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2ra.wu!-e.And=rse.-.-La.jnb,l:a NY. 










iH .'ff ai'W9vI >^d aHqengoiofi*! 




Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. 










Copyright, 1920, hy Yale University Press 













INDEX " 241 






Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. Frontispiece 







Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. Facing page 30 


Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. 


Photograph by Lewis W. Hine for Special 
Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and 
for Pittsburgh Survey. 


Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. " " 70 







Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. Facing page 128 




Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. " " 160 



Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. 


Photograph by Lewis W. Hine for Special 
Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and 
for Pittsburgh Survey. 


Photograph copyright by Underwood and 

Underwood, New York. " " 1$^ 





Photographs by Lewis W. Hine for Special 
Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and 
for Pittsburgh Survey, " " 170 





Photographs by Lewis W. Hine for Special 
Survey Mission, American Red Cross, and 
for Pittsburgh Survey. Facing page 180 



Photograph copyright by Underwood and 

Underwood, New York. 

Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. 

Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. " '* £16 



Long before men awoke to the vision of America, 
the Old World was the scene of many stupendous 
migrations. One after another, the Goths, the 
Huns, the Saracens, the Turks, and the Tatars, by 
the sheer tidal force of their numbers threatened to 
engulf the ancient and medieval civilization of 
Europe. But neither in the motives prompting 
them nor in the effect they produced, nor yet in the 
magnitude of their numbers, will such migrations 
bear comparison with the great exodus of European 
peoples which in the course of three centuries has 
made the United States of America. That move- 
ment of races — first across the sea and then across 
the land to yet another sea, which set in with the 
English occupation of Virginia in 1607 and which 


has continued from that day to this an almost cease- 
less stream of millions of human beings seeking in 
the New World what was denied them in the Old — 
has no parallel in history. 

It was not until the seventeenth century that the 
door of the wilderness of North America was opened 
by Englishmen; but, if we are interested in the cir- 
cumstances and ideas which turned Englishmen 
thither, we must look back into the wonderful six- 
teenth century — and even into the fifteenth, for 
it was only five or six years after the great Chris- 
topher's discovery, that the Cabots, John and Se- 
bastian, raised the Cross of St. George on the North 
American coast. Two generations later, when the 
New World was pouring its treasure into the lap of 
Spain and when all England was pulsating with 
the new and noble life of the Elizabethan Age, the 
sea captains of the Great Queen challenged the 
Spanish monarch, defeated his Great Armada, and 
imf urled the EngHsh flag, symbol of a changing era, 
in every sea. 

The political and economic thought of the six- 
teenth century was conducive to imperial expan- 
sion. The feudal fragments of kingdoms were be- 
ing fused into a true nationalism. It was the day 
of the mercantilists, when gold and silver were 


given a grotesquely exaggerated place in the na- 
tional economy and self-sufficiency was deemed to 
be the goal of every great nation. Freed from the 
restraint of rivals, the nation sought to produce its 
own raw material, control its own trade, and carry 
its own goods in its own ships to its own markets. 
This economic doctrine appealed with peculiar 
force to the people of England. England was very 
far from being self-sustaining. She was obliged to 
import salt, sugar, dried fruits, wines, silks, cotton, 
potash, naval stores, and many other necessary 
commodities. Even of the fish which formed a 
staple food on the English workman's table, two- 
thirds of the supply was purchased from the Dutch. 
Moreover, wherever English traders sought to take 
the products of English industry, mostly woolen 
goods, they were met by handicaps — tariffs, Sound 
dues, monopolies, exclusions, retaliations, and even 

So England was eager to expand under her own 
flag. With the fresh courage and buoyancy of 
youth she fitted out ships and sent forth expedi- 
tions. And while she shared with the rest of the 
Europeans the vision of India and the Orient, her 
"gentlemen adventurers" were not long in seeing 
the possibilities that lay concealed beyond the 


inviting harbors, the navigable rivers, and the for- 
est-covered valleys of North America. With a will- 
ing heart they believed their quaint chronicler, Rich- 
ard Hakluyt, when he declared that America could 
bring "cw great a profit to the Realme of England as 
the Indes to the King of Spain,'' that *'golde, silver, 
copper, leade and per ales in ahoundaunce'* had been 
found there: also ''precious stones, as turquoises and 
emauraldes; spices and drugges; silke worms fairer 
than ours in Europe; white and red cotton; infinite 
multitude of all hind offowles; excellent vines in many 
places for wines; the soyle apte to heare olyvesfor oyle; 
all kinds offruites; all kindes of odoriferous trees and 
date trees, cypresses, and cedars; and in Newfounde- 
lande ahoundaunce of pines andfirr trees to make 
mastes and deale hoards, pitch, tar, rosen; hempefor 
cables and cordage; and upp within the Graunde Baye 
excedinge quantitie of all kinde of precious furres. " 
Such a catalogue of resources led him to conclude 
that ''all the commodities of our olde decayed and 
daungerous trades in all Europe, Africa and Asia 
haunted by us, may in short space and for little or 
nothinge, in a manner be had in that part of America 
which lieth between 30 and 60 degrees of northerly 
latitude, " 

