must in justice state that Captain
Wilson's and Lieutenant- Colonel Parlby 's divisions first made
an impression, from which the enemy never recovered. They
were driven from all their works without a check, abandoning
all their guns, with a great quantity of arms of every descrip-
tion ; and certainly not the least amusing part of their formid-

38 OUR BURMESE WARS.

able preparations was a great number of ladders for escalading
the great pagoda, found in rear of their position. The total
defeat of Bandoola's army was now most fully accomplished.
His loss in killed and wounded, from the nature of the ground,
it is impossible to calculate ; but I am confident I do not ex-
ceed the fairest limit when I state it at five thousand men. In
every other respect the mighty host, which so lately threatened
to overwhelm us, now scarcely exists. It commenced its in-
glorious flight during last night. Humbled, dispersing, and
deprived of their arms, they cannot for a length of time again
meet us in the field ; and the lesson they have now received
will, I am confident, prove a salutary antidote to the native
arrogance and vanity of the Burmese nation.

" Thus vanished the hopes of Ava; and those means which
the Burmese Government were seven months in organising for
our annihilation, have been completely destroyed by us in the
course of seven days. Of three hundred pieces of ordnance
that accompanied the grand army, two hundred and forty are
now in our camp, and in muskets their loss is to them irre-
parable.

" Our loss in killed and wounded, although severe, will not,
I am sure, be considered great for the important services we
have had the honour to perform.

" Of my troops I cannot say enough ; their valour was only
equalled by the cheerful patience with which they bore long
and painful privations. My Europeans fought like Britons, and
proved themselves worthy of the country that gave them birth ;
and I trust I do the gallant sepoys justice when I say that
never did troops more strive to obtain the palm of honour
than they to rival their European comrades in everything that
marks the steady, true, and daring soldier.

" My obligations to Captains Chads and Ryves, and the
officers and seamen of His Majesty's navy, are great and
numerous. In Captain Chads himself I have always found
that ready alacrity to share our toils and dangers that has

THE FIEST BURMESE WAR. 39

ever characterised the profession he belongs to, and the most
cordial zeal in assisting and co-operating with me on every
occasion. I have also to notice the good conduct of the
Honourable Company's cruisers, the gun -flotilla, and row-
boats. Nor ought I to omit mentioning the handsome conduct
of Captain Binny, acting agent for the Bengal transports, in
volunteering both his European crew and ship for any service.
On the present occasion she was anchored off Dalla, and sus-
tained some loss from the enemy's fire. I may also add that
every transport in the river was equally anxious to contribute
every possible assistance to the public service."

Notwithstanding the defeat, so unexpected on his part,
which Bandoola thus sustained, not many days elapsed before
that indefatigable leader succeeded in rallying his scattered
forces, and with a body of about twenty-five thousand men re-
turned to within three miles of the pagoda alluded to in Sir
Archibald Campbell's despatch, and " commenced entrenching
and stockading," in the words of that general, " with a judg-
ment in point of position such as would do credit to the best
instructed engineers of the most civilised and warlike nations."
This position,* however, Sir Archibald determined to attack
on the 15th of December; and from the admirable manner in
which the fire of the artillery was directed, in less than fifteen
minutes the columns destined for carrying the breach were in
possession, not only of the enemy's work, but of his camp,
which was left standing, with all the baggage, and a great
proportion of his arms and ammunition. " When it is
known," says the Commander-in-Chief, " that one thousand
three hundred British infantry stormed and carried by assault
the most formidable entrenched and stockaded works I ever saw,
defended by upwards of twenty thousand men, I trust it is un-

* Kokeen, four miles from the great pagoda at Jttangoou.

40 OUR BURMESE WARS.

necessary for me to say more in praise of soldiers performing
such a prodigy ; future ages will scarcely believe it."

It is proper, however, to mention that upon this occasion
Baudoola did not command in person ; the chief to whom he
had entrusted that duty was mortally wounded whilst gallantly
defending the stockade.

On the same day on which this very brilliant action took
place, under the superintendence of Captain Chads, the senior
naval officer at Rangoon, an attack was made upon a fleet of
thirty-two of the enemy's war-boats. Of these, principally
through the aid of the " Diana " steamboat, which accompanied
this expedition, and the celerity of whose motions, even against
wind and tide, inspired the Burmese with the greatest con-
sternation, thirty were captured, having been previously aban-
doned by their crews, who, upon the approach of the steamboat,
threw themselves into the river, and were either drowned or
swam ashore, apparently in an agony of terror.

In consequence of these continued disasters, Maha Bandoola
found it necessary to lead back his army, much shattered, to
Donabew.

It was now for the first time that the British army at Ran-
goon found itself in undisturbed possession of a considerable
district of country, and active preparations were immediately
made for taking every advantage of this new situation of affairs.
Orders were issued to prepare for a speedy advance into the in-
terior ; and besides the continual arrival of transports from the
Presidencies, this object was not a little favoured by the return
of many of the inhabitants of the country to their former
places of residence in Rangoon and its vicinity, and by their
consenting to open a regular traffic with the British in all
articles of consumption. Some of the native watermen, too,
volunteered into our service, by whose assistance we were en-
abled to obviate many of the difficulties which our ignorance
of the navigation of the Irawady would otherwise have occa-
sioned.

THE FIEST BURMESE WAR. 41

Certainly at this moment the situation of the Burmese
monarch was anything but enviable. The most numerous armies,
headed by the most skilful generals he could send into the field,
had been defeated again and again. The victorious troops at
Rangoon were about to march for Ava ; and from the north-
east frontier of Arakan a large force under Brigadier-General
Morison was preparing to enter his empire, and, if possible, to
co-operate with Sir Archibald Campbell's division ; from Sylhet,
another army, under Brigadier- General Shouldham, threatened
to advance to the capital through Cassay ; in Assam, Lieutenant-
Colonel Richards was busy with a small but active corps ; and
on the south the Siamese, who had already manifested their
friendly dispositions towards the British, held out hopes of
their making a movement in conjunction with our columns
which were to march up the Irawady. His celestial Majesty,
however, is not easily terrified, or, if he is, he has too much
pride to show it. Upon the present occasion he boldly stood
at bay, and manfully prepared for resistance at whatever cost.

It was on the 13th of February 1825 that the general advance
of the British troops commenced. They were divided into two
columns ; the one, about two thousand strong, proceeding by
land, under the command of Sir Archibald Campbell ; and the
other by water, under Brigadier- General Cotton, consisted of
about one thousand European infantry, with a powerful train
of artillery, which was embarked in a flotilla of sixty boats,
commanded by Captain Alexander. The land column was to
proceed, in the first place, up the Lain river, and effect a junction
with Brigadier-General Cotton as near Donabew as possible. A
smaller force, under Major Sale, was also ordered to take pos-
session of Bassein, after which it likewise was to join the main
body at Donabew. Brigadier M'Reagh, with the remainder of
the troops, was left in command at Rangoon, and was to
employ himself in superintending the fortification of that town,
which went on briskly. The land force, under General Camp-
bell, marched to Lain, without meeting any resistance

42 OUR BURMESE WARS.

whatever. Its distance from Rangoon is about fifty miles ; but,
owing to the uncultivated state of the country, and the absence
of everything like regular roads, the troops, though in high
health and spirits, could seldom advance more than eight miles
a day.

They left Rangoon on the 14th, and did not reach Lain till
the 23rd of February. The town, though the capital of a pretty
extensive district, was found quite deserted, and a halt was made
at it for only a single night ; after which, the column resumed
its march towards Donabew with all possible expedition. By
the 7th March it was near enough that place to hear distinctly
the sound of a cannonade which the marine division under
General Cotton, having arrived first, had already opened upon
it. The operations of this division, in passing up the Irawady,
had necessarily been much more arduous than those of the land
column. Various stockades and entrenchments had been thrown
up upon the banks to oppose its progress. At Panlang, in
particular, a very spirited affair took place, where between four
thousand and five thousand Burmese were driven back from
very powerful fortifications with considerable loss. Upon this
and other similar occasions, the shells and rockets used by the
British were found of the greatest service, both as tending to
throw the enemy into confusion and to save the lives of our men.

After these successes, Brigadier- General Cotton proceeded
direct to Donabew; and though Sir Archibald Campbell had
not yet come up, he determined upon attacking the enemy,
who, headed by Bandoola, mustered about fifteen thousand
strong, and had fortified their position in the most skilful and
soldier-like manner. An outer stockade, which our marine
force first attacked, was carried with a loss to the enemy of
about four hundred men. The attempt made upon the second
stockade was less successful; and, after being exposed for a
considerable time to a heavy fire, General Cotton found it
necessary to re-embark the troops he had landed for the pur-
pose of making the assault, and dropped down four miles

THE FIRST BUEMESE WAE. 43

below Donabew, there to wait until reinforced. Our loss in
this second affair was serious.

In the meanwhile, Sir Archibald Campbell, not altogether
aware of the formidable resistance which was to be made at
Donabew, had pushed on several days' march towards Prome,
a city of some magnitude, and which he understood was the
head-quarters of the enemy. On the 11th of March he re-
ceived despatches informing him of the failure of the attack
upon the outworks at the former place, and, after some delibe-
ration, he judged it proper to retrace his steps to the assistance
of General Cotton. On the 14th, and four following days, his
troops were employed in crossing the Irawady, which it was
necessary to do before they could reach Donabew. The task
was one of no slight difficulty; but, in the words of Major
Snodgrass, "energy and perseverance, aided by the cheerful
and hearty exertions of the soldiers, finally triumphed over
every obstacle." It was not, however, till the 25th that the
army arrived within gun-shot distance of Donabew.

The main stockade at the fort of Donabew was upwards of a
mile in length, composed of solid teak beams, from fifteen to
seventeen feet high, and from five hundred to eight hundred
yards broad. Behind this were the brick ramparts of the place,
surmounted by a large deep ditch filled with spikes, nails, and
holes; and the ditch itself was shut in with several rows of
strong railings, together with an abatis of great breadth. Our
camp was hardly pitched before a sortie was made from the
fort, which, though of a formidable appearance at first, ended
in smoke. For several days skirmishes of a desultory kind
took place before the works, without producing any serious im-
pression on either side. On the 1 st of April a continued fire of
rockets was kept up on our part, with little or no return from
the enemy, a circumstance which occasioned some surprise.
The cause, however, was satisfactorily enough explained next
day. The fort of Donabew was nearly evacuated; for, on the
morning of the 1st, Maha Bandoola, while going his rounds,

44 OUR BURMESE WARS.

had been killed on the spot by a rocket j and such was the panic
which instantly took possession of the garrison, that the sur-
viving chiefs found it utterly impossible to keep it any longer
together.

Just as the enemy's rear-guard flew towards the neighbour-
ing jungle on the 2nd, our army took possession of the place,
and found in it a great store not only of guns and ammunition,
but of grain sufficient for many months' consumption. The
death of Maha Bandoola was probably the greatest misfortune
which the Burman monarch had yet sustained. There can be
little doubt that he possessed talents of no mean order ; and the
respect, approaching to awe, which he had inspired in his
soldiers, made them a great deal more formidable when under
his command than that of anyone else. One of the prisoners
found in the fort related the particulars of his general's death
in these words : " I belong to the household of Menghi Maha
Bandoola, and my business was to beat the great drums that
are hanging in the verandah of the Wongee's house. Yester-
day morning, between the hours of nine and ten, while the
chief's dinner was preparing, he went out to take his usual
morning walk round the works, and arrived at his observatory
(that tower with a red ball upon it), where, as there was no
firing, he sat down upon a couch which was kept there for his
use. While he was giving orders to some of his chiefs, the
English began throwing bombs, and one of them falling close
to the general, burst, and killed him on the spot. His body
was immediately carried away and burnt to ashes. His death
was soon known to everybody in the stockade, and the soldiers
refused to stay and fight under any other commander. The
chiefs lost all influence over their men, every individual thinking
only of providing for his own personal safety."

Maha Bandoola.

The death of Bandoola, which was the turning-point of the
First Burmese War, forces Major Snodgrass, in his excellent

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 45

narrative, to dwell at some length on the character of the
greatest of all Burmese generals j and some points therein sug-
gest a comparison with our clever and wily warlike enemy at the
Cape, King Cetawayo, who, strange to say, may now (August
1879) be bearded in his den, or kraal, wherever that may be,
by Sir Garnet Wolseley, who, as will be seen hereafter, in the
Second Burmese War first distinguished himself while, as a
dashing and fearless ensign, leading a storming party in the
land of the Golden Foot* at Donabew.

Before giving the Major's summing-up of Bandoola's cha-
racter, it may be remarked that, in our opinion, two qualities
reigned pre-eminent in him, namely, vainglory — according to
Bacon an essential point in commanders and soldiers — and a
superstitious fear, inseparable from a Burman and a believer in
Gautama, in which religion spirits, charms, transmigrations,
Niebban or Nirvana — annihilation, and yet, as Gautama men-
tions an " eternal city," hardly perfect annihilation — form the
leading features. We know that, East and West, superstition
has been the confusion of many States, and we also know that (to
support the philosopher's theory) its practical effect, during the
last fifty or sixty years in Upper Burma, has been to bring in a
new primum mobile that has " ravished all the spheres of govern-
ment." Bandoola was certainly, without intending it, a man
glorious for mischief. The biographer of Charles XII. considers
conquerors a species between good kings and tyrants ; and we
are ever eager to know the most minute circumstances of their
lives. The Burman, like many great European warriors in his-
tory, must needs be violent to " make good his own vaunt " ; and

* When a Burmese subject means to affirm that the King has heard any-
thing, he says "It has reached the golden ears"; he who has obtained
admittance to the royal presence has been at the " golden feet." The perfume
of otto of roses is described as being grateful to the " golden nose." Gold is
the type of excellence among Burmans — as Shakspeare says, " Gold — yellow,
glittering, precious gold ! " Yet, although so highly valued for ornament, it
is not used for coin in the country.

46 OUR BURMESE WARS.

it was probably in this state of mind that, sometime before a
similar threat, already mentioned, with regard to Calcutta,
Bandoola marched with his army through the Aeng pass into
Arakan — asserting Burmese rights to Bengal — taking with him
a pair of golden fetters to bind the Governor-General (Lord
Hastings) !

Another anecdote of him, bringing forth the superstitious fear,
may be related : —

During an early period of the operations, Bandoola, having
heard so much of the destructive properties of a shell, desired
that one should be brought to him for inspection. A shell,
with a very long fuse, having been projected by the British,
the live creature was being brought, fizzing at a dreadful rate,
to the chief. This they thought to be a decided failure, and
the thing might be examined. The warrior, at some distance,
surveyed, with great curiosity, the unfortunate men bringing
the fiery fiend along. Another second or two, and it burst,
killing the carriers and everyone beside it. Bandoola was
thunderstruck : and, for the whole of that day, his courage left
him.

The civilised " Swedish Charles " comes to the mind at this
juncture; and we think of his placid air on the bursting of
the bomb in the house at Stralsund, where he was dictating,
and his cool remark, — on the consternation of his secretary,
after the latter's < ' Ah, Sire, the bomb ! " — " What has the
bomb to do with the letter I am dictating? Go on."

True enough, in the case of Charles, the shell had killed no
one ; but, would Bandoola, like him " who left a name at which
the world grew pale," have exposed his own life to save a fellow-
creature, as he did to protect one of his generals (Lieven) at
Thorn?* We think not. And this forms an important

* This is one of tho most romai'kablo instances of true courage in military
history. As tho general had on a blue coat, richly trimmed wit h gold, thus in-
viting destruction, Charles, in his plain bluo with brass buttons (which, as well

THE FIRST BURMESE WAR. 47

difference in the military character of the Asiatic and the
European.

It, doubtless, does so also in that of the African warrior and
the British officer or soldier ; for we have not yet heard of the
renowned King Cetawayo, on any occasion, emulating the gal-
lant and noble lord who has received the Victoria Cross for
conspicuous bravery in saving the life of a sergeant, at the
risk of his own, during a reconnaisance before the battle of
Ulundi.

We now turn from this perhaps pardonable digression to
Major Snodgrass's character of Bandoola, with the remark
that no other leading Burman has since displayed similar warlike
capacity and energy, although the nearest approach to him in
the second war was the powerful robber chieftain Myat-htoon,
who gave us so much trouble at and around Donabew. Major
Snodgrass writes : —

"The character of Maha Bandoola seems to have been a
strange mixture of cruelty and generosity, talent with want of
judgment, and a strong regard to personal safety, combined
with great courage and resolution, which never failed him till
death. The acts of barbarous cruelty he committed are too
numerous to be related ; stern and inflexible in all his decrees,
he appears to have experienced a savage pleasure in witnessing
the execution of his bloody mandates ; even his own hand was
ever ready to punish with death the slightest mark of want of
zeal in those he had intrusted with commands or the defence

as the cocked hat with a bullet-hole in it, the writer saw religiously preserved
in a glass case at Stockholm), placed himself before his " subject," entirely
screening him, to save him from being hit ; but a volley of cannon, which came
in flank, " struck the general dead on the spot which the King had scarcely
quitted." The death of this officer, apparently killed exactly in his stead,
made him, says his biographer, believe in " absolute predestination," and that
he was reserved for yet greater things — an idea which Bandoola may also
have cherished, till what was probably a shell Congreve rocket caused his
death.

48 OUR BURMESE WARS.

of any post. Still his immediate adherents are said to have
been sincerely attached to him ; uncontrolled license to plunder
and extort from all who were unfortunate enough to meet
Bandoola's men, may no doubt have reconciled them to their
situation, and confirmed them much in their attachment to
their leader. The management of a Burmese army, for so long
a period contending against every disadvantage to which a
general can be subjected, evinced no small degree of talent ;
while the position and defences at Donabew, as a field-work,
would have done credit to the most scientific engineer. But
it is difficult to account for his motives, or give credit to his
judgment, in giving up the narrow rivers of Panlang and Lain,
where a most effectual opposition could have been given, to
fight his battle on the banks of the broad Irawady, where the
ground was favourable to the regular movement of disciplined
troops. During the days of his prosperity Bandoola seldom
exposed his person— in the battles of Rangoon and Kokeen he
was never under fire ; but he did not hesitate, when circum-
stances required it, to allow himself to be hemmed in at Dona-
bew, where he boldly declared he would conquer or die, and,
till he actually fell, set his men the first example of the courage
he required in all."

It is not probable that Upper Burma will furnish another
Bandoola ; but, under any circumstances, we must be prepared
for him, and never be so mad as to despise our enemy !

CHAPTER III.

FROM THE ADVANCE ON PROME TO THE CONCLUSION OF A
TREATY OF PEACE AT YANDABOO, 24TH FEBRUARY 1826.

The British force now pushed on to Prorae with as little delay-
as possible, well aware that decisive measures alone would pro-
duce any effect on the obstinate and arrogant Court of Ava.
No hostile interruption was attempted to be made; but
" letters were received, in the course of the march, from the
Burmese authorities at Prome, intimating the willingness of
the Government to conclude a peace." " As it was suspected,
however," continues Mr. Bell,* " that this was merely a strata-
gem for the sake of gaining time, Sir Archibald Campbell re-
plied that as soon as he had taken military possession of Prome,
he would be happy to listen to any overtures of an amicable
nature which might be made to him." The prudence of this
determination was very clearly perceived when the army arrived
before that city, where every preparation was making for a
vigorous defence. The celerity of our motions, however, was
too much for the enemy, who, being taken by surprise before

* The Calcutta publisher (in 1852) of "An Account of the Burman Empire,"
compiled from various standard works, thus alludes to Mr. Henry G. Bell's
succinct and clear narrative : — " The Account of the Burmese War of 1824, by
Mr. H. G. Bell, which concludes the work, will be a good substitute for the
voluminous narrative of Snodgrass, to those who have not access to the latter
volume." — The greater portion of Mr. Bell's narrative is contained in the
present Abstract.

50 OUR BURMESE WARS.

their fortifications were completed, retired during the night of
the 24th of April, and, on the 25th, General Campbell entered
the place without firing a shot. As the rainy season was about
to set in, and the campaign therefore necessarily near a close,
our head-quarters were fixed at Prome, from whence a detach-
ment marched, during May, towards Toungoo, taking possession
of the intermediate country, and returning about the end of
May to Prome. The Prince of Sarawuddy, who now headed
the remnant of the Burmese army, fell back upon Melloon,
and busied himself in raising recruits, to the number of about
thirty thousand, for the ensuing campaign.

During the stay of the British at Prome, everything was
done to conciliate the good-will and secure the confidence of
such of its native inhabitants as returned to it. The conse-
quences were particularly happy. The tide of population flowed
back; and not only at Prome, but in all the towns and dis-
tricts which had been already passed, an active and cheerful
people returned to live in unmolested quiet, perfectly satisfied
of the good faith and honesty of their invaders. In fact the
whole of Pegu, as well as a considerable portion of Ava Proper,
may be considered as having, at this time, been under the juris-
diction of the British. We had certainly conquered the country
so far; and, without attempting any material alteration of
their ordinary modes of civil government, we found it neces-
sary to supply the place of their magistrates and other crea-
tures of the crown, who had for the most part absconded, by
organising a system of official authority, to which we gave the
sanction of our approval and assistance. Into the details of
these arrangements it is unnecessary here to enter. It is suffi-
cient to say that they were at once simple and effective;
and reflect no small credit on our Commander-in-Chief and
his advisers.

The resources of the Court of Ava, great as their efforts had
already been, were yet far from being exhausted. During the
period in which there was a necessary cessation of hostilities,

THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 51

a new army was organised, amounting to seventy thousand
men, and all thoughts of peace appeared to be laid aside. It
was the earnest desire, however, of our Commander-in-Chief
to avoid, if possible, the shedding of more blood ; and, in the
beginning of October, he despatched a letter to the Burmese
head- quarters, urging strongly upon the chiefs the propriety of
advising their sovereign to listen to the lenient terms of peace
he proposed. In consequence of this letter a meeting took
place at Neoun-Ben-Zeik, between commissioners appointed on
both sides ; but after much useless conversation, prolonged to
a ridiculous length by the Burmese, it was found impossible
to prevail upon them to agree to the proposals we made ; and
soon after the Burmese commissioners had returned to head-
quarters, the army advanced, in battle array, to the very gates
of Prome, its general having previously honoured Sir Archibald
Campbell with the following laconic epistle : — " If you wish for
peace, you may go away ; but if you ask either money or territory,
no friendship can exist between us. This is the Burman custom."
It was not long before "Burman custom" underwent a
change. To oppose the formidable force which now threatened
to shut us in, and bury us among the ruins of Prome, we were
able to muster an army of only five thousand men, of whom
only three thousand were British. It seemed to be the wish
of the Burmese leaders not to risk a general engagement, but
to proceed by the slower, though perhaps more certain, method
of blockade. As soon as these intentions were discovered, it
was resolved to attack the enemy at once, without allowing
him more time for strengthening his position. On the 1st
December our marine and land forces advanced at the same
moment; and, after a well-contested fight of some hours, the
Burmese were driven back, with much slaughter, to a stockade
they had erected some miles distant on the heights of Napa-
dee. It was remarked, as a curious feature of this engage-
ment, that three young and handsome women, evidently of
high rank, fought with the most persevering obstinacy and

4 *

52 OUR BURMESE WARS.

courage among the ranks of the Burmese, recalling to the
recollection of our officers all they had ever read of the
Amazons of earlier ages. It was believed that at least two of
these ladies perished in the field. The Burmese general, Maha
Nemiou, and many of the Chobwas, or tributary princes, who
had grown grey in the service of their sovereign, also lost
their lives on this day. But, after all, our troops had only
achieved half of what it was necessary for them to do. Until
the enemy was driven from his formidable position at Napadee,
we could not congratulate ourselves on having gained any de-
cisive victory. On the 2nd of December, therefore, and the four
following days, the army was employed in probably the most
arduous duty it had yet undertaken — that of forcing the
heights of Napadee. They were fortified with unexampled
strength, although the natural obstacles they presented made
artificial means of defence almost unnecessary. All things
considered, we do not think we can be accused of giving way
to national vanity when we assert that none but British soldiers,
powerfully assisted by a flotilla commanded by British sailors,
could have succeeded in steadily advancing from one stockade
to another, under the continued volleys of the Burmese, and
in driving at the point of the bayonet, without returning a
shot, their opponents from a position three miles in extent.
On the 5th the victory was complete. Every division of the
Burmese army, and these were several, had been beaten in
succession; and, completely disheartened, the fugitives dis-
persed themselves in all directions, wherever the woods or the
jungles seemed to offer concealment.

It was now determined to lose no time in advancing to Ava
itself, which is about three hundred miles distant from Prome ;
and on the 9th of December the march was commenced. On
the 29th our army reached Melloon, about halfway between
Ava and Prome, having seen nothing on the way but a de-
serted country, covered with the wounded, the dead, and the
dying. The Burmese monarch was at last awakened to some-

THE PEACE OP YANDABOO. 53

thing like a becoming knowledge of the situation in which he
stood; and at Melloon a flag of truce was sent to meet us,
and to intimate the arrival of a commissioner from Ava,
with full powers to conclude a treaty of peace. That this was
really the case was attested by the amicable conduct of the
enemy's troops who were assembled at Melloon. Our army,
therefore, halted on the opposite side of the river, and a barge
was moored in the middle, where the first meeting with the
new delegate was to take place.

On the 1st of January, the commissioners of both nations met.
The demand made upon our part of a crore of rupees, as well
as of the cession of Arakan and the restoration of Cassay, was
what principally startled the Burmese commissioners; but at
length, finding it impossible to make us alter our terms, the
treaty was agreed to and signed, fifteen days being allowed for
obtaining the ratification of the King. At the expiration of
that period it was communicated to us from Melloon that no
answer had yet been received from Ava, and a further delay of
some six or eight days was requested. But as this must evidently
have been a preconcerted scheme, suspicions were aroused of the
sincerity of that designing Court, and Sir Archibald Campbell
gave the Burmese the choice of only two alternatives — either
to evacuate Melloon, and allow him to take possession of it,
in which case he would remain quiet for a short time longer j
or to prepare for an assault, which he would make upon it that
very night. The Burmese, with much courage, instantly pre-
pared for their defence. Though not inferior in bravery, how-
ever, the military tactics of the Burmese will not for a
moment bear any comparison with ours. Early on the 19th
January 1826, the British standard was erected on the walls
of Melloon, fifteen thousand men having been driven out of
the town by comparatively a mere handful. In the house of
Prince Memiaboo, a half-brother of the King, who had taken
the command, was found money to the amount of from thirty
thousand to forty thousand rupees ; and what was still more

54 OUR BURMESE WARS.

surprising, though perhaps not quite so agreeable, both the
English and Burmese copies of the treaty lately made, signed and
sealed as they had been at the meeting, and bearing, conse-
quently, undeniable evidence of their never having been
perused by the King.

" It is no easy matter," says an officer from whose work we
have already quoted, " to divine what object the Court of Ava
could have had in view in opening negotiations they had no
intention of abiding by, or what possible result they could have
anticipated from a short and profitless delay, which to us was
in every point of view desirable, as much to allow the men to
recover from the debilitating effects of their late fatigue, as to
afford time for collecting cattle from the interior and sufficient
supplies of every description for prosecuting our journey along
a sacked and plundered line of country." " Memiaboo and his
beaten army/' adds Major Snodgrass, " retired from the scene
of their disasters with all possible haste, and the British com-
mander prepared to follow him up without delay. Before,
however, commencing his march he despatched a messenger
with the unratified treaty to the Kee Woongee, as well to show
the Burmese chiefs that their perfidy was discovered, as to
give them the means of still performing their engagements ;
but merely telling the latter in his note that, in the hurry of
departure from Melloon, he had forgotten a document which
he might now find more useful and acceptable to his Govern-
ment than they had a few days previously considered it. The
Woongee and his colleague politely returned their best thanks
for the paper, but observed that the same hurry that had caused
the loss of the treaty had compelled them to leave behind a
large sum of money, which they also much regretted, and
which they were sure the British general only waited an oppor-
tunity of returning."

Our army now resumed its march upon Ava. On the 31st
of January it was met by a Doctor Price, an American mis-
sionary, and an Englishman of the name of Sandford,

THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 55

assistant-surgeon of the Royal Regiment (who had been taken
prisoner some months before), and who were now sent on their
parole of honour to communicate the sincere desire which his
celestial Majesty at last entertained for peace, and to ascertain
the lowest terms upon which it would be granted. The terms
offered at Melloon were renewed, and, the British general
having promised not to advance for twelve days nearer their
capital than Pagahm-Mew, the two delegates returned to Ava.
There can be little doubt that the Burmese monarch now saw
the necessity for peace, and was therefore anxious to secure it j
but the terms proposed, lenient as they were, he found dread-
fully galling to his pride. At all hazards, therefore, he resolved
upon one effort more; and if that failed, peace was to be imme-
diately concluded. On the fall of Melloon, he made an appeal
to the patriotism and generosity of his subjects. He repre-
sented himself as tottering on his throne, and the immortal
dominion of Ava as about to pass away into the hands of
strangers. To the troops which he now collected, to the amount
of about forty thousand men, he gave the honourable appellation
of " Retrievers of the King's Glory " ; and a warrior, bearing
the formidable titles of "Prince of the Setting Sun," "Prince
of Darkness," and " King of Hell," was entrusted with the
command of this force. He took his position at Pegahm-Mew,
where he was attacked by the British on the 9th of March.
The result was the same as had attended all our engagements
with the Burmese. We took possession of the place, and the
" Retrievers of the King's Glory " fled in detached parties over
the country. The unfortunate " Prince of the Setting Sun "
ventured to return to Ava after his defeat, where he was imme-
diately put to death by order of the King.

Peace was now inevitable, unless it had been resolved to allow
Ava itself to fall into our hands. The army, which continued
to advance, was met only forty-five miles from that city by
Dr. Price and Mr. Sandford, accompanied by two Ministers of
State and all the British prisoners who had been taken, during

56 OUR BUEMESE WARS.

the war, and bringing the first instalment of the money pay-
ment (twenty-five lakhs of rupees), as well as an authority
under the sign-manual, to accept of such terms of peace as we
might propose. These were finally settled and signed on the
24th of February 1826. This important Treaty of Peace between
the Honourable East India Company on the one part, and His
Majesty the King of Ava on the other, consisted of the follow-
ing Articles, to which we have much pleasure in giving a place
in this work : —

"Art. I. — There shall be perpetual peace and friendship
between the Honourable Company on the one part, and the
King of Ava on the other.

" Art. II. — His Majesty the King of Ava renounces all
claims, and will abstain from all future interference with the
principality of Assam and its dependencies, and also with the
contiguous petty states of Cachar and Jynteea. With regard
to Munnipore, it is stipulated, that, should Ghumbeer Singh
desire to return to that country, he shall be recognised by
the King of Ava as Rajah thereof.

"Art. III. — To prevent all future disputes respecting the
boundary between the two great nations, the British Govern-
ment will retain the conquered provinces of Arracan, including
the four divisions of Arracan, Ramree, Cheduba, and Sandoway,
and His Majesty the King of Ava cedes all right thereto The
Unnoupectowmien, or Arracan mountains (known in Arracan
by the name of Yeomatoung, or Pokhingloung range), will
henceforth form the boundary between the two great nations on
that side. Any doubts regarding the said line of demarcation
will be settled by the commissioners appointed by the respective
Governments for that purpose, such commissioners from both
Powers to be suitable and corresponding in rank.

" Art. IV. — His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the
British Government the conquered provinces of Yeh, Tavoy,
and Mergui and Tenasserim, with the islands and dependencies
thereunto appertaining, taking the Salwccn river as the line of

THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 57

demarcation on that frontier. Any doubts regarding their
boundaries will be settled as specified in the concluding part of
Art. III.

" Art V. — In proof of the sincere disposition of the Burman
Government to maintain the relations of peace and amity
between the nations, and as part indemnification to the British
Government for the expenses of the war, His Majesty the King
of Ava agrees to pay the sum of one crore of rupees.

" Art. VI. — No person whatever, whether native or foreigner,
is hereafter to be molested by either party, on account of the
part which he may have taken, or have been compelled to take,
in the present war.

"Art. VII. — In order to cultivate and improve the rela-
tions of amity and peace hereby established between the two
Governments, it is agreed that accredited ministers, retaining
an escort or safe- guard of fifty men from each, shall reside at
the durbar of the other, who shall be permitted to purchase or
to build a suitable place of residence, of permanent materials ;
and a commercial treaty, upon principles of reciprocal advan-
tage, will be entered into by the high contracting Powers.

"Art. VIII.— All public and private debts contracted by
either Government, or by the subjects of either Government,
with the others previous to the war, to be recognised and liqui-
dated, upon the same principles of honour and good faith as
if hostilities had not taken place between the two nations ; and
no advantage shall be taken by either party of the period that
may have elapsed since the debts were incurred, or in conse-
quence of the war; and according to the universal law of nations,
it is farther stipulated that the property of all British subjects
who may die in the dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava
shall, in the absence of legal heirs, be placed in the hands of
the British Resident or Consul in the said dominions, who
will dispose of the same according to the tenor of the British
law. In like manner, the property of Burmese subjects dying
under the same circumstances, in any part of the British domi-

58 OUR BURMESE WARS.

nions, shall be made over to the Minister or other authority
delegated by his Burman Majesty to the Supreme Government
of India.

" Art. IX. — The King of Ava will abolish all exactions
upon British ships or vessels in Burman ports that are not
required for Burman ships or vessels in British ports; nor
shall ships or vessels, the property of British subjects, whether
European or Indian, entering the Rangoon river, or other
Burman ports, be required to land their guns, or unship their
rudders, or to do any other act not required by Burmese ships
or vessels in British ports.

"Art. X. — The good and faithful ally of the British Govern-
ment, His Majesty the King of Siam, having taken a part in the
present war, will, to the fullest extent, as far as regards His
Majesty and his subjects, be included in the above treaty.

1 ' Art. XI. — This treaty to be ratified by the Burmese autho-
rities competent in the like cases, and the ratification to be
accompanied by all British, whether European or Native,
American and other prisoners, who will be delivered over to
the British commissioners ; the British commissioners, on their
part, engaging that the said treaty shall be ratified by the Bight
Honourable the Governor- General in Council, and the ratifica-
tion shall be delivered to His Majesty the King of Ava, in four
months, or sooner if possible ; and all the Burmese prisoners
shall, in like manner, be delivered over to their own Govern-
ment, as soon as they arrive from Bengal.

(Signed) (Signed)

" Largeen Mionga, " A. Campbell,

Woongee, L.S. Major-General and Senior

Seal of the Lotoo. Commissioner.

(Signed)
(Signed) ((r£ c.Robertson,

" Shwaguin Woon, Ciyil Commissioner L>S.

Atawoon, L.S.

(Signed)
H. D. Chads, Captain, R.N.

THE PEACE OP YANDABOO. 59

"Additional Article. — The British Commissioners being
most anxiously desirous to manifest the sincerity of their wish
for peace, and to make the immediate execution of the fifth
article of this treaty as little irksome or inconvenient as possible,
His Majesty the King of Ava consents to the following arrange-
ments with respect to the division of the sum total, as specified
in the article before referred to, into instalments, viz. : — Upon
the payment of twenty-five lakhs of rupees, or one-fourth of the
sum total (the other articles of the treaty being executed), the
army will retire to Rangoon. Upon the further payment of a
similar sum at that place, within one hundred days from this
date, with the proviso as above, the army will evacuate the
dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava with the least
possible delay ; leaving the remaining moiety of the sum total to
be paid by equal annual instalments in two years, from this 24th
day of February 1826, a.d., through the Consul or Resident in Ava
or Pegue, on the part of the Honourable East India Company.

(Signed) (Signed)

"Largeen Mionga, " A. Campbell,

Woongee, L.S. Major-General and Senior

Seal of the Lotoo. Commissioner.

(Signed)

(Signed) "T.C.Robertson,

" Shwaguin Woon, Ciyil Commissione. L.s.

Atawoon, L.S.

(Signed)
H. D. Chads, Captain, R.N/

Such, then, was the end of the First Burmese War, which
altered the territories or relations of the British in India, and
first made us acquainted with the Burmese in the eastern
peninsula. However much the various writers on this interest-
ing war may differ as to the conduct or justice of it on our part,
they all agree as to the matchless coolness and arrogance of the
Burmese history which records it. The victory cost us dear.

60 OUR BURMESE WARS.

The King of Ava had been compelled to renounce all claims on
Assam, Cassay, Arakan, Martaban, Tavoy, and Tenasserim,
and to pay a crore of rupees — one million sterling — as an
indemnity for the expenses of the war. The following is
from the Royal Chronicle of the Burmese : — " In the years
1186 and 1187 " (of the Burmese era) " the Kula pyu, or white
strangers of the west, fastened a quarrel upon the Lord of the
Golden Palace. They landed at Rangoon, took that place and
Prome " (properly Pyee Myo), " and were permitted to advance
as far as Yandaboo; for the King, from motives of piety and
regard to life, made no preparation whatever to oppose them.
The strangers had spent vast sums of money in their enterprise,
so that by the time they reached Yandaboo their resources were
exhausted, and they were in great distress. They then peti-
tioned the King, who, in his clemency and generosity, sent them
large sums of money to pay their expenses back, and ordered
them out of the country."

Thus did the Burmese, ignoring the fact of their being the
aggressors, cleverly and resignedly register their case in the
national archives, according to Burman custom ! The boastful
character of the Burmese, as with the Chinese, and in a lesser
measure with the Siamese, fifty years ago, made it more difficult
than at present for the Western nations to bring them to their
complete senses, and cause them to acquire that degree of civi-
lisation to which such ingenious people might otherwise have
speedily aspired. Throughout this long war the British and
native soldiers deserved and received the gratitude of their
country. On the 8th of May 1827, Mr. C. W. Wynn moved
in the House of Commons, and on the 14th Lord Goderich in
the Lords, " That the thanks of each House be given to the
officers and men engaged in the late glorious successes in
India " (or rather in India beyond the Ganges, or, as Malte-Brun
styles it, Chin-India). The remark by the British Parliament,
" glorious successes in India " — erring on the right side — is apt
to raise a smile when compared with that of a popular historian

THE PEACE OF YANDABOO. 61

of British India, who, after asserting that the Burmese war was
the principal event of Lord Amherst's administration, and that by
the successful operations the Company gained a large extent of
territory on the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal, writes : —
" As this conquest, however, was carried on entirely beyond the
limits of India proper, it does not belong to the subject of the
present work ! " This is a remarkable statement. The war was
actually undertaken to protect Bengal, or give us a better
" scientific frontier " to the eastward (or south-east) than for-
merly ; and yet even the principal operations of such an
important war did not require to be handed down to posterity !
As well might we say that Canada or South Africa should be
excluded from a History of the British Empire. Regarding our
Eastern Empire, we must ever consider each square mile or
even acre of it an important part of " the stupendous whole ! "

It is impossible to consider the effects of the first Burmese
war without thinking of the foreign policy of the illustrious
statesman and orator, Mr. Canning. Having gained a con-
siderable knowledge of Indian affairs at the Board of Control,
he had been selected to proceed to India as Governor-GeneraL
But he could ill be spared from Europe ; the people of England
especially could not spare him j so Lord Amherst went in his
stead. It was during his mighty achievements as Foreign
Secretary, therefore, that he could only hear at a distance of
the war and our relations with Burma; and it is curious to re-
flect what policy he might have recommended to the Court, or
himself adopted, had the Lord of the White Elephant and the
Golden Foot come under his special control. The great poli-
tical " adventurer " — as he was styled by his enemies — might in
a burst of eloquent enthusiasm — as Viceroy he would have ex-
hibited the ready writing genius, vigour, and foresight of Lord
Dalhousie, combined with the statesman-like moderation of
Lord Mayo — have informed the people of both Upper and
Lower Burma, that he called the British or New power in
portions of their golden land into existence " to redress the

62 OUR BURMESE WARS.

balance of the Old/'* which robbed them of independence, and
made them the slaves of tyranny and oppression. Mr. Canning's
remarks on war as well as politics — say, the balance of power
— appear to be equally just : they are especially so when we
regard the progress of British power in the East. On the
uncertainty of war he says : — " How seldom in the whole
history of the wars of Europe has any war between two great
Powers ended in obtaining the exact, the identical object for
which the war was begun ! " May not the same be said with
regard to our Indian wars against minor powers ? And again
— particularly applicable at the present time (1879), when the
encroachments of Russia in certain quarters have been arrested
by that stern sentry, a " scientific frontier " — he exclaims : —
" The balance of power ! ... Is it not a standard per-
petually varying as civilisation advances, and as new nations
spring up and take their place among established political
communities ? "

During two centuries the balance of power has been adjusted
over and over again. Upwards of half a century ago, as in
later times, there were revolutions and counter-revolutions,
Greek and other settlements in Europe, and a boundary dispute
in Europe and America; and in Africa and Chin -India the
Ashantee and Burmese wars. Time moves rapidly on; vast
changes throughout the world are now on the eve of being
accomplished, till, at no distant period, universal civilisation
may be found emerging from chaos.

The balance of power in the East will soon be a very difficult
problem to solve, especially if Russia and Germanyt (which

* The great statesman's celebrated sentence, with which the above liberty
is taken, the reader may recollect, was uttered in allusion to his being the
first European minister to recognise South American independence : — " I called
the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old." In 1827
Mr. Canning became Premier, and died in August of that year.

t In 1879 styled " the natural ally of China."

THE PEACE OF YANDABOO.

seems probable) become mixed up with China; and Russia,
with the usual steadiness of purpose, becomes too eager about
establishing a profitable inland trade with the flowery land —
the vast region whose people are still exclusive, but now more
progressive and wonderful and pliable than at any former
period ! With so many " coming events " casting their
"shadows before," it becomes almost an imperative duty on
Great Britain to keep a watchful eye on Upper Burma, as
Chinese relations* with the Golden Foot may expand at any
moment; and during some great crisis, or sudden convulsion,
we might lose the chance of better securing our eastern and
south-eastern frontier, and thus risk those vast commercial
interests for which the way has been so admirably paved by the
first and second Burmese wars.

* Burma is a sort of vassal of China.

64 OUR BURMESE WARS.

CHAPTER IV.

REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS.

How true it is that in military operations time is everything ! "

Wellington.

In the event of a third Burmese war, or any future military
operations in Chin-India, it may be well to gather a few lessons
from the experiences of the old campaigns. The first grand
failure of the Burmese in opposing or standing against us has
been attributed to their ignorance of the art of war, or at
least to their knowledge of the art being very limited. But
even had they possessed a general-in-chief like Baron De
Jomini among them, without the feeling that it is the disci-
pline of an army that makes the multitude act as one man,
the result would have been the same. Such a Burmese strate-
gist must have worked after his own fashion, the proper use of
jungles, fastnesses, trees, stockades, rivers, swamps, old guns,
and jinjals,* being to him what field-works teeming with im-
provements in engineering and artillery science are to us ; the

* Wall pieces, carrying small balls, varying from half a pound to two or
throe pounds in weight.

REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 65

above forming a large portion of his idea of the art of war —
as we found to our cost, no very bad one.

The Burmese, when the first war broke out, and fifteen years
before, had a very exalted idea of their knowledge of the art of
war; so much so that in 1810 one of the ministers at Ava in-
formed Captain Canuing, the British envoy, that if application
had been originally made in a proper manner, His Burman
Majesty would have sent an army, and put the British nation
in possession of the whole of France, thus ending the revolu-
tionary war in Europe. Another absurdity of the same period
is given in a draught of a letter to the Governor-General, com-
posed by the Ava ministers, declaring the King of England to
be a vassal of the Burman monarch ; but this, it is written,
"was too much even for the despotic Minderajee Praw, who
ordered it to be expunged.''

During the long series of operations in which we were en-
gaged throughout the first war, exemplary patience under diffi-
culties, and admirable conduct in retreat, among the Burmese,
were especially observable. The retreat of Maha Bandoola
from Rangoon was managed with considerable skill. When,
with the remnant of his army, he retreated finally upon Dona-
bew, he left posts on the Lain and Panlang rivers, to harass
and detain the British force in moving forward. And even after
their hero's death, in a desultory and disorderly flight, we are
informed that the characteristic cunning and caution of the
nation was conspicuous, as Major Snodgrass writes, " effecting
their retreat with such science and circumspection as would
have been a lesson to the best disciplined army in Europe."*

Variety of resource to facilitate operations is also strikingly
apparent in the Burmese tactics. For instance, what could be
more ingenious than converting a huge tree into a battery?

Major Snodgrase's " Narrative of the Burmese War," p. 175.

66 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Bandoola's look-out tree at Donabew — mounting four guns —
was certainly an extraordinary work, on which even Vauban or
Cormontaigne could never have calculated, and which would
have raised a smile on the calm visage of Linnseus, the father
of the peaceful science of botany. From an engraving, the
tree appears to be cleft in twain, all the smaller branches
being lopped off, and a series of props or arms left of consider-
able dimensions. Across and resting on these are three tiers,
the lowest mounting one gun in the centre ; on the second, a
gim left and centre ; and on the top tier, a gun left ; the whole
surmounted by a shed, with strong posts and a well-matted
roof, in which warlike domicile are seated two warriors, armed
with muskets, apparently engaged in feeling if their powder is
dry. So much for Bandoola's look-out tree at Donabew. The
Burmese operations during the war, as will have been seen, were
offensive as well as defensive, of course chiefly the latter ; the
stockade — in the construction of which they are perfectly
wonderful, and in making which even women and children
assisted — being given them, as it were, by Nature for their
own fortification. In attack, the Burmese varied consider-
ably ; at times being very feeble, but occasionally very despe-
rate, as will be seen from the general's account of the attack
on the British post at Kemmindine, where the First Madras
Fusiliers* and the gallant 26th Madras Native Infantry so
greatly distinguished themselves. The Burmese attack on
Pegu — gallantly defended by Major (now General Sir "William)
Hill — in the second war was the only approach to the deter-
mined assault on Kemmindine of the first.

But the most desperate Burmese attacks during the first

* Her Majesty's 102nd Royal — " The Royal Tigers " — spectamur agendo —
bearing on its colours glories commencing at Arcot and Plassey, down to
" Ava," " Pegu,"and " Lucknow." This was the famous Ncill's regiment —
General Neill, the " avenging angel of the Indian Mutiny."

REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 67

campaigns were those made at Watty-goon* (or Watty goung)
before we forced the heights of Nepadee. The veteran chief,
Maha Nemiow, had at length arrived from the Court of Ava
as if to supply the place of a Bandoola, and direct the general
operations of the army. Two brigades had been ordered to dis-
lodge the enemy. They were to be assaulted in flank and rear,
while the main body attacked in front. The Burmese, obtain-
ing information of this plan, did not wait " to be visited in
their position," but met the British columns halfway, com-
menced an animated and continual skirmish, and thus frus-
trated the simultaneous attack of the three corps. When
Watty-goon was reached it was found to be strongly stockaded.
Colonel M'Dowall was killed while reconnoitring the place.
So at length, finding the position far too strong for a divided
force, "a retreat was ordered, and conducted with steadiness
and regularity M ; but we met with severe loss, " the enemy
closely following it up for several miles." The caution of Maha
Nemiow was remarkable for a Burman. Advancing direct upon
Prome, he moved slowly, stockading himself at every mile as
he advanced.

Regarding the British operations during this war, of course
they were, as usual, chiefly successful through bold and dashing
attack j and considering the length of the campaigns, and the
local disadvantages (chiefly from the want of a good intelli-
gence department) we laboured under, we managed admirably,
and committed very few mistakes. Our attacks were generally,
as they ever should be in such regions, sharp, short, and de-
cisive. Taking into account the natural obstacles of the
country, and the mode of warfare adopted by the Burmese, we
could hardly have done more. As will have been seen, the
enemy seemed to favour a position flanked on both sides by a
jungle ; but the British charge, even through this obstacle,

* Sixteen miles from Prome, in a north-east direction.

5 *

68 OUR BURMESE WARS.

was generally irresistible. And the Burmese fear of a terrible
rush of cold steel reached its climax when, twenty-eight years
after, we attacked Rangoon, or rather the great Shwe-dagon
pagoda, and achieved, as our readers will soon observe, "a
brilliant feat of arms."*

The decisive action at Kokeen in the first war was highly
creditable to the British arms, and shows what effects can be
gained against a formidable stockade by a well-organised and
well-managed plan of attack. It will have been observed that
on this occasion a well-directed fire of artillery speedily made a
breach in the work, which was then so gallantly carried by the
infantry ; but as a general rule we think that what the great
Duke said with reference to attacks on Indian forts, notwith-
standing the uncertainty in their issue, is applicable to warfare
in Chin-India, — that it is more expedient and more creditable to
our arms if we can attack without wasting time in making an actual
breach. It is very difficult, if not impossible, to breach some
stockades — the very nature of their construction affording such
vast powers of resistance — so the artillery must just be content
with throwing shells, fire-balls, rockets, or such-like projectiles,
into the Burmese fort, while the infantry are looking out for
some weak point in the flanks or rear to enter, and the irre-
gular cavalry are all on the alert to cut off the enemy while
attempting to escape from the stronghold. Of course, covering
advance and assault by a heavy fire of musketry on the de-
fences ; enfilading the part attacked, if possible ; and, if the
ground were favourable, taking the place by escalade, would all
be considered by a judicious commander.

It is impossible to read De Jomini's famous chapter on
" Offensive and Defensive Operations " without giving pre-
ference in the system to the former. Applied to a more
transient operation, the offensive is considered always advan-

* " The Times," 1852.

EEMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 69

tageous, especially in strategy. " In fact," writes the Baron,
"if the art of war consist in directing one's forces upon the
decisive point, it is comprehended that the first means of
applying this principle will be to take the initiative of move-
ments/' Again : " The offensive, considered morally and
politically, is almost always advantageous, because it carries
the war upon foreign soil, spares your own country, diminishes
the resources of the enemy, and augments yours.'''' In tactics,
the offensive has also its immense advantages ; but they are
" less positive, because the operations not being upon so large
a sphere, he who has the initiative cannot conceal them from
the enemy, who, discovering this instantly, can, by the aid of
good reserves, remedy it on the spot."* Defensive war, never-
theless, has its advantages when " the inert or passive " and
the " active defence with offensive returns " are wisely com-
bined. It is a great talent to know how to retake the initiative
in the midst even of a defensive struggle. To the non-military
reader it may be well to say a word on strategy and tactics.
The former includes " the ensemble of the theatre of war/'
including in such the different combinations which it might
offer, and " the choice and the establishment of the fixed base
and of the zone of operations." Tactics have merely to do with
the manoeuvres of an army on the field of battle, and the
different formations for leading the troops to attack. Perhaps
our admirable young volunteers of the present day will keep
these definitions strictly in mind.

Of course, the most important point in a plan of operations
is a good base; and if an army operating against Germany
would be right in selecting for its base the Rhine, so would a
British army operating against Upper Burma, and other parts
of Chin- India, select for its base the Irawady, and other noble
rivers. With reference to the Irawady it may be said, " A base

* See " The Art of War," Art. xvi., " Stategical combinations," pp. 83, 84.

70 OUR BURMESE WARS.

supported upon a large and impetuous river, the banks of -which
should be held by good fortresses, situated in command of this
river, would be, without contradiction, the most favourable that
could be desired." Throughout Chin-India many rivers would
be found for bases, on which we could fall back, or from which
we could move forward at pleasure ; while British Burma surely
has capacity sufficient for establishing thereon any amount of
magazines or depots. Touching on Burmese rivers brings
forth the difference between Burmese and British strategy, as
has already been observed in the case of Bandoola, who is
blamed for having given up the narrow Panlang and Lain
rivers, where he could have presented a most effectual oppo-
sition, to fight on the banks of the broad Irawady at Donabew.
If, then, during the first Burmese war, the noble Irawady
formed a splendid base of operations for the invader, what
would it be now with the whole of Pegu at our command,
and, what we must obtain at all hazards, entire control over
the eastern and western Karennee country ! With such bases
of operations, strategy with the British in Chin- India will be
supreme, or, at least, better than any invading army in that
quarter ever had before for conquest. Even with a second-
rate general, provided the ordinary rules of the art of war
were attended to — no over confidence, but even more caution
than against an European foe — it would be simply a case of
veni, vidi, vici ! With such bases of operations, we should be
far more than a match for any power that could be arrayed
against us.

In the event of any extensive operations in and around
Upper Burma, we would probably have, say, three sorts of
allies — Karens, Shans, and some other powerful tribe which
would be sure to arise if the Shans joined us. In Upper
Burma, and to the north and east of the capital, should the King
be so insane as to hold out against us, there would be no
chance — as there might be in South Africa — of a predatory or
guerilla warfare ; such is quite foreign to the country. The

REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 71

enemy would rely, as of yore, chiefly on their stockades. But
if, in imitation of other nations, they thought that a predatory
war — which would certainly have no foundation in strength —
might be more successful in the end, — if the allies, the first to
be attacked, only stood close by us, as the great Duke said
when fighting the Mahrattas, there would be no chance of the
enemy's success, but they would meet with utter discomfiture.

The "Diana."

We must now make a few remarks on the important part the
little steamer "Diana " played during the operations. It will
have been seen that on the same day as the brilliant action at
Kokeen, the navy was not behind the army in gaining dis-
tinction, Captain Chads having made a successful attack on the
enemy's war-boats. In their capture the " Diana" was chiefly
instrumental. Her exploits were so numerous, and she proved
so very serviceable, that while the campaigns lasted she never
was allowed to leave the Irawady. She reconnoitred the stock-
aded positions, chased and captured war-boats, greatly advanced
the movements of the army to Prome, and carried Mr. John
Crawfurd (the Envoy) as far as Amarapura, some five hundred
miles up the stream from Rangoon. With the "Diana" steamer,
as Lord Bacon has it, to " choose time " was to " save time."
No waiting for wind or tide, the little vessel, like Havelock's
saints at Rangoon, when called upon to attack, was always
ready.* She seemed, as it were, determined to be successful,
for she was in earnest everywhere. Could the immortal James
Watt, and the ingenious Patrick Miller of Dalswinton (inventor
of practical steam navigation) , only have looked on "■ Diana "

* " Call out Havelock's saints," said Sir Archibald Campbell on one occa-
sion, at Rangoon, when Bandoola had taken him by surprise ; " they are never
drunk, but always ready ! "

72 OUR BURMESE WARS.

during the first Burmese war, they would have been happy men
ever after; and, doubtless, while on the Irawady, she elicited
admiration and drew forth many a witty remark from our most
popular naval writer, who served in the operations— Captain
Marryat, the " Sea Fielding." The novelty of the structure
produced a powerful effect on the minds of the natives, who
of course could not know the limits of its power ; and if, it is
thought by some, we had been able to avail ourselves of a flotilla
of such steamers the war would have proved much shorter and
more decisive, as well as less expensive and bloody. History
repeating itself is not uncommon now-a-days : it seems to have
been repeated in a fashion at the end of this war ; for Alompra,
the hunter, began the old Burmese Empire ; and " Diana/' the
huntress, in the form of a little steamer, seventy-three years
after, seemed busy in helping British power to the dawn of a
new one !

With regard to the effect produced on the Burmese mind by
a steamer— which will also be found touched on hereafter — it
will be interesting to the reader, should he, like the present
writer, recollect April 1852, to carry his memory back to the
magnificent appearance in the Rangoon river of the Queen's
and Company's war-steamers, aided by other subtle political
sailing persuasive instruments, such as the " Fox " frigate and
' the brig " Serpent," as they lay opposite Rangoon — all ready to
bestow on Great Britain what is now the Liverpool or Glasgow
of Chin-India !

It may here be well to remark that rockets were very effective
during the first Burmese war ; and the writer had more than
one opportunity of observing their utility in the second. These
"devil-sticks" — as the Burmese style them — can be brought
rapidly into action, when there may be a considerable delay in
bringing on the guns ; the tubes are light, and all can be
carried on elephants with great rapidity. In the event of

REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 73

further operations, a corps of Pegu mounted rifles would be
very useful ; but in any case of war, no operations should take
place without a tight little force of irregular cavalry like the
Nizam's, or those which were employed in Central India. Such
troops are always invaluable in jungle warfare, as they can act
under all circumstances.

The novelty of introducing a few gatling guns into the
equipment of any field force in esse, of course, would be highly
desirable. We presume that officers who have seen them used
at the Cape and elsewhere are well aware of their destructive
as well as portable capabilities. The Americans, we understand,
have just invented a new gun, with only two barrels, of a most
destructive and portable nature, which would suit Chin-Indian
warfare admirably. For, after all, to get man or gun quickly
into position is a leading principle in the great art of war.
Light mountain guns would be useful, especially if we were
forced into operations in the Shan country, which is moun-
tainous and woody. They would not be so much required in
Upper Burma proper, now that we possess Pegu. When,
through the possession of Arakan, we freed our territories on
that side from Burmese interference, and our troublesome
neighbours were confined within their ancient boundaries by
the lofty Anoupectoumiew, it was then remarked : — " The King
is not ignorant that, should he again offend, we can march a
force across these mountains and appear on the Irawady, from
our post at Aeng, in eight or ten days, and probably reach his
capital within a month." Now, we can appear at once on
the Irawady, which we virtually command ; and with the
railway to Prome, and the telegraph, we have everything ready
— except, perhaps, a sufficient fleet of small steamers, none of
them drawing more than three feet of water — for a grand
advance, in the event of a third war !

The topography of the country over which, to the north of
Prome, the operations were conducted in the first campaigns,
and which might again become the theatre of conflict, is now

74 OUR BURMESE WARS.

pretty well known. Want of good roads* — frequently none at
all — plenty of jungle, occasional thick forests, and wooded
hills, towns filled with large and small temples, plenty of good
(though sometimes hard) water, and occasionally beautiful
scenery, enriched by the unrivalled flora of Burma, would
chiefly attract the attention of the soldier or the traveller.

Pegu, the capital of the ancient Talaing kingdom, in lat. 18° N.
and long. 96° 30' E., about ninety miles from Rangoon, would
have to be strengthened in case of an advance. Tonghoo, or
Toungoo, is in the same latitude as Prome, 18° 45' N., long.
96° 45' E.,f and is a hundred miles to the eastward of that
town, from which the advance upon Ava was made in the first
war. It is separated from Prome by the Galadzet mountains.
The next most important town to Prome was Meaday (now on our
frontier), once of considerable magnitude. Then comes Melloon
(or Melown), in lat. 19° 46' N., long. 94° 54' E. ; next Pagam,
in lat. 21° N., long. 94° 40' E., a town famous for its numerous
temples ; and then Yandaboo, forty-five miles from Ava.

Umrapoora (or Amarapiira, " City of the Immortals ") is in
lat. 21° 55' N., long. 96° T E., and Ava in lat. 21° 45' N.,
long. 96° E. Both of these cities had been the capital of the
Burmese Empire at different times, " according to the caprice
of the King." The country from Pagam (or Pagahm-mew) to
Ava is described as most beautiful : — " Extensive plains of the
finest land watered by the Irawady, interspersed with ever-
green woods, only sufficiently large to give beauty and variety
to the scenery ; and the banks of the river so thickly studded
with villages, temples, monasteries (kijoungs) , and other hand-
some buildings, as to give under one coup-d'ceil all the charms of
a richly varied landscape, with the more sterling beauties of a
populous and fertile country." This rapturous description is

* Still, Major Snodgrass considered the- roads and country upwards generally
more advantageous for military operations than those in the lower provinces.
f Longitude of Promo, 95° 5' E.

REMARKS ON THE OPERATIONS. 75

a little exaggerated; but every campaigner in esse may be
prepared for an interesting and novel tract of country.

The dispositions for the advance were ably conceived. The
first division, with head-quarters and commissariat, was en-
camped eight miles in front of Prome. The second division,
under Brigadier-General Cotton, was on the left — ordered to
move in communication with Sir James Brisbane, in command
of the river flotilla j the first division preceding the march of
the second by three days. The route of the first was by
Watty-goon and Seindoup. On the Pegu side, Colonel Pepper
advanced upon Toungoo, and threatened the capital from that
quarter. Mandalay could also be easily threatened from Assam.
We learn from high authority : — It has been recently ascer-
tained that the route by which the Burmese effected their last
invasion of Assam, crossed the Patkoi mountains by a depres-
sion of the range, where its height is only about 2,500 feet
above the sea.

76 OUR BURMESE WARS.

CHAPTER Y.

THE FINANCES OF INDIA FIFTY YEARS AGO, OR,
AFTER THE FIRST BURMESE WAR.

The following short statement, taken from the old East India
Company's accounts, as laid upon the table of the House of
Commons in 1829, will show how pecuniary matters stood in
India for 1827-8 ; and it is altogether exclusive of the debts
and establishments at home.

INDIAN ESTIMATES FOR 1827-28.

Bengal.

Charge. Revenue.

Expenditure - £11,894,282 Revenue - £14,695,998

Interest - - 1,667,034 Commerce - - 79,905

Commerce - 179,591

Total charge - 13,740,917 Total - 14,775,903

Surplus revenue in Bengal - £1,034,986.

INDIAN FINANCE. 77

Madras.

Charge. Revenue.

Expenditure - £5,488,208 Revenue - £5,373,756
Interest - 177,078 Commerce - - 28,459

Commerce - 21,474

Total charge - 5,686,760 Total

Deficiency at Madras - £284,545.

Bombay.

Charge. Revenue.

Expenditure - £3,820,013 Revenue - - £2,635,023
Interest - - 41,013 Commerce - - 39,375

Commerce - 54,551

rial charge - 3,915,577

Total - 2,674,398

Deficiency at Bombay

£1,241,179.

Out-ports.

Charge.

Revenue.

Prince of Wales' Island £195,418

000

St. Helena - - - 119,511

000

Canton - - - 320,761

000

Total charge - £635,690

Deficiency at Out-ports - £635,690.

3 OUR BURMESE

WARS.

Collecting these, we have —

Revenue.

Expenditure.

Bengal - £14,775,903

£13,740,917

Madras - 5,402,215

5,686,760

Bombay - 2,674,398

3,915,577

Out-ports nil

635,690

Total abroad 22,852,516

23,978,944

Deduct revenue

- 22,852,516

Net annual deficiency

abroad 1,126,428

This is the annual deficiency in the revenue of the company
abroad, after three years of profound peace, the Burmese -war
having terminated on the 24th February 1826 ; and with a
debt of very nearly thirty-five millions sterling, bearing an
annual interest of more than five per cent, upon the average *

When Lord Hastings left India in January 1823, the
Treasury was full, and the income exceeded the expenditure by
nearly two crores of rupees a year (two millions sterling). It
may here also be of interest to remark that, after 1818,
Scindiah's government was so well administered and his finances
had so improved, that, in 1827 (a year after the Burmese war,
and after the capture of Bhurtpore), he was able to lend half a
million sterling to the Company !

This was a noble and liberal action on the part of a native
prince ; and we may question if any of our feudatories of the
present day would do likewise, even if we were so impolitic as
to ask their assistance in either money or men.

Such an act of Scindiah becomes the more remarkable when
it is considered that he and Holkar were once the most deadly

* See Mudie's " Picture of India (1832)," vol. ii. p. 207.

INDIAN FINANCE. 79

foes to the British name j and Sir John Malcolm said he would
never forget the loss of empire sustained through Britain.
Unlike the Rajah of Burdwan, Scindiah knew we were good and
sure paymasters — though, perhaps, rather slow at getting out
of debt ! — and, like many other native princes, he seemed to
have studied Lord Bacon, who, writing on usury, declares
that " no man will lend his monies far off, nor put them into
unknown hands."

So long as there must be borrowing or lending among men,
there must be, with a less severe form of usury, the same
financial processes among states — the difference being, in the
latter case, that the money is always supposed to be lent for
some good or useful purpose. On this grand hypothesis neither
England nor India will ever be out of debt.* In the foregoing
statement we read of an Indian debt of nearly thirty -five millions
sterling, which, if there had been no Burmese war, or other
important military operations, we may suppose would not have
exceeded twenty millions, or, deducting the Burmese war only
(twelve), twenty-three millions.

What wars did formerly in India, public works and their
supervision have done in more recent times. In reading about
the vast machinery of the latter, however, the mind of the
state financier is solaced by coming on such a remark as " Pro-
ductive Public Works." Why should we not likewise be satisfied
with the fact that some wars are productive also ? Paley, one
of the shrewdest writers that ever lived, declares the justifying
causes of war to be " deliberate invasions of right, and the
necessity of maintaining such a balance of power amongst
neighbouring nations as that no single state, or confederacy of
states, be strong enough to overwhelm the rest." In the case
of the first Burmese war the just objects were precaution,

* The amount of debt of the Government of India, in India and in England,
at the close of 1878, was nearly one hundred and thirty-five millions sterling.

80 OUR BURMESE WARS.

defence, and reparation. The twelve millions were spent in
saving Bengal from invasion and constant annoyance, and in
preventing the Governor- General from being taken in " golden
fetters " to Ava. The seeds of future productiveness for our
benefit were sown in Chin-India — which we trust hereafter to
make apparent — and the way was paved for the second Burmese
war, which, at a cost of less than a fourth of the first, has long
been un grand fait accompli, and the cause and principal ope-
rations of which we shall now — when likely soon to be forced
into a third — have the honour of presenting, for the second
time, to our courteous and indulgent readers.

In the following chapters it has been thought advisable to
preserve many of the details recorded in the original narratives,
as not a few officers and others who were engaged in the ope-
rations are yet alive, and may feel pleased to look back upon
them, even if not among the few "green spots in memory's waste."
As acute British critics have long been well inclined to consider
details the very life and soul of a social narrative — the lights
and shades which give animation to the picture — so they may
consider them of some importance in a military record, as
furnishing materials, and, if not thus rendering a service to
society, at least forming a ready accessory or guide for the
future historian.

PART II.

THE SECOND BURMESE WAR.

CHAPTER I.

THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR.

The treaty of Yandaboo guaranteed the security of our mer-
chants and of our commerce. There was to be no oppression
of British subjects. The merchants trading at Rangoon were
to be liable to no inordinate exactions. On the whole, it seemed
as if civilisation had taken a stride, and from intercourse with
our countrymen, that the empire founded by Alompra was in
a fair way to gain reason and wisdom. But a dark cloud soon
gathered on the political horizon which, twenty-six years after
the treaty was signed, was to destroy every hope of friendship
between us, and force the Indian Government, after unexampled
long-suffering and patience, to put down " barbarian insolence"
by force of arms. At first, the King agreed to receive a repre-
sentative at Ava; two of our Residents were, however, suc-
cessively treated with every indignity, and the last was planted

82 OUR BURMESE WARS.

on an island in the Irawady without provisions, till the river
rose and threatened to swamp him and his suite. We therefore
withdrew the representative altogether, rather than irritate the
barbarous court.

Latterly, our merchants at Rangoon, contrary to the stipu-
lations of the treaty, were subjected to a series of oppressions
and exactions, which, if unredressed, must have obliged us to
quit the port. The merchants now applied for the interposition
of the Government of India, by whom the treaty was made.

It is unnecessary to enter into a detail of all the insults
heaped upon us by the Burmese. Suffice it to mention one
case of injustice and oppression, that of a British captain of a
vessel, who, on the false representation of a Burmese pilot,
was imprisoned, placed by the Governor of Rangoon jin the
stocks, and fined nine hundred rupees. This outrage brought
forth the sympathy of the good people at Maulmain, who
raised a subscription equal to the fine to release the merchant
from his unpleasant situation.

To satisfy our oppressed merchants, the Most Noble the
Governor-General, remote at the time from Calcutta, demanded
the removal of the tyrannical Governor, and the payment of
the sum of nine hundred pounds sterling, " the price/-' as was
humorously remarked, " of four or five of the golden spittoons
in the palace of Ava." The admission of a Resident or agent
at Rangoon, or Ava, was also required. The small sum of
money was considered necessary as compensation for losses
sustained by Messrs. Lewis and Shepperd, the former of whom
had also been imprisoned and fined, though not placed in the
Burmese stocks. The pacific disposition manifested by the Court
of Ava, on the receipt of the Governor-General's despatch,
induced Commodore Lambert, of the Royal Navy, with his
squadron, who had been some time previously deputed to Ran-
goon, to demand reparation for the extortions practised upon
British subjects, contrary to the treaty of Yandaboo. On the
1st of January 1852, the King's reply to the Governor-General

THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 83

was delivered; and, with consummate assurance, the Golden
Foot professed an anxious desire " to comply with the demands
which had been made, and to maintain the relations of peace."

On the morning of the 4th, the new Governor arrived at
Rangoon from Ava, " empowered by the King to settle the
claims of the Indian Government." He came in regal pomp,
attended by a large retinue, consisting of an armament of
barges and war-boats. The latter, decorated with elaborate
carving and gilding, are said to have contained about three
thousand followers. Altogether, during his stately march, the
Governor was accompanied by nearly four thousand men. He
had levied the severest exactions on all the towns as he passed,
and had in his train ten boats laden with powder.

The ex- Governor of Rangoon, who had for some days been
occupying a small dwelling near Government House, paid his
respects to the Viceroy on his arrival, and was repeatedly
closeted with him. It was at first supposed that he would be
subjected to a trial — at least an investigation — in the presence
of the Viceroy, and a great number of the foreigners had
drawn up statements of their grievances. But on the 5th, it
was ascertained that he was in high favour with his Excellency,
and, on the 6th of January, he departed in triumph to Ava,
with all his family and a large retinue, and all the plunder he
had accumulated, in fifty boats. A clever trick, truly, in a
Governor, whose will for so long a time had been law five
hundred miles from the capital !

The day after arrival, the Governor sent an order to
Mr. Birrell, a merchant, to take down a flag-staff he had
erected, and to remove a gun he had placed in position on his
landing-place. Mr. Birrell very properly replied, that the
flag-staff having been placed there by the consent of the Com-
modore, either to signal him in case of their being attacked, or
to establish a communication between the Europeans on shore
and the ships of war, he could not alter the arrangement
without the Commodore's permission. The Governor became

6 *

84 OUR BURMESE WARS.

enraged at this reply, and immediately ordered all communi-
cation with the shipping to he stopped. Commodore Lambert,
unwilling to give the Burmese any cause of offence, directed
the flag-staff to be removed. But the prohibition of all
intercourse with our ships, had already caused the flight
of unfortunate carpenters, coolies, and workmen of every
description.

Mr. Birrell, on the removal of the flag-staff and gun,
had been directed to inform the Governor that the Com-
modore had done so on the assurance that their property
and persons were safe under his government. Trade was then
resumed.

On the evening of this day, Mr. Edwards, the interpreter,
visited the Governor of Dalla — a picturesque town, situated op-
posite Rangoon — and inquired if the promised Governor had
really arrived. Doubt appears to have arisen on this point
among our functionaries, from the fact of so many hours having
elapsed without any Viceroy taking notice of the Commodore,
either by letter of friendship or simply by the announcement
of arrival. The old Governor answered in the affirmative, and
wondered at the question " when he must have seen, by the
great state and display on the river, that the Governor had
arrived."

On the morning of the 6th, Mr. Edwards was sent to inquire
the cause of the Viceroy's silence, and also to ascertain if it
would be convenient for the Governor to receive a deputation,
or any public communication. At the door of the mansion,
dignified with the appellation of a palace, Mr. Edwards was
stopped by a Burmese menial, who, according to one statement,
" drawing his sword, desired him to crouch to the ground, on
nearing the presence of his Governor." Mr. Edwards sent
word by another servant, that he was waiting with a message
from the Commodore. He was then admitted. On the Inter-
preter's complaining of the ill-treatment received at the door,
the culprit was ordered into the presence : he was then, we were

THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. OO

told, " punished, and dragged out of the room by the hair of
his head."

Orders were also issued, that no one was to be stopped who
had business with the Governor from the Commodore.

The Viceroy's bearing was courteous. He informed Mr.
Edwards that he would at all times be happy to hear from
the Commodore, or to see him. In this there was good be-
haviour on the part of the Viceroy ; but, according to another
statement, the Governor " spoke in a tone of derision which
created no small merriment among the officers around him."
Not long after this curious interview, a deputation started to
wait on the Viceroy.

It consisted of Captain Fishbourne, of H.M.S. " Hermes,"
Captain Latter, the chief Interpreter, and some other officers.*
And now commenced Burmese incivility to the fullest extent,
notwithstanding the fact that the Commodore had received
every deputation from shore with the greatest courtesy. On
their arrival at Government House, the members were not ad-
mitted to the Viceroy's presence. Some of the Burmese
officers had thought them mad in attempting what was con-
sidered such audacity towards their new Governor. Our
officers, therefore, had been obliged to force their way, through
a crowd of insolent barbarians, to the neighbourhood of the
hall of audience. They were prevented from going upstairs,
till the Viceroy's permission had been obtained. After some
minutes, Captain Latter was informed that his Excellency was
asleep, and could not be disturbed. At this very time of
glorious repose, the wily Governor had telegraphed for Mr.
Edwards to come into the presence, which the deputation, of
course, would not allow him to do. Captain Latter urged the
necessity of seeing the Viceroy, before their departure; but

* The deputation likewise included Mr. Southey, the Commodore's secre-
tary.

86 OUR BURMESE WARS.

" every remonstrance on his part, with the most distinguished of
the officers present, proved unavailing." The members of the de-
putation returned to the Commodore, reporting what had taken
place and the great insult to which they had been subjected.

According to the established law of nations, on a demand for
justice being refused, reprisals follow of right. The property of
any Burmese subjects " might have been lawfully seized, but it
was deemed much better to take what was notoriously the
King's than to distress individuals who might never have been
compensated by their own Government, and who would pro-
bably have been punished for complaining." Certainly, the
whole affair was left to the Commodore's discretion, and it is
difficult to see how any act of his could have been more natural
or proper than that of seizing the King's ship, then lying in
the harbour ; this was done. In the afternoon of the day on
which the deputation was insulted, a message was sent from the
flag-ship, requesting all British merchants and residents at
Rangoon to repair on board the frigate. Those who claimed
British protection, were but too glad to find it in this instance.
The Commodore stated to them what he had done, how he had
failed to maintain pacific relations, and how the British Go-
vernment and Flag had been grossly insulted, "and that the
insult was manifestly intentional, and not accidental." All
were ordered to embark that evening, as the town was to be
placed under blockade. The " Proserpine " steamer would be
sent to cover their embarkation. The grand flight is thus
graphically described, and is evidently from the pen of an eye-
witness : — " The ' Proserpine ' steamer ran close into the main
wharf, and eight or ten of the boats from the frigate and
steamers came to the shore to protect and receive the fugitives.
Meanwhile the streets were filled with armed Burmese, and
Burmese officers were moving to and fro on horseback,
threatening all who gave assistance to the foreigners j in con-
sequence of which, not a coolie could be procured. All classes
of foreigners — Moguls, Mussulmans, Armenians, Portuguese,

THE BUEMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 87

and English — were seen crowding down to the river with hoxes
and bundles, and whatever they could carry, but they were
obliged, generally, to abandon all the property they possessed.
Mr. Kincaid, the American missionary, left his library, con-
sisting of more than a thousand volumes, the collection of
twenty years, behind him to be destroyed, too happy, however,
to find his wife and children safe under the British flag."
" By eight o'clock," says one authority, " all the British subjects
had embarked, and by midnight the whole of the ships were
removed by the steamers from off the town ; the men-of-war all
moved, and the King of Burma's ship taken with the fleet some
five miles down the river." On the 7th, all ships were ordered
to prepare for their departure out of the Rangoon waters, to be
conveyed by the men-of-war out of the river.

On the 8th, the H. C/s steamer " Proserpine " left for
Maulmain with upwards of two hundred refugees — nearly four
hundred, with their families — on board. During these im-
portant transactions, we are informed that Burmese officers
came repeatedly to the flag-ship " to offer excuses for the rude-
ness of the Viceroy, but none of them were accredited. The
Commodore insisted that the Viceroy should himself apologise
for the insult offered to the British flag, and engaged in that case
to return and forget the past." At length it seemed that there
was one exception to the intolerable arrogance and insolence
of the Burmese officials, in the person of the old Governor of
Dalla, who came on board the " Pox," and entreated the
Commodore " to give him time to see the Viceroy, and per-
suade him to apologise." Out of regard to the venerable age
of the Governor, he was allowed till the evening to try his best
at this work of peace. But his Highness of Rangoon had
come from Ava and Prome with no such views. The Lord
of the White Elephant would again try conclusions with us in
the field. He had forgotten the campaigns of 1824-26, and
did not deem favourably of our prowess from comparatively
recent victories over the Chinese only — a nation over which

88 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the kingdom of Ava had been triumphant many centuries
ago.

While the old Governor of Dalla was supposed to be absent
on his mission, a written document arrived from the Viceroy,
stating that, "if the Commodore attempted to pass the two
stockades which had been erected down the river, he would be
fired upon/' The Commodore replied that if even a pistol were
fired, he would level the stockades with the ground. And
with this mutual determination may be said to have commenced
the second Burmese war !

In the fulfilment of his plans, the Commodore now issued
the following

" Notification.

" In virtue of authority from the Most Noble the Governor-
General of British India, I do hereby declare the rivers of
Rangoon, the Bassein and the Salween above Moulmein, to be
in a state of blockade ; and with the view to the strict enforce-
ment thereof, a competent force will be stationed in or near
the entrance of the said rivers immediately.

" Neutral vessels lying in either of the blockaded rivers will
be permitted to retire within twenty days from the commence-
ment of the blockade.

" Given under my hand, on board Her Britannic Majesty's
frigate ' Fox/ off the town of Rangoon, the 6th of January
1852.

(Signed) " George Robert Lambert,

" Commodore in Her Britannic
" Majesty's Navy.

" By Command of the Commodore.

(Signed) " James Lewther Southey,
" Secretary."

THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 89

Before the departure of the " Fox/' large war-boats were
observed proceeding from Rangoon to rendezvous at the stock-
ades, at which, it was said, five thousand men were congregated.*
It was soon reported in Maulmain and Calcutta, that, even
at this early period, twelve thousand men were ready at Ran-
goon to do battle with us : in a few weeks there would be at
least thirty thousand.

On the 9th of January, the day after the " Proserpine " left,
and the threatening letter had been written to the Commodore,
the " Hermes " steamer towed the ' ' Fox " down to off the
upper stockade. The " Hermes " then returned to bring on
the King's ship to keep the frigate company. The merchant-
men, at the same time, prepared to pass down the river. It
was early in the morning when these decisive movements com-
menced. The sun seemed not to shine with its usual splendour.
It was evident that some great change had taken place in our
relations with Burma, and that the British lion had been
roused from his forbearance.

At length, the " Hermes " came in sight, rounding the point
with the Burmese prize-vessel in tow. As she passed the
stockade, guns in rapid succession were opened on the vessels
of war ; at the same time, volleys of musketry were discharged
upon them. The " Fox " immediately returned the enemy's
fire by a terrific broadside ; she likewise thundered forth
against the war-boats which had ventured into the river.

The " Hermes " then came up, and poured forth her shot
and shell into the line of stockade. The " Phlegethon "
steamer, likewise, did vast destruction to the works. For
nearly two hours were our vessels employed in spreading ruin
and dismay around. During the conflict, a large gun-boat,
having on board a gun of considerable calibre, and upwards of

* The Burmese were jealous of these river defences ; for it was a popular
belief among them, that if they were destroyed, the temple of Gautama, who
was supposed to keep a watchful eye over them, would be lost.

90 OUR BURMESE WARS.

sixty armed men, was sunk by a broadside, when nearly all on
board perished. Altogether, about three hundred of the enemy
were killed, and about the same number wounded, in this first
encounter with the Burmese. As the vessels proceeded down
to the next stockade, they were again fired on, but only by
musketry.

It was remarked, at the conclusion of these operations, that
the enemy " probably had no intention of serious resistance,
but felt themselves obliged to make some show of defence,
when they saw the King's property taken off, as the heads of
the leading men were at stake." And, again, wrote a reliable
authority : —

" The Governor did not state that the Commodore would not
be permitted to pass the stockades with the King's ship ; but
that he would be fired on if he attempted to remove any
British property. There is, therefore, every reason to believe,
that if the royal vessel had not been touched, the stockades
would equally have opened a fire on our vessels as they passed
down the river."

After the Commodore's engagement with the stockades, he
departed for Calcutta in the " Hermes," to report progress, and
receive additional instructions. The " Proserpine," from Maul-
main, with despatches for Government, and intelligence of the
insult to the deputation, the " flight," and the blockade, had
previously reached Calcutta.

Commodore Lambert did not, as was expected, find the
Governor-General at Calcutta ; but, on the 18th of January,
an Extraordinary Council was held, after which a despatch was
sent off to Lord Dalhousie; and the 18th Royal Irish were
ordered to hold themselves in readiness for embarkation. It
was afterwards decided to send down at once to Maulmain a
wing of the regiment, and a company of artillery, in all about
five hundred men, for the protection of that important post in
the Tenasserim Provinces. The Commodore, in the "Hermes,"
reached the Rangoon river about the 27th, without, on account

THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 91

of the absence of the Governor - General, any positive
instructions.

The Governor- General arrived at Calcutta on the night of
the 29th of January ; and, on the following day, as was to be
expected, Burmese affairs formed the absorbing business of the
Council. It was stated that his Lordship gave his entire ap-
probation to the proceedings of Commodore Lambert. A report
reached Calcutta, on the 30th ult., of the Burmese having
threatened an attack on the province of Arakan. And now
despatch really became the order of the day. The "Precursor,"
a magnificent steam-vessel, belonging to the P. O. S. Navi-
gation Company, with the 67th N. I., and half a company of
Native Artillery on board, departed immediately from Calcutta
for Arakan. The vessel was coaled, victualled, and made
ready for sea, in eight-and-forty hours after obtaining the
contract for transporting the troops ! u When the huge
' Precursor ' made her appearance at Kyook Phyoo," writes an
officer, "all the native boats fled, frightened at her size." The
80th — Queen's regiment — reached Fort William from Dinapore
on the 30th of January; and it was expected the remaining
wing of the 18th Koyal Irish would be immediately despatched
to Maulmain or Arakan. This last movement, fortunately,
never took place. The threatened province remained in a state
of profound tranquillity. An officer had been deputed to the
Aeng Pass, in the heart of the Zama mountains, which se-
parate Arakan from the basin of the Irawady; and he saw
trade going on as briskly as ever. Many Burmese and Shan*
(Siamese) merchants were passing and re-passing with their

* Shy an is a Burman name, and Low, or Lao, the Chinese, which is adopted
by the Portuguese. They call themselves Tay (pronounced Tie). They seem
to be the parent-stock of both Assamese and Siamese. — Assam, Siam, and
Shyan or Shan are but different forms of the same word. The Southern
Shyans, we read, bordering on Siam and Camboja, were conquered in 1829 by
the Siamese, and their king carried in chains to Bankok.

92 OUR BURMESE WARS.

cattle, laden with merchandise, as though nothing had happened,
or was likely to happen. But, notwithstanding the undisturbed
state of the upper part of the valley of the Irawady, the de-
spatch of some troops to Arakan was " a wise measure at such
a crisis."

We return to the gallant Commodore. A steamer was
detained at Calcutta, immediately on his departure for Ran-
goon, to bring an answer to the despatch sent off by express
to the Governor- General. The " Fire Queen " arrived off
Rangoon river at the end of January. Soon after arrival,
she anchored ahead of the " Fox," and " towed her up off the
Hastings Sand, which is about four or five miles below Ran-
goon." On proceeding up the river, or passing the first stockade
— some twelve or fifteen miles from the entrance — the steamer
and frigate were both fired upon, by which the ' ' Fox " lost a
man. The frigate returned the fire with shot and shell. The
" Tenasserim," while passing up the river the following
day, was also fired upon, and the " Fire Queen " in passing
down.* The " Fire Queen " had brought a despatch to the
Commodore, also a letter to " His High Mightiness " on shore,
from the Governor-General. The " Fox," on arriving off
Rangoon, sent a boat in charge of a lieutenant, accompanied
by Captain Latter, with a flag of truce, to convey letters from
the Governor- General and the Commodore to the Viceroy.

A written apology, we believe, was required by Lord Dal-
housie from the Rangoon governor to himself, for the insult
offered to the deputation. And with this exception no fresh de-
mands were made. The next day a reply was returned to the
Commodore, and one forwarded for the Governor-General by
the hands of a dirty non-official, who might have passed for a
coolie or a cow-herd, in a canoe befitting his appearance. This

* Tho " Fire Queen " took the intelligence to Calcutta, arriving on the 9th
of February.

THE BURMESE PROVOKE A SECOND WAR. 93

was probably intended as a mark of disrespect by the authorities
to "the straightforward negotiator on board the "Fox.-" To
avoid the Commodore as much -as possible, letters were now
sent from the Viceroy to the Governor-General via Martaban
to Maulmain, to be forwarded by the Commissioner of the
Tenasserim Provinces. One of these despatches is said to
have been forwarded with due civility, the messenger asking
permission of the blockading vessel to pass over.

Then came a letter, about the 7th of February, from the
King of Ava, which arrived at Maulmain in due state. The
Martaban officials wished the Commissioner, and not the Com-
modore, to settle the whole affair.* Colonel Bogle and
Commodore Lambert were, in their opinion, personages as
different in relative importance and character as Gautama and
Siva. One was all thunder and lightning, the other a beautiful
example of calm and dignified repose. But this Burmese in-
terpretation of the character of the gallant sailor, or that of his
frigate, did not lessen the power of a saying, which every sharp
school-boy can translate — Ingenium in numerate habe.

H. M/s brig " Serpent," some days before the arrival of the
King of Ava's letter at Maulmain, destroyed three small stock-
ades at the entrance of Negrais river, off which she was
stationed. The Burmese fired upon her, in fulfilment of re-
peated threats. Captain Luard very humanely abstained from
returning the fire, on account of the number of harmless
villagers about; he simply landed his men, and burned the

* Towards the middle of February, the H. C.'a steamer "Phlegethon"
arrived in Calcutta. The news ran thus : — His Majesty was said to write
peacefully. He professed to have been deceived by the authorities at Ran-
goon ; of course, the usual plea — it was his servants, not himself, who were
insolent ; and desired, hereafter, to be communicated with through Major
Bogle, the Commissioner, and not through the Commodore. The time for the
intervention of the civil power was past. It was not said that his Majesty
professed "any desire to come into the terms proposed as indispensable
before amicable relations could be resumed."

94 0T7R BURMESE WARS.

works of the enemy. The Burmese seemed determined to
provoke a war.

At length, on the 10th or 12th of February, it was decided
by the Indian Government to send an expedition to Burma.
It was conjectured that, if actual hostilities should not ulti-
mately become necessary, the appearance of an armament
might probably excite the apprehensions of the Burmese, and
induce them to yield to the just demands of the British.*

* See " Rangoon," Appendix No. I. Minute by the Governor-General of
India (Extract).

CHAPTER II.

FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON.

By the middle of February 1852, orders were received at St.
Thomas's Mount* for three European companies of Artillery
to hold themselves in readiness for field-service in Burma.
Instructions were also received by the Madras Government, to
hold in readiness " for immediate embarkation for Rangoon, if
necessary," H. M/s 51st Regiment, K. O. L. I., two regiments
of Native Infantry, and one Engineer officer. Bengal was to
furnish a similar force, and an officer of rank was to command
the whole. A company of Artillery from that Presidency, with
Major Reid and Lieutenant Voyle, also a wing of H. M/s 18th
Royal Irish, had left Fort William about a month before, in the
Hon. Company's steamers " Tenasserim '* and " Proserpine," to
reinforce Maulmain. In the papers it was stated that a spirit
of life and activity reigned among the military establishments
in Calcutta. Of course in Madras, too, it was to be all double
work — work for the prospect of "glorious war" being a

* Head- quarters of the Madras Artillery, about eight miles from Madras.

96 OUR BURMESE WARS.

capital sauce to exertion. About the 21st of February, orders
were received in Bombay, from the Governor-General, for all
the war- steamers that could be spared to be sent to Rangoon
without a moment's delay, ready for immediate action. The
" Feroze " was to be at once converted into a frigate, and
placed under the command of Captain Lynch, as Commodore
of the Indian Navy Squadron. The " MoozufFer," " Zenobia,"
" Sesostris," and ' ' Medusa/' were the other vessels appointed ;
the " Berenice "to act as troop and store ship. A month hence
there would, in all likelihood, be a fleet of at least eight large
and five second-class war-steamers assembled in the Burmese
waters; one of the largest collections of this fearfully for-
midable class of ships that had ever been brought together
for purposes of actual hostility. The " Feroze " and " Moo-
zuffer" were each vessels of 500 horse-power and 1,500 tons,
the " Sesostris " of 300 horse-power and 1,200 tons, all armed
with guns of eight-inch calibre, throwing hollow shot and shells
to the distance of a couple of miles. Expedition in marine
matters was never practised with greater success than in the
preparation of these Bombay war-steamers for service. In a
few days everything was ready, reflecting the highest credit on
Commodore Lushington, and the oflicers of the Indian Navy.
The squadron was ordered round to Madras for the conveyance
of the troops to Rangoon. The steamers were expected to
arrive early in March.

The bustle at the Mount was exciting. " They won't go after
all ! " said some. " There will be tough work ! " said others.
But even those who had a fancy that the troops would " never
cross the surf," were very busy withal. News at length ar-
rived that the Burmese had one hundred guns at and about
Rangoon. It was reported that the old town of Rangoon,
founded by Alompra, had been burned by order of the Go-
vernor, and that the new one was strongly fortified. The new
town was founded by Tharawadi not many years before, and
a fort built about one mile and a half inland from the old

FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 97

site. From Calcutta information was received that all the
houses in Rangoon were razed to the ground, and the inha-
bitants removed to the new town ; and that this position was
being doubly stockaded with the wooden materials from the
houses destroyed at the old.

Early in March the Madras Artillery officers of the expe-
dition to Rangoon dined with Colonel St. Maur, and the
officers of H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I., meeting those of the 35th
and 9th Madras Native Infantry. It was a grand and social
entertainment. The Artillery returned the compliment paid us
by H. M.'s 51st next evening.

These social gatherings, before proceeding on service, are
unquestionably conducive to the establishment of mutual good
feeling in the army. They tend to keep that friendship,
which should ever exist amongst soldiers, in good repair at a
critical time.

Regarding the curiosity excited among the Burmese by
firing off a 68-pounder shot into one of their stockades, the
following absurd but characteristic " story "' was brought to
Madras from Rangoon. The shot was taken before the Go-
vernor by an official. The latter functionary, who had weighed
it, declared its weight to be equal to sixty-eight pounds. The
Governor was sceptical ; but at length, having fully satisfied
himself as to the weight, and having commended rather than
punished the official for his information, to crown his surprise,
and probably show his master, from the demon just projected
by a ship's gun, what a dreadful enemy he had to deal with
in the British, he ordered the huge shot to be immediately
forwarded to the King of Ava !

On the 7th of March the squadron of war-steamers of the
Indian Navy, with the exception of the " Zenobia " and
" Medusa/' arrived in the Madras roads.

From Calcutta we learned that, in the Governor-General's
reply to the Kiug of Ava's letter, there was a demand for the
expenses of the war to the extent of ten lakhs of rupees

98 OUR BURMESE WARS.

(£100,000) "to be paid within a limited period, and to be
doubled if not immediately made good." Preparations for war
were uninterrupted.

The " Calcutta Gazette/' of the 25th of February, had the
following notification regarding Burma, "which showed that
the Governor- General was determined to enforce his demand
for satisfaction from the Golden Foot " : —

" The following additional notification of blockade issued by
Commodore G. R. Lambert, under authority from the Govern-
ment of India, is published for general information.

" The Barragu river, and other outlets of the Irawady, are
included in the blockade declared by me on the 6th instant.

" Given under my hand, on board her Britannic Majesty's
steam-sloop " Hermes," in the Bassein river, on the 25th of
January 1852.

(Signed) " G. R. Lambert,

" Commander in her Britannic
" Majesty's Navy.

u By order of the M. N. the Governor-
" General of India in Council."