Even after repeated expeditions had discounted 


the exuberant optimism of this description, the 
Englishmen's faith did not wane. While for many 
years there lurked in the mind of the Londoner, the 
hope that some of the products of the Levant might 
be raised in the fertile valleys of Virginia, the prac- 
tical English temperament none the less began 
promptly to appease itself with the products of the 
vast forests, the masts, the tar and pitch, the furs; 
with the fish from the coast waters, the abundant 
cod, herring, and mackerel; nor was it many years 
before tobacco, indigo, sugar, cotton, maize, and 
other commodities brought to the merchants of 
England a great American conunerce. 

The first attempts to found colonies in the coun- 
try by Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Ra- 
leigh were pitiable failiu*es. But the settlement 
on the James in 1607 marked the beginning of a 
nation. What sort of nation? What race of peo- 
ple? Sir Walter Raleigh, with true English ten- 
acity, had said after learning of the collapse of his 
own colony, " I shall yet live to see it an English 
nation." The new nation certainly was English in its 
foundation, whatever may be said of its superstruc- 
ture. Virginia, New England, Maryland, the Caro- 
linas. New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Georgia were 
begun by Englishmen; and New England, Virginia, 


and Maryland remained almost entirely English 
throughout the seventeenth century and well into 
the eighteenth. These colonies reproduced, in so 
far as their strange and wild surroundings permitted, 
the towns, the estates, and the homes of English- 
men of that day. They were organized and gov- 
erned by Englishmen under English customs and 
laws; and the Englishman's constitutional liberties 
were their boast until the colonists wrote these 
rights and privileges into a constitution of their 
own. "Foreigners" began early to straggle into 
the colonies. But not until the eighteenth century 
was well under way did they come in appreciable 
numbers, and even then the great bulk of these non- 
English newcomers were from the British Isles — 
of Welsh, Scotch, Irish, and Scotch-Irish extraction. 
These colonies took root at a time when profound 
social and religious changes were occurring in Eng- 
land. Churchmen and dissenters were at war with 
each other; autocracy was struggling to survive the 
representative system; and agrarianism was con- 
tending with a newly created capitalism for eco- 
nomic supremacy. The old order was changing. 
In vain were attempts made to stay progress by 
labor laws and poor laws and corn laws. The laws 
rather served to fill the highways with vagrants, 


vagabonds, mendicants, beggars, and worse. There 
was a general belief that the country was over- 
populated. For the restive, the discontented, the 
ambitious, as well as for the undesirable surplus, 
the new colonies across the Atlantic provided a 
welcome outlet. 

To the southern plantations were lured those to 
whom land-owning offered not only a means of 
livelihood but social distinction. As word was 
brought back of the prosperity of the great estates 
and of the limitless areas awaiting cultivation, it 
tempted in substantial numbers those who were dis- 
satisfied with their lot: the yeoman who saw no es- 
cape from the limitations of his class, either for 
himself or for his children; the younger son who dis- 
dained trade but was too poor to keep up family 
pretensions; professional men, lawyers, and doctors, 
even clergymen, who were ambitious to become 
landed gentlemen; all these felt the irresistible call 
of the New World. 

The northern colonies were, on the other hand, 
settled by townfolk, by that sturdy middle class 
which had wedged its way socially between the | 
aristocracy and the peasantry, which asserted it- \ 
self poHtically in the Cromwellian Commonwealth 
and later became the industrial master of trade 


and manufacture. These hard-headed dissenters 
founded New England. They built towns and al- 
most immediately developed a profitable trade and 
manufacture. With a goodly sprinkling of uni- 
versity men among them, they soon had a college 
of their own. Indeed, Harvard graduated its first 
class as early as 1642. 

Supplementing thei^e pioneers, came mechanics 
and artisans eager to better their condition. Of 
the serving class, only a few came willingly. TTiese 
were the "free-willers" or "redemptioners," who 
sold their services usually for a term of five years to 
pay for their passage money. But the great mass 
of unskilled labor necessary to clear the forests and 
do the other hard work so plentiful in a pioneer 
land came to America under duress. Kidnaping 
or "spiriting" achieved the perfection of a fine art 
under the second Charles. Boys and girls of the 
poorer classes, those wretched waifs who thronged 
the streets of London and other towns, were hustled 
on board ships and virtually sold into slavery for a 
term of years. It is said that in 1670 alone ten 
thousand persons were thus kidnaped; and one 
kidnaper testified in 1671 that he had sent five 
hundred persons a year to the colonies for twelve 
years and another that he had sent 840 in one year. 


Transportation of the idle poor was another com- 
mon source for providing servants. In 1663 an act 
was passed by Parliament empowering Justices of 
the Peace to send rogues, vagrants, and "sturdy 
beggars" to the colonies. These men belonged to 
the class of the unfortunate rather than the vicious 
and were the product of a passing state of soci- 
ety, though criminals also were deported. Virginia 
and other colonies vigorously protested against 
this practice, but their protests were ignored by the 
Crown. When, however, it is recalled that in those 
years the list of capital offenses was appalling in 
length, that the larceny of a few shillings was pun- 
ishable by death, that many of the victims were 
deported because of religious differences and po- 
litical offenses, then the stigma of crime is erased. 
And one does not wonder that some of these trans- 
ported persons rose to places of distinction and 
honor in the colonies and that many of them be- 
came respected citizens. Maryland, indeed, re- 
cruited her schoolmasters from among their ranks. 

Indentured service was an institution of that 
time, as was slavery. The lot of the indentured 
servant was not ordinarily a hard one. Here and 
there masters were cruel and inhuman. But in a 
new country where hands were so few and work 


so abundant, it was wisdom to be tolerant and 
humane. Servants who had worked out their time 
usually became tenants or freeholders, often mov- 
ing to other colonies and later to the interior be- 
yond the "fall line," where they became pioneers 
in their turn. 

The most important and influential influx of non- 
English stock into the colonies was the copious 
stream of Scotch-Irish. Frontier life was not a new 
experience to these hardy and remarkable people. 
Ulster, when they migrated thither from Scotland 
in the early part of the seventeenth century, was a 
wild moorland, and the Irish were more than im- 
friendly neighbors. Yet these transplanted Scotch 
changed the fens and mires into fields and gardens; 
in three generations they had built flourishing 
towns and were doing a thriving manufacture in 
linens and woolens. Then England, in her mercan- 
tilist blindness, began to pass legislation that aimed 
to cut off these fabrics from English competition. 
Soon thousands of Ulster artisans were out of work. 
Nor was their religion immune from English attack, 
for these Ulstermen were Presbyterians. These 
civil, religious, and economicpersecutions thereupon 
drove to America an ethnic strain that has had an 
influence upon the character of the nation far out 


of proportion to its relative numbers. In the long 
list of leaders in American politics and enterprise 
and in every branch of learning, Scotch-Irish names 
are common. 

There had been some trade between Ulster and 
the colonies, and a few Ulstermen had settled on 
the eastern shore of Maryland and in Virginia be- 
fore the close of the seventeenth century. Between 
1714 and 1720, fifty-four ships arrived in Boston 
with immigrants from Ireland. They were care- 
fully scrutinized by the Puritan exclusionists. Cot- 
ton Mather wrote in his diary on August 7, 1718: 
"But what shall be done for the great number of 
people that are transporting themselves thither 
from ye North of Ireland.^ " And John Winthrop, 
speaking of twenty ministers and their congregar 
tions that were expected the same year, said, "I 
wish their coming so over do not prove f atall in the 
End." They were npt welcome, and had, evi- 
dently, no intention of burdening the towns. Most 
of them promptly moved on beyond the New 
England settlements. 

The great mass of Scotch-Irish, however, came 
to Pennsylvania, and in such large numbers that 
James Logan, the Secretary of the Province, wrote 
to the Proprietors in 1729: "It looks as if Ireland 


is to send all its inhabitants hither, for last week 
not less than six ships arrived, and every day two 
or three arrive also. " ' These colonists did not re- 
main in the towns but, true to their traditions, 
pushed on to the frontier. They found their way 
over the mountain trails into the western part of 
the colony; they pushed southward along the fertile 
plateaus that terrace the Blue Ridge Mountains 
and offer a natiu-al highway to the South; into Vir- 
ginia, where they possessed themselves of the beau- 
tifid Shenandoah Valley; into Maryland and the 
Carolinas; imtil the whole western frontier, from 
Georgia to New York and from Massachusetts to 
Maine, was the skirmish line of the Scotch-Irish 
taking possession of the wilderness. 