" They insist on war ; war they shall have with a vengeance."
The papers quoted this well-known remark, made by the Go-
vernor-General, in his speech at Barrackpore, before the
triumphs of the second Sikh or Punjab war, asserting that war
with Burma, on the most extensive scale, had been resolved on.
They were likewise informed, in the north-west, that a requi-
sition for ten thousand men, including two Queen's regiments,
had reached Madras. It is recorded in history that Madras
sepoys were the first, if not the last, among our native troops,
to cross bayonets with French infantry; they surely never
could forget that. What would Bernadotte, the late King of
Sweden, have thought had he read these words ? " Native
troops cross bayonets with French infantry ? " he might have
muttered, while one of the scenes of a long eventful life rushed

FEOM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 99

to his memory. He was once a plain sergeant, serving in the
Deccan, and first distinguished himself at Cuddalore ! Had
the Government of France possessed the sagacity of the English
East India Company, Bernadotte might have shared in the
foundation of an Eastern empire.*

" Look there, sir ! Do you know who that is at the end of
the room ? " said a late Governor of Pondicherry to the writer
of this Narrative. A marble bust of Dupleix adorned the
audience-chamber at Government House. " There, sir, is the
man who gave Clive the idea of conquering and keeping this
country by its own inhabitants ! The East India Company
assisted Clive, and cherished the idea. But Dupleix, for this,
and many other of his mighty schemes, was thought a madman
by the French ; and thus the empire we should have founded
and preserved was lost ! " [And, strange revolution in history,
nearly lost again (for a time, at least), by our placing too
much reliance in the majority of those very " inhabitants " in
1857 !]

Towards the end of March the news was various and inte-
resting. Some Burmese had arrived in Calcutta, and reported
that twenty thousand men were ready to stand against
us. From Rangoon to Ava, the enemy were said to be deter-
mined to dispute every inch of the way. April is the hottest
month in the year in Burma, the thermometer ranging from
90° to 95°; and in that month we were to be employed ! But
that was better than delay until after the rains, in October.
When war is to be, with such resources as ours, " 'Twere well it
were done quickly."

Major Oakes, Director of the Madras Artillery Depot of

* Little thought the writer, at the time of making the above remark, that,
in 1861, he would be in the presence of King Charles XV. of Sweden, grand-
Bon of Bernadotte, in the Palace of Stockholm, answering a question or two
about Burma.

7 *

100 OUK BURMESE WARS.

Instruction, and Major Montgomery, of the Mysore Com-
mission, were to command two of the three artillery companies
going on service. The former had long been desirous of dis-
tinguishing himself in the field ; while report spoke highly of
the intelligence and activity of the latter. Practical hints on
the coming war were freely given to the men.

At Dum Dum,* a small stockade had been erected, which
was to be immediately blown up, for practice. The men of
H. M.'s 80th Regiment, just arrived from Dinapore, had per-
formed the mimic task of storming the Burmese stockades,
which they practised in the cunette of Fort "William, crossing
the ditch, and placing their bamboo scaling-ladders against the
angle of the bastion opposite Calcutta.

The " Zenobia " and " Medusa " were at length added to the
squadron in the Madras roads ; and we now expected to start
in a few days for Rangoon.

Orders were received for immediate embarkation.

Colonel Elliott, K.H., of H. M/s 51st Light Infantry, was to
command the Madras Brigade.f

At two o'clock, on the morning of the 31st of March, the
artillery set out from St. Thomas's Mount for the beach. The
band accompanied the force and played several appropriate airs.
The march was distinguished by the usual shouting, cheering,
and singing, in which European soldiers love to indulge on
departure from an old station. The embarkation presented a
grand and exciting scene — such as a man may only witness
once in his life. It was a splendid morning, which, added to
the refreshing appearance of the blue waters, and the nume-
rous vessels afloat, was calculated to fill the adventurer with
life, and hope, and joy. The Madras shore at any time is
impressive and picturesque, from the roar of the wild and

* Hoad-quarters of the Bengal Artillery, near Calcutta (now removed to

Meerut).

f For Formation of, see "Rangoon," Appendix No. 111.

FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 101

dashing surf, the clear blue sky, the long line of elegant
buildings fringing the beach, and then the incessant going
to and fro of massulah boats and catamarans communi-
cating with ships in the roads. But now the whole line of
beach was covered with a vast multitude of living creatures,
men, women, and children. Hundreds of boats were in readi-
ness to be filled, and all the Madras troops were to embark
as nearly as possible at the same time. Old bullock bandies
came creaking along, very late, wending their way to the boats.
Knapsacks, under the superintendence of Europeans and Jack
Sepoy, were thrown into the uncouth machines, so admirably
adapted for crossing the surf. In spite of the excellent ar-
rangements made by the Quartermaster-General, and the
presence of many distinguished officers, to maintain anything
like order was absolutely impossible. The Madras surf alone is
enough to put order out of countenance. There were parting
scenes with relatives, of the most tender nature. Among many
pictures, it was painful to notice the anxious countenance of
the Hindu-British wife, who, perhaps, was never to see her
husband more : and then, in case of misfortune, who would
father the children in their journey through life ? The grief of
some relatives was excessive ; for, certainly, of those now de-
parting to encounter " moving accident by flood and field,"
many would not be spared to return to the familiar shore on
which they had just taken such an affectionate farewell !

A total of four thousand four hundred, officers, soldiers, and
followers, embarked on board the several vessels of the fleet,
which consisted of six steamers of the Indian Navy, and four
transports.

By the 7th of April we expected to reach the mouth of the
Rangoon river, if we did not put in to Amherst for water. At
break of day it was discovered that the " Feroze," leading
the first division, was out of sight The Commodore had been
too fast for us ; but after a short time, the squadron reunited.
It was in two divisions: the " Feroze," "Moozuffer/' " Bere-

102 OUR BURMESE WARS.

nice/' and "Medusa/1* forming the first, the " Sesostris " and
" Zenobia " the second.

We saw land at 1 p.m., and anchored at the mouth of the
Rangoon river about half-past three. The coast is a pic-
turesque line of territory, with palmyras, mangroves, and
many large trees, nobly extending to the rear. Passing
Elephant Point, so styled from two famous trees growing there
in the form of an elephant, a conical red pagoda, falling to
ruins, appeared rising from the jungle. Gautama certainly
showed some wisdom in selecting such a position for a
shrine, as if he had once showered down commercial pros-
perity on the empire, and placed a sentinel over it at the
mouth of one of his rivers, which prosperity, on account
of the misconduct of his devotees, was, like the small temple,
hastening to a fall.

At the mouth of the river we discovered that the Admiral
and General had proceeded with H. M/s war-steamers,
" Hermes/'' " Rattler," " Salamander," and the Hon. Company's
steamer " Proserpine," to attack Martaban, and bring on troops
to the chief scene of action.

On the 28th of March, Admiral Austen, commanding in the
Eastern seas, had left Penang in the screw steamer " Rattler."
He arrived off the mouth of the Rangoon river on the first of
April. On the 2nd the Bengal division, in four steamers, the
" Hermes," " Tenasserim," " Enterprise," " Fire Queen," and
four transports, arrived, under General Godwin, who, with his
staff, had left Calcutta on the 25th of March.

Martaban.
On the 3rd of April, the General and Admiral left for Maul-
main, nearly opposite which is Martaban, and reached the

* This useful little iron steamor bad been towed by the "Berenice" since
the 2nd inst. Slow at sea; but, from her drawing nut more than three.or four
feet of water, invaluable in Burma.

FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 103

capital of the Tenasserim Provinces* the next day at noon.
Martaban is situated on the right or north bank of the Sal-
ween river. The town to be attacked had been considered by
the Burmese a position of high importance. And there could
be no doubt that it was so. In a military point of view, it is
capable of making a very formidable defence. On the river
appears the usual array of houses ; then, as you recede, trees
extending to a hill, at the top of which is a pagoda ; then other
hills stretching further away, adding dignity and grandeur to
the landscape.

On the 5th of April the war-steamers appeared in front of
the town, and immediately opened fire against the defences.
A storming party was then formed, headed by Colonel Reig-
nolds, H. M/s 18th Regiment. They attacked the chief posi-
tion under a heavy fire of guns and musketry, and in a few
seconds Martaban fell. A company of Bengal Artillery did
not come into action, and thus, with few troops engaged,! and
a loss of life on our side hardly worth mentioning, the occupa-
tion of an important position formed a brilliant commencement
to the campaign. Martaban is distant from Rangoon about
seventy miles. On the afternoon of the 8th, the Admiral and
General were again at the mouth of the Rangoon river. We
were all on the tip-toe of expectation ; at length the " Rattler "
came steaming in gloriously, showing off her screw power to
great advantage.

Then came the " Hermes." The right wings of H. M/s 18th
and 80th Regiments, also a company of Bengal Artillery, and
two of Madras Sappers,! were the troops brought from Maul-
main by the General. Loud cheering greeted the arrival of
the two steamers. The distinguished 18th Royal Irish were

* i.e. Maulmain.

t Only a wing of the Royal Irish.

X The Sappers under Lieutenant Ford, who commanded them at Martaban.

]04 OUR BURMESE WARS.

now "all present." While the right wing passed along in the
steamer to take up position/ the band struck up the favourite
air of " St. Patrick's Day w j then came the " British Bayo-
neteers " ; this music on the waters had a fine effect, producing
that indescribable military enthusiasm which even the most
peaceful Briton must feel at times !

Towards sunset the " Berenice/' preceded by the " Feroze,"
started for about ten miles up the river to procure water. The
luxuriant mangrove down to the water's edge was exceedingly
striking. Occasionally you might see a picture of rare beauty :
a small creek, like a sheet of glass, sleeping among the
foliage.

On arrival, we found H. M/s brig " Serpent," and other
ships, at anchor. A party of Europeans were at Bassein
Creek for the protection of those who went to fetch water.
All night we were watering, watering; and very muddy and
brackish stuff the water was, nearly as bad as what the tired
British troops drank before fighting the battle of Mudki in the
first Sikh war.

On the 9th, the "Berenice" (with the Madras Artillery)
towed the " Juliana," containing the Bengal Commissariat es-
tablishment, to Rangoon. She had a motley set on board.
Some with handsome solemn faces ; some with broad, grinning
mouths, and every variety of pugaree * ; some very dirty, some
very clean ; dirty and clean, busy and idle, all packed together
in a little world. As the steamer approached to take her in
tow, a difficult business commenced. The hawsers would go
wrong ; for a time it was " confusion worse confounded '' ; but
time, which sets nearly everything right, at last set the "Bere-
nice" with the "Juliana" on their way rejoicing. About
three in the afternoon we were rapidly advancing to a new
position, some three or four miles from Rangoon. Proceeding

TurbanJ.

FROM MADRAS TO RANGOON. 105

up the river j two stockades in ruins were visible. These had
been destroyed by the men-of-war ; the smoke, rising from
some huge piles of wood, told a very recent tale of demolition.

The scenery on both banks of the river appeared of a novel
character : numerous small picturesque villages, with scarcely
a soul visible. At intervals, a few fishermen with their canoes
were observable; but these vanished on the appearance of the
" Feroze " and " Berenice/' with their transports, as if they
really believed his Satanic Majesty was after them.

We had a splendid view of the Syriam pagoda in the dis-
tance— a grand and imposing pile ; as far as some of us could
observe, like an irregular cone, elaborately gilt. Its elevated
position makes it appear of enormous height. The country
about is very irregular; no hills of any size, but continual
elevations of ground, thickly studded with trees, resembling
portions of Southern India.

About 5 p.m. we anchored a mile or two from the " Serpent,"
which useful craft had preceded us, as a skilful pioneer. There
the wily one now lay at her position, the name impressing you
with the idea that she brooded over mischief to be accom-
plished. The "Feroze" lay a short way before us, majestic,
and rejoicing in her strength. Here we had been ordered to
rest until the arrival of the remainder of the fleet. From
sunset till a late hour, many an eye was turned towards Ran-
goon and the celebrated Shoe (Shwe) Dagon Pagoda. Shwe
signifies golden ; and everything is either yellow or gilt in this
part of the world.

Mr. C. M. Crisp, merchant at Rangoon and Maulmain, less
than a month before, had written to the Government of India
regarding the strong position we were now about to attack.
On the upper terrace of the great pagoda at Rangoon, he had
formerly counted eight pieces of cannon at each of the three
principal entrances to the same terrace, viz. at the south, west,
and east ; at the north entrance only one cannon was placed,
making in all about twenty-five pieces, three of which were

106 OUR BURMESE WARS.

eighteen-poimders ; the rest may have been from six to twelve
pounders. He had heard that a number of swivel-guns were kept
in readiness at the pagoda; but never saw any. Along the
south front of the Temple, at the lower part, a wall had been
built by order of the late king, with embrasures for cannon ; this
being the principal entrance, the Burmese authorities had taken
great trouble to defend it. The north side he considered the
weakest point. On the west side, a range of go-downs for grain
had been built. The bund (rude rampart) enclosing the new town,
was very similar to the one round the cantonment at Maulmain,
about fifteen feet high, and twelve feet broad at the top ; twenty
feet from the bund a ditch ran all round, about twenty feet
wide, and from six to twelve feet deep. Government House,
in the new town, was in a state of defence. Mr. Crisp counted
twelve pieces of cannon of moderate calibre in the compound,*
also two twenty-four pounders. Some guns were also at the
custom-house and wharf; altogether, he considered there might
be forty pieces of ordnance at Rangoon.

The forenoon of the 10th was one of great excitement among
the majority on board. People doing things in place and out
of place ; some looking at plans, and examining swords and
pistols. The deck presented a scene of extraordinary anima-
tion : many a feature seemed to be lighted up with the fire of
hope; and the sick and the dying victims of that dire pesti-
lence, cholera, momentarily revived at the prospect of a con-
test. Contrary to our expectations, the head-quarters, with
the remainder of the fleet, did not arrive so early as we an-
ticipated ; but all were present at dawn of the next day, which
was Easter Sunday.

* Ground surrounding or in front of the mansion.

107

CHAPTER III.

NAVAL OPERATIONS BEFORE RANGOON AND DALLA. — THE
LANDING AND ADVANCE. — THE WHITE-HOUSE STOCKADE.

The noble and humane forbearance of the Indian Government
towards the Burmese has been already mentioned. But more
still may be advanced, before recording further operations.
The Governor- General had written a final letter to the King of
Ava, through the Commissioner of the Tenasserim Provinces,
to be presented for despatch to the Governor of Martaban.
Colonel Bogle, at the time of presenting the letter, informed
the Burmese functionary, "that the English were sincerely
desirous of peace, but that, if a reply were not received from
Ava by the 1 st of April, fully agreeing to the terms proposed
by the Governor- General, our forces would inevitably invade
the country; and that the guilt of having provoked the war
would rest with them." The Burmese officers around were
said to have replied, that, if we were prepared for war, so were
they!

General Godwin, on his arrival at the Rangoon river from
Calcutta, immediately sent Captain Latter, the interpreter, in
the " Proserpine," to Rangoon, with a flag of truce, to inquire

108 OUR BURMESE WARS.

if any reply had been received from the Court of Ava to the
Governor- General's letter. On reaching the stockades, which
guarded both banks of the river, the steamer was fired on. The
cool courage of Commander Brooking was admirable on this
trying occasion. He not only extricated the " Proserpine "
from danger, but blew up a magazine on shore, which inflicted
a severe loss on the enemy. The meaning of a flag of truce
had been explained to them some weeks before by Commodore
Lambert ; so that no pretext for not understanding it would
hold for one instant. Their firing on the flag was a sure indi-
cation that the Burmese authorities wished for war ; that they
would have it at any price : they were now about to have it
" with a vengeance ! "

It had been understood among us that no operations would
take place before Monday. The fulfilment of this resolution,
however, depended upon circumstances. These fortunately
tended to expedite matters, as there was no time to be lost.

On the evening of the 10th, the " Phlegethon " had recon-
noitred the enemy's works on the river in a cool and intrepid
manner. Next morning, about 9 o'clock, the " Berenice,"
with the several war-steamers and vessels, changed position.
Our place was very near the " Serpent." The steam-frigates
were to our right, and in front, the smaller steamers filling up
the picture — which was one of imposing grandeur. Firing had
already proceeded from the direction of Rangoon; it struck
us that the Burmese were simply at morning practice, in ex-
pectation of a coming struggle. The General and Admiral
now steamed off to look at the defences, which had been repre-
sented of so formidable a nature. "We fully expected to see a
shot fired at the splendid " Battler," and the other steamers, as
they seemed to approach the works. The Burmese, however,
reserved their ammunition. They either supposed that we
should refrain from attacking them on the Sabbath, or deemed
it superfluous to employ their artillery until our whole force
should be arrayed in presence of their fortifications. We

NAVAL OPERATIONS. 109

watched for some time for the first symptom of resistance,
and watched in vain.

We beheld the " Feroze," under Commodore Lynch, moving
on, evidently to take up position opposite the stockades. With
the animated crowd of soldiers on her decks, she was a grand
picture in motion — a " political persuader," with fearful instru-
ments of speech, in an age of progress ! Next came the
" Sesostris." At length, the Burmese, unable to stand this
gradual augmentation of the steam-warriors in front of their
position, fired at the frigates, and the operations began. The
" Moozuffer," " Feroze," and " Sesostris,"* also the " Medusa"
and " Phlegethon " — the two latter, from their drawing little
water, approaching nearer and nearer the coast — came seve-
rally into action. The fire from the vessels, Queen's and
Company's, was kept up with terrific effect against Dalla, on
our left, and the Rangoon defences on our right. At first the
enemy returned the fire with considerable dexterity and pre-
cision; but, shortly after the " Fox " had come up and poured
in her broadside, and the " Serpent " had moved on to destroy,
by about 11 o'clock the firing on our right almost ceased.
However, the war-steamers kept on, thundering forth against
the works on both sides of the river ; utterly destroying the
stockades on the shore at Rangoon, and cannonading Dalla with
decided effect. The large stockade, south-west of the Shwe-
Dagon, was set on fire by a well-directed shell, which caused the
explosion of a powder-magazine; and then, all the Avork soon
became filled with black smoke and vivid flame — up, up to the
bright skies ascending, till the scene became one of extreme
beauty and awful grandeur ! At this crisis, an occasional gun
was heard from the shore. Two or three pieces were still
observable in the burning stockade : and, as no Burmese

* The " Moozuffer," mirier Captain Hewitt ; the " Sesostris," under Captain
Campbell.

110 OUR BURMESE WARS.

were visible, some conjectured it to be the flame firing them
off without orders.

While the ruined defences on the Rangoon side were burning,
the town of Dalla, or Dalla Creek, became the chief point of
attack. A determined force had evidently taken up a position
in this quarter. Several of our shot and shells struck the prin-
cipal pagoda of the place j but, beyond knocking a piece out
here and there, with little effect. The stockade at Dalla having
been silenced, a party of seamen and marines, in four boats,
effected a landing, and took the place by storm. But something
must be said about this exciting scene. Every one on board
the fleet had his telescope with him, ready to observe with
interest the proceedings of the attacking party. When the
boats emptied their loads on the bank, a loud cheer sprung
from several vessels in the river. The party now rushed boldly
forward to the stockade : some coolly inspected it all round ;
some, we could behold, trying to scramble over it j at length
they entered it with little opposition, its chief defenders having
fled in every direction to escape the terrible fire of our guns.
One unfortunate Burmese soldier, on the approach of the naval
party, jumped into the water, and swam bravely ; a few more
followed his example, as if resolved on becoming targets for
practice. The works were soon all fired by the destructive
exertions of the soldiers and marines. About 2 p.m., the
stockade and a portion of the town were wrapped in one mighty
blaze. The quiet landscape on each side of the river became
disturbed with the fierce and raging element. The enemy had
played upon us with guns of considerable size — some of them
twelve and eighteen pounders — and, occasionally, these were
remarkably well laid. The shot flew over the decks of the
war-steamers ; on board one, the " Sesostris," a young officer of
H. M/s 51st,* was mortally wounded. Several shots struck

• Ensign Armstrong.

NAVAL OPERATIONS. Ill

the vessels : the " Moozuffer " was maimed a little, and the
" Feroze" had part of her rigging shot away. According to
some, " the fire of the enemy proved fatal to many on board the
shipping " ; but our casualties were by no means numerous on
this day.

These highly successful operations by both the Queen's and the
Honourable Company's navy — the chief work, doubtless, of the
11th having fallen to the latter — cleared the coast for nearly a mile,
and made a splendid landing-place for the troops, who were
now eager to commence land operations on the following morn-
ing. The Navy had acted as a pioneer of true civilisation.

Just a quarter of a century had passed away since Lord
Amherst, on the conclusion of the first Burmese war, proceeded
to the western provinces of India, and visited Delhi. He there
told the King that all vassalage for the British Indian posses-
sions, which till then had been acknowledged, was at an end.
Thus, about seventy years after the battle of Plassey, we fairly
established ourselves — and the reward was not too great for so
much labour and enterprise — sole possessors, in every respect, of
what Macaulay styles, " the magnificent inheritance of the
house of Tamerlane/'* For anything we knew now, the land-
ing of the troops about to take place in Burma might be the
foundation of a new empire, which one day may teem with
Anglo-Saxon industry, and do honour to those who had secured
the golden inheritance of the descendants of Alompra !

There was little sleep that night among many of us ; the ex-
citement attendant on preparation for work had kept away
its refreshing influence. About half-past 3 next morning, the
decks of the several steamers and vessels were crowded with
living creatures, all eagerly sharing the bustle which invariably
precedes the landing of troops in an enemy's country. Some
of the boats for conveyance on shore did not arrive until the

Essay on Lord Clive.

112 OUR BURMESE WARS.

morning had considerably advanced j and then we beheld Surya
ascending in full splendour,, as if seeking a vantage point
whence to view the coming fray. The river before Rangoon
presented an animated scene, the like of which had not relieved
its monotonous aspect for eight- and-twenty years. Boats row-
ing to and fro, steamers changing position; the detachments
already landed drawn out in martial array ; here, the boats of
the " Hermes/' with two 9-pounde'rs, brought to join their
companions two 24-pounder howitzers, from the " Lahore " ;
there, the men shouting and working, assisted by the gallant
tars, as they took each gun from the boat, and set it in readi-
ness for the carriage mounted to receive it. The troops landed
under a well-sustained fire from the steamers. The right
column consisted of H. M.'s 51st, the 18th Royal Irish, the
40th Bengal Native Infantry, and the Sappers and Miners.
The 18th Royal Irish were on the right ; the 51st K. O. L. I. on
the left j and the 40th Bengal Native Infantry in the centre.
The Sappers and Miners were drawn up with their ladders in
rear of the left flank. The troops were ordered to carry sixty
rounds of ammunition in their pouches, and all to have one
day's full rations, ready cooked, with them. The Artillery
formed in rear of the Brigade. Next landed, as soon as boats
were available, the wing of H. M/s 80th, and the 35th and
9th Madras Native Infantry — the wing of H. M.'s 80th in the
centre ; the 9th Madras Native Infantry on the right ; and the 35th
Madras Native Infantry on the left. The 9th Regiment N.I. had
served in the first Burmese war. The order for position appointed
by the General was quarter-distance column, right in front.
The ludicrous features of the landing scene may be described as
follows : — Guns and carriages dismounted, wheels lying here
and there, boxes of medicine, boxes of shot, rations of beef,
powder, arrack, and ladders, all in one confused mass, while
the troops moved in the midst of them to form into position.

In contrast to these lively and exciting doings, the follow-
ing melancholy accident maybe related: — On one occasion, just

THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 113

as we were employed in mounting guns for the third detach-
ment of Artillery, some European soldiers and a sepoy had
recklessly approached the smoking ashes of a ruined stockade,
where quantities of loose powder had been left about by the
Burmese on the previous day; a portion of this exploded,
burning the poor fellows in the most dreadful manner. Some
now thought that the ground we stood on was well mined ; a few
probably expected to be in the air shortly, especially the sepoys ;
but all was soon lost in some new cause of excitement. At in-
tervals the ships' guus roared forth destruction on the town.

On, on to the Shwe Dagon! was soon the grand animating
thought of every officer and soldier. The General had advanced
with the first division that landed. His wise plan was to take the
circuitous route and attack on the eastern side. The old road
from the river led up to the southern gate of the pagoda,
through the new town, by which route it was generally believed
the enemy expected us. But events of considerable importance
were to take place before we got near any gate of Gautama's
splendid Temple. Colonel Foord, Commandant of Artillery,
with Major Turton and Brigade-Major Scott, and four Bengal
guns under Major Reid, were with the General in advance, the
guns covered by four companies of the 51st Light Infantry.
They had not proceeded far, however, when, " on opening some
rising ground to the right," they were fired on by the enemy's
guns, and immediately afterwards Burmese skirmishers appeared
in the jungle. On this audacity, General Godwin, who served
in the first Burmese campaign, afterwards remarked in his
despatch, that it was a new mode of fighting with the Burmese,
" no instance having occurred last war of their attacking our
flanks, or leaving their stockades, that I remember to have
taken place." They had profited by time, and, perhaps, by
European instruction.

The enemy's artillery fire proceeded from a position which
was styled the White House Stockade. It was a very
strong defence, as will be seen hereafter, and well situated to

114 OUR BURMESE WARS.

annoy our advance. Lieutenant Ford, of the Madras Sappers
and Miners, had constructed three temporary bridges in a very
short space of time, which would greatly facilitate the progress
of more guns required to assist Major Reid's battery, which
was now in full play against the stockade, at a range of about
eight hundred yards. " I am sorry to say, sir," remarked an
officer to the General, " that unless Major Oakes soon comes
up, we shall not be able to go on. I have but two rounds a
gun left." The accuracy of the enemy's range was shown by
two of the Bengal gunners receiving mortal wounds at their
guns, from two successive shots. At this critical time, Major
Oakes fortunately came up with two 24-pounder howit-
zers, leaving the remaining portion of his battery in the
rear. Colonel Foord told him to open with spherical case
at a range of eight hundred yards. The gallant Major, with
his usual alacrity, drew up in line with the Bengal battery,
and opened an effective fire on the outwork, which he continued
until the whole of his ammunition was expended. The" Bengal
guns had for some time withdrawn from the line of action,
until more ammunition should arrive. The heat of the sun
was now terrific; it gave Major Oakes his death-blow just as
he was about to fire the last gun.

Shortly before the Artillery ceased firing, a storming party
was formed from H. M/s 51st K. O. L. I., and the Sappers
and Miners. It consisted of four companies of Europeans,
Major Fraser, the chief Engineer, with the Sappers under
Captain Rundall. The third division of ladders was in the
rear under Lieutenant Ford, who had been constructing and
repairing wooden bridges for the passage of the Artillery.
After the work was finished, he had orders to rejoin the leading
division. While passing on for that purpose, a heavy flanking
fire from the left was opened on his detachment. This not
being returned, the enemy became bolder and the fire hotter,
so much so, that the men were obliged to ground their ladders,
unsling their carbines, and open a fire on the Burmese skir-

THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 115

mishers. This silenced them for a while ; and resuming their
ladders, the men marched on with all speed. From the con-
tinual firing in front, it was evident that severe work was going
on at the stockade. The party moved on with their heavy
ladders, and, passing through a thick wood which screened the
place, the officer beheld Lieutenant Donaldson, of the Bengal
Engineers, passing by mortally wounded, his pale face lighted
up with a smile of triumph, although suffering extreme agony.
On reaching the White House Stockade,"* there were to be seen
the ladders reared against it, and troops crowding up them.
Four laddersf went at the place in two divisions.

Closely following the gallant Major Fraser in the assault,
came Captain Rundall, who mounted the ladders about the
same time as his superior. The storming party immediately
carried the stockade ; but not without considerable loss on our
side. The brave Captain Blundell, who commanded the leading
company of the party, was shot down, and afterwards died of
his wounds. In him the gallant 51st lost an excellent officer
— one who had nobly done his duty. The companies of Sappers
suffered severely, and their bravery was everywhere conspicuous.
Three of them alone reared a ladder, four more having been shot
down beside it. Lieutenant Trevor was here wounded, and Lieu-
tenant Williams had a narrow escape of his life. The Burmese,
on our carrying the stockade, fled precipitately ; but many of
these resolved to give us further trouble in the jungles. They left
many dead about the place ; amongst them was a warrior, clad
in a red jacket with the buttons of the 50th Regiment.

It was not yet near noon, and the sun had made severe
havoc among several members of our small army. Major
Griffiths,, Brigade Major of the Madras Division, was fatally

* For Supplementary Narrative of, See "Rangoon," Appendix No. VI.
p. 249.
t Or more, as four were reared, a fifth broke ; but four were enough.

8 *

116 OUR BURMESE WARS.

struck on the field. Colonel Foord, Brigadier Warren, com-
manding the Bengal Division, and Colonel St. Maur, H. M.'s
51st K. O. L. I.j were disabled by its overpowering effects.
Many of the European soldiers suffered, and here and there
were to be seen, on the ground for the advance, to the left
of the White House Stockade, the medical officers and their
subordinates administering relief by pouring cold water over
the patients. The remaining portion of Major Oakes' battery
— four 9-pounders — arrived from the shore shortly after that
gallant officer was struck. Next came Major Montgomery's
battery,* with the D Company 3rd Battalion of the Madras
Artillery, which had done good service in China. Major Back,
commanding, with Lieutenant and Adjutant Harrison, accom-
panied this division of the corps. Captain Cooke, with the
D Company 2nd Battalion, had already made some excellent
practice with his rockets while and after the Artillery fired
on the stockade, clearing the jungles on the left, and thereby
saving us for some time considerable trouble and annoyance.

Among the wounded in the early operations, may be men-
tioned Captain Allan, Quartermaster- General to the Force,
and Colonel Bogle, Commissioner of the Tenasserim Pro-
vinces. The former was shot in the calf of the leg, and the
latter in the knee.

Reposing in a shady spot, a small number of officers caught
the attention of the passer-by. Two of them, it seemed highly
probably, would recover from their misfortunes. But on the
face of Major Oakes death had set his seal. Several were
around him rendering every possible assistance, while the tear
of sorrow fell from even those who liked him not too well.

The Artillery were now commanded not to advance till further
orders; and after a good deal of sharp skirmishing, as the day

• Two 24-pounder howitzers, and two 9-poundors. To this battery the
writer was attached.

THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 117

drew to a close, a general cessation of operations took place.
All now began to prepare for a night's bivouac on the field.
In tlie evening it was whispered among us, that Major Oakes
was dead ! that he who, since being appointed to command a
Service Company, had shown no ordinary zeal for the high
efficiency of that Company — who, a few hours before, had
rejoiced in a triumphant might — was now ranked among the
fallen. He had been taken into the general hospital on the
beach, where he died. The gallant deceased was in the forty-fifth
year of his age. In person Major Oakes rose above the or-
dinary stature. Six feet one inch in height, with a chest of
uncommon breadth, a striking military deportment, and a
countenance betraying a restless ambition, wherever he went
he could not escape observation. Aut Casar aut nullus, might
be read in his pale, hard features. He had entered the Madras
Artillery under the old regime, about the time when our first
war with Burma formed a subject of general interest through-
out the British dominions. Towards the end of the year 1827,
Majors Oakes and Montgomery were riding-masters to the
Horse Brigade. The Major was great in all matters of drill,
and was conspicuous as the man who gave the regiment an
entire system of manoeuvres. His publications on that subject
were acknowledged by the Honourable Court of Directors, who
rewarded him for his services.*

Major Oakes was not, in the ordinary sense, a man of
genius ; the creative faculty was in him but slightly developed.
But he was gifted with great energy, and was remarkable for
his untiring industry. Well-directed labour, steadily continued,
is a rare virtue in India, where climate and the absence of
any powerful motive for exertion, induce languid habits. He,
therefore, who shakes off the lethargy, and toils assiduously,
may, without a glimmering of genius, acquire a pre-eminence

* Order published at Fort St. George, 18th March 1851.

118 OUR BURMESE WARS.

even over those of his fellow-men who may be more highly-
endowed by Nature. In this way may we account for the
position Major Oakes wrought for himself. Through his
efforts the Madras Artillery was presented with several very
useful works, and he will long be remembered by officers of
the old Corps as one of its most useful members.

After the White House Stockade was taken, and picquets
had been placed in front, a good opportunity was presented
for examining the work. A vast quantity of ammunition was
found in the place. The grape was of the usual barbarous
description, common among some of the hill-tribes of India :
badly shaped iron bullets or bits of iron, closely packed in a
canvas bag, dipped in dammer. Into a well outside, all the am-
munition that could be found was thrown. The work, like all
Burmese defences, was very strong, and they had evidently taken
much trouble in its construction. In the last war the " White
House " was surrounded by a brick wall, which this time they
again surrounded with a stockade, at a distance of about ten
feet, filling the interval with rammed earth. This formed a
good parapet, to which they gave a reverse slope, so as to get
up and mount their guns on it. Some excellent guns were
found, of iron and brass ; two of the latter kind were deemed
handsome enough afterwards to be sent to Calcutta. The work
had on its front face an insignificant ditch. In the centre of
the little fort was the " White House/' from which the place
took its name. It was approached at one end only by a steep
flight of steps, and within, at the further end, was placed a
colossal figure of Gautama. A great deal of ammunition was
found scattered about this central building. After the place
was burned by the Engineers and Sappers, the same night the
entire roof of the house was destroyed, and the huge figure
seen from a distance, overtopping the shell of the ruined man-
sion, had an extraordinary effect. All the outside wood- work
of the place was also destroyed by fire, so that the parapet
became exposed ; consequently, had the enemy attempted to

THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 119

retake the stockade, we could have swept them from the face
of the earth, or say, the top of it, in various ways. A
Burmese warrior, who had been severely wounded, must have
acquired some idea of British kindness towards an enemy,
when a high officer patted him on the back, to reassure him
of our protection, while others gave him water, and he was
allowed with his wife and relations, who had sought him out,
to leave the stockade and go peacefully away.

The " White House Picquet" — so called in the last war —
was well situated for an out-post. The enemy knew every inch
of the ground we should necessarily pass over to get at them ;
and it is highly probable they had practised for some time with
ranges to bear upon certain points, which may account for their
accuracy of fire in the morning. The fort being situated on
slightly rising ground, a picturesque view inland was afforded :
at about a mile and a half distant, was a small village, some-
what concealed by wooden ruins, to which considerable numbers
of the enemy retreated.

Allusion has already been made to the Burmese skirmishers.
It was amusing enough to see them chevied through the
bushes, across the plain, where the Artillery were drawn up, by
the European soldiers. Crack ! crack ! crack ! — away they ran,
as if a legion of evil spirits were after them ! But the retreat
of many was only temporary. Towards dusk, they showed
themselves in front of our camp ; but a few rounds of canister
quickly drove them back into their jungles. There could be
no doubt that Europeans were in the service of His Golden-
footed Majesty. A European Portuguese was taken prisoner ;
and a Conductor picked up, in one of the stockades, the first
volume of a work on anatomy, and a treatise on steam navi-
gation, both in English ; he also beheld plates, tumblers, and
wine-glasses.

A report was current, that an officer of the Madras Artillery
recognised a renegade of that corps, named Govin, in the ranks
of the enemy, clad in Burmese uniform. He was soon after

120 OUR BURMESE WARS.

shot dead. This man was said to have been an able artillery-
man, and had got up light field-trains, drawn by Pegu ponies.
It was strange, that the moment he was laid low the Burmese
Artillery fell into confusion. A panic had ensued ; and every
" volunteer " knows that, in the game of war, when confusion or
a panic takes place, all is nearly over. Even among Europeans
confusion or panic may destroy the bravest troops ; and as it
may come when least expected, a reserve should ever be at
hand.

No man seemed to bear the fatigues of the day better than
the gallant General ; he was busy everywhere — the cocked hat
he wore rendering his vicinity anything but safe — animating
the troops by his presence. He came forward, and expressed
his sorrow to Colonel Foord — who had slightly recovered — for
the accident which had befallen him. About this time, he said,
regarding the conduct of the Burmese that day, that they had
acted boldly and well, beyond all expectation. At night the
force bivouacked on the open plain, without tents or covering
of any description for officers or men. During the night, the
enemy fired on the camp with musketry, but did not otherwise
molest us. There may be more disagreeable things in life than
sleeping beside a howitzer, on some straw, to escape as much
dew as possible, after a hard day's work under a burning sun ;
getting up at intervals for duty ; and washing in the morning
out of a gun-bucket.

The alarm, when the camp had gone to rest, led some to
suppose that the White House Stockade was about being re-
occupied ; but it turned out to be only the flickering blaze from
some smouldering timbers, which looked as if people were moving
about with lights. Their conjectures were groundless. The
White House Picquet, or what remained of it, was speedily
becoming a blackened ruin, which it would take the Burmese
much trouble and time again to put in a proper state of
defence.

The night of the 12th of April will long be remembered by

THE WHITE HOUSE STOCKADE. 121

many of the force. Towards the new town, and the great
Shwe Dagon, fire continued to spread through the darkness —
observing which formed amusement for the weary who could
not sleep. It proceeded from the steamers and men-of-war
pouring their destructive fire into the town. Huge hollow shot
and carcasses were continually projected, doing fearful execution.
Sometimes the effect, from our camp, was terribly sublime. It
seemed as if many a wrathful deity were, like Vishnu, hurling
the fiery discus through the air !

122 OUR BURMESE WARS.

CHAPTER IV.

THE GRAND ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA.

The 13th of April was a busy day in camp * In addition to
the Artillery already up, four 8-inch iron howitzers were
required by the General for the grand advance on the great
pagoda. This was fixed for the morrow, when, many believed,
from what had already been experienced, the enemy would
make a desperate resistance. The whole of this day was
employed in disembarking and taking into camp these noble
pieces of ordnance. The Naval Brigade rendered us the most
hearty assistance in this arduous task.

At one spot on the field might be seen a knot of artillery-
men, under some zealous officer, cutting and fixing fuses ; at
another, the infantry cleaning and examining their trusty per-
cussion muskets and bayonets, the best Infantry weapons pro-
curable ; at another, a cluster of talkers, very eloquent some of
them, discussing the operations of the previous day ; the sun,

* Situated about one mile from the beaoh, and, by the route we took, two
from the pagoda.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 123

apparently, being quite disregarded in the zeal of a wordy
contest. In the shade— and a good deal was afforded by the
surrounding jungles — the thermometer stood considerably above
one hundred degrees.

The King of Ava, no doubt, all this time, believed that,
through the re-agency of such troops as those composing
" Shwe-Pee Hman-Geen," or the Mirror of the Golden
Country — a body of Royal Guards — and other bodies equally
well gilt, the English would soon be driven into the river j and
that then the Tenasserim Provinces would be taken from us,
and even Calcutta might become submissive to the Golden
Feet ! " On the night of the 13th/" wrote an intelligent
Armenian, one of the oppressed, " orders came to send us up
to the great pagoda. We were accordingly conveyed thither
in files of ten men, three Armenians and seven Mussulmans.
Rockets and shells * poured down on every side. Our escape
must solely be ascribed to the mercy of Providence. To have
escaped from the shells, some of which burst near us — from
the Governor's hand, and the hands of the Burmese soldiery,
who had already commenced pillaging the new town — must be
set down as a miracle. However, two files of our comrades
had scarcely gone, when the guard placed over us thought it
prudent to save themselves from the impending danger by
flight ; yet their chief stood with his drawn sword. We she-
koed,f prayed, and conjured him to save his life and ours.
In my long experience of the Burmese generally, I have never
found them wantonly cruel in nature. It is the system of
the insane Government of Ava that produces monsters. So
the man released us, and, with good grace, after seeing us
depart, departed himself also. We at first returned to our
abodes, but found them uninhabitable. Many of the houses in

* From the shipping.

f Salaamed, or made salutation.

124 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the new town were in a blaze from the rockets. We then
thought of our safety : some tried to escape to the river- side—
they fell among the Burmese soldiery, were maltreated, stripped
even of their upper garments, and obliged to return, and hide
themselves under a Kyoung*; others took shelter under the foot
of the great pagoda, and a few disguised got safely out of the
town through the kind assistance of their Burmese friends.
This night was a night of flight.-"

We were informed that, shortly before the fleet arrived, the
Governor called a sort of Cabinet Council together, to deliberate
over the probability of beating back the English. An old and
respected inhabitant of Rangoon, who remembered the last war,
and many years before it, was called on to give his opinion.
The old man was afraid to speak out what he thought would
be the result j but being pressed to do so, as there was no fear
he would suffer for telling the truth, he declared that the British,
on account of their superior skill and discipline, would cer-
tainly be victorious. "With them/' said he, "one mind
guides all ; with the Burmese, each guides himself in the fight ;
what if we have fifty to one, the Europeans will conquer ! "
The fine old fellow was immediately ordered to be branded, and
otherwise tortured for his candour.

An idea of the strength of new Rangoon may be gathered
from the fact that the new town, already mentioned, up-
wards of a mile from the river, was described as " nearly a
square, with a bund, or mud wall, about sixteen feet high and
eight broad ; a ditch runs along each side of the square, and
on the north side, where the pagoda stands, it has been cleverly
worked into the defences, to which it forms a sort of citadel."

Wednesday morning, the 14th, beheld the force moving on.
The troops were certainly in the finest temper for dealing with
the enemy. The halt of yesterday had refreshed them con-

# Poongi, or priest-house.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 125

siderably, notwithstanding the intense heat ; and recollection of
the 12th prompted them to double exertion, if such were pos-
sible, to-day.

H. M/s 80th Regiment, with four guns of Major Mont-
gomery's battery,* formed the advance, covered by skirmishers.
About 7 o'clock, the sound of musketry fell upon the ear. It
seemed to those composing the reserved force in rear to pro-
ceed from the dark jungles, through which our march lay. The
troops in our front had come into action ; and the enemy were
being driven before the fire of the European and Native In-
fantry. But this was not effected without some loss, as several
doolies,-f with their wounded, which passed by us, clearly
testified.

The sound of artillery, from a Madras battery, likewise told
that the guns were in position.

Major Montgomery, having brought one 9-pounder and a 24-
pounder howitzer into a favourable position, had opened fire at a
distance of about seven hundred yards from the stockade. Passing
on through the jungley way, we at length came within range of
the enemy's jinjals, which appeared to fire at us from beside a
small pagoda. A succession of well-directed shots were now
launched against the reserved force, in rear of which the heavy
8-inch howitzers were being nobly brought along by the gallant
Naval Brigade. Our guns inclined to the right, and halted to
make way for the coming young giants of ordnance — all the
while, the fire proceeding from the enemy near the small
pagoda by no means abating.

* The A Company, 4th Battalion, so recently commanded by his friend
Major Oakes.

+ Rudely constructed palankeens, for carrying sick and wounded. [They
are not " ferocious " ; neither are they a "tribe," as was once cleverly ima-
gined in England ! This is almost as good as when a member of the British
Senate asked, whether Surajah Dowlah (Sir Roger Dowler anglic6) was a
baronet !]

126 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Again we marched on, and came upon a large body of our
troops, the Europeans, with fixed bayonets, as if ready for
an attack as soon as a breach could be made. The 40th
Bengal Native Infantry were likewise in this position, a petty
midan* sheltered by a small hill covered with jungle. Shot
from the Burmese guns, as well as jinjals, fell fast and thick
upon the plain. The troops wisely remained under cover of
the hill, passing an occasional remark on the correct range the
enemy had^attained, as shot after shot bounded along only a few
yards before us ; and then would come a jinjal, with its strange
whistling sound, over your head, making a man thankful he
was not quite so tall as men are represented in ancient writ.
In spite of all philosophy, such music must sound very strange
to all ears, for the first time ! At length, the greater portion
of the infantry moved on.

The D Company's Battery,t under Captain Cooke, was
ordered to remain in the old position till required. Cer-
tainly, it is galling to be under fire, without any order to
advance; and such was our case for about four hours. It was
amusing enough to observe the cattle attached to the guns,
while the shot continued to fly about. Strange to say, not one
bullock of the reserve battery was struck, nor did they seem to
be at all affected by the firing of the determined enemy !

The Burmese soon got the range more exact than ever.
Probably guessing that some of the troops were under cover of
the small hill, they gave less elevation, when their shot fell very
near us, and the jinjals continued to whistle with fearful rapi-
dity. An intelligent Bengal officer, who had been engaged in
several of the great Punjab battles, declared to us that he had
not, on those occasions, "bobbed" his head so much as he had

* Plain.

+ Madras Artillery. With this battery, which was in reserve, the writer
and Lieutenant Bridge remained. Lioutonant Onslow was oooupied at the
boach in landing stores and ammunition.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 127

done to-day. At length, the range of one of the enemy's guns
entirely differed from the previous practice ; which led us to
believe that the devoted warrior, who had shown so much skill,
was no more.

Major Montgomery's battery had, no doubt, done consider-
able execution.* It may have laid the aforesaid warrior low.
The gallant Major himself came past us while the jinjals were
flying, his Lascar orderly following him. A spent ball struck
the unfortunate orderly in the forehead, when he immediately
fell, but not dead, as at first supposed.

About this time, our Assistant- Surgeon, Dr. Smith, was
slightly wounded. A tar of the Naval Brigade was also struck
while giving assistance in bringing along a heavy gun; and
several others, European and native, were wounded near the
spot we occupied. The 9th Madras Native Infantry had gal-
lantly driven back a body of Burmese skirmishers in our rear.

At about 10 a.m., the heavy howitzer battery, under Major
Back, manned by the Bengal Artillery, was, after great labour,
brought into position. t We were delighted to hear the how-
itzers sounding forth in the advance, as they opened fire
against the great stockade. This continued about one hour
and a half, under a very galling and well-directed fire from

* After firing a few rounds, the commanding officer left those pieces
— the 9 -pounder, and 24 - pounder howitzer — under the charge of 2nd
Lieutenant Lloyd, who kept up a well-directed and spirited fire during the
whole time the action lasted. The Major then placed the other three
9-pounders of his battery in another position, about a quarter of a mile to
the right of the first one. Lieutenant Tayler and 2nd Lieutenant Blair had
each of them charge of a piece in this position, which they served with precision
and effect. With reference to the Burmese gunners, we found, in some
cases, that they had been chained to the guns.

t But for the valuable assistance of Lieutenant Dorville, of Her Majesty's
ship " Rattler," with a party of one hundred and twenty seamen, we could
Bcarcely have got the heavy howitzers into position, and to them also we are
chiefly indebted for disembarking these pieces on the previous day. — Major
Back's Report. — The two howitzers on the right were under the charge of
Captain Malloch, of the Bengal Artillery.

128 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the enemy's guns and wall-pieces, from which our troops suf-
fered considerably. The Artillery operations of the Wednesday
were under the direction of Major Turton, of the Bengal
Army, whose accustomed zeal was fully displayed throughout.
Colonel Foord had not recovered from the coup de soleil in
time to proceed with the force ; nothing could have disap-
pointed him more.

It may be mentioned that, just before the heavy guns were
dragged into position, Major Turton told Lieutenant Ashe, of
the Bengal Artillery, to take his gun, a 24-pounder howitzer,
to the left of the heavy battery, to dislodge some Burmese
skirmishers from the bushes in front. This was the only
Bengal light field-gun engaged that day; and it was highly
necessary, as those determined skirmishers were fast closing in
on the crowded mass of our troops, who with great difficulty
kept down their fire.

At about half-past 11, Captain Latter, the Interpreter,
proposed to the General an attack on the eastern entrance of
the great pagoda ; it was his opinion that, for ten of our troops
now being killed or disabled, we would lose but one with a
storming-party ; which would naturally draw off the enemy's
attention, and excite their surprise. This sensible advice was
by no means disregarded.

Eventually, Captain Latter asked General Godwin's per-
mission to lead the storming-party. The gallant General
replied, " With the greatest pleasure, my dear friend ! "
This reply was quite characteristic of our brave and courteous
Commander.

The storming-party was formed of the wing of H. M/s 80th,
under Major Lockhart, two companies of the 18th Royal
Irish, under Lieutenant Hewitt, and two companies of the
40th Bengal Native Infantry, under Lieutenant White; the
whole commanded by Colonel Coote, of the 18th Royal Irish,
Captain Latter leading. From the elevated position— on which
were our heavy guns — to the pagoda is a sort of valley to be

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 129

crossed before reaching the eastern entrance ; the distance
might be about eight hundred yards. The hill on which the
great temple stands is divided into three terraces, each de-
fended by a brick and mud rampart.* There are four flights
of steps up the centre of each terrace, three of which are
covered over; the east, south, and west. On went our gallant
troops, crossing over to the pagoda in the most steady manner,
under a heavy and galling fire from the enemy on the walls.
At length they reached the desired gate, which was immediately
pushed open. Captain Latter had beheld Lieutenant and
Adjutant Doran, of H. M/s 18th Royal Irish, rather in advance
of his proper position : on being spoken to, we believe he said
that his regiment was in rear. Now, a grand rush was made
up the long flight of steps they had discovered. The storming-
party, however, suffered from the shower of balls and bullets
which immediately came down upon them with dreadful effect ;
but nothing could ever check the determined rush of British
Infantry ! Near the foot of the steps fell Lieutenant Doran,
mortally wounded; and by his side fell also two men of his
regiment. The young hero lay pierced by four balls. Colonel
Coote was also wounded. But our troops nobly gained the
upper terrace. A deafening cheer rent the air ! The Burmese
defenders fled in all directions before the British bayonet.
The Shwe Dagon, or say, " Dagon the Great," had fallen for
the second time into our hands ! The blow had been struck ;
the first grand act of the drama was over !

" On the 14th," wrote the Armenian, ' ' there were but a few
thousand Shwaydown and Padoung men, say about five thou-
sand in all, that kept to their post on the pagoda, under the
immediate command of the Governor. They held out until

* Their heavy guns were on the upper terrace ; their light ones on the
second and third. The rampart of the upper terrace, being mostly of bricks
and mortar, is of a superior description.

130 OUR BURMESE WARS.

noon, when the Governor, in despair, gave orders to retreat,
himself setting the example of flight. His men, distinguished
by their gilt hats, remained to the last. They stood the first onset
of the British, and then fled to the west " ; that is, towards
Kemmendine. "Had there been a brigade of cavalry, or a
division of troops, at the north-west, the Governor could not
have escaped. He had a few days previously despatched his
plunder to his country, Shwaydown, in charge of one of his
trusty relatives. Thus dispersed the grand army of Rangoon,
computed at about twenty thousand strong at the beginning,
some of whom did not even exchange a shot with the English,
and many were driven away by the rockets and shells."

The reserved force moved on. A loud cheer from the
advance made us long to get near the heavy guns. There was
enough in that hearty cheer to tell that Eangoon was entirely
in the British possession. Having proceeded a short distance,
the battery halted in rather dense jungle. There, among other
sights, we beheld three of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry
lying dead on a bank — all three, as well as a bullock, having
been struck down with a shot from one of the enemy's 18-
pounders. Ascending a little, we found the four 8-inch guns
in position* ; and a good view of the piece of country at the
base of the Shwe Dagon was presented, to all appearance jungly
and confined. We were now informed that the General and
his Staff had entered the Pagoda.

After our Europeans had refreshed themselves with a little
tea — and nothing is more refreshing on the field — the Artillery f

* Lieutenant and Adjutant Voyle, of the Bengal Artillery, in addition to
commanding a howitzer, had cut and set many of tho fuzes for these guns,
which had now done their duty. Brigade-Major Scott, Madras Artillery, was
observed doing everything in his power to encourage the gunners as they
worked under a heavy fire. Lieutenant and Adjutant Harrison, Madras
Artillery, is likewise reported by Major Back as most active in pointing and
commanding one of the 8-inoh howitzers.

t Covered by tho 40th Bengal Nutivo Infantry.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 131

were ordered tp proceed in a southerly direction, and take up
quarters where they best could till the morrow. These were
on the cold ground, as on the two previous nights. To get
thither, we had a short march through the jungle ; and while
passing along, we frequently came across a Burmese soldier who
lay dead, with a look of determination, and a smile of apparent
contempt on his countenance. Curious enough, many of them
had adopted a sort of red jacket as a portion of their costume ;
this had been frequently a source of confusion to our troops,
who could with difficulty distinguish them from our own skir-
mishers. The Burmese muskets were old Hint ones from
England, " condemned/' the excuse for their being sold to our
enemies; and with the dha — a sharp, square-pointed sword
with a long wooden handle — and with other weapons, such as
a British bayonet stuck on the handle of a spear, tne Burmese
Infantry equipments were found to be tolerably complete. It
may be mentioned that the enemy's musket-ball was found to
be considerably smaller than ours, composed of iron as well as
lead, not cast in a mould, but rough and varying in size.

Towards the south side of the pagoda we passed a Poonghi
house in ruins. Gautamas of huge size gazed upon the stranger
with beneficent countenance, as if they were giving him a
hearty welcome to the new land. A huge tree, lying across the
road, was speedily cut asunder, to make way for the light field-
guns ; after a short period a portion of the heavy battery
arrived. When the guns were all in position, preparations were
made for the night's bivouac. Beside our halting-place we
found a fine tank and well. Many had never before enjoyed a
bathe or a wash so much as they did upon this occasion.
After a comfortable night's rest in the open air, in the morning
we moved into a Poongi house for breakfast.

Some necessary stores for hot-weather campaigning had
found their way to us through the faithful followers, who,
since the capture of the Great Pagoda, had been streaming
forth to the camp ; some of them, during the early part of the

9 *

132 OUE BURMESE WARS.

day, having nearly fainted from fear, while performing their
philanthropic duties, as the enemy's hullets flew ahout rather
too near to be agreeable. Where we now were stood various
ruins of the new town. The remainder of the force passed the
night in the covered entrances and immediate vicinity of the
pagoda. By the route we had come, it was expected there
would be no very great difficulty in placing our guns on the
ramparts for the defence of Gautama's Temple.

Notwithstanding what has been already said in the first part
of this Abstract ; a few particulars by another valuable autho-
rity— no less than Sir Henry Havelock, the future hero of
Lucknow — regarding the occupation of Rangoon by the British
in the first Burmese war, may be interesting at this stage of
our narrative.

The Court of Ava had never dreamed of the sudden blow
about to be aimed against the southern provinces, and maritime
commercial capital of the Burmese Empire. At this time,*
there was no actual Governor (Myo-ivoon) in Rangoon. A
subordinate officer, styled Rewoon, exercised the chief authority
in the town.

On receiving intelligence of the arrival of a large fleet of
ships at the mouth of the Rangoon river — ships of unusual
size and belonging to the British — " this unfortunate barbarian
became almost beside himself with wonder, consternation, and
rage." His first order ran thus — " English ships have brought
foreign soldiers to the mouth of the river. They are my
prisoners; cut me some thousands of spans of rope to bind
them/'

He next ordered the seizure of all the English residents in Ran-
goon. The order extending to all those " who wore the English
hat/' American missionaries, American merchants, and other
foreign adventurers, were confined in the same building with

* May, 1821.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON TAGODA. 133

five British merchants, a ship-builder, and two pilots. They
were immediately loaded with fetters, and otherwise cruelly
treated.

At length the fleet came in sight of a " considerable Asiatic
town." This seemed to be encircled by a rampart of solid
timber from fifteen to twenty feet in height, pierced with em-
brasures. Boats of various sizes and shapes lay moored along
the banks of the river; on these were constructed wharfs,
jetties, and landing-places. Clumps of light green forest oc-
cupied the plains around.

They were everywhere decorated Avith the gilded spires of
pagodas. Above them all, on a height at some distance, was
seen the grand monument, which had first attracted remark.
But attention was now fixed by the defences of the town. A
Burman stockade had been the theme of wonder and curiosity
for weeks and months at either Presidency. It was to try its
mettle against this redoubted species of work that the army
had sailed. Hence, as each ship neared the town, the first
glance towards the embrasures produced a murmur of deep in-
terest amongst the troops. "There it is, at last ; the stockade,
the stockade of Rangoon ! " *

The enemy heard the roar of that cannonade which covered
the landing of the troops. The streets were swept with cannon-
shot from the fleet. The Rewoon abandoned himself to his
fears. " He mounted a horse, and hurried through the south-
eastern gate into the country, followed in confused flight by
the armed rabble he had collected." Terror reigned in the
town. " Burman, Peguer, Portuguese, Parsee, Moguls, and
Chinese, male and female, young and old, followed by the
rushing sound of eighteen and thirty-two pounder shot, fled
like frightened deer to the neighbouring forests." f When the

* Havelock'a " Campaigns in Ava," p. 26.
t Ibid., page 33.

134 OUR BURMESE WARS.

troops were fairly landed, several of the unhappy prisoners
were released. The reason of four of them had given way.
Major Sale, afterwards the hero of Jellalabad, found Mrs.
Judson, of missionary celebrity, tied to a tree, and immediately
released her.

The troops took possession of a town scarcely tenanted by
a living being. With regard to the disposition of the troops
in Rangoon during the first war, we read that the Brigade from
Bengal had its right supported in the direction of the town,
and its left on the great temple. The troops from Madras
rested their right on " Shoe-da-gong-praw " (Shwe Dagon), and
their left on the town.* Their houses were wooden dwellings
of the priests, convents or monasteries, the abodes of pilgrims,
under the arched recesses of shrines, and in the square
chambers of temples. All of these abounded in either road.
The army in 1852 found little or no difference in this respect.

And now let us return to our second visit to Rangoon and
the Shwe Dagon Pagoda. With regard to the Burmese troops at
first opposed to us, the " Armenian" of 1852 gave the following
information: — These had commenced pouring down upon Ran-
goon from different towns and villages since the seizure of the
King of Ava's ship, " Helen," the golden apple ; and a large
army arrived from Amarapiira itself. They were all in high
spirits, and were employed in erecting the stockade round the
mud wall or fort, which they finished in the short space of
two months. They even fortified the king's old wharf, the roof
of which was constructed like a vat about two feet deep, and
filled with water to extinguish the shells and rockets that
might fall on it. But their magazine, in large jars, ranged in
rows on each side, having, as before stated, caught fire on the
11th, blew this one of their seven wonders into the air, at the

* Four miles were occupied by the force, with a continuous chain of sen-
tries.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 135

same time killing many men on duty. Before the works had
been completed, a portion of the Burmese army became dispi-
rited by over-fatigue and disease. " Many determined not to
fight the English, and they stuck to their determination.
Shwe-Pee Hman-Geen, or the Mirror of the Golden Country,
a body of Royal Guards stationed at the south and west,
were the first to set the example on the first day of the
fight."

Some curious Burmese plans were discovered in a magazine
by our excellent Commissary of Ordnance, Captain Robertson,
of the Bengal Artillery. Some square feet of a compressed
black substance, as usual in this country, took the place of
cloth or drawing-paper, and the drawing was produced by
means of a sort of hard chalk and a ruler. This we believe to
be the common mode of planning in Burma. One of the plans
in question minutely exhibited the stockade, also gave in Bur-
mese the strength of each detachment, with its designation, told
off for its defence. We saw a translation of the writing, from
which it would appear the Burmese think there is much in a
name.

The following were among the detachments which composed
the Burmese garrison of Rangoon* : —

The Dennobhew (Donabew) City Contingent

The Golden Palm Royal Boat's crew

The Kanaung City Contingent .

The Padoung ......

The Great Hill Royal Boat's Crew

The Water Fowl „

The Golden Parrot „

The Rethey Braminy Goose „

MEN.

500
500
600
300
130
119
65
76

* For the complete list, see " Eangoon ; a Narrative," p. 101.

136 OUR BURMESE WARS.

And so on, -with the White House Picquet and village of
Puzendoun (2,500), making a total of nearly 10,000 men in
33 detachments.

Each man with two baskets of rice and a piece of silver.

The names of the gates were also remarkable : —

GATES.

North Gate.

Banyan Tree Gate.

Shwe Gyeen Gate.

Smith's Gate.*

Red Earth Gate.

10.

Sacred Hair Gate.

Sacred Tray Gate.

11.

Little Lake Gate.

Shwe Doung Gate.

12.

Twisted Umbrella Gate.

Tree Gate.

13.

Stone Gate.

Tree Gate.

The enemy had, in the opinion of the General, " settled "
that the British should attack the town by the old road from
the river to the pagoda, leading to the south gate, and running
through the town, " where they had made every preparation to
receive us, having armed the defences with nearly a hundred
pieces of cannon and jinjals, and with a garrison of at least ten
thousand men. The attempt to assault on this side would, I
am convinced, from the steady way the Burmese defend their
works, have cost us half our force ."

Our casualties in the land force were at first reported to be
nearly two hundred. They were afterwards set down at three
officers killed in action, and two by coup de soleil. Out of
fourteen officers wounded, one, Captain Blundell, died. The
total number of killed was reckoned at seventeen, and wounded
at one hundred and thirty-two. The casualties in the iiect were
about seventeen, out of which one of the " Fox's " men was

* fcjoutli Gate.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA. 137

accidentally drowned, and another of the " Tenasserim " was
" blown away from an after pivot gun."

An indefatigable chronicler of the 12th of April wrote : —
" 14th, Wednesday. — Our troops attacked the enemy at the
Dagon pagoda ; the contest was severe and bloody ; several of
our men were so badly wounded, that it was found necessary to
amputate their limbs on the field of battle. The enemy fell in
heaps, and we are in possession of Rangoon. . . . The Burmese
fought like furies ; the poor fellows had no alternative : their
wives and children being held in security by their king for the
fulfilment of their duty as fighting men/'

It is impossible to give a correct estimate of the number of
the enemy who fell at the capture of the pagoda, or during
the previous operations. Say, out of 18,000 who were at first
prepared to meet us, and 20,000 is the number generally sup-
posed, only two hundred bodies were discovered, it does not
follow that only that number fell.

It is the Burmese custom on the field to carry away, if pos-
sible, the dead and wounded. This is considered a sacred duty,
and it is performed with every alacrity. A bamboo is quickly
passed through the cloth encircling the loins, and the dead man
is carried off. Should he be only wounded, more care and
ceremony are used to take the sufferer to some place of
refuge. — Our force consisted of European troops, 2,727, and
Native, 3,040 = 5,767. According to one authority, the entire
force engaged in this expedition consisted of 8,037 men of all
arms ; that is, reckoning, in addition to the foregoing, for five
Queen's ships,* 808 ; six steamers of the Indian Navy, 952 ;
seven Bengal Government steamers, and one gun-boat, 510.
Some of these vessels, and a portion of the land force, did
not come into action.

* Including three steamers. To the force were attached fourteen trans-
ports.

138

OUR BURMESE WARS.

Return of Killed, Wounded, and Missing, at the attack and storming of
Rangoon on the 11th, 12th, and 14th April 1852.

Corps or Department.

Killed.

"Wounded.

Personal Staff . . .

One officer.

General Staff . . •

One officer.

Madras Engineers . .

Three officers, one N. C.

officer.
Two officers, one sergt.,

Madras Sappers . .

Three rank and file

eight rank and file.

Artillery.

Bengal Contingent

One N. C. officer . .

Six N. C. officers.

Madras ditto. . .

ditto.

One N. C. officer, one
Lascar, three Syce dri-
vers.

Infantry.

1st or Bengal Brigade.

H. M.'s 18th Royal

One officer, one sergt.,

Three officers, one N. C.

Irish.

and two rank and

officer, one trumpeter,

file.

thirty-seven rank and
file.

H. M. 80th Foot (one

One N. C. officer . .

One officer, three N. C.

wing).

officers, one trumpeter,
twenty- one rank and
file.

40th Regt. N. I. . .

One trumpeter, three
rank and file.

Eleven rank and file.

2nd or Madras Brigade.

H. M.'s 51st Regt.* of

One officer, one rank

One officer, three N. C.

Foot.

and file.

officers, thirteen rank
and file.

9th Regt. Mad. N. I. .

One rank and file . .

One officer.

35th Regt. Mad. N. I.

One officer, one N. C.
officer, five rank and
file.

* We were pleased to observe, while in England in 1862, a handsome monu-
ment erected in the noble old York Cathedral to the memory of the 51st
officers and men who died or were killed during tho Burmese war. In the
middle of 1864 tho news reached us in Burma that Capt. Glover, of the 51st L. I.,
had boon killod in New Zealand, with his gallant Colonel (Booth) and other
ollicors. Captain Glover (then Lieutenant) served at the capture of Rangoon.

ADVANCE ON THE SHWE DAGON PAGODA.

139

Officers and Men.

European officers ......

Native officers ......

Warrant and Non-commissioned officers,
rank and file, &c. . . . . .

Lascars, Syce drivers, Syces, &c.

Total

Killed.

. Wounded.

Missing.

14.

114

Grand total of killed, wounded, and missing — 149.

(Signed)

H. Godwin, Lieutenant-General,
Comanding the Forces in Ava,

Arakan, and Tenasserim.
W. Mayhew, Captain,

Assistant Adjutant-General of
the Forces.
Officers Killed and Wounded.

Corps or
Department.

Killed.

Wounded.

H. M. 18 E. I.

Lt. R. Doran,
14 April.

H. M. 51 Foot

Ensign A. N.
Armstrong,
11 April.

Personal Staff

Lieutenant W. J. Chads (slightly).

General Staff

Captain G. Allan (severely).

Eng. Depart.

2nd Lieutenant E. C. S. Williams
(slightly).

ditto

2nd Lieutenant L. Donaldson (mor-
tally), 12 April.

ditto

2nd Lieut. W. S. Trevor (severely).

Madras Sapp.
and Miners

Captain J. W. Eundall (slightly).

ditto

Lieutenant B. Ford (slightly).

H. M. 18 R. I.

Lieut. -Col. C. J. Coote (severely).

ditto

Captain W. T. Bruce (slightly).

ditto

Lieutenant G. H. Elliott (slightly).

H. M. 80 Foot

Lieutenant J. L. W. Wurni (slightly).

H. M. 51 Foot

Captain W. Blundell (dangerously).

9th Mad. N. I.

Ensign G. F. C. B. Hawkes (slightly).

35th ditto

Lieutenant W. C. P. Haines (dan-
gerously).

Commissioner
Tenasserim .
Provinces

Lieutenant-Col. A. Bogle (severely).

140

OUR BURMESE WARS.

List of Ordnance Captured at the White House Stockade, on the 12th,
and at Rangoon on the 11th April 1852.

Description of Ordnance.

No. j Remarks.

' Captured at the " White

Iron Guns 3-pdrs.

| House " Stockade, on

Brass „ 3 „

(. the 12th April 1852.

Iron „ 18 „

9 "

)

,, Carronades* 18 „

12 „

„ Guns 9 „

6 „

,, Carronades 6 „

,, Guns 3 ,,

The whole of these are

2* »

- mounted on carriages.

2 „

li »

Brass „ 6 „

4 „

3 „

2i „

„ „ I* »

Total . . .

Iron Jinjals or Wall Pieces, on Wooden

L/£irri£Lg6S .,...-••••

(Signed) H. S. Foord, Lieutenant-Colonel,

Shwe Dagon Pagoda, Commanding Artillery serving in Burma.

Rangoon, 15th April 1852.

* Regarding carronades, we gained the following information while in Europe
in 1862, having also visited the country of their Royal inventor :— " I caused a
light gun, a 12-pounder " (writes the far-famed Patrick Miller, of Dalswinton)
" to be cast at Carron." Eventually, " I caused a privateer to be fitted out at
Liverpool, under the direction of a relative, who was a merchant there. She
was a ship of two hundred tons burden, and carried sixteen light 18-pounder
guns, which, from being cast at Carron, I directed to be named Carronades,

and these were the first carronades put aboard a ship. This ship I named

the ' Spitfire.' Gustavus Adolphus may be said to have been the inventor of
the carronades. Having always thought so, I directed the following inscrip-
tion to be engraved upon a brass 32-pounder carronade : —

' Quantum momenti sit in levibus tormentis, monstravit
Gustavus magnus qui coriaceis usus est.' "
A pamphlet exists, printed by Miller in 1779, giving a full account of the
carronade, which he would appear to have invented ten years before.

141

CHAPTER Y.

CAPTURE OF BASSEIN. BURMESE ATTACK ON MAETABAN.

The capture of Bassein, on Wednesday, the 19th of May,
brought about by an attack, ably planned, well timed, and
bravely executed, formed one of the most brilliant achievements
recorded in this narrative.* Bassein, it appears, was once a
valuable port, under the Portuguese power ; and this position
was declared by Sir Archibald Campbell to be the key of the
Burmese Empire. In the last war the gallant Sale occupied
Bassein, with a considerable force ; but neither the force nor
the station rendered much service to the army. This, of course,
was occasioned by circumstances over which the British com-
mander had no control; for Bassein really is an important
position. With Prome and Donabew it forms a right-angled
triangle, of which Prome and Bassein constitute the hypothe-
nuse. It may be some eighty-five or ninety miles nearly
direct west from Rangoon. Its chief advantage consists in

* See " Rangoon," Appendix No. VIII. p. 270.

142 OUR BURMESE WARS.

commanding one of the three great navigable branches of the
Irawady.

On the 17th of May, General Godwin proceeded with a de-
tachment of 800 men, some 400 European and 300 Native
Infantry, 60 Sappers, and a party of Marines, to take posses-
sion of Bassein. To reach this port they were forced to make
for Negrais's island, and ascend the Bassein river — " the Kan-
goon river not being yet quite navigable upwards by the
steamers w ; or rather, being navigable for boats only, by the way
of Bassein Creek. The squadron consisted of the " Sesostris,"
the " Moozuffer," the " Tenasserim," and the little steamer
" Pluto," all under the command of Commodore Lambert.

Bassein, about sixty miles above Negrais, was reached
on the afternoon of the 19th. The " Pluto, " in advance,
had intercepted a boat, filled with Burmese, on its way to give
warning of our approach. Nothing could be got out of the crew
save — " that it did not much matter whether news reached the
Governor of Bassein or not, that a force was coming up against
him, as everything was in a perfect state of readiness up there
to blow us out of the water."

A good authority wrote : — " By four o'clock in the afternoon
of the 19th of May the steamers were ranged opposite the forti-
fications of Bassein, having accomplished a voyage of sixty
miles, without a pilot, up an unknown river, lined with stock-
ades, without an accident, and without a shot having been fired.
The Governor-General, in his Notification, thanking General
Godwin and his force for their achievements, alludes to this
circumstance as heightening in no small degree the difficulty,
and therefore the credit of the exploit." We agree with the
writer in considering that, in the capture of Bassein, General
Godwin displayed some of the best qualities of an English
general.

There is discrimination in the following remarks by another
able authority : —

' ' We read of no errors, the results of misinformation, of no

CAPTUKE OF BASSEIN. 143

losses proceeding from rash or ill-digested movements. The
work marked out could hardly have been executed with
greater despatch ; nor could the resistance of the enemy,
strongly posted, confident and determined, have been subdued
and overcome with less loss. It is pleasing to have to record a
success, alloyed by no imprudence, unaccompanied by a nu-
merous list of casualties, resulting either from blundering
ignorance, or rash, ill-considered and unnecessary attacks."

The conduct of all the troops employed, particularly
H. M/s 51st, was truly admirable on this occasion.

There is something magnificently cool, too, about the gallant
Captain Latter — parleying with the Burmese behind their own
works, to the effect that if they would not fire at us, we would
not fire on them. The reply of the enemy was, that if our
force advanced one step further they would fire on us. Captain
Latter rejoined, that in that case we would turn them out root
and branch. At the same time a heavy discharge of musketry
and jinjals and round shot was poured into us.*

Our troops then commenced work in right earnest. The
non-commissioned officer accompanying Captain Latter was
killed, and fell over, that officer, who lay prostrate and stunned
from the effects of a spent shot ; every one supposed him to
have been killed. But, no ! — he bore a charmed life ; and
more glory was in store for him.

The noble Captain, in relating to us the story of this dan-
gerous adventure, did not think the projectile fired at him was
" a round shot/' * He considered himself, however, to have
had a very narrow escape ; and who will deny that he had ?

" The whole affair," wrote a describer of the scene, " occu-
pied fifty minutes, and a gallant one it was ; 5,000 of the King
of Ava's picked soldiers were there, and 2,000 men of Bassein."
Of course, an Armenian, or European, was, as usual, seen on
the works directing the Artillery. " The loss of the enemy was

* Despatch of Major Errington.

144 OUR BURMESE WARS.

calculated at 800 ; the gunnery from the ships was terrific and
most effectual." Considering our small numbers, the loss on
the side of the British was not trifling.

The following officers were wounded: — Major Errington,
Captains Darroch and Rice, and Lieutenant Carter — all of
H. M/s 51st Foot ; also, Lieutenant Ansley, of the 9th Madras
Native Infantry, and Lieutenant Rice, R.N.

The grand total of guns and jinjals captured amounted to
eighty-one. Immediately after the conquest, the Burmese
evacuated the town ; — and thus Bassein fell !

The event is thus recorded in the Governor-General's Noti-
fication, and General Godwin's Despatch. From the latter all
the important details concerning the capture of Bassein may be
culled : —

" NOTIFICATION.
"Fort William, Foreign Department, 5th June 1852.
" The Governor- General in Council has the gratification of
announcing the capture of Bassein, and of publishing, for
general information, the Despatches which report the com-
bined operations of the Naval and Military Force by which
this service has been executed.

" In ascending for sixty miles a river still very imperfectly
known, in effecting the landing of the troops and capturing
the city, the fort, and the stockaded defences on both sides of
the river, fully garrisoned and armed, and in accomplishing all
this with very unequal numbers, and within the limits of a single
day, the combined forces at Bassein performed a gallant and
spirited service, which well deserves the approbation and ap-
plause of the Government of India.

" To Lieutenant- General Godwin, C.B., and to Commodore
Lambert, the Governor-General in Council has again the satis-
faction of offering his cordial acknowledgments of the ability
and good- will with which they have united their exertions for
ensuring success to the operations in which they were engaged.

CAPTURE OP BASSBIN. 145

" The Governor- General in Council begs to repeat his thanks
to Major Boulderson, Deputy- Judge- Advocate General, to
Captain Latter, to Captain Chads, A.D.C., and to Lieutenant
Ford, of the Madras Sappers, for their conduct in the field on
this occasion.

" His Lordship in Council desires especially to mark his
sense of the services rendered by Major Errington, H. M/s 51st
Light Infantry, commanding the detachment of troops at Bas-
sein, and to Commander Campbell, of the Indian Navy, by
whom the stockade upon the right bank of the river was
stormed and taken.

" To Captain Rice, Captain Darroch, and Lieutenant Carter,
of H.M.'s 51st Light Infantry, to Lieutenant Ansley,9th Madras
Native Infantry, to Lieutenant Craster, Bengal Engineers, and
to Dr. McCosh, of the Medical Department, the Governor-
General in Council begs leave to convey his best thanks.

" Equal acknowledgments are due to Lieutenant Rice, R.N.,
to Lieutenant Elliot and Lieutenant Nightingale, R.M., to
Commander Hewett, to Lieutenant Robinson and Lieutenant
Lewis, Indian Navy, and to Captain Dicey, Captain Burbank
and Mr. F. Duncan, of the Bengal Marine, whose services have
been commended.

"The Governor- General in Council has particular satisfac-
tion in adding the expression of his entire approbation of the
gallantry and good conduct of the officers, non-commissioned
officers, and men of H. M/s 51st Regiment, of 9th Regiment
Madras Native Infantry, of the Madras Sappers and Miners,
and of the seamen and marines employed in the capture of the
City of Bassein.

" By order of the Most Noble the Governor-General of
India in Council.

"C. Allen,
" Officiating Secretary to the Government
of India."

146 OUR BURMESE WARS.

From Lieutenant-General H. Godwin, C.B., Commanding the
Forces in Ava, Arakan and Tenasserim Provinces.

" Sir, — The Governor- General having expressed some an-
xiety about the south part of Arakan, as being in the neigh-
bourhood of Bassein, I resolved, as soon as I could conveniently
leave Rangoon, to take a detachment, and personally visit the
place. On expressing this opinion to Commodore Lambert, he,
to my very great pleasure, said he would accompany me. I
fixed on Monday the 17th of May, and had a detachment
warned to be ready to embark on that morning, consisting of
400 of the 51st K. O. L. I., 300 of the 9th Madras Native
Infantry, 67 Madras Sappers, and a sergeant and 6 gunners
of the Bengal Artillery. The whole party was placed under
the command of Major Errington of the 51st Light Infantry.

" The Commodore appointed three fine vessels to carry the
troops — the H. C. S. F. ' Sesostris' and l Moozuffer/ and the
' Tenasserim/ with a smaller steamer, the l Pluto/ carrying
the Naval Brigade and Marines of H. M.'s frigate ' Fox/

" We cleared the Rangoon river on the afternoon of Monday
the 17th, and on the next evening anchored off Negrais Island,
leading into the Bassein river. At daybreak the next morning
the flotilla weighed and we ascended that most beautiful stream
for sixty miles, which at 4 o' clock brought us in view of the
defences, of about a mile long, of the City of Bassein. We
had passed some new stockades, one at and the other south of
Naputa, a few miles below the town, which were not armed, but
these consisted of one extensive stockade, with several hundred
men in it, fully armed with cannon.

" The enemy looked at us, but did not show any disposition
to molest. The flotilla arrived at the left of their position, a
strong well-built mud fort, armed with cannon and men. This
we passed within two hundred yards, and so in succession all
their defences for nearly a mile, till the 'Tenasserim/ with
the Commodore and myself on board, anchored opposite a

CAPTURE OP BASSEIN. 147

golden pagoda, centrally situated within the defences. The
steamers anchored in succession without bringing down the fire
of a single musket.

" The admirable position taken up by the steamers induced
me to order the immediate landing of the troops. The enemy
appeared so completely surprised and paralyzed by our ap-
proach, that I gave orders not to fire unless fired on, and to
take possession of the pagoda. Nearly all the men of H. M.'s
51st Foot got on shore under the pagoda before a shot was
fired. Captain Latter, my interpreter, accompanied Captain
Darroch with a company of the 51st on shore, and landed on
the extreme right of the works, opposite a traverse covering a
gateway, and there a parley was held between Captain Latter
and some Burmese on the walls, which brought on the first
discharge of musketry, killing a sergeant and wounding two
men. This fire was taken up and ran down the works, but
soon ceased.

"At this time Major Errington made his advance on the
pagoda and carried it in most gallant style, the 51st Light
Infantry maintaining nobly the character they had ever com-
manded by their courage and distinguished conduct in the field.

" The contest that stamped the operations of this remarkable
day with a brilliant conclusion, was the attack on the mud
fort, most scientifically built, and of great extent, which could
only have been constructed under a despotism that commanded
the labour of its subjects, in the short time they had been
about it. It was not entirely completed in its details within.
The storming party under Major Errington proceeding to the
left of the Burmese works, accompanied by Lieutenant Bice, of
H. M/s frigate ' Fox/ and Lieutenant Ford of the Madras
Sappers, came upon this mud fort fully garrisoned and well
armed. The attack was most determined, as was the defence
obstinate. It was bravely stormed, but with the consequence
of Major Errington and several officers and men being severely
wounded; Lieutenant Ansley, with a small detachment of the

10 *

148 OUR BURMESE WARS.

9th Madras Native Infantry shared in this contest; he was
severely wounded,, and the corps proved itself to be as good as
it looks, and it is one of the nicest* corps I have ever seen ; its
gallantry and devotion on this occasion claiming the admiration
of all who witnessed it. The whole affair was over a little
after 6 o'clock.

" While these operations had been going on, the Commodore
had claimed the services of Captain Campbell of the ' Sesostris/
and his men, in destroying a stockade on the opposite bank of
the river. They drove off the Burmese, fired the stockade, and
took six guns.

" I am informed from several sources that the enemy suffered
very severely in the contest in the mud fort.

" In having the honour, as well as the gratification of
reporting to the Governor- General in Council the possession
of this important station, I will observe that, from every indi-
cation of preparations going on, the Government of this country
intended to make it a most powerful place and to repair the
loss of Rangoon by establishing Bassein as their mart of com-
munication with this country, as well as a powerful position
to keep in subjection the Pegu population, so decidedly and
ever our friends, and also to maintain a threatening attitude
towards the south of Arakan.

" By leaving Bassein to itself, I should have been giving it
back to the soldiery just driven out, as the defences had been
built and put into the improved state I have described, by five
thousand men from the Upper Country, commanded by a man
of reputation. To secure it I have left a garrison of two
companies (160 men) of the 51st Light Infantry, and 300 men
of the Madras Native Infantry. These will be reinforced by
an officer of artillery and half a company with two 9-pounder
guns — the garrison now possessing two 12-inch howitzers.

* It will be seen from this curious expression, and the despatch generally,
that our gallanl and amiable Commander was not a master in the art of
despatch-writing.

CAPTURE OF BASSEIN. 149

These, with two months' rations, will leave this on or about
the 26th instant. Major Roberts, of the 9th Madras Native
Infantry, will proceed in the same vessel to take command of
Bassein ; he is an experienced and excellent officer.

" I consider that in a few weeks the Burmese soldiery of the
Upper Country will have returned to their homes, meeting with
no sympathy from the Pegu population, and the Pegu soldiers
themselves are already with their families, so that the garrison
I have left could, in a military point of view, be withdrawn in
six weeks ; and it will then remain with the Government of
India to decide whether it will hold during the war this very
important place. If so, further arrangements will be very
necessary. Major Fraser, the Commanding Engineer, should
visit it. A very little expense will make it a sure position.
The barrack houses the soldiery are now in are excellent, and
well built of wood. Fresh meat can be had, as the population
of the place are coming under our protection in great numbers.

" I may here remark, that that most admirable officer, and
clear-seeing man, my most respected late Commander Sir A.
Campbell, attached great importance to the holding of Bassein.

" After passing two clear days in arranging for the stability
of the detachment to be left here, on the morning of the 22nd,
the flotilla, with the exception of the ' Sesostris/ which remains,
weighed at daybreak, and reached Bangoon on the 23rd of
May, after an absence of only seven days.

"To Commodore Lambert, and to this combined expedition,
the Governor-General in Council owes all that professional
ability and unremitting exertion could accomplish towards
success to which they so largely contributed. The Hon. Com-
pany's steamer ' Proserpine/ Commander Brooking, arrived
twenty-four hours after the place was taken, but even so his
activity was not lost, for he and his vessel went off the morning
before we weighed and destroyed the stockade that I have
mentioned to have passed on the way up to the river.

"Major Errington, of H. M.'s 51st Light Infantry, who

150 OUR BURMESE WARS.

commanded the detachment of troops embarked for Bassein,
who principally directed this detachment, and who fought this
detachment, deserves the particular thanks of the Most Noble
the Governor- General in Council. I have great pleasure in
forwarding his report of the operations, for the perusal of his
Lordship in Council.

" I beg the best consideration of Government for Captain
Kice and Lieutenant Carter, of the 51st Light Infantry, and for
Lieutenant Ansley, of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, all three
severely wounded at the assault of the fort, and also for Lieu-
tenant Ford, of the Sappers and Miners, on the same occasion,
for Lieutenant Rice, 1st of H. M.'s frigate ' Fox/ who com-
manded the Naval Brigade, and who was severely wounded
whilst particularly distinguishing himself in the attack of the fort.

" It has been brought to my notice that Mr. Duncan, the
2nd officer of the Hon. Company's steamer ' Tenasserim,' at
the head of a party of men of his ship, behaved most gallantly
upon the same occasion.

"To Captain Darroch, of the 51st Light Infantry, and to
Captain Latter, my interpreter, thanks are due for their gal-
lantry in forcing the traverse, and entering at the gate on the
right of the enemy's position. Lieutenant Craster, of the
Bengal Engineers, also merits thanks ; and the plan of Bassein,
which I enclose for the Governor-General's inspection, will
prove his professional competency. To Lieutenants Elliot and
Nightingale, with the Marines of H. M.'s frigate ' Fox/ and
to Captain Campbell, of the Hon. Company's steam frigate
' Sesostris/ I beg your Lordship in Council's kind consideration.
To Doctor McCosh and the officers of the Medical Department,
thanks are particularly due.

" The naval part of the expedition, both sailors and marines,
supported the character that has ever been theirs of undaunted
courage.

" I have been considered wanting sometimes, in not more
particularly naming corps or individuals, but in this peculiar

OAPTUEE OF BASSEIN. 151

warfare of constant assaults on well armed and strong positions,
often well defended, it lias been the noble emulation of all to
be first into the enemy's works. It was in such an effort of
ambition that that fine and gallant young officer, Lieutenant
Doran, of the 18th Royal Irish, fell pierced with four balls, far
in advance of his proper post ; indeed, I might fill my report
with names, were all to be individualised.

" I now beg particularly to bring to the notice of the
Governor- General in Council, Major Boulderson, of the Ma-
dras Army, the Deputy Judge - Advocate - General of the
Force, who, on this occasion accompanied me and filled the
two posts of Assistant- Adjutant and Assistant-Quartermaster-
General to the expedition, as I could not move from their
important duties at Rangoon Adjutant-General Mayhew nor
Quartermaster- General Allan.

** The Major has been of much essential service to me in
various ways ; and the judicious manner in which he posted
the picquets after the capture of Bassein, in that wilderness of
houses and jungle, tended to the perfect security of the force.
Captain Chads, my Aide-de-camp, never leaves me, and always
makes himself particularly useful.

" Since my last report, nothing worthy of note has occurred
at Rangoon. The town is increasing in importance by crowds
of natives who daily come in with their families and goods ; as
is the case throughout the neighbourhood, but especially at
Kemmendine, which is as large a place as Rangoon.

" The conduct of the troops is excellent, and their health is
improving daily since the rain has set in.

" I have the honour to be, &CV
(Signed) " H. Godwin, Lieutenant-General,
" Commanding the forces in Ava,

Arakan and Tenasserim Provinces.

" Head- Quarters, Rangoon, 24th May 1852.

" To Charles Allen, Esq.
" Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign
Department, Fort William.

152 OUR BURMESE WARS.

On Monday, May 24th, the General returned from Bassein.
The town of Pegu was said to be occupied by a Burmese chief,
who had been victorious over the Peguese. In the morning
there was a grand parade round the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, with
all the customary honours, to celebrate her Majesty's birthday.
The effect was very grand and impressive.

It was supposed that the unfortunate ex- Governor of Ran-
goon, who on a recent occasion was so nearly caught by
Colonel Apthorp, had at length been captured and sent in
chains to Ava. He was the same Mightiness who, at the
commencement of operations, had put the Line-Myoothoon-Gee
in irons for failing to re-capture the King's ship. What an
example of the biter bit ! — Lieutenant Tayler, with a detach-
ment of Artillery and two guns, proceeded to Bassein. Major
Roberts, with the remainder of his regiment, likewise went to
take command of the new position. — Such were a few of the
small and great events which followed the capture .

On May 31st, intelligence arrived of an

Attuck on Martaban.

At 6 o'clock on Wednesday morning (26th), a Burmese
advanced force, consisting of about 600 men, under Moung-
Bwosh, the Governor of Martaban, marched over the hill from
the western side, and made a sudden and unexpected rush upon
the picquets guarding the heights. The alarm now being given,
the troops were under arms and at their guns. Major Hall
ordered the picquets at the northern pagoda into camp, and
subsequently sent a strong party of sepoys, under the command
of Lieutenant Holmes, to reconnoitre, under cover of the ar-
tillery guns. The Burmese, however, advanced ; a party of
about 1,000 kept near the small white pagoda below the hill;
another of about 2,000 lay a mile away in reserve, while a
smaller force kept up a smart fire on the troops at the distance

ATTACK ON MARTABAN. 153

of about 150 yards north of the camp. The party under Lieu-
tenant Holmes was placed in a very perilous situation; but
that officer succeeded in returning to camp with, however,
serious loss in three killed and eleven wounded, of whom eight
were dangerously so, a subadar of the 40th Native Infantry
being of the number of the latter. The Artillery now played
with the most deadly effect, and the report of heavy guns at
Martaban caused the alarm to be sounded in cantonments at
Maulmain. The two companies of H. M/s 51st Light Infantry
and 26th Native Infantry got under arms; the former were
marched off at once, embarked in boats, and proceeded to
Martaban. The " Feroze," from her position opposite the
office of Messrs. Graceman and Co., a distance of some two or
three miles from the white pagoda on the hill, sent discharges
of artillery which made the Burmese seek a more distant
point of protection, and defaced the beauty of their pagoda.
The strength of the Burmese was now seriously weakened,
and the reserved forces obliged to be brought up to the rescue.
These were also reduced in number, for the attack being in
open day, and not as hitherto at night, their position and
numbers were ascertained and dealt with accordingly. A
body of men entrenched themselves behind a small white
pagoda, near their former storehouse or magazine, and hoisted
a flag on it, which, being observed by Lieutenants Steuart
and Baird, became a mark at once. The flag on the first shot
was sent down in tatters, the summit of the pagoda keeping it
company. The Burmese now found themselves uncomfortably
situated here, the guns being fired in this direction until the
glacis of the hill was cleared. From this time until late in
the evening shots were fired at intervals to clear the place of
stragglers.

Commodore Lynch, on delivering his instructions to his
second in command, manned his three cutters, and proceeded
up the Salween to intercept the flight of the Burmese. He
found them scattered at the third pagoda, now repairing, north

154 OUR BURMESE WARS.

of the camp, and ordered his boats to open fire upon them with
shell and canister, which made them retire. The Infantry-
met them in their flight, and opened a raking fire upon them.
Captain Tapley, on the other hand, with his own cutter, and
one from the "Medusa," manned by marines from the
" Feroze/' went in a south-westerly direction, but failed to
meet the enemy. The boats returned on the same evening,
and proceeded up again yesterday morning.

The Burmese force was commanded by the notorious Dacoit
chief and robber Moung Shoay-loang, who had been sent
from Ava to retake Martaban, or forfeit his head in case of
failure. Wednesday last was, according to the guardian angels
of Moung Shoay-loang, considered the lucky day for the
exploit ; but with what success has now been seen.

Burmese Games.

A few words about the games among Talaings and Burmese
may now be interesting. The principal are cock-fighting,
wrestling, buffalo-fighting, foot-ball, and boat-racing. They
have likewise a sort of dice to aid their gambling propensities.
At the buffalo-fights men sit on the beasts ; these last rush at
each other with tremendous fury. Frequently the horns be-
come locked together, when a trial of strength ensues, each
pushing his adversary as far back as possible. The buffaloes,
after a short contest, generally become tired of the sport, and
not unfrequently scamper away at a furious rate from their
tormentors. The buffalo is seldom killed; but the rider is
often thrown. The game is every bit as rational as the bull-
fights so extensively patronised by the ladies of Spain, and to
the Burmese ladies it is certainly quite as exciting. Foot-
ball is played with a small ball of wicker-work — very light,
of course. The players form a circle, and keep up the
ball with remarkable skill : with knee or foot they send it
Hying in every direction, as if they were perfect masters in the

BTTEMESE GAMES. 155

law of projectiles * In boat-racing the Burmese shine con-
siderably. Boats very long and very narrow, with some twenty
rowers on a side, and paddled along at an incredible speed.
Singing and a variety of gestures aid the effect of this exciting
amusement. The Burmese posture of defiance is common in
the pleasure as well as in the war boats. The latter are gene-
rally ornamented, and armed with some thirty men or so,
carrying questionable muskets, but sharp dhas. A national
game, of minor importance, is a sort of draughts. The players
commence by drawing squares on the ground, and seated oc-
casionally in a state of profound abstraction before a move,
they play away with a gravity worthy of the great Gautama
himself. The Burmese enjoy a game at cards quite as much as
the old ladies of England. They are fond of music and very
superstitious : many of them believe in fairies. The instru-
ment of sound used is a sort of harmonicon, which discourses
most eloquent music either to the adventurer on his rambles,
or to the Burmese beauty as she sits, like many of those in our
country, pensive and alone. Men and women, in every clime,
are both poets and musicians by nature. In the melody or
modulation of sound there is a wonderful power, which,
" partly from nature, partly from habit and association, makes
such pathetic impressions on the fancy, as delights even the
most wild barbarians/' The Burmese are likewise fond of
dancing, when they frequently display their skill in the dress
of devils. What the sensation drama is to the British public,
the Pooay is to the Burman.

We shall conclude this chapter with the descriptiont of a
Burmese funeral.

* While revising this narrative (September 1879) the writer has just learned
that English foot-ball has now become common among the Burmese. They
use the leather cover, with bladder inside, and affect Rugby to a considerable
extent ! Lately, we understand, the Burmese beat the gallant 54th at foot-
ball.

f From notes furnished us by Lieutenant Cadell, of the Bengal Artillery.
This description is of the most humble Burmese funeral. In general, the last

156 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Returning from Kemmendine in the evening, we saw a Bur-
mese funeral-procession following the remains of an old woman.
Women and children attended as well as men, and three priests
brought up the rear. The corpse is placed in a coffin made
of matting, and is carried by four men. Old women were
howling in a most disconsolate manner. On reaching the burial-
ground the poougis (or phongyees) came forward, and took up
their position on a raised platform at the head of the grave.
Before the priests were placed three large dishes of plantains,
and dried fish. Pieces of wood were put across the grave, and
the coffin rested on them. The men then kneeled round the
priests, and the women and children formed an outer semi-
circle. A poongi then repeated a few prayers, to which the
men responded. Then a long prayer was said, and, while
the priest was speaking, a man was pouring water slowly on
the ground from a small earthenware vessel. This finished the
ceremony, and the poongi s, having had their provisions care-
fully collected, departed. The corpse was then taken from
the coffin and buried. Buddhists, it must be remembered, bury
as well as burn. Pouring the water from the earthen vessel is
to signify the spirit departing from the body.

rites, even where no sign of great wealth is observable, are performed with
extravagant splendour. The bier of the deceased, raised on high, and enclosed
in the model of a Buddhist temple, borne along on the shoulders of some dozens
of bearers, the glaring red and gilt and silvery ornaments of the grotesque
machine, to which a grace is given by the white flags and umbrellas attached
to it ; the long train of followers, chiefly women, in rear, and poongis in
front. Such is a faint outline of the richer Burmese funeral.