The rebellions of the Pretenders in Scotland in 
1715 and 1745 and the subsequent break-up of the 
clan system produced a considerable migration 
to the colonies from both the Highlands and the 
Lowlands. These new colonists settled largely in 
the Carolinas and in Maryland. The political 

^ In 1773 and 1774 over thirty thousand came. In the latter 
year Benjamin Franklin estimated the population of Pennsyl- 
vania at 350,000, of which number one-third was thought to be 
Scotch-Irish. John Fiske states that half a million, all told, ar- 
rived in the colonies before 1776, "making not less than one-sixth 
part of our population at the time of the Revolution. *' 


prisoners, of whom there were many in consequence 
of the rebellions, were sold into service, usually for 
a term of fourteen years. In Pennsylvania the 
Welsh founded a number of settlements in the 
neighborhood of Philadelphia. There were Irish 
servants in all the colonies and in Maryland many 
Irish Catholics joined their fellow Catholics from 

In 1683 a group of religious refugees from the j 
Rhineland founded Germantown, near Philadel-' 
phia. Soon other German communities were 
started in the neighboring counties. Chief among 
these German sectarians were the Mennonites, fre- 
quently called the German Quakers, so nearly did 
their religious peculiarities match those of the fol- 
lowers of Penn; the Dunters, a Baptist sect, who 
seem to have come from Germany boot and bag- 
gage, leaving not one of their number behind; and 
the Moravians, whose missionary zeal and gentle 
demeanor have made them beloved in many lands. 
The peculiar religious devotions of the sectarians 
still left them time to cultivate their inclination for 
Hterature and music. There were a few distin- 
guished scholars among them and some of the finest 
examples of early American books bear the imprint 
of their presses. 


This modest beginning of the German invasion 
was soon followed by more imposing additions. 
The repeated strategic devastations of the Rhenish 
Palatinate during the French and Spanish wars re- 
duced the peasantry to beggary, and the medieval 
social stratification of Germany reduced them 
to virtual serfdom, from which America offered 
emancipation. Queen Anne invited the harassed 
peasants of this region to come to England, whence 
they could be transferred to America. Over thirty 
thousand took advantage of the opportunity in 
the years 1708 and 1709.^ Some of them found 
occupation in England and others in Ireland, but 
the majority migrated, some to New York, where 
they settled in the Mohawk Valley, others to the 
Carolinas, but far more to Pennsylvania, where, 
with an instinct born of generations of contact with 
the soil, they sought out the most promising areas 
in the limestone valleys of the eastern part of that 
colony, cleared the land, built their solid homes and 
ample barns, and clung to their language, customs, 
and religion so tenaciously that to this day their 
descendants are called "Pennsylvania Dutch." 

After 1717 multitudes of German peasants were 

*John Fiske: The Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, vol. 
U, p. 851. 


lured to America by unscrupulous agents called 
"new-landers" or "soul-stealers," who, for a com- 
mission paid by the shipmaster, lured the peasant 
to sell his belongings, scrape together or borrow 
what he could, and migrate. The agents and cap- 
tains then saw to it that few arrived in Philadelphia 
out of debt. As a result the immigrants were sold 
to "soul-drivers," who took them to the interior 
and indentured them to farmers, usually of their 
own race. These redemptioners, as they were 
called, served from three to five years and generally 
received fifty acres of land at the expiration of 
their service. 

On the revocation of the Edict of Nantes by 
Louis XIV in 1685 French Protestants fled in vast 
numbers to England and to Holland. Thence I 
many of them found their way to America, but J 
very few came hither directly from France. South 
Carolina, Virginia, New York, Rhode Island, and 
Massachusetts were favored by those noble refu- 
gees, who included in their numbers not only 
skilled artisans and successful merchants but dis- 
tinguished scholars and professional men in whose 
veins flowed some of the best blood of France. 
They readily identified themselves with the indus- 
tries and aspirations of the colonies and at once 


became leaders in the professional and business life 
in their communities. In Boston, in Charleston, 
in New York, and in other commercial centers, the 
names of streets, squares, and public buildings at- 
test their prominence in trade and politics. Few 
names are more illustrious than those of Paul Re- 
vere, Peter Faneuil, and James Bowdoin of Mas- 
sachusetts; John Jay, Nicholas Bayard, Stephen 
DeLancey of New York; Elias Boudinot of New 
Jersey ; Henry Laurens and Francis Marion of South 
Carolina. Like the Scotch-Irish, these French Prot- 
estants and their descendants have distinguished 
themselves for their capacity for leadership. 

The Jews came early to New York, and as far / 
back as 1691 they had a synagogue in Manhattan. ! 
The civil disabilities then so common in Europe 
were not enforced against them in America, except j 
that they could not vote for members of the legis-| 
lature. As that body itself declared in 17S7, the 
Jews did not possess the parliamentary franchise in 
England, and no special act had endowed them 
with this right in the colonies. The earliest repre- 
sentatives of this race in America came to New 
Amsterda;m with the Dutch and were nearly all 
Spanish and Portuguese Jews, who had found 
refuge in Holland after their wholesale expulsion 


from the Iberian peninsula in 1492. Rhode Island, 
too, and Pennsylvania had a substantial Jewish 
population. The Jews settled characteristically in 
the towns and soon became a factor in commercial 
enterprise. It is to be noted that they contributed 
liberally to the patriot cause in the Revolution. 

While the ships bearing these many different 
stocks were sailing westward, England did not gain 
possession of the whole Atlantic seaboard without 
contest. The Dutch came to Manhattan in 1623 
and for fifty years held sway over the imperial valley 
of the Hudson. It was a brief interval, as history 
goes, but it was long enough to stamp upon the 
town of Manhattan the cosmopolitan character it 
has ever since maintained. Into its liberal and con- 
genial atmosphere were drawn Jews, Moravians, 
and Anabaptists; Scotch Presbyterians and Eng- 
lish Nonconformists ; Waldenses from Piedmont and 
Huguenots from France. The same spirit that made 
Holland the lenient host to political and religious 
refugees from every land in that restive age charac- 
terized her colony and laid the foimdations of the 
great city of today. England had to wrest from 
the Dutch their ascendancy in New Netherland, 
where they split in twain the great English colonies 
of New England and of the South and controlled 


the magnificent harbor at the mouth of the Hud- 
son, which has since become the water gate of 
the nation. 

While the Enghsh were thus engaged in estab- 
Kshing themselves on the coast, the French girt 
them in by a strategic circle of forts and trading 
posts reaching from Acadia, up the St. Lawrence, 
around the Great Lakes, and down the valley of 
the Mississippi, with outposts on the Ohio and 
other important confluents. When, after the final 
struggle between France and Britain for world 
empire, France retired from the North American 
continent, she left to England all her possessions 
east of the Mississippi, with the exception of a few 
insignificant islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
and the West Indies; and to Spain she ceded New 
Orleans and her vast claims beyond the great river. 

Thus from the first, the lure of the New World 
beckoned to many races, and to every condition 
of men. By the time that England's dominion 
spread over half the northern continent, her col- 
onies were no longer merely English. They were 
the most cosmopolitan areas in the world. A few 
European cities had at times been cities of refuge, 
but New York and Philadelphia were more than 
mere temporary shelters to every creed. Nowhere 


else could so many tongues be heard as in a stroll 
down Broadway to the Battery. No European 
commonwealths embraced in their citizenry one- 
half the ethnic diversity of the Carolinas or of 
Pennsylvania. And within the wide range of his 
American domains, the English King could point 
to one spot or another and say: "Here the Span- 
iards have built a chaste and beautiful mission; 
here the French have founded a noble city; here 
my stubborn Roundheads have planted a whole 
nest of commonwealths; here my Dutch neigh- 
bors thought they stole a march on me, but I fore- 
stalled them; this valley is filled with Germans, and 
that plateau is covered with Scotch-Irish, while the 
Swedes have taken possession of all this region." 
And with a proud gesture he could add, " But every- 
where they read their laws in the King's English 
and acknowledge my sovereignty. " 

Against the shifting background of history these 
many races of diverse origin played their individual 
parts, each contributing its essential characteris- 
tics to the growing complex of a new order of 
society in America. So on this stage, broad as 
the western world, we see these men of different 
strains subduing a wilderness and welding its di- 
verse parts into a great nation, stretching out the 


eager hand of exploration for yet more land, bring- 
ing with arduous toil the ample gifts of sea and for- 
est to the townsfolk, hewing out homesteads in the 
savage wilderness, laboring faithfully at forge and 
shipyard and loom, bartering in the market place, 
putting the fear of God into their children and the 
fear of their own strong right arm into him whoso- 
ever sought to oppress them, be he Red Man with 
his tomahawk or English King with his Stamp Act. 



In the history of a word we may frequently find 
a fragment, sometimes a large section, of univer- 
sal history. This is exemplified in the term 
American, a name which, in the phrase of George 
Washington, "must always exalt the pride of 
patriotism" and which today is proudly borne 
by a hundred million people. There is no ob- 
scurity about the origin of the name America. 
It was suggested for the New World in 1507 by 
Martin WaldseemUUer, a German geographer at 
the French college of Saint-Die. In that year 
this savant printed a tract, with a map of the 
world or mappemonde, recognizing the dubious 
claims of discovery set up by Amerigo Vespucci 
and naming the new continent after him. At 
first applied only to South America, the name was 
afterwards extended to mean the northern conti- 
nent as well; and in time the whole New World, 



from the Frozen Ocean to the Land of Fire, came 
to be called America. 