157

CHAPTER VI.

PEGU. — PROME. THE GRAND QUESTION. LORD DALHOUSIE

AT RANGOON.

During the first fortnight of May, the Peguese had risen in
considerable strength against the Burmese, and had turned
them out of their towns and villages. At the end of the same
month we found the case reversed ; and the town of Pegu again
in the hands of a Burmese chieftain. Regarding the Peguese
already in the light of allies, it was natural to expect that an
expedition from our Force would shortly pay their ancient
capital a visit. Pegu was reduced by Alompra, after his
conquest of Burma's rival kingdom, to a state of comparative
ruin and desolation.

The conqueror spared the temples, among others the mag-
nificent Shive-madoo Praw, or Temple of the Golden Supreme.*

Conciliation was attempted. But every endeavour to con-
ciliate the Peguese by Burmese strategy signally failed. What

* See "Rangoon," Appendix No. IX. p. 276. The extreme height of this
building, above the level of the country, is three hundred and sixty-one feet,
or about forty feet higher than the Great Shwe Dagon.

158 OUR BURMESE WARS.

they sought for was — either independence, or a good system
of government by the people of a nation wiser and more
civilised than themselves. AYith the former, in its strict sense,
every half-civilised people must now go back in the scale ;
with the latter they must advance, and add their portion of
lustre to the triumphant light which shall, sooner or later,
dwell upon earth.

The town of Pegu is situated some seventy-five miles nearly
north from Rangoon, to which it is far inferior as a commercial
position. On the 2nd of June an expedition was ready
to start for Pegu. The party consisted of two companies
of H. M/s 80th, and two companies of the 67th Bengal Native
Infantry, the whole under Colonel Sturt, of the latter corps.
As many as could be stowed were placed on board the " Phle-
gethon"; the remainder were put in country boats, to be
towed. But it was soon discovered that the boats were not
seaworthy. The troops could not proceed to Pegu that day;
so all were marched back to quarters. On the following
morning the expedition, considerably reduced in size, made a
successful start. It now consisted of one company of H. M/s
80th Foot/ the rifle company of the 67th Bengal Native Infan-
try, under Captain Hicks, and a detachment of Madras Sappers
and Miners, under Lieutenant Macintosh, with Lieutenant
Mayne as Field Engineer ; the whole commanded by Brevet-
Major Cotton, of the 67th Regiment. This force was accom-
panied by a small party of the marines and sailors from the
" Fox," " Phlegethon," and " Medusa," under the command of
Captain Niblett, of the " Phlegethon," and Commander Tarleton,
of H.M.S. " Fox." All embarked on board the " Phlegethon "
steamer, which took in tow the boats of the squadron.

Of course our " Chevalier Bayard,"f Captain Latter, accom-
panied the expedition. By nightfall the steamer had reached

* We believe commanded by Captain Ormsby.
t Sans pom- ct sans reprocbe.

PEGU. 159

within sixteen miles of Pegu, where she anchored. From the
narrowness and shallowness of the river it was not considered
safe to proceed farther. The only thing worth observing that
took place on the passage was that several large villages, as
the expedition came in view, assembled all their inhabitants on
the banks of the river, and cheered and raised their hands
towards Pegu ! " Let the British standard be planted on the
walls of Pegu ! "

On anchoring for the night, information was brought off
that a party of Peguese, on the right bank of the stream, under
a chief named Movngtah, had risen and defeated, the day
before, a detachment of the Burmese garrison, and that they
had proceeded along the bank of the river, intending to co-
operate with us in the attack on Pegu.

The allies were to be distinguished by wearing a small white
flag in the cap.

Next morning the whole party took to the boats, and pro-
ceeded leisurely up to Pegu, a short distance from which
Moungtah and his Peguese band made their appearance.
These were directed, in case of accident, during our operations,
to keep at a distance till required. However, as heavy firing
was heard on the right bank of the river, between the Peguese
and the Burmese, the troops immediately landed. A few of
the enemy only were to be seen, retreating as fast as they
could. The boats and naval party, under Commander Tarle-
ton, were directed to proceed farther up the river, to cut off
the retreat of the enemy who might attempt to pass across.
However, seeing a party of the enemy on the left bank, on
which the town of Pegu is situated, Commander Tarleton
landed the whole of his party, except the boat-keepers, and
proceeded to disperse them. Having advanced some distance,
a body of Burmese, seeing the unguarded state of the boats,
pounced upon them, and took possession. Fortunately the
Burmese were more anxious to plunder than to destroy the
boats.

160 OUR BURMESE WARS.

As Commander Tarleton and his party were returning to
their boats they were fired upon from jungle growing upon
old and ruined walls. The little party gallantly turned to the
assault, and entered the work by a large gap or gateway, which
was not fortified. There were not more than forty shots fired
by the enemy, who fled before the steady fire of the naval
force with the utmost precipitation. Seven Burmese only were
shot down. It was on entering this gap that a correct view of
the future scene of operations was obtained. Within these
ruined walls was an open area of about four miles in length ;
nearly in the centre a lofty pagoda, with much jungle at its
base. The enemy also appeared in considerably larger force
than was expected. Commander Tarleton, accordingly, pru-
dently determined to hold the gap, and to send notice to the
troops under Major Cotton, on the opposite bank. These were
on their return, having heard that the boats were in the pos-
session of the enemy. In the meantime Commander Tarleton
likewise heard of the same circumstance; and that gallant
officer immediately returned with his men to the scene of dis-
embarkation. Thus, the sailors coming down on the one bank
and the soldiers on the other, the boats were immediately re-
captured with the loss of two riflemen wounded.

It being now about 10 o' clock a.m., the sun was very power-
ful ; and the men having passed over a large extent of ground,
Major Cotton prudently determined on postponing the attack
on the pagoda till 3 p.m. By that time the men would have
rested, and enjoyed their rations. The gallant Major took up
an admirable position with the Rifles in front inside the ruined
walls, sheltered by the jungle covering them, and commanding
a clear view of any movements from the pagoda. The European
portion of the force put up in the few huts that remained about
one hundred yards in the rear on the bank of the river j the
sailors occupied the boats. About 1 p.m., however, the enemy,
apparently emboldened by what seemed to be inactivity, and
perhaps by the lout (spoil) from the boats, which had been taken

PEGU. 161

to the pagoda, were seen coming down about fourteen hundred
strong, in something like order, commanded by some thirty
chiefs, on ponies. Another account said, there were one thou-
sand two hundred men, some mounted, and carrying umbrellas
over their chiefs, besides which there were regular horsemen,
who, Avhile they rode, sung a kind of vaunting song. The
alarm being sounded, the Rifles immediately rushed out, and
held the enemy in check. On the native troops being joined
by the European soldiers and sailors the enemy immediately
fled ; and so precipitate was their retreat, that not a single
Burman was touched even by the long shots of the rifles. The
advance of cur small and gallant party was now so rapid that
they seemed as if by magic, in one instant, to rush up the west
and south faces of the pagoda, killing a few of the enemy, and
suffering no loss whatever themselves.

A stronger party, under Mr. Midshipman L , was now

left in the boats ; and Captain Latter was directed to remain
for their further safety with the Peguese on the banks. The
next day was spent in destroying the granaries, and carrying off
nine guns ; and, on the following morning, the whole party
returned to the steamer. The entire loss of the British on this
occasion was one European sailor killed, and two wounded, in
the occupation of the boats by the enemy. One sailor was
wounded in the assault on the gap, under Commander Tarleton;
and two riflemen were wounded on our recapture of the boats.
The loss of the Burmese could scarcely be estimated, from the
best information, at more than one score.

Thus was the old town of Pegu captured. It was not occu-
pied by the British, but made over to the Talaings — a political
step on which it was rather difficult to form an opinion, after an
earnest request from the Peguese for the expulsion of their
oppressors.* It was thought, however, they would defend

* The following was published about the middle of June : — " The British
troops stormed the pagoda at Pegu, after some heavy skirmishing on I be Itli,

162 OTJE BURMESE WAES.

their own persons, if they could not keep their towns, till Pegu
came forth in greater beauty than ever, under an enlightened
rule. The month of June in this narrative was also distin-
guished by the achievements of the Hon. Company's gallant
little steamer " Proserpine," under Captain Brooking, in the
Irawady. She was sent up the river, and made good her way,
before the middle of the month, without serious opposition, to
where the Irawady divides itself, like the two prongs of a fork ;
or, say eighty miles below Prome. All that portion of the
river below this point was thus surveyed. At the point
where the Irawady divides into two streams, and above which
there is no other outlet, to the sea, we maybe said to command
the navigation of the great river. Captain Brooking, with the
" Proserpine," succeeded immediately after in exploring the
Irawady to within thirty miles of Prome, having thus pene-
trated into the very heart of the enemy's country, and, with
the assistance of two well-armed boats of H.M.S. " Fox,"
having captured and destroyed eighty boats of grain, of thirty
tons each. The rice in these boats was destined for the Bur-
mese army assembling at Prome, and its loss at such a crisis
was, of course, severely felt. An intelligent writer remarked : —
" It was a proud thing to reflect upon this little English vessel
alone, in the midst of enemies and of an enemy's country,
performing its duties as unconcernedly as if it was on the
Thames, and taking and destroying the Burmese Commissariat
in their very teeth."

The " Proserpine," on her voyage, did not escape being tired

with a loss of one seaman killed; three seam on, two Bepoys, and one camp-
follower wounded. The Eorcej after destroying the fortifications, returned to
Rangoon on the 6th. Everything quiet round Bassein. The enemy had left
the neighbourhood, and the inhabitants were coming in numbers to seek pro-
tection under our rule The troops were all very healthy. Soon after our
troops left the old town of Pegu, the Burmese oame down in a body of three
thousand or four thousand strong, and drove out the Peguese."

PEGU. 1 63

on; and, about the end of the month, intelligence readied us
at Rangoon of a brilliant little affair against a stockade, which
she silenced and destroyed, after expending all her ammunition.
This position was, most probably, held by a strong band of
dacoits, who roam like firebrands through the country, ready to
espouse any successful side, but, until opportunity turns up,
destroying every thing that comes in their way. Similar lawless
vagabonds infest the Nizam's dominions in the Deccan. But
"Jolly June" had its peaceful as well as its warlike triumphs ;
the former, of course, at Rangoon. An elegant theatre was being
erected for the entertainment of officers and men ; and the
Rev. Mr. Burney's reading and lecture room was very well
attended. This excellent chaplain arrived from Calcutta early
in May ; and his frequent visits to the hospitals, combined
with his admirable expositions of pious and homely truths to
the men on a Sunday, effected immense good. His idea of
getting up instructive lectures for the men, to be delivered
once or twice on the week days, was a good one.* Large
audiences of British soldiers were enlightened with a graphic
sketch of the rise of European traffic in Burma to its decline,
with various information regarding the country. They were
likewise, we believe, favoured by Mr. Kincaid — before alluded
to — with a lecture on Buddha, which one would imagine to
have been rather above their comprehension. When the author
of this work was at home on furlough a well-educated man
took him into a corner one evening, and said, with a solemn
face, — " Now tell me, what does Buddha mean ? Who was
Buddha ?" A very natural question, and one of so puzzling a
character, that we were obliged to leave it to such men as
Colonel Sykes and Professor Wilson to fairly answer.

* In September 1864 Royal Artillery lectures and public readings for the
Europeans were established at Rangoon. But these were got up under far
more advantageous circumstances than in 1852, the year of the first lecture to
British soldiers in Pegu.

11 *

164 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Yes, with all their erudition and vast research, notwith-
standing the immortal labours of Sir W. Jones, Vans Kennedy,
Coleman, Colebrooke, Remusat, Manupied, and a host of others,
men will be inquiring, in a generation yet to come, — Who was
Buddha?*

Mr. Kincaid, on his return from Maulmain, recovered but a
very small portion of his valuable books lost in the "Might."
Lexicons and dictionaries, letters and manuscripts, were no-
where to be found. This zealous missionary appeared to be a man
of no ordinary stamp, judging by all we had heard of him from
officers of the Force and others. Having resided some twenty
years in Burma, he had amassed a vast quantity of infor-
mation concerning the people and the country. His work of
proselytism had been wonderfully successful. He twice visited
the city of Ava ; and on one or more occasions experienced ill-
treatment. If the truth were known, we dare say this American
missionary had really been, like many before him, and St. Paul
his great exemplar, " in perils by the heathen, in perils in the
city, in perils in the wilderness, in perils among false brethren/'
Thinking seriously on the matter, there is something to greatly
admire in those devoted men and women who labour in a
distant land, consecrating their whole lives to an obedience to
the Divine mandate, published by the Great Captain of our
Salvation — " Go and preach the Gospel to every creature ! "
There can be little doubt that the missionaries stand forth as
the pioneers of civilisation in Burma. Regarding the mis-
sionary enterprise in a political point of view, two things are
requisite, above all others, moderation and patience ! With
these the grand cause must flourish — without them there can

* How true it is, that the very errors of the human mind form a part of its
history! In China I In ire are three systems of philosophic or religious belief
— Tit, tin- doctrine of Confucius; Fo, or Buddhism ; and the sect of Taou, or
Rationalists. Buddhism, "the fairest branch of the religion of India," called
also Samaneism, deserves the attentive study of every thinking man. For
remarks on Gautama and Buddhism, see " Rangoon," chap. x. p. 129.

PEGU. 165

be no satisfactory result. And, musing carefully over the re-
spective creeds of Brahmanism and Buddhism, very many may
be apt to believe that the latter presents the easier field for
missionary labour ; and, consequently, the chance of success
must be greater. On the plain Deism of the Karens, also,
we know that missionaries do not find it difficult to engraft
the valuable traths of Christianity; whereas, in the dark
religion of Brahmanical polytheism, the difficulties are legion,
and terribly disheartening to the Christian philanthropist.

Mr. Burney's father was the well-known Resident at the
Court of Ava, Colonel Burney, who, when the Burmese Go-
vernment would have a Resident no longer, was yet requested
by the King to stay as a friend.

Captain Impey, of whom we briefly wrote in our first
Narrative,* was now quietly residing at Bankok, in Siam, under
the assumed name of George Aylmer. At first he was reported
to be drilling the King of Siam's troops; but he was really
there in the peaceful capacity of a merchant. The adven-
turous Captain " hoped to be appointed agent to the Singapore
merchants at the capital of Siam."

From the throne Amai'inwinichai-Mahaiswriyapheman, great
improvements were now expected, in the government of Siam.
The policy of exclusiveness was said to be, at length, aban-
doned ; and the Siamese King had taken to free trade, after a
fashion, which was as necessary to the welfare of his kingdom
as to his own preservation. He had forbidden his own subjects
the use of opium, and had made a vigorous effort to extend the
commerce of his country.

Regarding that curious people, the Karens,t Deists, who

* See " Kangoon," p. 144.

f " Their traditions embody remembrances of the creation, the deluge, and
the promise of a deliverer." They, in fact, embrace what may be styled the
fossilised skeletons of the faith.

166 OUR BURMESE WARS.

occupy the various mountainous and difficult tracts through-
out Burma; Pegu, the Tenasserim coast, and parts of the Shan
and Siamese countries, we read that the " second section of
the great Karen tribe, which in Burma has embraced Chris-
tianity by themselves, and is rapidly being organized into a
nation, resides in Siam " (1852).

There is evidently a great change operating in the Siamese
character. The pride of this nation has been described by
some author of note, as so excessive, that the lowest Siamese
considered himself superior to the greatest subject of any other
nation. In their literature, as with the Burmese, they have
nothing to enforce upon them the folly of extreme pride.

In June, it may be mentioned, the Madras Artillery sustained
a severe loss by the death of that excellent officer, Major Hugh
Montgomery.* He had distinguished himself at the capture
of the White House Stockade, and during the advance on the
Great Pagoda.

By the commencement of July, Rangoon was a nourishing
town, with some forty or fifty thousand inhabitants. t People
to be seen of nearly every creed, and of every Asiatic nation.
Of course, it was to be expected that among this numerous
population lurked many men of questionable character. There
was the slippery dacoit, who had come to try his hand, perhaps,
upon a commissariat bullock ; there was the wily gambler who
had come to cheat those who had money about them ; there
were Burmese spies, who had just dropped in to look quietly at
the state of affairs, and see whether our gallant General was on
the qui vive or not ; but the majority consisted of those who
were driven by hunger to flee from Burmese oppression, and

* The lamented Major was brother in (lie late Sir Eenry Montgomery,
Bart., for manj years a member of Ber Majesty's [ndian Council.

| This may nol be quite correct, .-is, in I sr,7, bhe population of Rangoon did
not much exceed forty thousand. For L851, orshdrtlj before bhe war, wo have
acen it printed as low us twenty thousand.

PEGU. 167

who now rejoiced to live in certain security, under British
protection ! Was it not for this, Providence sent us here ? Was
not the Indian Government working out its grand destiny?
Near the beach was an immense bazaar, where fish, fruit, meat,
and vegetables were sold. The vendors were women, old and
young. There were pine-apples, plantains, and mangoes in
abundance, for sale ; also pumpkins and cucumbers. The bek-
ties and maugoe fish were, generally speaking, very inferior to
what we got in India.

And, in addition to the necessaries of life, many articles
of luxury were now procurable in Rangoon. Justice breathed
under the vigilant magistracy of Captain Latter ; and, on the
whole, civilisation here seemed in a fair way of taking root.

From such a point of prosperity in our narrative we pass on
to the middle of July, when the welcome intelligence arrived
of the success of an expedition of steamers which had been
despatched up the Irawady.

The flotilla was under Commander Tarleton, R.N.; and the
steamers employed were the " Proserpine/' " Pluto/' " Phlege-
thon," " Medusa/' and " Mahanuddy."

Prome had been circumvented ; the enemy's war-boats had
been destroyed, and the Burmese put to flight, with the loss of
forty guns. " It is all up with the army/' said many. " There
will be no medal for Prome ! " said a few. The wise said nothing ;
although it did certainly seem that James Watt had taken more
than his share of the glory. The question of " Could not the
General ere this have taken troops sufficient to Prome in the
steamers and rafts ? " or, " Could he not have taken two thou-
sand men, and at once have occupied Prome on this occasion ? "
might have been answered in various ways ; one of them, per-
haps, " It would certainly have been impolitic to have denuded
Rangoon of troops, at such a period of the war, without the
chance of immediate reinforcements." Another, "Why occupy
Prome immediately, when the wishes of Government are not
known on the subject of annexation X " and another, " Why

168 OUR BURMESE WARS.

should the men be exposed at such a season as this, with the
chance of, on their arrival at Prome, finding all the houses
burned to the ground, and the ancient boundary between Pegu
and Burma utterly destroyed ? "

The object of the expedition to Burma was described by
Lord Derby, in the House of Lords,* as follows : — " To strike
a blow against Rangoon and Martaban, which by striking terror
into the minds of the Burmese, and by showing the efficiency
of our forces, would induce them to make peace on terms
honourable to the British Government.-" Far more than this
had been done. Bassein had been captured, and various minor
successes had attended our arms ; and then the Burmese kept
silence, while the Peguese seemed everywhere to desire our
protection and government ; yet Peace did not come from the
Court of Ava ! With the golden-footed King, or his vile and
dissolute advisers, she did not dwell !

All this would naturally tend to place the British Commander
in a difficult position. Be this as it may, many thought Com-
mander Tarleton had done a very fine thing. The General, just
returned from a tour of inspection, was astonished at the event
which had humiliated Prome, for a time.

The following description of the affair was eventually de-
livered by electric telegraph in Calcutta, when the " Fire
Queen " came within telegraphic range of the City of Palaces: —
" Prome was occupied on the 9th July. Twenty-two guns,
many of large calibre, taken from the enemy by the steam
flotilla in the Irawady, under the command of J. W. Tarleton,
R.N. Flotilla attacked on the 7th by a strong force of the
enemy at Konongce. Silenced enemy's fire in an hour, and
the steamers proceeded. On the 10th, fell in with the rear of
General Bandoola's army, and, after an exchange of shots, the
enemy fled in great confusion, leaving the General's state-barge,

» 5th of April, 1852.

PEGU. 169

standard, two gold umbrellas, several large war-canoes, and
twenty prisoners in our possession." A few officers were
wounded,* and, on the whole, twenty-eight guns were taken ;
twenty-nine by another account, and among them one 42
and one 54-pounder. Commander Tarleton, we believe, went
through what may be styled the eastern channel, passing
the Burmese who were drawn up in force, not on the island,
but on the left bank of the river. This movement almost
paralyzed the enemy ; and as our steamers were returning, war-
boats were sent out to intercept their progress. Then com-
menced the work of destruction and capture which terminated
this brilliant little affair. Strange enough, in almost deserted
Prome, some inhabitants who sought our protection assisted
the men in finding the guns. A poor Peguese labourer, on
being asked by one of our officers why he acted thus, replied,
" Because we are perishing under this Government ; no secu-
rity for person, no security for property. If a man is possessed
of five rupees to-day, and it becomes known, he is robbed of it
by the greedy authorities to-morrow." No person in Burma,
"ventures to exhibit his wealth by enjoying it, for means of
extortion would soon be used to deprive him of it."

The people were fleeced by the governors, who were delegated
by the King to rule over them for a high consideration. And
of course the chief object was to drain the coffers of their
helpless charge by a system of oppression.

Could it be otherwise, than that this people should wish the
dynasty of Alompra at an end ? The dog had had his day ; he
had earned a bad name; should we hang him? In an age of
social progress and enlightenment, all such vile instruments
of government must be swept away. What should such crea-

* According to this report, Lieutenant Elliot, Rl. M., Mr. J. Morgan, assist. -
surgeon, H.M.S. " Fox," Mr. Hunter, I. N., and Mr. Brayer, mate, I. N.

1 70 OUR BURMESE aWARS.

tures as these do " crawling between earth and heaven ? "* The
grand question which now arose, was, " Would it be wise and
politic in our Government to annex the country to our eastern
domain ? " We were inclined to answer in the affirmative.
It would, we thought, be both wise and politic to absorb Burma,
and place the worthless king on the list of pensioners. The
country deserves care and trouble; let us dispense the bless-
ings of security and civilisation, and ensure wealth and prosperity
to a wide-spread and interesting people, whose domestic morals
we may reform in the course of time, the vast and rich re-
sources of whose country Ave shall be able to evolve for their
own benefit as well as that of mankind at large. The Burmese
would not require a great effort to be tamed under the paw of
the British lion, and would form the most formidable barrier
between our own and the Chinese Empire. Another view ad-
vocated the annexation of the kingdom of Pegu only to the
British possessions in the East. This would humiliate the court
of Ava, by taking away its best provinces, and would relieve the
Peguese from tyranny and oppression. And many Burmese
would soon come under our protection. At the close of the
last war numbers of Burmese expatriated themselves; they
availed themselves of a time and opportunity for emancipation
from tyranny, flocked into the Tenasserim Provinces, " and
formed the nucleus of their future prosperity."

The reader may now naturally inquire if any jealousy exists
between the Takings and Burmese? Not nearly so much as
might be expected.

They are both of the Tartar race,f and each has been inde-
pendent in its turn ; neither of them is affected by caste ; and

* Written in 1 Sol. The author must have anticipated the reign of King
Thebati in ls7!>. Hamlet's remark, in this case, becomes more striking, when
we consider thai MLandalaj is lield by the Burmese to be under the especial
oharge of Santama !

■j- This is, of course, an assumption ; the people of further India are supposed
by Mr. Orawfurd to be radically distinct /rum any other Asiatic race.

PEGU. 171

excepting a little jealousy which exists between the high phon-
gyees, orrahans (priests, or monks), of the Burmese and Talaings
— said simply to have reference to temporal dignity and position,
without a tendency to produce schism — there is not more envy
than we observe every day between any two men of a different
trade or country. The question remains open whether " the inde-
pendent sea-board power of Pegu or the comparatively land-
locked kingdom of Ava was most likely to have first received the
missionaries of Buddhism/' The Tenasserim Provinces had
yielded no actual surplus revenue to British India. They had, on
the contrary, cost us a few thousands a year. And why ? Because
at the close of the last war we occupied a country which could
never be made to pay its expenses. We occupied this and the
swamps of Arakan, while the once glorious kingdom of Pegu
stretched out its arms to receive us ! The Tenasserim Pro-
vinces had never paid their expenses ; but, says an authority,
taking his own view of the annexation question, lf This is no
reason why the rich province of Pegu, with its inexhaustible
forests of teak, its fertile soil, its noble rivers, its mineral re-
sources, and its industrious population, should not, under the
impulse of improvement — which we shall not fail to impart to
it — more than cover the whole expense of its occupation. Nor
must we forget that we secure, at the same time, four or five
millions of consumers of our manufactures — that is, according
to the extent of territory we may appropriate — and open new
marts of commerce/' Rangoon, at no very distant period,
would become the Liverpool or Glasgow of further India. Im-
mense traffic would naturally crown such an admirable com-
mercial position, and the woods, grain, oils and minerals of
Pegu, with its various other commodities, would be diffused
throughout the civilised world.

And why should not this be brought about? The entire
people of Southern Burma were seeking our rule ; Rangoon and
Kemmendine were filled with inhabitants ; and the Peguese,
i, " decidedly and ever our friends/'

172 OUR BURMESE WARS.

what could we seek more? Or, it may be better to say, what
could we wish more, after we had invested and occupied Prome
by British troops ? Such a consummation was, doubtless, near
at hand. " From Prome to the Aeng Pass on one side," wrote
an authority, " and to Martaban, taking the Sittang river as
the boundary on the other, would give us the whole sea-board,
and Pegu in its integrity, whilst it would still leave a noble
territory to the Court of Ava, larger than, for the interests of
the people, it ought to possess/' So much confidence General
Godwin appeared to have in the Peguese, that he once said
at Rangoon, "if he bad the authority to promise annexation, he
would levy a militia of these fellows, and go with them and a
portion of our force, to Prome at once."

The " Phlegethon," under Captain Niblett, took a trip to
Donabewin May. No fortifications were found there, merely
the town, and the remains of the work destroyed in the last
war.

The General, Bandoola, whose name has appeared while nar-
rating the temporary capture of Prome by Commander Tarle-
ton, was the son of our gallant and determined enemy during
the last war, who said, not long before his death at Donabew,
that the English did not know how to fight ! The report for
some time had been rife at Rangoon that Bandoola junior was
coining down to make a grand stand. He had forty thou-
sand of the King of Ava's chosen troops with him, goodly
men and true.

Probably the Golden Foot thought that the name of Ban-
doola would act like magic on the people. Such is well enough
in Europe, perhaps, but it will not do .in Asiatic countries.
The master-mind was wanting. Bandoola proved himself, on
the occasion referred to, to be a disgrace to his father's name ;
he tied bodily, probably to drown his misfortune in dissipation,
to which, report said, the would-be Bandoola the Great was
very much addicted.

Great Britain in the East— particularly at this time— appeared

PEGU. 173

to be working out a grand destiny. Providence seemed to have
ordained that she should " go forth conquering and to con-
quer." To advance is life — to retire is death. Such assurances
ably cheer the onward march of civilisation.

To review the affairs of a mighty Government there must be
no prejudice, no party feelings of revenge ; there must be am-
plitude of comprehension and an intimate acquaintance with the
subject. Without these, a fair and candid judgment can never
be passed on civil or military affairs. Thoughts like these were
apt to crowd upon the mind at a time when India was about to
occupy a greater share of public attention than ever ; at a time
when a natural desire existed among so many that justice might
be done to India, and to the Honourable East India Company.
It was highly pleasing to read the speech delivered by the First
Minister of the Crown (the Earl of Derby) on Friday, the 2nd
of April. Justice was then done to the Company, which, "from
an humble origin, established in a comparatively short period,
the mightiest empire under the sun, redeeming any errors of
rapacity and lust in its early stages by the wise government
and enlightened humanity by which, in later times, it had
achieved a dominion absolute and uncontrolled, whether by
the direct exercise of its authority, or by an influence not less
absolute than actual authority, over a district of country ex-
tending from Cape Comorin on the south, to the borders of
Burma, of Cashmere, Cabul, and Afghanistan on the north,
and embracing, I think, something like 28° of latitude (cheers);
a vast district inhabited by a population which I believe I am
within the mark when I set down at 150,000,000 exer-
cising its authority over a population of various races, and of
various religions, who have been often in hostility to each other,
but who now, conquerors and conquered, agree to submit to
the jurisdiction of a comparatively small body of Europeans •
a Company which has secured its power, not so much by the
sword as by the wisdom of its councillors ; which has seen suc-
cumb to it, one after another, the mightiest monarchies of

174 OUR BURMESE AVARS.

India, and which, without any attempt at conquest— nay,
contrary to its wish — has seen the populations of those monar-
chies gradually freeing themselves, under the protection of its
authority. It was not less extraordinary that this vast empire
should he maintained by an army of 285,000 men, composed
mainly of natives, every variety of religion and grades, equally
loyal to their conquerors. It was a task of magnitude to
investigate the machinery hy which this great territory was
superintended."

With reference, again, to the grand question, whether Prome,
or Amarapiira, would be on the northern boundary of our grasp,
a highly intelligent officer wrote, " Why, here is a country, the
conquest of which would cost comparatively a small outlay of
men and money, of much greater value to us than the Punjab,
as a maritime and commercial people, from its geographical
superiority and advantages, to say nothing of its productions
which are of the most remarkable kind." Thus was the matter
looked upon in the light of a commercial necessitjr.

Some talked of Ava and Prome making "convenient appen-
dages" to Calcutta, "rounding off" our possessions in the
East. And once having moved inland, it would be difficult to
stop short of the Sea of China.* " No fear of our Empire,"
said a bold son of Progress, " falling to pieces from its own
size, were it extended from the Caspian to the Wall of China,
so long as the country is rich enough to meet its own charges,
and is possessed of a defensible frontier."

Including Arakan, the Burmese Empire was stated, many
years ago, to contain seventeen millions of souls. t The popu-

* " The peninsular is scarcely a thousand miles across, and is penetrated by
noble rivers, from north to south and from east to west — and we could advance
from both shores were we so inclined."

f Colonel Symes estimated the total number at seventeen millions, while
Captain Cox, who succeeded him as ambassador, does not go beyond eight
millions; bul from subsequent information collected by Captain Canning, there
was reason to hrlie\c that even this Inst number greatly exceeded the truth.

In 1809 the country appeared half depopulated.

LORD DALHOUSIE AT RANGOON. 175

lation has since very much decreased. Should we become
eventually possessed of the inheritance of the House of Alom-
pra, the Indian Government would exercise authority over
little less than one-fifth of the whole human family !

On Tuesday, the 27th of July, the Governor-General of
India arrived at Rangoon, in 'the Company's steam-frigate
" Feroze."

Welcome intelligence, at the same time, came from England
that the fall of Rangoon and Martaban had drawn forth a
feeling of unqualified admiration of the skill and courage of
our troops. Soon after his arrival in the river, General God-
win and Commodore Lambert paid Lord Dalhousie a visit.
The weather was by no means auspicious for such an important
event as the arrival of the head of the IndianGovernment on these
shores. The day was rainy, and dark, and dreary-looking, as if it
were determined to repel the message of light to Burma. But,
as usual at this season, it cleared up in the afternoon; and
everything around seemed bright and beautiful. Next morn-
ing there was a grand parade, in honour of the Governor-
General; the time he had appointed for landing was 7 o'clock.
Punctual, as usual, the noble Marquis landed ; and, entering
the stockade, passed through the street, lined with troops, to
the south gate of the Great Pagoda. H. M/s 18th Royal Irish
furnished the guard of honour below, and the Artillery, of
course, furnished its guard of honour* above, on the upper
terrace. What with the various salutes — the shipping having
thundered away in the river, and the Artillery on the upper
terrace — and the general excitement, there was a temporary
relief from our rather monotonous life at Rangoon. Music,
too, welcome music, was now to be heard. The Governor-
General was accompanied on his visit by Major Banks, acting
as Military Secretary,t Mr. Charles Allen, Foreign Secretary,

* Under Captain Cooke, Madras Artillery.

t This gallant officer afterwards fell at the jKesidcncy during the siege of
Lucknow (1857).

176 OUR BURMESE WARS.

his Aides-de-camp, Sir Edward Campbell, Captain D'Oyley,
and others. He was received, on reaching the base of the
Great Pagoda, by Colonel Foord, the Artillery Commandant,
who introduced Major Back and Brigade-Major Scott to his
lordship.

The illustrious party wandered round the Temple, of course
wondering and admiring. " I am astonished how your men
got in here, with such defences ! " remarked the Governor-
General, who was also pleased to express his high approbation
of the soldier-like appearance of the Artillery guard of honour.
The quaint-looking houses of some of the officers, on the upper
terrace, must have excited the attention of the strange party j
nor could they have been less astonished at the bells, huge,
and now dumb, monsters of sound ; they also enjoyed a splendid
view of the country and river from the parapets.

While the Governor-General was residing at Rangoon, of
course the curiosity of every one was excited to the utmost.
What was going to be done ? Would there be now an imme-
diate advance on Prome, to follow up the recent successful
achievement? If so, immediate annexation would doubtless
follow.

On the arrival of reinforcements a force was to be sent
through the Aeng Pass into the basin of the Irawady, to cut
off all communication between Ava and Prome. A force would
also proceed from Martaban up the Sittang river; and the
principal force would start from llangoon in the steamers. There
would be no bullocks to destroy the efficiency of the Artillery,
and delay the army in its onward progress. The rivers in
October and November would have water sufficient for steamers
of considerable size to proceed up with perfect safety. "There
were steamers enough to take an army to Ava, without wetting
the sole of a man's foot." Such lively remarks became current
during the st;iy of the Governor- General at Rangoon.

But, with regard to marching, no one could pretend to give
an exact opinion as to the intentions of General Godwin. To

LORD DALHOUSIE AT RANGOON. 177

conquer a country thoroughly you must march through itj
there must be no rebels hanging on your rear. This is a
general view of the custom of war. With a river possessing
such capabilities as the Irawady, much steaming, however, to
save marching through an injurious and swampy soil, one would
imagine to have every chance of greatly facilitating the opera-
tions, and of bringing the campaign to a brilliant and glorious
termination. To use the steamers as much as possible may
have been the intention of our gallant General. The " Pluto,"
in July, anchored off Prome, in eight fathoms water. Cox and
Crawfurd both mention that the rise of the Irawady at Prome
is from twenty to twenty-five feet, and that large vessels* have
been built there.

Our steamers gave us the entire command of the Irawady
below Prome — " in fact, of the whole of the Lower Provinces."
Steam would soon render Pegu truly British in character ; and,
with its auxiliary, the Press, it might form the nucleus of
civilisation in a new land, which would be sure to flourish
under a wise and liberal Government. After holding a levee
the Governor-General left Rangoon on Sunday, the 1st of
August, much pleased with his visit. It was believed he waited
instructions from England, which could not be received before
the end of September ; so, on the great question, we were left
in the dark as much as ever. It was not decided on whether
we should take the entire Burmese Empire, or simply unite the
two disjointed provinces of Arakan and Maulmain, by annexing
the intermediate delta of the Irawady.

And now, to close this portion of our narrative, Rangoon
was flourishing beyond all possibility of conception. In the
first war Rangoon had but few tenants. It was peopled chiefly
by the army and its followers. When we landed in April (1852)
the town was almost deserted. The case soon became entirely

* Of from three hundred to five hundred tons burthen.

178 OUR BURMESE WARS.

changed ; the people placed confidence in us, and rushed to
seek our protection. This time it was not probable that cun-
ning Burmese diplomacy would be allowed to have a hand in
the business. There would be no time for an interchange of
civilities, or other " airy nothings."

Looking with a sort of prophetic eye into coming events, we
remarked : — The Burmese are crafty; but the British are
earnest in a good cause. There will be no Dr. Jonathan Price,
excellent man as he was, rushing backwards and forwards to
Ava, bringing doubtful intelligence, as well as bad rupees, and
only a portion of the treasure at a time. There will be no de-
putations to the King, to present gifts of State. When we get
to Prome, or beyond it, trifling must cease. There will be
much business of vast importance to transact ; and there can
be little doubt of its being transacted in a manner highly
creditable to the Government of British India.*

The following is Lord Dalhousie's concise and elegant fare-
well gift to the force at Rangoon : —

" The Major-Generalf commanding, has the highest gratifi-
cation in publishing to the troops the following General Order
by the Most Noble the Governor- General of India : —

"Rangoon, 1st August 1852.

"The Most Noble the Governor- General of India cannot
forego the opportunity which is afforded to him by his visit to
Rangoon,^ for again offering the combined force his most
cordial acknowledgment of the valuable and distinguished
services they have rendered here. The gratification which

* It was Raid, that when reinforcements arrived from Bengal and Madras,
Gonoral Godwin's army would number about eighteen thousand men. At no
period of tho war were there so many troops in Burma.

f By a recent order, the Brevot Lieutenant- General was in several cases
cancelled, and our gallant. Commander was among them.

J The next important visit to this rising commercial city in Chin-India was
that of the mnoh loved and afterwards lamented Earl of Mayo, in January
1870, when Colonol Fytohe was Chief Commissioner.

LORD DALHOUSIE AT RANGOON. 179

the Governor-General experiences in thus congratulating the
force on its success in the field, is greatly enhanced by his
being able to add the expression of his unqualified approbation
of its conduct in quarters.

" In every branch, whether Naval or Military, European or
Native, the force has exhibited an orderly conduct and in-
offensive demeanour towards the people of the country, and a
spirit of sound discipline, which are as truly honourable to its
character as the high distinction it has won in battle.

" Whatever may be the future course of this service, what-
ever may be the ultimate fate of this country, the Governor-
General has the proud satisfaction of feeling that the people
of Burma will hereafter associate with the presence of a British
force among them no other recollections than those of its
irresistible bravery in the field, of its order, forbearance, and
obedience in the camp.

" (By command)
(Signed) "J.S.Banks,

"Assistant Military Secretary
to the Governor-General.-"

The following account of Lord Dalhousie's reception of, and
conversation with, the missionaries, from the graphic pen of
Mr. Kincaid, is of too interesting a nature to be omitted from
this narrative : —

" Rangoon, Aug. 8, 1852.

" In my last, I mentioned that Lord Dalhousie and suite
were here. The day after his arrival one of his secretaries
called on me and spent more than an hour, asking a great
number of questions relative to the Government, &c. of Burma.
On Saturday last, before he left, a line from one of his aides-
de-camp informed me that the Governor- General would see me
and my associates at 3 o'clock. I went accordingly with
Mr. Vinton and Dr. Dawson.

12 *

180 OUR BURMESE WARS.

<fHis lordship received us in the kindest manner, and at
once began conversing on Burman affairs in a way that in-
dicated great familiarity with the subject. He inquired about
the three races of Karens, Talaings, and Burmans, the pecu-
liarities of each, the number of native Christians, whether the
Government made no distinction between us and British sub-
jects, whether I was acquainted with the present King, who
were the leading spirits in the court of Ava, and what were
the feelings of the people towards the English ? He asked my
opinion of the late Viceroy, whether he came down with peace-
ful or with hostile intentions. To this last I replied, ' Hostile,
no doubt/

" ' How, then/ he inquired, ' do you account for the pacific
tone of the King's letter to me ? '

" l It was to blind Commodore Lambert, and give the Viceroy
time to prepare for resistance/ "

This interesting conversation, in its entirety, will be found
in Mrs. Wyllie's work,* the eighth chapter of which — the
" Annexation of Pegu " — is a very interesting one, and which
may with advantage be referred to. With regard to annexation
and " the well-being or otherwise of unborn millions depending
very much on his decision," Lord Dalhousie said, "I feel it;
those who have not the responsibility may act hastily. I have

COME TO A DECISION AFTER LONG AND CAREFUL EXAMINATION."

On taking leave, his lordship said to the missionaries — " We
may meet again ! "

And thus the great Pro-consul courteously and gracefully
closed his first visit to Rangoon.

* Th " Gospel in Burma, 1859."

181

PART III

FROM THE ADVANCE ON PROME, TO THE
ENTIRE CONQUEST OF PEGU.

CHAPTER I.

THE ADVANCE ON PEOME. — CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION
OF PEGU.

Few events in Indian military history gave rise to so many
remarks, grave, gay, lively, and severe, as General Godwin's
advance on, and capture of, Prome. Some of the Indian
journals almost exhausted their wit on the subject. That five
octavo pages of a Gazette should have been occupied in de-
tailing an engagement; in which only one man was killed and
a few wounded, was, in the opinion of one of them, quite dis-
similar to the " Veni, vidi, vici" of the great Caesar. And
again, the same writer held that Nelson's idea of having one
day a Gazette " all to himself/'' was not " associated with such
cheap results as the capture of Prome by the Army of Burma."
It does certainly provoke a smile, while reading the graphic
narratives by the Commodore and General, as set forth in their

182 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Despatches,* pondering over the naval and military exploits,
and the grand result. But we are a strange people in this
respect. Had there been in human life a large " butcher's
bill/' there would have been more praise and less wit bestowed
on the operations ; so, however brilliant the wit may be on
such occasions, the expression of it certainly does not say
much in favour of British humanity. Looking at this failing
in a purely professional point of view, it appears absurd in the
extreme ; since every one knows that it is the consummate art
of war to do as much as possible with quickness, decision,
and effect, at a small cost of life among the troops employed.
Writing a few pages about doing the thing does not then
become such a great crime after all ; and no doubt the General
as well as the Commodore were perfectly satisfied on this
point.

Before briefly narrating the advance, with the view of giving
a sort of continuous chain to the abstract of a separate narrative,
a few events in August and September may be noted, with some
remarks of general interest.

Rangoon, Martaban,f and Bassein were now in our possession,
to the infinite delight of the Peguese, or former lords of Burma.
The Irawady, that noble highway, or rather grand artery of
the country, was in our hands, which had enabled us for some
time to cut off the enemy's resources.

The Bay of Bengal continued to keep up an animated scene,
and its billows rolled fresher than ever, as if they shared the joy
of the Irawady, while steamers and transports dashed across its
blue waters with brave reinforcements for the " Army of Ava."
Who could deny that such vigour was highly creditable to the
Indian Government ? that such energy and such resources did

* Seo Appendix No. V., in " Pegu ; a Narrative."
t For more information regarding the attack on Martaban, see
chap. ii. p. 7.

BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PBOME. 183

infinite honour to our Indian Empire, which, although not a
century since Clive won Plassey, was now the wonder and ad-
miration of the world. But in the face of this hard-won glory
there were still some good people in England — among them
those who loved above all things to make a public "show"
— who, as the great advocates of Free Trade put it, saw or
read of " nothing but growth," and for the most part talked
of " nothing but decay " !

Among those who looked back with pride to the day they
entered the old Company's service, not the least important were
the members of that army which, " originating in a few gunners'"
crews and factory guards, had, in the course of not quite two
centuries, swollen to that gigantic and well-disciplined host
known as the Company's Army."*

This army had again sent forth a gallant portion of its
sons on another grand enterprise, as pioneers to clear the way
for justice and civilisation.

In the middle of August, the 1st Madras Native Infantry,
under Colonel Goldsworthy, reached Maulmain, as the garrison
there was sadly in want of reinforcement. It was truly con-
sidered that no little responsibility was attached to guarding a
town, some three or four miles long, with cantonments, arsenal,
and magazine. This important capital of the Tenasserim
Provinces — so famous for its teak and timber tradef — is about
thirty-seven miles from the sea. Martaban is on the right or
north bank of the Salween river, nearly opposite Maulmain.

We now return to Rangoon, where an attack was made, on
the night of the 14th, on the quiet village of Puzendoun —
lit., in Burmese, "the shrimp district" — under our very eyes.
The chief object of attack was a house occupied by the ex-
Governor of Pegu; and the attacking party consisted of fifty

* " Begbie'a Services of the Madras Artillery."

t For capabilities of Maulmain as a building yard for men-of-war,
" Pegu," p. 30.

181 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Burmese soldiers. Of course, their design was to carry him
off; but the enemy were vigorously repulsed, the ex-Governor
having fought bravely with his small band, defending himself
in a manner, although severely wounded, worthy of the best
days of Pegu chivalry.

The Burmese at Prome, it was affirmed, were now employed
on an extensive stockade, or breastwork, in a commanding po-
sition, beyond the fire of the steamers. From ten thousand to
fifteen thousand men were reported to be in and about Prome.
There were seven thousand at Pegu, with a large body of
Cassay (Munnipoor) horse ; armed outposts between Pegu and
Rangoon ; and a large force at Beling, near Martaban. Ava
was said to be filled with guns ; and there were the two fierce
brigades, headed by a Picton and an Uxbridge of the Burmese
army, styled the Invulnerables and the Invincibles, who were
certainly to cut all the English to pieces ! The Burmese were
not going to await attack ; but they determined to attack us
when the rains abated. There were accounts from the steamers
up the river that Bandoola with the various expelled Woons,
or ex-Governors, remained at Prome. The Dalla Woon sent a
communication to Commander Tarleton proposing a conference
on the subject of the war. Tarleton replied, " that he had no
power to entertain the subject, but that if the Dalla Woon
was duly authorised, he would guarantee him safe conduct to
Rangoon in one of the steamers." The Woon did not accede
to this proposal, but wished to know whether, in the event of
his communicating with the Commodore, we would remain
below Prome till matters might be settled. This ruse was so
transparent as to indicate but an indifferent opinion of our
penetration. His Dalla Woonship was informed in reply that
nothing short of a treaty of peace between the two nations
would stay our proceedings. The Woon would not trust him-
self to the mercy of the British General. At Ava his head
would surely have gone for losing Dalla. But in such a case
he should have been allowed to keep it on for his admirable

BEFOEE THE ADVANCE ON TROME. 185

diplomacy and cunning ! However, the nation that produced
Lord Palmerston could hardly have been defeated by the tact
of a Burmese Woon.

At the end of August, war-steamers were despatched from
Rangoon to Madras, to bring troops for the approaching cam-
paign. The Commodore had utilised the little passenger-steamer
"Fire Queen/' mounted her with some 12-pounders, and
made a man-of-war of her. Captain Keighly, 49th Madras
Native Infantry, and Mr. Chisholm— the former from Martaban
and the latter from Maulmain— were also engaged in the pre-
paration of a flotilla of boats for the conveyance of stores and
baggage in the movement upwards. At Rangoon, too, the
Artillery were usefully employed in attempting to effect a
breach in a flank of the west face of the great stockade with
two 24-pounders and two 8-inch howitzers, at ranges of from
four hundred to six hundred yards. But it was found perfectly
useless to attempt the breaching with such pieces in any reason-
able time.* We carefully examined the construction of the dense,
tough, timber wall, which, though lacking the beauty of a work
issued from the hand of a Vauban or a Cormontaigne, never-
theless had been raised on simply natural principles of sur-
passing strength. With two hundred pounds of powder, or
even with one hundred pounds, you can occasionally effect a
fair breach in a strong part of a stockade. Engineers and Ar-
tillery are well acquainted with how to effect this often diffi-
cult and sometimes dangerous operation.

The boats of the Hon. Company's steam-frigate " Zenobia "
were now doing some useful service about thirty miles above
Martaban, reconnoitring various positions preparatory to an
advance. They were frequently fired on by the determined
enemy. The boats returned early in September to Maulmain,
officers and men haraig suffered much from fatigue and ex-

;-U," p. ^!.

186 OUR BURMESE WARS.

posure. In this expedition, Mr. Bondville, with three bouts of
the river police, also joined, and gave great assistance. Eigh-
teen canoes were captured in all. On the 1st of July the
Queen had prorogued Parliament in person, when Her Majesty,
for the first time in her reign, was pleased to allude to Burma.
There had been " an iuterruption of friendly relations " with
the King of Ava. The " promptness and vigour M of the
Governor-General of India received " entire approbation " ;
and the valour " and discipline " of all ' ' the naval and military
forces, European and Indian," were causes of just satisfaction,
having led to " signal successes," which, it was to be hoped,
would lead " to an early and honourable peace."

Our English Cicero, Lord Derby, had said in the House of
Lords on the 5th of April, with reference to the coming ope-
rations,— " If these steps " (striking a blow against Rangoon
and Martaban) " should not be sufficient before the rainy
season to induce the Burmese authorities to tender their sub-
mission and to enter into terms of peace, then it will be for the
Governor-General to consider what steps it will be his duty
to take in the arduous struggle which will be forced upon
him."*

On the same date (1852), in the House of Lords, Lord Ellen-
borough endeavoured to show that the Burmese war might
prove " more serious than we contemplated." Is it not so
with nearly every war engaged in by any nation ? The un-
certainty of the issues of war is proverbial ; and none knew this
better than the great Duke of Wellington. f " In the last war
with Ava," said his lordship, " we employed no less than forty
thousand men," but he doubted whether "in the end ten
thousand were left fit for duty.'-' But the noble Earl wisely

* For a dotailod account of tlio " Army of Ava," hog " Pegu," chap. iv.
p. 33.

+ See llis Grace's remarks on the war at the end of this Abstract.

BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PEOME. 187

admitted that we had undoubtedly " some advantages now we
did not possess then/'

Early in September we became aware that there was an
" inadvertent omission/' regarding the 9th Madras Native In-
fantry, in General Godwin's despatch published after the capture
of Bassein. When the orders for immediate landing were given,
the gallant party of H. M/s 51st K. O. L. I. were followed in a
boat from the "Moozuffer" (musdfir (Arabic)/' traveller") carry-
ing some seventy grenadier and D company men of the 9th
Regiment. The soldiers and sepoys, say four hundred and
thirty, were formed up close to the river's edge, about eighty
yards from the stockades which were manned by numbers of
the enemy. No sooner had the " Hurrah ! " of the British
soldiers, and the " Deen, deen ! "* of the Madras sepoys rent the
air, than the Burmese became discomfited, and fled " like chaff
before the wind/' The original writer of this brave conduct
of the 9th did not think our gallant General a master in the
art of despatch writing, but asserted that our Chief had con-
ducted the campaign hitherto ' c with a talent and energy worthy
of a Soult." Whatever may have been said of the General's
style, in conciseness of expression he was not to be excelled when
he chose, as many officers who served with him will, doubtless,
recollect. There was a good anecdote of him during the war,
for the exact truth of which we will not vouch; but his ex-
pression, which makes the pith of it, is certainly true. Two
rather " fast " medical functionaries arrived at Rangoon from
Calcutta, at a time when, after the capture and during much
cholera, medical aid was in great demand. It was reported that
these two worthies were seldom sober. We were too busy for
courts-martial in such cases ; but the following order soon ap-
peared from the General. " The undermentioned pair " (" brace"
some said) " of Chronic Inebriates will return to Calcutta forth-

* Literally " the Faith," used by Mussulmans; equivalent to calling on
Allah (God).

188 OUR BURMESE WARS.

forth with, per steamer, and report themselves to the Town Major,
Fort William."

It may interest some to learn that the transports, of about
four or five hundred tons, employed by the Government at Ran-
goon as store-ships, or stationed with the army on the Irawady,
were paid at the rate of eight or nine rupees (at par, 18s.) per
ton per month. In China the transports received twelve
rupees per ton. During the first Burmese war the enormous
snm of twenty-five rupees was given.

On the 5th of September news reached us that Bandoola
was tired waiting at or near Prome, that he now intended to
push on to Ava, where we must go if we wished to find him.
The trick was not badly conceived, and deserved a better
cause.

On the 6th it was announced in General Orders that active
operations would be resumed on the 18th. No more welcome
intelligence could have been given to the troops ; for notwith-
standing some comforts now enjoyed at Rangoon, they all hoped
to see more service, or to have change of scene and an active
life. The General's order on resuming operations was very
concise, entering carefully into every particular. The regi-
ments to embark on service were H. M.'s 18th, 51st, and 80th,
with the 9th and 35th Madras Native Infantry, and the 40th
Bengal Native Infantry.

There were two brigades, one under the command of Briga-
dier Elliot, K.H., and the other under Brigadier Reignolds, C.B.
Bengal and Madras Artillery, with the ever useful 8-inch
howitzers, and a light field battery, also a detail of Engineers and
Sappers, were to form a strong part of the force, now quite ready
to go to Ava or Pekin at a moment's notice. The General
hoped to embark the 2nd Division three weeks after the de-
parture of the first.*

* Sec " Pegu," p. 52. For remarks on Horse Artillery, see page 53. The
C. Troop, Madras II<<rso Artillery, arrived at Rangoon on the 7th of September,
under Major Burgoyne.

BU14MESE COSTUME. 189

We should have remarked that, at the end of August, Captain
Shadwell, of H. M.'s steamer " Sphynx," proceeded up the
river to relieve Commander Tarleton* in the command of the
flotilla on the Irawady. And now there was a pleasing anec-
dote of our fine old General to record. On first hearing of
Captain Tarleton's dashing attack on Prome (already narrated) ,
the veteran lost his temper for the moment, took off his wig
and threw it at his aide-de-camp (so the story ran), exclaiming,

"Dash it, C , there's that fellow Tarleton again! he's

gone and taken the wind out of my sails ! " Such is the splendid
emulation which, we trust, will ever exist in the Services while
their members are fighting for their gracious Sovereign and for

the glory of Old England !
We shall now try and entertain the general reader with a

sketch of Burmese

Costume. — A Burmese Feast.

The long flowing robes, which give the females of India such
a graceful and classical appearance, we look for in vain in
Burma.

The lower orders simply wear a sort of jacket, white or any
other colour — open in front; at the base or near the centre
of this garment, a robe, reaching nearly to the feet, is fixed
or tucked in round the body, just covering the lower portion
of the bosom. This robe is composed of two pieces sewn to-
gether— the upper piece being of red cotton stuff, while the
other is frequently of silk, or, if too poor to afford it, of some
fantastically coloured substitute. The female petticoat is styled
hta-mein. Small shoes, or sandals, are worn by the women,
and these are extremely simple and primitive in construction.
The wealthier females adorn themselves, but not so profusely
as those of Hindustan, with jewellery. The poorer classes have
the rose, jasmine, and other flowers of tne country to adorn

* The present Sir J. W., K.C.B., who was a few years back a Lord of the
Admiralty.

190 OUR BURMESE WARS.

their jetty tresses. The men wear a rude cloth round the
loins, with a muslin ring of turband only, displaying economy
in its strictest sense ; the higher classes wear the turband in
full, flat and ungraceful in form, with a smart jacket and
under toga,* in part tucked in like the dress of the women ; shoes
also, with a handsome dhat complete the costume, which in
some instances is striking enough. The nob of hair, and ears
bored, also the pendent lobes, like Gautama, — the ears boasting
for the sake of ornament an unfinished cheroot or piece of wax
candle, to ensure the safety of which the holes in these valuable
organs are carefully distended, — are held in considerable im-
portance by the men of this country ; nor do the fair sex
neglect the wax candle ornament, and smoking appears with
them to be a favourite pastime, as it is also with their children.
It was amusing one day to observe a fruit-woman, cheroot in
mouth, attempting to bargain with an European soldier by
means of sounds and signs perfectly unintelligible to him.
Finding that she made no impression, she took up her basket,
placed it on her head, and walked off, smoking as coolly as
possible ! Sterne could have moralised on the picture. The
Burmese children appear to be smart and intelligent. On one
occasion, while lounging down the principal street of Rangoon,
we took particular notice of two sharp-looking Burmese
choker ahs,% seated by the roadside, each with his little table,
and the pice counted out upon it, ready to change money for
the passers by. These juvenile money-changers, as they sat,
gave a rupee an occasional ring, tossing it with the air of men
well up to their business ; they received one pice, or three pie
— the fourth of an anna or of three halfpence — for changing a
rupee.

* The potso of tho men — of bright silk or cotton — reaches from the waist
to the ankles.

t Tho universal weapon of Burma.
% Boys.

A BURMESE FEAST. 191

We now turn to a Burmese feast when the upper terrace of
the great pagoda was crowded with Phongyces, and people,
chiefly from Kemmendine, in every variety and shade of cos-
tume. By the base of a graceful banian curiosity — beside the
old green walls of the building — sat two Phongyees, as usual in
the fashion of Gautama. One of them was praying fervently
in a moderate tone of voice, whilst the congregation, seated
around, repeated what he said * at the conclusion of each
prayer or sentence, bowing to the ground three times. The
greater portion of the audience appeared to be women ; but
several old men were there — patriarchal looking fellows, with
their long staves. At the same time all around Gautama's
Temple din and animation reigned to the utmost — gongs sound-
ing, people talking, laughing, and praying. The sun, now
beginning to shine from a bright blue sky, aided the fantastic
beauty of the lively scene., causing also the sacred silvery posts
to borrow beauty from its rays. Every colour for dress seemed
to have been brought into operation. Some of the females,
with Tartaric countenances not pleasant to look upon, wore
elegant handkerchiefs or scarfs over the shoulder. Several of
the small children were very fair in appearance, and were
dressed in fancy style ; one with a green silk boddice, turband
of yellow and red, and silver ornament on the foot. At the
conclusion of the Phongyee's oration, large red-painted dishes
were filled with the boiled rice, which, as offerings, in smaller
plates, had been placed before him ; and a well-filled dish was
set aside for each cluster of applicants, who immediately com-

* " In Ceylon, upon some of the festivals, one priest reads from the original
Pali, and another interprets in the Vernacular Singhalese ; but this method
is not very frequently adopted. Whenever the name of Buddha is repeated
by the officiating priest, the people call out simultaneously Sadhu ! which
gives them a participation in the proceedings, and prevents them from going
to sleep." — " Calcutta Review," No. xxxii., Art. "Eastern Monachism."

192 OUR BURMESE WARS.

menced their morning meal in good earnest. The women
rendered the rice palatable by means of mango-fish, chili,
prawns, and other savoury ingredients, proving themselves not
unskilled in gastronomical science ; added to this, tumblers of
genuine glass, like our own, showed symptoms of coming civi-
lisation ; and that with more speed than in the land of Vishnu
and Siva which we have held for nearly one hundred years *
And why is this ? simply because the people here are not
fettered by caste, nor are they subject, as the Hindus are, to
a vile priestly dominion ! Were it not so, the moral precepts
of Buddhism could not be so much more pure and efficacious
than those of Brahmanism. In Burma a woman is not her
husband's slave but his helpmate ; you could observe this even
during the simple operation of an occasional feast. In the
Great Pagoda, say the Phongyees, or gentlemen of the yellow
robe, are deposited the hair and teeth of Gautama, in a large
gold vessel : these relics of sanctity, of course, form a chief source
of attraction to worshippers at this celebrated shrine. Ceylon
is made sacred by the tooth of Buddha— the grand tusk, which is
now under British protection. The mighty shrine of Jagannath,
in Orissa, is said to contain the bone of Krishna ; and such is
" hero-worship " in the East ! The intelligent reader is well
able to compare it with that of the West. Without the aid of
Carlyle, he will surely find a likeness. We shall conclude our
observations on the feast by remarking that the Burmese and
Takings of every class take off their shoes before entering on
the upper terrace of the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, and that the cir-
cumference of the base of this temple is about five hundred
yards. The height has been already given as three hundred
and twenty-one feet.f With this splendid edifice upon it, also
the smaller temples, the curious and beautiful trees, and the

* Written in 1853.

f See " Rangoon," p. 112 ; also plan and section.

BEFORE THE ADVANCE ON PKOME. 193

numerous relics and "emblems of religion, the upper terrace
cannot fail to command, from every diligent and inquiring
traveller, genuine admiration.

A document was said to have been found at Meaday, intended
as a report to the King of Ava, in which it was stated that more
than one thousand Europeans were killed during the operations
against Rangoon, " and that we set more than one thousand
sentinels all round the camp to defend ourselves ! " One
thousand sentinels, with earnest eyes, keeping watch around
the Great Shwe Dagon ! — Heaven defend us !

Before the middle of September some two hundred boats
were ready to assist in the transport to Prome. In every
department activity reigned ; and it must have been no small
satisfaction to our gallant General, while these preparations for
an advance were being carried on, to know that the health of
the troops at Rangoon was highly satisfactory — forming, in this
instance, a remarkable contrast with gloomy, deadly, destructive
1824. On the 13th, the " Sphynx " and " Moozuffer," each
with a transport, arrived with Brigadier- General Steel, C.B.,*
Brigadier McNeill (Madras Cavalry), and the whole of the 1st
Madras Fusiliers, f under Lieutenant-Colonel (now General)
Duke. On the 16th, the Artillery entertained General Godwin
and Staff at dinner. The warm politicians at home, on festive
occasions, never looked forward with more eagerness for a
declaration of work in esse, in a political campaign, from the
leading Minister, than did we on this social evening while ex-
pecting some important information as to "coming events"
from our gallant and distinguished guest, the Chief of the
Army in Burma. Our worthy Brigadier (Foord) proposed the
health of the General, whom he hoped to hail, ere a few months

* Afterwards General Sir S. W. Steel, K.C.B.

t For remarks on this famous corps, incorporated, like the Madras Artillery,
in 1756, see " Pegu," p. 65. The 39th Begiment — Primis in Indis — was then
the only other complete European regiment in India.

194 OUR BURMESE WARS.

had passed away, as " Conqueror of Ava." The General rose.
In the course of his speech he said : — " With regard to Ava "
(now it may he Mandalay), " political as well as other reasons had
urged the necessity of staying in position at Rangoon till the
present time ; what had been already effected had been perhaps
slow, but he was certain that it was sure. He hoped before six
months were over to have the grand object of the expedition
fully carried out. Without going to Ava no successful ul-
timatum could be accomplished so as to produce a lasting
peace."

While the embarkation of the troops was going on, remarks
like the following were current at Rangoon : — " The word
annexation has only to be sounded, when the Peguers (and
many Burmese resident among them) throughout the length
and breadth of the land will rise as one man, and expel the
Burmese soldiery and dacoits, and give peace and liberty to
the oppressed ryots."

Wild flowers are numerous in Burma in September. The
great beauty of the creeping fern is very striking during this
month, of which plant there is a great variety at Rangoon.
The maidenhair, a beautiful fern, is seen in the crevices of old
ruins and walls. A very rainy day, succeeded by a dry and
very warm one, may give an idea of the nature of the weather,
which seemed highly favourable to rapid vegetation.

Through the astonishing energy of Major Fraser, of the
Engineers, Grand Architect of Rangoon, and the labours of his
assistants, a new city arose as if by magic. Ample shelter had
been afforded to the troops, even while the reinforcements were
gradually pouring in ; and now as the city emptied itself of a
portion of its defenders, there were almost palaces for some, and
houses for all, until another stream of life came in to stop the
gap, as it were, among a social throng.

On the 24th, the last detachment of H. M.'s 80th, also the
head-quarters of the 35th Madras Native Infantry, with General
Sir John Cheapc (Bengal Engineers) and Staff, embarked

THE ADVANCE ON PROME. 195

in the " Phlegethon." Meanwhile another attack on the
village of Puzendoun was expected ; so the surveying-brig
"Krishna," with a party of marines and seamen from H.M.S.
" Winchester," started to look after the creek. The ex-
Governor of Pegu was again the object of Burmese vengeance.

The P. and O. Company's splendid steamer "Oriental" was
now at Rangoon, and gave rise to not a few reflections. This
fine vessel had, at the commencement of her career, carried
poor Warburton, of "The Crescent and the Cross," which made
us think that a graphic pen like his would have had an excellent
field for display in the land of the Golden Foot. Sir David
Wilkie also, the Scottish Teniers, we believe died at Malta, on
board the " Oriental."

On the 25th, General Godwin and Staff, with Brigadier
Foord and the Artillery, embarked on board the " Proserpine."
And now the whole of the 1st Division had gone from Ran-
goon, and Brigadier-General Steel was left in command.
Meanwhile there might be work to do in the southern portion
of the delta of the Irawady. The General was well aware that
before advancing with a force on Ava, if necessary, or even
being able fairly to secure the province of Pegu, it would be
necessary to clear the country up the Sittang river — say by
taking a land column from Martaban to Sittang, thence to Shwe-
gyeen, thence to the reported strong post of Toungoo, and
next, perhaps, across the country to Prome. It might be politic
for such a step to succeed the recapture of Pegu, the ancient
kingdom's capital.

With regard to the advance, the following letter was received
from Prome, at Rangoon, about the middle of October : —

" I have just sufficient time to give a detail of events as they
occurred since leaving Rangoon. The voyage was marked by a
few interruptions in our progress towards Prome. In the first
place, the f Fire Queen ' and ' Enterprise ' steamers grounded,
thereby causing a detention of all the other steamers for three
days. Again, there was the very melancholy event of the

13 *

196 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Admiral's death, at the Island of ' Shouk Shay Khune.' * It
appears he had been taken ill on the night of the 5th ; the
following day he became worse ; and he died on the afternoon
of the 7th on board the ' Pluto/ which left for Rangoon on
the morning of the 8th. From this island, which is not more
than ten miles from Prome, we weighed and started, in all
eight steamers, at daybreak on the morning of the 9th. In two
hours we were under the hill fortifications of Prome, which
have a full command of the river. Fortunately only one shot
was fired from the hill, on the second steamer sailing abreast of
it. A few rounds of shell from the steamers soon silenced the
enemy for a time; but on our advancing a short distance higher
up the river, they fired on almost every steamer that passed,
and annoyed us very much with jinjals and musketry. The
two steamers in advance returned the firing with great pre-
cision and effect ; in short, all the steamers had a share in
replying to the ineffectual firing of the Burmese. During the
greater part of the day the steamers were alternately bombard-
ing, for the purpose of landing the troops. In the afternoon,
at 5 p.m. (rather late to commence operations inland), H. M.'a
80th, the Sappers and Miners, and the Artillery landed, taking
only two guns with us. Getting our guns ready took up a
considerable time ; so that while evening was closing upon us
we had made but little progress. At length we were all busy
in securing a resting position for the night. The 80th lost
but one man, who was shot, and three were wounded that
same evening. The following morning, with the 18th Hoyal
Irish, and 35th Madras Native Infantry, we proceeded to the
pagoda, where we expected a sharp contest ; but on our ar-
rival at the steps we found the Burmese had fled, so we quickly
ascended and took possession of the citadel. It is a similar

# Also written " Shouk Shay Khencc." Tho Admiral was in his 74th year
■ — too advanced an ago for activo service in Burma.

OCCUPATION OF PROME. 197

oue to the Shwe Dagon, but apparently of recent finish. The
Artillery are located in the north steps, far superior to those
of Rangoon. Since our occupation of Prome we have had no
fighting j but now and then we hear a few stray shots between
our skirmishers and the Burmese. On the night of the 9th,
one of the 80th soldiers, whilst at his post as sentry, between
the hours of 1 and 2, was attacked by a few Burmese, who cut
oft' his head and left his body some distance from his post.
The remains were not found until the relief went round. This
happened actually within one hundred and fifty yards of where
our guns were placed, at the north gate ; and two of our sen-
tries were walking about at the time. It appears at this
juncture, a few shots having been fired on the guard from an-
other direction, the attention of the men was diverted, giving
the Burmese ample time to accomplish their ends. They also
carried away the sentry's musket and belts. Since this atro-
cious murder was committed, double sentries have been planted.
Just as I am writing, the bugle sounds for the ' assembly ' of
the 18th Royal Irish, one of their picquets having been attacked
a little way out by a body of Burmese.

" The country seems to have been entirely deserted for some
time, judging from the total absence of food of any sort being
found ; not even a grain of rice ; and also from the overgrown
state of vegetation. Even the roads and paths are all green
and covered with long grass. No accidents have occurred to
any of our men ; nor has there been any sickness, save a few
trifling cases, since leaving Rangoon. The hospital, an old
Poongi house, is situated within a few yards of the steps, and
is very convenient. The General and Staff, I believe, return to
Rangoon this evening on board the " Proserpine/' Brigadier
Foord, and his Brigade-Major, Captain Scott, also go. We are
to await the arrival of the 2nd Division ; until then, nothing
further is to be done/'

Intelligence of Admiral Austen's death reached Rangoon as
early as the 8th of October. It is needless to say that it was

198 OUR BURMESE WARS.

received by the Naval and Military there with a feeling of
sorrow. The gallant Admiral had been " changed into clay " ;
but then he had died in harness, while serving his country,
with his flag flying ! Thus, it was neatly remarked, " it is the
pride of British sailors and soldiers to die ; and his memory
will be honourably associated in history with the Second Bur-
mese War."

The " Pluto," while reconnoitring off Prome, had been
fired upon by " two guns well mounted on the crest of a hill,
a few jinjals, and several hundred muskets." Then, in the
town itself, there were supposed not to be more than five
hundred Burmese troops, but numbers were said to be strongly
posted a few miles distant inland, at Euthay-Mew. Major
Brett had accompanied the Naval Commander-in-Chief to Prome.

Just before the melancholy news of the Admiral's death
arrived, the Artillery mess at Rangoon had the pleasure of
entertaining the purser of one of Her Majesty's men-of-war — a
fine old tar of the genuine old school, which is fast passing
away, to make room, it is to be hoped, for a better. That very
day he had completed forty-one years in the Royal Navy. The
Service was now as much changed, he said, from what it was
on his entering it, as if it were altogether a Foreign Service.
He was very severe on the " young gentlemen." The young
gentlemen were too fine now-a-days. In his time, a tumbler
between three or four, or a tin pot, or a bottle wanting the neck,
sufficed for a mess ; but now each must have his cut glass, and
he did not know what else besides. He was a promoter o£
" progress " ; but, shaking his head as he pronounced the
word, he could not help adhering to his opinion that the
" young gentlemen " were too precocious now-a-days. The
Yankees were evidently no favourites with him ; and he con-
sidered their expedition against Japan* as " sheer humbug."

* Strango enough, in 1864 (July), we find a question in the British Senate
:il, mil, owr Bending troops to Japan. Thus, it would seem, does destiny impel
us on wan 1 !

OCCUPATION OF PROME. 199

Altogether, there was the dry humour of the true British sailor
about him which it will not be easy to forget. At this time
also, as if by way of variety, the " Moozuffer " aud " Feroze "
arrived from Calcutta with the greater portion of the Bengal
Fusiliers. On the 9th, the " Sphynx " came into port with the
remainder. This distinguished corps had come from Meerut,
and was under the command of Colonel Tudor.

On the 12th of October the "Pluto" left for Bassein with
the body of the Admiral, for whom minute-guns were fired the
same day. The " Pluto " was to relieve the " Rattler/' which
was ordered to proceed with the remains of the late Naval
Commander in-Chief to Trincomallee.

Three most useful river steamers had now arrived at Ran-
goon, the " Lord William Bentinck," the " Nerbudda," and
" Damooda." The former had been sent on the 5th to Pegu,
"to see what the Burmese were about up there"; she left
well provided with ammunition.

On the 6th the head- quarters and a detachment of Bengal
Artillery, with about forty horses and numerous bullocks, and
two light field-pieces, under Major Turton, embarked on board
the steamers " Nerbudda " and " Damooda " for Prome. The
subaltern officers who accompanied the light field battery were
Lieutenants Willoughby, Dobbin, Ashe, and Lewes.

Some high Burman chief, who had been under the zealous
and indefatigable Captain Latter's safe keeping, was now re-
leased, leaving, it was said, " his two sons as hostages." It was
likewise asserted, with what degree of truth it was impossible to
say, that the King of Ava had promised the Peguese that if
they would "join in opposing and harassing us, and finally
succeed in expelling us from the country, they should have a
prince of their own to rule over them, and be again an inde-
pendent nation ! " But these people seemed rather inclined to
say — " We shall have the British to rule over us ! " As may
be well imagined the Commissariat establishments had now
sufficient work on their hands. It was pleasant enough to hear.

200 OUR BURMESE WARS.

at a time when poor Madras was considered to be sadly in
the background, some experienced Bengal officers declaring
there could be little doubt that in two most important items
we did excel the Bengallis — in the Commissariat and in the
Medical Subordinates. However, in the former Department,
Major Budd, Captain Simpson,* and their officers, were wisely
too much occupied with the service of the State to think of
rivalry ; and there can be no doubt that in the face of many
difficulties they did their work nobly in the Second Burmese
War. Another company of Golundauze, under Captain Money,
was now added to the Artillery.f On the 16th of October the
General, Staff, and Commodore reached Rangoon from Prome.
Brigadier Foord, Captains Scott and Robertson, and Dr. M'Cosh
also arrived. And now we began to glean some fresh intelligence
about Prome, the city which had fallen with so little loss to
our troops. The scenery on the Irawady is for the most part
fiat and uninteresting. No palm-trees, no banyans, to be seen ;
but plantain trees numerous on the banks, with abundance of
brushwood. It may here be remarked that the plantain fruit
is as commonly used in Burma as the potato in England.

Near the Panlang Creek the river is so narrow that two
steamers can hardly pass abreast. On nearing Prome the sce-
nery improves, becoming picturesque, and not unlike the Rhine.
At the city itself the river is more that a mile broad. Yen-
ben zeik, a pretty village, with richly-wooded hills, crested with
pagodas, presents a beautiful distant view. Prome was described
to us as boasting its lew artificial as well as natural beauties, the
wood-carving there especially being very fine. The golden
pagoda likewise commanded its share of admiration. As at
Rangoon, the Burmese had removed the old town from the
beach, or rather from the bank of the river. Regarding the

* Chief of tho Bengal CommisBariat.

t The 5th Company, 9th Battalion, Bengal Artillery.

OCCUPATION OF PKOME. 201

before-mentioned act of cutting off the European sentry's
head, General Godwin had written to Bandoola, through Cap-
tain Smith, the Burmese interpreter, protesting against the
barbarous murder, and reminding the chief that on a treaty
being concluded the act would be one of the first for which he
should be called on to give an account. Although we imagine
Bandoola had very little to say to the business, yet we believe
that the General's excellent letter, which also remarked on the
way in which we treated our prisoners, was not without a
salutary effect. The four steamers* which had come down with
the General and Commodore made the passage in forty-eight
hours ; they were just thirteen days in going up, including the
time lost by the " Fire Queen " having stuck in her progress
through the Irawady. The " Sesostris " now acted as a sort of
troop and guard ship off Prome. The once noble war-steamer
had of course been lightened considerably previous to her
voyage up the river. Portions of the 2nd Division, including
H. M/s 51st, were now ordered to hold themselves in readiness
to proceed to Prome at a moment's notice. Rangoon became
once more a scene of bustle and preparation. By the 22nd of
October the intelligence was generally spread that the King
of Ava had sent down for Bandoola to come into the royal
presence. He was ordered to appear before the Golden
Foot in the dress of a woman, having disgraced himself
by losing his army in July. Bandoola would not go, as he
feared the King, or perhaps the loss of his head more. The
wily chief therefore thought it wise to leave his stockade at or
near Euthay-Mew,t and come over to the English. He did
so — delivered himself up to Sir John Cheape — and was now a
prisoner on board the " Sesostris."

* The " Proserpine," " Phlegethon," " Mahanuddy," and " Fire Queen."
+ Three thousand or four thousand men were reported to lie at Euthay-
Mevv.

202 OUR BURMESE WARS.

On the 25th the Burmese had a grand ceremony on the
upper terrace of the Great Rangoon Pagoda, which consisted in
putting up an immense orange-coloured cloth round the bell
end of the vast exterior of Gautama's Temple. They likewise
put one up round the smaller pagoda near it. These cloths are
sometimes sent by people to the Phongyees from distant parts,
as substitutes for attending the sacred feasts ?nd meetings at
Rangoon, where it is considered all such assemblies are of vast
importance.

On the following day there was another grand Gautamaic
display, that of placing the drooping muslin pipe* encircled by
orange-wreaths, in the foliage of the beautiful banian tree, in
which it appeared to be blown about so gently as if simply
intending to woo the air. To others must be left the pleasant
task of informing the public on this ceremony, which, on the
present occasion, was carried ]on during the striking of gongs
and the clamour of a vast mixed Burmese assembly. t The
pagoda at Prome, they say, is dedicated to the Hare ; by no
means an unimportant dedication in the religion of Gautama.
It may not interrupt in any very serious manner the chain of
this narrative if we here remark, to satisfy the curiosity of
those interested, that Gautama— the fourth or last Buddha — is
supposed to have been a hare in one of his previous transmi-
grations. A hare in Burmese is yon. Yong-meng signifies the
Hare- Governor — that is in a measure among the Burmese the
present ruler of the Universe. There are said to have been
twenty-eight Buddhas originally in all ; twenty-three have ap-
peared in different successive worlds previous to the present
world ; of the remaining five four have appeared, the fifth is yet
to come. The inferior celestial regions are said to be inhabited

of the Burmese stylo this Tan-hgun. Tan-hgun Being, according to
Chase, means " flag-post."

f After twelve or fifteen days the oloths and ornaments are removed from
the temples, trees, and sacred posts.

OCCUPATION OF PEOME. 203

by the Nats or Fairies. At Rangoon, if we recollcet aright,
Mr. Kincaid said there were about sixteen hells in the Budd-
hist religion ; but the number varied. During a journey to
Ava he had seen some very curious infernal resemblances en-
graved on palm leaves. Time would not permit our waiting to
hear the learned lecturer enter fully into his interesting subject,
so we merely glean the following information, — that the four
states of suffering or punishment in general use are hell —
transmigration into insects, reptiles, and fish — transmigration
into animals— and the abode of the fallen Nats under the
Mayenmo hill. Then, again, the worshippers of Gautama
entertain the hope of being numbered among those who by
some miraculous change have become " raised above the com-
mon destinies, passions, and infirmities of human nature." The
Pali word Niebban, already alluded to, means annihilation,
or emancipation from all evil. By some it is believed to be a
state of total annihilation, by others a state of perfect tranquil-
lity and abstraction, like the quiet visage and demeanour of the
wooden or alabaster Gautama. And now, after all this mix-
ture of sublimity and absurdity, many Burmese think that the
greatest glory of the present Phya (god), the fourth Gautama,
on the appearance of the last or maistree (chief) Buddha in-
carnate, will be again to breathe in and assume the form of a
hare ! Perhaps in these wild beliefs it is not too much to trace
the origin of such a remark as that put by Shakspeare into the
mouth of Ophelia :— " They say the Owl was a baker's daughter;
we know what we are, but know not what we may be."

The river steamers with any intelligence from Prome were
always welcome to the quid nunc sojourners at Rangoon. At
this time we learned that there had been several cases of cholera
in the monastery at Prome, where the 80th had taken up their
abode. A detachment of H. M/s 51st had already left ; the
remainder was now in orders to proceed on the 27th. A
portion of 'the 40th Bengal Native Infantry had embarked for
Prome ; and another portion of Major Reid's Horse Battery,

204 OUR BURMESE WARS.

under Lieutenants Anderson and Fraser, was about to leave
Kangoon for that important scene of rendezvous.

On the 26th of October the 10th Bengal Native Infantry, of
the 2nd Bengal Brigade, arrived. The admirable state of disci-
pline which, at a critical time, preparatory to crossing the Kala
Panee — literally the dark water — distinguished this fine corps,
was a subject of eulogium throughout Bengal. It was said that
emissaries from certain malcontent corps in that Presidency
had been trying to dissuade the 10th from crossing the water ;
but like good soldiers they were true to the last to their
honourable and liberal masters ; and the regiment arrived, after
roughing it a little, in splendid condition at Rangoon. Colonel
Dickenson, who had been appointed to command the 2nd
Bengal Brigade, might well be proud of his corps, which now
fell under the command of Major Welchman. No doubt the
10th * wondered at the idea of, for one moment, a soldier not
going where he was ordered. The chief fault, however, in
the case of any native corps, did not lie with the Bengal sepoy
but in the Bengal system. We certainly have ordered these
matters better in Madras ; and there can be no question but
that the Bengal sepoys should be enlisted to go anywhere and
do anything according to the call of duty.f

On the 27th it was announced that a chief recently captured
was the adopted son of the late Rangoon governor. He said
that his father would come in ; but having fired upon our flag
of truce he was afraid to do so. A female, described as the
wife of the adopted, likewise appeared as a warlike Rosalind in
man's clothes. Gathering information from the Prome party
was now not an unimportant occupation among the doings at
Rangoon. We were not surprised to hear from one or more
quarters that the General was annoyed at not having had a

* Not a General Service Corps.

f This was eventually well manifested by them in the call for Indian
native troops during the lato Russo-Turkish war.

OCCUPATION OP PROME. 205

decisive action at Prorae. Tt was natural also that he should
have been irritated by the navy during its previous progress
on the river, having, after procuring wood and provisions, left
the friendly villagers to the mercy of the Burmese soldiery.
The naval officers present on these occasions, of course, were
not to blame; they simply obeyed orders, but they never
should have been there. Immediately after Captain Tarleton's
operations on the Irawady, which few will now look upon in
their originally intended light, that of a surveying expedition,
the naval force under Captain Shadwell — finding, as it must have
done, that it could only afford very inadequate protection to
the friendly population in the important towns and villages on
the river's banks — should have been Avithdrawn. Its presence
only held out false hopes of protection to people who might
have sought refuge elsewhere.* Some may therefore insist on
the fact that the unsupported presence — there is no necessity
to say advance— of the steam flotilla on the Irawady was the
cause of much misery to the friendly people of the country.
It doubled Burmese vengeance against our allies. Had there
been none of this naval meandering before the regular advance
of the army in the steamers, the General might have found a
determined and powerful enemy to resist his occupying a po-
sition at Prome. A blow might then have been struck at the
ancient city itself which might have annihilated the Burmese
army, and at once have forced the Golden Foot to any terms
we might have chosen to dictate. Numbers of course will
dissent from these opinions ; it is utterly impossible to argue
on such a subject with satisfaction to all parties ; but there is
one thing certain, that all concerned were interested in serving
the State faithfully and well !

* The indefatigable exertions of Captain Shadwell, R.N., and of Major
Brett, in defending Shouk Shay Khenee, with Her Majesty's allies, against
numbers of Burmese, were worthy of the highest praise.

206 OUR BURMESE WARS.

On the 30th of October the report of an attack by the
Burmese on Henzada reached Rangoon. It was simply a
" brash " with the enemy at that important position, beside the
junction of the Bassein river witb the Irawady. Captain
A. Becher, of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry, with only one
company of his regiment, highly distinguished himself on this
occasion by his promptitude and gallantry in repelling the
Burmese, for which he received the thanks of General Godwin.

By the end of the month nearly the whole of H. M/s 51st
and the 40th Bengal Native Infantry had embarked for Prome.
On the arrival of the 9th Madras Native Infantry, either there
or at minor posts on the river, the whole of the 2nd Division
would have left Rangoon. On the 29th, H.M.S. " Hastings"
had left for Madras, homeward bound.

On the 1st of November a terrific explosion took place, which
few will forget during their lives if they were at the time on
the upper terrace of the Great Dagon Pagoda, — the discharge of
heavy artillery, the rattling peals of thunder, will not describe
it. It was like some demon inside the earth growling for a
considerable length of time with a terrible power, certainly not
of this world ; the noise wound up by the fury of Jupiter in full
play, hurling about the bolts which Vulcan is reputed to have
forged for Jove ! It turned out to be the explosion of a small
magazine near the theatre, to the southward, where there were
many boxes and barrels of ammunition and some powder. The
explosion set fire to the temple of Thalia, which soon appeared
in one huge and dangerous blaze.* The large magazine on the
west was immediately occupied by men with buckets. Through
the exertions of the troops this important building was saved;
if it had not been, few of us would have been left alive to tell
the tale. The casualties amounted to three Burmese and two
or three of the native lascars killed and wounded. Pieces of

* This pleasant place of amusement, with all ita excellent scenery, was
entirely destroyed.

THE DEATH OP WELLINGTON. 207

wood, fiery gun-wads, and musket balls,* were sent into the
air with terrific force ; and an artillery European gunner, who
was sentry over the upper magazine at the time, was lifted
some feet off the ground ! A committee of three field officers
assembled at the Artillery Mess-house to inquire into the
cause of the explosion, and to 'report on the extent of damage
done; and the impression at length became general that it
was accidental.

Akouk-toung,f it was now said, had been occupied by the
Burmese with two guns. On the 8th of November five dacoits
were caught by the Tlioogyee (Judge) of Dalla. One of them
was described to be the leader of five hundred men of the
King's army ; the titles given him by Royalty were engraved
on palm leaves ; these were carried by his servant.

On the 11th a company of the 9th Madras Native Infantry,
and one from the Bengal Fusiliers were sent to Puzendoun
and Dalla, respectively, as a guard to the friendly inhabitants
in these near positions to Rangoon. Attacks by the Burmese
had rendered such measures necessary.

On the 12th, the melancholy news reached us of the death of
Britain's greatest warrior — Wellington ! The " Times " was
magnificent in its eulogium on the departed hero who had

" EXHAUSTED NATURE AND EXHAUSTED GLORY." But indeed all

the leading journals seemed to vie with each other in doing
honour to his memory. We do not believe that on any previous
occasion so much graphic, elegant, and impressive writing had
been poured forth by the Press. J

The 4th Regiment of Local Sikh Infantry arrived on the
12th at Rangoon. Major Armstrong's corps was regarded as
quite a curiosity in Calcutta, and its appearance here was con-

* Some of these actually came through the thatch of the author's house,
though some hundred yards away from, and about forty feet above, the maga-
zine.

t On the right bank of the river, some fifteen miles below Prome.

% His Grace's valuable opinion on the Second Burmese War was probably
tin' last given by the " iron Duke " on the familiar subject of a campaign.

208 OUR BURMESE WARS.

sidered to be an event of no ordinary importance* The
Ramghur Cavalry also arrived. On the 15th news reached us
from Prome that a force had proceeded to Akouk-toung, and
had captured four guns. Another had landed at the stockade
opposite Prome. The enemy were completely surprised by the
tars and troops. Landing at different places, the gallant sailors
and marines drove the Burmese into the hands of our soldiers,
who made quick work of a large number of them, with little
loss on our side. Upwards of ninety Burmese were said to
have been killed.

News of a sad nature from Prome informed us of the death
of Captain Rundall of the Madras Engineers, commanding the
corps of Madras Sappers and Miners in Burma. This excellent
officer had served with distinction in the Chinese war. His
gallantry on the field in Burma has already been alluded to
in the second part of this Abstract. He was a zealous soldier,
of high talent, and of the most exemplary character ; and he
died in the prime of life beloved and regretted by all. In him
another had been added to the list of worthy men who had
fallen by a stronger hand than that of the enemy.

It may be recollected by the reader of the former
narrative that early in June 1852 a force of between two
hundred and three hundred men, under Major Cotton, left
Rangoon to attack the city of Pegu. The troops did their
work in what may be called dashing style, while exposed to the
fierce rays of a burning sun. The enemy were driven out,
but did not suffer very great loss. It was then much to be

* The following is an analysis of the men then composing the 4th Sikh

Infantry : —

"Sikhs 500

Afghans 150

Punjabees 100

Goorkhas and Hindustanis . . 150 — 900."
The Governor-Genoral, it was said, had paid the Sikhs the high compliment
of visiting them ; and bhe regiment had been furnished with percussion arms,
which, at Rangoon, with the British bayonet, they seemed to carry with as
much pride as the British soldier.

CAPTUEE AND OCCUPATION OP PEGU. 209

regretted that General Godwin could not afford troops for the
permanent occupation of Pegu. The real capture and occupation
were now to come.

By the middle of November four river steamers were under
orders for Pegu, to convey a force consisting of three hundred
of the Bengal Fusiliers, three hundred of the Madras Fusiliers,
four hundred of the 5th Madras Native Infantry, with small
detachments of Artillery and Sappers, and two guns. Brigadier
M'Neill of the 2nd Madras Brigade was appointed to command.
The Bengal Fusiliers were under Colonel Tudor, the Madras
under Major Hill, the 5th companies under Major Shubrick,
and the Artillery under Captain Malloch of the Bengal army.
The Sappers were under Lieutenants Shortland and Harris.
General Godwin was to accompany the force, when it was to
be expected with his accustomed energy he would superintend
operations. The troops embarked on Friday morning, the 19th
of November, at daybreak, and anchored the next day at sunset,
a little below Pegu. In consequence of the shallowness of the
river the steamers were not engaged. The force landed on the
morning of Sunday the 21st, amidst a dense fog. The fatigue
endured by the troops was very great, and the casualties in this
gallant affair were considerable. The Grenadiers and Rifle
companies of the 5th Madras Native Infantry, under Captain
Wyndham, were on board, the " Mahanuddy." The following
notes may be selected as containing at least a faithful account
of the capture and occupation of Pegu : —

"My detachment (5th M. N. I.), all ranks included, was
400 strong; 280 were with me in the foremost steamer, the
' Bentinck/ the remainder with General Godwin in the ' Ma-
hanuddy/ At noon, on the 19th, we first sighted armed
Burmese ; that night we were aground about seven miles below
Pegu. I was requested to furnish strong picquets on the
eastern bank for the protection of the steamers. Captains
Watts and Nicholls were sent with their companies. I visited
all the sentries, who were in a jungle so dense they could not

210 OUR BURMESE WARS.

be seen at a distance of 20 yards one from the other. On
the f.fternoon of this day I had accompanied Captains Lambert
and Seymour, R.N., who attended the expedition — the former
in charge of all the gun-boats, the latter as an ' amateur ' — and
Captain Digby of the ' Bentinck/ in an armed cutter up the
river, which we found staked, but of sufficient depth. We
rowed till the noise of shouting from a vast multitude, about
150 yards ahead of us, told us we were discovered. The town
proved to be Pegu, and the people its inhabitants. I concluded
those armed among them were not there, but at their respective
posts awaiting the arrival of our force, of which the smoke of
the steamers and the guns we had been compelled to fire had
given them notice, for we were not interfered with. At 10
p.m. our picquets were attacked, and a sharp fire poured upon
them, which was as promptly returned.

" On the 20th, at daybreak, we advanced about a mile or so,
the tide having fallen. I was requested to furnish companies
on either bank, for the clearance of the jungle. Captain Watts
and Lieutenant Whitlock performed this duty, aided by all
spare hands from the steamer, and several men of H. M.'s ship
' Fox/ under Mr. Daws, who all worked with right good will.
In the course of the day we exchanged many shots with the
Burmese, who, before and after the return: of the working
parties, came boldly down and delivered their fire on the
steamer. At 5 p.m. the remaining steamers appeared in sight;
we weighed and proceeded about two or three miles, and
dropped anchor. I was again called on for a strong picquet —
this time on the western bank — which I accompanied and
placed in person, under Lieutenants Maud and Cloete. About
7 p.m. General Godwin arrived, and directed me to have my
detachment drawn up on the Pegu bank, at 6 a.m. the next
morning. The Sappers also came with the Artillery, and
remained on board for the night, the former under Captain
Elliot, Bengal Engineers, being engaged for a couple of hours
during the night scarping the bank for the easier ascent of the

CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION OP PEGU.

211

two 24-pounder howitzers the next morning. The river is
very narrow where the landing took place, hut the banks are
very steep. The scene on board that night, so crowded as we
were by the new arrivals, beggars all description.

"At 4 a.m. (November 21st) the 5th got under arras, and
about a quarter to 5 the landing began. We were soon formed
up, as ordered, occupying a grove of plantains. The Rifles
and Grenadier companies shortly joined me ; and by 6 a.m.
General Godwin in person came and gave me his orders ; they
were, in the advance on Pegu, or any other movement which
might take place, to keep up with the Madras Fusiliers, and
not lose sight of them. Supposing the following to be a rough
sketch of Pegu, the position of the troops will be clearer to you : —

Town of Pegu.

Pagoda

Platform.

® e3

§1
•i-j m

w J?
PI bo

7s Town of Pegu.
Wall If miles.

c3
O

Q 2

Ditch.

South.

"B. P. 5

5th N. I. M. F. Junglo.

— O in line.

— | B.F.

— ® in line,

— "s' Jungle. or column,

— ^ not known.

Jungle.