Inevitably the people who achieved a prepon- 
derating influence in the new continent came to 
be called Americans. Today the name Ameri- 
can everywhere signifies belonging to the United 
States, and a citizen of that country is called an 
American. This unquestionably is geographically 
anomalous, for the neighbors of the United States, 
both north and south, may claim an equal share in 
the term. Ethnically, the only real Americans are 
the Indian descendants of the aboriginal races. But 
it is futile to combat universal usage: the World 
War has clinched the name upon the inhabitants 
of the United States. The American army, the 
American navy, American physicians and nurses, 
American food and clothing — these are phrases 
with a definite geographical and ethnic meaning 
which neither academic ingenuity nor race rivalry 
can erase from the memory of mankind. 

This chapter, however, is to discuss the Ameri- 
can stock, and it is necessary to look farther back 
than mere citizenship; for there are millions of 
American citizens of foreign birth or parentage 
who, though they are Americans, are clearly not of 
any American stock. 


At the time of the Revolution there was a defi- 
nite American population, knit together by over 
two centuries of toil in the hard school of frontier 
life, inspired by common political purposes, speak- 
ing one language, worshiping one God in divers 
manners, acknowledging one sovereignty, and com- 
plying with the mandates of one common law. 
Through their common experience in subduing the 
wilderness and in wresting their independence from 
an obstinate and stupid monarch, the English colo- 
nies became a nation. Though they did not ful- 
fill Raleigh's hope and become an English nation, 
they were much more English than non-English, 
and these Revolutionary Americans may be called 
today, without abuse of the term, the original 
American stock. Though they were a blend of 
various races, a cosmopolitan admixture of ethnic 
strains, they were not more varied than the original 
admixture of blood now called English. 

We may, then, properly begin our survey of the 
racial elements in the United States by a brief scru- 
tiny of this American stock, the parent stem of the 
American people, the great trunk, whose roots have 
penetrated deep into the human experience of the 
past and whose branches have pushed upward and 
outward until they spread over a whole continent. 


The first census of the United States was taken 
m 1790. More than a hundred years later, in 1909, 
the Census Biu:eau published A Century of Popu- 
lation Growth in which an attempt was made to as- 
certain the nationality of those who comprised the 
population at the taking of the first census. In 
that census no questions of nativity were asked. 
This omission is in itself significant of the homo- 
geneity of the population at that time. The only 
available data, therefore, upon which such a calcu- 
lation could be made were the surnames of the 
heads of families preserved in the schedules. A 
careful analysis of the list disclosed a surprisingly 
large number of names ostensibly English or Brit- 
ish. Fashions in names have changed since then, 
and many that were so curious, simple, or fantas- 
tically compounded as to be later deemed undigni- 
fied have undergone change or disappeared. ' 

* Among the names which have quite vanished were those per- 
taining to household matters, such as Hash, Butter, Waffle, Booze, 
Frill, Shirt, Lace; or describing human characteristics, as Booby, 
Dunce, Sallow, Daft, Lazy, Measley, Rude; or parts of the body 
and its ailments, as Hips, Bones, Chin, Glands, Gout, Corns, 
Physic; or representing property, as Shingle, Gutters, Pump, 
Milkhouse, Desk, Mug, Auction, Hose, Tallow. Nature also was 
drawn upon for a large number of names. The colors Black, 
Brown, and Gray survive, but Lavender, Tan, and Scarlet have 
gone out of vogue. Bogs, Hazelgrove, Woodyfield, Oysterbanks, 
Chestnut, Pinks, Ragbush, Winterberry, Peach, Walnut, Freeze, 


Upon this basis the nationality of the white popu- 
lation was distributed among the States in accord- 
ance with Table A printed on pages 26-27. Three 
of the original States are not represented in this 
table: New Jersey, Delaware, and Georgia. The 
schedules of the First Census for those States 
were not preserved. The two new States of Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee are also missing from the list. 
Estimates, however, have been made for these 
missing States. 

For Delaware, the schedules of the Second Cen- 
sus, 1800, survived. As there was little growth 
and very little change in the composition of the 
population during this decade, the Census Bureau 
used the later figures as a basis for calculating the 
population in 1790. Of three of the missing South- 
ern States the report says: "The composition of 
the white population of Georgia, Kentucky, and of 
the district subsequently erected into the State of 
Tennessee is also unknown; but in view of the fact 
that Georgia was a distinctly English colony, and 
that Tennessee and Kentucky were settled largely 

Coldair, Bear, Tails, Chick, Bantam, Stork, Worm, Snake, and 
Maggot indicate the simple origin of many names. There were 
many strange combinations of Christian names and surnames: 
'Peter Wentup, Christy Forgot, Unity Bachelor, Booze Still, Cut- 
lip Hoof, and Wanton Bump left little to the imagination. 


























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Computed distribution of white population, 1790, according 
TO nationality, in each State for which schedules 

ARE missing 





All Nationalities 

















































All others* 










All Nationalities 



































All others* 





* Including Hebrews. 

from Virginia and North Carolina, the application 
of the North Carolina proportions to the white 
population of these three results in what is doubt- 
less an approximation of the actual distribution. " 


New Jersey presented a more complex problem. ~ 
Here were Welsh and Swedes, Finns and Danes, 
as well as French, Dutch, Scotch, Irish, and English. 
A careful analysis was made of lists of freeholders, 
and other available sources, in the various counties. 
The results of these computations in the States 
from which nc schedules of the First Census sur- 
vive are given in Table B printed on page 28. 

The calculations for the entire country in 1790, 
based upon the census schedules of the States from 
which reports are still available and upon estimates 
for the others are summed up in the following 

Number and per cent distribution of the white population, 




Per Cen 

All Nationalities 





















All others 



To this method of estimating nationality, it will 
at once be objected that undue prominence is given 


to the derivation of the surname, an objection fully 
understood by those who made the estimate and 
one which deprives their conclusions of strict scien- 
tific verity. In a new country, where the popula- 
tion is in a constant flux and where members of a 
community composed of one race easily migrate to 
another part of the country and fall in with people 
of another race, it is very easy to modify the name 
to suit new circumstances. We know, for instance, 
that Isaac Isaacks of Pennsylvania was not a Jew, 
that the Van Buskirks of New Jersey were German, 
not Dutch, that D'Aubigne was early shortened 
into Dabny and Aulnay into Olney. So also many 
a Brown had been Braun, and several Blacks had 
once been only Schwartz. Even the universal Smith 
had absorbed more than one original Schmidt. 
These rather exceptional cases, however, probably 
do not vitiate the general conclusion here made as 
to the British and non-British element in the popu- 
lation of America, for the Dutch, the German, the 
French, and the Swedish cognomens are character- 
istically different from the British. But the dif- 
ferentiation between Irish, Welsh, Scotch, Scotch- 
Irish, and English names is infinitely more difficult. 
The Scotch-Irish particularly have challenged the 
conclusions reached by the Census Bureau. They 






Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. 

: Lilly 

ne which 

ti--'V • 



to mit new cir* 

^■•^' Dutch, that D'A -* ' ;iea 

hi to Dahny and Aulna^ „. . ., ,, ._ • .- 

a Brown had been Braun, and several Bj 
once been ,vaR^^^^9^>feh the univer 

had absoi ban one original 

'Hifise rathei al case? 

',,,, V' •^,of.^ , ,^_ i^v-'icral conc\;.MOLi nere maac as 
nd non-British fh-mi-nt n ?•,.■• ^^/.-nj. 

ognomt icter- 

*' Briti. the dif- 

Welsh, b oich, Scotch- 

^^^^^^ infinitel?«»?*difficult. 

?v have challenge the 

iisus Bureau. They 


claim a much larger proportion of the original bulk 
of our population than the seven per cent included 
under the heading Scotch. Henry Jones Ford con- 
siders the conclusions as far as they pertain to the 
Scotch-Irish as "fallacious and untrustworthy." 
"Many Ulster names," he says/ "are also com- 
mon English names. . . . Names classed as Scotch 
or Irish were probably mostly those of Scotch-Irish 
families. . . . The probability is that the Eng- 
lish proportion should be much smaller and that the 
Scotch-Irish, who are not included in the Census 
Bureau's classification, should be much larger than 
the combined proportions allotted to the Scotch and 
the Irish." 

Whatever may be the actual proportions of these 
British elements, as revealed by a study of the 
patronymics of the population at the time of Amer- 
ican independence, the fact that the ethnic stock . / 
was overwhelmingly British stands out most prom- j 
inently. We shall never know the exact ratios be- 
tween the Scotch and the English, the Welsh and 
the Irish blended in this hardy, self-assertive, and 
fecund strain. But we do know that the lan- 
guage, the political institutions, and the common 
law as practiced and established in London had a 

« The Scotch-Irish in America, pp. 219-20. 


predominating influence on the destinies of the Unit- 
ed States. While the colonists drifted far from the 
religious establishments of the mother country and 
found her commercial policies unendurable and her 
political hauteur galling, they nevertheless retained 
those legal and institutional forms which remain 
the foundation of Anglo-Saxon life. 