1. Gateway. 2. Gun-boats.

4. M. F. — Madras Fusilien

3. ' Bentinck ' and other steamers.
5. B. F.— Bengal Fusiliers.

14 *

212 OUE BURMESE WARS.

" At a quarter past 6 a.m. the firing began from the jungle,
close round and about the troops. Four or live casualties im-
mediately occurred. General Godwin, who was ever in the
front, was reconnoitring. The advance was first contemplated
through the jungle, between the river and the wall, and the
Bengal and Madras Fusiliers, feelers from both, were pushing
in that direction j but the severity of the fire proved the Bur-
mese were there in a strong position, and a flank movement
parallel with the south wall, and distant about one hundred and
fifty yards from it, was begun and continued for nearly two
miles through breast-high grass and a dense — most dense —
jungle. Before the movement a working party, covered by the
Rifles of the 5th, was sent forward to clear a track, and
nobly they did their work, the whole force following as they
best could, scattered here and there in single and double files
over the whole way, a heavy fire pouring upon them for four
hours and a half. The guns and Sappers, the former covered
by the Grenadiers of the 5th, had been hurried meanwhile to
the front. Advantage was taken, wherever it could be had, of
a good bank to pour in volley after volley ; but of eourse the
whole force was greatly scattered. The sun was fearful, and
the fatigue very great. By the time General Godwin had ar-
rived with the working party, Rifles, and hindmost portion of
the Bengal Fusiliers opposite the gateway which was to be
stormed, it was discovered that most were dead beat, and that
some time must elapse before anything like proper columns
could be formed. By dint of great exertions the best part of
the Bengal, and about half of the Madras, Fusiliers were at
last got together, allowed breathing time, — the Rifles forming
a line of skirmishers in their front, — then nobly harangued by
General Godwin, and, with a British cheer, let loose on the gate
and the crumbling wall, the ditch here having little water in it.
The fire while the columns were being formed was very severe,
and opposite the gate and at the south-west portion of the wall,
where the 5th were first formed up, was the severest expe-

CAPTURE AND OCCUPATION OF PEGU. 213

rienced. Captain Seymour, a gallant sailor (the amateur), was
first of all the assailants, and conspicuous throughout the day.
Passing the gateway, the storming parties drove the Burmese,
now flying to the westward, fast before them, and then retrac-
ing their steps, made as rapidly as they could for the pagoda,
about a short mile distant. Here some volleys were ex-
changed, and Pegu was in our possession. This was about
noon.

" All this time the 5th, that is the remaining portion of
them, with the remaining half or so of the Madras Fusiliers,
were returning the severe fire at extended order, as they best
could, along the south face of the wall, but collected within
three-fourths of a mile or so of the river, knowing nothing of
what was going on ahead, the firing permitting no sounds
of any kind to reach them. Once only a staff officer, Cap-
tain Darroch, came down, and noticing the heaviness of the
fire, directed me, in my flank march, not to lose sight of the
possibility of the Burmese occupying the intervening space
between the left of my line and the field hospital, which had
been formed on the spot where the 5th landed. At noon,
another staff officer came down and hurried the Madras Fusi-
liers on my right, and the 5th, up to the pagoda. Our fire,
doubtless, kept the Burmese from passing along the whole
length of the south wall, as General Godwin moved in that
direction, and in fact quite disconcerted their plans, for they
were not prepared for an assault where it was made ; and keep-
ing up a steady and rapid fire, they were so held in check
between the two points. The Rifle company had one officer
wounded severely, Lieutenant Whitlock ; two privates killed,
and five wounded; the Grenadiers none. About the centre,
between the south-west angle and the place of assault, the fire
was far less severe at times, and in my remaining detachment
I lost one officer ; Lieutenant Cloete severely wounded ; one
havildar killed ; and two privates wounded."

By the 24th the General, with the greater portion of the

214 OUR BURMESE WARS.

troops, had returned to Rangoon, having left a force at Pegu
under Major Hill. He was, on the whole, pleased with the
gallant affair, though he had to lament the loss of several
brave officers and men. About to storm the pagoda, our
gallant Chief " nobly harangued the troops," in a practical
style seldom surpassed. "Now," he said to the Fusiliers,
" you are Bengallis, and you are Madrassis ; let us see who are
the best men ! " A deafening cheer — a rush — and all was over !
Pegu had fallen ; but, we trusted, only to rise in greater beauty
than ever ! Our loss was three officers wounded ; one, Lieu-
tenant Cook, of the Commissariat, mortally ; and from thirty-
five to forty of the men, Europeans and sepoys, were killed
and wounded. Two or three officers were disabled by the sun,
among them the worthy Brigadier, Malcolm M'Neill.* They
were fighting from 7 a.m. till 1 p.m.

All zealous soldiers should, we thought, come to this country
and learn what fatigue is, fighting with the enemy in ambush,
under a Burmese sun ! Had there been carriage, it is highly
probable that the General would have gone on to Sittang and
Beling.

Brigadier Elliott, commanding the 1st Madras Brigade, with
Captain Manners and Lieutenant Pilmer, Staff, had now left
for Prome. Intelligence had arrived at Rangoon of the death
of Captain Gardner,* of the 40th Bengal Native Infantry, at
Akouk-toung. One story went that he was out patrolling —
the "Enterprise" lying off Akouk-toung, high and dry the
while — and going rather far into the jungle, he suddenly came
upon a work of the enemy; a jinjal was fired at hiin, and he

* General Godwin bestowed bis tbanks on tbe following officers in bis
Despatcb: — Brigadier M'Neill, Commander Sbadwell, Lieutenant-Colonel
Tudor, Majors Hill and Sbubrick, Majors Mayhow and Boulderson, Captains
Mallocb, Brown, Hamilton, Darrocb, Burne, Renaud, Latter, and Chads, A.D.C.
The enemy was stated to have amounted to upwards of live thousand men.

t Killed on the 19th November.

WEIGHT OF ARTILLERY. 215

fell, shot through the head; a havildar, in trying to recover
the body, was shot also. He was, we were informed, a son of
the Honourable Lieutenant-General Gardner of the Royal Ar-
tillery, and had just been appointed a brigade-major on the
permanent establishment. He was a man of considerable
ability, and his kindly disposition could not fail to strike one
immediately on coming in contact with him.

Sixteen iron 9-pounders having arrived, chiefly for the defence
of the second terrace of the Great Pagoda, Colonel Anstruther,
with his usual practical knowledge and zeal in all matters re-
lating to Artillery, — on the efficiency of which, there cannot be
the shadow of a doubt, the security, offensive as well as defen-
sive, of all nations chiefly depends, — allowed several officers to
peruse an excellent paper he had written on the expediency of
having all iron 9-pounder guns reamed out to 12-pounders, so
as to throw a 12-pounder shot.* The 24-pounder was the
favourite breaching gun in the Peninsula — at Badajoz and at
St. Sebastian. But the weight of the iron 9-pounder reamed
to a 12 is more than half the weight of a 24-pounder gun.
Weight should be dispensed with on land service as much as
possible. It is a terrible drawback, especially in such countries
as Burma. With the Navy weight is of little or no consequence.
Robins' rule — " the strength of iron is as the quantity of
metal" — fully sanctions the general introduction of all
9-pounders (iron) being reamed out to 12's. Again, Colonel
Anstruther proved by experiment that a 12-pounder reamed
up to an 18, with carronade windage, is superior to all 18-
pounders now in use for land service. Those who uphold the
use of weighty guns on land forget the vast amount of toil and
trouble necessary to bring them along. Reaming, such as pro-

* It must be kept in mind that these remarks were written a good many
years ago, before the improvements of Armstrong, Whitworth, and others
astonished the world.

216 OUR BURMESE WARS.

posed, improves the windage, and diminishes the weight of our
Indian train.

The country about Pegu was described to be in an unculti-
vated state ; the Peguese had, on account of the war and its
effects, neglected to till the ground .* It seemed for the time
as if a beautiful and fertile province were on the verge of
ruin.

Major Eeid, with two guns of his horse battery, em-
barked for Prome on the 26th of November. A company
of the 9th Madras Native Infantry also left for Yangain-
chainya.

On the 27th we received intelligence that the chief who had
so distinguished himself at Puzendoun had managed to destroy
some three hundred or four hundred of the enemy who were
escorting rice to various posts. This, with the fact of an
attack having already been made on the newly captured city
of Pegu, showed very plainly that there were some desperate
characters about. The news of this latter affair was not unex-
pected by many, and the receipt of it was considered to be of
little importance.

On the 6th of December poor Walter Cook was no more.
A finer young officer than this (of the 22nd Madras Native
Infantry) never stepped. The author had served with him in
the field among the jungle regions of Orissa (in 1848), where
his ardent temperament and zeal for the public service were
conspicuous in a remarkable degree.

Pegu had been attacked a second time by the Burmese, on
which occasion it was said a large party of the enemy went to
an old house where we had formerly lodged a picquet, and fired
away for about two hours. The quarters had been vacated
some days before this act of gallantry on their part j some two

* It is during the months of June., July and August, that the Burmese
plough, sow, and harrow the ground after their own fashion.

A FEENCH ADVENTUEEE. 217

thousand people were said to have come into Pegu the next day
seeking Major HilFs protection.

It is now time to turn our entire attention for a while to
this important quarter ; but it may be well to chronicle a few
events before leaving Rangoon. The headquarters of Artillery
left for Prome on the 9th of December. A French officer,*
who had established himself as a favourite, appeared on the
morning of packing up, and gave a few suggestions as an old
campaigner. In June he had come over in the " Emperor "
from Calcutta, and was then said to have been employed by
the Golden Foot. He struck not a few of us as being a sen-
sible and well-spoken man. He had done everything and had
been everywhere. He had served in the Brazils, in Africa, in
Spain, and in Portugal. " The Burmese/' said the Adventurer,
" were very brave behind a stockade or a breastwork, but they
knew nothing of regular warfare." He had a particular horror
at Royalist France being turned into the country of a republic.
General Godwin now cared little about what the French officer
did, although he considered himself on parole and under sur-
veillance. But things were very different in June, when it was
thought necessary to send the " Fire Queen " and " Berenice/'
on her voyage from Calcutta, to bring the "Emperor" in
sight of the Commodore, and our Adventurer before the
General. — The evening before the departure of the Prome
party (8th) was saddened by the death of Brigadier M'Neill,
already mentioned as having been disabled by the sun in the
operations against Pegu. He never recovered from the fa-
tigue and exposure attending the capture. He was of the
old school, an excellent and gallant officer, and a great favourite
in the army.

On the afternoon of the 9th intelligence arrived that Pegu

D'Orgoiii, afterwards the famous " general," of Ava celebrity.

218 OUR BURMESE WARS.

was surrounded or besieged. Two hundred Fusiliers and quan-
tities of ammunition were ordered to be shipped immediately
" To the rescue ! " was the thought of every officer and soldier
in Rangoon.

219

CHAPTER II.

THE BURMESE INVESTMENT OF PEGU. — CRITICAL POSITION
OF MAJOR HILL AND HIS TROOPS. SUMMARY OF MILI-
TARY TRANSACTIONS.

It seemed to be General Godwin's policy to retain Pegu as a
most important military position. He had won it after a
rather severe conflict, but yet the fact appeared to have escaped
him that the Burmese set any great value upon it. Might
there not be a combination among the hostile villages of the
Sittang Valley to recapture it ? On the 22nd of November all
the troops, with the exception of two hundred Madras Fusiliers
under Major Hill, two hundred of the 5th Madras Native
Infantry under Captain Wyndham, two guns, with a small de-
tachment of European Artillery, and some Madras Sappers, were
ordered to return to Rangoon. The news that a small garrison
was left to defend the ancient fortress and all the inhabitants
of the country who chose to come under our protection, was
not long in reaching the Burmese camp. Perhaps at this time
it was thought by the enemy that they could stand a defeat, but
could not bear to be despised. It certainly docs seem strange
that our Military Commander did not calculate on a speedy

220 OUE BURMESE WARS.

attempt at recapture by the Burmese, who knew tolerably well
that on the General's return to Rangoon there was every
chance of his proceeding as soon as possible to take the field
at Prome. Rangoon was now in a position to have afforded a
considerably greater military force at Pegu than what was left
there. Very different was it from the month of June when
the first capture took place. The plans of the campaign were
then, it appeared, in a slow and uncertain state of development,
and it was probably prudent at such a time not to draw away
troops from our chief conquest. But now, through the un-
ceasing exertions of the Engineers and Sappers, much had been
done to the fortifications of Rangoon, and numerous pieces of
ordnance had arrived to strengthen that noble fortress. Allow-
ing for the absence of a division of the army at Prome, and
troops elsewhere, some three hundred or four hundred men
more, one hundred and fifty of these at least Europeans, could
have been left with ease to garrison Pegu.

As soon as the night of the 24th of November the enemy
made an attack upon our gun-boats, but were immediately
repulsed. Late in the evening of the 27th they made a most
daring attack on all sides of the pagoda, but as the garrison
turned out in a few minutes, they were at once vigorously
repelled. The troops remained on the alert till morning, when
on examining the ground several dead Burmese were seen. A
most desperate attack had likewise been made upon the gun-
boats in the river and the Commissariat Guard.

About 8 o'clock on the morning of December (3th, the enemy
— infantry and cavalry — surrounded the pagoda, and attacked us
in great force. They continued to annoy us with jinjals and
musketry all that day and during a great part of the night,
and succeeded in driving off a large herd of the Pegu buffaloes.

From the 7th till the 13th inclusive, the enemy, according
to one of the besieged, were firing jinjals and musketry day
and night. On the 11th two gun-boats arrived from Rangoon
witli stores and ammunition; but these were driven back after

CRITICAL POSITION OF MAJOR HILL. 221

losing several men.* The gallant beseiged were now doing
their utmost, animated during their unceasing toil with the
hope of a speedy reinforcement. Major Hill had sent in three
or four bold messengers to Rangoon. The foe seemed deter-
mined to drive the small band from Pegu ; in addition to their
rude iron and leaden balls, small brass representations of
Gautama, pieces of iron, necks of bottles, even stones, or
round lumps of granite brought hither for the purpose, were
fired on our troops from every quarter. Truly the position of
Major Hill was at this time hardly less critical than that of the
immortal Clive at the famous defence of Arcot. The Burmese
had managed to bring a gun of considerable size into a com-
manding position, which dealt forth several deadly missiles.
According to another of the besieged, spent balls hit some one
or other very frequently ; several of our men were thus wounded
at night and not discovered till the morning.

Before turning to the Relief of Pegu, it may be well to give
a summary of military transactions in November and December
1852, and January 1853, at this bravely manned post.

The sketch is from the manuscript notes of a distinguished
officer present throughout this arduous service : — The besieging
chief Moung-Kyouk-Loung's entire force consisted of eleven
thousand men, disposed as follows : — two thousand men at

* See Appendix No. VIII., " Pegu," p. 469. On the 10th, Captain Shadwell
proceeded with the war-boats to Pegu, also the " Nerbudda " with the Fusi-
liers. Some seventy-five rounds per gun had been shipped on the evening of
the 9th with the greatest speed, through the energy of Captains Voyle and
Robertson. At 3 p.m. of December 11th, we received the disastrous intelligence
that the boats under Captain Shadwell and the steamer had been compelled
to return. The enemy being in vast numbers and more determined than ever,
he wisely returned for reinforcements ; but not without the war-boats — con-
taining also Captain Malloch and a small party of European Bengal Artillery-
men— having had an affair with the Burmese, in which our loss was a sergeant
and two men of the Artillery killed, and two or three wounded ; also several
marines and sailors killed, and many wounded. It was a serious affair, and
the whole inquired and received immediate attention.

222 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Shw£-gyeen, ninety-seven miles north of Pegu ; one thousand
men at Sittang, thirty-two miles east of Pegu ; and eight thou-
sand at Pegu,* which latter force opposed the British troops
on the 21st of November 1852. In addition to the small body
left to garrison the pagoda— which post was under the com-
mand of Major W. Hill of the 1st Madras Fusiliers— to keep
the river clear of the enemy's boats passing by, two gun-boats
were also left at Pegu under the command of Lieutenant Mason,
R.N., of H.M.S. " Fox." Each boat carried a 12-pounder
howitzer and 12-pounder rockets. The boats were completely
hidden from the pagoda by thick belts of bamboo jungle,
which grew up to within one hundred yards of the great
temple.

General Godwin had left the once famous capital of an in-
dependent kingdom, assured that no force would again assemble
in that part of the province. So little did he think of the
enemy daring to attack the garrison of Pegu, that he left a
Peguese chief, by name Moung-Loung, with about fifty fol-
lowers, to induce the families of the inhabitants to come in,
settle themselves quietly in their houses, and re-people the then
almost ruined and deserted city. But this glorious consum-
mation was not in the order of thirjgs ; and, as has been seen,
was not destined to be accomplished. It was too much, after
losing the Shwe Dagon — the stronghold of Gautama — to lose
also the Shwe-madoo Praw, which for so many centuries had
towered in sublime magnificence to the skies. Some idea of
what the troops had to defend may be gained from the fol-
lowing particulars : — The pagoda stands upon three terraces ;
the upper one contained the troops of the garrison and the
commissariat stores ; the upper platform was nearly a square,
each side of which measured from two hundred and ten to two

Under Monng-Gyee, the Commander-in-Chief s brother-in-law.

DEFENCE OF THE SHWE-MADOO PKAW. 223

hundred and twenty yards.* A low brick wall, three feet high,
had formerly enclosed the upper platform. The dilapidation of
the walls was on every side apparent, and on the north-east
and west sides scarcely any wall remained, but high reedy grass
had sprung up — vegetation, as usual, rapid amid the scene of
neglect and ruin. A range of low buildings ran along each
face in a line with the walls, which no troops occupied. There
was a Phongyee house on each side, and adjoining the base of
the pagoda itself. In these sanctuaries the officers were quar-
tered, one only being reserved for a magazine. There were
four large entrances on the top platform, open, and about
thirty feet wide : to join these entrances from below there were
between thirty and forty flights of steps. The second terrace
was twelve feet below the upper, and extended about forty feet
on all sides from the wall. There was then another descent of six
feet, when a third terrace also ran about forty feet. The second
and third terraces, respectively, were three hundred and twenty
and four hundred and fifty yards in length on each side of the
pagoda, t The high grass which had grown up all round
prevented our posted sentries in many places from seeing each
other. Those who are acquainted with Burmese warfare will
readily understand how very much exposed our troops were
to a sudden surprise, when Burmese are so skilful in preserving
silence when creeping through grass to cut down sentries.
There were a great many small pagodas on the east and west
sides, a little way beyond the lower terrace. These were so
close to each other that on the east face, about one hundred
and twenty yards off, they formed a complete wall forty yards
in length, behind which the enemy were in perfect safety.

* The terrace on which the Shwe Dagon at Kangoon stands is nine hun-
dred feet long and six hundred and eighty-five broad.

f Each side of the base of the temple measures one hundred and sixty-two
feet. The shape is octagonal at the base.

224 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Numerous other pagodas were clotted about at distances from
one hundred to six hundred yards, and these became formidable
barricades when jinjals and matchlocks were fired from behind
them. The remaining very important advantage on the side
of the enemy was, that the north and east sides of the country
being higher than the platform, caused every man to be ob-
served passing to and fro. The gallant defenders, it will now
be fully seen, were thus placed in a very critical position, with
only four hundred and thirty-live men to defend what required
at least one thousand two hundred to maintain, without haras-
sing the soldiery.

But, not at all strange in this contrary world of ours, the
very fact of a small band being left to garrison Pegu, this
military blunder on the part of the General, was the means of
achieving a decided political success. The prowess of the
British arms was here displayed to its full extent, which must
have struck terror into the hearts of the Burmese assailants,
whose tale would run rapidly through the neighbouring hostile
soldiery — all tending to bring about the conclusion of the
war.

Major Hill commenced his work of defence by barricading
the upper platform. Three of the four large entrances to the
pagoda were the first places to be looked to. The enemy were
in the neighbourhood, and work became the order of the day.
Parties from the Europeans and Natives were ordered out.
The Peguese were employed in cutting down the high grass
with their dhas, — their expertness in the use of which we fre-
quently noticed. All seemed determined to render the citadel
as strong as possible. Two brass 4-pounders aud a3-pounder,
captured on the 21st of November, were placed in position at
the gateways, which wTere built up the whole breadth of the
entrance with timbers, about twelve feet high, leaving just a
sufficient opening for the gun.

The following is a detailed account of the attack on the
river-picquet and boats on the night of the 27th of November.

ATTACK ON THE RIVER PICQUET AND BOATS. 225

These did not escape the attention of the enemy ; for though
we heard but a few shots in that direction whilst the pagoda was
attacked, yet as soon as they drew off from us they made a
desperate assault in that quarter, and we could tell from the
firing increasing at intervals more than at others, that the
attacks were being resumed ; but the blue jackets, with their
marine artillery, made such excellent use of their 12-pounder
howitzers and rockets, that, with the support of the picquet on
shore, they proved too strong for the Burmese. This was a
very unequal contest. There were houses within thirty yards
of where the picquet was posted, besides having brushwood all
round, which enabled the enemy to conceal themselves, whilst
our men were exposed on the bank of the river. Lieutenant
P. A. Brown of the Fusiliers commanded on this occasion.
Having commissariat stores to protect, that officer with his
men had taken the precaution before dark to pile up the bags
of rice, tobacco, barrels, and other articles which were lying
about, so as to have everything as compact as possible, and
then make his post secure in case of an attack. Some of the
bags caught fire during the night from the rockets, which en-
couraged the enemy to approach nearer, when some of our men
dashed forward, charged them, and compelled them to retire.
After continued assaults had been made upon this little post,
British blood, as it always does, proved too much for them,
and they withdrew, leaving the picquet quiet for the rest of
the night. On this, as on several other occasions during the
war, the rocket practice of the boats' crews of Her Majesty's
Navy was very good ; and the effect of such practice, added to
the untiring efforts of the gallant infantry, plainly showed what
a small body of men can do against a large number. It is on
such outpost affairs generally that the sharpest firing is seen.
General Godwin complimented Major Hill and his force for
their steady gallantry in this dashing business, and he trusted
that the severe lesson which had been given the enemy would
teach the Burmese respect for our new position and the vigil-

226 OUR BURMESE WARS.

ance of its garrison, so as to prevent any future molestation !
The loss sustained in the boats was four seamen and one marine
artilleryman wounded. Three men of the Fusiliers were
wounded. Lieutenant Mason, R.N., narrowly escaped with his
life, a shot having cut through his neck-tie. It was singular
that our loss on the 27th was not greater, as the enemy
attacked also from the other side of the river, which is about
one hundred yards wide where the boats were in position.

In consequence of the Burmese having attempted to escalade
on three sides of the pagoda on the night of the 27th, Major
Hill found it necessary to appoint a captain to command each
face of the pagoda, with instructions that if any one face was
pressed by the enemy, the captain on the side attacked was to
concentrate his men at the given point of attack until support
was given. This admirable arrangement gave a responsibility
to the officer commanding each face, and enabled him to act
on a sudden without waiting for orders. The commandants of
faces appointed were Captains Stephenson and Nicolay of the
Fusiliers, to the north and east faces respectively ; and Cap-
tains Brown and Wyndham of the 5th Native Infantry, to the
west and south. This plan allowed Major Hill to have a
general supervision over the whole of the operations, and en-
abled him to move about and give directions where his presence
was most required.

It was soon learned from the manner of this night attack by
the Burmese, that they had regularly trained troops opposed
to us. Chosen crafty ones had doubtless found their way from
the " city of the immortals " to assist Moung-Kyouk-Loung !
Now our men might be seen climbing up the splendid pagoda
to take a coup d'ail of the surrounding country, and then
would appear a cluster of officers talking earnestly over the
number of troops and the defences. Uncertainty hovered in
the atmosphere. But this, with the British character, only
tends to make the nerves firmer, and to raise expectation the
higher. It is difficult to say what were the feelings of the de-

INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 227

tachment of the Native Infantry. They were ready, at a
moment's warning, to fight or die by the side of British
soldiers !

On the 29th, parties of the enemy were seen moving in
various directions to the north of the pagoda ; Cassay* horse-
men were among them. Next were seen elephants moving
about, bearing officers of rank, all apparently determined on
another plan of attack. All this, of course, tended to increase
the vigilance of the garrison. Major Hill very prudently with-
drew the picquet of fifty men on the open bank of the river, a
mile away from the pagoda ; and Lieutenant Mason, with his
boats, was desired to repair to Rangoon. Upwards of forty men
of the force were now sick in hospital, and the withdrawal of
the river picquet brought additional aid for the defence. It
was signally providential that the Burmese did not come on,
for Moung-Loung, the Pegu chief, reported to Major Hill
during the forenoon of the 1st of December, that a very large
train of carts with Talaing families was then making its way
to the southward, and that some of their goungs (chiefs) had
come in advance to know whether they might claim protection
from the garrison. At about 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the
same day two hundred and sixteen carts, laden with the goods
and chattels of two thousand persons, chiefly women and chil-
dren, came in for protection. These poor creatures had taken
refuge in the jungles, and had wandered about from place to
place, with of course no settled residence while the royal
troops remained in the province. "Pity and protect the
slave ! }> was never uttered by the swarthy African with more
intense feeling than now marked the desires of those Asiatics —
whose ancestors had had a king of their own to rule over them

* " The Muniporeans, or people of Cassay in particular, abound in great
numbers, and they are much prized as clever workmen. Owing to their
superior skill in the management of the horse, the Burmese cavalry is
almost exclusively composed of them; and they are distinguished by the
national appellation of ' the Cassay Horse.' " — Major Snodgrass's " Narrative of
the First Burmese War."

15 *

228 OUR BURMESE WARS.

-—as their eyes were directed to the British for protection !
The ground covered by their carts occupied several acres, for it
must be recollected the Pegu carts and buffaloes are of a pro-
digious size. It was now a matter of anxiety to afford protec-
tion to the families as well as to their property, whilst they lay
scattered about, and the enemy were nigh at hand. The infirm,
as well as all the women and children, were allowed to remain
on the upper platform of the pagoda during the night, while
the others remained below to look after the cattle and goods.
Reader, just picture to yourself the upper platform of the Pegu
Pagoda ! It is night, and the troops are wearied after the pre-
paration and arrangements of the day. Sleep for the weary
watchers would fain " knit up the ravelled sleeve of care ! "
Suddenly bursts forth the clamorous noise of children; the
sentries cannot hear beyond the walls. There are sick chil-
dren, and others wanting food ; and behold ! several officers,
up a great portion of the night, feeding the weary and desti-
tute with biscuit, to quiet the Peguese vociferation ! The help-
less now feel assured that Gautama, through the influence of
the fairies dwelling in the golden tee above, has sent guardian
angels to protect them ! As this arrangement inconvenienced
the troops, it only lasted three nights. Major Hill determined
on destroying all the houses in the street below, as they could
only give cover to the enemy; and orders were thereupon issued
to stockade in the Peguese under the walls of the pagoda.
This severe work was performed in a manner truly admirable
— officers and men, every one assisting to fortify the oppressed,
after their own national fashion ! There was the European
working with almost gigantic strength, felling down many a
noble tree, working with a right good will ; there the skilful
and active sapper ; and there the sepoy, having stopped work
for a time, grinning with a benevolent countenance ! The
husbands of those wc had to protect only a few miles off, and
forced to fight against us, were little dreaming of British
humanity being exercised towards their kindred under the

INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 229

walls of Pegu. The stockade, covering about two acres of
ground, was soon done. The carts and buffaloes were all sys-
tematically arranged, and took up their position in line and
column in a manner quite worthy of the " Artillery Exercise."
All were stockaded in by nightfall. The women and children
were placed in the carts nearest to the walls, so as to shelter
them as much as possible from the shot. The men were sta-
tioned in front, with their spears, matchlocks, and sharp dhas,
to fight for their families — which they did, fearlessly and well.
Dr. Beautfleur, the zealous surgeon in charge of the stockaded
allies, had several severe cases brought to him for treatment.
Spies had been loitering about; and on the morning of the
5th, we could discover, from the elevations of the pagoda, that
the movements of the enemy were more extensive than usual,
and that they mustered in greater force. The Cassay horse-
men did not now conceal their numbers from our view, and
were seen galloping about in larger bodies. Towards the even-
ing of that day faint sounds of firing were heard at intervals,
as if from a long distance down the river. Night had set in,
when a shot was fired from the jungle, which was immediately
returned by the sentry who was fired at. Shortly before this it
had been reported to Major Hill that a low sound of voices
was heard, as of troops moving about in the jungle. Firing
soon became the order of the night, and a discharge of canister
from a 24-pounder howitzer, in the direction of the voices,
roused every one into action. Before 9 o'clock Major Hill was
called away from the defences to two sepoys of the 5th Madras
Native Infantry, who had hailed the picquet from the jungle —
the south picquet — the sergeant of which had brought them
in. Fortunately for these men, the firing, which was com-
menced at the pagoda just before they arrived, was on the east
face, whereas they came from the south. * Their object was to

* Firing was kept up round the pagoda, and did not cease until after mid-
night, when the moon rose.

230 OUR BURMESE WARS.

report the sad fate of a jemadar and his men, the former of
whom, with three or four sepoys, while convoying supplies in
a boat from Rangoon, had been killed by the Burmese.

The officers were sitting quietly at breakfast, discussing the
deeds of night and morning, when the well-known cry of
" Turn out ! " raised a stir among all hands ; at the same
time the Burmese shout of attack was heard at the south-west
angle of the pagoda. While the firing at the south-west angle
summoned the men to the walls, a very singular and guerilla-
like scene was exhibited. In an instant heights, mounds, and
pagodas were crowned with men, who opened a sharp but ill-
directed fire against our troops. The little curling smoke was
now to be seen issuing from the place where was perched each
wily matchlock -man ; the sky was beautifully clear; every
object came to view ; and the whole had the effect of a gor-
geous panorama. It was soon discovered — from the Burmese
balls coming among us from such elevated positions — that our
enemies were likely to have the best of it. It was, however,
highly ludicrous, in the midst of danger, to hear the men
joking with each other as they brought down a man or two
from the high pinnacle on which the Burmese had so proudly
perched themselves. The surprise having failed, the enemy
were no doubt astonished to find that the Peguese were
sheltered in a well-made stockade ; there was the reality
bristling up before their eyes ! It was now evident, from the
enemy taking possession of the elevations, that they did not
intend going away ; and so decided an advantage did the
heights give them of sweeping the platform with their shot,
that nearly fifty rounds of ammunition per man were expended
that day in keeping down their fire. To save life it was now
requisite to barricade the pagoda as strongly as possible. Lieu-
tenant Campbell, the officer of Engineers, had had no sand-
bags supplied him to make a temporary defence ; it was, there-
fore, necessary to apply to the Commissariat for all the empty
bags and barrels they could give, and these being found inade-

INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 231

quate, bags of rice, and barrels of pork and biscuit were also
called for. As soon as it became dark the Sappers were set to
work. At night gongs were heard in various parts of the
jungle, as if the Burmese were assembling their troops. The
firing was not so heavy during the night as it had been that
day, still there was little cessation of it, while the working
parties were heard about the walls. It was of importance to
get the Peguese into military order in the event of an attack.
Some two hundred and ninety had enrolled themselves as
fighting men, but out of that number only fifty had muskets —
our old flint-locks — while the remainder were armed with spears
and swords. Major Hill visited the stockade, and, with the
assistance of a Burmese interpreter, pointed out to Moung-
Loung the way in which he wished his men to be disposed of
should an assault take place. The men with fire-arms were
placed at short distances between the spearmen, so as to give
a greater appearance of strength in that particular arm ; a cer-
tain number were told off as sentinels on duty, to be regularly
relieved. The goungs were placed so as to give orders, and to
overlook their own men. Major Hill visited the stockade of
the allies every night, to give them confidence, and to see that
they were all on the alert. To show how much our troops
were exposed on the platform notwithstanding all that had been
done, the officers' servants were obliged to erect some kind of
protection for the beds of their masters and themselves when
they lay down to rest. Several days and nights were passed
without any cessation of firing. With all the fatigue of mind
and body was excessive, particularly so with the indefatigable
commander of the garrison. The chance of being able to eat
one's dinner without being shot at seemed remote indeed. An
officer of the Fusiliers received a severe contusion while seated
at the mess -table ; several servants were wounded, and one was
killed while waiting upon his master. A Peguer also received
a mortal wound while at work inside the mess-house. On the
8th the men began to feel the incessant work. Every man

232 OUR BURMESE WARS.

was daily on duty ten hours out of the twenty-four. The ex-
posure and fatigue increasing, Major Hill at length deemed it
absolutely necessary to inform General Godwin of the deter-
mined nature of the enemy. All ammunition expended, we
would then be compelled to evacuate the pagoda, and force a
way back to Rangoon at the point of the bayonet. Four goodly
men and true, for fifty rupees a head, came forth from Moung-
Loung's detachment and volunteered to carry a letter to General
Godwin. Three copies were sent with the original, so that
each man had his letter. The Major did not ask for any more
men, but added, " All I want is ammunition." As soon as it
was dark, the messengers started on their hazardous enterprise.
There was a Burmese force on all sides of the pagoda of at
least six thousand men, and had the carriers fallen into their
hands, they would probably have been decapitated or crucified,
according to Burmese custom.

On the morning of the 12th the joyful sound of firing from
British war-boats ran like an electric shock through the weary
garrison. But despair soon followed, our forebodings were
indeed verified,— the naval party had failed in their attempt to
communicate with us. From the crowded state of the stockade,
together with the cold damp nights and the scanty supply of
food they had, cholera broke out among our Peguese allies.
Fortunately, the scourge did not extend to the troops. The
sudden withdrawal of the gun-boats, with relief so near at
hand, quickly became the all-absorbing topic. But the assur-
ance that General Godwin was now aware of our difficulties,
served to rouse us to increased effort.

After this event the enemy's fire gradually ceased. Those
only who have watched night after night can form an idea of
how much a temporary calm is appreciated. But yet it is
difficult to reconcile oneself to the change. On the present
occasion the whistling of the bullets— the rattling of the boards

the speedy movement — the sound from a cluster of voices, —

the want of all this seemed to create a vacancy in the state of

INVESTMENT OP PEGU. 233

affairs quite unintelligible ! The reply of " All right, sir ! " to
the officers on duty passing along their beat, could not disturb
well-earned repose. But in the morning, yelling from the
Burmese — the firing of canister from our howitzers — and clear-
ing the platform for action, soon destroyed the peaceful de-
lusion. The Burmese having made a determined attempt to
force their way into the Peguese stockade, came to a hand-to-
hand contest with the allies, who received some severe wounds
from spears and matchlocks ; and it was not until they
tasted the cold steel from some of our Rifle sepoys that they
drew off.* Another night had closed upon us, when again the
welcome sound of a British gun was heard down the river. The
Artillery officer reported his hearing guns; he had also observed
a rocket fired perpendicularly. Wellington's remark at Water-
loo, " There goes old Blucher at last ! " could scarcely have been
uttered with more heartfelt pleasure than " There's old Godwin
at last ! " by the garrison of Pegu.

At 11 o'clock on the morning of the 14th the first firing of
General Godwin's relieving force was heard. As the troops
were seen nearing the pagoda, cheering became general
throughout the garrison, and continued until Lieutenant Elliott,
who commanded the advanced guard, entered the small aper-
ture— made as an embrasure for one of our small guns — on the
eastern entrance of the pagoda.

On the 4th of January, although no troops had been ob-
served moving about, a sudden discharge of musketry issued
from the opening of the jungle, which had been cut down. A
12-pounder howitzer, loaded with canister, was ready pointed
in the direction, to the north, where it was supposed the

* The loss of the Burmese must have been very great, as they had not
before ventured to cross a piece of clear ground. One man of immense
stature was found dead, supposed tobea chief. The Peguese hung him up to
a tree in triumph, but his body was cut down at sunset, and thrown into a dry
well.

234 OUR BURMESE WARS.

enemy might appear, and it was discharged with the happiest
effect. Firing now commenced, and at sunset the picquet was
increased to one hundred Europeans and fifty sepoys. By that
time several men had been wounded.

On the 5th, 6th, and 7th, the working parties were increased
and uprights were fixed in the ground, about ten feet from
each other, and planks were nailed upon them, as being the
most expeditious way of keeping the men out of sight of the
enemy. Their attacks were now directed against the north
face ; and notwithstanding our men had been for some time
worried and fired on— in spit of shot flying about — the Euro-
peans were quite observable outside, coolly nailing on the
planks, while others sat on the top of the beams, assisting
in the work, under a heavy fire all day. The Burmese must
have set them down as at least possessing a charmed life ; but
it was nothing more than British courage and working with a
hearty good-will— qualities which had for nearly a century
distinguished the Madras Fusiliers. The picquet was obliged
to act as a covering party to keep down the fire, otherwise we
might have lost many men. The enemy had now taken up a
position on the opposite bank of the river with the number of
their force increased, and where an irregular brick building
was turned into a battery by them. It has not. been recorded
that on the departure of General Godwin a stockade had been
erected, according to his orders, at the landing-place on the
bank of the river. The enemy's battery was about one hun-
dred and twenty yards from this stockade, and was a great
annoyance to it. The gun-boats, under Captain Tarleton,
R.N., having been withdrawn, we could not cross the river to
dislodge the enemy from the strong position they had taken up,
who, finding that we had no boats, at length rendered the
stockade, from its unfinished condition, almost untenable. Up
to the 7th one captain was mortally wounded (Captain Nicolay
of the Fusiliers), one artilleryman was killed, and thirteen men
were wounded. On the morning of the 8th, for some strange

INVESTMENT OF PEGU. 235

reason difficult to understand, the enemy were seen from the
heights of the pagoda marching in two confused columns, in
full retreat. They went northward, and never again appeared
to oppose us. And thus ended the protracted transactions at
Pegu!

In consequence of the " very gallant and distinguished con-
duct" of Major Hill throughout these stirring events, the
Most Noble the Governor-General of India in Council bestowed
upon him a special mark of favour.* Previous to this the
thanks of the Supreme Government of India were sent him by
General Godwin, as well as to the garrison under his orders,
for the gallant defence of Pegu : —

" Fort William, Mh January 1853.

" 4th. The Governor- General in Council requests that you
will convey to Major Hill of the Madras Fusiliers, and to the
officers and men under his command, the marked acknowledg-
ments of the Government of India, for the bravery and steadi-
ness with which they met and repulsed the continuous and
harassing attacks of a large body of the enemy for many days,
before reinforcements arrived at Pegu."

* Command of the Gwalior Contingent, with about 2,000 Ea. a month. We
had the pleasure of reading the courteous letter from Lord Dalhousie by which
this noble gift was conveyed.

236 OUR BURMESE WARS.

CHAPTER III.*

RELIEF OE PEGU, AND OTHER OPERATIONS. THE

PROCLAMATION.

The most energetic measures were now taken at Rangoon by
General Godwin to answer with all possible speed the needy
call for relief which came from the Pegu garrison. Rangoon
had not been in such a state of excitement since its capture by
the British in April. Had the tide of fortune at length turned
against us ? Had the mine of Burmese vengeance at length been
sprung, to tell us that the dynasty of Alompra was not yet in
danger, and rouse us into action ? In any way a great event
had taken place. The wonted energy of our chief when any-
thing like danger was to be encountered proved him to be the
man for this emergency. But General Godwin unfortunately had
much difficulty in providing transports for the troops for the
relief of Pegu. Two hundred and fifty Madras Fusiliers under
Captain Renaud had been obliged to return to Rangoon in con-
sequence of the disabled state of the river steamer "Nerbudda,"

• A melancholy interest is attached to this chapter, it being chiefly written
from notes furnished to the author by General Neill — tho " avenging angel " of
the great Sepoy mutiny — the hero who fell, in 1857, at Lucknow.

BELIEF OF PEGU. 237

in which they had embarked. These troops were transhipped to
the " Mahanuddy," a vessel whose boilers had seen rather too
much service. It was not, therefore, until both these steamers
had been repaired that the head-quarters in the " Nerbudda/'
and the Madras Fusiliers in the " Mahanuddy," were enabled
to leave Rangoon. At noon of the 12th of December both
vessels steamed on until sunset, the " Nerbudda " leading.
At daylight next morning, which was very foggy, all the boats
conveying the other troops, under convoy of Captain Tarleton,
R.N., proceeded with the " Nerbudda" up the river; the other
steamer was supposed to be following not far astern. They
approached the village of Lomen Seedee as the mist was rising
which was found, as expected, occupied by the enemy, and the
river staked, abreast of it. We were quite prepared for the
foe; guns loaded, and a party of twenty-five men on each
paddle-box — the starboard furnished by the Madras, the lar-
board by the Bengal Fusiliers. We had evidently taken the
Burmese by surprise ; some of them were seen about the vil-
lage, also a large party with some horsemen moving about on
the plain. The left bank near where the steamer was anchored
was an open plain; higher up and out of shot, stood the
village. The troops were soon landed; and it was speedily
determined to occupy the village, as affording shelter — it
having been taken for granted that the enemy had retreated.
The Bengal Fusiliers were, therefore, moved up to some of the
nearest houses, when about twenty shots were fired into them
from the high grass and jungle adjoining. One man was
slightly wounded ; the Burmese escaped without either being
seen or fired upon. The village was then occupied, the Madras
Fusiliers being on picquet in advance. The "Mahanuddy"
not having yet arrived with the remainder of the Fusiliers, the
other steamer was therefore sent down to bring the men up.
The day wore on, and there being no appearance of the steamer,
arrangements were made to pass the night in the village, and
picquets were thrown out; but no attempt was made to drive

38 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the enemy further away, or out of the village of Upper Seedee,
about a mile distant. This village had on several occasions —
particularly the last, when the boats were obliged to retire —
annoyed the navy considerably ; and the occupation of it might
have been attended with little or no loss had its entrenchments
been turned by a small party, and the enemy there, about three
hundred or four hundred men, driven off, and perhaps inter-
cepted.

About midnight a volley was fired into some of the houses,
by which one Bengal Fusilier was killed and another was
mortally wounded ; a sailor was also mortally wounded. Irre-
gular firing now commenced, and the sentries at other points
of the line also giving the alarm, some firing — which was for-
tunately put a stop to in time — had nearly caused considerable
confusion, to which the increasing consternation of the servants
and few camp-followers would have materially added. Two
hours after this disturbance the bamboo flooring of one of the
houses occupied by the followers falling in, caused great
alarm ; the troops of course, without inquiring into the cause,
stood to their arms and behaved steadily. The steamer re-
turned during the night with Captain Renaud's party, their
detention having been caused by the " Mahanuddy " unfortu-
nately grounding. The troops were landed early in the morn-
ing, and by 7 a.m. the whole force advanced in the following
order : — Two ship guns dragged by sailors of the Royal Navy,
under Captain Shad well, R.N. ; two hundred and fifty Madras
Fusiliers under Captain Renaud ; one hundred and fifty Bengal
Fusiliers under Major Gerrard, and three hundred Sikhs under
Major Armstrong, formed the advance of seven hundred men,
General Godwin commanding, with Brigadier Dickenson. Two
hundred of the 10th Bengal Native Infantry under Captain
Monro j four hundred and fifty Bengal Fusiliers under Colonel
Tudor— six hundred and fifty men — formed the reserve
under Brigadier-General Steel, C.B. The force moved off,
marching away from the river so as to avoid Seedee ; and on

BELIEF OP PEGU. 239

nearing a small village came upon the high road leading to the
south-west gateway of the mound or old wall round the an-
cient city of Pegu. In the outskirts of the village about three
hundred of the enemy were posted, and on the plain about one
hundred Cassay horse. On the approach of our advanced
troops the enemy cheered and came on towards us, their in-
fantry flanked by their cavalry. Our skirmishers pushed on,
answering their cheers; firing commenced, and the Burmese
retired, the infantry into the jungle in our front, the cavalry
keeping to the plain on our flank. As the head of the column
Was entering the jungle near the south-west angle of the
mound, a short halt took place ; the guides had evidently been
leading the column in the wrong direction for that point.
Counsel was now taken of an excellent guide in Captain
Renaud's service, who, having urgently represented that the
defences at the west point were particularly strong— as was
subsequently seen — and that the proper way, which he offered
to show, was by the east side, he was at once directed to lead
the column. The force continued its march, and after a very
fatiguing morning's work, reached the gateway in the eastern
bund* Here, the head of the column first came in contact
with the enemy. Captain Renaud's party quickly pushed over
the bund. The Burmese came down through the jungle on the
flanks of the column, and opened fire on the reserve ; their
fire was speedily answered, and they were compelled to retire.
All then pushed forward and got within the bund. Firing had,
up to the time of the column entering the bund, been heard
near the pagoda. Telescopes were now in requisition, but
nothing could be seen of the garrison. A man was at last dis-
covered on the pagoda; he was made out to be a Burmese
soldier ; he was immediately afterwards declared to be a Madras
lascar. General Godwin, who had been in a state of intense

* An artilicial mound of earth.

240 OUR BURMESE WARS.

anxiety, was at once relieved. The force now pushed on to the
east gateway of the pagoda; and it was not until a very short
distance from it that we observed the garrison, and then learned
that the line of bund and old pagodas from which it was com-
manded, had been occupied by the Burmese until within a few
minutes of our entering the fortress, that we had taken them
in reverse, and that had we been aware of it, by detaching a
party to our right on entering the first bund, we might have
cut many, if not all, off. The troops were now " dead beat " ;
and quietly rising with terrific glow, shone forth the fierce
Burmese sun — than which the heat is nowhere more intense,
except perhaps occasionally in China. Few out of the whole
force were equal to more exertion during the heat of that day.
It had been a long and fatiguing march, but not yet was there
to be a rest of any duration. All the troops crowded into the
pagoda and completely covered its area. Then commenced
cordial greetings of welcome ; tales of adventure experienced
within the last few days; and the frequent remark of the
soldier to his comrade on the careworn and fagged appear-
ance of some of the relieved. The men were lying about
taking their rest when, about 4 p.m., a fire was opened upon
them from the old commanding ground which the enemy had
again occupied ; in a few minutes several men were hit, and it
became necessary to dislodge and drive them out of the defences
along the river bank, and south and west faces of the bund.
These services were performed in a very brilliant manner by
the troops employed ; and this being the first time we had an
opportunity of beholding the Sikhs acting by themselves, their
progress was attentively observed. Nothing could have ex-
ceeded their enthusiasm, and their forward propensities were
beyond a doubt. They advanced steadily and coolly across a
piece of open ground fully exposed to the fire of the Burmese,
who, posted on the mound, were completely covered by the
jungle j they pushed on, however, without answering the fire,
and when sufficiently near, ran in on the enemy and gallantly

BELIEF OF PEGU. 241

drove them from their position. The same men whose bravery
had given Lords Hardinge and Gough their peerages, who had
proved themselves to be one of the most formidable foes the
British ever had to encounter in India, were now nobly acting
on our side in defence of order and a just government, nearly
three thousand miles from the land of their birth, from the land
where the pride of the Khalsa army but yesterday became
mutinous, disorganised, and fallen ! The Bengal Fusiliers had
been directed to clear the works to the south and west, which
they soon did in an effective style, destroying the stockades
and defences, out of which they expelled the enemy. All the
troops returned after dusk to the pagoda, well tired out ; they
slept under what cover they could get; many, being without
great-coats, suffered much during the night from the cold damp
and dew, which, no doubt, laid the foundation of much of the
subsequent sickness and mortality.

From what we saw of the Cassay horse, and the activity of
the enemy in evading us on the plain, we all looked forward
to the arrival of Colonel Sturt's land column,* with a portion
of Burgoyne's Troop of Madras Horse Artillery, Sappers, Ram-
ghur Cavalry, and 67th Bengal Native Infantry, feeling assured
the mounted men would give a good account of the cunning
Burmese soldiery on the plains over which they had to pass to
reach Shwe-gyeen or Sittang ; and more particularly on the fol-
lowing morning, when the whole Burmese army of about nine
thousand or ten thousand men were observed from the pagoda
taking up a position and entrenching themselves on the plains
about the village of Kully, between four and five miles distant,
on the Shwe-gyeen road.

It was now but natural to believe that General Godwin would
not venture an attack upon the enemy in such force without
aid from the expected land column in the shape of cavalry and
artillery. In the first place he could have no guns with him,

* Of some seven hundred men, which General Godwin had despatched to
co-operate with his other force.

242 OUR BURMESE WARS.

for he had " no means of drawing them " ; and in the second,
without cavalry, in any fortunate movement made by our in-
fantry, he had not the means of following up and cutting off
the enemy. But no doubt the General's presence was urgently
required at Prome. To him time was everything. He would
not be content with the glorious achievement of having re-
lieved Pegu, but he was determined also to free that garrison
from the near position of the Burmese army ! It is difficult to
say whether others, similarly situated, would not have been in-
clined to act likewise ; but we think that the majority, under
the circumstances, would have waited for the land column. As
to time, there was Brigadier-General Steel, a distinguished
Company's officer, who could have waited to disperse the
enemy with effect, while the senior general was steaming to
Rangoon or to Prome, ready to gain any amount of glory that
might be in store for him. But it was ordained otherwise.

On the 15th, orders were issued for the force to march on the
following morning. During the day this was countermanded
in consequence of the commissariat supplies not being brought
up. The Burmese were still observed entrenching themselves
about the village of Kully, and showed no intention of retiring.

On the 16th nothing was heard from Colonel Sturt's column.
According to orders issued on that day the force — composed of
five hundred and seventy Bengal Fusiliers, one hundred and
eighty-two 10th Bengal Native Infantry, three hundred and
thirty Sikhs, one hundred and fifty Madras Fusiliers, and thirty
Sappers ; total, one thousand two hundred and thirty men —
was warned to be prepared to move on the following morning.
The men were directed to carry their great-coats, and one day's
cooked provisions in their haversacks. A memorandum was
also required from the commandants of corps of the positive re-
quirements of their men in the way of shirts and trowsers, with
a view to their being procured from Rangoon ; men and officers
having left Rangoon for this service with the least possible
quantity of clothing. None of the officers had horses, Gene-

BELIEF OP PEGU. 243

rals Godwin and Steel excepted ; and the rations for the force
were carried on in carts drawn by buffaloes.

The force moved out of the pagoda, following Captain
Latter's guides. "We wound slowly through the jungle to the
north of Pegu, and emerged on the plain about half-past 9 a.m.
So little were the enemy expecting us that the garrison of
Pegu saw from the pagoda their elephants feeding in the jungle
near us, and had we been aware of it we might have captured
them all. On our column reaching the plain signal guns were
fired from the enemy 's lines, evidently to collect their people.
On reconnoitring their position, it appeared to be three lines
of entrenchments, the right on the river, and extending across
the Shw^-gyeen road, far into the plain ; on the left of the
road, which was the centre of their position, ran a jungly
nullah, which we subsequently found had been so spiked and
entrenched that had we advanced by that route our loss would
have been very considerable from a foe ivho outmarched us and
fought under cover.* General Godwin determined to turn the
left of their position, and moved to the right. The Cassay
horse approached and kept pace with our column, moving on
our right flank. After the force had turned the left of the
first liue of entrenchments it was halted, and dispositions made
for attacking in two columns; one — the left — under General
Steel, the other under General Godwin. The left column was
soon in its place, impatiently waiting the signal to advance ; it
was not given ; the enemy were seen moving in huge masses
from their left, and it is the opinion of some that had the left
column been permitted it could have cut them off. An aide-
de-camp was sent off to General Godwin to inform him of what
was going on in front, and returned with an order that the

* This is a grand difficulty we have to contend with in Burmeso warfare.
Should, unfortunately, any rupture hereafter take place in this quarter, light
guns and plenty of irregular cavalry will be an invaluable addition to European
infantry ; also howitzers for boat service. — Note in 1864.

16 *

244 OTJK BURMESE WARS.

attack of the left column was not to take place, but was to
stand firm and cover his flank when he attacked. At this
order considerable disappointment was felt by the left column.
General Steel rode back to join our Chief on the right ; and
Major Seaton, of the 1st Bengal Fusiliers, and his men, had to
remain inactive, seeing an enemy they could by a rapid dash
get in among and severely punish, walk leisurely off. When
the advance by General Godwin at last took place, the
enemy were in full retreat ; a few only remained on our front ;
and although the attacking party, European and Native, more
particularly the Sikhs, were exceedingly forward and energetic,
our men were never able to approach sufficiently near to do
the execution they would have done had they been permitted
to attack at the proper time. While the column was thus
halted, the Cassay horse on our right were emboldened to make
a charge. They rode down with some spirit, but none of our
infantry field officers being mounted they had not sufficient
command over their men, some of whom in the hurry and
excitement fired too soon, and were followed by the rest of the
line ; a few saddles only were emptied, and the Cassay horse
got out of shot at the quickest possible pace. The Burmese
retreated by the Shwe-gyeen road, and the column was halted
in a tope of trees which had formed their head-quarters. After
more than an hour's halt the men stood to their arms, and
formed upon a road leading nearly west. Hopes were now
entertained of again speedily beholding the enemy. Although
not a vestige or trace of any number of men was observed
along the road, yet on the repeated assurance of the guides the
march in that direction unfortunately was persisted in, which
ended in our reaching the village of Lephandoon before sunset.
With the exception of a broken-down buffalo cart and an old
woman — there are no patriots in Burma so staunch as the
old women, come friend or foe — the post was found aban-
doned. The old woman stated in a lively manner that the
enemy had not been there that day. General Godwin, it is

BELIEF OF PEGU. 245

said, expressed his extreme displeasure at the conduct of the
guides. Many now thought that instead of halting in the tope
the enemy should have been at once followed up along the
Shwe-gyeen road ; as the men had not marched far, and their
blood was up, they could have kept up a hot pursuit for many
miles, and perhaps, although unaided by cavalry, they would
have captured some guns and baggage, also carts and other
carriage, which we much required. The guides on this oc-
casion seemed to have taken us off the proper line of pursuit,
which was the more provoking when it was considered that
they were under the charge of one who possessed a vast know-
ledge of the Burmese language and character.

For the night the force occupied the houses on the left bank
of the river at Lephandoon, and after sunrise on the 18th
moved off in a north-easterly direction. After proceeding some
distance we came upon the Shwe-gyeen road, about two miles
north of the tope where we had unfortunately halted the day
before, and proceeded along it. Every yard showed the traces of
a multitude having crowded along it in great confusion. The road
was narrow, through thick grass and paddy, and in some places
tall elephant grass, all sufficiently thick to impede the march
of infantry except on the road. Approaching the village of
Montsanganoo there was a thick belt of jungle, but it was
found unoccupied. The force passed through it and found
shelter in huts and sheds. A vast plain extended to the front
and our right. The guides declared that the enemy had
pushed on, and were at least twenty miles off. Under such
belief all ranks got under such cover as the place afforded, and
it was determined to return on the following day to Pegu
Lomen. About 1 o'clock p.m. it was reported that two of
the C assay horse had appeared in front of the position oc-
cupied by the detachment of the Madras Fusiliers. A Staff
and two other officers, accompanied by two men, went out
along the northern road to reconnoitre ; and the Burmese
being within long rifle range, two shots from a Minie were fired

246 OUR BURMESE WARS.

at them ; the first, at about four hundred and sixty yards,*
went sufficiently close to one to make him bow his head;
another, at about double the distance, also fell close. The
horsemen making off at their utmost speed, the party moved
on to a wooden bridge, from which they had retired, and
where a better view of the country in our front was expected.
From this nothing could at the time be seen except a village
and some large houses to our left, some Phongyee houses on
the road, about a mile in advance of the bridge, and a large
village some distance to the right ; in many places it was
thought a line of newly turned-up earth could be distinguished,
as if extending from the houses on the road, on both sides,
towards the villages on the right and left. Not a sawar was
to be seen except the two horsemen above noticed, who, ob-
serving the party stationary at the bridge, began to approach
slowly. It was at this time that Captain Travers, General
Steel's aide-de-camp, rode up on his brave little Arab Selim,
and galloping past the party, the Cassay horse wheeled about.
The gallant aide-de-camp dashed on after them, and had gained
within one hundred yards of the last, when many more men
suddenly rode out to meet him, and numbers of the enemy
showing themselves about the houses, the energetic Captainf
was compelled to pull up. As he walked quietly back, the
Burmese horsemen following at a respectful distance, the whole

* The old percussion musket, Lovell's Brunswick rifle, with belted ball, and
the old light artillery guns, had all been in use during these Pegu operations.
Since then, the Enfield rifle, with a range of nine hundred yards and upwards,
has been introduced into the Indian service. — Note of 1858-59.

t This excellent officer, of the Adjutant-General's Department, Madras,
was afterwards Colonel Travers, Assistant Adjutant- General for India at the
Horse Guards, London, which appointmont lie held for some years, lie was
subsequently promoted to the command of a brigade in his own presidency ;
but, health failing, Brigadier-General E. A. B. Travers died at Coonoor (Noil-
gherrics), 16th of June 1879. He was one of the most promising officers in
the Service ; and the present writer thought him the best adapted for command
in the event of a Third Burmese War !

RELIEF OF PEGU 247

extent, from village to village, became alive with men. A
long line rose up from their entrenchments, where they had
been lying concealed, and the houses and villages were soon
filled. A peremptory order at this time arrived for the party
to return to their lines, upon which our opponents fell back on
theirs. The presence of the whole enemy within two miles of
his head-quarters thus by chance became known to General
Godwin from the unauthorised act of two or three officers and
men going out beyond the outposts to reconnoitre. The
position occupied by the British was better adapted for affording
shelter to the troops than for defence ; a few huts on the right,
a shady tope, and some sheds on the left ; the rear close on a
jungle, and a nullah which turned up round our left flank and
extended nearly to the right centre of the enemy's position,
would have enabled him at any time, day or night, to have
brought his whole force unperceived into our rear and left
flanks, and to have occupied the thick jungle within half-musket
shot of us. There was certainly something wrong in the present
state of affairs. The guides asserted that it was all a mistake ;
there was no enemy near. However, an old ruined pagoda in
the jungle, in rear of our head- quarters, and which had been
used by the Burmese as a look-out, enabled others to see them
as they had been reported ; and a body of their infantry moving
down into the belt of jungle in front of their right centre, an
officer with a small party again went towards the bridge to
reconnoitre, when the enemy attempted to cut off their retreat.
More of their troops pushed forward ; but our party was brought
slowly back, keeping clear of the jungle which was now occu-
pied by our adversaries, and bringing down, following them at
a respectable distance, considerable numbers of their infantry,
with a few horse, The bugles in camp now sounded ; the men
stood to their arms in a few minutes, and the force moved on
to meet the foe, who, on seeing our troops advance, fell gra-
dually back on his entrenchments, our skirmishers dislodging
those who had entered the belt of jungle on our left. After

218 OUR BURMESE WARS.

crossing the bridge, two columns of attack were formed j the right
intended for General Godwin, the left given to General Steel.
The right had some little farther distance to march ; General
Godwin did not accompany it, and the next senior officer lost
no time in getting into motion. The left column was halted
and held back by General Godwin's personal order. Thus, in
the opinion of some, was a chance of fairly and successfully
closing with the enemy lost, who, as on the previous day, re-
treated slowly and surely. There can be little doubt that a
steady active advance would have brought our troops into ac-
tion, but apparently General Godwin was not desirous of risking
such a contact. The skirmishers of the left column only were
engaged; the right carried the village on the enemy's left.
Night closed in, and the force marched back to their former
ground, where they found that the sheds they had protected
themselves in during the day had been set fire to. The follow-
ing morning we left Montsanganoo after sunrise, and reached
Pegu about 1 o'clock p.m.

The operations on the 17th and 18th showed that had
Colonel Sturt's column been waited for, the army of the enemy
would in all probability have been entirely destroyed. No
country could have been more favourable for cavalry, and the
few patches of jungle their infantry might have found refuge in
could have been cleared by our own. But between Kully and
Montsanganoo there was a sufficient space of open ground for
the destruction of the force. A blow might have been struck at
Kully on the 18th or 19th which would have paralysed them with
terror, and compelled them to submit to our power ; and from
the carriage the enemy's camp would have supplied, a rapid
movement on Shwe-gyeen would have obtained us possession
of that town, and the almost certain annihilation of that boast-
ing Burmese army. It is a humane wish to be lenient with
the actions of men. We must relate, however, that this grand
opportunity was lost by not waiting for a most efficient column
which marched from and back to Rangoon without once coming

RELIEF OF PEGU. 249

into action.* The exposure and fatigue the troops underwent
on the 17th and 18th caused much sickness from cholera ; the
Bengal Fusiliers in a few days lost upwards of twenty men.
The natives also suffered considerably. General Godwin, as was
ever the case, showed the greatest coolness under fire, and an
entire disregard of self; and nothing could have been better
than the relief of Pegu and the plans of attack on the 17th and
18th. These were admirably conducted until it came to the
moment for acting, when it appeared as if the veteran Chief
lacked decision, and seemed to be unconscious of the enemy
passing away before him. Whatever may have been General
Godwin's motives for not attacking his enemy with vigour on
the 17th and 18th — and he had shown himself quite capable
of vigorous and successful attacks even during the Second
Burmese War — whatever may have been his motives for not
waiting for Colonel Sturt's column, or leaving General Steel
to follow up the enemy when the Horse Artillery and the
Cavalry arrived — he relieved Pegu and turned the enemy's
position on the 17th with little or no loss to his own troops.

The three days' work on the 14th, 17th, and 18th of Decem-
ber tried the stoutest and hardiest of the force. Some old cam-
paigners declared the " Punjab " was a joke to it as far as fatigue
went. None displayed greater endurance than General Godwin
himself, and several of the oldest officers who accompanied him.

The General embarked at Pegu on the 20th, and arrived at
Rangoon on the morning of the 22nd, after leaving a rein-
forcement with the garrison at Pegu,f and strengthening their
party of Sappers as a temporary measure, to allow of their
putting themselves in a perfect state of defence. The British
Commander in his despatch bestowed no small share of praise

* See Colonel Sturt's Despatch, dated Pegu, December 19, 1852, " Pegu,"
Appendix No. VIII.

t Amounting now to some seven hundred men, including four hundred and
fifty Europeans. On the 31st inst. a detachment of the 19th M. N. I. marched
up to the Pegu Pagoda; it consisted of two hundred and fifty men, and was
sent to relieve the detachment of the 5th M. N. I. ordered to Kangoon.

250 OUR BURMESE WARS.

on the officers and men employed in the harassing and arduous
duties we have just been relating; and we are assured that
never was praise better deserved. We shall now give the
General Order issued by General Godwin in honour of Major
Hill's gallant defence of Pegu : — " Major-General Godwin is
most proud to express his admiration of the noble defence of
the Pegu Pagoda (against a host of enemies) made by Major
Hill and the brave handful of officers and soldiers under his
command for so many days and anxious nights, cut off as they
were from the succour of their comrades by the works of the
enemy on the river as well as by the distant communication
with the head-quarters of the army. It is a fine example to
this army of what bravery under the direction of cool courage
can do, giving, as Major Hill has done, confidence to all, by
which alone the Pegu garrison has gained so much honour."—
[Dated Pegu, 17th December 1 852.]

The Land Column under Colonel Sturt had left Rangoon
on the 13th of December. Attacks on the great fortress had
been openly spoken of ; but Brigadier Duke had taken every
precaution. It certainly was an excellent opportunity for the
Burmese to commit some daring act; for never before had
Bangoon been so denuded of troops. Any attempt on the
citadel itself would have met with a repulse rarely equalled for
its terrible effects. The artillery was all in capital position — a
gun at every vulnerable point on the terraces of the pagoda —
a 24-pounder howitzer ready to sweep the north steps, where
it was said a rush might be made to regain possession of Gau-
tama's most famous temple. We maybe said to have prevented an
attack by being ready for it. And this, after all, may be con-
sidered the most valuable lesson to be learned in the great art
of War.

In January 1853, Captain Phayre,* who had been appointed

* For a sketch of this distinguished administrative officer, who had been
CommiBBioner of Arakan, see the writer's little work, "Sketches of some
Distinguished Anglo-Indians," p. 135.

THE PROCLAMATION. 251

Commissioner of Pegu, arrived at Rangoon with the Governor-
General's Proclamation annexing Pegu to the British terri-
tories in the East. This act had been forced on the Govern-
ment of India. A Second Burmese War, it is useless to repeat,
was in the last degree repugnant to the feelings of that Govern-
ment. Lord Dalhousie did everything that man could do to
avoid it. He wished no addition to our territories ; but the
force of circumstances willed it, as they have done since the
days of Clive, and as they will do till the end of time or
England's glory. " We cannot stop here ! " said Clive on the
plains of Bengal. Why should we stop " here " if Providence
means us to go there ? Seventy years ago when they talked of
schemes of conquest in India, and the British Senate declared
that the pursuit of them was " contrary to the wish, policy,
and interest of the British Nation," the zealous speakers little
knew how the force of circumstances would produce much
rightful conquest, ending even in the annexation of such king-
doms as the Punjab, Sind, and Pegu.

The following is the Proclamation, so exactly adapted to the
meridian of Ava, and to the comprehension of its subjects : —

NOTIFICATION.

Fort William, Foreign Department,
the 30th December 1852.
The Most Noble the Governor-General in Council is pleased
to direct that the following Proclamation, whereby the Pro-
vince of Pegu has been declared to be a portion of the British
Territories in the East, shall be published for general infor-
mation.

His Lordship in Council directs that, in honour of this event,
a Royal Salute shall be fired at every principal Station of the
Army in the several Presidencies of India.

By order of the Most Noble the Governor- General of
India in Council,

C. Allen,
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India.

252 OUR BURMESE WARS.

PROCLAMATION.

The Court of Ava having refused to make amends for the
injuries and insults which British subjects had suffered at the
hands of its servants, the Governor-General of India in Council
resolved to exact reparation by force of arms.

The Forts and Cities upon the coast were forthwith attacked
and captured j the Burmese forces have been dispersed wherever
they have been met; and the Province of Pegu is now in the
occupation of British troops.

The just and moderate demands of the Government of India
have been rejected by the King; the ample opportunity that
has been afforded him for repairing the injury that was done
has been disregarded ; and the timely submission which alone
could have been effectual to prevent the dismemberment of his
kingdom, is still withheld.

Wherefore, in compensation for the past, and for better
security in the future, the Governor- General in Council has
resolved, and hereby Proclaims, that the Province of Pegu is
now, and shall be henceforth, a portion of the British terri-
tories in the East.

Such Burman troops as may still remain within the Pro-
vince shall be driven out; Civil Government shall immediately
be established ; and officers shall be appointed to administer the
affairs of the several districts.

The Governor-General in Council hereby calls on the inhabi-
tants of Pegu to submit themselves to the authority, and to
confide securely in the protection of the British Government,
whose power they have seen to be irresistible, and whose rule is
marked by justice and beneficence.

The Governor-General in Council having exacted the repara-
tion he deems sufficient, desires no further conquest in Burma,
and is willing to consent that hostilities should cease.

But if the King of Ava shall fail to renew his former rela-
tions of friendship with the British Government, aud if he

THE PKOCLAMATION. 253

shall recklessly seek to dispute its quiet possession of the Pro-
vince it has now declared to be its own, the Governor- General
in Council will again put forth the power he holds, and will
visit with full retribution aggressions which, if they be per-
sisted in, must of necessity lead to the total subversion of the
Burman State, and to the ruin and exile of the King and his
race.

By Order of the Most Noble the Governor- General of
India in Council,

C. Allen,
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India.
20th December 1852.

ORDERS BY THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL IN
COUNCIL.

Foreign Department, Fort William,
the 30th December 1852.

The Most Noble the Governor-General in Council is pleased
to make the following appointments : —

Lieutenant-Colonel A. Bogle to be Commissioner of the
Tenasserim and Martaban Provinces.

Captain H. T. Berdmore, Madras Artillery, to be Deputy
Commissioner in the Province of Martaban.

Lieutenant D. A. Chase, 64th Native Infantry, to be Assistant
ditto.

Captain A. P. Phayre to be Commissioner of the Province of
Pegu.*

* Consequent on this appointment, Captain Hopkinson succeeded to Arakan.
In 1864, Pegu, Arakan, and Tenasserim were all under the Chief Com-
missioner of British Burma, Agent to the Viceroy and Governor- General,
Lieutenant-Colonel Phayre, C.B. It is probable that the three great provinces
which comprise British Burma will one day be ruled over by a Lieutenant-
Governor !

254 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Deputy Commissioners.

Captain T. P. Sparks, 7th Madras Native Infantry, at Ran-
goon.

Lieutenant A. Fytche,* 70th Native Infantry, at Bassein.

Captain T. Latter, 67th Native Infantry, at Prome.

Captain J. Smith, 13th Madras Native Infantry, at Sarawa.

Lieutenant R. D. Ardagh, Magistrate of the Town of Ran-
goon.

Lieutenant E. J. Spilsbury, 67th Native Infantry, Assistant
ditto.

Assistant Commissioners.

Lieutenant C. D. Grant, 11th Madras Native Infantry, at
Bassein.

Lieutenant G. Dangerfield, Madras Artillery, at Sarawa.

Lieutenant J. S. Baird, Madras Artillery, at Prome.

Dr. J. M'Clelland to be Officiating Superintendent of
Forests, Pegu.

Mr. R. S. Edwards, Collector of Customs, Prome.

Mr. T. J. Fallon, Collector of Sea Customs, Bassein.

C. Allen,
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India.

At Rangoon, on the morning of the 20th, the annexation of
Pegu was proclaimed on board H.M.S. "Fox," amid the roar-
ing of cannon from the navy. On the 21st it was proclaimed
to the army, and a grand parade was ordered for the occasion.
The Proclamation was read to the troops in the various lan-
guages; and a detachment of Horse Artillery on the right

* For a sketch of this able and energetic officer (afterwards Chief Com-
missioner), seo " Sketches of some Distinguished Anglo-Indians," p. 119.

THE PROCLAMATION. 255

fired a Royal Salute. Brigadier Duke then marched the troops
home, when another salute was fired from the upper terrace of
the great pagoda. Pegu had become British !*

" The Proclamation " would be read at the Courts of Siam
and Cochin China, and even at Pekin itself. A blow had been
struck which would no doubt vibrate throughout Eastern Asia;
and exclusive nations would learn henceforth that they need
not think of attempting to insult or oppress British subjects
with impunity. In 1752 we were in possession of three fac-
tories and twenty square miles of territory ; at the close of
1852, we were the sovereigns of all India, and not a shot was
fired in it without our permission : we ruled over six hundred
aud fifty thousand square miles, and a population of more than
two hundred millions. A new province had just been annexed,
at a rough calculation two hundred miles in length by nearly
two hundred in breadth, of some forty thousand square miles,
said to contain between three and four millions of inhabitants.
It was thought that the administrative talents of Captain
Phayre, who had been " one of the chief means of turning the
swamps of Arakan into the granary of the bay, and whose
forte lies in making a little kingdom a great one," would soon
render Pegu a most important and valuable British possession
in what Malte Brun styles Chin-India, which title has certainly
more meaning in it than " India beyond the Ganges ."

General Godwin had received a copy of the Proclamation
while busily employed at Pegu. The General having concluded
operations in that quarter, and having given orders regarding

* " The annexation of Pegu included the district of Bassein, and united in
one continuous sea-board of British possession, Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim,
commanding the entire outlets and deltas of the Irawady, the Sittang, and
the Salween. The British territory ran northward up the Irawady to
Meaday, and in addition to former stations, Toungoo, Shwe-gyeen, Henzada,
and Prome, were occupied by missions." — " Gospel in Burniah " (1859),
p. 237.

256 OUR BURMESE WARS.

an admirable flank movement to be made by a land column
from Martaban to Shwe-gyeen, he left Rangoon with his Staff
for Prome on the 29th of" December.*

* On the 8th of December the Burmese had made a most daring night-attack
on Prome, narrated in "Pegu," chap. xi. p. 148. On this occasion their file-firing
on Her Majesty's 51st was remarked as admirable. Reminding us of the first
•war, the chiefs, distinguished by their gilt helmets, rode boldly in the advance
and 'fearlessly arranged their posts. At length they fell back on Euthay-Mew.
On the 9th, Sir John Cheape (of Mooltan and Goojerat celebrity) followed up
the attack, when all became quiet for a time. There was to be no more severe
work at Prome. The march of the Martaban Land Column, under Brigadier-
General Sir S. W. Steel (with which force the writer had the honour to serve),
arranged in order to carry out that emphatic part of the proclamation,1, " Such

BURMAN TEOOP8 AS MAY STILL REMAIN WITHIN THE PROVINCE SHALL BE

driven out ! " was now the most important undertaking of the army. The
force left Rangoon early in January 1853, and was highly successful in all its
operations, reaching Toungoo (Tan-Hoon) on the 22nd of February. The
march will be found duly recorded, in all its details, in the twelfth, thirteenth,
and fourteenth chapters of "Pegu." Suffice it to say, that the column had
forced its way in thirty-four days from Martaban through two hundred and
forty miles of unknown forest, with a long and heavy train of artillery, sur-
mounting difficulties which few land marches on record ever had to encounter.
The ancient province of Toungoo extended eighty miles beyond this once
famous capital. Bassein, one of the most important places captured from the
King of Ava (see " Pegu," p. 218), had now attained importance through the
administrative and military energy of the Deputy Commissioner (a future
Chief), Captain Fytche. He raised a small local army, and cleared the entire
district of Dacoits, with little or no expense to the State. It is a strange
coincidence that in his first expedition in this district, Fytche employed the
" Nemesis" ; and twenty-four years after was also in a " Nemesis," when, as
Chief Commissioner, he went to make a treaty with the King of Burma !
Thus, it would seem, although Fytche's was a peaceful mission, must Revenge
in the East be a sort of guiding-star for politicals ! (See also " Pegu,"
p. 385.) For "the disaster near Donabew," in which the brave Captain
Loch, C.B., of the Navy, lost his life (in February), and both naval and mili-
tary officers distinguished themselves while operating against the notorious
robber chieftain, Myat-htoon, who had won for himself an all-powerful name
in Donabew and its vicinity, see " Pegu," chap. xvi. p. 226. As the English
never like to hear of disaster, it will be of more interest to proceed at once
to Sir John Cheapo's brilliant operations.

257

CHAPTEE IV.*

SIR JOHN CHEAPE'S OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON.

The Robber Chieftain of Donabew had, to all appearance,
become the Soult of the war. Like the great opponent to our
immortal Wellington on more than one occasion in the Penin-
sula, he kept his ground — as a matter of course contemplated
gigantic enterprises — and was certainly not to be despised.
Were it possible in India or the East to meet with a hostile
leader possessing the "firmness, activity, vigour, foresight,
grand conceptions, and admirable arrangement "f of Soult,
the Indian army would better deserve the title which has been
so graciously bestowed upon it, that of the fighting army of

* An especial interest will be attached to this chapter when it is known
that in the operations narrated Ensign Wolseley, who led the storming party,
is now General Sir G. Wolseley, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., a High Commissioner at
the Cape. Such has been the rise, after much good service, of this promis-
ing general and able administrator. While writing this, we read (Sept. 1879)
the telegram by His Excellency : — " Ulundi, August 29. Cetawayo captured
yesterday in the heart of Ngome Forest by patrol under command of Major
Marter, King's Dragoon Guards." — Such heroism and perseverance in the
chase, displayed also by Lord Gifford, V.C., and his men, remind us of one or
more similar incidents during the Burmese War.

t Napier's " Peninsular War," vol. iii. p. 322.

258 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the world ! There certainly is no army which has acted with
more strictness up to the great Napoleon's maxim, that " an
army should always be in a condition to fight/' than ours. But
not to diverge from the strange comparison brought forward,
Myat-htoon, in spite of the want of civilisation, and consequent
want of development of intellectual power, really seemed to
possess some of the attributes of Soult. He was determined
to remain in his strong jungly position, to force which had
proved so fatal to poor Loch and his companions ; and perhaps
his " grand conception " was, like the chivalrous Bandoola in
the last war, that of eventually carrying our General in chains
to Ava ! Of course the news of the recent disaster speedily
reached the palace of the Golden Foot, and filled the Golden
Ears with a rare delight. Donabew was the dreaded name
which would at length strike terror into the hearts of the
English ; and Myat-htoon had been deputed by the authorities
in the Buddhistical celestial regions to drive the British
" barbarians " into the sea, and prop up the falling Burmese
Empire !

With regard to the former proceeding, it was confidently
asserted that the chief did, before the conclusion of Sir John
Cheapens operations, send the Commodore a letter saying that
if the gallant sailor did not immediately quit the river he
would blow him out of the water ! On the other hand, our
allies the Karens entertained the serious prospect of soon being
enabled to forward Myat-htoon's head in salt to the Commis-
sioner or to the General ! But he bad yet to be driven from
his stronghold ; and before relating the Brigadier-General's
operations it may be interesting to take a slight retrospect, in
which will be found a few events not yet mentioned.

At a time (May 1852) when Captains Niblett and Brooking,
of the " Phlegethon " and " Proserpine " steamers, were pro-
bably burning — like some of Her Majesty's Navy — with the
ambitious desire of bringing the war to a speedy termination
by what has been humorously styled " doing a little of ' Lord

OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 259

Cochrane/" or simply shelling the Golden Emperor in his
palace from the river off Ava, the former vessel during- her
trip up the river went twenty miles above Donabew. No forti-
fications were found at the position so celebrated in the military
narratives ; there was merely the town and the remains of the
work destroyed in the last war. The science of Burmese war-
fare which here, under Maha-Bandoola, had been of no despic-
able nature, had given place to the more profitable glories of
dacoity. During the trips of the " Phlegethon " dacoits were
roving about, plundering and murdering, shooting men, women,
and children ; in short, whoever came in their way. Many of
the inhabitants who were friendly to us and anxious to know
if the country was to be annexed, came down with the steamer,
but during their progress were fired on from the banks of the
river. Three women were shot. The chief of the party, it
was said, went to Captain Niblett, and begged he would lend
him a dozen muskets or so, and they would land and capture
these terrible marauders. The fire-arms were lent ; the allies
landed, killed four or five of the dacoits, and captured the Rob
Roy of the party, " whom they tied to a tree and shot through
the head."

Towards the end of the year it was generally known that the
notorious bandit chief Myat-htoon, also another, by name
Shway-Ban, were but thirty or forty miles distant, in the vici-
nities of Rangoon and Dalla. Myat-htoon had burned down
Donabew and Zaloon, and many other villages. Two other
chiefs, it was believed, were along with him ; and he ruled over
a desperate army of seven thousand men. Shway-Ban had a
smaller force of two thousand. For the last six months these
skilful Sivas had been rushing forth like fiery torrents on the
country, destroying everything in their course. Myat-za, a
Karen chieftain, came into Rangoon about the middle of No-
vember and asked assistance to repel Shway-Ban, who hovered
about to the west of Dalla, but he was told very properly that
he must protect himself ; so collecting about seven hundred

17 *

260 OUR BURMESE WARS.

men of his tribe, he armed them after the fashion of the
country, and soon captured upwards of thirty robbers, three of
whom he executed on the spot, and sent in the rest to Ran-
goon. It is pleasant to record such energy on the part of a
Karen chief! It is just probable that soon after these pro-
ceedings Myat-htoon retired to his village and the various fast-
nesses near Donabew, on the right bank of the Irawady.*

We do not read of any defeat of Myat-htoon by Karen chiefs
or others ; he seems to have been regarded as Fra Diavolo of
his vicinity, striking terror into the hearts of innocent men and
helpless women. He was doubtless thus employed, in addition
to having dethroned a governor who had been elected by the
people at Donabew, when the steamer " Phlegethon," with gun-
boats, and a party of seamen and marines, arrived to attack
him and his band. A boat expedition was made up a creek,
where we met with a repulse, the particulars of which may here
be given. First, it may be stated, however, that in December
1852 Captain Hewett, I.N., of the "Moozuffer," with the steam-
frigate's boats and those of H.M.S. "Fox/' had surprised a
party of three thousand Burmese at Pantanno (Pantanau),
killing numbers, and among the rest a chiefs son, or some
such person of distinction. For anything we know to the
contrary the party then defeated belonged to Myat-htoon.
There eould be little doubt who was the directing chief on
the present occasion of our repulse.

On the 16th of January an attack was made on Pantanno,
and the place as formerly — when Hewett commanded — carried
with little loss.

On the morning of the 17th, the advance was made up the

* It is curious to note that the principal towns of Burma (including the
capitals) are on the left bank of the river. This pretty clearly demonstrates
that when the exodus from the north, or north-west, took place, the people
chose their dwellings on the left bank — especially those from the north — as
more convenient.

OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 261

very creek into which Captain Hewett had thought it rashness
to venture. Two boats could not pull abreast in it j the banks
were low and covered with jungle, with stakes driven into the
river, and trees across to " bar the passage. " The boats had
only proceeded a few miles when from each bank came a
volley of musketry ; several men fell ; the fire became " hotter
and hotter/' till at length the boats were driven back with the
loss of twelve killed and wounded, including among the latter
one officer of the " Moozuffer," Lieutenant Mitcheson, I.N.,
severely. On this occasion the expedition was about one
hundred and eighty strong.*

Having thus finished an imperfect retrospect of events con-
nected with Myat-htoon previous to the disaster near Donabew,
let us proceed to relate more decisive and satisfactory opera-
tions, yet those darkened by the ever-floating shadows of disease
and death !

On the 18th of February Brigadier-General Sir John Cheape,
K.C.B., left Prome to proceed against the robber chief Myat-
htoon, near Donabew. He took with him the following de-
tachments composed of the most healthy men of the different
regiments :— two hundred of H. M.'s 18th Royal Irish under
Major Wigston; two hundred of H. M/s 51st K. O. L. I.
under Captain Irby; the Rifle company of the 67th Bengal
Native Infantry under Captain Hicks ; two hundred of the 4th
Sikh Locals under Major Armstrong; some seventy Sappers
and Miners under Lieutenants Mullins and Trevor j and two
guns— a 24-pounder howitzer and a 9-pounder of the light
field battery — under Major Reid, with Lieutenants Ashe and
Dobbin, all three of the Bengal Artillery; there were also
some rocket-tubes, served by a small party of dismounted
Madras Horse Artillerymen, with Conductor Lesby, under
Lieutenant Magrath of the latter arm.

* For Note on operations of the Indian Navy under Captain Eennie, see
Pegu," p. 256.

262 OTJR BURMESE WARS.

Sir John landed and collected his force at Henzada on the
Irawady, a position some thirty-five miles north of Donabew —
determining to start against Myat-htoon's stronghold from
this quarter. Henzada is large and populous, and here a
vast number of hackeries (carts) were procurable. From in-
formation gained through the Commissioner, Sir John was
led to expect that he could reach Myat-htoon's position in three
or four days, then march into Donabew, and embark again in
the steamers. The force, having been joined by Captain Sin-
gleton, H. M.'s 51st, and all sickly men left behind, started on
the evening of the 22nd, taking seven or eight days' provisions
with them. On the 26th the General found himself, as he be-
lieved, still at a considerable distance from the chiefs strong-
hold. Provisions running short, and without any knowledge
of the country between, save a nullah reported unfordable,
Sir John determined to regain the river ; he accordingly made
a flank movement to Zaloon, where the force arrived on the
afternoon of the 28th, after a very tedious and harassing march.
The enemy had only shown themselves twice, on one of which
occasions they fired from the opposite side of a nullah and
wounded two men of the 51st K. O. L. I. The steamers
having been warned, they came up to Zaloon and received the
greater part of the troops on board. On the morning of
the 1st March the force was joined by a small detachment of
the Ramghur Irregular Cavalry under Lieutenant Graham,
which body had followed Sir John from Prome, but did not
arrive at Henzada till after the General had started. The
steamers left about 11 a.m. for Donabew. The empty carts
and the horses of the battery were escorted down to Donabew
by one hundred of the Royal Irish, one hundred Sikhs, and
the detachment of Irregular Cavalry, the convoy being under
charge of Captain Armstrong, 18th Royal Irish. It arrived
safely at its destination on the morning of the 3rd of March.

About two miles before reaching Donabew Captain Smith,
the Deputy Commissioner, was told by a Phongyee that there

OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 263

was a Burmese picquet in a house which he pointed out. Cap-
tain Smith, in consequence, took three or four sawars and
sepoys along with him, surrounded the house, and succeeded
in capturing three men. These prisoners afterwards acted as
guides to the expedition. The pagoda of Donabew stands on
the river side, and with the exception of three or four Phongyee
houses some three-quarters of a mile distant, not a house, not
even an inhabitant of any description was to be seen. The
town, as has been already observed, had been burned down
by Myat-htoon and his destructive band, who had probably de-
determined that while the English remained in the country
" Stormy Donabew/' as a town or military position, should
not stand. Here Sir John Cheape resolved to wait for the
reinforcements which were expected from Rangoon. The
Europeans lived in the flats and steamers, and the native
troops inside the pagoda. This prudent delay on the part of
the General was, no doubt, occasioned by the reflection that
Myat-htoon' s position was an exceedingly strong one. He was
by no means to be despised ; nor was his stronghold to be as-
sailed in an incautious and hasty manner. He had the disci-
pline and power of Mother Nature on his side against the
regular training of a British force ! Coolness and judgment
were consequently required at this juncture against such an
enemy as the chief Myat-htoon.

During Massena's invasion of Portugal, when Lord Welling-
ton was endeavouring to drive sense into the heads of the Por-
tuguese Government, he said to them, " I have little doubt
of final success, but I have fought a sufficient number of
battles to know that the result of any is not certain even with
the best arrangements."* In like manner, probably, argued
Sir John on the present minor occasion.

On the 6th a party of recruits, one hundred and thirty strong,

• Napier's " Peninsular War.1

264 OUR BURMESE WARS.

of H. M.'s 80th, under the command of Major Holdich, three
hundred men of the 67th Bengal Native Infantry under Colonel
Sturt, two mortars under Lieutenant Percival, B.A., and a
large supply of commissariat stores under the charge of Lieu-
tenant Mackellar, Madras Commissariat, arrived.

Everything being now ready, including two rafts prepared
by the Sappers — the barrels composing them having been
brought from Rangoon — the General issued an order for the
force to start at 2 p.m. on the 7th instant. All the sick being
left at Donabew, and some few men to garrison the place,
the party now consisted of about five hundred Europeans, five
hundred Natives, two guns of the light field battery, three
rocket-tubes, and two mortars, with the detachment of Irre-
gular Horse, and seventy Sappers. Being now assured that
three days would bring them in front of Myat-htoon's strong-
hold, they started, as ordered, at 2 p.m. on the 7th, taking six
or seven days' provisions with them. The right wing under
Major Wigston, consisting of the detachments of H. M.'s 18th
and 80th regiments, with the 4th Sikhs in front ; then came
the guns, followed by the Irregular Cavalry, rocket -tubes, and
mortars. The left wing, consisting of detachments of H. M.'s
51st and the 67th Bengal Native Infantry, was under the
command of Colonel Sturt. The direction taken by the force
was almost due west. After proceeding three miles the ad-
vanced guard surprised a small picquet, and shot two of the
enemy. About 5 p.m. the column reached Akyo and the bank
of a broad nullah, at least one hundred and thirty yards wide.
This was seven miles from Donabew. Here the enemy opened
a fire of jinjals and musketry, but our guns came to the front
and silenced them for a time. The troops passed the night
behind a belt of jungle parallel to the nullah ; and, although
the Burmese dropped in shots all night, occasionally replied to
by our rockets, only two men were slightly wounded. On the
8th, about 9 a.m., the rafts having been put together by the
Sappers, and the fog clearing off, a party of the 51st and

OPERATIONS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 265

Rifles were thrown across the nullah. A little firing took place,
but no casualties occurred. All this day was occupied in cross-
ing the guns and baggage, which operation was not concluded
till late at night. The fogs being particularly heavy at this
season in this part of the country, and not clearing up till
near 9 a.m., the force generally breakfasted before starting.
On the 9th they left at the above hour, when a few shots were
fired in front. At mid-day our troops came opposite a few
houses ; the Burmese were said to be in them. Guns drawn
up and all ready, a party was sent forward to make them show
themselves ; but not a vestige of either friend or foe was to be
seen there ! It was now said to be the wrong road ; the
guide was flogged, sent to the rear, and another one called up
to take his place. The new guide turned to the left, and
after a most tedious round, under a glaring sun, brought
the wearied troops back to the identical spot from which
they had started ! Here was provocation enough to try the
temper of the most forbearing. While dwelling on this inci-
dent one is apt to recall to memory a story related by Admiral
Sir Charles Napier in his " Travels in Syria," of a guide who
would not do his duty. Seizing hold of the miscreant, he de-
clared, if he did not proceed on his way forthwith, " by the
beard of the Prophet ! " he would send a bullet through his
head ; after which the guide sullenly took the lead. On the
present occasion the first guide should have been under the
charge of the gallant Admiral, and probably there would have
been no occasion for a second. To proceed — a halt was made
in the village for two hours ; but Major Cotton was sent on
with two hundred men to the nullah where the force intended
to encamp at Kyomtano. It was about a mile farther on ; and
on his arrival he succeeded in surprising a party of Burmese,
drove them across the nullah, followed them in dashing style,
and killed eight of them without losing a man. On the arrival
of the troops in the evening, a small party of Burmese showed
themselves from the jungles on the left; the guns opened on

266 OUR BURMESE WARS.

them, and they soon disappeared. These men came down next
morning, under cover of the fog, and fired into the camp.
The nullah here was about fifty yards wide. A sort of bridge
was made by connecting the rafts with planks, and, with the
assistance of an old boat found in the nuliah, the greater part
of the troops and all the baggage passed over. The bridge was
then broken up, and the guns taken across on the rafts ; the
empty hackeries were driven into the water and swam over
beautifully. Everything was across and the rafts packed again
by 5 p.m.

On the 11th the force started at the usual hour. Every one
now expected to reach Myat-htoon's position that day. They
had not proceeded two miles when Lieutenant Clarke, of the
67th Native Infantry, and one of the Rifles were wounded on a
small patch of cleared ground, and the rear-guard were attacked
by a strong party in the long grass. Lieutenant Johnson com-
manding the guard, seeing that firing was useless, charged into
the jungle and dispersed the Burmese. The rear-guard on this
occasion lost one sepoy killed, and one private and six sepoys
wounded. From the spot where Clarke was wounded the road
entered the thick forest j the Burmese had only to throw down
a tree or two with their usual tact in such matters, and a com-
pletely new road would have to be cut round the obstacle.
This they had done in several places ; there was consequently
very hard work, particularly for the Sappers, and the advance
was very slow. Shortly after entering the forest a small
breastwork was taken, where one man was wounded ; another
breastwork was passed, but it was undefended. About 2 p.m.
the Burmese disappeared from the front, and the road was unob-
structed. The force crossed a piece of water about 4 p.m. and
shortly after the advance found that the road turned into a foot-
path. Every one was now tired out, — man and beast thoroughly
fatigued from this wearisome pursuit of the crafty chief; the
Artillery horses were staggering in their harness. Sir John
determined to encamp on the spot, there being water a short

0PEKAT10NS AGAINST MYAT-HTOON. 267

distance ahead. The hackeries as they came up were either
pushed right and left into the jungle or remained on the road.
The troops lay down on each side, and it was dark long before
the whole of the carriage was np. Not a fire was lighted, and
the night passed away quietly. Cholera made its first appear-
ance in camp this night, and one of the wounded Sikhs died.
Myat-htoou's place was said to be only two miles to the left,
but there was no road between. The guide who had committed
himself on the 9th, and who was now with the rear-guard, had
pointed out a spot shortly after passing the first breastwork
where he declared the road to Myat-htoon's position diverged
to the left. Unfortunately there was no one to take advantage
of this information, and his statement might not have found
credit, though it was afterwards proved to be correct. We
believe the Commissioner, Captain Smith, informed Sir John this
same morning that he did not know the road, and had no means
of gaining information. A feeling of despondency, a despair of
success, with one or more, began to arise ! But Sir John
tempered his energy to the occasion, and was determined to
persevere ! Myat-htoon was not the man to keep back the
Engineer of Moultan and the Artilleryman of Goojerat ! The
force retraced its steps on the morning of the 12th without
rations having been served out, the rear of yesterday moving in
front to-day. On passing the spot where the road branched off,
there were serious thoughts of still advancing on Myat-htoon ;
but provisions were failing again, so it was thought prudent to
return to Kyomtano and wait for a supply. Several cases of
cholera occurred on the road. On the 13th Colonel Sturt,
with all the hackeries and some three hundred men, went into
Donabew for provisions.* Meanwhile Lthe troops were put on
half -rations. This was a sad day in camp, no less than thirteen
deaths from cholera having taken place.

The Kick aiicl wounded were sent in along with him.

268 OUR BURMESE WARS.

The force remained here until the 16th, when Colonel Sturt
returned with ten or twelve days' provisions. The Burmese
had fired a few shots into camp every night, but fortunately
without hitting any one. At 2 p.m. on the 17th, the right
wing under Major Wigston, 18th Royal Irish, were sent on the
old road, and again captured the breastwork, which had been
much strengthened, with the loss of one officer and five men
wounded. A prisoner and two brass jinjals were taken on
this occasion. This prisoner was of some use in the further
advance of the force in describing and pointing out the enemy's
position.* On the 18th, at daybreak, the rest of the force
started, leaving the sick and surplus provisions with a detach-
ment under Lieutenant Dickson of the 51st, in a small stockade
at Kyomtano. The party joined the right wing at the breast-
work, and the sick and wounded of Major Wigston's party
were sent back to Kyomtano ; the column continued their
march, the left wing, under Colonel Sturt, in front, till they
came to another breastwork about 4 p.m. This work was
gallantly carried by H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I. and the 67th
Bengal Native Infantry, Captain Singleton of the former regi-
ment leading the advance. Ensign Boileau of the 67th fell
while gallantly attacking the enemy on the left bank. On this
occasion our loss was one officer and one sepoy of the 67th
killed, and one ensign of the 51st and six sepoys of the 67th
wounded. At 5 p.m. the force encamped by a piece of water
about a mile farther on, cholera raging in camp. At 7 a.m.
on the 19th, the General was advancing with his troops, the
right wing in front. Having gone a mile out, the enemy were
found in a breastwork on the opposite side of the nullah, or at
the head of the piece of water on the right, along the edge of

* For Sir John Chcapo's Despatch, dated Donabew, 25th March 1853, see
Pegu," Appendix No. XIII., p. 516.

OPERATIONS AGAINST MTAT-HTOON. 269

which the road lay.* Under the circumstances Sir John
deemed it the safest plan to get at the enemy as speedily a
possible.

The Action of the \9th.

Supported by the guns and rockets, the General now re-
solved to carry the breastwork on the right. H. M/s 80th
formed the advanced guard, followed by the Sappers clearing
the road.

On coming opposite the enemy's left flank the firing com-
menced. The rockets were advanced and opened fire. The
Sikhs were sent on to support the 80th ; and the 1 8th Royal
Irish in support of them.

The Sappers worked admirably, and the guns were shortly
got into position and opened a well directed fire, which gra-
dually became very heavy on both sides, and it was reported to
Sir John that Major Wigston was wounded. On reaching the
front he found also that Major Armstrong of the Sikh Corps
was wounded, and many other officers and men. The fire of
the enemy on the path leading up to the breastwork was so
heavy that 'f the advanced party had not succeeded in carrying
it." Lieutenant Johnson, the only remaining officer of the
4th Sikh Regiment, persevered most bravely, which only in-
creased the loss. H. M.'s 80th and the Sikhs now hoped to
get round the extreme right of the enemy, but thick jungle
and strong abattis prevented the men from making their way
through. At this point the 18th Royal Irish came up. The
fire of musketry and grape was so heavy that they got scat-
tered, and sustained great loss. Lieutenant Cockburn of this
distinguished corps was severely wounded. Major Holdich of
H. M/s 80th was now in command of the right wing. Dense
smoke, a very heavy fire, and the deadly breastwork yet to be

* See Despatch.

270 OUR BURMESE WARS.

assailed, there was some difficulty in Sir John acting up to
Napoleon's advice to Massena before the battle of Busaco : " At-
tack vigorously after having observed well where to strike ! " At
length the General did ascertain what was between our men
and the breastwork. He discovered that there was no water,
and no obstacle of any importance to be encountered, provided
the troops could pass through the enemy's fire, a distance of
some thirty yards. Now the resolution to attack vigorously
was at its full height. The " assembly " brought as many of
the right wing together as possible. In the meantime Major
Reid of the Bengal Artillery gallantly brought up a 24-pounder
howitzer — the men of the 51st assisting to drag the gun along —
and opened an effectual fire on the enemy at a range of not
more than twenty-five yards. Being in a much exposed posi-
tion, as was to be expected the gallant Major was almost imme-
diately wounded, after which Lieutenant Ashe kept up the
fire of the gun in the most spirited manner. This was dan-
gerous firing for our Artillery, but the canister from that gem
of field-pieces, at such a range, must have been terribly effec-
tive ! At this crisis, while the Burmese were doing sad havoc
with their musketry, and working their masked battery with
decided effect, it is highly probable that no other means avail-
able could have been nearly so instrumental in striking terror
into the determined hearts of the enemy as this artillery fire !
It came as a splendid harbinger of the final charge which,
in spite of all resistance, was to drive the chieftain from his
stronghold ! The right wing being much weakened from the
loss they had sustained, and on account of the number of men
required as skirmishers, Sir John ordered a reinforcement from
the left. These were joined by the men of the right wing that
had been collected by Major Holdich, and were led by Ensign
Wolselcy of H. M/s 80th. To use the General's own words,
" the whole advanced in a manner that nothing could check."
The fire was severe, and Lieutenant Taylor, 9th Madras Native
Infantry, doing duty with H. M.'s Gist, fell mortally wounded;

OPEEATIONS AGAINST MrAT-HTOON. 271

Ensign Wolseley was also struck down, and many other gallant
soldiers. The breastwork was immediately carried ; the enemy
fled in confusion, except those who stood to be shot or bayo-
neted by the men. British courage had now overcome in the
midst of dense forest and jungle all natural difficulties, as in
more civilised countries it had so often gloriously conquered all
artificial ones, and the entire defeat of the chieftain Myat-
htoon was now to be ranked among the most important events
of the war ! Our loss was severe. Eleven bodies were buried
on the spot, and nine officers and seventy-five men were
wounded in this well- fought action of the 19th of March,
which lasted about two hours. " Lieutenant Trevor of the
Engineers, with Corporal Livingstone and Private Preston, of
H. M.'s 51st K. O. L. I., first entered the enemy's breastwork,
the two former each shooting clown one of the enemy op-
posing their entrance. The lead devolved on them and on
Sergeant Preston of H. M.'s 51st, and Sergeant-Major Quin
of H. M/s 80th, when Lieutenant Taylor, Ensign Wolseley,
and Colour-Sergeant Donnahoe fell in the advance." * Two
guns, which had been lost by the unfortunate expedition at the
beginning of February, were now recaptured. The Burmese
had been firing with them at our troops with deadly effect.
In the opinion of the General and others they were well served
to the last. In attempting to carry off one of them twelve of
the enemy were killed by a discharge from our 9-pounder gun.
The enemy sustained a heavy loss in killed and wounded ; the
only drawback to Sir John's complete triumph was the escape
of the chief with a few followers. It was improbable that he
would go to Ava after such a defeat, or out of his own vicinity be
again able to collect forces to resist our power. " His whole
force and means/' wrote Sir John, " were concentrated on this

* Sir John Cheape's Despatch.

272 OUR BURMESE WARS.

position, and I imagine he must have had about 4,000 men in
these breastworks, which extended 1,200 yards in length."

After the action a party was sent on immediately to Kyou-
kazeen (or Kun-ka-zeen) , Myat-htoon's own village. Neither
in this, nor in a village passed on the road to it, was a single
person to be seen. Both villages, situated on the Pantanno
creek, might be distant three quarters of a mile from each other.
Colonel Sturt, with part of the 67th, and all the commissariat,
remained in the first village ; the rest of the force, with all the
wounded, proceeded to Kyoukazeen. Captain Fytche, Deputy
Commissioner of the Bassein district, joined about mid-day at
the first village.

On the 20th Captain Tarleton arrived with some gun-boats,
having with his accustomed energy and perseverance cut through
the obstructions thrown into the creek for a distance of fifteen
miles. Some nine hundred boats, crowded with people who
had been kept in subjection by Myat-htoon, passed down the
creek ! In this affecting incident alone was to be found an
argument against those who, be it just or unjust, affect to
shudder at the very name of war ! Some thousands of our
fellow-creatures were now relieved from captivity and oppres-
sion ; and it may be doubted whether all the wordy speeches
of the Peace Societies will ever do as much ! . War, we all
know, is an evil, but it is a necessary one ; and, as in the above
incident, out of it does come good ; Providence, it would seem,
has placed it amongst the machinery which governs this won-
derful world of ours, and it cannot be removed altogether to
suit the selfishness of a party. Were our life not what Byron
styles " a false nature/' it might be otherwise. It certainly
" is not in the harmony of things, this hard decree ! " But as
long as there are opposing interests in the world, as long as
there are countries to bring within the pale of enlightenment
and civilisation, there must and will be war ! Governments,
therefore, should always be prepared for it, which preparation
may either promote a nation's glory, or secure a nation's peace.

OPERATIONS AGAINST MTAT-HTOON. 273

On the 21st Lieutenant Cockburn, 18th Royal Irish, was
buried, having died of his wounds the previous evening. All
the sick and wounded, with the guns, were sent down in
boats to the steamers lying in the creek. Lieutenant Wil-
liams, Adjutant of the 67th Bengal Native Infantry, who had
been seized with cholera on the 19th, died on board. The bad
cases of this terrible scourge were sent to Rangoon direct, the
others to Donabew and Prome. On the 22nd the force was
ordered to return. Four p.m. was the appointed hour to
march ; but at two the village (Kun-ka-zeen*), extending nearly
three-quarters of a mile on the side where the troops were en-
camped, caught fire. Sir John, who lived on the opposite side,
was enabled to cross with difficulty, and not without being
scorched. The fire spread with the utmost rapidity, burning
even the boats on the nullah. Captain Garden, Assistant
Quartermaster- General, and one or two others, were obliged
to swim across. It was most fortunate that the sick, the guns,
and ammunition, as also the Commissariat in the other village,
had been sent away. Great confusion reigned for some time,
the calamity of fire always producing " confusion worse con-
founded/' but eventually all were collected in Colonel Sturt's
camp. The force marched to Kyomtano the same evening.

On the 23rd a nullah was crossed, and into Akyo. On the
24th another nullah was crossed, and into Donabew. The
troops were embarked and returned to Prome, leaving a de-
tachment in the pagoda of Donabew.

In these operations against Myat-htoon upwards of one hun-
dred and forty of our troops were killed and wounded (including
three officers, one killed and two severely wounded), and up-
wards of one hundred died of cholera, making the total of
casualties up to nearly two hundred and fifty. This was severe
work, every one will admit, but only those who have had some

* Probably Kyou Kazeen is the correct spelling, although the above mode
is in the sketch, which has also Kun-ta-ni, and not Kyomtano.

274 OUR BURMESE WARS.

experience in jungle warfare can know of the sufferings fre-
quently to be endured, and the vast difficulties to be overcome.
No soldier likes to be shot at without a chance of immediately
returning it; he raises his piece at trees and jungle, and per-
haps another shot tells him to desist. Then may come want of
provisions, want of rest, and, worse than all, pestilence, too
often not to be avoided on such expeditions, — and such in jungle
warfare are the shadows of a soldier's life ! A glorious light
of it had now been shared by many in the final charge at the
enemy in the breastwork, with the irresistible British bayonet !
In the operations just related two wants appear to have been
predominant, — the want of correct information regarding the
whereabouts of the enemy, and the want of a proper quan-
tity of provisions at the required time. Why not more provi-
sions ? Simply because, even had sufficient carriage been
available, it would not have been prudent in a General to
have started in an unknown forest with a long line of commis-
sariat hackeries, which, had the enemy sent thieves or skir-
mishers into the jungle, it would have taken half his force to
defend. It was, therefore, sufficient to take a fair quantity of
provisions, relying, as the distances could not be great, on the
talents of his guides, who appear to have been arrant knaves
and honest men by turns. Apparently, there is no fault to
find with the conduct of this expedition against Myat-htoon ;
on the contrary, Sir John Cheape is to be praised for the
manner in which it was conducted. Throughout the operations
he appears to have displayed coolness, energy, and prudence,
with compassion for his wounded and suffering soldiers ; and
these are qualities which must be found in an eminent
degree, under all circumstances, in him who would be a great
general.

275

CHAPTER Y.

LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY IN THE SECOND BURMESE WAR.

VARIOUS REMARKS.

About the middle of June 1853 the official documents contain-
ing the policy of the Governor-General of India regarding
Burma, reached us at Toungoo. No feast could have been
more welcome to the poor author of a narrative than these
numerous columns of type at such a time. Novelty was sadly
wanting among us. Even those who had a taste for reading
and writing had exhausted books, and had nearly exhausted
paper. Of " news " there was none, save the old story of the
treaty which was never to be signed ; and of excitement, being
on the frontier station, there was an occasional little, caused
by the rumour of a Burmese attacking force being not far
distant, and the probability of, while writing a letter homewards
about the treaty of peace, your being visited by a swift mes-
senger in the shape of a 4-pounder shot or a jinjal ball right
through the mat-wall of your airy picturesque cottage ! The
reality of soldier-life at Toungoo had arrived at this pitch
among us when the various documents of correspondence be-
tween the Governor- General of India and the Secret Com-
mittee, relative to hostilities with Burma, presented some new

18 *

276 OUR BURMESE WARS.

food for the mind to dwell upon. The first thought that struck
the present writer was, How did it all tally with what he had
already written ? Had he been, without sufficient data, rash
in any of the important assertions he had ventured ? Con-
science having brought forward no very serious accusations, he
determined on making a few notes from, and remarks on, the
important papers which had now arrived, and the following are
presented to our readers accordingly.

In the first place, few will now be bold enough to deny that
" hostilities with Burma had become unavoidable," and these
few probably belong to the Peace Society, a great gun of which
was let fly at Manchester against our Burmese policy; but
what signified the futile discharge, when common sense held
firmly to the opinion that, " of all our justifiable wars, none
was more obviously and thoroughly justifiable than the Second
Burmese War."

The Governor- General, in a Minute dated June 30, 1852,
says — after remarking that the whole sea-board of Burma was
in our possession — " But, for all that, the Court of Ava has
made no sign of submission, and a final result has not yet been
obtained. ... I had the honour (Minute, February 12)
to declare my opinion that ' the Government of India cannot,
consistently with its own safety, appear for one day in an
attitude of inferiority, or hope to maintain peace and submis-
sion among the numberless princes and people embraced within
the vast circuit of the Empire, if, for one day, it give coun-
tenance to a doubt of the absolute superiority of its arms, and
of its continued resolution to assert it.' " The wisdom of
these remarks is at once apparent. " This maxim," continues
his Lordship, " applies with especial force to any matter of
dispute or conflict with the Burman Kingdom. . . . There
is no Power which ventures to assert the same pretensions to
superiority in strength and dignity, and none so ready to sup-
port those pretensions bv force of arms." The Governor-
General is next of opinion that " after the events of the last

LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 277

three months we ought not to concede to them terms so light
as General Godwin, in his instructions, was authorised to
grant. ... If overtures should be made before large
additional charges have been incurred by the Government of
India, in the preparation of an army to take the field in No-
vember, the Court of Ava should be required to pay down,
promptly, 15 lakhs of rupees, to cede the Negrais and Diamond
Islands, and the district of Martaban, to a point upon the Sittang
river near to Shwe-gyeen."" In this Minute the Governor-
General thus ably defends himself and the Government of India
against the vulgar charge of " insatiable lust of territorial
aggrandisement " : —

" In the earliest stage of the present dispute I avowed my
opinion that conquest in Burnia would be a calamity second
only to the calamity of war ; that opinion remains unchanged.
... If conquest is contemplated by me now, it is not as
a positive good, but solely as the least of those evils before us,
from which we must of necessity select one.'''' With reference
to the necessity which compelled us in 1826 to deprive the
Burmese of the provinces of Tenasserim, Arakan, and Assam,
the Governor- General asserts — " Now, for stronger reasons
and with better effect, the occupation of the province of Pegu
appears to me to be unavoidably demanded by sound views of
general policy." In short, what should have been done twenty-
six years before was in contemplation now.

On the 6th of September the Secret Committee replied to
the Governor-General of India in Council, acknowledging, in
addition to the above Minute of the 30th of June, the receipt of
a very important despatch, dated the 2nd of July. The reply
of the Secret Committee reveals the policy of the Home Go-
vernment. They seem entirely to concur with the Governor-
General in his opinions regarding the annexation of Pegu;
but they see " material difficulties opposed to the retaining
possession of the district without bringing the war to a con-
clusion either by a treaty with the King of Ava, of which that

278 OUR BURMESE WARS.

cession should be the basis (sine qua nori), or by the entire
subjugation of that Power/' These "material difficulties"
appeared to the Secret Committee from the Governor-General,
after presenting to them five alternatives, having remarked,
chiefly with reference to the disposition of the inhabitants of
Pegu, " that it may be well worthy of consideration whether,
in the event of the King of Ava evading submission, and of
the occupation of Pegu being finally resolved upon, we should
not confine our military operations to driving the Burmese
before us out of every part of that province, and then occupy-
ing it, with the declared intention of holding it permanently,
without proceeding onward to the capital." The Secret Com-
mittee consider that, simultaneously with General Godwin's
advance on Prome, or earlier if thought expedient, the King of
Ava should be informed of our being prepared to adopt the
cession of the province of Pegu as the measure of compensa-'
tion by which a farther advance into his kingdom may be
stayed, and to conclude a treaty of peace with him accordingly,
" accompanied by the necessary stipulations for the future
maintenance of a friendly intercourse between the two nations ;
but that, in the event of his refusing, or delaying to accede to
that proposal, he must be prepared for all the consequences
which he will bring upon himself by the further prosecution of
the war in his dominions." With regard to the additional
force required by General Godwin for his operations, the Com-
mittee consider that this force would be required under any of
the contingencies contemplated by the Governor-General in
Council, except the very improbable one of a timely submission
by the Burmese ; and they doubt not " the preparations for
the despatch of it will have been completed in due time to
take advantage of the favourable season for its employment."
The Secret Committee observe, with intense satisfaction, the
friendly disposition of the inhabitants of Pegu ; and they ex-
press their admiration of the policy of the Governor-General
in not yielding to the desire of the Peguese, or Takings, to

LOED DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 279

place themselves formally under our protection while an un-
certainty remained as to the final annexation to our territories
of their once independent kingdom. " Now/' write the Com-
mittee, " that uncertainty will be removed by the present
despatch, which is intended to convey to you our authority,
under the sanction of the Queen's Government, to consider the
permanent occupation of Pegu, and its final annexation to the
East Indian Dominions of Her Majesty, as the just and neces-
sary result of those military operations which you have been
driven to direct against the Burmese Empire. . . . You
will, therefore, consider yourselves authorised to proclaim the
annexation of Pegu to the British Empire in the East as soon
as the forces under General Godwin shall be in possession of
the whole of it by the capture of Prome." The precise limits
of the cession to be insisted upon were those which would
secure a well-defined military line of defence. It is curious to
remark, in the above instructions by the Secret Committee,
the great importance attached to the capture and occupation of
the city of Prome. Perhaps, in common with many at home
and in India, they thought that not a shot to the southward
would be fired after our securing the ancient boundary between
the two kingdoms.

We now turn to the Governor- Gen eraFs Minute, dated
August 10, 1852, written after his Lordship's return from
Rangoon. He passes in review the present position of our
affairs in Burmah, our preparations, our means, and our future
prospects. He is delighted at the health of the troops, their
excellent state of discipline, and everything seems to secure
Lord Dalhousie's admiration at the great commercial capital
of the Burmese Empire. But his hands are tied —

" Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown ! "
"The Government of India," he writes to the Secret Com-
mittee, " is at present incompetent to determine the question
of policy. No reply can be expected to their application for
instructions for some time to come."

280 OUB BURMESE WARS.

Particular attention is requested to the following remarks, as
bearing on what the author ventured to put forward in a
former chapter. " The absence of definite orders now, upon
the ultimate policy to be adopted, is so far to be regretted
that it necessarily hampers the Government in some degree
as to present measures. For, so long as it continues doubtful
whether the permanent occupation of Pegu will be permitted,
I feel reluctant to direct an advance of the army, even as far
as Prome ; because I am most unwilling to expose the people
(who would be led by our advance to commit themselves still
more deeply to us than they have yet done) to all the horrors
which would be the certain consequence to them of any subse-
quent retirement by us/' The question now to be solved was
— Whether the ensuing campaign should include a march upon
Ava, or should be restricted to an advance to Prome and an
occupation of Pegu? The Governor-General discovered, from
the best information he could obtain at Rangoon, that an ad-
vance to Ava could not be made wholly by water ; in his opinion
a heavy land column would be " unavoidable for some part of
the way." And with regard to the carriage resources of Burma,
Lord Dalhousie truly says — "Greatly as everything in that
country has changed for the better, compared with what it
was in 1824, I apprehend that the difficulty of obtaining land-
carriage would be hardly less now than then/' But notwith-
standing all these disadvantages, " everything of that sort is
practicable if one is resolved to do it ; but it could be effected
only at an enormous cost, which nothing but a proved indis-
pensable necessity would justify the Government in incurring.'"
On the other hand, should it be resolved to limit the advance
" to the ground which it is proposed to occupy permanently,"
expense would be vastly diminished, life would be saved, and
time would be economised. Only half the amount of troops
would then be required by the General. The flotilla might be
able to convey the force for the occupation of Prome. Then,
says the Governor- General, " the whole of the cold season will

lord dalhousie's poliot. 281

be before us, in which to confirm our position and to provide
against the future ; and if the decision of the authorities in
England shall confirm the proposals of the Government of
India, the war may be declared at an end in November, and
the annexation of the province proclaimed. The treaty rela-
tions which have been violated by the Burmese will not be re-
newed. Doubts and uncertainties both in Pegu and among
ourselves will be removed, and thenceforward we shall have
only to defend our frontier against attack. " Lord Dalhousie is
firmly of opinion that the conquest of the upper provinces
of the Burmese Empire " would be for no good end after all."
It was now decided that the advance should be limited to Prome.
We now come to a very important point, the discussion of
which drew down much unjust abuse on General Godwin —
unjust, because information and impartiality were not apparent
in the majority of opinions — regarding the time when the
advance on Prome should be made. The Governor- General
adverts to the subject of an immediate advance to Prome having
been officially discussed by General Godwin shortly after the
conclusion of operations at Rangoon. The General stated
strong military objections to the movement ; " he pointed out
that his force was comparatively small, and that no reinforce-
ments could be obtained at that season; he showed that we
were totally ignorant of the plans and movements of the enemy.
Hence he argued, that if he should take his force to Prome it
would be placed there in the heart of an enemy's country,
wholly without support if attacked (which was an event at
least as possible then as in 1825), and with his sole communi-
cation by the river insecure ; and, consequently, that he would
be altogether in a weak and false position." These reasons
appeared to the Governor- General — as they would, doubtless,
have appeared to all reasonable men — to be unanswerable.
Then, again, General Godwin was strongly urged by many to
advance during the rains. On — on — to Ava — " Sesostris,"
" Pluto," " Proserpine " ! throw shells into the Palace of the

282 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Golden Foot, astonish the inhabitants of the " City of the Im-
mortals " ! " Another turn-a-head," to Ainarapura, and bring
the " Golden Supreme " to terms ! Steam on the Irawady,
there is no limit to your progress ! shoals are nothing ; tonnage
is nothing ; rocks not laid down in the chart are nothing ; no-
thing whatever is impossible ! General Godwin informed Lord
Dalhousie at Rangoon that he had declined to advance during
the rains. Though some of his previous objections were re-
moved by the command obtained over the river by the flotilla,
he would still, in the absence of reinforcements, have been
wholly without support ; and he alleged as an additional reason
for declining to advance, that while no object of importance
had been pointed out as likely to be secured by the early
occupation of Prome, it would have been unwise and culpable
to remove the troops, without positive necessity, from the bar-
racks which had been provided for them, and where they were
enjoying comparatively good health, in order to expose them at
Prome to effects of climate and the season, from which they
were likely to suffer severely. " I consider," says Lord Dal-
housie, " that these reasons of General Godwin for refusing to
advance hitherto, during the rains, to Prome, were sound and
good/'' Thus approved of by his Lordship to the Secret Com-
mittee, nevertheless, General Godwin had the rare distinction
of being one of the best abused generals of the day ! Yes, it
was a distinction to be abused by those utterly ignorant of the
facts of each case — ignorant alike of local as well as of military
affairs — whose ignorance and presumption now became ap-
parent in the most glaring form from the papers before us. At
a more advanced period a letter appeared in an Indian journal*
— which journal in India, with two others well known to fame
in London, formed the grand literary triumvirate of sarcasm
and abuse — in defence of the General's conduct, the publication
of which evinced a decided liberality on the part of the editor : — ■

* December 30, lbjii.

LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 283

" General Godwin formed one opinion, Commodore Lambert
another. Had Commodore Lambert's views been as easy of
accomplishment as the editors of so many journals declare,
surely Lord Dalhousie would have over-ruled the General,
ordered him to furnish 1,000 soldiers to the Commodore, and
have directed the gallant sailor to advance up the Irawady and
blow the King's Court and Capital to ' immortal smash/ It is
but reasonable, however, to conclude that the Governor- General
did not coincide with this dashing proposal, but preferred the
plan of campaign submitted by the General."

Lot us next turn to the all-important Minutes of November
1852, forwarded by the Governor-General of India in Council
to the Secret Committee : —

"Fort William, November 6, 1852. (No. 53.) In reply to
your despatch of the 6th of September last, we have the honour
to forward for your information, copies of Minutes recorded by
us on the affairs of Burma, from which it will be seen that
we are unanimous in deprecating an occupation of Burma, and
that we further deprecate an advance to Ava (with the excep-
tion of Sir John Littler, who advocates an advance, but without
an occupation) . We have, &c.

(Signed) " Dalhousie. F. Currje.

" J. Littler. J. Lowis."

Lord Dalhousie's Minute is dated November 3, 1852. It
contains so much valuable information that one is almost led
to wonder how, in the midst of a Governor- General's multi-
farious duties, so much knowledge should have been brought
together in a despatch, a large portion of which, it is presumed,
must have been written from memory. Here we have the
Governor- General's full views, and the policy he urged upon
the Secret Committee at home. It is a reply to the despatch
of the Secret Committee, dated the 6th of September. It is
regretted that the Committee does not coincide with the Go-
vernor-General in Council "regarding the manner in which the

284 OUR BURMESE WARS.

formal termination of the war is to be effected. . . . The
orders of the Committee are, that on the occupation of Pegu
being completed, the King of Burma shall be called upon to
conclude a treaty of peace, of which the cession of Pegu shall
be the basis ; and threatened, if he refuses, with all the conse-
quences that continued war will bring upon him
Although it now appears that the objections felt by the Com-
mittee to the larger occupation are not insuperable, I still
adhere to the policy originally recommended ; and still strongly
urge that the army should not advance to Ava, excepting under
a more cogent necessity than that contemplated by the Com-
mittee in their present despatch." Now we have a piece of
statesmanship, as if its author, like a political Theophrastus, had
penetrated into the inmost core of the Burmese character : —
" The Committee/'' says Lord Dalhousie, " regard the treaty
as of great importance. I regret to feel myself compelled to
differ from it so widely, that I regard a treaty with this Burman
Power as an evil to be avoided. . . . Eastern nations set
little store by such instruments. Their opinion of any attempted
violation of treaty by Burma would certainly not be calcu-
lated to deter the Court of Ava from prosecuting its unfaithful
projects; and the British Government would obtain neither
moral nor physical aid from them in enforcement of its rights,
either by their opinion or by their action. In truth, the con-
clusion of such a treaty serves only to impose obligations
upon the British Government in proportion as it confers rights.
A general stipulation for peace and friendship, and for the
mutual security of the subjects of both States, is not open to
so much objection ; but when clauses are multiplied, as in the
Treaty of Yandaboo, and in the consequent commercial treaty
with Burma, giving to the British Government many rights
specified in detail, points of contact, and consequently of
coniiict, are multiplied in the same proportion. The British
Government is thereby reduced to the necessity either of in-
terfering upon every occasion on which a faithless and over-

LORD DALHOUSIe's POLICY. 285

hearing Power disregards the stipulated rights of our subjects,
or of avoiding the perpetual risk of quarrel hy overlooking such
disregard of its subjects' rights, and neglecting to enforce them.
Such was the course pursued through many years in regard to
our treaties with Burma."

It is, then, the opinion of the Governor- General that this
undecided policy "did unquestionably encourage the Burmese
in their arrogance, and presumptuous violation of public rights,
which led at last to the present war, and to their refusal of any
reparation for the purpose of averting it." With reference to
the fact of our Envoys having been " actually hunted out of
the country/' the Rev. Mr. Burney — son of Colonel Burney —
informed the author of this narrative that while his father was
resident at Ava, on the eve of the Colonel's departure from the
presence of the Golden Foot, the King said he would allow
him to remain with him as a friend, but not as a Resident.*
Colonel Burney's knowledge of the Burmese language and
people even endeared him to the Court of Ava.

Lord Dalhousie is convinced that treaties formed on the
Yandaboo model would lead either to an early quarrel or to a
repetition of the same process as before, with a similar result ;
and such are the reasons for which the Governor- General
regards " the negotiations of a formal treaty with Burma as
productive of evil." The Governor-General in Council at
length arrives at the conclusion " that a treaty with Burma is
of no more value than the reed with which it is written — that,
as a barrier against hostility, it is as flimsy as the paper on
which it is traced." But, as the Committee express an opinion
that a treaty should be formed, " its injunctions shall be
obeyed." Lord Dalhousie regards it in the last degree im-
probable that the King will consent to sign a treaty ceding
Pegu. " That province was the first and best of the conquests
of Burma, and is the last that it has retained. To cede it

* See also p. 165.

286 OUR BURMESE WARS.

would be to cut off a right hand and pluck out a right eye.
National pride would struggle bitterly against the open humilia-
tion of a formal surrender " ; but yet the King's refusal to sign
does not deter the Governor-General from urging on the Secret
Committee the fact that the consequences of an entire subju-
gation of Burma would be " most injurious to the interests of
the British Government." With regard to the entire- sub-
jugation of the Burman power, the Committee had not before
it the full information that (in the Minute of the 10th of
August) "must subsequently have made it acquainted with
the great difficulties by which the execution of such an enter-
prise would be obstructed/' Lord Talhousie then proceeds to
show how, with reference to the much entertained opinion of
the propriety of an immediate despatch of a force upon the
steam flotilla to Ava, thus striking at the heart of the capital,
and terminating the war at once, such a movement is impos-
sible. " The Government of India has not at its disposal the
means of effecting it."

We have already stated in this Abstract that a fleet of very
light steamers was required to proceed above Prome, so it
will be useless here to give any of the Governor- General's
details on these matters, admirably set forth as they are in his
"splendid Despatch." In the narrative, the "Enterprise,"
drawing twelve feet of water, has been seen lying high and dry
even between Rangoon and Prome. We are not quite so sure
of having mentioned the "Sesostris" having struck upon a
rock coming down the broad and deep Basscin river. How-
ever, the frigate, through a miracle, came safe to port, was
lightened, put into the Irawady while the water was yet high,
and accompanied the advance to Prome. " The river has already
fallen fifteen feet since the 9th of October." * There were nine
steam-vessels employed on the advance to Prome, including
store-boats, gun -boats, and other craft. " Although 2,300

* Minute, November 3, 1852.

LOED DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 287

men were recently brought to Prome," says the Governor-
General, " the voyage was comparatively short and the weather
was fine. Even then the men suffered from the crowding and
confinement. If they are to be moved in the rains for some
hundred miles farther, the ships must be covered in, and the
ships' boats could not give the same aid as of late. Unless it
was desired to invite the decimation of cholera, the numbers
embarked in each ship must be greatly less than on the ad-
vance to Prome. I give a wide estimate when I say that the
whole steam flotilla could not, in the rains, convey more than
1,500 men" and this flotilla could not be increased. In the
Minute of the 10th of August the Governor-General held that
an advance to Ava could not be made wholly by water. " I
greatly doubt," said he, "whether the steamers which during
this autumn would go to Prome, could in the ensuing winter
mount the stream to Ava." Since the date of that Minute it is
now asserted that no time had been lost, nor any exertions spared,
to collect carriage for the army. Elephants had likewise been
despatched from Bengal, all with a view to enabling the army
" to move against any force that might be in its neighbourhood.'"
This was politic ; but Lord Dalhousie thinks it in the highest
degree the reverse, with the Cabul disaster fresh on our memory,
to conquer and occupy Ava, and thus " expose a handful of men
isolated in the midst of enemies." *

We now proceed to the financial remark put forward by the
Governor- General, that " heretofore the charges of the war
have been light indeed, compared with the cost of the previous
war." It has been already stated that the Campbell Expedition,
during Lord Amherst's administration, cost nearly twelve million
pounds sterling, or say ten crores of rupees, in less than twenty-
four months. From what has been publicly set forth regarding
the expense of the present war, it would appear to have cost

* These remarks become of especial interest in 1879, during our occupation
of Afghanistan.

288 OUR BURMESE WARS.

considerably less than a million sterling in the twelve months.
In the House of Lords, February 24, 1853, the Earl of Ellen-
borough said that the war had cost from the commencement
not less than one hundred and thirty thousand pounds a month.
On the following day, in the House of Commons, Sir James
Weir Hogg exposed what he termed the preposterous exaggera-
tions respecting the cost of the expedition. Taking up a good
authority* — a sort of finance minister in his way — it is there
said that the war will have scarcely cost more than sixty lakhs
of rupees in a twelvemonth ! The London " Times " had the
cost of the expedition, up to the first of July 1852, reckoned
at about half a million sterling : at a later date the " leading
journal" calculated it at the rate of two hundred and fifty
thousand pounds a month (twenty-five lakhs of rupees), or
three million pounds sterling a year. Our Indian financial
authority, writing in November 1852, says — " Lord Dalhousie
began the Burmese war not merely with £12,000,000 sterling
of cash balance in the treasury, but with £2,000,000 sterling
in excess of the sum which was in hand when the Second
Punjab War commenced in 1848, and it is doubtless to this
circumstance we are to attribute the fact of his having been
able to meet the heavy expenses of a maritime war like that we
are now engaged in, with so much ease and freedom, and to
disappoint the expectations of those who were looking for a
new five per cent. loan. Even if the war should therefore cost
£2,000,000 sterling, the treasury will only be reduced to the
same position in which it stood on the 30th of April 1848."

Returning to the Governor- General's Minute, he assures the
Committee that if it "requires this Government to protract
the war, to continue the advance to Ava, and to seize a vast
and unprofitable region, they must be prepared to hear of ex-
hausted cash balances and re-opened loans/' Even should
" Amarapiira be captured," the task would be but half done.

* " Friend of India," January 13th, 1853.

LOED DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 289

The Committee are referred to the map of Burma, where it
will find that "six degrees of latitude must still be traversed
before the sujugation of the Burman power will be effected.
That tract of country is mountainous, jungly, and peopled
with wild tribes. The difficulties of subduing this tract cannot
be stated, because they cannot be calculated. . . . Terri-
tory, 800 miles in length, from the sea to Assam, and varying
in breadth from Arakan to the borders of China, will have
been added to the British possessions in the East. Once taken
it must be held. . . . No hill people is contemptible
among its own hills." Lord Dalhousie alludes to an attempt
to coerce the Nagas round Assam some two years ago, which
was attended with no very brilliant results ; the same might be
the case with the Shans* and other hill tribes with whom we
would now come in contact. On every principle his Lordship
seems to deprecate the entire subjugation of the Burmese Em-
pire ; he thinks it neither worth the trouble nor the expense.
The King of Ava's crown is one of tinsel, and will secure its
own downfall. The glory of the dynasty of Alompra, come
what may, is on the eve of departing for ever. We may some
day be solicited by numerous unknown tribes to go forth and
spread the light of civilisation among them. Such thoughts
are apt to strike one in the perusal of the Minute now under
consideration. The Governor-General is satisfied, from all
the information within his reach, " that the revenues of Burma
would not be sufficient to meet the extra expense which the
possession of Burma would impose upon us." Again, "the

* In 1861, although the Burmese Empire had lost some of its most valuable
possessions, still the centralising power of Burma, beyond our conquest, was
strongly folt. The Shans, extending from China to Bankok, were becoming
their prey, either by conquest or coercion; and, although Lord Dalhousie
wisely said " No hill tribe is contemptible among its own hills," might we not
in some measure prevent such a scattered race as the Shans, who might be so
useful to us in many ways, from falling a prey to the powers that still reign
in Chin-India? — In 1879 public attention has been much called to the Nagas
and other tribes.

290 OUE BURMESE WARS.

policy which would fix the frontier near to Ava would as-
suredly leave us still without a treaty of peace, and with the
prospect of an idefinite continuance of hostilities between the
two States. My own conviction remains, as I have already ex-
pressed it, that the King would make no overtures and no
submission. On our approach to Ava he would retire into his
highlands, as was their declared policy before, and as recent
intelligence, received through Armenian merchants at Ava,
shows to be the King's intention now." About the same time
as these words were written another opinion was entertained as
to the probability of the King's flight into the jungles on the
capture and occupation of Ava. It was said that those well
informed on the subject had declared that such a contingency
could never arise. The King could not leave his capital ; if
he did, his flight would be followed by immediate destruction.
So much for opinion, well defined by Dean Swift as " light of
foot and headstrong, yet giddy and perpetually turning ! "
And we cannot help thinking that, notwithstanding the golden
immortal charm that is ever said to hover around the dignity
of Ava, His Majesty would retire on our approach at an un-
questionable speed to the jungle regions. Were he to get
among . that strange and mysterious race, the Shans, they
might deliver him up any day to us for five -thousand pieces
of silver ; or, owing him a grudge for past injuries received,
they might seek to annihilate the dynasty of Alompra in de-
stroying him and all his followers. Siam would rejoice at the
annihilation; and this, in some way or other, at no very distant
period must take place. We shall, no doubt, be quite ready
for the coup d'etat ! for we shall have been prepared for it
by the prudent policy of the Governor-General of India in the
Second Burmese War.

But even if the King should forego the intention of flight,
there is, in the opinion of Lord Dalhousie, " no hope whatever
of his signing such a treaty as the Committee has required."
Even at Ava he would not consent to " cede the fairest portion

LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 291

of his kingdom to us, and confine himself for the future to
forest and barren hills." No peace, therefore, will have been
concluded ; and why, at the present time, should we be " en-
cumbered witli four hundred miles of additional territory, with
enhanced expenses and disproportionate returns " ? With
regard to what was stated by the Secret Committee, that with
the mere annexation and occupation of Pegu the Government
would be under the necessity of constantly maintaining a
force upon a war footing in that district for its defence, the
Governor-General remarks — " I hold a treaty of any kind with
the Burmese to be so valueless, that the conclusion of one
would not induce me to keep one regiment less in Pegu
than if there were no treaty.* . . . Nor would the force
be kept on a ' war footing ' if there were no treaty, any more
than if it were negotiated. ... By long-established prac-
tice all troops crossing the sea receive the higher allowances ;
wherefore, for the present at least, and until a great change be
made, the higher allowances could not be withheld from the
troops in Pegu."

Lord Dalhousie brings forward the case of the Ameer Dost
Mahommed Khan in 1849, when he entered the Punjaub in arms
against the British Government, and occupied Peshawur. After
the surrender of the Sikhs, the Dost was chased out of the
country, and the province was occupied by the British. The
Governor- General's policy not to enter into any treaty with him
was approved of by the Committee. The people of the Punjab,
or elsewhere, did not consider our power one whit the less para-
mount because a treaty was not concluded with the wily Dost.

But to proceed : — " The occupation of Pegu does, in my
judgment," writes his Lordship, " afford reparation for the
past, and will give effectual security for the future. The phy-
sical and commercial advantages that would accompany the

* These remarks of his Lordship are of great political importance at the
present time (1879).

19 *

292 OUR BURMESE WARS.

possession of Pegu by the British Government were set forth
in the Minute of the 30th of June. The enquiries which have
been sedulously made since that time tend, as far as they go,
to confirm the safe and moderate estimate which stated the
revenues of Pegu at 25 lakhs a year. The annexation of a terri-
tory in perpetuity, producing the revenue above named, and sus-
ceptible of great and various improvement, will certainly pay
for all the cost of its occupation and government, and fully
reimburse the State for all the charges of the present war."

With respect to security for peace in the future, the loss of
Pegu deprives the Burmese of the sinews of war, for it im-
poverishes the treasury of the Court of Ava, and takes the
means of raising many soldiers on the " conscript " system out
of their hands. " If the Burmese should, nevertheless/' says
the Governor-General, " collect an army for attack, after the
declared annexation of Pegu, we could desire nothing better.
The frontier of Prome is not extensive. Its central portion is
filled by the Galadzet mountains, covered with jungle and desti-
tute of water, which are as impassable to the Burmese army as
to us. The valley of Prome and the valley of Toungoo are the
only points of attack. . . . If the Burmese should attempt
to attack with an army, its destruction, if it Avill stand, or its
total dispersion if it breaks, would be the certain consequence.
. . . Still, for some time, they may harass the border by
guerilla inroads." But, with the aid of a friendly population,
this frontier skirmishing would very soon cease. It would die
away. The Court of Ava would silently acquiesce in its loss,
" though it would not openly assent to a cession.'''

Having arrived at this point — and writing from Toungoo
(or Tonghoo), — it may here be remarked, that we believe the
difficulty of crossing the Galadzet mountains to be greatly ex-
aggerated, as far as a British force is concerned. We think if
a Baron Humboldt were asked his opinion, he would say that
where there were mountains and jungles there must be water.
The passage across, of course, would take time. And was it

lord dalhousie's policy. 293

now to be regretted that when General Steel arrived at this
station he did not urge an endeavour to reach Prome. With fifty
elephants, the Irregular Cavalry, two light guns, and one company
of European Infantry, the General, an excellent horseman, might
have rivalled Napoleon crossing the Alps. The feat would have
astonished General Godwin, who would probably have resolved
on walking a considerable part of the distance ; for although
some seven or eight years older than our Madras General, the
pedestrian agility of the Chief of the Army of Burma had often
astonished far younger men !

Asking pardon for this digression, let us now attend to the
Governor- General's assertion, that " if my anticipations should
not be fulfilled, — and if, notwithstanding the superiority, which
they cannot deny, and the risk, which they cannot fail to re-
cognise, the Burmese should really dispute our possession, still
I earnestly contend that an onward territorial movement
should be avoided to the last. . . . Though I am strongly
opposed to an advance on Ava, followed by a retirement to
Prome, I would advise that even that costly military operation
should be undertaken before Burma be made and declared a
British possession." And now comes what, in our humble
opinion, is the finest passage in the despatch : — " But if, after
all, peace cannot be procured by any thing short of the con-
quest of Burma; if the lapse of time and the course of
events shall establish a real necessity for advance, then let us
advance, — let us fulfil the destiny which there, as elsewhere,
will have compelled us forward in spite of our own wishes, and
let us reconcile ourselves to a course which will then have no
alternative, Having made every honest exertion to stand fast,
we shall go on with a clear conscience — with motives unim-
peached ; and we may rest tranquil as to the ultimate result."
The Minute then proceeds to consider matter already set forth
in the " Proclamation " chapter of this Abstract. A letter
should be addressed to the King of Burma, "reciting more
fully the object and the results of the war." According to the

294 OUR BURMESE WARS.

desire of the Committee, or with the object of giving effect to
their orders, the conclusion of a treaty of peace between the
States is to be proposed to the King. " If the Court of Ava
desires to secure itself from further assaults by the Power
which it has found itself wholly unable to resist, it will cause
the proper officers, duly accredited on its part, to repair to
Prome, within one month from the dispatch of the letter to
the King from that place, there to sign a treaty by which the
province of Pegu shall be ceded to the British Government,
and relations of friendship shall be renewed." The proba-
bility of the letter in question not reaching the King now
occurs to the mind of the Governor- General. European officers
would, perhaps, meet with immediate death on its delivery.
No Burman would undertake to be the bearer. The Lord of
the White Elephant holds heads but cheap in Ava ! But,
through the wise measure of distributing large numbers of
copies of the Proclamation over the country, the King will
hear of annexation " though the letter should never reach
him." The Secret Committee are then informed that the Go-
vernor-General in Council has selected Captain Phayre, the
present Commissioner of Arakan, to be Commissioner of Pegu j
that everything is in preparation for the establishment of a
civil government in the new province ; and that all will come
into operation as soon as the Proclamation of Annexation " shall
have been publicly promulgated."

We have now endeavoured to set before the reader the lead-
ing points of Lord Dalhousie's policy, in as brief a space as
was compatible with doing justice to his Minutes and the last
extraordinary despatch. This document of November 3, 1852,
is distinguished by three leading qualities — decision of cha-
racter, a desire of economy, and the wish to show that a para-
mount Power can afford wisely to act with moderation under
very difficult circumstances. The difficulties for a statesman
to contend with in this Burmese war were indeed great.
Who will deny 'that the pilot weathered the storm well, as

LORD DALHOUSIE'S POLICY. 295

lie did before in other quarters in troublous times ? Who will
deny him a place beside such Governors-General as the Marquis
Wellesley, Lord William Bentinck, and Lord Hardinge ?

On the 23rd of December 1852, the Secret Committee replied
to the Governor- General in Council. They approve of the
course the Governor- General proposes to pursue. "We should
deplore/' say they, " the necessity of further conquest, and
we strongly feel the very serious objections to the annexation
of any other portion of the Burman Empire." The Committee
" see with satisfaction, by the Minute of Sir John Littler,
whose military experience entitles his opinion to great con-
sideration, that he does not estimate the difficulties of an
advance upon Ava as being of so grave a character as to pre-
sent a material obstacle to the adoption of that course, if it
should be rendered necessary by the persevering hostility of the
Burmese." Sir John advocated an advance on Ava without an
occupation. It is probable that General Godwin entertained
the same idea in September 1852, when he made his speech at
the Artillery dinner. And none could be more natural for a
military man to entertain, who, from the very nature of his
profession, is calculated to look more at the immediate effect
and glory of a thing than at the after consequences. Yet, for
anything we know, the two Generals may have well considered
the future, after planting the British standard on the battle-
ments of Ava !

The Governor- General's letter to His Majesty the King of
Ava is dated November 16, 1852. It is simply the Proclamation
in detail ; but there is important matter regarding the treaty
by which the conquered province of Pegu was to be ceded to
the Government of India. Should His Majesty's accredited
officers sign, then the Government of India, on its part, " will
bind itself to renew relations of friendship with your Majesty,
and to grant liberty to trade in security within the British terri-
tories to your Majesty's subjects, permitting the usual trade
and supplies of your kingdom to pass its frontier in Pegu, on

296 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the payment of such moderate duties as it may fix." The
following is the

DRAFT OF TREATY.

Treaty of Peace between the Honourable East India Com-
pany, on the one part, and His Majesty the King of Ava, on the
other; settled by His Excellency Commodore G. R. Lambert,
Commander-in-Chief of Her Majesty's Naval Force in the
East Indies, Major-General Henry Godwin, C.B., commanding
the British Forces in Ava, and Captain Arthur Purves Phayre,
Commissioner of Pegu, on the part of the Honourable Company ;
and by , on the part

of the King of Ava ; who have each communicated to the other
their full powers.

There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the
Honourable East India Company, on the one part, and His
Majesty the King of Ava, on the other.

ARTICLE II.

His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the Honourable East
India Company, in perpetual sovereignty, the Province of Pegu,
being the territories to the southward of the boundary herein-
after described, namely : —

ARTICLE III.

The Honourable East India Company, and His Majesty the
King of Ava, will each permit the subjects of the other to carry
on trade within their respective dominions, and they will give
to such traders full protection and security.

ARTICLE IV.

This Treaty shall be ratified by His Majesty the King of Ava
within one month ; the British Commissioner engaging that it

PEOGEESS OP GOVERNMENT. 297

shall be ratified by the Governor- General in Council, and de-
livered to the Burmese Commissioners, within one month, at
Prome.

Done at , this

day of 185 .

(1853.)
Having now related the annexation of a new province to our
dominions in the East, and holding the opinion that it is
highly politic to increase those dominions when we can do so
with a due regard to our own interests and to those of others,
we are led, at a time when the government of India forms one
of the prominent objects of public attention, to muse over the
progress we have made during a wonderful century of govern-
ment. If even a Frenchman — remembering the scenes of the
glory of Dupleix, Labourdonnais, Lally, and Bussy — styled
the government of the East India Company " one of the most
glorious works of civilisation," why should any of our own
countrymen, without having weighed the matter, be prone to
condemn, or simply to wish for change ? In the little city of
Pondicherry — the Niobe of the French possessions in India —
the traveller of the present day will probably hear, as the writer
has heard before him, the intelligent circles of the Paris of the
East expressing their wonder and admiration on the subject of
the government of India — " the result of circumstances rather
than of design " — a piece of machinery surpassing all that
could be devised by the most cunning legislator — a system
which could not wisely be replaced by any other. It is plea-
sant to know that the country in which so many of our desti-
nies are cast has made considerable progress under the East
India Company. This government, it has been well expressed,
" is extraordinary in its design, singular in its conduct" ;* it is
a system pursued among a strange people who like not sudden

* " History of the British Conquests in India," by Horace St. John,

298 OUR BURMESE WARS.

innovations, millions of whom seem to persist in remaining
" unchangeable in the midst of change ! " Who that knows
aught concerning India and her people will not agree with the
remark * that " Europe and South America, if not India, have
had quite enough of governments by design — of governments
not the results of circumstances, but of theories ; and we should
be sorry were India the prey of constitution-makers ! " Modify
and correct if you will, but do not attack in order to destroy.
The attempt carries failure in the face of it, as sure as ever
failure was, or ever will be ! f

It is to be hoped that even in a quarter of a century hence
a decided progress will be observable among the inhabitants of
Pegu. As has been said before, there is easier and better
material to work upon here ; and the Talaings, seeing that we
have been the means of rescuing them from tyranny and op-
pression, will no doubt aid us in the general cause of improve-
ment, when our system of government has fairly begun to work,
buoyed up with the hope of seeing Pegu rise in its beauty
again, and themselves, although not an independent, at least a
peaceful and happy nation !

Upon our occupation of the Tenasserim provinces after the
first war, we are informed that our rule commenced very
properly, " by disturbing as little as possible the systems of
revenue, police, and justice, to which the people had been ac-
customed under their Burmese rulers." By the Burmese the
chief portion of the State revenue derived from laud, was levied
in kind ; and one-fourth of the crop of rice was nominally
the share claimed by the Government. J But, on account of
the distance of the southern provinces from Ava, the Burmese

* " Economist."

f No sensible man will venture i<> deny in Eer Majesty's Government,
during the laei twenty years, building on the foundation laid bj theEasI Endia
Company, the exercise of extreme moderation, and an anient desire to benefil
the people of Endia. (1879.)

X "Calcutta Review," No. xv. p. 90. Thai branch of revenue derived from
teak forests was unknown to tho Burmese.

FISCAL SYSTEM. 299

governors and their subordinates had a large field for the exer-
cise of tyranny and exaction. Garden produce, fruit trees,
the farming of fisheries, town dues, and other modes of raising
money, likewise yielded revenue for the State as well as for
the governors. [The officers appointed by our Government
are the Commissioner, his assistants, the Tseekays, and the
Goung Gyouks.] With the exception of taking revenue from
the land in kind, the above fiscal system was adopted by
us ; from which period the revenue system of the Tenasserim
provinces, apparently for some years, went through so many
fluctuations and errors as to impress us with the idea that a
Colonel Read, with his assistant Munro (afterwards the great
Sir Thomas) were much wanted in this corner of our do-
minions in the East. There is no saying what these lords of
the Ryotwari system, and masters in all relating to land
revenue, would have done under the circumstances ; but,
doubtless, they would have done something — have invented
some mode of raising a just revenue which should at least
bring the territory nearer paying its civil and military expenses
than has hitherto been attained.* It would now appear, not-
withstanding a similar drawback to these provinces — that of a
scanty population — reasonable to expect that Pegu, with all its
natural advantages, will not eventually disappoint the Govern-
ment ; there is every chance of a speedy increase of population ;
and even in a few years, with judicious management, guided
by experience, which qualities distinguish the head of Pegu's
Government, this once ancient kingdom may furnish a fair and
sufficient revenue for every purpose. The Commissioner of

* Major Broadfoot, the hero who foil at Moodkce, altered the whole fiscal
system of the provinces, "substituting a fixed money payment in lieu of the
levy of one fourth of the grain in kind or commuted in money ; he abolished
taxes on trees and garden produce, and those on turtle-banks and fisheries ; in
place of the latter he established a species of poll-tax, so regulated that a
cultivator paid about one-third of what was exacted from a non-cultivator." —
" Calcutta Review."

300 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the Tenasserim and Martaban provinces, whose jurisdiction now
includes a portion of Pegu to the eastward, as far as Shwe-
gyeen, will also have an admirable field for the development of
his talents in the endeavour to bring his now extensive terri-
tory into a prosperous and paying condition. As regards the
commercial capital of Pegu, the ground-rent of Rangoon
alone, it was said, would furnish no inconsiderable source of
income. Captain Phayre had already begun to lay the founda-
tion of a healthy and wealthy metropolis of Eastern Asia.
And now, towards the close of this narrative, it comes as a sort
of duty to notice a fallacy recently put forth in England, —
nothing less than the assertion that " each new acquisition had
added to our debt, and has impoverished India/''

In the account of the revenues and charges of the Punjab
and Trans-Indus territory for 1840-1850, and the succeeding
year, we find a surplus of upwards of sixty lakhs of rupees.
If we deduct from this what is styled " an extra military ex-
penditure " of thirty lakhs — much of which would have been
expended had annexation never taken place — there is then a
clear surplus of thirty lakhs ! The last accounts of the same
territory give a surplus of about half a million sterling, subject
to the same deductions. Should very minute statisticians give
no weight to the fact that had wre not annexed the Punjab we
would have had to watch it, consequently a large army to pay,
without deriving any revenue from that territory ? Supposing
that Government, in the case of Pegu, had not annexed — had
simply been contented with striking a blow; allowing that
Burmese arrogance always goes on in an increasing arithmeti-
cal progression, would not Maulmain and Arakan have re-
mained constant themes of anxiety and expense ? There could
be nothing so effective as taking away the " sinews cf war "
from a country like Ava ! And this could only be done by
annexation ! Had the resources of Ava, by such a stroke of
policy, been crippled in 1826, it is highly probable there would
have been no Second Burmese War in 1852.

AN EASTERN EMPIRE. 301

Again, a popular writer advised, shortly after we were settled
at Rangoon, that the army should be withdrawn from Burma,
and that we should retire to Calcutta " with as little loss of
time as possible " j thus attempting to destroy the prestige of
the power of that very Empire which he afterwards so ele-
gantly styled " the most splendid dominion under the sun ! "

"We are thankful to have some writers in India able and
willing to expose such absurdities as have just been alluded to;
and it is only to be regretted that these are not more uni-
versally read in England. But we are not always perfect in our
views of matters, even in the Eastern quarter of the universe.
Our esteemed Indian Quarterly* put forth a fallacy or two
which were commented on by one of the Calcutta journals. The
annexation of Pegu, thought the reviewer, would be followed
"by the rapid establishment of an Eastern Empire." This was
all very well— "Who did not hope it might ? But after giving
England new possessions, in addition to Pegu, such as the Shan
States and the Gulf of Siam, and having established his empire,
he was of opinion that such acquisitions would not pay. It
was sufficient to assert that we did not see why an " Eastern
Empire " should speedily follow the annexation of Pegu ; but
if such should take place, we maintained that the said " Empire "
would not only pay, if properly managed, but afford a consider-
able surplus to the future Emperors ! f

On the 20th of June a letter arrived, having been brought
across the Galadzet mountains from Prome in six days, a
distance of at least one hundred and twenty miles, making the
runner's trip at the rate of twenty miles a day. General
Godwin was about to start for Meaday, and then move south-
ward and complete his tour of inspection at the various military
posts — which steps seemed to augur, on our part, a decided
termination to the war.

* " Calcutta Review," September 1852.

f Pegu has partly fulfilled this prophecy iu the funds she has already fur-
nished to the Imperial exchequer. {Note in 1879.) — See notes in 'Papers/ No. III.

302 OUR BURMESE WARS.

But all doubt on the latter point was put an end to by the
arrival of news at the end of June, to the effect that an Am-
bassador had arrived at Prome with a message from the King
of Ava, stating that although he would not sign away any of
his territory he would nevertheless allow us to remain in the
country, and would give orders to his generals not to molest
us;— and that he wished the blockade on the Irawady with-
drawn, and a free trade to be established between the two
nations ! We should have been inclined to consider this a
piece of consummate craft, had it not been a well-known fact
that the unfortunate people to the northward were starving —
that traffic had almost ceased — that taxes of course could not
be paid, — and that if such a state of things continued, the
remnant of the glory of Ava's kingdom must soon depart
without the necessity of our moving one mile from Meaday.

We deem it necessary to make special mention here of the
admirable measures adopted for enabling us to defeat any
attempt of the Burmese to recover a position in the Aeng Pass
or its vicinity. Captain NuthalPs gallant surprise of the Aeng
stockade * was followed up by a garrison there. The Toungoo
Pass being also garrisoned, British communication via Arakan,
was brought to within three days' journey from Prome. " From
the crest of the Nareghain Pass," writes an officer, u the valley
and course of the Irawady are distinctly visible, and present a
very beautiful and interesting sight/' Two officers were em-
ployed to survey these Passes, which were to become "the
main line of communication between Prome, the upper part of
Pegu, and Calcutta." And, in a few years, we hoped to see the
Governor-General of India, by means of electric telegraph, in
communication with Promo and Meaday ! Truly, what might
we soon expect to see the wizard — Science — leave undone?

* Sco " Pegu," ohap. xiv. p. 207. On this occasion Captain Nuthall and two
sepoys wero wounded.

LIBERATED PRISONERS — MR. QUINN. 303

The magic wires will speak, — announce a kingdom's fall, or
utter forth a kingdom's prosperity, — tell from Europe of an
Emperor's ambitious views, or herald forth an approaching
revolution ; all these things were likely enough to be tele-
graphed in Eastern Asia ! How different from the time when
Sir A. Campbell showed his foresight by ordering a body of
men to Aeng under Captain Ross, to pioneer the way for any
future force, as the Aeng road over the Arakan mountains had
not been explored by any officer of General Morrison's unfor-
tunate army ! However, we should even be grateful to that
army, for through it the Burmese lost Arakan on the 1st of
April 1825. It was now declared that there was not a single
stockade to be seen all the way from Meaday to Ava!

Among the Christian prisoners who had been liberated by
Prince Mengdoon in his struggle for the throne of the Golden
Foot, were two Catholic priests ; a Mr. Spiers, formerly captain
of a vessel at Rangoon ; and Mr. Conductor Quinn, attached
to the Bengal Ordnance Department. The last was an extra-
ordinary man. There is always something to create a vast
interest in the mind about the circumstance of a prisoner of
war. Here was a man who strayed beyond the safe boundary
at Prome, probably " whistling as he went for want of thought,"
who believed the presence of an enemy to be a fable. Behold
him coolly ascending a tree, then employed in getting a spy-
glass to the proper focus, then surveying the surrounding
country in the most consummate self-confidence ! The Bur-
mese observe him — he is surrounded — becomes a prisoner of
war— and is led off in triumph to Ava. He refuses food —
even kicks away the proffered meal— he is but a poor prisoner
— his heart is sick — he is about to die. He reaches Ava. As
a stroke of conciliation with the British, the successful Prince
releases the conductor, and once more the hitherto unfor-
tunate man is a child of the glorious goddess Liberty !
Who would not be a prisoner of war for such a brilliant con-
summation?

304 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Having thus remarked concerning prisoners of war, one is
led to think of a concluding event of the former campaigns,
just before the Treaty of Yandaboo was signed and sealed.
The reader will probably recollect the arrival of a deputation
and treasure from Ava, also of Dr. Price, with the Judsons and
other prisoners. The British camp at Yandaboo boasted one
tent containing Mr. and Mrs. Judson. While Mr. Judson's
life was in the power of a cruel and sanguinary Court, the
amiable wife was debarred from seeing her husband. While he
remained in prison she supplied him with food, " occasionally
contriving to communicate with him by hiding a slip of paper
in the spout of a teapot ; and at one period, the prisoners having
been moved to a place of confinement several miles from Ava,
she followed, and took up her abode in a miserable hut, where
to escape insult, she assumed the Burtnan attire/'' * We have
no " romance " like this to write about in the Second War ; and
perhaps it is as well.

As Sir Archibald Campbell and General Godwin are the only
two British Generals to whose lot it has yet fallen to conduct
a war in these regions, it may not be deemed uninteresting, in
conclusion, to note a few circumstances regarding each, with
respect to their high command.

Sir A. Campbell, having distinguished himself in the Penin-
sula, where he commanded a division of the Portuguese army,
was appointed to the' Army of Ava some twelve or fourteen
years after he had won his European laurels. General Godwin,
who, as Lieutenant-Colonel of a Queen's regiment, had served
under him in the East, having distinguished himself in the Ava
campaigns, was appointed to a similar command about twenty-
six years after that war Avhich has been so vividly narrated by
Trant and Havelock, and so correctly by Professor Wilson. f

* " Two Years in Ava."

+ Captain Doveton's " Reminiscences of the Burmeso War in 1821-5-G,
another work of interest.

GENEEALS CAMPBELL AND GODWIN. 305

With Sir A. Campbell there was European military experience
to guide the war, which could not possibly include a practical
knowledge of how to work Europeans and sepoys together j and
the latter not having been supported by European infantry and
a well-directed fire of artillery was the cause, every one knows,
of such decided and bloody repulses as our troops met with at
Kykloo and Wattegaum (Watty-goon). With his European
regiments there was much to admire in Sir A. Campbell as a
soldier, but he knew nothing of Native Infantry. And putting
the qualifications of the sepoy out of the question — even as a
political stroke of wisdom never to give our native troops in the
East a chance of being shown off to disadvantage — this want
of knowledge was of serious consequence. General Godwin,
although a Queen's officer, throughout the operations of the
Second War, proved himself well aware of the advantages to
be derived from using the sepoy. In no instance did he
allow the natives to advance ineffectively supported by Euro-
peans ; and thus supported, they really did admirably at Ran-
goon, Bassein, and Pegu, to say nothing of Donabew, and
several minor affairs. Even in his greatest error — that of
leaving Pegu with too small a garrison after its capture — more
than half of that small but gallant band was composed of
Europeans. The sepoy could not have been better supported ;
and no doubt he would have aided in slaying the Burmese
wholesale, by the side of the European, had an opportunity
offered, even against the thousands of infuriated warriors who
surrounded the pagoda.

Before Sir A. Campbell's army was sent to Rangoon, a
supposition was entertained that should an advance on Ava be
necessary it might be accomplished by embarking the troops in
Burmese boats, which would reach the city of Ava* in three
or four months. It never occurred to those who dictated this

A distance of about 5U0 miles.

306 OUR BURMESE WARS.

line of operations that the Burmese might have the means of
withholding from us the resources of the country, on which it
would be necessary in such a movement to place great depen-
dence. Having selected Rangoon as the chief point of attack,
it was also thought that the Burmese would submit on hearing
of the fall of the famous city built by Alompra.

Twenty-eight years after, on General Godwin's arrival with a
splendid array of steamers and comparatively few transports,
subsequent to the " brilliant feat of arms " which placed Ran-
goon in our possession, a speedy advance on the capital was
declared by many to be the only mode of bringing matters to
a conclusion. Again, little thought was given to the proba-
bility of the Burmese cutting off our supplies, or withholding
the resources of the country, or to the fact that but very few
of the steamers were suitable for such an advance. In the
case of both generals public expectation was filled with the idea
of a brilliant and speedy termination to the war. The dis-
tinguished Peninsula officer was expected to bring about all
this in the first war, and all-powerful steam was to do every-
thing that was needful in the second. We say all-powerful
steam, for it was believed by many, from no knowledge of the
Commander, but from sheer assumption on the score of years,
that General Godwin, in spite of his Burmese experience, would
be fit for nothing — that he would be " simply in the way."
Age is a personal business with which the public have nothing
whatever to do. For no other crime than that of having lived
a little longer than most men through the changing scenes of
life, volleys of abuse were discharged in England against our
gallant General, and that, too, before he was put to the test.
Even the philanthropic spirit of " a noble and learned lord "
opposed to the war, was roused to give utterance to the liberal
sentiment that the General's appointment to command the
expedition was a very proper one. He was acquainted practi-
cally and personally with Burma, he had already obtained
distinction there, and it was therefore likely that he would

GENERALS CAMPBELL AND GODWIN. 307

carry on the war with greater advantage than any other officer.
Who among us would object to a command, should he have
the good fortune to enjoy what Dry den styles " a green old
age " — a youth renewed like the eagle's ? We do not advocate
the employment of old generals as a safe rule in the army * ;
they do not always boast that matured judgment tor which
they get credit; but when strong recommendations in their
favour appear, it is very hard and unfair that, without having
been weighed in the balance, they should be declaimed as want-
ing ! Sir A. Campbell had the good fortune to steer clear of
all such calumny at the period of his appointment. Then
public feeling in England against war was not so violent as it
is at present. The national advantages obtained by Waterloo
were being reaped in abundance. In India the Mahratta Power
had only a few years before been subdued ; and in the case of
a Burmese war it was merely turning the course from the west
to the extreme east. When the Burmese authorities had
written to the Marquis of Hastings, asserting their right to the
Province of Bengal, we had no Punjab — no Sind — under our
government. Altogether, the times were more favourable to
the First Burmese War than the Second. Far less shackled, if
shackled at all, than General Godwin, and with a new and
determined enemy, Sir A. Campbell had also frequent oppor-
tunities of displaying that persevering enterprise which the
British always admire, and than which, when discreetly used,
nothing can be more worthy of admiration. General Godwin
had not so many opportunities. The efficiency of steam aided
in rendering the opening campaign of the Second Burmese
War truly brilliant. It would seem, therefore, that no satis-
factory comparison can be instituted between the two com-
manders, under the circumstances. The health of the troops,

* Nor of old admirals in the Navy, as has been already remarked regardins:
Admiral Austin.

20 *

308 OUR BURMESE WARS.

in comparison with the former campaigns, shows to great
advantage. We behold no army perishing in the swamps of
Arakan from the want of the commander's experience of the
climate. As far as hardships and the want of supplies are
concerned, we are not too proud to yield the palm to the former
Army of Ava. The first war was a far longer and more
tedious one than the second; and it was declared to end "in a
manner highly honourable to the British Government." As
regards the expenditure of life and treasure, " look on this
picture and on this ! " As regards energy and military capacity,
it is pleasant to turn to pictures of the two chiefs, — to the one
with the eye of the past, when we behold him busy at work
preparing to retrieve what we had lost by the repulse at Do-
nabew,* and again at the final action of Pagahm Mew, a city
of former splendour, where he directed the column in person
against the Infernal King f ; to the other with the eye of the
present, when we behold him in his general's cap and plume,
while so many were suffering from the terrific heat of the sun,
as active as the younger men on the field on the 12th of April,
while fighting our way towards the great pagoda, — in all his
prompt energy during the bustle and preparation for the relief
of Pegu, — and again, when directing the assault against that
capital's noble temple. In both cases we have true soldiers
anxious to serve their country faithfully and well. The result
of the Second Burmese War is infinitely more satisfactory than
that of the First. Great Britain, for the first time, secured
a firm footing in Eastern Asia. The link between our posses-

* The news of this was forwarded by Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin, H. M.'s
41st, in a quill, to headquarters.

t " The King of Hell," as he was styled, the Golden Foot's last resource as
a commander. The battle of Pagahm Mew was fought on the 9th of Feb-
ruary 1826. It was nearly bloodless on our side, and fifty-five pieces of
artillery were captured. This was the last action of the First Burmese
War.— See Part I., p. 55.

GOOD HOPES FOB THE FUTURE. 300

sions on the Ganges and the vast Hindu-Chinese regions had
been rendered complete. A mighty work was done — a great
political triumph had been accomplished ! Should destiny impel
us forward, a few years in Pegu would make us quite ready
for the service. Before that time arrived it was probable the
King of Ava would be in every sense a strenuous advocate for
free trade. Some enterprising members of the British Senate
may even travel this way, and expound some new and unheard
of principles of political economy to His Majesty of the Golden
Foot and the Golden Ear ! * (1853.)

* It must, with regret, be affirmed that, as regards free trade, our sanguine
hopes have not been realised (October 1879). For continuation of narrative
to the month of February 1854, see " Pegu," p. 380.— Keeping to the order
of events, we shall here make a few remarks to render our Abstract as com-
plete as possible. At Toungoo — where for some time the writer was the only
artillery officer in command — Mr. Mason, of the American Baptist Mission,
paid us a visit. He thought well of the annexation of the country. It was
of no common interest to talk with the author of the " Fauna, Flora, and
Minerals of Burma," perhaps, after Judson, the most distinguished missionary
that ever came to the land of the Golden Foot. In his famous work he thus
describes the Amherstia, which he first saw in all its native grace and beauty
at Maulmain, and which is considered the finest indigenous tree of Chin-India.
" It is of low stature, with slender pendulous branches clustered under its
tufted summit of lively green, and draperied with large pea-blossom shaped
flowers of brilliant red and yellow, which hang down from its graceful branches
in tassels more than a yard long. It was discovered by Dr. Wallich, on the
Salween, near Trockla, and named by him 'after the Governor-General's lady,
' the noble Amherstia.' " We notice in his work on Burma that General
Fytche, following the doctor's example, has named a beautiful Burmese
creeper after himself — Dendrobium Fytchianvm — a fine illustration of which
will be found at page 297, vol. i. In Burma there is scarcely a tree without
its attendant creeper. — On the 14th of December (1853), the Governor- General,
Lord Dalhousie, paid his second visit to Rangoon. He found the city prosperous,
and happiness and prosperity everywhere ; also that articles paying duty in
November and December, amounted in value to eleven lakhs of rupees (one
hundred and ten thousand pounds sterling) — a good return from exports and
imports in such a short space of time. His lordship next steamed up the
Irawady to Prome and Meaday, on his mission of peace. At the latter place
he made a pithy speech, and was the chief actor in the settlement of the
boundary of the new Province. The pillar, he said, was to be a mark of the
British possessions for ever and ever! Our Toungoo boundary was to be in a

310 OUR. BURMESE WARS.

NOTIFICATION.

Fort-William, Foreign Department,
the 30th June 1853.
In the Proclamation by which the Province of Pegu was an-
nexed to the British dominions in the East, the Governor-
General in Council declared that he desired no further conquest
in Burma, and was willing to consent that hostilities should
cease. Thereafter the Burman troops were everywhere
withdrawn. The King was dethroned by his brother, the
Mengdoon Prince, and an Envoy was sent from Ava to sue for
peace. The Burman Envoy — confessing their inability to
resist the power of the British Government, and submissively
soliciting its forbearance — announced his willingness to sign a
Treaty in accordance with the Proclamation, objecting only to
the frontier being placed at Meaday. The Government of
India, while it maintained its undoubted right to fix the
frontier where it had been placed, at the same time gave signal
proof of the sincerity of its desire for the renewal of friendly
relations between the States ; for, in the hope of at once con-
cluding a treaty of peace, the Governor-General in Council
consented to withdraw the frontier from Meaday, and to place
it, in strict conformity to the most literal wording of the
Proclamation, immediately to the northward of Prome and
Toungoo, — cities which have been described at all times as
within the northern limits of Pegu, in the official records of
transactions between the two States.

But when this concession was offered, the Burman Envoy,

straight lino with the point chosen six miles north of Meaday. — Our march to
Myo-Khla— forty-two miles north of Toungoo— has been alluded to elsewhere.
At. this time it looked as if a Third Burmese War were about to commence —
although the Burmese knew wo had now a direot land movement on Ava in

our power on one side, and a water movement by moans of light craft on the

[rawadj on the other. With Buoh moans we could oiroumvenl the Empire!

GOVERNMENT NOTIFICATION. 311

wholly receding from his previous declarations, refused to
assent to any Treaty by which a cession of territory should be
made. Hereupon the negotiations were at once broken off.
The frontier of the British territories was finally fixed to the
northward of Meaday and Toungoo, and the Envoy was
directed to quit the camp.

The Envoy proceeded to the capital, whence he has now
conveyed to the Government of India the sentiments and pro-
posals of the Court of Ava.

The King expresses his desire for the cessation of war. The
King announces that " orders have been issued to the governors
of districts not to allow the Burmese troops to attack the
territories of Meaday and Toungoo, in which the British Go-
vernment has placed its garrisons." Furthermore, the King
has set at liberty the British subjects who had been carried
prisoners to Ava; and he has expressed his wish that "the
merchants and people of both countries should be allowed, in
accordance with former friendship, to pass up and down the
river for the purpose of trading." Mindful of the assurance he
gave that hostilities would not be resumed so long as the
Court of Ava refrained from disputing our quiet possession of
the Province of Pegu, the Governor-General in Council is
willing to accept these pacific declarations and acts of the
King as a substantial proof of his acquiescence in the proposed
conditions of peace, although a formal Treaty has not been
concluded : Wherefore the Governor-General in Council permits
the raising of the river blockade, consenting to the renewal of
former intercourse with Ava, and now proclaims the restora-
tion of peace. The Army of Ava will no longer be maintained
on a war establishment. At the same time, a force will be
permanently retained in Pegu amply adequate for its defence
and fully prepared for the event of war. The Governor-
General in Council, while he announced the successive events
of the war, has gladly seized each fitting occasion for bestowing
promptly on the several officers whose services were mentioned

312 OUR BURMESE WARS.

with distinction, the cordial thanks and approbation of the
Government of India. His Lordship in Council deems it un-
necessary now to repeat in detail acknowledgments of individual
merit that are still so recent ; but he cannot close the record
of this war without again conveying to the Services generally
an assurance of the admiration with which he has viewed the
combined exertions, whereby, under God's good providence,
the supremacy of our power in the East has once more been
asserted and upheld. [Then follow jthanks, naming the higher
officers.]

In testimony of the sense that is entertained of the services
and conduct of the combined Force, the Governor-General in
Council is pleased to direct that a donation of six months'
batta shall be issued to all the officers, non-commissioned
officers, and men of the several Naval and Military Forces that
have been employed during the progress of the war with
Burma. And it shall be the further care of the Governor-
General in Council to bring their services and conduct under
the special notice, and to commend them to the most favour-
able consideration, of Her Majesty's Government and of the
Honourable Court of Directors.

By Order of the Most Noble the Governor-General in
Council,

(Signed) J. P. Grant,

Officiating Secretary to the Government of India.

At the termination of hostilities (1853) the troops were
quartered at the following stations and out-posts : —

Rangoon. Shwe-gyeen. Shwe Doung.

Yandoon. Toungoo. Padoung-Mew.

Bassein. Maulmain. Tomboo.

Pegu. Prome. Henzada.

SlTTANG. MEADAY. DoNABEW.

Grand total actually present, — 346 European officers; 177
Native officers ; 4,334 European non-commissioned officers and

THE ARMY IN PEGU. 313

men; 8,242 Native non-commissioned officers and mm, — in
all 13,099.

The army was divided into two divisional commands, held
by Brigadier- General Sir John Cheape at Prome, and by
Brigadier-General Steel at Rangoon. The Staff of each Divi-
sion was to remain — a highly prudent arrangement — until the
new territory became perfectly secure on the frontier. The
army being now distributed over Pegu, recalled the memorable
words of the Governor-General in his Despatch of 3rd Novem-
ber : — " By the annexation of Pegu we hold in the easy grasp
of our hand the kernel of the Burman Empire. Why should
we, by the occupation of Ava, encumber ourselves with an
armful of worthless rind ? But if, after all, peace cannot be
procured by anything short of the conquest of Burma; if the

LAPSE OF TIME AND THE COURSE OF EVENTS SHALL ESTABLISH A

real necessity for advance, then let us advance." Mean-
while we hoped that our new possession — extending beyond
the 19th parallel of latitude — a fertile country more than twice
the size of Holland, with a friendly and unwarlike people —
would rise to a high state of prosperity, without " encumber-
ing ourselves with an armful of worthless rind ! "

Troops in Pegu, &c.
1864.
Head-quarters : — Rangoois — No. 1 Battery, 20th Brigade,
Royal Artillery; H. M.'s 60th Rifles (3rd Battalion) ; 28th
Regiment Madras Native Infantry. Thayet-Myoo — G Bat-
tery, 23rd Brigade, Royal Artillery; H. M/s 19th Regiment of
Foot ; 5th Regiment Madras Native Infantry. Toungoo — No.
5 Battery, 20th Brigade, Royal Artillery ; 3rd Regiment Madras
Light Infantry. Shwe-gyeen— Two companies 3rd Regiment
Light Infantry. Maulmain — 9th Regiment Madras Native In-
fantry. Port Blair, Andamans — One company Sappers and
Miners ; one company Madras Native Infantry. (The Arakan
Battalion had been abolished, and Police substituted.)

314

OUR BURMESE WARS.

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316 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Lord Dalhousie's Autograph Letter to Major Hill, on the
Defence of Pegu.

The author thinks it a fitting conclusion to a chapter con-
taining remarks on Lord Dalhousie's policy to present his
readers with a copy of the original letter forwarded by the
Governor- General to Major Hill, after the gallant defence of
Pegu.* This epistle by the great Pro-consul and ready writer
has never before been published; and it will be of additional
interest at a time when "Isandula" and " Roorke's Drift" are
fresh in the memories of all true Britons — showing that the
British arms are always gallantly displayed, in all ages. Such
a letter also enhances the great importance Government at-
tached to the defence : —

Government House, July 19, 1853.

Sir, — It afforded me much satisfaction some months ago to
offer to you, on the part of the Government of India, an expres-
sion of the approbation with which it regarded your gallant defence
of your post at Pegu, against an overwhelming Burman force. I
have still greater satisfaction now, in having the means of proving
the sincerity of the admiration which was expressed, by rewarding
the services which called it forth.

The command of the Gwalior Contingent is vacant. It com-
prises two regiments of Cavalry, seven regiments of Infantry,
and four Field Batteries ; its allowances are to be 2000 rupees
a month ; the climate is excellent, and the position is altogether
more coveted than any other which the Governor- General has to
bestow.

If it should suit your views to accept this command, I shall feel

* The above letter has been alluded to at page 235, after the " Investment
of Pegu." Major Hill, we may here note, had served in the First Burmese
War; and, as Ensign in the Madras European Regiment, was present at the
fall and occupation of Rangoon, 1824, and at the assault of stockades at
Kommondine in the same year. He served also at the escalade of Panlaug,
in 1825, and was engaged in the first assault on, and the second attack of,
Donabew. The gallant young subaltern, therefore, had been taught in a good
yet severe school to prepare him for his future grand achievement.

LORD DALHOUSIE's LETTER. 317

a great and real pleasure in bestowing it upon you : and I beg
jou to regard the act as being at once a testimony to your dis-
tinguished personal merit, and a compliment to the gallant force
you led so well, and a mark of respect to the army of the Presidency
to which you belong.

I would beg that if you should accept my offer, you will, never-
theless, remain in command of your corps, until final arrangements
shall be made for the distribution of forces in Pegu after the mon-
soon.

Let me add that my selection of you for this command has not
prevented my soliciting the consideration of the Honourable Court,
and of Her Majesty's Government, for the services of yourself and
others at Pegu, in marked and special terms.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Tour obedient Servant,

(Signed) Dalhousie.
Major Hill, 1st Madras Fusiliers, Tonghoo.

31 8 OUR BURMESE WARS.

PART IV

VARIOUS PAPERS ON BURMA.

View of the Condition of Burma in 1854-55.

" Peace is that harmony in the state, that health is in the body."

Loed Clarendon's "Essays."

Towards the close of the year 1854, it became generally known
in Rangoon that the Burmese were about to gild anew the
great Shwe Dagoung (Dagon) Pagoda.* This momentous event
in the annals of the Golden Land, it naturally struck us,
would be no inconsiderable proof of Burmese prosperity under
British rule. And while among the men, women, and chil-
dren of this interesting land, the news became rife that the
grand temple dedicated to Gautama was to shine forth in full
splendour again, a royal salute was fired by British soldiers
from the upper terrace of that very temple, in honour of the
great victory gained by the allied forces on the banks of the Alma
— the first, as it seemed, of a series of blows about to be aimed

* We have heard " Dagoung " translated " world's end" ; Pagoda is from
the Persian " but-k:ula," " idol temple " ; hence " pagoda " is an easy transi-
tion.

burma in 1854-55. 319

at Russian despotism. The Burmese, as usual, wondered at
the cause of the firing. Could there be any analogy between
Artillery and Religion ? The salute could not be in honour of
Gautama ? At length some were told, and others divined, that
a victory was the cause of the firing. The old Phongyee (priest),
with yellow garb, turned a wistful glance to the great pagoda,
as the smoke vanished from the landscape : the little Phongyee,
clinging to his garments, would surely see some great charge
in his native land, before he attained the age of his sacred
sire ; at present, they had the first or great change, security
under a new and liberal government. Everything breathed of
security ; and the contemplative Phongyee even began to forget
that he might have, without our conquest, become a miserable
victim of feudal days, while he gained from the Rangoon
authorities, on the asking, permission to place, with a view to
gilding, the unique and highly ingenious scaffolding of his
country around the exterior of the vast and solemn pile.*
Thus, in a matter of considerable moment, did we humour the
Burmese people ; although some short-sighted reformers would
infinitely have preferred our pulling down the noble edifice and
selling the bricks ! Such people have never yet aided, and
never will aid, the cause of Civilisation or Christianity in the
East by too hasty action. Conciliation must ever form the
basis of our Eastern policy.

In February 1855, the writer, after nearly three years resi-
dence in the country, left Burma f ; and the Burmese people,

* See note at the end of this Paper.

f He returned again in 1861, when he had the honour, on the recommenda-
tion of the Chief Commissioner, Colonel Phayre, C.B. (now Sir A. P. Phayre,
K.C.S.I.), of being appointed the first Inspector of Civil Schools in British
Burma. As superintendent of army schools, Madras Presidency, the writer
again visited Burma in 1S68, when he inspected the school of H.M.'s 24th
Regiment, giving the men a lecture on Charles XII. of Sweden ; and many
of the gallant fellows afterwards displayed the true courage of the "Iron
King" in the eventful Cape War (1879).

With reference to Education in Pegu, Sir Arthur Phayre did his utmost to
give the inhabitants a national system, founded on the best principles.

320 OUR BURMESE WARS.

there is every reason to believe, were then greatly pleased at
the change of masters. Discontented growlers there were, as
there are everywhere ; but there was, in the opinion of many
a close observer, no general discontent in the country. Among
other peaceful events in the East, 1854 was remarkable as the
year in which Indian and Burmese specimens of art and in-
dustry were procured for the Paris Exhibition of 1855. Peace
had indeed begun to assert her triumphant reign — Peace, the
greatest ornament and comfort that can be conferred upon
states.

We shall now proceed to take a very brief view of the con-
dition of Burma shortly after the conquest of Pegu, which
condition, as Macchiavelli said is occasionally the case with a
man, it is easier to understand than to define. It may aid
our purpose if we commence by condensing some facts, at the
time well known, relative to an embassy from Ava. We should
like to possess the discerning powers of some moral philosophers
who have in days gone by dissected for you, on paper, a co-
quette's head, or given you a lecture on the probable position
or quantity of a fop's brain, — that we might penetrate into, or
examine, the heads of the Burmese Envoys on their arrival in
Calcutta.

Not having the graphic powers of a Theophrastus or an
Addison, we must simply content ourselves with beholding in
the " mind's eye " the mental machinery of the Burmese
Envoys on their landing at Baboo's Ghat,* under a salute,
and while they proceeded in the Governor- General of India's
carriage to the fort.

" With such a splendid city, such a ( residence of Merchant
Kings,' what can the British possibly want with Pegu ? Let
us exceed the bounds of our mission and ask back the Province.
The ' strangers ' having taken our territory, how can friendship

* Tuesday, November 28(,li, Lb54.

burma in 1854-55. 321

exist between us ? If they wish for peace, they must give us
back Pegu. This is Burman custom. " So, perhaps, whis-
pered the principal Envoy * to the most astute and clever of
his five companions when they became fairly settled in their
strange abode.

Some amusing anecdotes regarding the Burmese Envoys
were current in Eangoon, one of which was that the Dalla
Woon (Minister) believed the greater portion of the guns of
Fort William to be wooden, until the sound of the metal proved
them to be genuine iron. Again, with regard to the Envoys,
it was said that the rooms of the Government House in which
they were located, furnished with many necessary European
comforts, did not at all meet with their approbation. The
rooms were too large, and the walls too white ; and they
longed for the real Burman house, and the close curtain to half
suffocate themselves in, and dream of Pya (Gautama). So
much for what some Orientals think of the civilisation of the
West. In Pegu, however, we found it amusing to meet with
people of the country using English washing-basins, tumblers,
bowls, and even decanters, for wrong purposes — proving, at
least, that they hold our manufactures in great esteem.

On Monday, the 11th December, Calcutta was enlivened by
the brilliant spectacle of the reception of the Burmese Envoys
in the marble hall of Government House. Everything was
done to render the scene as impressive as possible. The
Governor- General was there, and all the grand dignitaries of
the City of Palaces. The Chief Envoy advanced to the throne
with his own credentials and the royal letter from the Golden
Foot of Ava.

Then there was a conversation, through Major Phayre, the
Commissioner of Pegu, who acted as interpreter. Gifts, curious
and valuable, were then presented and received by our Govern-
ment and the Ambassadors. After a short time, passed in

* The old Dalla Woon, who was ruler of Dalla at the commencement of the
war in April 1852.

322 OUR BURMESE WARS.

conversation, the Envoys returned to their carriages; and,
under the shade of many umbrellas, were soon conveyed to
their mansion in the fort, and again secluded from the curious
gaze of a motley Calcutta world.

To cultivate friendship with the paramount power now na-
turally seemed to all to be the grand object of the Embassy.

At night, the ndts (fairies) of the Golden Land appeared
to one of the Envoys in a dream, while, disdaining the sump-
tuous couch prepared for him, he lay comfortably on the
floor.* These Glendoveers (good spirits) of the Gautamaic
creed, who

" In sportive flight were floating round and round,"f

prompted him to take advantage of British good nature, and
ask back the Province of Pegu. — On Saturday, the 23rd of
December, the parting interview took place. It was a business
interview of the most important nature. The Burmese Envoy
at length boldly proclaimed that he had come, by command of
the King of Ava, to seek restitution of the whole of the cap-
tured provinces in Burma ! The political gun had exploded ;
but with no deleterious effect. The Governor-General, as was
his wont, stood calm and collected ; and his answer, through
the interpreter (Major Phayre), to this cool request was —
"Tell them, that as long as the Sun shines in the Heavens,
the British Flag shall wave over those Possessions." —
Lord Dalhousie's reply was considered by a few gentle diplo-
matists to partake rather too much of the " Cambyses vein " ;
but this was a complete mistake. Nothing could have been
milder with the slightest pretension to decision of character,

* Ludicrous as it must appear, this position may easily have been realised,
if wo are to believe tbo assertion of a writer who evidently knew something
about the matter, " They (the Envoys) passed much of their time shivering
in the morning, looking wretched during the day, and (disdaining the bed)
building themselves up on the floor at night." Goldsmith's " Chinese Philo-
Bopher" was infinitely more in his element in London.

f ^outlay's " Curse of Kehama."

burma in 1854-55. 323

or upholding the dignity of the British Government. And
when, in after ages, men will search in Burma's history for
aught " to point a moral, or adorn a tale/' they will say, as we
do now, and as other candid actors in the Burmese theatre of
past events must be compelled to say, it would be difficult
to imagine any reply more dignified or suitable than such an
irrevocable, immutable, and final decision of the Governor-
General. — On Thursday, the 28th December, the Burmese
Woongees, with their suite and accompanied by Major Phayre,
took their departure in the Hon. Company's steamer "Sesostris"
for Rangoon and Ava.

After this important visit, a return Mission from our
Government proceeded .to Ava * (sometimes styled the Golden
City), the results of which, doubtless, under the able conduct
of Major Phayre, were highly beneficial to the Eastern world.
We can imagine the feelings of regret with which, at the close
of the First Burmese War, the British soldier turned his back
upon the capital of Alompra, when only three marches from
the city. But notwithstanding the patched-up and unsatis-
factory treaty of peace concluded at Yandaboo,f it is perhaps
as well we did not advance on and destroy the capital ; for Ava
is as dear to the Burman as London is to the Briton. And our
noble forbearance then, as in the Second Burmese War, must
have taught the people that even an Oriental despot might be
permitted to govern his subjects, if he could govern them well.
Under the reigning king it seemed possible that this good
government might be secured. He appeared to manifest a
friendly disposition towards the British, although we had
deprived him of Pegu ; and, while sorely feeling the loss of
such a fine province, it was now generally believed that he did not
authorise the Envoys from his Court to ask its cession. J It was

* See Captain H. Yule's " Narrative of a Mission to Ava in 1855."
t February 1826.

X It was believed by many, on the Mission departing for Calcutta, that the
Envoy would ask back the port of Bassein, and Meng-don, a principality of

21 *

324 OUR BURMESE WARS.

a Mission to cement friendship, and it was nothing more. This
was the brightest and most satisfactory side of the question,
although there was nothing extraordinary in a Burmese king
asking back from strangers, since he declared that he was not
the erring party, the glorious conquest of his ancestors. He
was soon said to be improving his kingdom of Ava in trade
and in agriculture ; the best thing he could do, since the de-
cision had gone forth, " irrevocable, immutable, and final/'
that Pegu was ours for ever !

It may now be well to state that the condition of our new
conquest in Eastern Asia, in 1854, was, considering the time
Pegu had been ours, truly marvellous. The sudden rise of
Rangoon, from a dirty town, to a flourishing commercial
capital, well laid out, — with its picturesque military canton-
ments, adorned with so many neat houses and excellent roads ;
its newly erected assembly rooms, with the general look of comfort
the town was beginning to wear, — seemed, as it were, a tran-
sition from darkness into light. Let us turn to Rangoon at the
end of 1854, and, comparing it with what the town was nearly
three years before, we may well say, " Look on this picture, and
on this/' Before, misery and starvation were to be seen in many
a countenance, while the small army of " men and boys, the
matron and the maid," proceeded to pay their devotions to
the god of their ancestors at his celebrated shrine. Now, well
dressed crowds, in holiday attire, — the Burmese ladies, fresh
from Vanity Fair, shining forth, as Goldsmith has it, " in all
the glaring trickery of dress/' proud rather than otherwise to be
gazed at by the English strangers, — wend their way to Gau-
tama's temple. And silently working for the conversion of our
new subjects, behold the amiable Protestant missionary, with

Ava. — To this note we may add (1879) that the present King takes his name
from Thee-bau — some seventy or eighty miles to the east of Mandalay — the
same way as the late King did from Meng-don. It is the custom to name the
princes of the Royal House after Principalities, the revenues of which are
generally given them " to eat" — in some en es also, we presume, to drink !

burma in 1854-55. 325

his not less amiable wife, surrounded by Karens, Takings, and
other tribes, paving the way, should peace continue, for the
exclamation of delighted surprise from the charmed and arrested
traveller, when he shall hear throughout Pegu the " hum of
missionary schools/'' and regale himself with the " lovely spec-
tacle of peaceful and Christian villages. "

And again, silently working, behold the disciples of the
Church of Rome — the Church, as Lord Macaulay says, " with
the principle of life still strong within her/' There she is with
her funds and her chapels, her persuasive priests, and her
wonderful management, silently working in Burma, as she has
long done in China ; causing us more than ever to say,
" When we reflect on the tremendous assaults which she has
survived, we find it difficult to conceive in what way she is
to perish."*

And silently working in the region of Science, now comes
forth that wonder of wonders, which is now fast progressing in
Pegu — the Electric Telegraph. Through this mighty agent the
Governor of Bengal will eventually receive intelligence from
Pegu in two or three hours. May we hope that the telegraphic
message may never be an announcement of the Russians pour-
ing down in Northern Burma ! With good roads, and the
electric telegraph, if they do come, what need we care if the
Indian Army be kept up to the requisite European strength ?
Then, to the three Presidencies it is simply

" A word — and the impulse is given;
A touch — and the mission has sped :—
Hurrah ! 'tis the best conjuration
That Science, the wizard, has done !
Through me nation speaks unto nation,
Till are are united in one."

* Macaulay's "Essays" — Ranke's History of the Popes. — "During the
reign of Louis XIV. several splendid attempts were made to propagate the
doctrines of the Church of Rome, and advance the interests of the French
nation in the kingdom of Siam ; but little is related of Ava or Pegu."

326 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Campbell declares, in his " Pleasures of Hope/' —

" The world was sad ! — the garden was a wild !
And man, the hermit, sigh'd — till woman smiled ! "

And not the least important light in the picture of civilisation
was now the appearance of so many European ladies in Pegu.
The resources of the new province were in course of develop-
ment, regarding which the Mission to Ava would probably
furnish us with more information. Coal, it was said, had been
discovered on the Irawady, of excellent quality, — a discovery of
infinite importance to the Government and steam navigation.
Of course, in a few years, Pegu will have its railway. Then
there is the new port at the mouth of the Bassein river, new
Bassein,* which would do an immense grain trade. Turn what
way we wished, the condition of Burma in 1854, more par-
ticularly Pegu, was highly gratifying. If dacoits were severely
and summarily dealt with, dacoity would soon be rare in the
land. But it must ever be remembered that this crime is,
like Thuggism in India, indigenous to the country. Many
persons hoped for an abrogation of the frontier duties ; but the
security of a new conquest must be maintained with money,
and taxation is the order of the day throughout the world.
So much, then, for the condition of Burma, at a time when
Government began wisely to think, in the words of Plutarch,
that it sufficed not to conquer alone — " Victory must be made
profitable." — [The frontier duties were abrogated in 1863.]

NOTES.

Gilding the Great Pagoda.

The Burmese mode of erecting the scaffolding around the Great

Pagoda struck us as being most ingenious. Every one assisted in

bringing material for the huge frame-work. Even the women, in

* Or Dalhousie, so styled, of course, after tho celebrated Marquis. [It is
situated some sixty miles below Bassein, near tho mouth of the river ; but, on
account of extensive flowing a few years since, was ruined, and is now (1864)
abandoned as a station.]

GILDING THE GREAT PAGODA. 327

holiday attire — with the glittering nadoung (ear-ring) and the
gold chain — came forth to assist in the religious duty. Many
females and young children were to be seen wandering from Kem-
mendine ; first with bamboos, and eventually with chatties of
water, requisite for cleaning the temple before the operation of
gilding. A strong foundation beiug made, the bamboo frame-
work gradually ascended to a height of more than three hundred
feet, to the astonishment of the inhabitants of Rangoon. The
huge pile then resembled a temple of wicker-work, admirably pre-
serving the bell-like form of a portion of the structure, beside
which the colossal human images used by the Druids of old in
their sacrifices would have made an appropriate ornament. The
exterior of the temple was not touched by the general frame-
work, allowing space sufficient for a man to perform the opera-
tion of gilding, which, from the curious arrangement of the
bamboo, he could do in perfect safety. The scaffolding was
brought to the base of the tee (umbrella) ; and through a tele-
scope it was interesting to observe what might form a striking
picture of the huge pile. First, you beheld the parapet, then the
dark fan-like palms, then the old dark base rings of the pagoda,
then the bamboo-work (which was eventually covered with mats),
then the gorgeous tee of Gautama, for the time divested of its
gold and silver bells. In the great tee, we heard, there were
about six hundred silver bells, twenty of pinchbeck, and fifteen
of gold. One of the gold bells was found to be six pounds in
weight, with a golden leaf,* as usual, attached to the tongue,
a present from the late King Tharawadi's daughter. Some of
the silver bells weighed seventeen pounds and a half. Each
bell was inscribed with the name of the donor, and some of the
small gold bells were adorned with jewels. Each bell was attached
to the rich gilt tee by a hook ; and no difficulty was experienced in
handing down the bells, which was done by arranging a string of
men from the tee to the base, a select few who were allowed to
touch the precious offerings. On the completion of the gilding, the
bells were to be restored to their former position.

The gilding, which was only to extend to the upper portion
of the pagoda, was just commencing when the writer left Burma,

* "Waring golden leaves attached to tinkling bells, rich gold work, all so
strictly protected by the golden ' tee,' draw forth admiration." — Narrative.

328 OUR BURMESE WARS.

and the expense, defrayed by a Burmese subscription, was esti-
mated at between forty thousand and fifty thousand rupees
(four thousand five hundred pounds). According to Havelock,
the glittering coating of the temple was last renewed in 1817,
if we recollect right, at a much less cost. [The height of the
pagoda, as before remarked, is upwards of three hundred and
twenty-one feet. The terrace on which it stands is about nine
hundred feet long, and six hundred and eighty-five feet broad ; it
is elevated above the inferior terrace by a wall fifteen feet high.
Shwe Dagon is encircled, at some distance, by smaller pagodas, all
possessing more or less beauty. The scene from the upper terrace
is most imposing ; either by moonlight, with huge grotesque faces
peering out upon you ; or in the broad day, when the golden
summits of the temples are glittering in the fiery sun.]

II.

Sparseness of Population and Health op the
Indigenous Races.*

Sparseness of population anywhere is a serious subject. It
suggests various trains of thought to the mind. Emigration,
caused by bitter want and local distress, — emigration, caused
by cruel wars and oppression ; increase of mortality from
neglect of women and children (the latter in early infancy) —
may turn us at once, with regard to emigrants or people forced
to leave their homes, to think of the " Deserted Village " of
Goldsmith ; and again, in the realms of poetry, to " Evangeline,

* This paper is a portion of a review of Reports on the Health and Popula-
tion of the Indigenous Races of British Burma, ordered by Colonel (Sir
Arthur) Phayre. The writer received the following kind note, when tin- Chief
Commissioner had done him the honour to peruse his paper : — " Accept my
best thanks for your very interesting chapter on the Health of the Indigenous
Peoples of British Burma. I fool assured that your work will be read with
deep interest, and have no doubt will cause the country to be known and
appreciated in quarters where otherwise it never would have been heard of." —
Under the title of " The Conquest of Pegu," the author had intended to pub-
lish his two Narratives in one volume, while at Rangoon, in 1864.

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 329

a Tale of Arcadie " j while, with reference to the management
of infancy, we turn in prose to where a chief evil existing in
Burma has the remedy at once suggested, by simply going back
eighty years to wise old Benjamin Franklin, who wrote on early
marriages, holding forth their advantages in a rising country to
his " Dear Jack " : — " By these early marriages we are blessed
with more children ; and from the mode among us, founded by
nature, of every mother suckling and nursing her own child,
more of them are raised. Thence the swift progress of population
among us, unparalleled in Europe/' Such was an opinion on
the cause of a large population in America by a philosopher,
whose penetrating eye nothing could escape, the best informed
man of his time. Turning from Franklin, who could write an
essay on a whistle, teach the city of Paris, by statistics, the
economy of using " sunshine instead of candles M ; who could
ascertain the nature of lightning by the most simple means,
and then treat the subject of population — all with equal facility
— we arrive at the second page of the interesting brochure on
which we now intend to make a few brief remarks, furnishing
also a portion of what is valuable therein, and thus forming
what may be considered a fitting chapter in the history of the
" Conquest of Pegu."

From the " Report by the Medical Officer of Eamree "*
(Mr. Thomas), we learn, with reference to Burmese women and
children, that ''there is a pernicious practice prevalent among
the people of giving unnatural food to infants at a very early
age. The natural aliment of the child is the mother's milk,
but scarcely is a Burmese child a week old, when boiled rice is
taken into the mouth by the mother, or by any other female
relative, and is chewed into a pulp, and with this pulp the poor
little creature is daily fed."

Another evil is now noticed — want of clothing. " A dis-

* District of Ramree ia in Arakan.

330 OUR BURMESE WARS.

regard to cleanliness is an evil also, and the want of proper
ventilation in the houses is no less so. Burmese medicine, I
may add, is very rude, and all these combined operate with
deleterious influence on human life ; and although the people
of British Burma may have fine houses and plenty of grain
food with numerous children born to them, still will the nu-
merical bulk of the nation be affected as long as the people
cleave to this " (alluding also to the absurd treatment of the
woman and child on the occasion of a birth) " barbarous
mode of treating their women and children."

Few people will deny the truth of the remark, that a greater
number of children all over the world do not annually die at
birth, is in itself a wonder. We read, in one of Dr. Combe's
treatises, of the care required in Great Britain to rear even a
healthy infant.* We should like to know what he of the
present, or Dr. Hunter of the last century would have said to
the indiscriminate use of the cold bath, followed up by quick
firing, or the " roasting plan/' for the mother, and " pulpy
chewed rice " for the small particle of humanity just appeared
on the stage ! Hunter would have called his man John (this
was the name of his favourite servant) immediately, and,
doubtless, would have said to him, " Hang at every Burmese
threshold my three rules for the rearing of healthy children, —

PLENTY OF MILK, PLENTY OF SLEEP, AND PLENTY OF FLANNEL ! "

These the celebrated John Hunter has handed down to posterity.
With the observation of such rules, our wonder would no longer
increase at the fewness of deaths among Burmese and other
children of the East. Colonel Phayre inquiresf why the
people of British Burma, possessing all those circumstances
which are considered favourable to increase of population, are

* Combe says that " between a third and a half of all the children ushered
into the world die within the first five years after birth."

+ In his " Memorandum on the Sparseness of Population in British
Burma."

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 331

not more numerous than we now find them ? among the cir-
cumstances considered favourable, enumerating "natural fertility
of soil, general healthiness of climate, the use of rice as the
chief article of food, the non-oppressive character of the Go-
vernment under which the people reside, and their descent
from the same stock as the prolific Chinese." In the Chief
Commissioner's opinion, " the following appear to be the most
obvious remedies against disease and the number of early
deaths, which there is reason to conclude occur among the
indigenous races of Burma. These are vaccination, improved
sanitary arrangements, the establishment of dispensaries, and
instruction of natives of the country in the science of medi-
cine " ; and, since the Reports now under consideration were
written, " measures have been adopted for commencing the
above plan." In fact, the famous saying of the American
essayist,* " To think is to act ! " has been wisely carried out
during our British policy in Burma. And we all know that
the grand requisite for a political officer in the East is decision
of character, of that nature which the eloquent pen of John
Foster has described, without which he is nothing, or, locally
speaking, worse than nothing ! In the " Report " from the pen
of Colonel Fytche,t he writes to the Chief Commissioner : — " In
a beautiful and fertile country like Burma, and inhabited by
such a robust race, the sparseness of its population must strike
the most indifferent person with surprise. The most generally
received idea regarding this scarcity of population is, I believe,
the great mortality of children between five and fifteen years of
age. This, however, I imagine to be a popular error, for since
we have taken possession of Tenasserim and Arakan, the
country being freed from either internecine or foreign wars,
and the people allowed to settle q*uietly down in towns and
villages, the population has increased much more than two-fold :

* Emmerson.

f Commissioner of Tenasserim.

332 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the official returns showing a term of about thirty years as the
period within which the population has doubled itself, and
which does not by any means compare unfavourably with the
increase of either any European or Asiatic race we are ac-
quainted with."

According to this Commissioner, then, devastating hostilities
or remorseless wars appear as the chief causes of a scarcity of
population for the past, while, from a practical knowledge of
the subject, gained by many years residence in Burma, he
holds out great hopes for the present, or for the country under
British rule. Regarding the " chronic state of internecine
warfare " in Burma, one or two facts may be here brought
forward. The oppression of the Takings (or Peguers) by the
Burmese is known to the reader of history. The Takings,
long oppressed after their conquest by the Burmese, became
special objects of hatred when the British forces unhappily
withdrew from Pegu in 1826, leaving the Peguers, our friends
during the First Burmese War, to Burman vengeance and
cruelty. The subsequent years, till British annexation in 1853,
witnessed increasing severities ; " and the race is now greatly
diminished." But, prior to our first war with Burma, not only
cruelty, and oppression, and murder thinned the fertile pro-
vinces of the Delta, but emigration did its work in a very
considerable degree. This, of course, was caused by cruelties
practised. Deing Woon, who delighted in the sight of gibbeted
or crucified bodies, it is said, caused the emigration of some
twenty thousand families of Peguese into Siam, which, although
enduring far better treatment, they feel to this day is not the
land of their fathers. It is little more than fifty years since
that the condition of the interior of Ava became equally de-
plorable with that of the river banks. Villages and towns were
everywhere deserted ; robbers and insurgents ranged about the
country, and " many of the harassed inhabitants, at the risk of
their lives, openly expressed their wishes that the English
would either take the country or allow them to migrate to

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 333

Bengal." These facts alone, which we have derived from
various sources, prove how much reason upholds Colonel
Fytche's argument regarding the sparseness of population in
Burma. Turning to the history of British colonisation also, we
find a reduction of population from various significant causes.
In Virginia, for instance, the first colony in which we settled
in America, the tribes were originally strong enough so destroy
three separate and powerful bodies of colonists, who acted like
brutal invaders, after being received with a welcome. But
their thousands of warriors of 1607 were reduced two-thirds
in sixty-two years " by our spirituous liquors, by our diseases,
by our wars, and by an abridgment of territory, fatal to a
people who lived much on the spontaneous productions of
nature." In twenty years more they were quite weakened ;
and, at the end of the next century, nearly all had perished.
Wars and a consequent abridgment of territory here pro-
ducing sparseness of population, again support the views of
Colonel Fytche ; while it is curious to remark that, by the
invasion of Virginia we ruined the population, through the
conquest of Pegu we have increased, and are going on steadily
increasing it !

Doubtless, we have made vast improvement in the way of
ordering matters in a new country. This becomes evident
from simply reading about Virginia — a country " purchased,"
in " unexceptionable form," to use the words of Jefferson,* by
the English, whose reserved districts were "kept from en-
croachment by the authority of the laws, and who usually had
white protectors to watch over their interests." We ponder
and inquire, How could almost extinction be the 'fate of a
people who were so cherished? We know of no other answer
to this question but that of an improved system of colonisation,

* " Notes on Virginia," quoted by S. Bannister in his " British Colonisa-
tion," &c.

334 OUR BURMESE WARS.

or of our manner of conduct after conquest ; and this has been
admirably exemplified in the conquest of Pegu.

Causes of the decay in numbers in Burma, before we an-
nexed Pegu, now become susceptible of a simple solution : —
the whole made clear from the " interesting and useful reports "
furnished to the Chief Commissioner — Colonel Fytche believing
" that mortality is not greater amongst the people of British
Burma than in other Asiatic countries " ; and he has no doubt
that ' l the establishment of dispensaries throughout the country,
with properly educated practitioners, would considerably de-
crease the mortality now existing." True enough, he considers
that time and civilisation alone must teach the people.

Dr. Donnelly, Civil Surgeon of Mergui, furnishes a very
interesting report. He is the grand advocate for properly
educated practitioners in the science of medicine. The best of
the Burmese students who have passed the prescribed exami-
nation, in the opinion of Dr. Donnelly, should be selected to
fill all those hospital appointments at present held by natives
of India, — who, having few feelings or sympathies in common
with the Burmese, never obtain their respect or their confi-
dence,— to take charge of village dispensaries and to act as
vaccinators throughout the district. With a few and inex-
pensive changes, the doctor thinks, we could do much towards
lessening the present rate of mortality.

Dr. Marr, Civil Surgeon of Maulmain, likewise strongly
advocates the extension of vaccination, and the establishment
of dispensaries throughout the country, in charge of properly
educated practitioners. Alluding to the mortality of Burmese
infants, from causes similar to those we have before alluded to,
this medical officer brings forth a curious fact, which we
believe may be applied to the children of all Asiatic nations,
that they get through the process of dentition with greater
facility than European children.

Dr. A. J. Cowie, Civil Surgeon of Rangoon, furnishes a most
elaborate and valuable report on the sparseness of population

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 335

in British Burma. The learned surgeon takes a very compre-
hensive view of the subject, worthy of one holding such a
situation as his at the great commercial capital. But, on one
or two points, we either do not quite understand him, or his
opinion appears to be rather sudden. For instance, he cites
wars and bad governments as one of the given chief causes for
a sparseness of population, the truth of which he proceeds to
examine. " Could we attribute sparseness of population," he
says, " to successive and great wars, then surely we could
expect to find a great preponderance of women over men, which
is not the case." Now we are of opinion that men, women,
and children, in countries without the light of civilisation, suffer
nearly equally by war — internecine wars especially producing
the desire of mutual extermination. Warlike gentlemen such as
Messrs. Deing Woon, Generals Roung-Roung and Bandoola in
the first, and such as Myat-htoon in the second Burmese war,
would think little of sparing woman and child in their tiger-
like thirst for blood. Doubtless, they frequently thought how
much sooner the cause would be won by taking " all the little
chickens and their dam at one fell swoop ! "

No finer touch of human nature is to be found in literature
than when Macduff, hearing of the murder of his wife and
children, inquires of the messenger — " Did you say all ? "
Nature is nearly the same in all countries ; and this pathetic
question from the genius of Shakspeare has often rung through
the Burman vales and forests !

In 1812, we read, the Viceroy of Pegu "monopolised the
supply of coffins " ; and very well he might have done so if
his cruelty was nearly equal [to that of the Viceroy, two years
before, who was ordered up to the Court of Ava with a chain
round his neck. Opium smoked and spirits drank by the
troops, and being too lenient, were the charges against him.
He had taken off too few heads since his arrival in Rangoon.
A very short time before, this "mild person" had ordered
twelve men, women, and children, who had deserted from him

836 OUR BURMESE WARS.

to an obnoxious rival; to be murdered in a manner that we
dare not put on paper. The execution of the sentence, how-
ever, was prevented by the " urgent entreaties of the British
Envoy." Being murdered or starved were too frequently the
fate of the poor women and children, during peace as well as
war. Children of various ages were frequently brought to
Captain Canning (whose mission took place in 1809) whose
fathers had been driven to the wars, and whom their mothers
entreated him to accept, " in hopes of procuring for their
wretched offspring that sustenance which they were unable to
get for themselves." We have no doubt, if we could collect
records of the oppressive mode of recruiting the Burman armies
and of the conduct of the opposing nations* during the wars,
quite enough evidence would appear to show that, during at
least a century, men, women, and children have suffered
dreadfully ; especially in Pegu, when the star of Alompra, the
hunter, became lord of the ascendant !

Again, the Civil Surgeon commences his report by remarking
that "Colonel Phayre has shown us, that the population of
British Burma was never more numerous than it is at present."
The Chief Commissioner also commences the section, Popu-
lation, in his Administrative Report for 1862-63, by stating,
what deserves the consideration of all rulers, that. " the popu-
lation of British Burma increases rapidly; partly from im-
migration, and partly, it is to be hoped, from natural causes.
The causes of the paucity of population in Chin-India remain
to be ascertained. Increase appears to be an established fact/'
Captain Harrison (Deputy Commissioner) writes, regarding the
Mcrgui district : — " There is a fair annual increase to the
population, and when more accurate statistics have been col-
lected I think it will be found that the increase amounts to
about twenty or twenty-two per thousand per annum, and at

Burmese, Chinese, Siamese, and Peguese.

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 337

this rate the population would double itself in about thirty-
three ^ years." Colonel Fytche also mentions increase. We
have had the Tenasserim Provinces about forty years — Pegu
not yet twelve; surely, then, on the same principles, there is
hope for the new conquest ! It appears difficult, therefore, to
see cause for remarking, after allusion to "wars and bad
governments": — "enough, whether the people increased or
not, before the advent of British rule, is not to the point — what
is now keeping the increase of the population in check is the
difficulty to be solved, for wars can have nothing to say in
the matter, and the country can boast of a good and just
Government."* If by increase kept in check, non-increase be
meant, then the author of the report in question has the autho-
rity of Colonel Brown, Deputy Commissioner, Prome, to
support him, — " I am of opinion that the non-increase of the
population of the country is not solely the effect of any one
special cause, but that of a combination of influences which
are in operation at the same time." f The population of
British Burma, however, does not appear to be stationary,
but increasing, as already asserted in two cases with statistical
proof !

Dr. Cowie informs us that small-pox in Burma is a much
milder and far less fatal disease than it is in Great Britain.
Regarding this disease, Dr. Marr asserts that " epidemics of
small-pox exercise a considerable influence on the population.
. . . To children unprotected by either vaccination or in-
oculation, the disease proves very fatal." For not being
vaccinated, while we write, at least in Rangoon, no one can
have any excuse ; for all are invited to come to the dispensary
by the Civil Surgeon, and receive what the genius of Jenner
provided for them ; and this is announced in Burmese as well
as in English, in the public journals. Referring to inoculation,

Page 37. t Page 74.

338 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Dr. Cowie brings forward an interesting remark which will be
new to many readers : — " Our greatest living Physician says of
Lady Mary Wortley Montague — ' We owe the actual intro-
duction of the practice of inoculation'' — a wise and justifiable
measure in the absence of vaccination — into Great Britain to
the good sense and courage of an English lady."

Cholera in Burma is only " an occasional visitant/' and
seldom severe in its outbreaks. It is not endemic, as in many
parts of India ; and, writes Dr. Marr, " visits Burma at long
intervals." Of this destroyer, we have thus two valuable me-
dical opinions, in addition to that of the Chief Commissioner
(as regarding its destructiveness) , justly coinciding.

Fevers of the country, opium smoking and eating, housing,
food, ardent spirits, and a variety of other topics, are all
touched on by the fertile pen of Dr. Cowie. Regarding
" Ardent Spirits " — to all military officers a most important
subject as regards discipline — the Civil Surgeon of Rangoon
asserts what should shame many a European who boasts of
enlightenment and civilisation ! " I have not yet, in all my
experience, met with a case of ' delirium tremens ' among the
Burmese ; and I will venture to say, that no other medical man
who has resided in this country ever has either. The Burmese are
not at all given to drunkenness." Dr. Cowie concludes a most
interesting report, extending to fifty-three sections, with the
remark, which has been so often applied to advocate the cause
of Female Education in India : — " It is through the /women
that we must expect to reform the Burmese, and they are
under the influence of the Phongyees ! "

Valuable papers from Major Ardagh (Officiating Commis-
sioner of Pegu), Mr. E. O'Riley, Rev. Mr. Beecher, Dr. Davis,
Captain M. Lloyd, and others, also throw light on the sparse-
ness of population in British Burma, forming a valuable col-
lection of statistics, from which also a good idea of the health
of the indigenous peoples of the country may be gained. — The
Andaman Islands (which came under the Government of British

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 339

Burma about March 1864), although extensive, have a popu-
lation of less than three thousand original inhabitants. These
are a singular race, resembling a degenerate race of negroes —
five feet in height, eyes small and red, and skin of a deep dull
black. They are not cannibals, as has been supposed. How
they came there is not yet decided. They belong, we believe,
to the same race as the inhabitants of the Nicobar Islands —
not a hundred miles distant. But the affinity between the
people of the Andamans and Nicobars is yet to be established
by fact.

The story of the advent of the Andamanites is, that of a ship
being wrecked while conveying pilgrims to or from Mecca, and
depositing its strange "cargo" on these islands. But this
would appear to be more possible than probable. Facts re-
garding the health and population of these curious people are
required. Recently a party of officers from Rangoon visited
the Andamans, and brought away several items of information,
as well as a few specimens of fish and fossils, interesting to the
naturalist. Dr. Smith examined some peculiarity about the
teeth of an Andamanite.* The scenery of the Islands was
considered to be very beautiful in parts ; the hospitality of
the Superintendent, Major Ford, was great ; and the party left
the islands for Rangoon, justly reckoning among the " green
spots " in memory's waste their visit to the " Cannibal Islands" !
— But, to return to the land of Burma.

After receipt of the Reports on health and population, a

* On inquiring from our learned and obliging friend, the Deputy Inspector-
General of Hospitals, what this peculiarity was, he sent us the following
note : — " The peculiarity is this : — The Eye-tooth (Dens Cannia) is placed out-
side, and on a level with the first Bicuspid. Tops of molars worn flat, as in
all tribes that feed on roots." Inquiring, also, regarding some skulls he had
brought from the Andamans, Dr. Smith informed us, that the skull is well-
developed — belonging, most likely, to " Negrello," or Dwarf Negroes.
Another esteemed traveller to the Andamans mentions the absence of the
receding or monkey forehead !

22 *

340 OUR BURMESE WARS.

valuable little pamphlet — " Queries respecting the Human
Race, Addressed to Travellers, By a Committee of the British
Association for the Advancement of Science/' fell into our
hands. We believe that it was printed by order of the Chief
Commissioner, in order to obtain reports on the various sub-
jects from officers in the province. One set of answers, some
months ago, had been received from Dr. Mason, which were
considered to be " exceedingly interesting " ; and which we
trust may be laid before that learned body, the Asiatic Society.
Regarding this Society, the prophecy of Sir William Jones — the
motto of their Calcutta journal — has been well fulfilled : — " The
bounds of its investigation will be the geographical limits of
Asia ; and within these limits its inquiries will be extended to
whatever is performed by man or produced by nature/' In
their museum in Calcutta (thanks to Mr. Bligh), we saw beasts
and birds from Burma; and now, through the researches and
energy of the Chief Commissioner and others, they have a
flood of light thrown on the various interesting races of the
country !

We shall now enrich this rather discursive paper with some
already published matter on the sparseness of population, and
other statistical information, commencing with Dr. Mason, who
has furnished a critique on the Reports. If there be one man
more qualified than another, not in the medical profession, to
give an opinion on the health of and sparseness of population
among the indigenous peoples of British Burma, that man,
perhaps, is Dr. Mason, of Toungoo. His valuable statistics
cause us regret, when we read (what would support, regarding
one race, the views of Dr. Cowie) that the Karens, under the
most favourable circumstances, are not increasing. But we
think it will interest many to insert the learned Doctor's
critical notice entire : —

" It was a happy thought in the Chief Commissioner to propose
the inquiries which have produced these Reports. We have thus
brought together the knowledge of all the men best acquainted

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 341

with the subject, from every part of the country. The Reports
contain a miscellaneous mass of information that may be divided
into : —

1. Statistics. These all adding to our knowledge of the country,
are all valuable.

2. Plans for obtaining more accurate statistics. These are of
mixed value : some not being quite practicable.

3. Causes of the sparseness of population. These are somewhat
contradictory. Those that are valid are exaggerated. A European
does not suffer by exposing his face to the weather, and the body
of a native is all face.

4. Proposals to Government to take measures to preserve the
population. Perhaps all is here proposed that Government can
do ; and it is satisfactory to know, from the Chief Commissioner's
introduction, that arrangements have been made to carry out the
plans proposed.

Still it can scarcely be said that the cause of the sparseness
has been revealed, for most of the causes to which it is attributed
exist in Hindustan and China, where the population abounds. We
need in the first instance, accurate and extensive statistics, as a
basis on which to ascertain the exact state of the question. Since
the reports pertain principally to the Burmese, we will contribute
an item to the statistics of the Karens in this district.

In 1859 we took the census of nearly one hundred and fifty
Christian villages, and found in them about twenty-six thousand
inhabitants. In 1860 we required the native Assistants to note
the births and deaths in their villages, and to report annually to
the Associations.

This they have done ever since, but, as from one cause or another,
the Eeports have never been complete, we prefer to call the popula-
tion reported on, in round numbers, twenty-five thousand. The
births and deaths for the last four years were reported : —

1860, Births, 496, rt. 1-90. Deaths, 700, rt. 2-8.

1861, „ 763, „ 3-05. „ 891, „ 3-56.

1862, „ 801, „ 3-20. „ 518, „ 2-07.

1863, „ 659, „ 2-63. „ 644, „ 2-57.

Average, Birth-rate 2-69. Death-rate 275.

The churches report also annually the number of baptized Chris-
tians that have died during the year, and as few are baptized under

342 OUR BURMESE WARS.

fifteen years of age, we thus obtain the death-rate of a class of
the population, exclusive of children. The returns for the last
nine years are : —

1855

Of 2,010 baptized, 64 died.

Eate 3-1.

1856

„ 2,660

„ 31.

1857

„ 2,706

„ 2-4.

1858

„ 3,739

108

„ 2-8.

1859

„ 4,142

190

„

„ 4-5.

1860

„ 4,531

146

„

„ 3-2.

1861

„ 4,907

174

„ 3-5.

1862

„ 5,307

120

„ 2-2.

1863

„ 5,085

157

„ 3-0.

rerage of nine

years,

Death-rate 2-9.

The great difference that is seen in the numbers of different
years is not to be attributed to the inaccuracy of the reports. We
know that such differences often occur.

These statistics prove very conclusively that the Karens, under
the most favourable circumstances, in this district are not increas-
ing.

The high death-rate among the Church members may arise from
a large proportion of elderly people being baptized. But it seems
to indicate that the deaths in infancy are not disproportionate."
(From the " Toungoo News Sheet," October 1864, an interesting
little journal— pro deo et ecclesia — edited by Dr. Mason.)

For the sake of variety, we now give a portion of a rather
able letter, contributed to the " Rangoon Times/' and headed

SPAESENESS OF POPULATION IN BEITISH BUEMA.

" Sir —

I have of late seen several articles treating on the sparse-
ness of population in British Burma, among the rest a very able
one by Captain Fitzroy, in the " Gazette " of 27th September 1864.
Granting that he has used the subject with skill, ability, and
much information, I would oppose my arguments to his, on the
ground that he has been led by appearances and not by facts. For
instance, in his first deduction he comes to the conclusion that
countries are populous in proportion to the facilities with which

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 343

they can produce or acquire food. I would oppose this position,
by stating that rather, as land is cultivated in proportion to the
number of its inhabitants, and that when the population is con-
trasted, that seven hundred and seventy-seven Chinese cultivate
one square mile, whilst seven hundred and ninety-three Burmese
are required to do the same work : it necessarily follows, that the
Chinese are more efficient in that work by sixteen. This, of course,
is owing to the superiority of the one over the indolence of the
other.

Men are social creatures, and in consequence are always found
together, so if a settlement is formed of ten families, the houses
will be found together, as the centre of their industry ; but if the
number be increased, then the radii of their industry become so
elongated that some are obliged to emigrate to some other centres,
and thus another and another sphere of industry follows, yet all will
keep together, as close as possible, the one only being separated
from the other by his requirements. Thus, if we say that ten is
sufficient for one house, then four houses might be set together, at
the point where the four houses meet, or they may be the centres
of each square, or they may be centres of the side of those
squares ; and thus we find that each house that is established
forms its own area of industry, which separates it from the rest,
whilst the general wants of all are supplied at a central position,
which forms the town or city, and this town or city will be large in
proportion to the number of cultivators. Thus, if fifty cultivators
require two blacksmiths, four carpenters, three shoemakers, three
tailors, one butcher, one doctor, &c. &c, then a hundred will require
twice as many. The land is cultivated because there were men to
cultivate it, and not because the land was good. In proof of this,
look to the fertile wilds of Australia, America, and Africa, also of
our colony of Burma — hence so much land is cultivated in China
because there are so many men in the country, and so little is
cultivated in Burma because the population is so small. Compare
the population of England to its extent, and we find three hundred
and thirty-six souls to each square mile, whilst for real purposes
of cultivation sixteen men and their families are quite enough to
cultivate a square mile; and allowing that four acres are
enough for meat and bread to a family for a year, sixteen men and
their families, by cultivation, provide food for one hundred and
fifty-eight families. Again, allowing the requirements of sixteen

344 OUR BURMESE WARS.

families demand the assistance of sixteen families more, we yet
have the food of one hundred and twenty-six families to spare.
Now to confine one hundred and fifty-eight families, or say five
hundred souls, on one square mile of land, not allowing them any
other resources, would of necessity reduce them to idleness, though
they would find sufficient food ; consequently when seven hundred
and seventy-seven men are counted to a square mile, it is not for
the extent of cultivation, but from the concentration of trade and
other industry among them."

[The writer now is off to China, England, and Bengal ; turns
to the book of Genesis ; lays a great stress on love displayed
to parents as a cause of increase, and the breach of the Divine
command to " honour thy father and thy mother " as certainly
producing a decrease of population in a country. He touches
also on early destruction of children in Burma, and great
mortality among mothers in child-birth.]

He sums up the reasons for the sparseness of the population in
British Burma, which are, he says, —

"1st. The father and mother do not want children.

2nd. Many mothers die from unskilled treatment during child-
birth.

3rd. Children die from want and neglect.

4th. Epidemics carry off large numbers, in which the native
physicians give great help.

We may before long add that no small number will be carried
off by drink. Drunkenness is a well-known hindrance to in-
crease.

I would propose two points of inquiry to the Government.

1st. Is the population of Bengal greater now than it was ten,
twenty, thirty, forty, and fifty years ago?

2nd. Why are there so few children in Kangoon between the
ages of ten and fourteen years ?

Tours truly,

Witness."

In concluding the subject, it may be remarked that we do not
go along with the above writer in all he has advanced; but,

POPULATION AND HEALTH. 345

doubtless, there is reason in him ; and as, in this enlightened
age, the opinion of every well-wisher of a country meets, or
should meet, with respect, so we value what he has written, in
addition to the various reports so briefly touched on in this
paper. Since these were written, measures of a remedial
nature have been adopted and commenced, at the instigation
of the Chief Commissioner. Throughout the country, doubt-
less, everything beneficial to the native races will soon be in
train for increased health, and consequent increase of popu-
lation, as has for many years been the case, with reference to
peace and commercial prosperity, among Europeans and others
in British Burma.

STATISTICAL NOTE.

The total population of Rangoon, according to the census taken
on December 24th, 1869, is set down at 96,942, or an increase of
24,267 in three years, the population at the last enumeration being
72,675. These comprise— Burmese, 52,732; Takings, 9,183 ; Shans,
2,219 ; Chinese, 3,44U ; Natives of India, 28,946 ; Malays, 103 ;
Arakanese, 139 ; Armenians, 162 ; Europeans and East Indians,
1,619; other races, 128; total males, 61,978; females, 34,964;
grand total, 96,942. It was in 1872 considerably upwards of
100,000. The following are the principal towns having a popula-
tion of 10,000 :— Eangoon, 100,000; Maulmain, 53,653; Prome,
24,682 ; Bassein, 19, 577 ; Akyab, 15,281 ; Henzada, 15,285 ; Tavoy,
14,467; Shwe Doung, 12,411. In 1871-72 there were only 6,058
police employed in British Burma = 1 policeman to every 423
persons, and to upwards of fifteen square miles of country !*

* This fact says much for the peaceful character of a population of over three
millions. The increase of population in Arakan and Tenasserim has been
wonderful. In 1826 they were annexed, with populations respectively of one
hundred thousand and seventy thousand. In 1855 Arakan increased to three
hundred and fifty thousand, and Tenasserim to more than two hundred and ten
thousand. " Within thirty years," says General Fytche, " the population of
both provinces had trebled under British rule." The maritime population of
British Burma has been reckoned at a million.

346

OUR BURMESE WARS.

III.

A Brief Review of the Progress of Trade, and Sketch of

the Prospects of Pegu.*

Commerce.
To this the present prosperity of Pegu is entirely due ; and it
will, no doubt, prove interesting to review briefly the progress
of trade in this province, during the brief period it has enjoyed
the privilege of being under the British rule, and the probable
future, in a commercial point of view, of this most rapidly
flourishing of Her Majesty's dependencies in the East.

There are, at present, only two places of export by sea in
Pegu — Rangoon and Bassein. The following is an abstract of
the exports and imports from Rangoon for the past nine years,
from which it will be seen that the tonnage of the vessels has
been nearly doubled, that the value of the exports has been
nearly five times increased, and that the import and export
duties have likewise been increased from one hundred and
fifty-six thousand to eight hundred and forty-eight thousand
rupees within that period. The only check to the further
progress of the country is the obstructiveness of the Burmese
Court.

Official

Import

Export

Merchan-

Import

Export

Total

Year.

Tonnage.

Imported.

Exported.

Duty.

Tons.

Rupees.

1855-56

138,881

131,5-16 10,692,021

3,701,187 110,1S6! 46,490

156,676

1856-57

133,745

133,059 111,15 1,1'.',:,

5,354,791 122,353 ', 52,604 174,957

1857-58

217,884

195,606 Il3,51 1,981

8,318,317 113,004 i 110, 127 i 253,431

1858-59

167,378

171,128 112,743,744

8,566,817 178,240 ! 96,456
7,210,536i 293,704 121,357

274,696

1859-60

116,879

133,062 12,532,815

41S,061

1860-61

131,029

126,616 13,231,628

7,830,2811 365,354 223,212

588,566

1861-62

172,663

169,916 14,026,757

12,387,682, 102 029 408,616

810,646

1862-63

1.67,096

172,983

I 1,668,775

13,305,236 290,156 399,439

689,595

1863-64

252,813

226,252

16,901,031

L7,34S,437 272,737 575,309

818,046

* From Notes received October 4th, 1864, ] from a " merchant king " at
Rangoon, who, at the author's request, furnished the information.

TRADE AND PROSPECTS OF PEGU. 347

The exports of rice from Bassein have increased in much
the same proportion, but the imports at that port are but
trifling.

Rangoon, by its position — being only about twenty miles
from the entrance of the eastern branch of the Irawady, which
is deep and broad enough to enable ships of almost any size
to sail up to the town, — is particularly well placed for com-
mercial purposes ; and, even to a stranger, it is apparent that
no site could be better adapted for an almost endless increase
of traffic, with hardly any other assistance than what Nature
has so liberally provided. Several ships, drawing over twenty-
five feet of water, have sailed safely to sea without steam ; but
one or two powerful boats are much wanted, to prevent de-
tention to the vessels by contrary winds, and such, doubtless
will soon be forthcoming.

Rangoon is behind in facilities for repairing vessels, such
having either to go on a rather rough gridiron, exposed to the
tide-way, or to go on a slip dock without gates in the Govern-
ment dockyard, on both of which the ships have either to
be scuttled, or float with every tide. A new patent slip
is, however, projected, and, when finished, will prove of
much use to vessels requiring repairs, — the river being so
convenient for vessels in distress to run to, from any part of
the bay.

The Bassein river is also a very safe one ; but the town
being situated about seventy miles up, and there being no
steamer on the river, renders it more tedious to the navigation
when the winds are adverse. A tug steamer is, however,
expected soon to be stationed there.

The communication between Rangoon and Upper Burma
being open at all [seasons by river, its trade must necessarily
increase in a far greater proportion than Bassein, which can
only be supplied with produce from the western part of Pegu,
the direct river communication with the upper country being
only open during the rains.

348 OUR BURMESE WARS.

The principal articles of export from Rangoon are rice,*
timber, cutch, cotton, and petroleum; and from Bassein, rice
only ; but the qualities of the land are such, both in Pegu and
Upper Burma (but more particularly in the latter), that tea,
indigo, and coffee could, in addition, easily be grown to ad-
vantage,— the want of labour, and the greater want even than
labour, for that can be supplied, though it may be at con-
siderable cost — the want of a class of men with sufficient skill
and energy to superintend such cultivation — being the only
causes why so much rich land has been left untilled.

The condition of the natives engaged in agricultural pursuits
in Pegu has so much improved during the past ten years, that
numbers of Burmese, Karens, &c, are yearly coming from
beyond the frontier ; but those from the Burmese territories
can only bring their families by stealth ; and nothing would be
more acceptable to the natives of Upper Burma, except to those
actually in power, than to see the British Government extend
as far as the Irawady is navigable ; for, notwithstanding the
extremely heavy taxes with which Pegu is burdened, the con-
dition of all classes is fast improving, and forms a striking
contrast with the poor cultivators of Upper Burma, who are
kept in poverty by the cruel exactions of each petty governor,
and from the King's monopolies compelling them to sell their
produce at a low fixed rate, whatever the market value may
be. Under the British rule, it is truly difficult to fortell to
what extent the productions of the country would grow, rich
as it is in every source of prosperity, both mineral and
agricultural.

Of the present exports the rice is entirely grown in Pegu ;
the petroleum produced in Upper Burma; and the timber,
cutch, and cotton found in both places.

• In March, 1870, we learned that the memorial forwarded to Lord Mayo
by the mercantile community of Rangoon, on the subject of the rice duty,
had been translated into Burmese. — During tho late terrible famines in
Bengal and Madras (1875-76-77) a very largo quantity of rice was exported
from British Burma.

TRADE AND PROSPECTS OF PEGU. 349

The treaty of 1862 with the Court of Ava, has had no
results, except in the sacrifice of the British frontier duties to
the Burmese, and the general opinion is, that the King will
not reduce any duties, or give up any monopoly, it having
been left optional with him to do so.

Any improvement in the means of bringing produce from
China, or the independent Shan States, would give an immense
impulse to the trade of Pegu, the only regular communication
as present being by trains of laden mules and oxen, the prin-
cipal route for which is from Western China to Bamo and
Mandalay. A railway is proposed from China to some point
on the Irawady, from which steamers would ply to Rangoon,
and the King of Ava has granted a concession of ground, &c,
for such ; but great fears are entertained that the obstructive-
ness of the Burmese character, when in power, will prevent
the object being carried out by the only apparently possible
routes, which are through Upper Burma. It is indeed a great
pity such a fine country, with such great prospects, is saddled
with a Government like that of Ava ; and,[with a willing people,
it is to be hoped the protection of the British flag will soon
be given to the whole of Burma.

The Government have sold the Irawady flotilla to a private
firm, but the steamers only ply to the frontier, and are all
old-fashioned vessels. The trade with Mandalay is, therefore,
left to one steamer belonging to the King, and to native
boats. There are two new steamers for the King, of large
size, now about ready, however, and a few more would pay
well, as the delay and risk of transit in native craft are very
great.

The Government Dockyard has lately been leased for one
year to a private firm for two thousand rupees per mensem,
after the expiry of which term it will probably be advertised
for sale or lease for a long period. The cost of it to Govern-
ment, however, is far above its present value, either to them-
selves or to a private company.

350 OUR BURMESE WARS.

[Since the above was written, important changes in Pegu
have taken place, into which there is no intention of entering
here. Disturbances in Upper Burma,* bringing forth the
energetic action of the Chief Commissioner, and of Major
Sladen, the Resident at Mandalay, cast shadow and sunshine
over the country, — the whole of which, sooner or later, must
become British. When our forbearance has become suffi-
ciently tried, — and that it would be sorely tried Lord Dal-
housie seemed to prophesy, — then necessity and the welfare
of millions must impel us onward — not the love of annexa-
tion !]

NOTE (October 1879).
Revenue and Commerce.

Probably the finances of British Burma are far more pliable than
those of any other Asiatic country ; certainly infinitely more so
than those of India, where the tremendous wants — local, mili-
tary, and political — are continually eating up the finances, without
any apparent further development of resources for imperial or
commercial profit. The success which has hitherto attended our
Chin-Indian possessions in finance as well as in commerce, as has
been repeatedly urged in these pages, would be tenfold were the re-
sources of the country fully developed, a larger population secured,
and all monopolies, instead of harmless princes and princesses,
massacred in Upper Burma. Liberal commercial relations with
that golden region are now all that we require to make Pegu a
wealthy " Princess among the Provinces," when she could stretch
forth a helping hand to her ever needy Indian sister. China owes
her religion to India ; Pegu owes her deliverance to us who possess
India ; therefore, both China and British Burma — or say Pegu —
are bound to assist India !

About six months ago we read some remarks on the development
of a provincial system in British Burma, to the effect that provin-
cial contracts with that country (and Assam) had been revised and
greatly expanded with effect from the beginning of 1878-79. A

* Middle of August 1866, the following telegram was received in Calcutta: —
" King of Burma's brother killed. The King in prison. Rebels in possession
of country surrounding Mandalay, and Mandalay itself. Europeans safe."
Thus runs the world away in Upper Burma, when we least expect it.

EEVENUE AND COMMERCE.

351

new feature in the arrangement was that, in place of a fixed
allotment, a share of the net reserved imperial revenues had been
assigned, so that the provincial finances would participate in any
improvement of those revenues. With the exception of the army,
the wholly imperial portion is not important. The salt and
customs revenue levied in Bombay, Calcutta, and Upper India
"cannot be divided among the several provinces from whose con-
sumption those revenues are obtained. But in Burma there is no
such obstacle. Consequently, the Government of India has been
able to make with that province the most complete provincial con-
tract yet existing." Only a few items were retained as wholly
imperial. The greater portion of the revenue and expenditure
were made " wholly provincial." It was believed that some judi-
cious public expenditure in Burma would yield especially valuable
financial results. With an increase of provincial resources, we
might now look for these to the Chief Commissioner. And,
doubtless, ere long, when the question of Upper Burma is settled,
great financial improvement will be observable.

A comparison of the Local Estimates, which were prepared upon
the old basis with the estimates recast by the Government of India
upon the new basis, may be of interest to Indian financiers : —

BRITISH BURMA.

Local Estimates.

Revised by Government
of India.

1878-79.

1879-80.

1878-79.

1879-80.

Revenue

Expenditure .

Surplus

Deficit ....

Closing Balance .

£
401,300
416,900

15,600
87,300

407,800
511,100

103,300
16,100

915,900

892,600

53,300

156,200

967,300

1,019,900

52,600
143,600

This table shows the addition of d£159,600 to the provincial and
local revenues of British Burma — " the effect of the measure in
two years." In a few years, under able management, the country,
no doubt, in both finance and commerce, will do credit to its
original benefactor, Sir Arthur Phayre, who may be said to

HAVE CREATED PEGU AND CONSOLIDATED BRITISH BURMA !

Some months ago, his successor, General Fytche, wrote, with
reference to Lord Dalhousie's famous remark, that we held " in

352 OUlt BURMESE WARS.

the easy grasp of our hand the kernel of the Burmese Empire ": —
" And this kernel (Pegu), I may remark, with its extraordinary
commercial and producing activity, pays more than double the 1
amount of revenue, rated on population, of that provided by any I
province or presidency of India, and, after all provincial expenses I
are paid, yields a handsome surplus to the Imperial exchequer."
And, again — Its line of frontier with Burma, "though far from
being a ' scientific ' or theoretically perfect one, has its outposts
connected by electric telegraph, and is easily accessible from its
base both by rail and river." The General did not advise our
passing this frontier, in case we might be led into the expense of
annexing the whole country up to the borders of China ; but at
the time he wrote King Theebau had not, through his bad conduct,
brought about the portentous event of our President being obliged
to quit Mandalay ! We really think the Chinese and the surround-
ing tribes would aid us in any attempts to better the trade and
condition of Upper Burma. China knows how ill her young tribu-
tary or vassal has behaved ; and the Chinese, with the hope of
mutual advantage, would soon surrender their natural " extreme
jealousy " to rapid commercial gains ! The net revenue of British
Burma for 1877-78 amounted to 160,14,328 Es., being an increase
of 3,18,801 Es. over that of 1876-77.* In the Eevenue Eeport, the
steady and progressive increase in the prosperity of the province
was considered satisfactory. The great want was also said to be
" a larger " population, and until this is secured, it is clear that
the resources of the province can never be properly developed, or
the full amount of revenue obtained which it is capable of yield-
ing. Instead of a total net revenue of 176,17,351 Es., there might
easily be double that amount. The population of British Burma
already being over three millions, if we could only get two or three
more millions under our rule, Burma would have nearly as large a
commerce as a fourth of that of the whole of India; for, with"a small
population of three millions, we have exports and imports amount-
ing to nearly thirteen millions and a half sterling, f more than
four times the population. " If the commerce of India," says

* In 1875-76, according to General Fytcho, the gross revenue and receipts,
imperial, provincial, and municipal, amounted to £2,00-1,813, giving an inci-
dence of taxation of 13s. 3}d. per head.

f Fur trade of British Burma 1878-79, the total value of which had risen
to sixteen croroB of rupees (sixteen millions sterling), see Addenda.

FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 353

General Fytche, in his excellent work on " Burma," bore the same
proportion to population, it would be ten times greater than it is ;
that is to say, it would be about nine hundred and fifty millions
instead of ninety-five ! " — Again, British Burma contrasts favour-
ably with India in " the value of the imports being much nearer
to that of the exports."

IV.

From Mandalay to Momien."*
[The following paper, on Dr. Anderson's interesting book,
appeared in the " Academy/' April 8, 1876 ; and as the matter
contained therein is so intimately connected with remarks made
in the present work, the writer deems it unnecessary to make
any apology for its insertion here.]

The Royal visit to our Indian Empire has of late drawn so
much attention from the British public that we now trust some
study and thought may be given to Chin-India, or at least
that portion of it styled Burma Proper or Independent, the
comparatively new capital of which is Mandalay, where reigns
one of the shrewdest, best-informed, and most whimsical kings
in Eastern Asia — the King of the Golden Feet and the Golden
Ears, who has recently ordered, according to Burmese custom,
the courts and public offices in his capital to be closed for
forty days, during the all-important ceremony of " boring holes
in the ears of the princesses."

Even the two expeditions to Western China, of 1868 and
1875, from "Mandalay to Momien " forming the grand base
of operations, and, though unsuccessful, displaying so much
energy and bravery on the part of our countrymen, have been
well-nigh cast into the shade ; the hearts of wealth-seeking
British merchants have become sick and weary with disappoint-
ment ; but we trust that all such clouds may be looked on as
of insignificant result in a prospect bright and advancing. Dr.

* " Mandalay to Momien : A Narrative of the two Expeditions to Western
China, of 1868 and 1875, under Colonel Edward B. Sladen and Colonel Horace
Browne," by John Anderson, M.D., &c. London: 1876.

354 OUE BURMESE WARS.

Anderson, by bis handsome, well-timed, entertaining and in-
structive volume, has done much to renew the interest felt not
long since in the destinies of Upper Burma, and the chance of
British progress in Western China. Before proceeding briefly
to examine the work of the ever-zealous medical officer and
naturalist, it may be remarked that our position in Burma — the
only correct way of spelling the word — is a very remarkable
one ; and this fact has not been sufficiently brought home to
the British nation, for on its proper consideration our success
in the land of the Golden Foot, and in lands beyond, greatly
depends. It is just fifty years since Mr. Crawfurd, in his
" Embassy to Ava/' informed us that he suggested the policy of
keeping possession of Rangoon; thus shutting out the Bur-
mese from the navigation of that grand artery the Irawady,
and placing us in a commanding military attitude, which
would have relieved us from all apprehension of annoyance
from the power of these people. One of the ambassador's
shrewdest reviewers could not agree with him on this point,
and was disposed to think that we had done much better.
Hemmed in as they then were between Arakan and Martaban,
we had little to fear from any annoyance they could give us.
Indeed, the reviewer was rather surprised at such a proposal
from Mr. Crawfurd, who, in the same breath almost, said
that "the conditions of a convention with them ought to be
strictly reciprocal ; and the letter and spirit of the engagement
such as would tend to develop the resources of both coun-
tries." We cannot think that to stop them up "like rats
within their holes," as the critic said, would be the most
likely mode of producing this desirable reciprocity, or of de-
veloping the resources of the Burmese. When we conquered
and annexed Pegu, nearly four-and-twenty years ago, our
ideas of the vast resources of the upper region of Bui ma
were very vague indeed. We knew, from reading, that it
boasted gold, silver, and copper, and that it was rich in
precious stones; facts since entirely corroborated by Captain

FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 355

Strover's " Memorandum on the Metals and Minerals of
Burma (1873) " ; but, for every practical purpose, Upper
Burma was, and seemed likely to remain, almost an undis-
covered country. Even the great master of annexation, Lord
Dalhousie, talked and wrote of it as " a worthless rind."
Having secured Pegu, and consequently the entire delta of the
mighty Irawady, why should we increase our responsibility and
expenditure by annexing what can be of no advantage to us at
present ? But, should " the force of circumstances " ever
compel us to do so, then, said the Governor-General, in one
of his brilliant despatches — " Let us advance ! "

Lord Dalhousie knew little or nothing of the most con-
venient road to Western China being through Upper Burma, and
that through Bhamo (or Bamo) the richest side of the " celestial "
regions could be tapped. The romantic dreams of the most
sanguine have never come up to the reality which we may
reasonably expect when there is a clear passage from Yunnan
to Rangoon. But even had such knowledge been then avail-
able, it did not occur to many who were interested in Bur-
mese affairs, that our having secured possession of Rangoon —
which future Liverpool of Chin-India, or Bombay of the
Chinese and Burman Empires, Crawfurd so ardently desired —
would prove the grand obstacle in the way of opening com-
merce with Western China. We had taken up, in the opinion
of the king, one trade-monopolising position; and so the
Golden Foot naturally seemed determined to take up the other.
And thus began the difficulties which have been encountered
by fearless and enterprising travellers and explorers, who
deserve all honour for having, through the " impassable/'
endeavoured to pave a road.

In the preface to his goodly volume, Dr. Anderson informs
us that public interest in the subject of " the overland route
from Burma to China," called forth by the repulse of the
recent mission and the well-known tragedy which attended it,
suggested its publication. He hopes that his account of the

23 *

356 OUR BURMESE WARS.

expedition of 1868, in which he bore an important part, will
be acceptable to clear the way for the simple narrative of the
mission of 1875, commanded by Colonel Horace Browne. The
difficulties in both cases were very great, and such a concise
and authoritative statement of them will assuredly do much
good by putting us on our guard for the future. We may say
that the two expeditions to Western China were most fortunate
in the selection of the accomplished writer to whom were
entrusted the scientific duties of medical officer and naturalist.
An excellent map of the routes traversed, and another of South-
western China, showing routes traversed and proposed, fol-
lowed up by a plan of Momien (Teng-Yue-Chow), confront the
reader as he turns to the first chapter of the narrative, " Man-
dalay to Bhamo," which abounds with interesting, if not
altogether new information. Rangoon is here most appro-
priately mentioned as the port of the great water highway of
the Irawady, boasting a trade which, during fifteen years, had
increased in annual value to two million five hundred thousand
pounds. The commercial community of British Burma's capital
had long directed their attention to the prospect of an over-
land trade with Western China, so as to avoid the long and
dangerous voyage by the Straits and Indian Archipelago, with
a view to a direct and easy interchange of our manufactures
for the products of rich and fertile provinces like Yunnan and
Sz-Chuen. There was, and is, no better way, in Dr. Ander-
son's opinion, than by the river Irawady and the royal city of
Mandalay. And here it is important to note that —

" Although before 1867 but four English steamers with freight
had ascended the river to the capital, harbingers of the numerous
flotilla now plying in the Irawady, it was known that a regular
traffic existed between Mandalay and China, especially in the
supply of cotton to the interior, which was reserved as a royal
monopoly."

General Albert Fytche, in his " Four Years' Administration
of British Burma/' informs us that when he was entrusted with

FROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 357

the chief commissionership, as successor to Sir Arthur Phayre,
in the early part of 1867, one of his chief objects was to open
up " a friendly intercourse with the king," and endeavour,
through Major Sladen his assistant at the Court of Mandalay,
to remove all suspicions, and convince the Burmese Govern-
ment that our only object was to promote the material in-
terests of the two states by mutual concessions. At that time
so little had been accomplished in the way of developing the
trade with Upper Burma that we need not wonder at only four
merchant steamers having made their way to Mandalay. There
was evidently something wrong in the framing of the Burmese
treaty of 1862, in which the Government of India desired Sir
Arthur Phayre to include, if possible, the re-opening of the
old caravan route from Western China by the town of Bhamo,
and other important concessions. The first object was to be
effected by the king's sanction to a joint Burmese and British
mission to China. But this proposal, on which the success of
our enterprise then and hereafter appears to have rested, was
not accepted. A direct trade with China might be carried on
by us through Upper Burma, subject to certain conditions;
and, in 1863, Dr. Williams — our former Resident at the Court
of Mandalay — after a journey of twenty-two days, reached
Bhamo, with the object of testing the practicability of a trade
route. The Bhamo routes were considered by this other dis-
tinguished "political" medical officer and traveller as politically,
physically, and commercially, the most advantageous. Dr.
Anderson informs us that for twelve years, from 1855, the Bur-
mo-Chinese trade in Bhamo, which represented five hundred
thousand pounds per annum, had almost entirely ceased — perhaps
owing to the effects of the Mohammedan rebellion in Yunnan.
To solve the question of such ruin in a grand local trade, the
Chief Commissioner, General Fytche, projected the expedition,
which brings forth the suggestive, pleasing remark from the
writer of the present volume, that " the enterprise might be
deemed one of hereditary interest to the descendant of that

358 OUR BURMESE WARS.

enterprising merchant-traveller, Mr. Fitch, who has left an
account of his visit to Pegu in 1586." This, on reference to a
narrative, we find to be the same Ralph Fitch who with John
Newberry in 1583 led a great scheme of English adventure,
which had for its object the reaching of the Persian Gulf (by
way of Aleppo and Bagdad), and sailing thence by Ormus, in
order to reach the shores of Malabar ; and who narrates, with
excusable ignorance of the wonders of Hindu mythology and
archaeology, that, on beholding the numberless temples and
idols, some were " like a cow, some like a monkey, and some
like the devil ! " The proposed expedition was sanctioned by
the Government of India in September 1867 ; and it was ar-
ranged that the departure of the mission, in which Dr. Ander-
son took so conspicuous and interesting a part, should take
place from Mandalay in January 1868. This laudable enter-
prise, under Colonel B. Sladen, may be justly considered the
first important step in carrying out the views of the merchants
of England in a quarter where it was considered new fields of
commerce for manufactures and produce might be obtained,
thus helping to maintain the " commercial status " of their
country.

Mandalay reached, the minute description of this Burmese
city and its suburbs will well repay perusal ; for we see at
once that it is the work of a graphic writer and attentive
observer. In fact, through the aid of this volume we may con-
sider ourselves in the land of the Golden Foot for a time — the
land of remarkable fauna, of gorgeous and fairy-garden-like
Flora, and of valuable minerals, and with various productions
to be utilised but barely yet discovered. It is also the land of
a curious, lazy, but ingenious people, whose contemplative deity,
Gautama — the Burmese incarnation of Buddha — governs their
daily actions.

The fortunes of this now famous expedition were pretty well
known to many readers long before the appearance of the book
now under notice. They may be briefly summarised in the

PROM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 359

following manner ; but it may be well at first to state, in the
words of the author, that —

" the city properly called Mandalay, with its palace and countless
pagodas, lies about three miles from the Irawady, on a rising
ground below the hill Mandale. It was founded, on his accession
in 1853, by the present king ; and one of his motives for quitting
Ava, and selecting the new site, was to remove his palace from the
sight and sound of British steamers."

The old capital has been admirably described by Colonel Yule,
and other writers before him, such as Colonel Symes, Major
Canning, Captain Cox, and Drs. Leyden and Buchanan, who
have contributed towards . throwing a light on our knowledge
of the Burman Empire. Dr. Anderson's " Report on the
Expedition to Western Yuuan, via Bhamo/' was first published
at Calcutta in 1871, and the greater portion of the present
Narrative is devoted to a detailed account of matters set forth
in that most interesting document. First, there was the de-
parture from Mandalay, in the middle of January 1868, of
Major Sladen, Captain Williams, and the author in the King
of Burma's steamer, which also had on board representatives of
the commercial community of Rangoon. Notwithstanding the
public declaration of the Burmese Government that no steamer
could possibly ascend the Irawady so far north as Bhamo,
Bhamo was reached with a steamer of only three feet draught
without any difficulty in the river navigation, and the expe-
dition was thus brought nine hundred miles from their
starting-point at Rangoon, and three hundred miles above
Mandalay. On January 22nd they had left the beautiful scenery
"through which the Irawady threads its course/' and came
in sight of the town of Bhamo, situated in latitude 21° 16' N.,
and longitude 96° 53' 47" E. on the left bank of the river, two
or three miles below the mouth of the Tapeng. The region
between the borders of Yunnan and the Irawady at Bhamo
had next to be crossed, which region — the former battle-ground
of Burma and China — is said to be the site of the nine Shan
States mentioned by Du Halde. The treachery of the Bur-

360 OUR BURMESE WARS.

mese soon became apparent, which the fearless Sladen was
resolved to defeat by securing the aid of the Kakhyen chiefs,
and — it was the period of the Panthay insurrection in Western
China — by opening communications with the Panthay (Moham-
medan) commander at the Yunnan frontier city of Momien.
This was a most important movement on the part of Sladen,
as the very object of the expedition was to find out the exact
position held by the Kakhyens, Shans, and Panthays, with
reference to the former traffic between Bhamo and Yunnan.
Notwithstanding that the Burmese and Chinese (friends and
enemies by turns, and neither long) were opposed to the further
advance of the party, they came after a variety of adventures,
on May 26, in sight of the walled city of Mornien, distant
from Bhamo about one hundred and twenty miles, and the
nearest frontier city in Yunnan. The town was being con-
tinually harassed by] forays of Chinese partisan bands in the
neighbourhood, which compelled Major Sladen to think of a
return, as he could not proceed with any safety in the direction
of the Panthay capital of Talifoo. Then came the adventurous
return, commenced on July 13 ; and the result of the expe-
dition was a vast deal of information gained, but no commercial
or political effect. As another attempt to explore the trade
routes to Western China, in 1868, we may here mention that
the enterprising and intelligent explorer, Mr. T. T. Cooper,
endeavoured " to pass from the head-waters of the Yang-tsze-
Kiang to the northern frontier of Assam," but without success.*

* He got nearly as far as Sudya. This excellent and affable public servant
eventually, after proceeding in 1876 to India from England, in connection with
the Grand Delhi Durbar, was murdered in April 1878, while Political Agent
at Hhamo, by a Burman ; but no political importance was attached to the deed.
Regarding the Assam route, General Sir George Balfour, M.P., informed the
writer that he preferred the one from Assam (Sudya) to Sz-Cli;ien, in his
opinion the province of S.W. China of greatest importance, deferring to
the adventurous Chin-Indian traveller, Mr. Cooper, Sir George said he little
knew how close lie was to our settlement. " 1 cannot vouch for the fact thai
the Chinese thought he had come from India." It is to be hoped some other
enterprising explorer frill soon arise to emulate Cooper! The mountain diffi-
culty must be overcome !

FKOM MANDALAY TO MOMIEN. 361

Among the excellent illustrations in Dr. Anderson's detailed
Narrative will be found one of " Kakhyen Women/' very-
truthful and life-like, from a photograph by Major Williams ;
an excellent view of Mandalay, furnished by Colonel Sladen ;
and various well-executed sketches, with the photograph of " a
posturing girl " at Mandalay, by the author — evidently a man
of various and useful attainments. His book— which we cor-
dially recommend as the best yet published on the subjects
treated — also contains the invaluable addition of an index,
with appendices including a Note by Professor Douglas on the
deities in a Shan temple, and a vocabulary, English, Kakhyen,
and Shan, which will amuse as well as instruct. It is curious
to observe that, although the words "oily," "pretty," and
"beautiful," are nearly all alike in the Kakhyen and Shan
dialects, there is no word for " ugly " to be found therein,
although it appears in the wilder vocabulary of the Hotha,
Shan, Leesaw, and Poloung. Once more turning to Bhamo,
where Captain Strover, in 1869, was assistant political agent,
we have been informed by a high authority that the importance
of this town has been somewhat over-rated as a trade-mart —
even in its most palmy days, when a Shan queen reigned one
hundred and forty years ago, the annual revenue of the district
not exceeding fourteen lakhs of rupees (one hundred and forty
thousand pounds). Here, where a well-informed writer states
" Burmese and Chinese influences commingle," we hope yet to
see an exchange-mart for the silk, copper, gold, drugs, and
textile fabrics of Western China, and for British and Burmese
staples.

Regarding the second ill-fated expedition, the narrative of
which will be found in the last five chapters of the present
volume, Dr. Anderson writes that, in 1874, —

"Lord Salisbury, the Secretary of State for India, decided to
send a second expedition to penetrate China from Burma, and pass
through, if practicable, to Shanghai. To avoid possible misunder-
standings, and to make it plain to the Western Chinese mandarins

362 OUR BURMESE WARS.

that the foreign visitors were of the same nation as the English
who lived and traded in the treaty-ports, her Majesty's Minister
at Pekin was instructed to send a consular official, duly furnished
with imperial passports, to meet the mission on the frontiers of
China."

Mr. Ney Elias, gold-medallist of the Royal Geographical
Society, was geographer. The fate of the young, brave, and
most promising member of the consular service, Mr. Margary,
is too well known to be repeated here ; but many details of
this second British mission— subsequently followed by Mr.
Grosvenor's to Yunnan, under a British escort— are given by
the author in a manner which must commend itself to all
well-wishers of the commercial enterprise and of the glory of
England.

NOTES.

Trade Routes from Burma to Western China.
No better signs of a growing British interest in the golden and
flowery lands could have been evinced than the public meeting
held in February 1870, in Westminster, to vote a resolution on
Captain Sprye's project for opening up trade with the " west
of China and intermediate Shan States of Burma by the direct
land route from Rangoon to Kiang-Hung " ; and trade with
China (in connection with Major Sladen's official report of his
expedition to explore the trade routes to China via Bhamo, in
February 1868, printed at the British Burmese Press in 1869)
forming the subject of a clear and exhaustive leading article in
one of the London daily journals* The latter authority, with
reference to " the recent discussion as to the mode in which
commerce should be conducted between England and the
highest population on earth's surface/' considers that such
" has lent peculiar interest to a report of recent exploration,
which is in itself most fascinating." The report, it was believed,
would be shortly laid before Parliament. The easiest way to

• The"Dailj Telegraph," April 2 let, L870.

FROM BURMA TO WESTERN CHINA. 363

the great markets of China may yet form a leading subject
of debate. "The object of the movement/' says the journalist,
" was to ascertain the practicability of a route which would
place fifty millions of the most nourishing and active inhabi-
tants of the Celestial Empire within a fortnight or three
weeks' reach of the Bengal Gulf, and thus diminish by one-
fifth the time and labour consumed in bringing Chinese pro-
ducts by the eastern sea-board." The expedition started from
Bhamo, a town nine hundred miles from the mouth of the
Irawady, " which is navigable for ships of average burthen all
the way." The Dutch and English had trading stations at
Bhamo just three centuries ago. " The old tracks of commerce
have been obliterated simply because the King of Burma's
Ministers have sought to feed their own public and private
revenue by forcing trade to follow the long land route from
Yunnan to Mandalay, that they might extort ample protection
fees from the caravans." From the western frontier of China
the distance by caravan to Bhamo is but five or six days;
thence down the Irawady by steamer, twelve days more, which
" immensely greater facilities of conveyance " Major Sladen is
said to have ' ' practically opened." In parting with the ex-
plorers, the London journalist highly eulogises Major Sladen,
to " whose undaunted courage and exhaustless invention of
tactics, science and commerce owe so much," and Dr. Anderson
and Lieutenant Bowers, his " loyal and able assistants." It
was to Colonel Fytche (Chief Commissioner) that the arrange-
ments for the above expedition were entrusted, and he persuaded
the King, during his mission to Mandalay, to take considerable
interest in it. " On the return of the mission from Momicn,"
the General writes in his new work, " with a view to strengthen
the belief in the reality of our intentions to endeavour to
resuscitate trade, and to maintain communication with the
Kakhyen and Shan chiefs, and the Panthay Government, an
English political agent was at once appointed to Bhamo ; which
contingency had been provided for in my treaty of 1867 with

364 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the King of Burma." We must not omit to mention in con-
nection with the trade routes to South-west China, the visit
of the Burmese Embassy to England in 1871-72. The Burmese
Envoy Extraordinary made a special visit to Halifax, famed for
its Chamber of Commerce. The council presented him with an
address, alluding to the fertile lands of Burma as affording
great inducements for the spread of commerce and agriculture.
They now wished the Golden Foot to open up a commercial
highway to the unlimited resources of Western China. The
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from His
Majesty the King of Burma replied : — " In reference to the
question of trade routes through Burma to Western China, I
need merely repeat what I have said in other places, that His
Majesty the King of Burma is most anxious to promote, by
every means in his power, any matured and feasible plan which
has this object in view. But in regard to the route to which
you advert, commonly known as Captain Sprye's route, I would
remark that as the line passes through an insignificant portion
of the King of Burma's territory, the responsibility of opening
it out cannot fairly be laid upon His Majesty/' *

It may here be interesting to say a few words regarding
The Shan Tribes.

The Shans, or Shyans, are divided into many tribes.
The population used to be little short of three millions, of
which vast number a considerable portion owed allegiance to
the King of Ava. They are considered to be the parent stock
of both Assamese and Siamese.

A Shan camp appeared not far distant from the ancient walls

* On February 28th, 1873, a deputation from the Associated Chambers of
Commerce waited on the Secretary of State for India (His Grace the Duke
of Argyll), to urge the completion of the survey of a line of railway from
Rangoon to the frontier of China. The deputation was introduced by Mr.
Wliitwell, M.P. ; Mr. Baincs, M.P., explained. Mr. Haigh, of the Huddersfield
Chamber, and Mr. T. T. Ormerod and Mr. John Crossley, of the Halifax
Chamber, also spoke. The Duke was not averse to the survey, but was bound
to object fco the expense of it "falling on Indian revenues."

THE SHAN TRIBES. 365

of Toungoo. These descendants of Magog — it is presumed
they are such — originally from Chinese Tartary,* or, it may be,
leaving the country of Japheth and proceeding to the more
southern possessions of Shem ; — the descendants of Shem who
inhabited the mighty region of Thibet, from whose mountains
the Burmese are said eventually to have poured down — these
descendants of what Patriarch you will, who nourished after
the flood when " the whole earth was of one language and of
one speech/' are apt to strike one as carrying a strange interest
along with them, retaining as they do much of that simplicity
in habits which was peculiar to the elder world. They had
some very fine bullocks, with other merchandise, which they
were about to expose for sale in the Maulmain market. The
import trade from the Shan States — which lie along the eastern
frontier of Northern Burma — into the capital of the Tenasserim
Provinces, not along ago consisted of cattle (cows and bullocks),
elephants, ponies, gold leaf, lacquered boxes, cotton cloth, and
other valuable articles of traffic, amounting annually to little
less than three hundred and twenty thousand rupees (thirty-
two thousand pounds), while about a lakh of rupees worth
(ten thousand pounds) of our manufactures found their way to
them. There are Siamese Shans and Burmese Shans, the
former having no affection for the latter ; but both we believe
to be equally hostile to the throne of Ava. Independence
seems to be the ruling principle of all the Shans. We read, not
long ago, a sensible opinion, that a good understanding should
exist between the British Indian Government and the Shan States
with regard to reciprocal acts of accommodation and courtesy.
Zimmay had thrown off its allegiance to Ava and boasted a
considerable army, including two hundred and fifty elephants ;
the writer, therefore, thought the political connection between
us and the Shan States should be placed on some sure footing.

* The Tartars to this day are a wild and wandering race, living in encamp-
ments of moveable tents, which they carry from place to place. The Shans
may have been a more civilised tribe, fond of traffic.

366 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Productive Capacity of the Shan Countries.
Town of Bamo, and Trade.
With a view to strengthening the commercial interests of Eng-
land in Chin-India, the author of this work thinks a few
notes regarding the Shan Countries, north and east of Ava,
will be of use at the present time. They are from an excellent
paper by Lieutenant-Colonel S. F. Hannay, published in the
Records of the Bengal Government, 1857.

The productive capacities of the regions inhabited by the
Shan tribes are great, particularly Siam and the territories east
and north of it. In Siam proper, great impulse has been given
to industry by the Chinese settlers on the rich delta of the
Menam river, and sugar, cotton, with rice and pepper of a
superior quality, form most important items in the extensive
export trade between Bankok and some of the maritime
Chinese ports, and more particularly the island of Hainan.

Vegetable Productions. — The lower ranges of the hills bound-
ing the Menam, Cambodia, and their tributary streams, are
covered with forests, with valuable timber such as teak and
rose-wood ; besides various drugs, spices, dye-woods and gums.
Among the latter may be reckoned gamboge, cardamums,
saffron, red-wood, and sandal-wood. Large quantities of stic-lac
are produced, both in the lower Laos and the Shan States, west
of the Salween river, under Burma, which find their way to
Rangoon and Moulmein (Maulmain). The tea-plant is exten-
sively cultivated by the Polongs, in the hilly region of the
Moongmeet and Senvee Province, under Burma; and it may
here be worthy of notice that the tea-plant of the Polongs is
identical with that of Assam, both being distinct from that of
China. The Polongs are the manufacturers of leing or lepek,
a preparation of the tea-leaf which is much esteemed by the
Bur mans and eaten on all occasions as a condiment, sometimes
fried in oil. It is the young twigs and leaves of the tea-tree
subjected in large masses to a half state of fermentation j and

THE SHAN COUNTRIES. 307

when the process is complete, it is packed into large bamboo
baskets and taken to Burma proper (Upper Burma), where it
is exposed for sale in every bazaar, from Ava to Rangoon, and
is thus visible in masses about the size of half-a-dozen bricks,
lying generally on a board, being of sufficient compactness to
allow of the vendor cutting off with a dha or large knife as
much as may be purchased. Tea also, of a coarse Bohea kind,
is manufactured by the Polongs ; this is brought in round
hard balls cemented together, by paddy starch-water, and also
in a loose state in large baskets, the latter principally by land
on ponies or mules, and both are sold at a very cheap rate.

To the above vegetable productions may be added fibres of
the most useful kind to the people themselves, amongst which
is the pan, identical with the grass cloth plant of China and
rheea of Assam. Silk is also produced by the Shans, though
the best kinds come from China.

Minerals. — The Shan territories are rich in mineral. In
Siam proper and the tributary states of the Laos there are
ores of tin, antimony, lead, and abundance of iron. In the
north-east corner of the Province of Moongmeet is situated
the celebrated Bandwen, or silver mine, which belongs to the
King of Ava, but it appears to be worked by the Chinese, who
probably rent it either from that monarch or from the dependent
Shan Toobwa (Chobwa), or Prince, in whose territory it lies. Of
its productiveness little can be said, as the Burmese are jealous
of foreigners knowing about their supplies of this metal.

About twenty-five miles south of the town of Moongmeet,
and sixty north and east of the Burmese capital (Ava), are
situated the celebrated ruby and sapphire localities, called
Mogaut and Kyatpen, and not Capellan as hitherto written, and
supposed to be in the kingdom of Pegu. In Colonel Hannay
we have another witness to the fact that the mineral resources
of the Shan territories immediately north of Ava are not so
well known, little being done by the Burmese to bring to light
the natural riches of their country in this respect. [It has

368 OUR BURMESE WARS.

been already mentioned that eighty miles nearly east of Man-
dalay, about fifty miles south-west of Theinnee, is Theebo, with
hilly spots, and that from the latter place the present Golden Foot
takes his name, probably inheriting his extravagant notions
from the wealthy nats (evil spirits), from a country so rich in
minerals, continually surrounding him ! ]

The situation of the Chinese Mart of Bamo, on the Upper
Irawady, is thus described : — It is also styled Manmo, and
is in lat. 24° 12' and 97° of E. long., on the left bank of the
river. It is the modern capital of the old Shan province of
that name, extending north as far as lat. 25°, bounded on the
east by the great black mountains of the Chinese, which se-
parate the Burmese territories from Yunnan. It is interesting
to note that this residence of a Burmese governor and his
under officers appears to have had a double influence — the
district and its land revenue having been (1857) in the hands
of one of the Queens of the King of Ava, a sister of the Tapan
Rajah of Assam. The amount of revenue, including the duties
at the principal and inferior marts, used to be three lakhs of
rupees (thirty thousand pounds). Bamo was thus described in
1836 : — " I find that this is a modern town, erected on the
banks of the Irawady, for the convenience of water carriage
between it and Ava. The old Shan town of Manmo, or Bamno,
is situated two days' journey up the Tipan river, which falls
into the Irawady, about a mile above the new town of Bamo or
Zee-theet Zeit, or new mart landing place. This modern town
is situated on high unequal ground, and the bank toward the
river is from forty to fifty feet in height and composed of clay.
With the exception of Ava and Rangoon it is the largest place
I have seen in Burma, and not excepting these places I cer-
tainly think it the most interesting. ... I felt as if I
were almost in a civilised land again, when I found myself
amongst fair-complexioned people, wearing jackets and trowsers,
after being accustomed to the harsh features and parti-coloured
dress of the Bnrmans. The people I saw were Chinese from

VALUE OF UPPER BURMA. 369

the province of Yunnan, and Shans from the Shan provinces
subject to China. Bamo is said to contain one thousand five
hundred houses, but including several villages which join it,
I should say it contained two thousand, at least two hun-
dred of which are inhabited by Chinese. Besides the perma-
nent population of Bamo, there are always a great number
of strangers there, Chinese, Shans, Polongs, and Khykhyens
(Kakhyens), who either come to make purchases, or to
be hired as workmen. There are also a great number of
Assamese, both in the town and the villages, amongst
whom are several members of the Tapan or Assam Rajah's
family." — The Chinese import trade with Bamo is great in
the month of December. Save for the floods, there might be
constant intercourse with Yunnan. Among the articles im-
ported into Burma are raw silk, rich China silks, velvets, and
gold, all of which are taken to the capital. The transit of
cotton is periodical, and large boats are employed in it.

V.
The Value of Upper Burma.
In a country — the old Burmese Empire — where all rank was
official, a royal monopoly of riches was only considered natural.
To the northward of Ava, there were (and, doubtless, are still)
mines of gold, silver, and precious stones — rubies and sapphires
of the finest description— but, as all mines throughout the
kingdom formed one of the numerous royal monopolies, and
were only worked at particular times, by special order from
the Golden Foot (one of whose titles is — " Proprietor of the
Mines of Rubies, Gold, and Silver"), the nation derived little
benefit from their existence. No specie, however plentiful it
might be, was permitted to be exported ; and this formed one
great drawback to the trade with Ava. " The merchants, un-
able to carry off all their profits or returns in produce, were
often under the necessity of suspending their *;ilrs. even when

370 OfJR BURMESE WARS.

the demand was greatest, and the native merchants ready to
pay for their goods in silver or gold, or to smuggle the money
into vessels, at a great risk of seizure and consequent forfeiture."
—Vast sums were annually expended in building and gilding
pagodas, in which images of Gautama, made of solid [gold, were
frequently buried. It was difficult, after the capture of Ran-
goon, and our occupation of other strongholds, to keep the
Europeans from breaking into the pagodas to discover this
treasure. In the large gilt wooden images — some of them
not unlike those of Assyria — frequently splendid rubies were
found. If this were the case in Lower, what might we not
find in Upper Burma ? Truly the mineralogy of the country
is rich, abundant, and various ; and, if properly worked under
British protection and enterprise, would pay off at least half of
the whole debt of India within the present century !

Gold*

It has been generally supposed that Upper Burma is not
rich in itself as regards this metal, but there would seem to
be good grounds for supposing that it exists very extensively.
In former years the gold used in the country was imported
from China to the extent of some four hundred or five hundred
viss annually, but the imports have considerably decreased
since the commencement of the Mahomedan rebellion in
Yunnan, and now do not exceed two hundred viss per annum,
the deficiency being imported from Rangoon. It is an article
that is greatly used in the decorative art, and appears to be
generally plentiful.

In the Mogoung district there would seem to be a gold-field

* From a valuable Memorandum by Captain G. A. Strover, Political Apent,
Mandalay, on the Metals and Minerals of Upper Burma. The Chief Commis-
sioner had called for a Report on the mineral resources of the country, April
1873.

GOLD. 371

that, if properly worked, would prove very productive. Some
years ago, a Mr. Golding, of Australian experience, contracted
with the King to work one square mile of this field for a sum
of twenty-five thousand rupees annually, for ten years, but
unfortunately the district proved to be malarious and Mr.
Golding succumbed to fever; he, however, pronounced the
fields to be equal to any in Australia, if not better. I am not
aware that he succeeded in procuring much gold. Since then
no attempt has been made on the part of the Burmese Govern-
ment to work the mines.

To the north-east of Mandalay, in the Shan States, there is
another field of gold. My information tends to show that here
again, with energy and enterprise, considerable quantities of
gold could be extracted, and the mines prove very productive ;
but the locality at present is malarious, and but little gold is
procured.

At Thayet-pein-yua, near the Myit-Nyay, on the road to
Pyoungshoo, to the south-east of Mandalay, the gold quartz is
found in abundance, the reefs cropping up from the ground,
and there is reason to believe that very valuable gold-mines
are in existence, and could be worked and developed with
little trouble. A Shan lately procured from here a piece of
quartz, three and a half pounds in weight, that produced exactly
two and a half ticals of gold.

In the Yaw district, to the south-west of Mandalay, gold is
obtained in fair quantities in the alluvial deposits ; it exists at
Sagaing, Kannee, Sein-joo, and is also obtained from the
Kyeend-ween river, and, indeed, it is procurable from the sands
of most of the streams between Mandalay and Mogoung. The
natural conclusion from this profusion of gold in the rivers and
streams of Upper Burma is that it exists in large quantities
in situ somewhere, and, as I have explained, this is the case,
and doubtless there are more deposits that have not been
discovered.

24 *

372 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Silver

Is found in many localities in the Shan States to the east of
the Irawady river, but the most prolific mines are those situ-
ated at Bawyine, Kyouktch and Toung-byne, near Theebau, to
the north-east of Mandalay. It is mixed with lead, and is, in
fact, a rich argentiferous galena. One mine, the Kampanee,
will yield as much as forty ticals of silver and twenty-five viss
of lead from one basket of the ore, while the poorest mine gives
four ticals of silver and thirty viss* of lead. Other mines exist,
such as the Bandween, Bandweengyee, and Sagaing. The metal
is also found in other towns unmixed with lead. The supply
of silver obtained hitherto has been sufficient for the require-
ments of the country in conjunction with the imports from
Yunnan.

Copper.

This metal is found in the Shan States, but is not worked.
It is also found at Kolen-myo and Sagaing ; at Bawyine and
Kolen-myo the malachite appears to be of a rich description.
The copper resources of the Shan States do not appear to have
been ever utilised to any extent, and the deposits, which seem
to be abundant, remain as nature placed them. The Sagaing
mines were worked in former times by Chinese, but many years
have elapsed since they were abandoned. The surface ore is
not promising. Most of the copper used in Upper Burma
is imported from China. It is plentiful in the province of
Yunnan.

Iron.

Iron abounds in the Shan States, and the district of Pagan,
to the south of Mandalay, is noted for it. A manufactory
exists on a rough and ready scale in this district at Pohpah-
Toung, but the out-turn is inconsiderable. To the west of
Sagaing, for miles up the Irawady river, the ore abounds a

* The Ticcal is a Chinese weight, of about 4i ounces, and the viss an Indian
of about 8i lbs.! (Note, 1870.)

METALS AND COAL. 373

rich hematite. His Majesty is now procuring iron-works from
England, and will before long have a large foundry, with
all the requisite machinery, erected and at work at Sagaing.
The surface hematite alone will feed it for years to come, if
worked.

Two mining engineers are now awaiting the arrival of the
works, and expect to proceed to Sagaing soon to commence
operations.

Lead

Is found in abundance in the Shan States, and is extracted
from galena. Considerable quantities of this metal could be
obtained if such were desired. At present moderate supplies are
procured, sufficient for the requirements of the land. It is
also imported from Yunnan.

Tin.

This metal exists in the Shan States to the south-east of
Mandalay, but the mines have never been worked. The tin
consumed in the country now is all imported.

Platinum

Is said to exist in the Shan States, and it seems probable
that it does exist, but I have no reliable information on this
point.

Graphite
Is found to the east of Nat-taik in large quantities on a low
range of hills near the village Nyoke-toke. It is not utilised.

Coal.

This mineral is known to exist at Thingadaw, about seventy
miles above Mandalay, on the western bank of the Irawady ;
at Shuaygoo below Bamo ; at Meimbaloung in the Shan States
east of Mandalay j to the south-west of Mandalay in the Yaw

374 OUR BURMESE WARS.

district, at Yaignaw, east of Nat-taik. It is found at Pagan
and Shimpagah, and it is probable that it exists near Menhla
and Yeynaugyoung. At Thingadaw the coal has been ex-
tracted, but it is of an inferior description, and more resembles
lignite than the true mineral coal. An attempt was lately
made here to ascertain the productiveness of the coal-beds. It
is nearly certain that plenty of coal exists in the locality, and
a few more borings would probably prove this. The coal-bed
in the Shan States, at Meimbaloung, contains the true mineral
coal, and consequently a valuable coal. It has been inspected
by an experienced mining engineer, and highly approved of as
equal to the best English coal. There is little doubt that the
beds are extensive, but unfortunately the distance inland is
great, and no easy means are available for transporting the
coal to the low lands ; indeed, the only method at present is by
floating it down mountain streams and rapids on rafts, which
entails considerable risk and loss of coal. European skill and
enterprise would soon make a safe route of one description or
another if really required by the Government ; it remains at
present, with neighbouring wealth, where nature placed it,
awaiting " development in times to come/' — May the time for
such development soon arrive !*

VI.

Summary op Events from 1826 to 1879, with a Sketch
op King Theebau's Progress.
The royal house of Burma has long been distinguished for
surprises as well as monopolies. From the golden capital of
the " Lord of Earth and Air," wondrous tales have proceeded ;
and within it, all of a sudden, changes and " deeds of dreadful
note," from time to time, have taken place, excelling in inteu-

* Jade and amber, sulphur, saltpetre, rubies, sapphires, garnets, &c, salt,
and petroleum (tho valuable and useful mineral oil), nearly complete Captain
Strover's interesting list. Six years ago the total supply of earth-oil in
Upper Burma was nearly 11,000 tons per annum. On the whole, Upper
Burma would seem to have " a grand future " in store for it !

KING THEEBAU. 375

sity all that we have read of in the history of other Asiatic
kingdoms. Kind British advice has always been thrown away
on such absolute and arrogant monarchs. Alompra, upwards
of a century ago, although hard pressed during the conquest of
Pegu, despised our assistance, and would have nothing to say
to us; and the great founder of the reigning dynasty died,
destined to have successors under whom there would be frequent
revolts and massacres, and who would some day give us much
anxiety and trouble.

A French writer of celebrity has well and truly said, that we
preserve the memory of bad princes, as we record fires, plagues,
and inundations. Shakspeare, in " King John/' alluding to
the evil purposes of kings, deems it their curse to be surrounded
by slaves who servilely execute their orders, even to breaking
into " the bloody house of life " —

" And, on the winking of authority,

To understand a law, to know the meaning

Of dangerous majesty "...
when it has resulted from the king's humour rather than from
deliberate consideration. To be thus charitable at the com-
mencement of a rapid sketch of a genuine Burman monarch's
progress, and give King Theebau* the full benefit of the word
" humour/' is all that can be advanced in his behalf; while
even that vanishes when we think, with regard to this King,
of the poet's truthful lines : —

"How oft the sight of means to do ill-deeds

Makes ill-deeds done ! "
We then pause, and ponder on one who has for some months
traded in cruelty — a creature without a shadow of remorse —
till at length we feel a natural anxiety to behold the spirit of
some murdered innocent rush forward, as a Nemesis from the
unseen world, to avenge the foul massacre !

If we are wrong, and it be true that, but for the effects of

* Or Tkebaw, or Theebaw ; but the above is probably the most correct
spelling, as nearest to the Burmese Theebo, the principality.

376 OUB BURMESE WARS.

drinking, and evil counsellors or agents being by, the murders
" had not come into his mind," then we may be too severe ;
but still we have been enabled to bring forth from Chin-India
— what well-meaning but not generally practical temperance
philanthropists should make capital of — the important fact of
murder and drinking being combined in lands other than our
own!

" More massacres ! " — " The King still drinking ! " — Such,
from the beginning of 1879, has been an occasional burden of
the telegrams and letters which have arrived from Mandalay.
The thirst for blood and gin appeared to be equally unquench-
able ; and the proverbial wish of the Dutchman, in the old
song, regarding his depth of draught of the national spirit, had
at length found a counterpart in that of King Thebau. The
progress of such a man is worth recording.

Hogarth's " Rake's Progress," with all the terrible ideas
which surround it, is, perhaps, about the mildest edition of this
king that could be conceived. Allowing for the difference of
civilisation of the two countries, we mourn over the dissipated
and cruel Asiatic, with so many grand opportunities — legion in
comparison with those of Hogarth's rake — and think what
good he might have done — what firm and profitable relations
he might have established with the British Government — how,
in short, he might have become a noble character, with all the
" divinity " — in Burma the kings are intimately related to
Gautama!* — "which doth hedge a king!" Before chro-
nicling such a progress, let us give a brief summary of various
important events. It will suffice for our present purpose to
commence with Phagyi-dau, one of Thebau's ancestors, a
haughty and overbearing king, whose arrogant conduct forced
on the First Burmese War. The influence possessed over him

* The bead of t lie Burmese religion — an incarnation of Buddha-, whiofa

signifies " wisdom," "enlightened." Strange enough, Gautama is a saint
in the Etonian calendar. Pity that the King is sometimes so unworthy of his
patron !

SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 377

by his queen has been attributed to sorcery ; and, in the latter
years of his reign, he suffered much from hypochondria, and at
length became insane.*

It is important to remark at the present time that the " vital
clause " in the Yandaboo Treaty of 1826 was that referring to
the establishment of a Resident or Envoy at the capital. In
1830, when Major Burney was sent to Ava as Envoy, he re-
ported unfavourably of the proposal to have a permanent
representative at the Burmese Court. It was, he very shrewdly
thought, with such regal material on the throne, sure to pro-
duce irritation, and, perhaps, eventual disaster.

The efforts made to open up good relations, or " a genuine
and sympathetic intercourse with the ruler " (above mentioned)
were abortive. The King had neither the sense nor the incli-
nation to understand the value of commercial intercourse with
the British. " Although averse from the shedding of blood/' we
read that one of his principal amusements was, Saul-like, " to
fling his spear at or among those courtiers who came under his
displeasure."t

We now come to his brother Tharavvadi, who, with
the usual fraternal affection of the Burmese Royal Family,
deposed Phagyi-dau and placed him in confinement, in 1837.
Tharawadi was the younger son of the Crown Prince, who had
never reigned, and seemed to possess all the ability requisite for
a great ruler and worthy descendant of Alompra. As Prince,
Tharawadi had seemed a friend to the British, boasting of his
" love of humanity and of a peaceful rule." But as King, he
was " of a different turn of mind " ; eventually detesting " wise
counsel," and especially the presence of all foreigners in his
capital. At that time, Colonel Burney deemed it prudent to
" withdraw himself from the presence of the tyrant " — which
withdrawal was censured by Lord Auckland. During the next

* See General Fytche's "Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 83.
+ See an excellent article in the " Times," 11th of April, " The Kingdom of
Bur man."

378 OUR BURMESE WARS.

few years he consolidated his power by the murder of all his
most formidable relatives.

Diplomatic intercourse with King Tharawadi closed when
that worthy man and excellent officer Captain (now General)
McLeod withdrew from Burmese territory, early in 1840. In
1841, Tharawadi assumed a decidedly hostile attitude towards
the British Government, ignoring the Treaty of Yandaboo,
and threatening to drive us out of Arakan and Tenasserim.
This, of course, had produced great excitement in Calcutta.
Like his predecessor, the King became insane. Plots were
formed against him ; and, strange to say, in the very year in
which his full brother died (1845), he was deposed and con-
fined in the palace of Amarapiira, the " new capital " which had
been founded by Bhodan Prau (Phra), the third son of Alompra.

Tharawadi was succeeded by his son, the Prince of Pagan,
or Pagan Meng. After the Second Burmese War, Pagan
Meng was deposed. As has been well observed, the triumph
of the British army was the knell of this sovereign — the
"Cock-fighting" King, as he was called in Burma. For
seven years he was in every sense " wickedly mad." He was
succeeded by his younger brother, Prince Mengdon Meng. As
King he refused to sign a treaty of peace, which caused Lord
Dalhousie, after the Second Burmese War, to define his own
boundary of the newly conquered territory. But Mengdon
was a vast improvement on his late predecessors, and showed a
decided turn for trade and business ; and, notwithstanding his
monopolising tendencies, with his love of the old " Burman
custom," his reign was of considerable advantage to Burma.
His practical reforms brought him not a few enemies ; and his
rule, as usual, was not free from internal sedition. In 18G6,
during a rising, many princes of the royal house were executed.*

* " Although the dynasty of Alompra has been maintained for more than
a century, the kingdom has been constantly exposed to palace revolutions." —
" Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 211.

SUMMARY OP EVENTS. 379

During King Mengdon's reign, also, most important events
as regarded our relations took place. Elsewhere (No. 1, Paper on
Burma) we have alluded to the complimentary mission in 1855
sent to Calcutta by the King of Burma. Then came a return
mission to Amarapiira, in the middle of the same year, under the
present Sir Arthur Phayre (then Colonel). The Burmese
capital was eventually transferred from Amarapiira to Mandalay
(founded by Mengdon in 1860); and, in January 1862, the
three divisions of Arakan, Pegu, and Tenasserim were formed
into the Chief Commissionership of British Burma. Up to
1873, the Chief Commissioners appointed were Sir Arthur
Phayre, Major-General Fytche, and the Honourable Ashley
Eden. The Chief Commissioner's power extends along the
eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal from Chittagong to Siam
in 10° N. lat. British Burma is geographically divided " into
Arakan, the valley of the Irawady, the valley of the Salween,
and Tenasserim/'* And when we consider that he has the
control of an extensive province, with one thousand miles of
frontier, it will be seen that the Chief Commissioner is an
Asiatic sovereign not to be despised ! Sir Arthur Phayre, the
first Chief, concluded the Treaty of 1862 ; but although the
British Government abolished the duties on their side of
the frontier, the Burmese did nothing whatever. It was our
grand object to educate the Burmese in the principles of free
trade. The King was always waiting for a more convenient
season to carry out his idea of trade reform. It should be kept
in mind that in 1855 the King had objected " to any treaty
which would recognise the loss of Pegu.'' He said to the
Envoy, " If a treaty is made there must be mutual advantage!"
Mengdon, not seeming inclined to sign the treaty, was informed
by Colonel Phayre that " without a treaty no gunpowder or
warlike stores would be permitted to pass up the river Irawady;

* " Annals of Indian Administration in the Year 1871-2," p. 79.

380 OUR BURMESE WARS.

but that if a treaty were concluded, a confidence would be esta-
blished according to Western ideas, and commodities of all
descriptions would be permitted to pass."* The main object
of the first mission had been to establish friendly relations, and
to make another attempt to conclude a definite treaty with the
King, which fact was broadly stated to His Majesty. The
King refused to sign, but friendly relations were established.
After 1862 other obstacles to free trade arose, the principal of
which was that nearly every article of produce in Upper Burma
was a royal monopoly. Burmese merchants could not sell " grain
timber, cutch, or other commodities, except through royal
brokers, or express permission of the local authorities."

The next important event calculated to disturb British re-
lations was — although the King was well-disposed towards us
— the insult offered to two British officers, while exploring the
intricate and dangerous Salween river, by arrogant Burmese
officials. They were stopped and sent back, "in direct vio-
lation of the treaty ! " An English gentleman was also beaten
in the streets of the capital.

Another mission was to have started for Mandalay early in
1866, but it was checked by the insurrection in Upper Burma,
during which the Crown Prince was assassinated. Captain
Sladen was at this time the British representative at Mandalay;
and it is curious to remark at present — when so many great
events are on the gale — that " during the insurrection, the
Burmese considered themselves more secure on the premises
of the British representative than in their own houses ! " f

Captain Sladen — one of the bravest and most energetic
officers we have ever had in Burma — remained at Mandalay for

* For this information General Fytcho refers to the splendid work, by
Colonel Yule, C.B., of the Engineers, (who was Secretary to the Mission,)
entitled " Narrativo of the Mission to tho Court of Ava," pp. 97-98. See
" Burma, Bast and Present," vol. i. p. 208.

f " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 213.

SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 381

seven days after the outbreak ; but, as the King could not
guarantee either the safety of the lives or the property of the
European residents, he embarked with nearly the whole of
them in a " British merchant steamer/' and proceeded to
Rangoon. It should be recorded that the King, without per-
mission, had been employing this steamer against the rebels
headed by the two rebel princes ; but this can easily be excused
from the danger the Golden Foot was subjected to. The
insurrection was suppressed ; the rebel princes, having seized
one of the King's steamers, came into British territory, when
" Colonel Phayre took the necessary steps for preventing them
from committing further mischief; and they were required
to reside at Rangoon, under the surveillance of the British
authorities."

When the rebellion had passed away, about the end of 1866,
Colonel Phayre again proceeded to Mandalay. Nothing of
great importance apparently resulted from this mission, which
must have been considered a disheartening failure by the very
able and ever zealous Chief Commissioner. The King, true to
his cloth, would not reduce his frontier duties, nor forego any
one of his monopolies. Thus, at the end of a splendid career
in Burma, and having, through the care of the rebel princes,
relieved the King from danger — probably saved his life — our
Chief met with the usual Burmese or Oriental ingratitude on
this last occasion of his strong endeavour to put common sense
into the head of the Golden Foot, a sovereign by no means
wanting in ability.*

It has been remarked that King Mengdon, when (some
twelve or fourteen years ago) the overthrow of the Panthays
— Mahomedans of Yunnan, South-west China— brought Chinese
arms into his vicinity, intrigued " with the representatives of
the celestials in Yunnan." There was also a disagreeable

* Eventually, on return to Europe, General Sir Arthur Phayre's ^reat ser-
vices were rewarded with the Governorship of Mauritius.

382 OUR BURMESE WARS.

question, in recent years, concerning the Karen frontier; but.
notwithstanding these escapades in the reign of Mengdon, and
the probability cf the wild tribes on our frontier, nominally
under his control, promising to become a permanent source of
trouble and annoyance, " so long as the late King lived it was
clear that no cause for just umbrage would be given to us."
His death, early in October 1878, produced a period of bar-
barity and uncertainty at Mandalay, of which it is most
difficult, at present, to see the end.

We have not yet alluded to a most important mission, with
General (then Colonel) Albert Fytche as Envoy, in September
1867 ; but there are a few points in it which, in these unsettled
and warlike times, may be of interest, before turning to the
progress of King Theebau.f

The new Chief Commissioner was appointed in March 1867,
and, in the following May, his Burman Majesty appeared to be
about abolishing some of his monopolies and reducing the
frontier duties ; but the good news, made public through pro-
clamations, was considered to be simply a blind. Then another
conspiracy took place at Mandalay, in which Captain Sladen,
who had resumed his duties at the capital, greatly distinguished
himself. The Princes of the Blood were about to be executed.
The Resident immediately went to the King, and got a reprieve
with which he galloped off, but was too late to save all the
victims. The eldest son of the Crown Prince was already in
the agonies of death j but the younger brothers were saved by
the gallant English representative. Strange enough, the King
said he was unaware that the execution had been ordered by
his ministers, and " warmly thanked " Captain Sladen for his
interference. This was very properly accepted as " a proof of

* A complete account, with the official narrative, of this mission, will be
found in General Fytche's valuable and beautifully got up -work, "Burma,
Past and Present " — a work containing more general information than any
other we have read on the subject of Burma.

SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 383

the friendly relations which were growing up between the
British Government and the King of Burma." But yet there
was room for suspicion that a good deal of Machiavelli
hovered about this sort of conduct ; and, perhaps, Mengdon
would not have made a bad Chin-Indian model of a " Prince "
for the great Florentine to work on ! Truly, " the present state
of political relations with Burma" had "no connection what-
ever with the old diplomacy of the eighteenth century." The
voyage of the mission was made in two steamers, the " Ne-
mesis " and " Colonel Phayre," and leaving Rangoon on the
20th of September, they arrived at Mandalay, seven miles
above Amarapura — which old capital, with Ava, they passed on
the left bank of the river — on the 7th of October. It almost
seemed as if the gallant new Chief Commissioner had gone
with his " Nemesis " to avenge the insults offered to his great
predecessor by the King in not acceding to his requests !
However that may be, the reception was a brilliant one. Man-
dalay had, for this occasion, cast away her bloody garments,
and put on holiday costume. The Envoy was of opinion that
Mengdon was " one of the most enlightened monarchs that ever
sat on the Burmese throne/' but, since his accession to the throne,
he had been educated in a political school " perhaps the worst
in the world." He boasted that he had never ordered an exe-
cution since his reign began, but left it all to his ministers ;
the Envoy was likewise of opinion that the King's reign had not
been disgraced, like his predecessors', by wanton atrocities and
wild excesses. The natural question then comes to be, From
whom did King Theebau learn his jovial and severe lessons
of drinking and murder? The King asked the Envoy for
arms and steamers, " on which point, as he had been informed
on several previous occasions by Sir Arthur Phayre, the English
Government was inclined to be liberal." He wished to guard
against rebellion ; but, as a selfish Buddhist potentate, he cared
nothing for the "well-being of his subjects." This hardly
agrees with our ideas of an " enlightened " king.

384 OUR BURMESE WARS.

After a discussion about the steamers required, when His
Majesty was informed by Colonel Fytche that there were[many
varieties of steamers suitable for river navigation, the King said
— " I also want eight thousand rifles ; you have already as-
sented to my having two thousand, which I am now getting
from Dr. Williams ; and if you let me have eight thousand
more, I shall have ten thousand men well armed with rifles,
and they will always remain near me at the capital."

To this Colonel Fytche replied, " that the rifles could be fur-
nished, but that the kind of rifle wanted should be settled." —
After some remarks on smooth-bores and breech-loaders, the
King turned on his sofa to leave, saying, with a political saga-
city which even Napoleon or Talleyrand might have envied,
" Sladen, I am sorry you have been sick. I shall send you
something to-morrow to make you well," and with that with-
drew.* Could any Sovereign of the West have shown more
courtesy than this ?

The weak point in the treaty duly signed on the occasion of
this mission, and which treaty had great mercantile advantages
in largely increasing our exports to Upper Burma, is the latter
portion of the eighth article, in which it is stated that " the
Burmese Government shall further be allowed permission to
purchase arms, ammunition, and war materials generally, in
British territory, subject only to the consent and approval
in each case of the Chief Commissioner." Had the Cal-
cutta Secretariat — we presume the Foreign Office — before the
ratification of the treaty, suggested some more stringent

* See vol. ii. p. 274. A copy of the signed treaty will also be found, with
the Official Narrative, in the Appendix to "Burma, Past and Present." The
eighth article of the treaty runs thus : — " In accordance with the great friend-
ship which exists between the two Governments, the subjects of either shall
be allowed free trade in the import and export of gold and silver bullion
between the two countries, without lei or hindrance of any kind, on due
declaration being made at the time of import or export."

SUMMARY OF EVENTS. 385

wording, or, what might have been better still, struck out
the latter portion of the article altogether, leaving, without
expressing it, the question entirely to the Chief Commissioner's
good will and discretion, we respectfully venture to think
that King Mengdon's mind would have been relieved from
some doubt on the subject of arms. John Bull in his policy,
East and West, too frequently injures himself by an excess
of good nature. To have made obtaining arms conditional
on a time of peace, also, would not have done ; for it is
just in these so-called times of peace in Burma and China,
as in a few enlightened countries of Europe, that war and
rebellion may be nigh at hand ! It is the old, sad story ;
we need not seek it, but, until some radical change takes
place in the relations of States, we must continue to be
prepared for war !

We are not aware that the King ever got all the arms or
stores he wanted ; perhaps he had not the money to purchase
them ; but, some seven or eight years ago, after the expedition
to the Looshai country, the present writer remarked elsewhere
that our difficulty with regard to a then probable outbreak in
Upper Burma was not lessened by a knowledge of the fact
from Mandalay, that in order to put down local disturbances,
and perhaps be able to resist the Chinese, the Russians, or the
English, the King of Burma was " very anxious to arm his
soldiers with rifles, and obtain rifled cannon " (1872). Had
Mengdon been on the throne at the present time, he might
have had more fear than ever as to China, on hearing of the
restoration of Kuldja — which the Czar never had any right to
take away — the adjustment of the so-called Russian Western
Mongolian frontier — the forced payment of five millions of
roubles to Russia by the Chinese, and the possibility of a
Chinese army descending on Upper Burma to make up the
losses sustained by the Celestials from Russian intrigue ! On
the other hand, it was believed that his successor had formed
an alliance with China.

386 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Let us, while writing at the end of September 1879 — having
just heard of a desperate outbreak and massacre at Herat (and
consequently that " key " running more risk than ever of a
"Russian coup de main ") , following so soon after the insur-
rection and massacre at Cabul — now return to King Theebau.

Of the early days of this Chin-Indian potentate we know
little or nothing ; but it may be presumed that, unlike his
traditionary prototype, Gautama, he was never contemplative,
but always inclined for action. It is not difficult to picture
him, when sowing his wild oats, enjoying the most harrowing
pooay — Burmese drama — taking a rare pleasure in the society
of " posture girls," and being very savage (if it be usual for
princes to play) at the Burmese game of football. Determined
to prove himself a worthy descendant of his grandfather, King
Tharawadi, at the commencement of his regal career, he was
said to "habitually carry about the spear with which his
savage relative was wont to deal out death to those of his at-
tendants, ministers, or menials who displeased him." Like
Tharawadi, he was well educated, and at one time liked the
English. The person of the King of Burma is thus described: —
" He is little over twenty, and has been barely four months on
the throne" (February 1879). "He is a tall, well-built, per-
sonable young man. He is very fair in complexion, has a good
forehead, clear steady eyes, and a firm but pleasant mouth.
His chin is full and somewhat sensual looking, but withal he
is a manly, frank-faced young fellow, and is said to have
gained self-possession, and left the early nervous awkwardness
of his new position with great rapidity."

He was by some considered to have a strong will of his own,
was not always the victim of his ministers, and showed no
fondness " for any diminution of the royal prerogative." Here
we have some good materials for a king ; but we know appear-
ances to be deceitful. After the death of the old King (Octo-
ber 3rd), it was the opinion in Mandalay that the accession of
King Thebau was entirely due to harem intrigue. The Nyoung-

KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 387

yan Prince was the favourite in the succession. Mengdon had
desired it, and his election would have given satisfaction to the
people ; but the Nyoungyan Prince was married, which at that
time was his misfortune. " The mother of the ladies who have
the honour of being King Theebau's wives, intriguing with the
ministers, so managed matters that the Nyoungyan Prince, and
his brother, the Nyoungoke, speedily found it expedient to flee
with their families from the palace. This they did, and taking
refuge in the British Residency, were, after a time,* sent down
to Rangoon, and thence to Calcutta." Theebau, or his mother-
in-law, fortunately for them, could not induce the two princes
to return to the palace. We now arrive at the first " damned
spot" in the royal progress. Towards the end of February news
from Burma was received in Calcutta of the commencement in
earnest of a new regime. Instead of constitutional reforms
taking place, under an educated monarch, Theebau had proved
himself to be a ferocious barbarian. Over " sixty relatives "
(the number was found afterwards to be exaggerated), male and
female, of the late King were said to have been executed in the
palace and prisons, and Mandalay had become the scene of a reign
of terror. Trade was paralysed. A monster, reminding us of
Nero or Caligula, had appeared on the throne of the Golden
Foot. It was indeed the beginning of a terrible end, and came
home, especially in Mandalay and Rangoon, to " men's busi-
ness and bosoms " with a rare intensity. The British Resident
at the capital, Mr. Shaw (successor to Colonel Duncan), had
of course, strongly remonstrated with the King on his barba-
rity, and was exerting himself to prevent further murders. It
was wisely considered that the Government, having its hands full
with Afghanistan, would not care to precipitate a war with
Burma unless British interests were directly menaced ; but it
was thought that, if the King's progress were marked by similar

* About the middle of February.

388 OUR BURMESE WARS.

brutal conduct, a collision would, sooner or later, become in-
evitable. The Indian Government, meanwhile, had sent in-
structions to the Resident " to obtain protection for the King's
surviving relations." Another " fell swoop " might be expected
at any moment. Although horrible to write it, still, in an age
desirous of every information, it may be remarked that, accord-
ing to Mongolian tradition, no blood of any member of the
royal race must be spilt. " Princes of the blood are exe-
cuted by a blow, or blows, on the back of the neck." Prin-
cesses are put to death by a blow in front "instead of the back
of the neck/' * The bodies are then sunk in the river Ira-
wady, not " usually burnt," as remarked by another writer.
On the present occasion, we believe, they were buried in a pit.
To show that the Government were fully alive to the importance
of the situation in Upper Burma, it may here be remarked
that, additional troops being asked for, they were at once
granted; and, early in March, the 54th Foot and Madras
troops embarked at Calcutta for Rangoon. The whole rein-
forcements ordered were nearly double the ordinary strength of
garrisons in British Burma. The number of victims to the
King's madness was now reported to be forty, instead of eighty
or sixty. At this time it was telegraphed from Calcutta (March
9th), "The Rangoon and Irawady State Railway, one hundred
and sixty-one miles long, and running three trains daily each way,
connects Rangoon with Prome,* whence outposts at Thayetmyo
and Toungoo are distant respectively forty and sixty miles, and
at Mandalay about two hundred and twenty miles. There is a

* " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i. p. 217 (note).

f This railway " was pushed on rapidly during 1876-77, and was publicly
opened to traffic on the 1st of May 1877. It connects Rangoon and Prome, a
distance of one hundred and sixty-three miles. Its opening has caused a very
appreciable increase of population in t lie tracts through which it runs." — From
an admirable " Statement " drawn up in the India Office, and ordered by the
House of Commons to be printed, August 1878.

KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 389

telegraph from Rangoon to Mandalay, but the line beyond the
British frontier, maintained by the Burmese authorities and
working irregularly, is now interrupted."

Early in March also, in reply to Earl Granville, in the House
of Lords, Viscount Cranbrook, with reference to the " precau-
tionary measure of sending reinforcements to Burma, said the
telegram from the Viceroy was in these terms : — " In com-
pliance with strong recommendation of Chief Commissioner,
Rangoon, and Resident, Mandalay, we have reinforced the
garrison of British Burma by two regiments Native Infantry and
one British."

The situation in Burma had assumed a really serious aspect.
But the extensive military preparations going on at Mandalay
were not so likely to produce King Thebau's downfall as his
surrounding himself with advisers known to be hostile to the
British Government. As was well remarked, the ill-advised
Prince, having committed a shocking outrage on humanity,
appeared to be making warlike preparations, " perhaps under
the delusion that he [may recover Pegu." But, like most
Orientals, he had miscalculated his opportunity. Still, we had
now lamentable experience enough to teach us not to under-
value any'enemy whatever ! By the middle of March it was
considered'that the8 Chief Commissioner, with the 54th Foot
from Calcutta^and'Jthe 43rd from Madras, with the native
regiments from both Presidencies, was able to protect British
territory in^the event of aggression ; but the position of the
Resident at Mandalay, and other Europeans there, was, doubt-
less/ critical in the extreme. Still, some were bold enough to
think that the King and his advisers were " not so utterly lost
to all sense of prudence as to precipitate their own downfall by
rushing into hostilities with us." The "savage madman at
Mandalay " was even talked of in the streets of Lahore. From
that quarter we first learned that at tThayetmyo there was
already a field battery, and at] Toungoo a mountain battery,
while a garrison battery was ready to take up the equipment

390 OUR BURMESE WARS.

forwarded. There would, therefore, be no lack of field artillery,
" while the defensive works at both the above outposts, as well
as at Rangoon, were well armed and manned." Having again
mentioned Toungoo, the present writer is led to think of
twenty-five years ago, when, not long after we had taken pos-
session of the now rising town, he was suddenly ordered to pro-
ceed with his detachment of artillery (guns and rockets) to the
northward. An advanced infantry force, under Captain Geills,
had met with determined opposition— the commanding ofiicer
was mortally wounded — while the frontier line was being
marked out, some forty miles from Toungoo.* We then heard
of a strong stockade at Ramathayu, another forty, or perhaps
sixty, miles further north. This post must be the same as
Yemethen, in the maps of the present day, or Ramethen ; and,
in the event of a column invading Upper Burma from Toungoo,
it would only have to proceed direct north to Yemethen, and
thence, in the same direction, passing Ava and Amarapura, to
Mandalay — about two hundred and fifty miles, or less. With
the flotilla of attack from Prome or the frontier town of Mea-
day, and the advance from Toungoo resolutely performed,
King Theebau, should he give us trouble, would find himself
in) a critical position. This slight digression from the royal
progress may be excused on the plea that " the King is still
drinking ! "

Later news informed us that King Theebau was constructing
fortified works, and making various warlike preparations ; also
that the Burmese inhabitants of Rangoon had been summoned
to return to their own country. Non-compliance with this
order was to be punished by the execution of their families !
The " Times of India " remarked, regarding the recent mas-
sacre: — "It is etrange that, when the people of Mandalay
carry their indignation against the atrocities of the King to

* See " Pegu," p. 407.

KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 391

the length of expressing their desire for British intervention,
and the slaughter of so many influential personages must have
alienated the ruling classes, a revolution does not break out."
And again, at the conclusion of the summing up — This
butchery " of the butcher's own relations is an atrocity fully
equalling any recorded in history, and shows to what frightful
lengths unlimited and irresponsible power may carry a human
being."

At the time of recording this progress (September 1879), and
the period of our Cabul troubles — which, through the deter-
mination of the Indian Government and the valour of our
troops, must be only temporary — it is of interest to think of
what the King said to Mr. Archibald Forbes,* on his visit,
early in the year, to the Burmese Court. " Whence does he
come ? " asked the Golden Foot, at the interview. " From the
British army in Afghanistan, engaged in war against the Prince
of Cabul," replied Dr. Williams, the interpreter. " And does
the war prosper for my friends the English ? " " He reports that
it has done so greatly, and that the Prince of Cabul is a fugitive."
Theebau may, before this last question, have been thinking even
of the Afghans as allies; for, strange to say, history records
that sixty-five years ago the Burmese asked the Sikhs in the far
north-west to co-operate with them in driving the British out
of India ! The King made a remarkable speech during the
above interview, which makes us think of the truthful saying,
that " the Devil can cite scripture for his purpose." One of
the ministers being absent, Theebau asked where he was. On
being told, it being " Court day," he was in Court, the King
replied, in quite a Charles-the-Twelfth fashion, " It is well. I
wish the ministers to make every day a Court day, and to
labour hard to give prompt justice to suitors, so that there be

* The well-known correspondent of the " Daily News." This important
visit is quoted in the " Homeward Mail," March 29th, 1879.

392 OUR BURMESE WARS.

no complaint of arrears." The " law's delay " was a more
fearful crime, in the eyes of Theebau, than murder ! O, poor
Human Nature, what variety there is in thy composition !
Had King Theebau moved in another sphere, unshackled by
" Burman custom," his progress would have been different, and
he might have become a fair specimen of an Eastern ruler !
With reference to a remark of the Russian " Golos " in March
last, that our first negotiations for peace in Afghanistan were
due to "military disasters," one of our best public writers
thought that in all the lucubrations of the " Golos " it seems
to have been overlooked that, with the prospect of another
Burmese war before us, in addition to South African military
requirements, prudential motives, and not the prowess of the
Afghans, would suggest some sort of compromise with their
ruler." He concludes in the following remarkable strain : —
" As regards the finances of India at the present moment, a
war with rich Burma would certainly be more agreeable than
a financially barren victory in Afghanistan." Notwithstanding
assurances to the Resident of future tranquillity, the King
appears to have gone on fortifying Mandalay, and, doubtless,
to have gone on drinking. A Burmese Envoy (or Agent) also
had been despatched to the Indian Government. It seemed
that there was as yet " no good ground for interference." The
Viceroy would only think of war as " a last resource," and even
then, with our hands so full, that " last resource " might be
delayed, to the heartfelt regret of Rangoon, Calcutta, Glasgow,
and other commercial centres. That something would have to
be done ere long was undeniable. Trade was at a comparative
standstill, and there was no security for peace in British or Lower
Burma while Upper was ruled by such a very strange sovereign
as King Theebau. In the event of military operations, it was
remarked — " Nothing like the protracted struggle of the two
former Burmese wars need be anticipated, for it seems clear
that King Theebau has completely alienated the affections of
his subjects, and an invading army (British force) would be re-

KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 393

ceived with welcome, as a new era of prosperity would dawn on
Burma were Thebau dethroned and the Nyoungyan Prince (a
refugee in Calcutta) established in his place and made a feuda-
tory of the Indian Government." The King was reported to
fear some such action on our part, and had despatched secret
agents to Calcutta to assassinate the Nyoungyan Prince.
Surely such an instance was never heard of before, that of a
somewhat talented young sovereign rushing so madly on his
fate. It was, indeed, a royal progress with a vengeance !

In one of his drunken fits he might attack us, if not first
attacked by us. Such may have been his intention. But, of
the reinforcements arrived at Rangoon, it was pleasing to learn
that two thousand men, European and Native, with a small naval
brigade from H.M.S. "Wild Swan/' had been despatched to
the frontier. It was not intended to send any ultimatum to the
King of Burma. The policy seemed to be to wait for the move-
ment of the Burmese troops massing at Meuhla, some thirty
miles above our frontier. About the end of March, intelligence
was received that a deceitful quiet prevailed at Mandalay ; and
King Theebau, since the despatch of reinforcements, was reported
to be in a conciliatory mood. The Burmese ministers were
uneasy, as well they might be ; and, to make matters worse,
Theinnee, the chief of one of the Burmese tributary (Shan)
states, was contumacious, and disregarded the order of the
head that wore a crown, summoning him to Mandalay. In
the first week of April the situation was " practically un-
changed." But some four thousand of the King's troops were
stated to be on his side of the frontier.

It was alleged that King Theebau had sent a mission to
Pekiu, acknowledging the suzerainty of China (of which he is
a vassal), and invoking help against us. Trade at Mandalay
continued paralysed, and anxiety regarding the safety of the
Europeans there continued unabated. The Nyoungyan Prince,
as if to profit by the situation, had gone to Rangoon in dis-
guise ; but he was detected, and promptly shipped back by the

394 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Chief Commissioner (Mr. Aitchison) to Calcutta. Complica-
tions on the frontier were reported, in consequence of some
powerful chiefs (we believe Shan) having declared that they
would no longer pay any allegiance to the King of Burma. Mr.
Shaw's steamer was lying, with steam up, in constant readi-
ness for his departure, " in case of necessity/' It was thought
that, in the event of his departure, the Burmese war vessels at
Menhla might intercept the Resident. The British Govern-
ment had proclaimed that it desired no rupture, and would
permit none, " unless forced by overt acts of insult or aggres-
sion/'

The trading community at Calcutta, " with characteristic im-
patience/' were anxious for definite action. The remaining
events of some importance, early in April , chiefly consisted in
arrangements for King Theebau's coronation, and the fact of
several Shan chiefs, who had visited his Majesty, having been
thrown into prison. The brave Shans,* it was thought, pre-
viously disaffected, would rise to a man. This would be a most
telling point in our favour, in the event of future operations.
If we can only secure the loyalty of the Shans, we become at
once, in a great measure, the masters of Upper Burma.

* We have great faith in the Shans ; and the heroism of the Shan ladies — to
which allusion has already been made in the First Burmese War— is perfectly
captivating. In addition to what has been said of their military ardour, two
little incidents are worth recording. The fearless Amazons fought with their
chobwas (chiefs) and petty princes, as has been noticed, against us in the first
war. They were not only credited with the gift of prophecy and fore-know-
ledge, but with the possession of the miraculous power of turning aside the
balls of the English. One of them, before Prome, received a fatal bullet in
the breast, but the moment she was seen, and her sex recognised, the soldiers
bore her from the scene of death to the rear, where she expired. Another of
them was observed flying on horseback with " the defeated remnant of her
people," but boforo she could gain tho opposite bank of the river, a shrapnell
shell exploded above her head, and she fell from her horse into the water ; " but
whether killed or only frightened," writes Major Snodgrass, "could not be
ascertained."

KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 395

By the middle of April several steamers were in readiness at
Thayetmyo to convey our troops beyond the frontier in the
event of war. New ministers were in the ascendant; and,
although the Burmese Government "wished for peace/' it de-
clined to settle the " shoe question." This has long been a
vexata questio in Burma and other countries of the East j and
would be settled at once if we could only get them to under-
stand that, although " Burman," it is not European " custom."
On the conclusion of the first war, while Mr. Crawford's mis-
sion was at Ava, Captain Lumsden of the Bengal Horse Artil-
lery could not get his boots to come off, so was allowed to
enter with them on. A horse artillery man without his boots
(they*/wore jacks and leathers in those days) is almost as defi-
cient a picture as a Golden Foot without his golden umbrella
{tee), or a bishop without his lawn ! The cultivators of the
soil were now leaving, and no preparations were being made
for sowing the crops. Never was Upper Burma in a worse
state. Chaos was everywhere. Large masses of Burmese
soldiery were said to be moving towards our frontier garrison of
Toungoo, which was about to be reinforced.

Looking at the matter boldly, there can be no doubt that
Burmese policy has always been hostile to England. Mengdon
wished it to be known that he was entirely independent of the
British, notwithstanding the loss of Pegu ; and " at Rome and
at Teheran, by his embassies, let it be clearly known he was
anxious to obtain outside help."

Italians and Frenchmen at Mandalay have had their share
of royal favour. If we do not, for the sake of peace in Eastern
Asia, so effectually settle Upper Burma — if possible, without
annexation* — before very long, Russians, and even Germans
(on account of China) will probably be found " doing business "
at the capital of the Golden Foot ! There is a great game of

* It has been well said that if the late king had possessed a seaport, war
would have occurred long ago. " We should have had to choose between the
annexation of Upper Burma and a foreign protectorate."

396 OUR BURMESE WARS.

chess being played all over the world ; and Britannia must
not allow herself to be checkmated.

We now return to King Theebau. Although twenty-five
thousand men were reported to be on the Burmese frontier,
there was a more pacific feeling at Mandalay, in producing
which the terrible heat of the weather probably had the chief
effect. Murders had been discontinued, owing to the energy
of our Resident and of the Italian Consul. The number of
executions, therefore, had fallen far short of that originally
intended " by the bloodthirsty tiger, Theebau/' From conver-
sations with Burmese it was ascertained that the King had
prepared a list of one hundred and fifty victims, " and had
even gone into the details of those who should be killed on
such and such a night." Of the royal family alone — wives,
sons, and daughters of the late King — no less than forty-five
persons were said to have met their fate. The people at the
capital were beginning to discover that their property and lives
were at the mercy of " a barbarous despot." With reference
to previous remarks in this summary, it may be stated that a
shrewd writer, on hearing that King Theebau had informed his
counsellors that heretofore fear had prompted his yielding to
the English demands, and that henceforth he would neither
hear nor speak of proposals for an accommodation with Eng-
land,* declared : — ' ' It is all very well to ridicule the ' Golden
Foot ' when, seemingly playing the role of Macbeth, he deter-
mines to hang all that talk of fear, but this sudden change
may not be the result simply of a tyrant's whimsicality. It
looks rather as though he had just received f Celestial ' prompt-
ings, and it might not be difficult after all to connect a sequence
of events which at present seem far apart." Theebau might
prove to be the tool of " a greater potentate " already becoming
conspicuous as the "third factor" in Asian affairs. By the
end of April, information was received in London that the

* This usaortion was afterwards uilicially denied by the Burmeso Ministers.

897

Secretary of State for India had sanctioned the finally-revised
estimate for the Rangoon and Prome Railway, which made
provision for six additional miles of branch line ; but, while
civilisation in Lower Burma was thus becoming so apparent, in
the Upper country affairs were in a strange condition. The
King had been " drinking heavily " — what he had been drinking
we are not informed j — power was'slipping back into the hands of
late King's advisers ; and warlike preparations in Mandalay had
ceased, doubtless from the effects of the never-ending royal
indulgence. The King, it was said, never appeared in public.
But still our diplomatic relations, through Mr. Shaw (appointed
a second-class Resident), were being conducted with every
courtesy, in the ordinary forms. This was but a poor conso-
lation, while humanity and commercial enterprise were both
suffering so wrongfully. So long as Theebau sat on the throne
the peace of Burma was sure to hang by a thread ; while the
unfortunate British mercantile community conceived the bit-
terest dislike for the Burmese Government, " so hostile to all
measures for developing the resources of the country."

Early in May, King Theebau was " still drinking " ; the Prime
Minister was out of favour; and the masses — perhaps with a
meaning which the King did not think of — were for war.

The King was brooding over some scheme of revenge for the
rebellious attitude of his maternal grandfather, the Theinnee
Chief; and the Theinnee Shan tribes were in open rebellion.
There was little, if any, actual change in the position. The
following is a good story current at this time : — When the news
of the Zulu affair (Isandula) reached Mandalay, Theebau, in a
drunken fit, issued orders to invade British Burma via Prome,
and to take Rangoon ! Government, and the reinforcements,
were too quick for him, when he said he was only making
preparations to resist his enemies, the Shans !

At Mandalay the King's troops were being constantly drilled ;
and it was considered almost certain that Theebau had killed
the young son of the Theinnee Princess, " because of the re-

398 OUR BURMESE WARS.

bellion of her brother and other members of the Theinnee Shan
tribes." Other murders were reported to have taken place ;
but the exact truth was not known. However, one thing was
evident, that King Theebau's progress in massacre — contem-
plative as well as actual — was very considerable. " King still
drinking— trade at a standstill/' even in the middle of May,
was the standard telegram; and it was also affirmed that
General Elmhirst, an officer of repute, commanding a division
in the Madras Presidency, would take the command of an
expeditionary force for Upper Burma, in the event of war. We
were then, as now, of opinion, that officers who had a good
local acquaintance with Burma should be utilised as much as
possible in any contemplated operations. Of these a large
number could be found, ready at a moment's notice, to further
the glory and promote the interests of Great Britain in Chin-
India.

King Theebau's progress had now assumed a new phase : he
had prohibited all Europeans (foreigners) from entering the
palace walls under any pretext whatever. More surrounding
tribes* were in open rebellion, and there was a steady secrecy
hanging over everything taking place within the palace. No-
thing, it seemed, could exceed the uncertainty of our relations
with Mandalay. None could predict what " act of ignorant
violence " the King might commit if he remained under the
influence of the party compromised by the massacres.

Towards the end of May, Mr. Shaw had a long meeting with
the Prime Minister ; the King, however, was summoning fresh
levies, which removed all hope that the crisis would pass away.
The cultivators between Prome and Thayetmyo were reduced
to a state of desperation. There were no workmen to get the
fields ready, or to sow the grain. A cloud seemed to hang
over all ; but yet it was believed (doubtless with good reason)

* It was said, the Bhama Kachin (Kakhyen) tribes. TheKakhyens form a
very large tribe, and are warlike when roused. Their territory extends from
the Irawady to China, and from Bamu to Thibet.

KING THEEBATj's PEOGRESS. 399

at Simla, that affairs were more settled in Upper Burma. A
telegram at the end of May brought the intelligence that the
King had determined upon war ever since the Resident's re-
monstrance as to the massacres, and his threat to lower his
flag and leave the capital if any more were committed. It was
now undoubted that the Theinnee Prince was murdered, and
that his mother had been tortured, if not actually slain. It
was also said that, although there had been no more " whole-
sale massacres," several cases of individual murder had taken
place, generally by starvation or slow torture.

It will now be of interest to relate that the remonstrance of
the Italian Government " against the Burmese massacres and
shocking atrocities," which had horrified the world, was most
keenly felt by the Burmese Government. Italy was the only
country which had formally acknowledged King Theebau and
" the ministers had hoped for her support against the British
Government ! " King Theebau's progress in alienating himself
from the entire civilised world appeared to be most rapid. It
is hard to believe that, towards the end of the nineteenth cen-
tury, we should be writing about such a Burmese Caligula.
The famous horse of the Roman Emperor, which he styled " High
Priest " and " Consul," and which, adorned with pearls and
splendid trappings, he kept in a hall of ivory, has at length
found a counterpart in the White Elephant* of the Golden
Foot, both of which noble and sagacious animals their masters
equally disgraced.

Caligula and Nero died about the age of thirty — the former,
as every schoolboy knows, having been assassinated, and the latter
having killed himself to avoid a shameful death. If King
Thebau's jovial fits go on as steadily as hitherto, the pro-

* Held in extraordinary veneration by the Burmese and Siamese — the King
and his people deeming it inauspicious to be without one. For an excellent
account of this " sacred " animal, see " Burma, Past and Present," vol. i.
pp. 249-50.

400 OUR BURMESE WARS.

gress towards destruction will soon be ended; and, like
Addison's rake, he will die of old age at two-and-twenty !
The Government of India might then be saved all further
anxiety and trouble in remonstrance by placing (under
certain conditions) either the Nyoungyan Prince or the
Lunbin Prince, son of the War Prince (elder brother of
Mengdon), who was killed in the rebellion of 1866, firmly on
the throne ! The last we heard of the " Lunbin " was that he
was at Rangoon, studying English. There are, therefore, hopes
yet for Upper Burma ; but at present we must go back to
King Theebau.

" Jolly June," as Spenser hath it, found the King " still
drinking." It was announced that he had sent letters and
presents to the Viceroy, and asked for a personal interview ;
but it seemed doubtful whether his subjects would allow him
to remain on the throne, or not. The same informant an-
nounced that his ministers had left off visiting him, and that
his troops were " a mere rabble." The latter remark was
highly silly and impolitic, and leads soldiers to undervalue an
enemy. After our sad experiences, we should call not even
the worst troops " mere rabble " !

For an Eastern or an African campaign, we should even be
better prepared for an enemy, with whom Nature makes up for
the want of Science, in men, material, and especially the In-
telligence department, than if we were going to fight a highly
civilised European power. This is the only true philosophy
of war in such a vast and splendid Empire as ours !

The mother of the Nyoungyan Prince was heavily ironed ;
and the King was so terribly violent that none of the ministers
dared to approach him. In British Burma, the merchants of
Rangoon had memorialised the Chief Commissioner in reference
to Burmese affairs. They alleged the existence of " an extra-
ordinary stagnation of trade consequent upon the uncertainty
of our relations with Upper Burma, and the insecurity caused
by the large additions to the military force on the frontier.

KING THEEBAU'S PBOGRESS. -M)l

They represented that the trade to Mandalay had, " sine:' the
massing of the troops, declined more than half a million," and
that there was a decrease in the value of goods cleared at
Rangoon for Lower Burma of " a million and a half." It was
difficult to [imagine " a more disastrous state of affairs." The
matter was to be laid, without loss of time, before the Indian
Government.

The King was considered to be seriously alarmed at the
approach of our troops to his frontiers ; and he had appointed
" a lot of savage ruffians as his body-guard." Formerly youths
of high rank used to hold the office ; so the change had greatly
annoyed the better class of people. Having had a fresh list
of all connected with the royal blood submitted to hirn, it was
naturally believed that he projected another massacre, at no
distant period. But it was all set down to the stern fact that
Theebau was " still drinking." " What a god-send," wrote an
ever lively, instructive, and witty military journalist, "this
royal ' horrid example ' will be for the teetotal lecturers ! " —
As we before said, drinking and murder going hand in hand
together !

It will naturally occur to every English reader, who has
honoured these pages with a perusal, that the position of the
British Resident at Mandalay, throughout so many escapades
of King Theebau, must have been a very responsible as well
as a very difficult and harassing one — calculated to spoil the
best temper, and wear out the strongest constitution.

From Simla it had heen announced that the Agent de-
spatched by the King, with letters and presents to the Viceroy,
had arrived ; but his request for a personal interview could not
be granted. The conduct of the Mandalay Court in requiring
our Resident to submit to certain " undignified ceremonials "
would never do ; and his visits to the King had been, there-
fore, suspended. King Theebau had evidently lost his best
friend. The diiriculty was said to resemble that overcome in
China ; but where the Emperor of China yielded, the com-

402 OUR BURMESE WARS.

paratively petty potentate of Upper Burma held out. Prepara-
tions were still in progress for the coronation of the King.
On the 15th of June the amiable, energetic, and accomplished
Resident breathed his last. His death was said to proceed
from heart disease,* doubtless brought on, or aggravated, by
too much worry and anxiety. Like a true soldier, Shaw died at
his post, with harness on his back ; and, although his end was
not surrounded by a halo of tragical heroism, as in the in-
stances of Sir Alexander Burnes and Sir Louis Cavagnari, at
Cabul, still England lost in him a most worthy son, " a dis-
tinguished explorer, and trustworthy representative of the
Indian Government in intercourse with border potentates, re-
quiring tact and personal influence."

Reports of fresh massacres of royal princes were said to have
reached the Indian Government. The coronation of King
Theebau had passed over without any disturbance. It was now
discovered that the King of Burma had been prosecuting
" certain intrigues and encroachments " in the Karennee
country, inconsistent with the special treaty made in 1875
regarding that important tract of " debatable border-land."

In addition to the late massacres, the "Rangoon Times"
correspondent had gathered " from a reliable source " that
" the poor mad Prince of Chabin had been put. to an igno-
minious death, having undergone kicking and slapping for
several years. It was said that like his grandfather, Tharawadi,
he had tried to render himself " invisible " ! Pooays were nu-
merous ; and a royal lottery, encouraging gambling, had been
established since early in May. There were numerous royal
lottery shops ; and the Royal Rake's progress now appeared to
be advancing at a more rapid pace than ever.

At the end of June we read that King Theebau's second

Afterwards staled to be rluMiinalic-fever.

KING THEEBATJ'S PROGRESS. 403

queen had succeeded in inducing him to degrade his chief
queen, her elder sister.

An adventurer, who was for some time in King Mengdon's ser-
vice, informed the puhlic that this sovereign was "very anxious on
the subject of ironclads and fortifications," and projected iron-
works,* "from the furnaces for the smelting of ore, down to the
mills for rolling the armour plates." But nothing was done. The
city of Mandalay was also described :— " The city, with the palace
in the centre, forms a square, and is surrounded by four brick
walls, each wall being three-quarters of a mile long and twenty
feet in height; nine feet thick at the base, finishing off at the top
to three feet, all the slope of the walls being inside, where earth is
also packed up to a height of about twelve feet. There are three
entrances on either side, and the twelve great doors are shielded
on the outer side by blocks of brickwork. These walls are again
surrounded by a moat fifty feet wide, the inner edge of which
is about thirty-five feet from the city walls. The city, with its
walls and moat, is considered by the Burmese impregnable."t

It was pleasing to hear that the Burmese conducted them-
selves very well on the sad occasion of Mr. Shaw's death, and the
funeral was largely attended. The deceased Resident had for-
merly been British Agent at Ladakh, and his knowledge of
Central Asian affairs was very considerable. Colonel Horace
Browne, of the Pegu Commission, had left Rangoon to take
charge of the^ Residency at Mandalay, till the arrival of Mr.
Shaw's succe o

* See page 373.

f For a most interesting &..d useful description of the present capital,
varying, in some respects, from the above, see General Fytche's " Burma,
Past and Present," vol. p. 250-254. The plan of the wall of the city of
Mandalay, with its cro ated top, flanking buttresses, and parapet, strongly
resembles the great il of China.

% Mr. St. Barbe, who hnrl snecoeded Mr. Cooper at Bhamo, acted till Colone
Browne's arrival.

2d *

104 OUR BURMESE WAKS.

Early in July, the British public were furnished with a
most graphic account of an important military review at Man-
dalay. It must be kept in mind that the whole force of the
Burmese army is generally concentrated at the capital, and at
this time it was believed that " the actual influence of the King
and his Court did not extend beyond a radius of fifty miles
round, and a few miles on either side along the banks of the
Irawady." The " Grand Review of Burmese Troops in Manda-
lay " was, doubtless, a most important local event ; but for
any purposes of war, of course, it was utterly useless, and no
idea of Burmese warfare can be formed except when the enemy
are in their jungles or behind their stockades. The ludicrous
incidents of this review, at which some five or six thousand
men were present, were admirably brought out by the writer* ;
and, like too many effusions of our highly gifted " Specials " of
this railroad age, they deserved a more permanent place than
in the ephemeral columns of a journal. From the terrace of
Signor Andreino's residence, the view is described as " charm-
:ng enough." " On our left front on the other side of the city
vas Mandalay hill, with its white pagodas (reached from the
surrounding level by great staircases ornamented with colossal
dragons) shining among the emerald vegetation. In the distant
east the Shan Hills, gently rounded, lay in a purple shade. On
the right rose a jagged peak, which local superstition avers to
be the wild abode of the ' nats,' or evil spirits. At our feet
was the city wall with its embroidered crest of notches, from
behind which rose the roofs of the King's palace, and peaked
kyoungs and pagodas innumerable ; and then there was the
splendid moat, with its brilliant green mantle of lotuses, deco-
rated here and there with the large white flowers that are the
true Buddhist's veneration and delight/' Such description as

* Special Correspondent of the " Standard," dated May 20th, in issue of
Juh 2nd, is7i>.

KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 405

this would do credit to the pen of a Warburton or a King-
lake. Most of the Marines, he observed, were armed with
rifles.* One company had the dha, "the national knife, which
is almost the same as that terrible weapon of the Afghans, the
charah." Among the extraordinary costumes, he observed the
"gilded hats," worn by "spearmen," — many of which kind (worn
by the King's troops) we picked up at the capture of Rangoon.
Signor Andreino (the Italian Consul) had received two letters
conveying King Humbert's congratulations on Theebau's acces-
sion to the throne. But, at the same time, the Burmese
ministers were informed that the late massacres had excited
horror throughout the civilised world, and especially in Italy.
Although the steamers of the Irawady flotilla at Mandalay,
for a time, had left off their " banked fires " — ready in case of
rebellion — King Theebau was said still to continue in his dan-
geror." " :nad lunes " !

Colonel Horace Browne was now the hero of the hour
at Mandalay. On his arrival,f towards the end of June,
he had been escorted to the Residency by several Burmese
officials, and visits of ceremony were paid him by a few
of the grandees of the Court. But no apparent change
seemed to have come over the murderous spirit of King
Thebau, or that of his executive. No sooner did we hear
of the new Resident's arrival, than more massacres by the
King were reported to have taken place. This time the vic-
tims were the cousin of Nyoungyan, and two sons of Paghan
Myoza, supporters of the refugee princes. They had been
sentenced to imprisonment in Mogoung, the Burmese Siberia.
" Murder," it was said from Rangoon, " was the easier means
of riddance."

* The musket was first introduced into the Pegu and Ava countries by the
Portuguese. The stout Buruian, with his dha and Martini-Henry, may yet
fight on our side in Upper Burma !

+ Strange to say, his gun and sword were detained at the Custom-house on
this occasion, for a short time, " though foreigners are allowed to land these
ordinarilv without a pass."

406 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Rangoon, and of course Calcutta, considered the situation
extremely unsatisfactory. But, by some, it was thought that
matters were improving as regarded the chance of peace. All
reports, however, were very conflicting. At first it was said that
the King had commenced his extensive military preparations in
" terror of the consequences of his barbarity " ; and yet, no
sooner had the new Resident arrived than more murders
were reported. It seemed clear that the Golden Foot was
not troubled with that active moral check and companion
in life — a conscience !

Cholera, our Indian "Angel of Death," had at length "spread
his wings on the blast " at Thayetmyo ; and there was some
alarm, owing to the crowded state of the troops. The excellent
sanitary movement of forming a cholera camp on the other
side of the river was at once adopted. While marching in
India, we have found crossing a river, at all hazards, prove a
valuable check to cholera. This would seem to argue in favour
of the disease being of a local character; and, in the early
stages, change or movement should, therefore, take place at
once.

The King had said that nothing would induce him to agree
to a settlement of " the shoe question ." We have before touched
on this point. It does seem eminently absurd, the political
officer of Her Majesty the Empress of India appearing before
the Golden Foot without his shoes ! Life is too short for such
useless etiquette, so we must just make the " Lord of Earth
and Air" stoop a little to civilisation, and "the force of cir-
cumstances." We recollect being shoeless (or rather bootless)
during the year of the great Mutiny (1857), when present at
the installation of the Nizam (lit. putter in order) of the
Dekhan, at Hyderabad. The Mussulmans in the grand
audience hall, while apparently keeping the pressing crowd
back with their sticks, in case of our being forcibly pushed
too near the yuddee (cushion or throne) of His Highness, had
little regard to the safety of our boots, which were eventually

KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 407

found with some difficulty ; while a gallant horse-artilleryman,
we believe, lost his helmet altogether. Should, by auy chance,
King Theebau reform, we trust that he will turn his strict
attention to this important question.

Not long after the King's "homicidal fit/' disturbances
occurred in the country between Mandalay and Bhamo ; but
the officials and populace at the capital were so much engaged
with State lotteries, that the fact of several of the King's ser-
vants having been killed, while collecting unusually heavy taxes,
caused no sensation. Human life, or " flesh and blood," had
become very " cheap " at Mandalay.

At the end of July, it was said that a rectification of the
British frontier in the direction of Thayetmyo was looked for
at no distant date ; the Shans near Bhamo were quiet ; and it
was rumoured that the very wise step of removing the British
Residency at Mandalay to a more secure site had been deter-
mined on. The Resident's guard was also to be largely
increased.

At this time public attention in Russia was devoted to the
future relations between that Empire and China. The " deve-
lopment of commercial relations for the benefit of Russian
trade," was the leading cause. As Russia trades with China
mainly, if not solely, by land, it was demanded that similar
privileges as have been accorded to " maritime trade " with
China should be granted to "trade carried on by land." Per-
haps most Englishman wish that we would keep a stricter watch
over the Nunquam dormio policy of Russia in the East. Like
the science of geology, it never rests — its law is progress.

In Asia we had now obtained our " scientific frontier," and
a vote of thanks was accorded to our victorious army in
Afghanistan by both Houses of Parliament. There might
now be time to look after a " scientific frontier " for Burma.

It was remarked in London that things were becoming " very
1 red ' in Mandalay." Perhaps no king was ever so earnestly
watched. His " Progress " had become a sort of "household

408 OUR BURMESE WARS.

word/' and the questions, " Is lie still drinking ? " " Any more
massacres ? " resounded throughout the land. We are not
aware of the authority on which a popular writer based the
remark that, after the recent murders, Colonel Browne took
no notice, although his predecessor, Mr. Shaw, said, on any
more massacres occurring, he would haul down the British
flag from the Residency and leave the capital. It was affirmed
that, after the threat, some thirty princes were slaughtered,
but this was an evident exaggeration. In the event of Thee-
bau hereafter being one of our feudatories, it was interesting
now to learn that, with reference to the question of disarm-
ing the native princes of India, it appeared that " twelve thou-
sand British troops were required to watch the forty-five thou-
sand troops of the Nizam/' Holding Pegu as we do, and
having the entire command of the Irawady and other Burmese
rivers, about one-half of that number should suffice.

About the middle of August, some interesting information
regarding Burma was received in Calcutta. It appeared there
were two parties at Mandalay. The Government, or Court, and
the Moderate parties — the latter party belonging to the pre-
ceding reign. The ascendancy of the Court party was shown
" by the increasing attempts to isolate the British Resident."
It became very questionable whether the Indian Government
would long care to keep an officer of high political rank at
Mandalay on such terms. It was now thought that when
Colonel Browne returned to his post in British Burma, no
officer of equal rank would relieve him, but that his present
Assistant would carry on " the unimportant work which the
system now pursued at Mandalay leaves for our Resident."
The genuine and philanthropic desire of the Indian Govern-
ment to keep matters quiet was steadily observable ; but the
King and the Court party sorely tried our patience. Their
present policy seemed to be, to "evade open aggression or
insult." The King, however, had made steady progress in
wickedness, and at length was reported " mad through blood

KING THEEBAU's PROGRESS. 409

unci brandy." Executions and drinking-bouts continued. And
it was thought that if Colonel Browne left the capital the_King
and Court party might be rash enough " to exceed the care-
fully denned limits " within which they had, so far, restrained
their insolence.

Rain, during the year 1879, was by no means wanting in
Burma. Up to July 13, the rainfall was 43" 11 inches, when last
year it was only 32*32. During one week the average was an inch
a day. But even such an average appears to be considerably
less than what the present writer recollects at Rangoon.*

With reference to our paper on the mineral wealth of Upper
Burma, at the end of August we read that some Shans having
made large sums of money by trading in sapphire and rubies
from Siam, numbers of others had recently gone there from
British Burma. The stones, though "inferior to those ob-
tained in Upper Burma," were said by the Burmese to be so
plentiful near Bangkok, that even women were anxious to pro-
ceed to the mines. But it was considered that the astute
Siamese Government were not likely to allow foreigners many
mining privileges, while they had so many subjects of their
own anxious to make their fortunes.

If King Theebau did not prefer spirits to wine, living as
he does among the finest rubies in the world, instead of
murdering his relatives, he might be enjoying their society,
governing his country well, while developing its resources, en-
joying his wine in moderation, and, perhaps, occasionally break-
ing forth in the rapturous strain of the Persian Hafiz : —
" Boy, let the liquid ruby flow,
And let the pensive heart be glad ! "

Early in September, London was startled by one of the
" Latest Telegrams " (Rangoon, September 2), with most omi-
nous headings, in large type. The British Resident had departed
from Mandalay ; and there was a probable ministerial conspi-

* For Meteorology of Burma, see Addenda, Part III.

410 OUR BURMESE WARS.

racy against King Theebau. The rank of Resident was to be
reduced. It was further said that twelve guns were mounted
at Menhla, on the frontier, where there were forty thousand
men.

With reference to troops sent by the King to Shwe-koo-
gyee, near Bhamo, it was considered that the Red Karens had
gained the day, and had "hacked, crucified, and chopped up
three hundred of the royal army/' It was difficult to get the
Burmese soldiers to face these " wild creatures." The several
tribes of Karens have been much written about, and much
misunderstood. Perhaps our friend Dr. Mason knew them
better than any other missionary or traveller. Although his
success among them, as to conversion, was wonderful, he
nevertheless speaks of them in terms of the severest deprecia-
tion. They are " a race of incorrigible liars, and as contrary
as Balaam's ass. They are as cowardly as sheep, as savage as
wolves, and as destitute of compassion as an alligator." To
call a Burman a Karen is about the greatest insult you can
offer him. They are generally considered to be a simple, docile,
truth-loving people. Dr. Mason also remarks : — " I have never
met a Karen, in the church or out of it, that when he had
committed a wrong would not tell a falsehood to cover it."
Still, with all this they are, writes Mr. St. Barbe,. " a thrifty,
industrious set of people, and when the English raj had intro-
duced some notion of justice, order, and equal laws, they began
to see that their tribal idiosyncracies, their barbarous language,
and unspeakable habits, were considerable obstacles in the way
of their realising these blessings to an equal extent with the
Burmese and Talaings."

The Bghai tribes are usually divided into six clans, the chief
of which is the Karennee or Red Karen j " so called,'' writes
General Fytche, " by the Burmese from the colour of the
bright red turban they wear; though they call themselves
Ka-ya, their term for man. They inhabit the elevated plateau
of Karennee (the name is equally applied to the country and

KING THEEBAU'S PROGRESS. 411

to the inhabitants), extending from the eastern slope of the
Poung-loung range, immediately joining our territories on the
north-east, to the right bank of the Salween river. It consists
chiefly of high table-land about three thousand to four thou-
sand feet above the level of the sea, is well cultivated, and
in parts very fertile."* Within the last hundred years we read
that the Red Karens, originally under one chieftain, have split
into two separate tribes, western and eastern Karennees.f
" Since our occupation of British Burma, " continues the
General, "the former tribe has been most friendly disposed
toAvards the English Government, and has given every assis-
tance in its power in keeping peace on the frontier and opening
out trade; while the latter has kept entirely aloof from all
communication with us, and has lately acknowledged the su-
zerainty of the Burmese Government/'' From prudent motives
in 1864, the old chief of Western Karennee was informed, in
reply to his wish that we should act as protectors and go-
vernors, that we had then no desire to extend our frontier in
that direction. The request was renewed in 1869 by the late
chief's two sons, when the Burmese were making encroachments
on their territory, as also on Eastern Karennee, and that they
would have to succumb unless assisted by the British Govern-
ment. We urged the Burmese Government not to interfere
in the internal affairs of Karennee. It was our wish that
Western Karennee should retain its independence and nation-
ality. Eventually, however, the Burmese Government menaced
and assumed sovereignty over the hill state, which obliged our
Government, in 1875, through the mission of Sir Douglas
Forsyth to Mandalay, to exact a more effective guarantee. A
boundary was then laid down, " between Western Karennee

* " Burma, Fast and Present," vol. i. p. 335-337.

t See Map. See also " Pegu," Appendix X., p. 500, where some of the
remarkable scriptural traditions of the Karens are cited.

412 OUR BURMESE WARS.

and Burma, which has been formally recognised by all parties,
and the autonomy of Western Karennee secured." The whole
of the Karennee country may be considered of great " political
as well as strategical importance. " (See map.)

We have thought it of importance to bring forward these
remarks in the present critical state of Burma, as they now
become mixed up with the law of King Theebau's progress. In
addition to his other troubles, the Karens were beginning to show
their teeth ; and it was severely remarked that " if he had not
been a drunkard before, he would have been driven to the bottle
now from pure distraction.-" He now claimed sovereignty over
the Eastern Karennee country. Of course the British Govern-
ment would not hear of such a claim for an instant. The
independence of the Eastern half of the Karennee is no less dear
than that of the Western half; and it has been well said that
"to allow Burma to possess itself of Karennee would be a
strategic error of the first magnitude/' as, in case of war it
would enable the enemy to turn our flank, and threaten our
communication between the frontier posts and the sea-ports ! "

In short, everything seemed to be tending with King Theebau
to disturb the peace of our diplomatic relations, and above all,
the Resident had not been treated with that respect due to
his high rank. Still, the course pursued by the Government
exhibited the wise caution of being "neither hostile nor
friendly/' This was the most dignified mode of conduct which
could be pursued. If we were forced into a war, it would be
only against " the blood-stained Prince, whose reign is a dis-
grace to humanity." It was also predicted that a British
invading army would be hailed as " deliverers throughout the
length and breadth of Upper Burma."

With regard to Colonel Browne's recall, it was reported from
Simla that the Indian Government had given directions for him
to return to his post as Commissioner in British Burma,
leaving the accomplished civilian, Mr. Saint Barbc, as Charge
d'JJ) 'aires atMandalay. It was again said to be considered that an

KING THEEBAu's PROGRESS. 413

officer of junior rank would suffice for the discharge of the poli-
tical routine duties in the present state of relations with Burma.
Doubtless, Colonel Browne will never forget the month of
August 1879 at the Burmese capital. The granaries empty;
trade ruined ; the people lottery mad ; the King ever drinking
or seeking out a new victim ; when it was forcibly written from
Rangoon, that " ere long the people will have neither money
nor food, and then young Theebau may well tremble ! " The
gallant Colonel, it was said, some time before his departure, with
reference to the grain question, was nearly threatening to haul
down his flag if some beneficial arrangements were not speedily
come to. Upper Burma never produced " enough grain goods
to support itself, and this year there was less by thousands of
bushels than in any former year/' Was ever a splendid country
in such a sorry plight before ?

London was now startled by news more serious than any we
had received from Mandalay. Telegrams of the 6th and 7th
September, from the Viceroy, announced the destruction, on
the 3rd, of the Envoy, Staff, and Escort of the British Resi-
dency at Cabul; and our friend, the Ameer, was invoking
British aid. The avenging angel was at once ordered to be
got ready, in the shape of a strong force to march at once on
the doomed city of treachery and rebellion. Following this sad
news, it was prematurely affirmed that the British Resident in
Upper Burma had left for Rangoon, fears having "grown lest
King Theebau might have been tempted to follow the Cabul
example.''

With reference to that most important subject, the trade of
Rangoon — in which Calcutta, Liverpool, Glasgow, and other
great commercial centres are so much interested — Mr. O'Connor,
of the Statistical Department in the City of Palaces, had re-
cently declared that " the trade of Rangoon last year exceeded
that of Madras/' probably on account of the depression caused
by the famine in that Presidency. It is evident, however, said
Mr. O'Connor, "that Rangoon is one of the most rising

414 OUR BURMESE WARS.

places in the East, and it is quite as evident that the city of
Madras is not particularly well suited for commerce, and that
no great development of trade may be looked for there such as
may be anticipated at Rangoon/' With a King like Theebau,
however, the trade of Rangoon is in a great measure crippled ;
and only a good and liberal ruler is wanted for Upper Burma
to make Rangoon the second, if not the first, city in our Eastern
Empire.

It is difficult to think how King Theebau received the news
of the Cabul massacre. It was said by a good authority, " The
slaughter of the British Mission has doubtless quickened
Theebau' s determination of putting our policy of ' repose and
defence ' to the test. We shall probably not contemplate a
forward movement unless we are attacked ; but that we shall
be attacked is, in the circumstances of the case, only too pro-
bable." Truly, the very greatest forbearance at Rangoon and
Mandalay was now required to avert an open rupture with the
King of Burma, especially with a King so uncertain as Theebau.
However, we thought that a very successful advance on Cabul
might change the position in the land of the Golden Foot ; and
depression and ruin of trade might yet give us more anxiety
than the chance of war. Again, it was thought that the " com-
mercial interests " of Rangoon would not suffer from a war
with Burma !

King Theebau's Tariff.
At this time, the following information was of interest : — " The
King of Burma has published his tariff for the Burmese year
1241. The English translation covers some twelve or thirteen
folio pages. The Burmese Government is bound by treaty obliga-
tions not to levy more than five per cent, on goods which are im-
ported from, or exported to, British Burma. The tariff, therefore,
has only to give the quantity and value on which the duty is
assessed. It professes to have been drawn up 'after consultation
with brokers and revenue officers,' who among them seem to have
forgotten nothing. Wash-hand basins, empty bottles, pills, frying-
pans, onions, edible birds' nests, puff-boxes, are some of the things

king theerae's progress. 415

included in the imports. Of the exports, the following may be
noticed — walnuts, human hair, cheese, preaching-benches, dolls,
brass finger-rings with mock jewels. Besides the imports from
British territory, various goods ' brought in by Shans on their
shoulders ' are mentioned in the tariff, including ivory from across
the mountains, rhinoceros' horns, camphor, silver, tigers' skin,
tigers' milk, dried shrimps, peacocks' tails, gold dust, and ponies.
The brokers and revenue officials must surely have been mistaken
when they said that the last-named article was brought in by Shans
on their shoulders."*

The situation at Mandalay was now by no means a pleasant
one to contemplate. The lives of the Mission were not thought
safe for a single moment. Still it would have been highly im-
politic, as well as a serious matter, to have broken off diplomatic
relations with the King's Court, " because of the probability
that such a rupture would sooner or later end in war/' It
was also well said, that the withdrawal of our Charge d' Affaires
and suite would have been interpreted by King Theebau and his
ministers as an indication ol coming hostilities, and under that
belief they would have done us what harm they could while
opportunity offered.

It was now declared that " a settled and friendly rule, the
strict observance of treaty, and the recognition of our hege-
mony " must form the bases of any future relations with Upper
Burma. But we do not agree that these could recently have
been attained " easily and effectively " — in fact they could not
have been obtained at all with such an evil agent as King Theebau
at the head of affairs ! When the time for action comes — and
we think it is nigh at hand — doubtless, the Home as well as
the Indian Government will be ready. We could only hope
that before such took place, the King and his dissolute
advisers would not imitate the summary fashion of the Heratee
mutineers at Cabul. It was curious to note in the tele-

# " Pioneer.'

416 OUR BURMESE WARS.

grams from India the juxtaposition of news such as the massacre
at Cabul and the Herat outbreak being almost simultaneous,
and the apprehension felt regarding our Residency at Man-
dalay — the latter in a country so very different in every way
from Persia and Afghanistan ! Referring to Burma it was also
published in London, at the end of September, that affairs
were very critical in that part of the world, and that the Indian
Government, between Cabul and Burma, was " on the horns of a
dilemma."

Early in October, " Anglo-Indian " wrote to a leading daily
journal on the " Danger at Mandalay." The writer was of opinion
that " never before in the annals of British relations with an
Asiatic Court had there been such an unsatisfactory condition
of things as is now visible at Mandalay." " Anglo-Indian "
also said — which agrees with our previous remarks — that, " so
long as the drunken and half-insane despot Theebau is supreme
it is impossible to see how things can mend there." Through-
out this sketch of King Theebau's progress, which we are now
bringing to a close, perhaps our readers will be inclined to
agree with the severe epithets here used towards the Golden
Foot. It will be well if they only reach the Golden Ears, that
the " Lord of Earth and Air " may change his mad career in
time. In a few months he has done enough injury to himself
and Burma to satisfy a whole line of wicked kings ; so, when
our troubles are over with Afghanistan, or before they are over,
we shall, doubtless, see what can be done to better the condition
of a hopeful people, and one of the fairest and most promising
countries on God's earth !

Annexation and Non-Annexation.

We think it will be of interest to follow up the lamentable
" Progress " just related with a very few remarks on the above
subjects, which to Englishmen are becoming more familiar than
ever. While writing, we learn that Sir Garnet Wolscley has

ANNEXATION AND NON-ANNEXATION. 417

solved a problem, how we may hold sway in Zululand without
annexation. We trust that the solution will prove satisfactory,
but still we are by no means sure that the energetic Sir Bartle
Frere was wrong when he proposed annexation as the only
security for the future peace of the colony. If we can get a
controlling as well as a commercial power in a country we
conquer, without putting the revenues into our own pockets,
then, of course, annexation is unnecessary. If we cannot get
these requisites to civilisation (to further which Destiny impels
us forward) without annexation, then what remains to be
done ? We know little of Zululand, its chiefs, or its people ;
but, as to Upper Burma, it strikes us most forcibly that it is
just one of those countries where, without annexation, in the
event of a successful war, our obtaining any controlling or
commercial power of a lasting, useful, and productive character,
would be simply impossible. And the difficulty is greatly in-
creased by the stern fact of Pegu having been so long a
flourishing British possession, having at its command the
noble Irawady and the chief ports of the old Burman Empire.
One portion already annexed — let the annexation be right or
wrong — the other portion, if anything were done, must follow
as a natural consequence. One thing is plain; we could not
annex a part of Upper Burma, and leave the rest to a reigning
sovereign. The consequences of such a step would be at once
fatal to peace and prosperity in British and Upper Burma.

If we conquered and left the whole to a reigning sovereign,
in a short time, the work would have to be done over again.
If we made the King of Burma a feudatory, with his levies, in
a country of dacoits and Rob Roys of a most daring character,
there would be continual local collisions, as well as with the
British troops on our frontier stations in Pegu. If we par-
titioned out the country to chiefs, Myat-htoons would arise in
abundance, and keep us in perpetual hot water. Then, again,
the Shans, Karens, and other powerful tribes would be dis-
satisfied if we took any half measures. They would be in doubt

418 OUR BURMESE WARS.

whom to serve. The grand sequence is, therefore, either do
not act at all in the event of conquest, or, if we do act, let us
put Upper Burma in exactly the same position as Pegu, Arakan,
and Tenasserim. There is no fear of China. On the contrary the
Chinese — keen traders as they are — and the ever-husy Shans,
would welcome our appearance between Mandalay and Bhamo as
a god-send, for the purposes of opening out a trade which in time
would rival nearly all the commercial openings in the world !
Although, with the great Peter's traditional policy trying to
extend her frontier in every direction, we have nothing to fear
from the shifting character of Russian diplomacy in Asia, which is
gradually working out its own destruction. This remark leads
us to think of some important views expounded by Mr. Tre-
lawney Saunders, in an admirable lecture delivered some years
ago, and which are of especial interest at the present time : —
" We should counteract Russian influence in Persia by taking
a more direct interest in the affairs of that country, develop
her commerce, and improve land and water communication.
Then, also, if it was sound policy to convert Afghanistan into
a barrier against Russian aggression, far stronger arguments
could be adduced in favour of so utilising the great Chinese
Empire. Non-aggressive and highly desirable as it has proved
to be, its integrity should be maintained at all hazards. If
those portions of its territory north of India should fall into
the hands of Russia, we must be prepared for the consequences.
The future of Mongolia, and perhaps of the world at large,
might depend on the course of Ango-Indian policy on this
truly Central Asian question ! "

Again, to the question of annexation. When King Theebau's
grandfather, Tharawadi, was on the throne, nearly forty years
ago, supposing that Pegu had been annexed in the First Bur-
mese War, there can be little doubt that he would have given
us just cause for also annexing Upper Burma, which would
very materially have altered the state of affairs at the present
time. He would never have stood the loss of Rangoon, and

ANNEXATION AND NON-ANNEXATION. 410

being deprived of all his other ports, any more than a Briton
would consider his country independent if he saw London,
Liverpool, and Glasgow in the hands of an enemy. Ever
since the conquest of Pegu we have virtually had the entire
Burmese Empire at our disposal ; so even to talk of annexing
now appears hardly correct. We wish peace, good government,
and steady commercial prosperity in Upper Burma; and if
those be not in Upper, there can be neither peace nor a thriving
commerce in Lower Burma or Pegu. The one country, through
the course of events, has become a part and parcel of the other,
which would seem to put the word " Annexation " entirely
out of the question.

It was, perhaps, some such considerations as these that kept
the late King of Burma quiet. He was reported to be a great
reader ; and, like the intelligent and educated Mahomedan or
Hindu, he took a deep interest in the passing events of the day,
and mused over the stern vicissitudes of things. But Mengdon
and Theebau are two very different specimens of a King : the
former used his talents according to what he thought best
under the circumstances; the latter abuses them, and for
months has appeared to be incapable of forming any opinion
whatever, except whom to kill next, or what the "proof"
strength of his next draught may be ! To take the country
of such a ruler entirely under our charge, considering all the
circumstances, would surely be a masterly stroke of policy for
any government. It would be a humane, a generous act. It
seems a pity now that Lord Dalhousie did not take charge of
the "worthless rind " after all. For, really, partial annexation
— especially where a capital always rife for rebellion is con-
cerned— is a great mistake. You leave the root of evil in the
ground while you only lop off and take care of the branches,
till some fine day you behold springing up before you the
" boundless Upas, the all-blasting tree," of fiendish treachery
and rebellion ! But, in the discussion of either policy — an-
nexation or non-annexation — party must be left entirely out

27 *

420 OUR BURMESE WARS.

of the question. It is simply a question of — for better or for
worse ?

You may as well try to put an amount of reason into the
head of a strong party politician as to teach a monopolising
Burmese Sovereign the principles of free trade. That great
statesman, Mr. Cobden, was against the annexation of Pegu.
We all know our Empire is too large already for more annexa-
tion anywhere. Conservatives and Liberals, as a rule, are now
against it; and we know from Lords Beaconsfield and Cran-
brook that neither annexation nor aggression, nor undue in-
terference in the affairs of other States, is the policy of the
present Conservative Government ; but, in the case of Upper
Burma, the Lord of Misrule now impels us forward, and as we
are goaded on by " the force of circumstances/-' so is he reso-
lutely bent on his own destruction !

POSTSCRIPT.

The Looshais and the Nagas.
At a time when so much uncertainty prevailed, in India and
England, regarding the situation in Burma, it was natural for
those who had given attention to that country to be struck
with the intelligence, which was announced towards the end of
October, that there was danger of a " Looshai rising " j and,
again, that the recent revolt of the Naga hill tribes, or their
rising, might " provoke the Burmese to some outrage that
would render war inevitable."* Such news tended to force on
us more and more the impression that, were Upper Burma
under British rule, there would be nothing to fear from Loo-
shais, Nagas, or any other tribes in these wild quarters of

* In the middle of Novembor, some hundreds of armed Burmans entered
the Aong Pass between Akyab and Kyouk Phyoo ; but they left on the appear-
ance of the police. Still, the country between Upper Burma and our territory
demands strong protection.

THE LOOSHAIS. 421

Eastern Asia. There would soon be no uncivilised tribes what-
ever to disturb our well-earned Imperial repose.

The Looshais, on our north-eastern frontier, gave us trouble
in 1872 ; and the present writer had the temerity to assert in a
London periodical that, " in the event of what has been termed
' the involuntary annexation of those Looshai hills, wherever
they are/ where Generals Brownlow and Bourchier have just
been wandering, the Rajah of Munnipoor, with his men, doubt-
less, will ever be ready to do us good service. We think that out
of the one hundred and thirty-one thousand native troops of
India — or, say, out of the forty-two thousand Madrassis who
were so staunch during the Mutiny, and who furnish the native
garrisons of Burma — with a European regiment or two, a select
force could be spared for some additional territory to strengthen
our eastern frontier; and the geographical knowledge gained
by the Looshai expedition will greatly tend to facilitate our
movements/' The grand stride of civilisation in esse points
to this quarter of the universe, North-east, South-east, and to
South-western China. China would never object when she saw
the prospect of an increased trade founded, not on visionary
schemes, but on the solid foundation of British Imperial
progress !

In 1872 a popular writer was asked by a London map-sellei
whether Looshai was not an island on the coast of China !
Yet it was nearly a hundred years since we first came into
contact with the inhabitants of that region, and about three
years before the above display of geographical knowledge we
had despatched " an abortive expedition against those pests of
our tea-planters in Cachar." The inhabitants of the Looshai
region are termed indifferently Looshais or Kookies. They are
not two separate tribes, as some suppose. The Looshai country
is described as " an extensive tract of hilly country, densely
covered with jungle, traversed by numerous streams and only
sparsely inhabited by a semi-nomadic race of men, who pass
their time alternately in rude cultivation, hunting, and internal

422 OUR BURMESE WARS.

warfare, varied by occasional predatory incursions on territory
occupied either by the British or the semi-independent States
protected by them." The Looshai district is situated between
24° 20" and 22° 30" N. latitude, and lies north of the British
province of Chittagong, south-west of the protected State of
Munnipoor, south of the tea-district portion of British Cachar,
and due west of the protected State of Tipperah. It is about
sixty miles broad, and one hundred and thirty-five miles long.
" The best way to find the Looshai country is to draw a line
due east from Calcutta. At a distance of about three hundred
miles this line strikes the south-eastern angle of the district in
question." The inhabitants of the Looshai country are be-
lieved to be of Malay origin ; but nothing can be pronounced
with certainty regarding them, except that, when roused into
action, they become very dangerous and troublesome neigh-
bours, in three great tribes, numbering about twenty-five
thousand ; and the sooner they are entirely placed under British
rule the better for the future peace of our south-eastern frontier.
As our Indian Empire advances, we must be prepared,
especially in Eastern Asia, for local surprises, and tribal risings,
which will give ample opportunity for the display of political
talent, fortunately not rare in our Indian Services. Notwith-
standing the new regime — which has its merits — the old spirit of
Malcolm, Metcalfe, Munro, Outram, and many others, will
cling to the soil, and make clever politicals, though it may not
make great statesmen. Such an affair as a Naga rising, in itself,
seems of little importance; but it is just these little things that
produce great results in "the stupendous whole" of our
Government. A worthy and talented Commissioner is mur-
dered; and the question comes naturally to be, — Why? And
again, by the British public— always anxious to acquire know-
ledge— Who arc the Ntigas ; whence come they ?

From a description of different tribes inhabiting in and
around the old Burman Empire, by Howard Malcolm, " who
sailed from America in September 1835, on an expedition to

THE NAGAS. 423

explore a new field of missionary enterprise in the East," we
learn that the Nagas are a numerous people on the borders of
Cachar, Munnipoor, and Assam. Their country belonged
partly to one and partly to the other of these States. They
are called Nagas (literally " naked people ") from their almost
total want of dress ; and they are divided into many clans or
tribes, differing greatly in their measure of civilisation. " The
better sort dwell in compact villages of well-built houses on
high hills, and are reported to be a very handsome and athletic
race, active both in agriculture and merchandise." Their
religion is a rude sort of demonology, but they have little or
no idea of a Supreme Being, or of the nature of the soul.
Some of these tribes were — and possibly are at the present
time — in the lowest state of humanity ; and " Mr. Rae, of the
Serampore Mission, has made extensive journeys among them
and the Meekeers, and published ample and interesting details."

Some forty-three years later, Captain Forbes, in his inte-
resting work on " British Burma and its People," says, with
reference to the conquest of India by the Aryan races, and
their wars with the people they found in possession : — " These
non- Aryan tribes are described under various names, several of
which have been identified with those so-called aboriginal
tribes of the present day. Amongst these were the Nagas, who
are described as having been a powerful and partly civilised
people. We cannot, certainly, clearly connect these Nagas
with those tribes of the same name which now occupy the
East of Bengal and belong to the Tibeto-Burman family, but
we may mark the coincidence."*

We are strongly inclined to think they are the very same.
If not, who can they be ? It is surely easier to believe in the
Naga pure thus put before us, than in the idea that the White
Karens of Burma and the Todars of the Neilgherries are de-
scended from the Ten Tribes ! The mysteries of mankind —

* Page 37.

424 , OUR BURMESE WARS.

" names and natures " — are yet to be revealed. We are only
just commencing the study. But our business at present is
with the Nagas of our own day, on the north-eastern frontier
of Assam ; and it is highly probable, as has been remarked to
us by a shrewd observer, that they, taking advantage of the
withdrawal of our Envoy from Mandalay,* became ripe for
revolt. The murder of the excellent Mr. Damant, Political
Agent in the Hills, took place at Konoma, some twenty miles
south-east of Kohima, which, at the beginning of the year, had
been made the head-quarters of the Political Agency. Mr.
Damant was one of the most promising members of the Assam
Commission, and in 1876 had acted as Political Agent at
Munipur (Munnipoor), and his political and administrative
career was said to be marked by " courage, tact, and dis-
cretion." The fault on the last melancholy occasion appears to
have been the want of a sufficient force at Kohima, on which
position the rebels, after the murder, immediately advanced.
And now, after the place has been relieved (27th October) we
learn again the lesson that such uncertain posts in a wild region
should be of considerable strength in men as well as material,
and that a political agent's escort should always be very strong
and select, composed partly of Europeans, and should never be
divided. f Eventually, as remarked, Kohima, with its stockade,
was relieved, and a " terrible catastrophe " probably averted. If
severe measures be not adopted, we venture to think, the Naga
hill tribes will yet give us much trouble, quite as much as the
Looshais did some years ago. The former expedition to the
Naga hills was in December 1877. About the middle of No-

* See Note, p. 426.

t We read that half the escort (of eighty sepoys) was left in the plain
(Konoma) below when Mr. Damant advanced. — The relief of Kohima was en-
trusted to Colonel Johnstone (with two thousand Munipuries), when some
desperate lighting took place. " Showers of bullets, spears, and rocks " nut
our troops in each attack. Stone walls had been built by the enemy as ob-
structions.— Colonel Nuttall, Major Evans, and all the troops engaged did
good service.

THE BURMESE ROYAL FAMILY. 425

vember (1879) it was announced that Her Majesty the Queen
had expressed her "heartfelt sympathy " to Mr. Damant's
parents on the loss of their brave son under circumstances
" exceptionally trying." — To the relatives and friends of all who
die in the service of their country, nothing is more grateful than
the kind and ever thoughtful expressions of the Queen-Empress.

NOTES.
The Burmese Eoyal Family.

Information has reached us from Burma (wrote the " Pioneer ")
in greater detail than we have previously received of the nume-
rous family of the late King. The gay old monarch had during
his life-time fifty-three recognised wives, by whom he had forty-
eight sons and sixty-two daughters, or a nice little family of
one hundred and ten children, of whom fifty-nine survived him.
Of the fifty-three wives, twelve died before the King, and of the
remainder two were imprisoned by him on account of their sup-
posed complicity in plots by their children, the Meng-Gwan and
Katha Princes; and two were expelled for adultery. Deducting
those who died and these four, the King had, at the time of
his death, thirty-seven recognised wives. Of these thirty-seven
ladies one only was massacred by King Theebau. She appears
to have been particularly obnoxious to him on account of her being
the mother of the Mekhara Prince, a powerful rival of Theebau's.
No fewer than fourteen of this lady's children and grandchildren
were massacred with her ; one of her grandsons had fled to Rangoon.
Thirteen of the late King's wives quitted the palace either during
his illness or just after his death. The remaining twenty-three wives
are still in the palace, and of that number seven only are free or
believed to be so. The other sixteen are in confinement more or
less strict. Seven are known to be in what may be called rigorous
imprisonment; some of them are in double-irons, half-starved,
and not permitted to have any attendants. Out of the forty-eight
sons born to the King, twenty-four died before him, leaving twenty-
four alive at the time of his death. Of these twenty-four, four-
teen are known to have been massacred by Theebau. Four are
now alive in India, leaving only six, including the present
King, alive in Mandalay. Of these six, only one beside the King
is grown up. This one is the Kya-beng Prince, who is a lunatic j

426 OUR BURMESE WARS.

and it is not certain that even he has been left alive. The other
four are boys from ten to two years of age. Out of the sixty-two
daughters of the late King .thirty-live survived him. Four of
these, all married to princes, were with their families killed by
Theebau in February and March last ; of the remainder twenty-
one are now in confinement in the palace, nine of them being in
close imprisonment. — Sept. 1879.

Withdrawal of the British Resident from Mandalay.

This for some time expected event took place on the 6th of
October, under instructions from the Indian Government. Due
notice was given by Mr. St. Barbe, the Assistant-Resident, to the
Burmese authorities, that he was about to quit the capital. The
departure was announced by telegram from Simla on the 7th,
which added : — " Since the departure of Colonel Horace Browne,
the position of Mr. St. Barbe had daily become more and more
unsatisfactory. The studied discourtesy with which he was treated,
combined with the spirit of antagonism towards the British displayed
by King Theebau and the Court party, and finally the system of
espionage over the inhabitants of the Residency established by the
Burmese authorities, rendered the continuance of diplomatic rela-
tions, even for routine business, impossible, and Mr. St. Barbe was
accordingly instructed to leave. Notice of the withdrawal of the
Residency was given to all the British subjects in Bhamo and
Mandalay. Acts of barbarity continue to be committed by the
Palace party." It was pleasing to know that he left without
molestation for the British steamer, with the whole of his establish-
ment. Soon after, all the English residents, with their property,
and that of the flotilla were preparing to leave the capital. And so
ended, for the present, our diplomatic relations with King Theebau
and his Court at Mandalay ! Nothing could have been more for-
bearing than the conduct of the Indian Government in this matter ;
and Mr. St. Barbe deserves credit for the true English "pluck" he
displayed throughout the severe trial. The rising young Bengal
civilian achieved distinction which would have been impossible as
Political Agent at Bhamo. "The withdrawal of the Residency
from Mandalay," we read ("Standard," 8th of October), "will
involve the abandonment of the minor Residentship which the
Government of India used to uphold at Bhamo." It was thought
that, excepting for information about Yunnan and the Kakhyen
tribes, occasionally received, the abolition of the post would bo of

POPULATION OP MANDALAY. — HEAD QUEEN. 427

little importance. However, there is certainly a great future in
store for Bhamo — when British trade with South-west China he-
comes developed, which must be the case ere long ! While on the
subject of "Residents," it is interesting to learn from General
Fytche that, " in the present day the British Resident at Mandalay
is (was) in direct communication with the Foreign Secretary to the
Government of India, without the intervention of the Chief Com-
missioner." And, again, on the authority of Colonel Yule, that
" King Tharawadi is said to have been much amused at the
success of his efforts to extinguish the Residency, and thought
it an especially good joke that the Residents somehow always got
ill." Simultaneous with the departure of the Resident, the Indian
Government had ordered H.M.'s ships "Ruby" and " Wild Swan"
to Rangoon.

The Population of Mandalay.
The Mahomedans in Burma.

We have received the following information from the most
authentic source, which will constitute a valuable addition to the
population statistics already given : — The number of houses in the
city and suburbs of Mandalay is, in round numbers, about 12,000 ;
and the population is roughly estimated at 65,000. We have no
knowledge of the number of Mahomedans among them.

To this we may add : — It is curious to observe that, out of the
82,000 Mahomedans in Burma, the majority are the descendants
of Mahomedan fathers and Burmese mothers — a strange alliance
between the religion of Gautama and that taught by the Koran. —
Truly, as has been well said, the whole Mussulman world — espe-
cially in India and Eastern Asia — requires from us the most serious
attention at the present time, so as to avert any possible danger.

Kino Theebau's Head Queen.
A correspondent of the "Times of India" wrote from Manda-
lay : — " Extensive preparations are being made at the palace in
prospect of a coming event, viz., the confinement of King Theebau's
head queen, the Soo-pyah-lat. The Phongyees (priests), Poonaks
or astrologers, Baydin Sayas or fortune-tellers, have been duly
consulted, and they have all unanimously come to the conclusive
prediction that the new comer will be a royal son, and Theebau has
declared that he shall be the Royal heir-apparent to the throne of the
King of the Rising Sun, Lord of the White Elephant, the Golden
Umbrella, &c. It is reported that the cradle, which has just been

428 OUR BURMESE WARS.

completed, cost the State nearly two lakhs of rupees. The cradle
was first framed with mango wood, and encased with sheet gold
inside and outside. Over this is ornamented gold- work, set with
precious stones of all kinds — diamonds, rubies, sapphires, emeralds,
&c, and the work is said to be very superior, as it is turned out by
the best of the first-class goldsmiths of Upper Burma. The
arrangements for fitting up the cradle are as follows : — A soft bed
or cushion covered with green silk velvet, and the sides with em-
broidered work. I should have stated the manner in which the
cradle was to be fixed, and how worked. A thick iron rod has been
fixed across the room, some twelve feet above the floor, and the
cradle is suspended by means of golden cords, made of golden wire
for the purpose of swinging, and to work backwards and forwards
like punkahs in your part of the world. The King objected to the
old method of having the Royal cradle pulled by a parcel of old
women, so the mechanical and engineering elements of his kingdom
were called into requisition, and I am told that one of the Italian
mechanics has invented a wind- up machine by which the cradle can
be set going, once wound-up, for a day or night, or until further
orders, to the great delight of the King. The Royal babe is to be
nursed and brought up in the English style, and for this purpose
the sum of five thousand rupees was given to one of the sisters
of the convent here to purchase a complete outfit ; and my in-
formant says that the sister has faithfully executed the order, and
the paraphernalia for the youth has been deposited in good time.
The King and Queen are said to abhor the sight of Europeans,
and of the English particularly, and yet we have the fact before
us that the foregoing preparations are after the European fashion."
The belief in astrology in Burma being quite as strong as it was
in Britain during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the
writer of the foregoing graphic picture might, even before the
advent of an infant Theebau, have introduced a Chin-Indian Guy
Mannering, who, in his divinations regarding the future son and
heir, might, taking the key from the Royal parent, have observed
" that three periods would be particularly hazardous — his fifth —
his tenth — his twenty-first year"* — about the latter age his father
having ruled over Upper Burma !

* See " Guy Mannering," chap. iv.

TROOPS IN BURMA. 429

BRITISH BURMA DIVISION.

(Adjutant-General's Office, Fort St. George, 1st July 1879.)

Head-quarters, Rangoon.

Two batteries, 8th Brigade, Royal Artillery ; one company of
Sappers and Miners ; 89th Foot ; 24th Native Infantry.

Thayet-myo.
K. battery, 1st Brigade, and half a battery Royal Artillery ;
Head-quarters and wing 44th Foot ; 32nd Native Infantry.

Toungoo.
Two batteries, 8th Brigade, Royal Artillery; wing 44th
Foot; 41st Native Infantry; two companies and a half 33rd
Native Infantry.

Shwe-gyeen.
One company and a half 33rd Native Infantry.

Maulmain.
Wing 33rd Native Infantry.

Port Blair (Andamans) .
One company 89th Foot ; seven companies and a half 23rd
Native Infantry.

Nicobars.
Half a company 23rd Native Infantry.

430 OUR BURMESE WARS.

Regiments specially on Service in Burma.

H. M/s 43rd Foot; wing 54th Foot; C company Sappers
and Miners; wing 19th Native Infantry; 22nd Native In-
fantry ; 31st Native Infantry.

431

ADDENDA.

PART I

EXTRACTS FROM NARRATIVES OF THE CAMPAIGNS
OF 1824-25.

Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin at Martaban and Ye.

The passage from Rangoon on the Irawady to Martaban on the
Salween appears insignificant on the map. But the strong
currents of the intermediate portion of the coast baffled day-
after day the fleet of Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin. He did not
arrive near the romantic lake and heights of Martaban before
the 29th September. On the 30th the Burmans were driven
from its town, fortified pagodas, and stockaded lines, by a scien-
tific attack. The Lieutenant-Colonel detached Captain O'Reilly
of the 41st against Ye-Mijo. This also was rapidly captured.
The occupation of Martaban brought the British upon the
frontier line of the Siamese. But no efforts of either Burman or
British agents, neither arguments, promises, nor threats, could
ever divert that Government from their cautious and reserved
system of policy. They persevered in an armed neutrality to
the end of the protracted contest, carefully watching the tre-
pidations of the balance of success. They could never be drawn
into any overt act of hostility against the Burmans; but to
keep well with their enemies, they filled the streets of Ran-
goon with a tinsel embassage, so soon as they heard of the

432 OUR BURMESE WARS.

advance of the British; and during the third campaign the
political agents at Martaban were amused from time to time
with choice specimens of enigmatical eloquence by a General-
in-Chief with the sonorous name of Roung-roung.

The Health op the Troops at Rangoon.*

Meanwhile the privations and sufferings of the troops at
Rangoon were painfully aggravated. The continued use of
salt provisions had added to the disease which preyed on
them before, scurvy — a frightful scourge anywhere, but on the
humid delta of an huge river, a foe to human health, which
seemed to defy extirpation. The heavy rains, which had in-
termitted after the second week of October, were renewed in
November with their former violence. Ships despatched from
Rangoon in July, could not bring back any effectual succours
in less than four months. Private adventurers had brought
sheep and poultry to this mart of starvation. But they were
few in number, and were sold at rates incredibly exorbitant.
They furnished only an ephemeral repast for the tables of a few
of the half-famished officers. Pine-apples abounded in the
forests. Limes and citrons were to be found in rude orchards.
The juice of these fruits might have been rendered sanative to
a few, if used as antiscorbutics only. But the heedless voracity
with which such unripe rarities were swallowed by hungry
soldiers proved fatal to hundreds of dysenteric sufferers. Bread
had been, from the month of August, supplied in sufficient
quantities for the consumption of hospitals. But the rations of
the soldier consisted of rice, a crude indigestible viand for the
stomach of a native of Britain, salted beef and pork, which
vitiated the animal juices, and biscuit seldom fresh, and com-
monly swarming with animalcules, or mouldy from long
detention under hatches, or in damp magazines. The supply

* Towards the conclusion of November 1824.

PAET I. 433

of medicines was not abundant, nor assorted with a view to
peculiar ailments, which could not have been anticipated. Of
most of the articles included under the head of medical com-
forts, there was yet a greater scarcity. It may be surmised
that where there were no cattle, milk was not procurable ; yet
a milk diet would have saved many valuable lives. Dropsical
symptoms manifested themselves extensively. Dyspepsia, and
acute hepatitis were yet more common. Diarrhoea and dysen-
tery committed lamentable ravages. For dyspeptic, hepatic,
dysenteric, and scorbutic patients, there were neither milk,
vegetables, farinaceous food, nor nutritive broths. These de-
ficiencies baffled the skill, though they could not extinguish the
zeal, of the medical officers. The plan of mooring transports at
the mouth of the river, on board of which convalescents might
inhale the sea-breezes, did not produce very beneficial results.
The most successful of the sanitary measures was the establish-
ment of a depot at Mergui.

Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin at Tantabain.

It was known to the British that Bandoola had concentrated
a force, swelled by this time to a considerable amount, at
Donabew. The Kee Woonghee, or first Woonghee of the
Empire, commanded several detachments intended to cover
the left bank of the Irawady. One of these had taken post at
Tantabain. It was the plan of Sir Archibald Campbell to
assume two principal lines of advance, one up the stream of the
Rangoon river, Panlang branch, and great eastern branch of
the Irawady, the other parallel to the prolongation of the left
bank of this same branch ; but at some distance from it, as far
as Sarawah. At that point the two lines would become coin-
cident. It seemed necessary as a preliminary measure to clear
the Laing river. Lieutenant-Colonel Godwin was detached
against Tantabain. This officer found the enemy on the 16th

434 OUE BUEMESE WABS.

of February, posted two thousand strong in a position on the
point of a little peninsula. Two sides of their work were ex-
tended to eleven hundred paces each. It was lined with
thirty-six guns. The Lieutenant-Colonel caused the " Satel-
lite " armed ship, towed by the steam vessel, to enfilade one
face of the defences. He paralysed the barbarians by her fire,
and a shower of rockets launched from the deck of the "Diana,"
by Captain Graham's troop. The Burmans were amazed at
the velocity, the dazzling light, the rapid succession, the fatal
aim, and ominous hissing of this new weapon. The grenadiers
of the 41st, transported by the boats to a point sheltered from
fire, rushed upon the enemy in the moment of consternation.
The work was carried. The barbarians left behind thirty-four
out of thirty-six guns. — Havelock.

Major Sale at Bassein.

Sir Archibald Campbell had sent some troops to manoeuvre
on the line of the great western branch of the Irawady. Major
Sale's transports were conveyed by H. M/s frigate "Lame,"
and the Hon. Company's cruiser " Mercury." The passage of
his fleet round the circumference of the coast was tedious. It
reached Pagoda point in great Negrais on the 24th of February.
Major Wahab had arrived here in May 1824, when all might
have been attempted, which was now worth attempting. The
enemy had constructed some works on both the greater and the
lesser island. Their defenders were put to flight by the fire
of the ships of war. Whilst the expedition was making its
way with little opposition between the picturesque banks of
the magnificent stream, the Burmese set fire to Bassein and
retreated towards Lamina. The fleet anchored off the smoking
ruins on the 3rd March. Major Sale having established his
troops in the area of the Grand Pagoda endeavoured by assu-
rances, and the distribution of proclamations, to restore con-
fidence in the minds of the alarmed inhabitants. — Ibid.

PART I. 435

Prome.

The fate of the campaign was decided, as it had been easy
to foresee, under the walls of Donabew. Sir Archibald Camp-
bell, regaining his former line of route, by recrossing the
river at Sarawah, prosecuted an unopposed advance. He en-
tered Prome on the 25th April 1825. General Cotton's division
in rejoining him, encountered no obstacles but the rocks,
shallows, and rapids of the Irawady.

But the army had lost half a month. Prome was its place
of arms during the monsoon. A reconnoissance was pushed to
Meaday fifty miles beyond it. Prome may be considered the
third town in the Empire. The commercial advantages of
Rangoon seem to entitle it to rank second. Prome stands on
a somewhat lofty margin of the river. A timber stockade en-
closes three or four narrow streets of huts, the wooden houses
of the local Government, those of the priesthood and numerous

Considerable intervening spaces are partially planted with
trees. From the platforms of the work the inhabitants look
forth across a stream of a thousand yards at the rocky heights
which guard the right bank. These are a portion of the chain
of wooded hills, which extend in unbroken links from a point
on the right bank forty miles below Prome to another one
hundred and sixty miles above it.

This line of two hundred miles is beautiful throughout. The
eye of the voyager on the Irawady is perpetually feasted with
the sight of hanging woods, which in this climate are never
entirely deprived of their foliage. In the more abrupt bends
of the river the rocks, which occasionally decorate the left
bank also, seem to unite themselves amphitheatrically with
those of the right.

The spectator may fancy himself on a lake in a mountainous
region. This, and sudden glimpses of pagodas perched adven-
turously on the summits of crags, like the castles of the Rhine,

28 *

436 OCR BURMESE WARS.

are the principal features of the picturesque in Ava. The site
of Prome is salubrious as well as beautiful. The town is a
healthy place of residence even in the season of rain. The air
of the breezy hills around it is yet more delicious.

A line of heights lower than those of the right bank extends
along the left from Shwe-doungmyo, ten miles below Prome.
A few hundred yards southward of the latter, these hills run
off abruptly at a right angle, shaping their course into the
interior. On the summits of the mounds and hillocks of this
range the troops were cantoned. Roomy huts of mats, timber,
and thatch, were quickly thrown up for them. The officers
built themselves small bungalows of the same materials. Freed
from care, from wants and sickness, they here spent their
days nearly as agreeably as in the remoter stations of the Pre-
sidencies. Another monsoon was before the army ; but how
far different from the last ! The defeat of Bandoola at Ko-
kaing had restored its population to Rangoon. His death,*
and the dispersion of his bands at Donabew, relieved the plains
and villages of Pegu from the second reign of terror. The
British army had acted on its march in the spirit of the bene-
volent proclamation of its leader. It had conciliated Pegu.
From Rangoon to Yandaboo the conduct of the force was ex-
emplary. Even the followers of the camp, by far the most
intractable portion of an armament in India, were never guilty
of serious indiscipline. This opinion does not rest solely on
British testimony. He who should dispute its correctness,
would find many thousands of Peguers to contradict him. The
presence of General Sir A. Campbell's divisions was not only
never felt as a calamity in Pegu, but regarded as a protection
against the severity of the Burmans. In April 1826, their
departure was bewailed in terms of clamorous regret, which no
prudential arguments could restrain. The simple people of

April 1, 1825. Supposed to have boen caused by a Congreve rocket.

PART I. 437

these provinces arrived at once at the secret of British supe-
riority without the aid of metaphysics, or political economy.
They said, " The Inglee Rajahs pay for everything ;, and do not
cut off our heads." This surprised and delighted them. —
Havelock's Campaigns in Ava.

Malown.

Sir A. Campbell's Despatch reporting the result of the attack
on the Burmese entrenchments at Malown (or Melown) on the
19th January 1826, has a peculiar interest ; but, as there is
hardly space for it in this volume, the reader is referred to the
author's " Rangoon : a Narrative/' Appendix vii. p. 262.

Burmese General Orders.
Found in the Governor's House at Syriam, near Rangoon.

In the First Burmese War, hostility to the English " stran-
gers " was intense ; and anathemas loud and deep, like shells,
were made to burst continually over the heads of our devoted
countrymen. The following is a good specimen of the prayer
(at length assuming the form of a general order) which, up-
wards of fifty years ago, was levelled against our gallant
Anglo-Indian army, and is in *the genuine vindictive, melo-
dramatic style : —

" In order that not one of the wild foreigners may escape from
being destroyed and slain, they must be apprehended, by cover-
ing the face of the earth with an innumerable host, to accomplish
which, effectual measures are now in progress. . . . Having
the district of Syriam under your personal inspection, should
any deficiency exist, you will petition for whatever may be
required, without delay.

" Although it is a business of great difficulty to shut up the
course and channel of the river, yet by labour and constant
exertion, night and day, it must be done ; and as the men of

438 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the war-boats have been detached from you, others from the
grand army are sent to replace them."

" To Oona Penen and the Principal Men of the Yamhu-gangee
Gold Boat.

" On the grounds subject to the Maywoon's war-boat (beyond
Kemmendine) , whoever is an inhabitant must not say he is
free, or belonging to such and such a prince, but they must
act unitedly in blocking up the ships' passage through the river
and channels of Silva, by throwing in logs of wood and roots
of trees, that the captive strangers may not escape ; and if they
attempt to do so, they must be apprehended and put to death.
. . . On arriving at Moroon, let no man say he is at liberty,
or in the service of such or such a chief ; he that can wield a
sword, let him take a sword ; and he that can use a spear, let
him take one."

The latter order is signed by the Burmese avenger, Kengee
Awengee Bomien.

The King of Ava's Order.

" Our royal army will march in several divisions to seize,
kill, and crush the rebel strangers, who are in Prome. The
victorious advance division, under the chief Maha Nemiow,
seized, killed, and crushed the strangers at Watty-goon ; owing
to the excellent power of the Golden Majesty, they could not
resist or stand before us. . . . The strangers came with
great confidence: as they have been beaten this first time,
they cannot stand on another occasion ; the royal army having
conquered once, ten times it will be successful," &c. &c.

Probably such a proud assurance of conquest was never before
penned in a general order.

The reader's attention is requested to the striking phrase-
ology of the words in these orders marked in italics — the
former being like what we meet with in the Old Testament of
our Bible, and the latter in the New.

PAET I. 439

Buddha — especially shadowed forth in Oriental writings and
with similar attributes to the Messiah in Isaiah — has often been
considered the rude form of our Saviour — one of the skeletons
of our Faith embedded in the far East. But Gautama, the
incarnation of Buddha, the deity of the Burmese, when we
consider the Gautamaic influence over the Golden Land, comes
strikingly forward as a parallel in the above passage which
refers to taking a sword in a case of emergency. See St. Luke
xxii. 36, ' ' But now, he that hath a purse, let him take it, and
likewise his scrip ; and he that hath no sword, let him sell his
garment and buy one ! " This is at least remarkable. Com-
pare also the previous verse with the Phongyees, or Burmese
teachers, when they go abroad without either " purse " or
" scrip." See "Rangoon," chapter x., on Gautama, page 138.

Patkoi.

With reference to the end of the fourth chapter and the
term " Patkoi," we find, —

"It is also written Patkai, which, Mr. Trelawney Saunders
informs us, is an abbreviation of Pat-kai-seng-kan, which means
Cut -fowls-oath-taken. It originated in consequence of an oath
ratified between the Ahom Raja Cheedangpha on the north
side, with Surunphai, the Nora Baja of the south side of the
range, in 1399-1400 a.d. The oath bound them to respect
the Nongyang pani as the boundary between them."

440 OUR BURMESE WARS.

PART II.

EXTRACTS AND NOTES.

The " Friend of India " wrote (1852) :— " In making Pegu
British, we take from the kingdom of Burma its chief financial
resources, and its political strength; we deprive it of the
sinews of war. It is to this prostration of the power of the
Burmese, and the dread inspired in the Court by our own
power, that we must look for the security of our new border-
line. For the last twenty-five years they have occupied the
territory lying between our own provinces of Arakan and
Maulmain. A line of hills separates the former from Pegu j
but there are three or four passes, through which a barbarian
army, unencumbered with artillery and commissariat stores,
might at any time have invaded the province, while Maulmain
has always been open to incursion."

Pegu. — Ophir.

It was in the middle of 1852 that we first became acquainted
with an admirable work by the Rev. F. Mason, M.A., en-
titled " Tenasserim ; or, Notes on the Fauna, Flora, Minerals,
and Nations of British Burma and Pegu." Its possession oc-
casioned the following remarks : — In this work, by a learned
missionary, will be found much valuable and interesting infor-
mation. In this age, when gold in California and in Australia

PAET II. 441

is drawing so many adventurers from their native land, it may-
interest mankind to learn that, according to the work in
question, gold is plentiful in Pegu ; it is distributed all over the
provinces ; " all the streams from the lofty granite mountains
bring down their tribute of the precious metal." "There is a
rumour widely current in Burma, that valuable mines are
known to the Burmese Court ; but the secret is strictly guarded
because the treasures of the earth are regarded as a kind of
royal reserve fund, only to be drawn upon in great emergencies."
One would have thought our present occupation of Rangoon,
Bassein, and Martaban, to be " a great emergency " ; but
where, up to the middle of August, is the gold, the yellow,
glittering gold, we require, with other conditions — and to
which we are now legally entitled?

Pegu is called by the Takings Suburnubhumi, or the land
of gold. Mr. Mason endeavours to prove that it is no other
than the Ophir of Solomon. " The ancient name of Moubee,
in the delta of the Irawady, was Suvanna-nadee, or ' river of
gold'; indicating that Pegu was famous in antiquity for its
gold; and gold and silver appear to have been much more
abundant than they are now, even three centuries ago." "The
Sanscrit form of Suvana is Suverna; and this, when the final
syllable is dropped, is nearly indentical with Soupheir, the
Greek name of Ophir."

We had read somewhere of our own India supposed to be
Ophir ; but this proof of Mr. Mason's is quite new, and as
convincing as most proofs from etymology.

The Burmese language is said to be a compound of the
ancient Pali with the Sanscrit, the Tartar, and the Chinese.
[The Burman language, as well as the Siamese, is written
from left to right.]

Rangoois.

Regarding the capture of the Great Dagon Pagoda, the
General's despatch contains the following reasons for not ad-

442 OUR BURMESE WARS.

vancing on the 13th : — " On Tuesday, the 13th, it was reported,
the heavy battery-guns could not be landed, and be with me,
before the middle of that day ; and, also, that rations for the
troops could not be prepared in time to enable me to advance.
I therefore held my position till the next morning."

Nothing can be more natural in an officer of high standing
than a disposition in favour of his own branch of the service ;
that in which he has won honour and renown. The veteran
warrior, Sir Charles Napier, at the Preston Waterloo dinner,
said to the 50th Regiment — " There has been a great deal of talk
about the Minie rifle ; but I can assure you, 50th, there is nothing
like ' Old Brown Bess,'' with a fixed bayonet, a strong arm, a
strong heart, and strong courage." Very true ; but to bring these
grand qualities into highly successful operation, it strikes one,
especially where attacks on outworks and a strongly-fortified
position are probable, that the most powerful arm in war should
occupy the chief importance. General Godwin, then, may
have said he could not have advanced the first day without
landing at least two of the heavy guns, with a large supply
of ammunition for these, and ample for the light field batteries,
to take along with him.

It may be brought forward in support of the advance on the
12th, that the artillery of the shipping had sufficiently exercised
the powerful arm of destruction. In the chances of war, this
would appear to carry a species of justification along with it.
The military critic then replies — But why talk of chance, now-
a-days, when an overwhelming display of ordnance, in the first
instance, against every point of attack reduces operations almost
to a certainty of success ? But, after all, it is more difficult
to do, than to know " what were good to do " ; yet we were
highly successful ; and history will record that the capture of
Rangoon opened the Second Burmese War with " a brilliant
feat of arms." *

* So was the capture styled by the " Times" of London : — "Tho capture
of Rangoon has opened the Burmotiu War with a brilliant feat of arms, and

PAET II. 443

With regard to the works of the fortress, it may be men-
tioned, that the cutting off a long projecting right flank was
proposed by that gallant and talented officer, Colonel Apthorp,
35th Madras Native Infantry ; his suggestion was taken up by
the field engineer, and a breast-work was thrown up {en cremal-
liere) . The construction of the new barracks for the European
troops did infinite credit to Major Fraser and the Engineer
Department. We had now (middle of August) the commence-
ment of a new and important British station. There was
covering in Rangoon for a large army.

Volunteers.

One of the most important and interesting incidents of this
war was to be found in the " volunteering for Burma." The
4th Sikhs, Ramghur Irregular Cavalry, and another Sikh corps
were to form a portion of the gallant " army of Ava." Those
who came forward as our bitterest enemies in December 1845,
through the wonderful nature of our Government, probably
were, in October, November, or December 1852, to assist us
either in taking entire possession of Pegu, or in humiliating
the Burmese, and planting the British standard on the walls
of Ava ! The two Sikh regiments for Burma were to com-
mence their downward march on the 15th of August.

Prome.

The proceedings of Captain Tarleton's expedition, which was
sent to reconnoitre Prome, have been briefly narrated. The
Burmese, it appears, were located in great numbers on the left
bank of the river. On this bank, in commanding positions,
were bastions mounted with cannon. But the steamers took

we shall be happy to learn that the irresistible force of tho British squadron
on the coast, and tho fall of the chief port of Burma, has at once convincod
the Court of Ava," &c.— May 31, 1852.

444 OUR BURMESE WARS.

the other channel, or right branch, and reached the main river
uninjured. The steamers were " nine days in going up to Prome,
staying there two days and returning." A small steamer be-
longing to the King of Ava " had left for Ava only the day
previous to the arrival of our steamers."

In a second expedition, Captain Tarleton repassed the forti-
fied rock, a little below Prome, where General Bandoola had
before taken up [position. It was deserted j but more guns
were found.

Arakan.

Some interesting intelligence was, in August, received from
Sandoway and Arakan. The Aeng river had been proved to
be navigable for steamers, having a light draught, upwards of
thirty miles further than had hitherto been supposed to be the
case. This was no trifling advantage, should the authorities
decide on sending any troops to Burma by the Aeng Pass.

Lieutenant Fytche, the very active and enterprising civil officer
at Sandoway, had, after great exertions, opened a land com-
munication between that place and Bassein, a communication
which is effected in seven days, and can be continued thence to
Rangoon in three or four more.

The following intelligence was terrible ! — " The Burmese, who
come across, say the troops at the capital are determined to
fight like devils ; and that two brigades are formed, one termed
the Invulnerables, the other the Invincibles, which are to
cut all the English to pieces ! "

Captain Barry, commanding the Arakan Battalion, on hear-
ing of General Godwin's successes, " turned out a couple of
guns, and ' woke the slumbering echoes ' of the passes with a
Royal salute, much to the astonishment of the natives."

The Aeng Pass.
An intelligent officer, at the commencement of the war, re-
marked that it was probable, in the cold weather, that Assam
would make a demonstration against Burma. It now appeared

PART II. 445

that the Munipur Rajah was all energy to repel Burmese in-
vasion. But an advance from Burma on Upper Assam or
Munipore at this season would be impracticable. The distance
that divides Munipur from Burma Proper is three hundred
miles. The routes, in every respect, are described as insur-
mountable. Nevertheless, in the last war, the Burmese poured
their troops down on Arakan through the Aeng Pass, and into
Cachar through Munipur ; so, in the rainy season, they might
be tempted " to beat up our quarters in Cachar and in the pro-
vince of Arakan." "The troops collected at Arakan might
form the nucleus of the army which would march across the
Aeng Pass, during the cold weather, into the valley of the
Irawady, and co-operate with the army from Rangoon in its
march to the capital, where," said the " Friend," " alone we
can make peace with any confidence of its permanency."

An Advance to Ava.
From all accounts, there appears to be no want of water to
navigate the mighty Irawady with our small steamers. What
a magnificent undertaking — the British ascending, perhaps
slowly, but surely, " capturing Meaday, Patanago, Pagan, and
many towns of importance, situated principally on the left
bank," and then reaching and taking possession of the capital !
From Rangoon, Donabew is less than one hundred miles up
the stream; Prome is about one hundred and thirty from
Donabew; and from Prome to Ava, say, is two hundred and
sixty. By annexing the Delta only, we shall have a popula-
tion which "would effectually counteract the hostility of the
Burmese." Should this be done, to repel Burmese invasion
of British Pegu — a crisis not altogether improbable — would
bring on a third Burmese war, which would last but a short
time, and surely end in the entire annexation to the British
dominions of Alompra's once powerful empire. (August 1852.)

446 OUR BURMESE WARS.

PART III.

PAPEES AND NOTES.

General Godwin's Farewell Address to the Army of
Burma.*

The Major-General is about to resign the command of the
army, — an army that for one year and four months has not
given the Major-General one hour of trouble or anxiety.
Whether in the field or in quarters its admirable conduct has
held an even course. It is a singular fact that with troops of
three distinct Services, of which this Force has been composed,
not one collision of interests has come to the knowledge of
the Major-General— all has been harmony j and the good of the
service on which the Force has been employed has been the
prevailing and first consideration of the combined whole.

Such creditable bearing must increase the painful feelings of
the Major-General to know he is leaving so excellent a force,
which he has never been absent from one day — sharing as he
has done in its triumphs in the field and living with it in its
quarters, — so that he does not consider the subject he is now
addressing to them so much in the light of a farewell address as

* Datod Promo, 27th July 1853.

PART III. 447

a testimony of the warmest feelings towards his brother soldiers.
[The General, after acknowledging the services of the Staff, in-
dividually and collectively, proceeds.] The Major-General
begs to offer his warmest thanks to Brigadier- General Sir J.
Cheape, K.C.B., and to Brigadier-General S. W. Steel, C.B. j
to the Brigadiers of the several Brigades, and to the Officers
commanding Regiments, for their constant, valuable, and cheer-
ful support, by which alone he has been able to sustain the
honourable trust reposed in him by Government. [In the
address very nattering mention is made of Majors Mayhew,
Allen, Boulderson, Budd, and Fraser,* — a galaxy of energy and
talent that would do honour to any army. The " brave and
ever ready Sappers " are likewise highly commended. Liberal
thanks are also bestowed on Brigadier Foord and the Artillery
of both Presidencies; on Superintending Surgeon Montgo-
merie, and the Medical Officers of Regiments ; and on our excel-
lent Chaplains the Reverend H. B. Burney and the Reverend
J. W. Bull. The General evidently does his best to wish a kind
farewell to all.]

Burma.

Burma, or, as it is sometimes called, the kingdom of Ava,
occupies nearly a third of the peninsula whose western shore
borders the Bay of Bengal to the east, stretching to the Straits of
Mi.lacca to the south, and facing the shores of China on the west.
It occupies a space of about one hundred and eighty-four thou-
sand square miles,f extending from the fourteenth to the twenty-
eighth parallel. The river Irawady, which is wholly within
the empire, is supposed to be nearly a thousand miles in length.

* The indefatigable Bengal Engineer, at whose bidding towns rose as if by
magic, where all before was desolation and ruin.

f The entire Indo-Chinese Peninsula, or Eastern India, has a surface of
about 700,000 square miles, and a population of 25,000,000, giving 36 persons
to each square jnile.

448 OUR BURMESE WARS.

With, the empire in general we need not at present concern
ourselves ; it is on the delta and shores of the Irawady that
our attention is pre-eminently concentrated. This noble stream
discharges itself by fourteen different mouths into the Bay of
Bengal, lat. 18° — just south of Cape Negrais. The delta is
supposed to cover an area of about ten thousand square miles,
or considerably more than that of the Nile — its three sides are
about one hundred and thirty-five, one hundred and forty-five,
and one hundred and thirteen miles in length respectively. So
far as the tide reaches, the delta of the Irawady is thickly
covered with jungle and small-sized trees; after this, vast
tracts of lofty grass, interspersed at intervals with tall-sized
trees, make their appearance. Rangoon is the marine capital
of the empire.* From Rangoon to Ava the distance by the
river is close on five hundred miles, and might be traversed
against the current by the " Nemesis " or " Phlegethon " in
four days. The population is estimated at twenty-five thou-
sand. Amarapura is only accessible by vessels of inconsider-
able size ; and above this, the river rapidly diminishes in size
and depth. Prome, in lat. 18-50°, contains a population of
about ten thousand inhabitants ; it is said to have been the
earliest of the seats of the Government of the empire. Com-
pared even to our second-rate Indian cities, those of Burma
are in point of magnitude inconsiderable, and in architecture
contemptible in the extreme. In lat. 20'30° to the south of
the banks of the Irawady, are the famous petroleum wells of
Burma; they are about three hundred in number, and cover
an area of sixteen square miles of ground. The quantity
of mineral oil obtained from them is enormous : when
drawn it is thin and watery, but speedily thickens on expo-
sure, and affords the profitable source of lamp-light to all
the country round. From this all along to Ava, numberless

* On tho Panlaug or Rangoon river, eastern channel of the Irawady.

PAET III. 449

fossils of great beauty, both wood and animal remains, simi-
lar to those of Perim, prevail ; and should accident throw our
warriors in the way of enriching our museums, we trust the
opportunity presented will not be lost sight of; specimens
sufficient to replace the weight of a single discharge of shot,
would fill a cabinet. In the delta the monsoon sets in early
in May, and for three months rain pours in torrents— the
remainder of the season is almost rainless. The heat of
April is oppressive, so the climate there is not unlike our
own — with this difference, that they have the wet season a
month sooner than we have. — " Bombay Times/' February
25, 1852.

Mortality among the Troops in Burma during the War.

Frequent allusion has been made in the Narrative (" Pegu") to
the health of the troops employed in the operations. This being
a subject of vast importance, especially as concerning the pro-
bability of our being in time to come urged on to further con-
quest in Eastern Asia, the writer, with a view of rendering his
work as useful as possible for a reference now and hereafter,
begs to submit the following matter to his readers. It has been
already stated, from an official return, that in the First Burmese
War, " during the first year 3^ per cent, of the troops were killed
in action, while 45 per cent, perished from disease. In the
ensuing year the mortality decreased one-half; but the total
loss during the war amounted to 72\ per cent, of the troops
engaged." We were surprised to see a statement in June (1853)
purporting to be from the annual returns, that in the Second
Burmese War, "during the past year, fifty-four European
officers, one thousand three hundred and fifty-three European
soldiers, and probably above two thousand sepoys have perished
in Burma " ; including all who had from time to time gone
away on medical certificate, the facilities for which were
very great during the recent campaigns. These figures may
be correct, but in our opinion they can scarcely be so.

450 OUE BURMESE WARS.

With an army more than double the size of ours in the First
War, which lasted nearly two years, the grand total of Euro-
pean officers killed and deceased amounted to sixty-five ; native
commissioned, non-commissioned rank and file, one thousand
four hundred and twenty-nine; non-commissioned rank and
file Europeans, three thousand one hundred and thirty-four ;
and extra killed, deceased, and missing, four hundred and fifty.
As has been observed elsewhere, the privations and sufferings
of the troops during the First War were infinitely greater than
what were endured by us. Mortality throughout the recent
campaigns was extremely variable in its character; the Angel
of Death continually shifting his quarters, and often abiding
in those places where he was least expected. On one or two
occasions he made a steady residence at Prome. After re-
cording the deaths of Lieutenants Pilmer and Montgomery
of H. M/s 51st and 80th Regiments, we had to add to
the list the names of Lieutenant-Colonel Coote, H. M/s 18th
Royal Irish, and Lieutenant Chisholm, 40th Bengal Native
Infantry. The former gallant officer, it will be remembered,
commanded the storming party at the attack on the Great
Shwe Dagon Pagoda. The Queen's regiments had certainly
shared considerably in the mortality of the war. The Com-
pany's regiments were more fortunate. Of the former we
had no exact statistics ; but a tolerably accurate idea could be
gained from what was written in the foregoing chapters. The
Madras troops, on the whole, may be said to have suffered less
than the Bengal. By the end of May last, out of one hundred
and sixty European Bengal Artillerymen who came to Burma
at the commencement of the war, upwards of forty had died.
Out of say two hundred and thirty European Madras Artillery-
men, up to the same time, not more than the above number
had died. The Bengal European Fusiliers* had been more

* Captain Byng died en route from Toungoo to Shw6-gyeen.

PART III. 451

severely visited than the Madras. From the convenience of a
frequent communication between Rangoon and Calcutta, the
Bengal sepoys were enabled when sick and unfit for duty to visit
their country in considerable numbers ; but notwithstanding
this advantage we are not sure if their bill of mortality was less
than the Madras. In the 5th Madras Native Infantry, which
came to Rangoon from Kyouk Phyoo, in Arakan — a climate
not particularly healthy — from June 1852 to June 1853 the
deaths amounted to eighty-eight men. From June to August,
at Toungoo, they had lost twenty-five — total one hundred and
thirteen. Considering — as has been well remarked — that " all
Eastern countries are at first unfavourable to the health of
Europeans/' * and, it may be added, to that of native sepoys
also, there was nothing very alarming in the aspect of the mor-
tality among the troops in Burma. Before drawing attention to
some interesting tables kindly furnished us by the officer
commanding the 1st Madras European Regiment of Fusiliers,
it may be remarked that the first is to show the few casualties
in the Fusiliers since the day of landing at Rangoon till the
end of August 1853, as compared with other European regi-
ments in Burma. The second table is to show the salubrity
of Toungoo from the few casualties in that corps — six in five
months. The third table will interest those who make investi-
gations into probable causes in producing certain effects, as it
shows the quantity of arrack drank by four hundred and thirty-
one men in five months at Toungoo.

It was the opinion of Dr. Robertson of H. M.'s 13th Regi-
ment— reputed as one of the best informed practitioners for
Indian maladies — that during the siege of Jellalabad he had no
sickness, and attributed it entirely to the impossibility of obtain-
in0" liquor. From this, by casting the eye over the table now

* On the 22nd of April the service lost a very fine young officer, Lieutenant
Harris, 19th M.N.I., of the Sappers, who died at Sittang.

29 *

452 OUR BURMESE WARS.

presented, perhaps an inference may be drawn from the few
casualties at Toungoo, — amounting only to five men, (one of
whom, the Quartermaster-Sergeant, died from apoplexy the day
after arrival) — that as the liquor drank for five months at this
station does not give on an average above half a dram to each
man, the predisposition to infectious diseases, which always
renders them more fatal where strong drinks are indulged in,
had not been seen here. The Government allowance of liquor
— two drams a-day when porter was not issued — was ample for
the men ; and it appeared to be necessary to health in such a
climate as Burma. Often did we hear the highly respectable
sergeant say — " I could not get on, sir, without my dram ! " In
the heavy monsoon the sentry is relieved from his duty in the
morning ; he is wet, cold, and aching — a dram to him then is
worth an ocean of physic. The sobriety of the men of the Fusi-
liers— there is much to like in that word sobriety, it implies
self-denial, whereas Total Abstinence has no human grandeur
about it — the sobriety of the Madras Fusiliers, we say, at
Toungoo, had been the leading cause of so few casualties having
occurred among them ; and the same might have been said of the
company of Madras European Artillery under the charge of the
writer of this narrative. As regarded the soldier-like appearance
and general behaviour of the Company's European troops, they
did not suffer by comparison with the best European troops
in the world, in spite of some miserable calumnies, founded,
as usual, on ignorance, brought at home against them.

After writing the above, a most interesting document ap-
peared, professing to be a list of officers who had either died,
been killed, or wounded, or who had been compelled to leave
Burma since the commencement of the war, up to the 12th
of June 1853. Thus—

PART III.

453

Killed
and
Dead.

Wounded.

s. c*

4
4
8
5
4
4

3
2

"5
3

9
6

5
4
3

2
1
2

2
2

1
2

7
23
1
9
3
8
7

2
6
1
1
2
3
1
1
11

"l
1
1

Indian Navy and Bengal Marine
H. M.'s 18th Eoyal Irish . .
H. M.'s 51st K. 0. L. I. . .
H. M.'s 80th Eegiment . .
Staff

Madras Artillery . .
Bengal Artillery . .
Bengal Engineers . .
Madras Engineers
Bengal Fusiliers . .
Irregular Cavalry . .
5 th Madras Native Infai
9th Madras Native Infai
19th Madras Native Inf.
1st Madras Native Infan
35th Madras Native Infg
4th Sikhs ....
40th Bengal Native Infa
67th Bengal Native Infa
49th Madras Native Infc

ltry .
ltry .
mtry .
try .
mtry .

mtry .
ntry .
mtry .

The Madras Fusiliers, of which corps a perfect statement is
given in the subjoined table, had among officers 4 s. c. The
above was a rather more numerous bill of mortality than
we at first supposed, although the list was drawn out to the
utmost statistical length, some having been set down who
did not die in Burma. It will be seen that the two most
unfortunate regiments in point of officers, were the 51st
Kings Own Light Infantry and the 35th Madras Native
Infantry.

On Sick Certificate.

454

OUR BURMESE WARS.

-Madras Fusiliers.

a
"a
%

5
S

a
o

Strength of Regiment on landing
at Rangoon, 13th. September
1852

Casualties by death up to 25th
August 1853 ....

9
3

■is
4

47
5

sir
57

II. — Martaban Column.

1
c
o

1
■5

|
3

1
Si
a>

9>
02

■3

Detachment under Captain Geils,
arrived at Toungoo, 22nd Feb-
ruary 1853 ....

Detachment under Captain Re-
naud, arrived at Toungoo, 6th
March 1853 ....

Eead-quarters under Major Hill,
arrived at Toungoo, 24th April
1853

BrigadierWilliams's escort arrived
12th March 1853 .

Total .

Casualties by death at head-
quarters, up to 25th August
1853

Total .

1
1

2
3
4

9
9

2
1

1
5

1
1

...

11
1

2
4
5

1
1

20
20

136

158

1 L

r,«;
28

378

4
874

PAET III.

455

III. — Quantity of Arrack issued at Head-quarters during tho Months
specified below.

Months.

AllKACK.

Average Consumption.

April 1853.

May „

June ,,

July

Aug. 25, „

410
237

224
264
201

21
11

431
430
429

428
427

Nearly l^th drams per man daily.

7-10ths „
Less than 7-10ths „ „ ,,
Nearly 4-5ths „ ,, „
„ 3-4ths „ „ „

Total . .

1338

2145

General average, 5-6ths dram per
man daily.

By an official memorandum from Simla, 16th August 1864,
His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief directed that " com-
manding officers will report on the results of the general order
dated 21st June 1864, restricting the issue of spirits from can-
teens to one dram per diem for each man." When these re-
ports are compared, it may be found that the one dram only
has some effect on the conduct, health, and saving propensities
of the European soldier. Anyway, such a step shows the in-
terest taken by His Excellency in the soldier's welfare in the
East. In the garrison artillery battery at Rangoon (1864) we
may say that every man, who was able, took his dram daily.
Out of say sixty-four men, the generality of the gunners
preferred arrack to porter, on account of their being able to
get a dram for one anna, whereas two pints of porter cost
three annas (fourpence half-penny). One dram and two
pints of porter was the allowance for the soldier; and it
used to be, as before remarked, two drams a day when porter
was not issued. It is not good in Burma (so some doctors
think) to drink much beer in the wet weather. In the writer's
battery, the men smoked a good deal, though not to excess ;

456

OUR BURMESE WARS.

and, in five years in Burma, the average of mortality did not
exceed one a year.

The Campaign in Burma, 1853,
At Toungoo, towards the end of September, a new Indian
periodical* fell into our hands, evidently most ably conducted,
and to which we wished every success. The July number con-
tained a paper with the above title, from which a few useful
notes may be culled, supplementary to information which has
already appeared.

In the beginning of January 1853, the British force in
Burma under the command of General Godwin gave a body
composed of —

1 Troop of Horse Artillery.

1 Light Field Battery.

5 Companies of Foot Artillery.

4 Companies of Sappers.

2 Troops of Cavalry.

5 Regiments of British Infantry.
8 Regiments of Native Infantry.

The above might, on the 1st of January 1853, be fairly
reckoned as ten thousand men of all arms, who were scattered
over the face of Pegu, from Prome to the sea.

During the autumn of 1852 the want of carriage being much
felt by the army, and it being necessary to provide against the
necessity of an advance by land upon the capital, the Governor-
General decided on despatching two hundred elephants by way
of Assam and the borders of Arakan, which, entering the
valley of the Irawady through the Toungoo Pass, should pro-
ceed immediately to Prome and join the head-quarters of the
army under General Godwin. With a small escort of sepoys
under the command of Captain Baugh of the 26th Bengal
Light Infantry, this enormous living column commenced its

* " East India Army Magazine and Military Review."

PAET III.' 457

march. The frontier line in the immediate vicinity of Arakan
was held by the 68th Bengal Native Infantry and the Arakan
Battalion, under the command of Major Maling and Captain
Barry; and a strong detachment of H. M/s 18th Royal Irish
and 4th Sikhs, under command of Major Edwards, marched
from Prome to receive charge of the elephants and reinforce
their escort whilst proceeding through the Toungoo Pass into
Pegu. [Then follows a detailed account of Captain NuthalFs
successful capture of the strong stockade of Nareghain, or as a
London critic expressively styles the feat, " the brilliant taking
of the Aeng Pass." Captain Sutherland being left in command
of the stockade so gallantly captured, all fears regarding the
safety of the elephants or their escort were at an end.]

About seventy-five miles to the eastward of Bassein the
Burmese had^ strongly intrenched themselves in a stockade
which they had erected on the left bank of the Duggah creek,
and had not only planted some small guns within their en-
trenchments, but had staked the creek from bank to bank, with
a view of preventing the possibility of an attack or approach by
water. From this stockade bands of armed men would issue,
eager for plunder and rapine, keeping the surrounding districts
in a state of uneasiness and alarm, and ready to fall upon any
detached parties of the British forces which might be escorting
baggage or stores on the great lines of communication ; and
Captain Fytche saw the necessity of dispersing and destroying
them before he could hope to restore the confidence of the
inhabitants or settle the district. On the 21st January, then,
accompanied by Captain Rennie, at the head of eighty armed
sailors, and four small guns under the charge of Lieutenant
Manderson of the Bengal Artillery, Captain Fytche sailed in
the " Nemesis " to meet the boats of the " Zenobia/' towing
which the little steamer made its way up the Duggah Creek.

458 OUR BURMESE WARS.

[The adventures of this gallant body till the end of the month
were of the most brilliant description.] On the termination
of the gallant affair against the Minku, the British sailors im-
mediately returned to Laruinah, worn out with fatigue, but full
of rejoicing at their success, which all parties united in mainly
attributing to the gallantry and untiring energy of Captain
Fytche.

Regarding the Donabew disaster, the " Review " says — It
would appear that Captain Loch, a truly gallant sailor, as-
sumed improperly the command of the united force; an
assumption which Major Minchin appears to have succumbed
to, overlooking, or being ignorant of the rule, which assigns
the command of a united force on land to the senior military
officer, just as rigidly as it does to the naval officer at sea.
[See also " Pegu," page 231. — Captain Loch died of his wounds
6th February 1853. His remains were interred at Rangoon,
beside young Doran, who fell on the 14th of April.]

[We briefly narrated the insurrection at Beling in the Narra-
tive ("Pegu"),* and the doings of the gallant detachment of the
1st Madras Native Infantry under Captain Wright and Ensign
Newdick of that regiment.] It was then at once determined
to recapture Beling. The Governor-General despatched four
companies of the 2nd Bengal Europeans to occupy Maulmain,
while a column advanced against Moung-Goung. Through the
indefatigable exertions of the troops — men of the 49th and 1st
Madras Native Infantry, a company of Bengal Fusiliers from
Sittang, and a small detail of Madras Artillery — and the marked
zeal of Colonel Bogle, Captain Berdmore, Majors Hall and
Gottrcux, and others, Beling was recaptured,! and Captain
Berdmore offered a reward of one thousand rupees for Moung-
Goung.

* Pp. 290-91. t 19th April 1853.

PAET III. 459

Meteorological Notice of Burma.

April. — This is the hottest month in the year. The ther-
mometer ranges during the day from 90° to 95 °, and the
heat is very oppressive, especially during the latter part of
the month, relieved, however, by a breeze from the south and
south-west, which springs up about 10 o'clock in the forenoon.
Rain rarely falls in this month, although sometimes it does
in small quantities. [At Toungoo, during this month, the
thermometer in houses stood at 105°.]

May. — During this month the monsoon changes, which
usually takes place from the 15th to the end. The weather,
till this happens, is similar to that experienced last month.
Occasional showers and north-westers prevail during the latter
part, at times attended with the most vivid lightning and loud
thunder. Average fall of rain during the month about fifteen
inches.

June. — This may be called the first month of the south-west
monsoon. The heavy rains which fall now cool the air and
encourage vegetation. Violent gusts of wind and heavy squalls,
generally from the south, are frequent, commonly about the
middle of the month. Average fall of rain forty inches.

July. — This month is attended with very heavy rains and
much wind; the weather is gloomy, stormy, and cool, whilst
at intervals it is fair and mild, particularly from 4 to 7 in
the afternoon ; with so much regularity does this occur, that
during this and next month we can almost depend on twenty-
three days to enjoy a fair afternoon. Average fall of rain from
fifty to sixty inches, though seventy have been known to fall
during the month.

August. — The heaviest rains usually fall in this month. The
weather is cool and pleasant but for the dampness, which is
very destructive to clothes, books, &c. The wind blows strong
and steady from the south-west quarter during the whole of

460 OUR BUEMESE WARS.

the month, with few deviations from that point. Average fall
of rain fifty-five inches.

September. — The rains subside considerably towards the
middle of the month; and from that to the first or second
week of October the change of the monsoon usually takes
place, with its accompaniments of north- westers, lightning, and
thunder. Towards the end the winds are generally light
and variable, and the weather is cool. Average fall of rain
thirty inches.

October. — Showers fall occasionally to the middle of the
month. Winds light and variable, blowing from the north-east
to the south ; lightning and thunder are frequent during the
evenings and nights, and the weather is cool. During the
latter part of the month the wind blows light from the north-
east in the day, veering to the south in the evening. Average
fall of rain five inches.

November. — This is the first month of what is called the
cold season. The days are hot, with scarcely any wind, but
the nights are cool and agreeable. Towards the end a delight-
ful breeze from the north springs up about 9 or 10 o'clock,
changing to the south-east during the night. Rain seldom,
and then trifling in quantity.

December. — This is the most pleasant month in the year. A
refreshing breeze from the north springs up about 10 o'clock,
veering by the east to the south in the evening; mornings
and evenings cold ; fogs frequent from 7 to 9 o'clock in the
mornings, and towards the end of the month dense. No rain.
Copied from the " Notice " in the Madras Artillery
Hospital at Rangoon.

Addendum. — With the exception of increased heat, what is
said above of December is nearly applicable to January and
February. The month of March (ta-goo la hi Burmese, la
meaning month), for the most part very hot and sultry, with
an occasional breeze for a short period, day and night. During
this month and the next the Burmese hold a water feast, to hail

PART III. 461

a beneficial monsoon for their crops ; also another water feast
in September, towards the end of the monsoon."*

Anecdotes of Donabew.

When the manuscript of " Pegu " had been despatched to
Europe for publication, the Author received another account of
Sir John Cheapens operations against Myat-htoon from an
officer engaged. This being the second authentic description
from the scene of action, in addition to the Despatch, the
writer hoped to gather something more of interest for his
readers. That he was not disappointed the following anecdotes
of bravery will show : —

An Afghan havildar of the 4th Sikhs, named Jezut Khan,
behaved splendidly on the 17th. On the 11th some of his
caste were killed and wounded when the enemy attacked our
rear-guard. He then took an oath on his sword tl at he would
kill a Burman with it or die; accordingly on the 17th he ad-
vanced ahead of every one else, determined to be revenged.
When he got about fifteen yards from the breastwork he re-
ceived one shot in the hip and another in the arm, but this did
not deter him in the least, and he still continued to push on.
When he got almost within reach for the sacred sword to begin
its work, he was shot right through the body ; and thus the
brave Afghan fell ! [This anecdote has a special interest at
the present time (Dec. 1879) .]

On the 19th Sergeant-Major Fury of the 4th Sikhs behaved
very gallantly. When we got within eighty yards of the
deadly breastwork, and some men did not move forward with
that alacrity he thought desirable, he became almost frantic
with rage. To use the graphic language of the narrator, " he

* According to Lieutenant Chase (" Burmese Hand-Book "), the true epoch
of Burman time is the annihilation of Gautama, 540 years before Christ.
Time is measured by lunar months, 12 of which make a common year, and
every third year admits an intercalar month of 30 days. A month is distin-
guished into two parts, the waxing and the wane. The full moon falls on the
15th of the waxing, the change on the 14th or 15th of the wane.

462 OUR BURMESE WARS.

began kicking and striking Europeans and Natives right and
left, to make them go on ; and whilst thus engaged he was
shot dead, with three bullets through him."

Whatever people may say to the contrary, incidents such as
these are always found in the realities of war ; and there is no
satisfactory way of accounting for them.*

The late Duke op Wellington on the Second
Burmese War.

Everything from the pen of the late illustrious Duke of
Wellington is of interest to the British nation. The inde-
fatigable Earl of Ellenborough had asked the Government for
the production of a Despatch written twenty-eight years ago,
which embodied the Duke's opinion regarding the First Bur-
mese War. His Lordship, it is well known, had evinced a
decided hostility to the cause and prosecution of the present
war. The result of his demand was an answer from Lord
Aberdeen, and a justification from Lord Derby. The latter
was supported by the opinion of the Duke on the present war,
which, " as one of the last public productions of His Grace, is
worthy of perusal and record," — and which the Author felt the
necessity of inserting as a lasting ornament to his Narrative.

Earl Derby said — " I am sure your Lordships will not think
I am trespassing on your patience if I read to the House this
memorandum by the noble and gallant Duke, and which only
his death has prevented us receiving from his own mouth : —

"fIt appears to me/ he says, 'that the war could not be
averted ; that the operations fixed upon were judicious ; have
been ably carried into execution, and with great gallantry, by

* In junglo and stockade warfare particularly, it has occasionally (though-
very seldom) been found difficult to make young British troops advance on an
enomywith the often desirable impetuosity; and, perhaps, this is an argument
in favour of not employing too young and inexperienced soldiers on such service.
The great Duke thought young cavalry more liable to panic than young in-
fantry; and also that the bravest soldiers maybe "terrified" in a peculiar
stato of action.

PAET III. 463

the Officers and troops ; and that a commencement has been
made to require from, and enable the Government to consider
of the means to be adopted for the restoration of peace, and the
terms on which peace should be restored. I concur with the
Governor-General in thinking it will be absolutely necessary
to retain possession of all that has fallen into the hands of the
British troops — that is, Rangoon, Martaban, and even Bassein,
Pegu, and the whole province so- called. My opinion is that
it will be necessary to continue the preparations for carrying
on the operations of the war till the Sovereign of Ava shall
be convinced of the necessity of signing a treaty, by the pro-
visions of which all these dominions will be ceded to the
British Government, or till the State of Ava shall be destroyed.
A mere military possession of these districts would be but an
inglorious and little secure result of these successful operations.
I confess that I am inclined to expect that the means adopted
to cut off from Ava the supplies of corn usually received by
imports from sea, will have the effect of producing efforts
to obtain peace by negotiation ; but if not, the British Go-
vernment ought to be in a state of military preparation to
advance upon Ava, — to enforce the abandonment of the capital,
and even of Amarapura. It may be relied upon that the
natives of the East are not better prepared than we are to
abar don their dwellings in the winter, and to live in the jungles
and mountains. The Government suspected of intending to
take such a course would be abandoned by all its followers.
At all events, the military possession and tenure of provinces
and possessions upon the sea-coast would be considered in a
very different light, the Government of Ava being there seated
in strength, as under existing circumstances ; or being driven
out and weakened towards Amarapura, or farther on in the
mountains, as is supposed in the printed papers. I conceive,
therefore, that it will be necessary to assemble the large force
proposed, even though it should be determined to insist upon
the cession of all the maritime possessions of the State of Ava.

464 OUR BURMESE WARS.

These must be ceded by the stipulations of a treaty of peace,
or the State must be destroyed. If, after all, the Sove-
reign should treat for peace in order to save his State, he
must be made to pay the expenses of the war. The neces-
sity for providing specially for the security of the people
of Pegu, discussed in the Minutes of the Members of the
Council, appears to me to be disposed of; but it may be
relied upon that the point will have much effect in both Houses
of Parliament. It appears to me that the people of Pegu have
already, by their conduct, acquired the right to claim protection
by stipulation of treaty, if the province should be restored to
the Government of Ava, however objectionable all such pro-
visions of treaties, as leading to, and rendering necessary,
interference in the internal affairs of a foreign nation. The
demand of the cession would certainly be preferable to resto-
ration, with a stipulation of amnesty to the people of Pegu, of
which it would be necessary for the British Government to
enforce the execution/ " — March 5, 1853.

Cost of the War.

Next to the expenditure of human life in a war, ranks the
expenditure of treasure. This latter, in an age filled with rash
" economists and calculators," had apparently been much over-
rated. Even two million pounds sterling was not too great a
price to pay for the advantages gained by the annexation of
Pegu. But nine hundred and twenty thousand pounds only
was said to be a " close approximation " to the cost of the war
for seventeen months. Among the items, of course the Com-
missariat charges were the principal, or two hundred and fifty
thousand pounds. In round numbers the expense of the war,
therefore, was little over six hundred and fifty thousand pounds
a year. We thought, however, the entire cost might be safely
put down at two millions. [Eventually, Ave heard it did not
exceed three]

PAT?T TTT. 465

Me ADA V.

Meaday, signifying in the Burmese language " very rich/'
Avas nearly deserted on our occupation of it, there being
scarcely a house in the whole place in a fit condition for
quartering troops. There were but few inhabitants and a very
inferior bazaar. The space occupied by the villagers was outside
the south gate, extending one hundred yards in length and
breadth ; all beyond this was inundated during the monsoon,
and cultivated in the dry season. "Our frontier station,"
wrote Lieutenants Bridge and Lloyd in their Report, " is about
fifteen feet above the highest rise of the river, surrounded by
a stockade, forming an island in the height of the monsoon.
Our present position extends from the south gate to the breast-
work marked C on the ' Plan of the Stockade of Meaday/*
but will be extended on the arrival of more troops. This has
proved to be one of our healthiest stations, only six deaths
having occurred from the end of January to the end of June,
out of a force of nearly five hundred men. The heat is ex-
cessive during the months of March, April, and May, the
thermometer averaging from 104° to 111° in the houses."

By a Government Notification of the 5th May 1853, Mr.
E. O'ftiley was appointed Assistant Commissioner at Toungoo,
under the Commissioner of Pegu.

* " Pegu," p. 237.

466 OUE BURMESE WARS.

FART IV

Before and After the Resident's Departure.

" Meanwhile he drew wise morals from his play,
And in these solemn periods stalked away ! "

Old Epilogue.

After all that Mr. St. Barbe had borne and suffered at Mandalay,
we can easily imagine him muttering to himself a couplet like the
above as he went quietly and pensively on board the steamer which
was to carry him to our frontier station of Thayetmyo. There
could be little doubt that the day our Resident left the capital
would be like that on which may yet be sounded the death-
knell of Upper Burma's independenee — an event, if not yet at
hand, one which cannot be much longer delayed in the interests
of humanity, commerce, and civilisation ! The King and his
advisers had been fairly weighed in the balances, and sadly found
wanting ; but now we must look on what is past as clouds of insig-
nificant result in the prospect so " bright and advancing." After
the Resident's departure, some interesting particulars were pub-
lished. Even Major Halstead, on this occasion, could be "the
last man " no longer.

PART IV. 467

" Thayetmyo, Sunday, October 12.
"The following is the true account of the withdrawal of our
Mission from Mandalay : —

"Early on the morning of the 6th instant the Eesident sent
round a peon with the following circular to the various British
residents : —

" ' October 6th. — The Government of India have decided to
remove for the present their representative and establishment.
They hope, however, that the temporary absence of a British officer
from the capital will in no way affect the friendly relations at
present existing between the two Governments.

" ' It is my duty, however, to apprise you of my intentions, and
to advertise them publicly as speedily as possible. I am proceed-
ing at once on board the " Panthay," leaving my baggage to
follow.

" ' Should you consider it necessary to adopt similar measures,
you will arrive at the wharf almost as soon as ourselves. In any
case the steamer will be detained a sufficient time to admit of your
communicating your resolve.'

"At the Residency no packing was allowed, lest an alarm should
be given. The circulars sent out, the Staff proceeded to the
steamer, and the peon returning from delivering the circulars
found the Residency closed and the Burmese in possession.

" These would not permit the baggage to be removed without
orders from the King.

"Some hours afterwards a courteous letter was received allowing
the removal of the baggage.

" Upon the receipt of the circular the European residents and
British subjects hurried down to the wharf as fast as possible ;
even Major Halstead, the only man who remained behind during
the troubles in Major Sladen's time, left on this occasion.

"Andriano, who is flotilla agent and Italian Consul, remained, as
he considered that there was no danger.

" Commercial affairs, as might be imagined, are completely upset
by this sudden move. Traders refuse to undertake the delivery
of imports, and a feverish anxiety prevails all down the river to
get goods for export away safely.

" At Mandalay all is quiet. The Ministers believe that a new
Resident will be appointed directly, and they are showing their

30 *

468 OUR BURMESE WARS.

confidence in peace "by sending some of their steamers down to
Rangoon ; others are to follow in a few days.

" Two of the flotilla steamers loft Mandalay on the 7th. Two
others, which were on their way up, turned back on receiving the
news.

" All arrived safely at Thayetmyo yesterday.

" Confidence is, however, rapidly returning, and three of the
flotilla steamers are leaving Thayetmyo to-day for Mandalay.

" The American missionaries have remained at Bhamo. Should
hostilities occur they purpose seeking safety in China.

" Before the ' Panthay ' arrived at Menhla a slight disturbance
occurred. The Burmese officials boarded the steamer and insisted
upon arresting some Burmese British subjects who were coming
down from Mandalay.

" The Resident interfered energetically, and the guard of Ma-
drasees stood to their arms.

" Finallv the Burmese officials gave way, and the ' Panthay ' pro-
ceeded down the river.

" The Resident has reported to the Government that the King
has summoned men from every village to proceed to Mandalay to
protect it.

" Although there were numerous passengers proceeding to Man-
dalay by the steamers which were stopped on their way up and
returned to Thayetmyo, none of them go up by the steamer which
leaves to-day for Mandalay, but all return in the boats for Rangoon."
— By telegraph, from the "Standard's" Special Correspondent.

Following up the telegraphic account given the previous day, the
" Standard " of the 14th of October had an excellent leader on the
withdrawal of our Resident, and. the probable results ; but we are
afraid, when the writer talks of the chances of war having become
" remote," ho is over-sanguine, and has coloured the peaceful picture
too highly. We may not have war ; but something must be done to
change the government of Upper Burma, in order to promote peace
and commerce in Lower ! The following extract from the article
in question is most interesting at the present time : —

" On the whole it is difficult to conceive how a British Residency
in a semi-civilised country, governed by an impetuous and blood-
thirsty young autocrat like Tbeebau, could have been withdrawn

with less friction.

" The departure of Mr. St. Barbe will, of course, have a serious

PART IV. 409

effect upon the trade which usually flows between British and Upper
Burma. Six months ago the merchants of Rangoon were vaguely
calling upon the Government of India to do something because
their import trade was almost at a standstill, and articles of com-
merce were coming slowly from Upper Burma. The local Chamber
of Commerce prepared a statement for the consideration of the
authorities, showing that Eangoon traders were suffering at the
rate of some millions a year. Now that something like a crisis
has actually occurred in the relations between the Government of
India and the Government of Independent Burma, business will
become worse than ever. The cotton, teak, dye, and rice trade,
which, under ordinary circumstances, flows briskly along the Ira-
wacly, will be paralysed under the influence of two beliefs — one,
that there will be no security for British goods sent into Upper
Burma; and the other, that articles despatched from Upper Burma
will neither be purchased nor paid for in Lower Burma. This
injury to a trade which has made Pegu one of the most thriving
countries under the Government of India, and transformed Rangoon
from an unimportant mart into one of the most rising ports in the
East, is to be regretted, but it is certain to be only of temporary
duration."

Of course it would be wrong to credit all we hear from
Mandalay ; but, judging from the antecedents of the Golden Foot,
the following royal act, after the Resident's departure, has a
decided stamp of truth about it : — King Theebau telegraphed to
the Chief Commissioner "sarcastically" ("Daily News" corre-
spondent), stating he was sorry that the British Agent left so
precipitately, as there was no chance of sending an officer of rank
to escort him to the steamer! The force of political etiquette
could surely no farther go. A telegram of the 14th, from Thayet-
myo announced that a special boat from Menhla — some forty miles
above the former station, and also on the right bank of the river —
brought the report that large bodies of armed men were massing
there. The Governor, however, who was "friendly," said that the
flotilla steamer would be free from molestation. Of course we
must conciliate the King's subjects on the frontier as much as
possible. It is hardly to be believed that even King Theebau pro-
jects any attack on British territory — which would at once force on
a war — especially when he has heard of General Roberts' splendid
and successful march on Cabul ! But, at any time, an insane fit

470 OUR BURMESE WARS.

on the part of the Golden Toot may make him the aggressor, and
force us into speedy action ; so the only way is to keep on adopting
the Napierean motto of Ready — aye Ready !— 16th October,
1879.

Eulogy on Mr. Shaw.

" In reply to the despatch of the Government of India reporting
the death of Mr. Shaw, acting Political Resident at Mandalay, the
Secretary of State makes the following remarks : — ' I have received
this intelligence with great regret. Mr. Shaw had on various occa-
sions rendered good service to the Government of India. His
recent conduct of affairs at Mandalay was marked by coolness and
sound judgment, and, had he survived, would have entitled him to
high commendation. The loss of an officer of so much promise is
the more to be deplored as the knowledge and experience he had
acquired would have been of essential value in Upper Burma.' " —
" Allen's Indian Mail," October 27th, 1879.

An Envoy from Mandalay to the Viceroy.

At the end of October the most important news from Mandalay
was that a Woondouk (Minister or Secretary of State) had been sent
as an envoy to the Viceroy. The Deputy Commissioner of Thayet-
myo had received orders to detain him and question him as to his
mission. The envoy was detained by orders of the Chief Commis-
sioner, pending the receipt of further orders from the Viceroy.
Despatches from Thayetmyo, received by the " Standard " early in
November, stated that the object of the mission sent by the King
of Burma to the Viceroy was understood to be to re-establish
diplomatic relations with England. The Embassy was still de-
tained pending the sanction of the Chief Commissioner to their
going on, and the King was said to be much irritated at their
detention. A European lady had been permitted to have an inter-
view with the King, who stated that, if attacked, he should defend
his frontier, but that if beaten he would offer no further defence.
He thought the English too impatient in their demand for a re-
vision of the treaty with his father, and said that he would never
yield to the claim that he should dispense with the ceremony of
taking off shoes on entering his presence.

News had reached Rangoon from Mandalay that the King had

I 'ART IV. 471

arranged that as soon as war was declared, Rangoon should he
burnt down by his emissaries, who were also to receive 500 rs.
" for each member of the royal family killed on the occasion." His
Majesty was most anxious " that this kind service might be ren-
dered to one of the princes, who, in the days of his childhood,
dared to box his royal ears in some childish squabble," the memory
of which still rankled in his royal breast. It was also affirmed
that the Mandalay royal lotteries had been attended with the loss
of not a few lives.

The Customs Officers.

Towards the end of October, the Irawady flotilla continued to
enter Burma ; but the attitude of the Governor of Menhla towards
the British preventive officers was by no means satisfactory. He
strongly objected to their accompanying steamers ; but as their
right to accompany them is distinctly guaranteed by treaty, his
objection, it was said, would not be regarded, and ampie compensa-
tion would be demanded " in case of any insult or outrage to pre-
ventive officers." This difficulty alone was thought to " keep the
door open " for hostilities. Another despatch from Rangoon said
that the question of the customs officers in the flotilla was becom-
ing serious ; and the local Government was determined to send
them up. Then, at the same time, the Burmese Premier had tele-
graphed, expressing his satisfaction at the continuance of steamer
communication ! Mandalay was quiet ; the Residency was occu-
pied by a Burmese Prince; and the Church compound by Phon-
gyees. A Rangoon-Chinese firm had received orders from its
Mandalay Agent to send up goods.

The Nyoung-Yan Prince. — The Church at Mandalay.

An opinion was entertained at Rangoon that, in the event of a
campaign, it would be rendered easier if, on the declaration of
hostilities, Nyoung-Yan (or Nyoungyan) were publicly recognised
as the British nominee, and received with royal honours, while a
proclamation was issued placing him on the Burmese throne. This
was thought by some to be preferable to annexation ; but, as before
remarked, we must, in some fashion or other — to secure the peace
of British Burma — reign supreme at Mandalay. Great regret was
expressed at the abandonment of the splendid church there. It

472 OUR BURMESE WARS.

was built for the zealous missionary, Dr. Marks, by the late King,
" but no option was left to the Rev. Mr. Colbeck." He found it
impossible to save the font presented to the church by Her
Majesty the Queen. There was a rumour that the church had been
burnt to the ground ; but it was said that respect for his father
would induce even King Theebau " to spare the sacred building."
It would probably be made into a Burmese monastery, or Kyoung.

Rev. Me. Colbeck and the Burmese Ladies.

In noticing the withdrawal of our Resident from Mandalay, it
should have been mentioned that the party consisted of Mr. St. Barbe,
Dr. Ferris, and the Rev. Mr. Colbeck. We also read in " Allen "
the pleasing and noble fact that two ladies of rank belonging to
the palace, who " had owed their previous immunity from massacre
to Mr. Colbeck's humanity, were safely embarked on board the
steamer."

Trade of British Burma (1878-79).

" The annual trade and navigation returns for British Burma
exhibit a very satisfactory increase. The large extension of trade
carried on by private persons is especially referred to by the local
Administration, who point with satisfaction to the legitimate de-
mand which prevails both for the produce of the country and for
goods imported, the improved condition of the people enabling
them to purchase readily and at rates fairly remunerative to those
engaged in the trade. We are told that, although the exports to
Upper Burma, at one per cent, duty, show an increase in value
rather than a decrease, yet the trade would have been much
greater if the country had been more settled. In June 1878 the
King actively interfered with both the import and export trade,
and the dealers in imports declined to buy largely, while the ex-
ports of grain and pulses were practically prohibited, because the
customs farmer demanded an extra five per cent, duty on this pro-
duce. In August, His Majesty purchased large quantities of
piece-goods, and gave them to his suldiers as pay. These goods
were re-sold in the Mandalay bazaar at any prices they would
fetch, thus seriously interfering with the usual retail trade. Towards
the end of September the rumoured death of the King, Moung

PART IV.

473

Lon (Mengdon), caused considerable excitement; the native mer-
chants ceased shipping, and many who held stocks in Mandalay
and in other towns beyond the frontier brought them back to Ran-
goon. After King Theebau had been proclaimed successor to his
father, business improved, and continued brisk until the middle
of February, when the reports which reached Rangoon in regard
to the massacre of his relatives by the new King almost put a
stop to purchases for Upper Burma, and there was no revival
of trade up to the close of the year. The result of this was
that the stocks of cotton, silk, and woollen goods in bond on
March 31, 1879, were much in excess of the stocks on the same
date in 1878. The imports from Bombay were valued at 8,22,849 rs.j
from Bengal, 1,78,08,191 rs. ; and from Madras 25,85,827 rs."

It was generally considered in Rangoon (October 19th) that the
"rupture of diplomatic relations" between the British and Bur-
mese Governments had given a severe shock to trade ; and it was
confidently affirmed that trade could never recover a really healthy
condition until confidence was restored by a fresh treaty, pro-
perly enforced or guaranteed, or by a successful campaign.
Early hostilities were considered by some as inevitable ; but
others held that they would be staved off as long as possible, as
the Government of India was averse to war.

THE "MANDALAY GAZETTE."
Despatch from the Viceroy.

To furnish intelligence regarding the Burmese Mission, to the
latest date, the Author deems it advisable to add the follow-
ing information from two of the London daily journals — the
"Daily News" and "Standard" of the 11th and 8th De-
cember respectively. The former's correspondent, writing from
Rangoon, November 9, gives important notes regarding the
" Mandalay Gazette," evidently the " Court Journal " of Upper
Burma.

No one had yet seen King Theebau's letter to the Viceroy;
but the terms of it were understood to be embodied in an article

474 OUR BURMESE WARS.

in this amusing specimen of Mandalay periodical literature.
The " Gazette " is described as " a wonderful paper," full of
" announcements of extraordinary dreams and portents and
queer superstitions." Everything good proceeds from " the
Majesty of the Ruler of Land and Sea, and proves his power
not only over Upper Burma, but over the province of Pegu
and the ' dismal swamps by the sea/ as the Burmans style our
territories." Leaders are unknown in the " Gazette/' except
" when dictated by a Minister, as no doubt the follow-
ing article Avas. It appeared in the issue of October 13,
Thadiugyart, waning moon, 1241 " : —

" The Political Agent in charge of the British Residency at the
Golden City, considering it improper to continue in the place, and
being about to leave, wrote to the Burmese authorities on the 6th
October 1879, informing them of the same, and, immediately
after sending the letter, left with three other officers and the
Residency guard; also calling away a number of British regis-
tered subjects. Considering that nothing strange had occurred,
and whilst the Burmese and British Governments continued on
friendly terms, and no single instance of a breach of the Treaty
conditions had taken place, to write, simply stating that it was
thought improper to stay any longer in the Golden City, and then
all of a sudden and at once to depart, like one who, seeing and
fearing danger, leaves to avoid it, so hurriedly as the British
officers have done, is a matter for wonder to all who have heard
of it. The merchants, traders, and people generally of the two
countries, seeing and knowing the manner in which the British
officers acted, making matters out to be more serious than they
are, by their hurried and sudden retreat, naturally ascribed it to
various causes, resulting in the stoppage of trade and damage
and ruin to traders. The Burmese authorities have always acted
with the view to maintain friendly relations between the two
countries, and were watchful that all they did should be in ac-
cordance with the terms of the Treaty. But the very sudden
and hurried retreat of the British officers caused a serious panic ;
the people became uneasy, and imagined all sorts of things, re-
sulting in the stoppage of trade and the consequent damage and
ruin to business. The time having arrived when the Government

PAET IV. 475

should protect and care for its people, it became necessary, in
order to revive trade and to encourage traders to continue their
business in an easy state of mind, and also to allow them to travel
about freely and quietly, for the Government to nominate coura-
geous and able Ministers of high rank to proceed to and protect
and watch the towns of Melloon, Menhla, Tounghoo, Yamecthen,
the villages of Mobyai, Buigon, and other frontier towns and
stations. When the British officers were leaving they also sent a
letter asking the Burmese authorities to protect and take care of
all goods, persons, and things (British property) in Mandalay. To
enable the Burmese authorities to comply with said request a
letter was sent back asking for a list of the property to be taken
care of, to which, however, no answer was received, the officers
leaving in the steamer suddenly. Nevertheless, the Burmese
Government have with a noble heart caused all British subjects
who are left behind in Mandalay, together with the goods and
property, animate and inanimate, to be properly cared for and
protected. The proceeding which has caused merchants, traders,
and people generally to entertain imaginary fears, and in conse-
quence uneasiness of mind, stoppage of and damage to trade,
the stoppage in the movements of the people of the two king-
doms, the necessity on the part of the Burmese Government to
nominate officers to watch and protect the frontier stations, the
unsettled state of British subjects who are removed from one place
to another, and the sufferings generally of everybody, are attribut-
able to the action of the British Government only."

If this production does not " out-Herod Herod," nothing
could ever do so. Such a last phase in King Theebau's pro-
gress— even if it be only partly authentic — gives the finishing
touch to our knowledge of the present Golden Foot's shifting
diplomatic character !

By telegram, dated Thayetmyo, 7th December, the " Stan-
dard's " Special Correspondent wrote : —

" The Burmese Embassy, which has for some time been de-
tained here, awaiting permission from the Indian authorities to
proceed, has received a communication from the Viceroy through
the Chief Commissioner to the following effect : —

" The Viceroy states that he is seriously dissatisfied with the

476 OUR BURMESE WARS.

position and treatment of our Ecsident lately at the Burmese
Court ; such treatment being altogether inconsistent alike with the
professions of friendship of the Burmese Government and with
ordinary diplomatic courtesy.

" It appears, then, altogether incongruous and premature for
the King to send a complimentary mission, or for him to assume
that it can he received in a friendly or honourable manner by the
Government whose representative has been treated with habitual
discourtesy at Mandalay.

" During the past twelve months the Resident has lost no occa-
sion of placing fully before the Ministers of the King the views
and wishes of the British Government upon various questions,
particularly with regard to the diplomatic privileges to which he
is entitled, and to the proper accommodation which should be
afforded him at the capital.

" Since, then, the Embassy has not come with authority to pro-
pose anything likely to be acceptable in regard to these matters,
or to the other points at issue, nothing would be gained by the
Mission proceeding onward.

"If the Ambassadoi sees fit to refer to the Court for additional
instructions, and in the event of his disclosing hereafter an in-
tention to make substantial overtures, the Chief Commissioner
will be authorised by the Government of India to receive and
deal with such communications, otherwise the Ambassador cannot
be received.

" The Embassy is now awaiting instructions from Mandalay."

At this uncertain stage of our relations with Burma, it is
pleasing to notice an increasing British interest taken in Bur-
mese affairs, which, with the remarks of the Press, will no
doubt gain for them the importance they deserve. Regarding
our policy in Central Asia, we cannot help being of opinion
that it has been, in many respects, suited to " a commanding
Asiatic Power " ; and among what has been well styled the
" collateral aspects of the revolt of Cabul/' affairs on our South-
Eastern Frontier, and the " undisguised hostility of the Bud-
dhist Burmese " — it would be more correct to say of a portion
of the Kitty's Court at Mandalay, where there are some shrewd
old woons (ministers) who keep King Theebau from actual

PART IV. 477

aggression — have been prominently brought forward. Doubt-
less, we shall look to the smallest causes of our anxiety, and be
prepared for all contingencies. Meanwhile we must keep up a
fixed attention on Eastern Asia. Cabul and Mandalay form
the diamond and the ruby of our present Eastern policy, the
lustre of which is to guide the fine old ship safe into port.
Executions, we read, Lave been continued in the palace of
King Theebau, and five unfortunate Princesses are reported to
have been recently murdered for corresponding with Prince
Nyoungyan. If such be true, Humanity— to say nothing of
discourtesy to our Resident, and an injured Commerce, brought
about by the chronic insolence of a next-door neighbour —
should rise and thunder for British rule or protection in Upper
Burma !

December 26, 1879.

479

INDEX.

Aeng stockade surprised by
Captain Nuthall, 302; Pass,
444.

Alexander (Captain) commands
flotilla, 41.

Allan (Captain) wounded, 116.

Alompra, captured Ava, 8 ;
founded Burmese empire, 8 ;
in reign of, first political rela-
tions with British Govern-
ment, 8 ; invaded Siam, 9 ;
death of, 9.

Amherst(Lord),Grovernor-Grene-
ral, 1823, 12 ; declares war
against Burma, 12.

Andaman islanders, 338, 339.

Anderson's (Dr.) " Mandalay
to Momien," 353.

Annexation and non-annexation,
416 ; annexation of Pegu,
252.

Ansley, Lieutenant, 144.

Anstruther, Colonel, 215.

Ai'akan, Portuguese settlers here,
a.d. 1600, 5 ; recent account
of, 444.

Archibald, Lieutenant, 36.

Armstrong (Ensign) mortally
wounded, 110.

Armstrong, Captain, 262.
Armstrong, Major, 261, 269.
Arrack issued to troops, April —

August 1853, 453.
Ashe, Lieutenant, 128, 261, 270.
Assam, invaded by Meer Joomla,

6 ; by King of Ava, 11 ;

ceded to the British, 15;

Mandalay easily threatened

from, 75.
Austen (Admiral) arrives in

Rangoon river, 102; death of,

196.
Ava, British march on, Decem-
ber 1825, 52; situation of, 74;

an advance to, 445.

Back (Major) in command of
artillery, 116, 127.

Bamo (or Manmo), situation of,
368.

Bandoola (Maha). — Burmese
commander, 30 ; defeated by
Sir A. Campbell, 31 ; total
defeat at Kemmindine, 39;
at Kokeen, 39 ; killed at
Donabew, 43, 44, 436 ; sum-
mary of his character, 44;
Major Snodgrass' account,

480

INDEX.

47 ; compared with Charles
XII. , 46.

Bandoola, Junior, 172 ; deli-
vered himself up, 201.

Banks (Major) with Lord Dal-
housie at Rangoon, 175 ;
death of, 175 (note).

Bassein, capture of, 141-141;
official notification of capture,
144 ; river of, 347.

Beantfleur, Dr., 229.

Becher, Captain A., 206.

Bengal attacked by Portuguese
settlers, 1610, 5.

Bernadotte, King of Sweden,
served in India, 99.

Binny, Captain, 39.

Birrell (Mr.) at Rangoon, 83.

Blair, Lieutenant, 127 (note).

Blockade of Rangoon in Second
War, 88.

Blundell (Captain) mortally
wounded, 115.

Bogle (Colonel), Commissioner
of Tenasserim provinces, 93,
107 ; wounded, 116.

Boileau (Ensign) killed in ac-
tion, 268.

Bowen (Colonel) repulsed, 21.

Brett, Major, 205 (note).

Brisbane (Sir James) in com-
mand of flotilla in First War,
75.

Broadfoot, Major, 299 (note).

Brodie, Lieutenant-Colonel, 37.

Brooking (Commander), cool
courage of, 108 ; service in
Irawady, 162.

Browne (Colonel Horace) Resi-
dent at Mandalay, 405.

Brown, Lieutenant P. A., 225.

Burma. — British forces in, 1st
July 1879, 429 ; campaign of
1853, 456 ; condition in
1854-55, 320-25 ; correct spell-
ing of the mime, 17 ; difficul-
ties in subduing, 289 ;
diseases in, 388 ; events (sum-
mary of), 1826-1879, 374 j

fauna, flora, and minerals, 309
(note) ; financial statement
respecting, 314, 315 ; trade
of British, 1878-79, 472: geo-
graphical description of, 447 ;
meteorological notice of, 459 ;
minerals in, 370-409 ; papers
on, 318, Part IV. ; population
and health in, 328 ; position
of principal towns, 260 (note) ;
rainfall in, 1879, 409 ; routes
to China, 362 ; sparseness of
population in, 342 ; trade
with Europe opened, seven-
teenth century, 3 ; Upper,
value of, 369 ; writer's resi-
dence in, 319 and note.

Burmese, empire founaed by
Alompra, 8 ; costume, 189 ;
Envoy to the Viceroy, 470 ;
feast, 191 ; funeral, 156 ;
games, 154; general orders,
437, 438 ; mode of putting
royalty to death, 328; royal
family of, 425 ; sobriety of
the, 338 ; wars with, first
war, 12, 19 ; concluded, treaty
of peace, 56-59 ; Burmese
account of, 60; mortality
among the troops, 449 ;
second war, 81 ; mortality
among the troops, 449 ; cost
of, 288, 464 ; Duke of Wei-
lington on, 462.

Burney (Rev. Mr.), Chaplain at
Rangoon, 163, 285.

Burney (Major), Envoy at Ava,
377.

Campbell's (General Sir Archi-
bald) expedition to Rangoon
22 ; capture of Rangoon, 23
success at Kemmindine, 27
victory over Bandoola, 32
despatch of, 31-40 ; storms
Kokeen, 39 ; march on Do-
nabew, 41 ; advance on Prome,
49, 435 ; cost of expedition,
287 ; criticisms on, 304.

INDEX.

481

Campbell and Godwin(Generals)
compared, 304-308.

Campbell, Lieutenant, 230.

Canning's (Right Hon. George)
policy, 61.

Carter (Lieutenant) wounded,
144.

Cassay Horse at Pegu, 227, 229,
239, 241, 243, 244.

Chads, Captain, R.N., 35 ; cap-
ture of war-boats, 40.

Charles XII. compared with
Bandoola, 46.

Cheape, General Sir John, 194,
256 (note) ; operations against
Myat-htoon, 257, 461; force
commanded by, 261 ; at Hen-
zada, 262.

Cheape's (Sir John) complete
triumph, 271 ; criticisms on,
274 ; divisional command, 366.

" Cholera camps " check the
disease, 406.

Clarke (Lieutenant) wounded,
266.

Cloete (Lieutenant) severely
wounded, 213.

Cockburn (Lieutenant) severely
wounded, 269 ; his death,
273.

Cook (Lieutenant) mortally
wounded, 214.

Cooke, Captain, 116.

Cooper, T. T., 360.

Coote (Col.) commands storm-
ing party, 128.

Cotton, Brigadier-General, 41 ;
attack on Donabew, 42 ; com-
mand in First War, 75.

Cotton (Brevet Major) in com-
mand at Pegu, 158 ; major,
265.

Cowie's (Dr. A. J.) Report on
Population, 334, 337. "

Crawfurd's " Embassy to Ava "
quoted, 354.

Crisp, C. M. (Mr.), description
of the Shwe-Dagon Pagoda,
105.

Dalhousie (Lord), Governor-
General at outbreak of Second
Burmese War, 91 ; arrives at
Rangoon, 175 ; general order
at Rangoon, 179; proclama-
tion, 252; policy of, 275;
Minute of June 30, 1852, 276 ;
Secret Committee's reply to,
278; Minute, August 10,
1852, 279; Minute, Novem-
ber 3 and 6, 1852, 283 ; Se-
cret Committee's reply, 295 ;
letter to King of Ava, No-
vember 16, 1852, 295 ; noti-
fication, June 30, 1853, 310;
autograph letter to Major
Hill, 316.

Dalla, naval attack on, 109.

Damant (Mr.) murdered, 424.

Darroch (Captain) wounded,
144.

De Jomini (Baron) quoted, 69.

Dennie (Major) at Kemmindine,
33, 36.

Derby (Earl of), speech when
Premier, 173; quotes the
Duke of Wellington, 463.

D'Orgoni, a French officer, 217.

" Diana " steamer, part played
by, 71.

Dickenson, Colonel, 204.

Donabew, partial failure of at-
tack on, 42, 308, 436, 458,
461.

Donaldson (Lieutenant) mor-
tally wounded, 115.

Donnahoe, Colour-Sergeant, 271.

Donnelly (Dr.), on medical edu-
cation, 334.

Doodpatlee, Burmese success at,
20.

Doran (Lieutenant) mortally
wounded, 129.

Dorville, Lieutenant, 127 (note).

Dost Mahommed Khan, 291.

Duke (Lieutenant-Colonel),193 ;
(Brigadier) at Rangoon, 250.

Dupleix not understood by the
French, 99.

482

INDEX.

Dweepdee, last of Burmese
kings, defeated and taken
prisoner, 7.

Edwards (Mr.), interpreter at

Rangoon, 84.
Ellenborough, Earl of, 288,462.
Elliott (Colonel K. H.), his

command, 100.
Embargo laid on British ships

at Rangoon, 11.
Envoys' (Burmese) reception at

Calcutta, 321.
Errington (Major)wounded,144.
Execution of royal personages

in Burma, 388.
Expedition to Burma resolved

upon, February 1853, 94.

Finances (Indian) after First
Burmese War, 76-78; of
British Burma, 350.

Fiscal system in Burma, 299.

Fishbourne, Captain, R.N.

Foord, Colonel, 113, 114; dis-
abled by sun-stroke, 116.

Forbes (Mr. Archibald) at the
Burmese Court, 391.

Ford (Lieutenant) at White
House Stockade, 114.

Forsyth, Sir Douglas, 411.

" Fox," frigate at Rangoon, 89.

Fraser (Major), Chief Engineer,
114, 115 ; grand architect of
Rangoon, 194.

Free-trade anticipations disap-
pointed, 309 (note).

Funeral, Burmese, 156.

Fury (Sergeant-Major), killed
at Donabew, 462.

Fytche, Captain, 256 (note),
272, 457.

Fytche, Colonel, 331, 337.

Fytche (General Albert) quoted,
357, 382.

Games, Burmese, 154.
Gardner (Captain) killed, 214.
Godwin, Liout.-Colonel, 32 ;

(General) command in Second
War, 107 ; despatch quoted,
113 ; official despatch, May
24, 1852, 146 ; British force
under, January 1853, 456 ;
advance on Prome, 181 ;
anecdotes of, 187, 189; in
command, 209 ; in the field,
243 ; want of decision, 249 ;
general order of, 250 ; leaves
Rangoon for Prome, 256; the
difference of opinion as to his
advance on Prome, 281 ; cri-
ticisms on, 304 ; narrative of
campaign, 1824-25, 431 ; fare-
well address to army, 446.

" Golden Foot," &c, meaning in
Burmese State phraseology,
45 (note).

Goldfinch, Lieutenant, R.N., 35.

Goldworthy (Colonel) reinforces
Maulmain, 183.

Gore, Major, 36.

Graham, Lieutenant, 262.

Griffiths (Major) fatally struck
by coup-de-soleil, 116.

Hall, Major, 152 ; defence of

Pegu, 224.
Harrison, Lieutenant and Adju-
tant, 116.
Harrison, Captain, 336.
Harris, Lieutenant, 209.
" Havelock's Saints " always

ready, 71 (note).
Havelock (Sir H.) quoted,

" Campaigns in Ava," 132.
Heat, intense in Burma, 240.
Henzada, description of, 262.
" Hermes " steamer at Rangoon,

89.
Hewitt, Lieutenant, 128.
Hewitt (Captain), success at

Pautauno, 260.
Hicks (Capt.) at Pegu, 158, 261.
Hi ggin son's (Governor) letter

to King of Ava, 1698, 4.
Hill, Major, 209 ; in garrison at

Pegu, 223 ; thanked by Go-

INDEX.

483

vernor-General, 235 ; thanked

by General Godwin, 250 ;

autograph letter from Lord

Dalhousie, 316.
Hill-tribes dangerous, 289.
Hogg, Sir James Weir, 288.
Holdich, Major, 264, 269, 270.
Holmes (Lieutenant) at Marta-

ban, 152.

Impey, Captain, 165.

Indigenous races, population
and health of, 328.

Irawady, high road of the Bur-
man Empire ; its importance
in war and to commerce, 24.

Irby, Captain, 261.

Isolation, dangers of, 287.

Johnson, Lieutenant, 266.

Joomla Meer, invasion of As-
sam, 6.

Judson, missionary, 309 (note).

Judson (Mr. and Mrs.) in cap-
tivity, 304.

Karen (the) tribe, 165, 410;

births and deaths, statistics

of, 341.
Kellett, Lieutenant, R.N., 35.
Kemmindine. — Sir A Campbell

defeats the Burmese at, 27 ;

defeat of Bandoola at, 31, et

seq.
Killed and wounded in Second

War to June 12, 1853, 453.
Kincaid (Rev. Mr.), American

missionary, 87 ; returns to

Maulmain, 164 ; interview

with Lord Dalhousie, 179.
Kokoon stormed by Sir A.

Campbell, 39.
Kully, Burmese army at, 241.
Kykloo, repulse at, 305.

Lambert, Commodore, 82,
84 ; notification of blockade
of rivers of Rangoon, 88 ;
additional notification, 98.

Latter (Captain), interpreter,
85, 107 ; advises the general,
128 ; leads the storming
party, 128 ; at Pegu, 158.

Lesby, Conductor, 261.

Littler, Sir John, 283, 295.

Lewis and Shepperd (Messrs.)
imprisoned, 82.

Livingstone, Corporal, 271.

Lloyd, Lieutenant, 127 (note).

Loch and his companions, 258.

Loch (Captain, R.N.), death of,
458.

Lockart, Major, 128.

Looshai tribes and country,
420, 421.

Luard, Captain, 93.

Lushington, Commodore, 96.

Lynch, Captain, I.N., 96, 109.

Lynch, Commodore, 153.

Macintosh (Lieutenant) at Pegu,
158.

McDowall (Colonel) killed at
Watty -goon, 67.

MacKellar, Lieutenant, 264.

McLeod, General, 378.

McNeill, Brigadier, 193; in
command of Pegu expedi-
tion, 209 ; disabled by sun-
stroke, 214; his death, 217.

McReagh's (Brigadier) com-
mand against Rangoon, 22,
41.

Madras Fusiliers, strength
and losses, 454.

Magrath, Lieutenant, 261.

Maha Nemiou killed at Prome,
52.

Maha Bandoola, Commander,
(see Bandoola,) 29.

Mallet, Lieutenant-Colonel, 32,
34, 37.

Malloch, Captain, 127 (note),
209.

Malown, attack on, (see Melloon,)
437.

Mandalay becomes the capital,
379.

484

INDEX.

" Mandalay to Moinien," 353.

Mandalay, fortifications of,
1879, 403; political parties
in, 408; withdrawal of the
British Resident from, 426 ;
population of, 427 ; " Ga-
zette," 473.

Margary (Mr.), fate of, 362.

Marr (Dr.) on Vaccination,
334, 337.

Marryat (Captain) on the Ira-
wady, 72.

Martaban, preparations to at-
tack, 102-106; attacked by
Burmese, 152 ; column,
strength of, 454.

Mason (Lieutenant, R.N.), nar-
row escape, 226.

Mason (Dr.), statistics of births
and deaths, 340.

Mason, Rev. F., missionary,
309 ; reference to his work,
440.

Mayne (Lieutenant) atPegu,158.

Meaday, once an important
town, 74, 465.

Melloon, Burmese and British
envoys meet near, 53 ; Sir A.
Campbell's attack on, 437 ;
situation of, 74.

Mengdon-Meng, King, 378.

Memiaboo, after defeat, re-
treats, 54.

Meteorology of Burma, 459.

Miles (Lieut-Colonel) captures
Burmese seaports, 28, 37.

Minerals in Upper Burma, 369-
374, 409.

Mission, withdrawal from
Mandalay, 466-67.

Mitcheson (Lieutenant) se-
verely wounded, 261.

Mogul Empire, Gibbon's

opinion of, 1.

Mongolian race warlike, 2.

Montgomery (Major) in com-
mand of artillery, 100 ; leads
the advance on New Rangoon,
125 ; death of, 166.

Morison, Brigadier-General, 41.

Mortality among the troops,
449.

Moung-Bwosh, Governor of
Martaban, 152.

Moung-Shoay-Wang at Marta-
ban, 154.

Mullins, Lieutenant, 261.

Murray (Captain) at Keminin-
dine, 34.

Myat-htoon, bandit chief of
Donabew, and Soult com-
pared, 257, 258 ; entirely de-
feated, 271 ; British losses in
operations against, 273.

Myat-za (Karen chieftain) at
Rangoon, 259.

Nagas, the, 420 ; their religion,

423.
Napadee, Burmese driven back

to, 51 ; Burmese routed at, 52.
Napier (Admiral Sir Charles),

anecdote of, 265.
Negrais, massacre of English

at, 1759, 8.
Neill, General, 236 (note).
Neoun-ben-Zeik, conference at,

51.
Newton's (Major) successes, 20.
Niblett, Captain, I.N., 158.
Nicolay (Captain)' killed, 234.
Noton (Captain) defeated and

slain, 21.
Nuthall, Captain, 302 and note.

Oakes (Major) in command, 99 ;
at White House stockade,
114; receives his death-blow,
114 ; his death and character,
117.

Operations, remarks on, in First
Burmese War, 64.

Ophir, identity with Pegu, 440.

Opportunity lost at Kully, 248.

"Oriental," P. and O. steamer,
195.

INDEX.

485

Pagahm-Mew, British victory
at, 55, 308 ; situation of, 74.

Pagan-Men g, King, 378.

Pagoda, gilding the great, 326 ;
capture of, 441.

Parlby, Lieutenant-Colonel, 37.

Patkoi, meaning of, 439.

Pegu. — Conquered by Burmese
in sixteenth century, 3 ; re-
gained its independence, 7 ;
geographical description of, 74,
158 ; expedition against town
of, 158 ; captured, June 1852,
161 ; capture and occupation
described, 209 ; suggested
identity with Ophir, 440 ;
trade and prospects of pro-
vince, 346 ; town attacked by
Burmese, 216 ; surrounded,
218 ; military operations at,
221; defence by Major Hill,
224; relief of, measures for,
235, 236 ; relieved, 249 ; an-
nexation of, 251, 255 (note);
boundary of, 309 (note) ;
troops in, 1864, 313 ; mine-
ral wealth of, 411.

Pepper (Colonel), advance upon
Toungoo, 75.

Percival, Lieutenant, 264.

Phagy-dan,King of Burma, 376.

Phayre (Captain), Commissioner
of Pegu, 250, 294, 300, 322,
328 (note), 352, 357, 381.

Phayre, Sir Arthur P., 319.

"Phlegethon" steamer at Kan-
goon, 89.

Piper (Captain) at Kemmindine,
34.

Population, &c. of indigenous
races, 328.

" Precursor " steamer at Kyook
Phyoo, 91.

Preston, Private, 271.

Preston, Sergeant, 271.

Price (Dr.) sent to British com-
mander by King of Ava, 54,
304.

Prisoners liberated, 303.

Proclamation by Lord Dal-
housie, 252.

Progress of King Theebau, 386-
400.

Prome, advance on, 49 ; Sir A.
Campbell's entrance into, 50 ;
Sir A. Campbell defeats Bur-
mese besiegers, 51 ; occupied
by Commander Tarleton, 168 ;
Captain Tarleton' s expedition,
443.

" Proserpine " steamer at Ran-
goon, 86.

Quarters of troops after war,
312.

Quin, Sergeant- Major, 271.

Quinn (Mr. Conductor) libe-
rated, 303.

Kaces, indigenous, health of, 328.

Railway in Burma, 388.

Rangoon. — Embargo laid on
British ships, 1811, 11, 13;
captured by British, May
1824, 23 ; new town, founded
by Tharawadi, 96 ; naval ope-
rations before, 107 ; garrison
of, 135 ; return of killed,
wounded, and missing in
storming of, 138 ; develop-
ment of, 324 ; population of,
345; sanitary condition of
troops at, 1824, 432 ; particu-
lars of capture, 442.

Reid, Major, 95, 113, 261, 270 ;
wounded, 270.

Renaud, Captain, 236.

Renegade shot in action, 120.

Revenues of Burma, 314, 350.

Rice (Captain) wounded, 144.

Rice, Lieutenant, R.N., 144.

Richards, Lieut. -Colonel, 41.

Rockets, effectiveness of, in
First Burmese War, 72.

Rundall (Captain) in command
of Sappers, 114.

Ryves, Captain, 35.

480

INDEX.

St Barbe (Mr.) quoted, 410,

412, 426; withdrawal from

Mandalay, 466.
St. Maur (Colonel), disabled in

action by sun-stroke, 116.
Sale (Major) at Kemmindine,

32, 36, 41 ; liberates Mrs.

Judson, 134 ; at Bassein, 434.
Sandford, Assist.-Surgeon, 55.
Sanitary condition of troops at

Rangoon, 432.
Saunders, Mr. Trelawney, 418.
Scindiab's good government, 78.
Scott, Brigade-Major, 113.
Seaton, Major, 244.
Sbadwell, Captain, R.N., 205
Shan ladies in First Burmese

War, 13, 52, 394 (note).
Sban tribes, 364, 394 ; countries,

366.
Shaw (Mr.) and King Theebau,

387, 398.
Shaw (Resident), death of, 402 ;

eulogy on, by Secretary of

State, 470.
Shemburen, or Shembuan, suc-
ceeds Alompra, 10.
" Shoe question," 395, 406.
Shortland, Lieutenant, 209.
Shouldham, Brigadier-General,

41.
Shubrick, Major, 209.
Shuparee attacked by Burmese,

September 24, 1823, 20.
Shway Ban, bandit chief, 259.
Shwc-Dagon Pagoda, advance

on, 122 ; captured the second

time, 129.
Shwc-gyeen, 256 : troops at, 1864,

313 ; troops at, 1879, 429.
Singleton, Captain, 262, 268.
Sladen's (Major) expedition,

360, 361, 363.
Sladen (Captain) at Mandalay,

380, 382.
Smith (Dr.) slightly wounded,

127.
Smith (Captain), Deputy-Com-
missioner, 262.

Snodgrass, Major, 43 ; charact m
of Bandoola, 47.

Soonderbuns (the), origin of, 6.

Spiers (Mr.) liberated, 303.

Steel (Brigadier- General), C.B.,
193, 238, 243, 256 (note),
313.

Sturt (Colonel) commands ex-
pedition to Pegu, 158 ; forces
under, 241, 242, 264, 267.

Symes (Colonel) concludes
treaty with Burma, 11.

Tantabain, Lieutenant-Colonel
Godwin at, 433.

Tarleton, Commander (Sir J.
W.), 158 ; occupies Prome,
168, 443 ; releases Myat-
htoon's captives, 272.

Tayler, Lieutenant, 127 (note).

Taylor (Lieutenant) mortally
wounded, 270.

" Tenasserim provinces " ceded
to British, 15.

Tharawadi, King, 377.

Theebau, King, 374, 386; vic-
tims of, 397, 398, 425 ; tariff
of, 414 ; head queen of, 427.

Thornhill, Major, 36.

Tonghoo, or Toungoo, situation
of, 74.

Transport, cost of, in Burmese
and Chinese wars, 188.
j Travers, Captain, 246 and note.

Treaties, Eastern disregard of,
284, 285, 291.

Treaty of 24th February, 1826,
56 ; draft of, 1852, 296.

Trevor (Lieutenant) wounded,
115, 261, 271.

Troops in Pegu, 1864, 313.

Tudor, Colonel, 199, 209.

Turton, Major, 113, 128, 199.

Umrapoora (Amarapura), situ-
ation of, 74.

Volunteers for Burma, 448.
Voyle (Lieutenant) ordered to
Maulmain, 95.

INDEX.

487

Wahab's (Major) command
against Rangoon, 22, 36.

Walker (Major) killed, 36.

Wants in warfare. Correct in-
formation, 274 ; sufficient
provisions, 274.

War declared against Burma by
British Government, March 5,
1824, 12, 20.

Warfare, Burmese tactics in,
243 and note.

Warren (Brigadier) disabled in
action, 116.

Watty-goon, repulses at, 305.

Welchman, Major, 204.

Wellesley's (Marquis) Govern-
ment, 11.

Wellington (Duke of) on the
Second Burmese War, 463.

White House Stockade, descrip-
tion of, 118.

White, Lieutenant, 128.

Whitlock (Lieutenant) severely
wounded, 213.

Wigston, Major, 261, 264, 268 ;
wounded, 269.

Williams (Lieutenant) in action,
115 ; death of, 273.

Wilson (Captain, 38th Regi-
ment) at Kemmindine, 34,
37.

Wolseley, Ensign, (Sir Garnet,)
257 (note), 270 ; severely
wounded at Donabew, 271.

Wyndham, Captain, 209.

Yandaboo, treaty of, 15.
Yates, Major, 32.

Zaloon, Sir John Cheape's move-
ment on, 262.

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BURMA.

I.-THE SECOND BURMESE WAR.

RANGOON, 1852.

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,, John H. Ingram.

FOFTJI-AR EDITION.

In Limp Cloth. Pike Is. 6d.

FIRST VOLUME.

GEORGE ELIOT. By Mathilde Blind.

W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 Waterloo Place, S.W.

M ■ H /

RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT 1887/

TO— ^ 202 Main Library

LOAN PERIOD 1

2 :

HOME USE

5 6

ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER 7 DAYS

Renewals and Recharges may be made 4 days prior to the due date.

Books may be Renewed by calling 642-3405.

DUE AS STAMPED BELOW

AUTO DISC OCT 07 *9

FORM NO. DD6

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY
BERKELEY, CA 94720

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