For nearly half a century the American stock re- \ 
mained almost entirely free from foreign admixture. / 
It is estimated that between 1790 and 1820 only 
250,000 immigrants came to America, and of these 
the great majority came after the War of 1812. 
The white population of the United States in 1820 
was 7,862,166. Ten years later it had risen to! 
10,537,378. This astounding increase was almost 
wholly due to the fecundity of the native stock. 
The equitable balance between the sexes, the ease 
of acquiring a home, the vigorous pioneer environ- 
ment, and the informal frontier social conditions all 
encouraged large families. Early marriages were 
encouraged. Bachelors and unmarried women were 
rare. Girls were matrons at twenty-five and grand- 
mothers at forty. Three generations frequently 
dwelt in one homestead. Families of five persons 
were the rule; families of eight or ten were common, 
while families of fourteen or fifteen did not elicit 


surprise. It was the father's ambition to leave a 
farm to every son and, if the neighborhood was 
too densely settled easily to permit this, there was 
the West — always the West. 

This was a race of nation builders. No sooner 
had he made the Declaration of Independence a real- 
ity than the eager pathfinder turned his face towards 
the setting sun and, prompted by the instincts of 
conquest, he plunged into the wilderness. Within 
a few years western New York and Pennsylvania 
were settled; Kentucky achieved statehood in 1792 
and Tennessee four years later, soon to be followed 
by Mississippi in 1817 and Alabama in 1819. The 
great Northwest Territory yielded Ohio in 1802, 
Indiana in 1816, Illinois in 1818, and Michigan in 
1837. Beyond the Mississippi the empire of Lou- 
isiana doubled the original area of the Republic; 
Louisiana came into statehood in 1812 and Mis- 
souri in 1821. Texas, Oregon, and the fruits of the 
Mexican War extended its confines to the Western 
Sea. Incredibly swift as was this march of the Stars, 
the American pioneer was always in advance. 

The pathfinders were virtually all of American 
stock. The States admitted to the Union prior to 
1840 were not only founded by them; they were! 
almost wholly settled by them. When the influx of 


foreigners began in the thirties, they found all the 
trails already blazed, the trading posts established, 
and the first terrors of the wilderness dispelled. 
They found territories already metamorphosed in- 
to States, counties organized, cities established. 
Schools, churches, and colleges preceded the immi- 
grants who were settlers and not strictly pioneers. 
The entire territory ceded by the Treaty of 1783 
was appropriated in large measure by the American 
before the advent of the European immigrant. 

Washington, with a ring of pride, said in 1796 
that the native population of America was "fill- 
ing the western part of the State of New York 
and the country on the Ohio with their own sur- 
plusage. " And James Madison in 1821 wrote that 
New England, "which has sent out such a contin- 
ued swarm to other parts of the Union for a number 
of years, has continued at the same time, as the cen- 
sus shows, to increase in population although it is 
well known that it has received but comparatively 
few emigrants from any quarter." Beyond the 
Mississippi, Louisiana, with its Creole population, 
was feeling the effect of American migration. 

A strange restlessness, of the race rather than of \ 
the individual, possessed the American frontiers- \ 
man. He moved from one locality to another, but 


always westward, like some new migratory species 
that had willingly discarded the instinct for return- 
ing. He never took the back trail. A traveler, 
writing in 1791 from the Ohio Valley, rather super- 
ficially observed that "the Americans are lazy and 
bored, often moving from place to place for the sake 
of change; in the thirty years that the [western] 
Pennsylvania neighborhood has been settled, it has 
changed owners two or three times. The sight of 
money will tempt any American to sell and off he 
goes to a new country. " Foreign observers of that 
time constantly allude to this universal and inex- 
plicable restiveness. It was obviously not laziness, 
for pioneering was a man's task; nor boredom, for 
the frontier was lonely and neighbors were far apart. 
It was an ever-present dissatisfaction that drove 
this perpetual conqueror onward — a mysterious 
impulse, the urge of vague and unfulfilled desires. 
He went forward with a conquering ambition in his 
heart; he believed he was the forerunner of a great 
National Destiny. Crude rhymes of the day voice 
this feeling: 

So shall the nation's pioneer go joyful on his way. 
To wed Penobscot water to San Francisco Bay. 
The mighty West shall bless the East, and sea 
shall answer sea, 


And mountain unto mountain call, praise God, 
for we are free ! 

Again a popular chorus of the pathfinder rang: 

Then o'er the hills in legions, boys; 

Fair freedom's star 
Points to the sunset regions, boys. 

Ha, Ha, Ha-ha! 

Many a New Englander cleared a farm in west- 
ern New York, Ohio, or Indiana, before settling 
finally in Wisconsin, Iowa, or Minnesota, whence 
he sent his sons on to Dakota, Montana, Oregon, 
and California. From Tennessee and Kentucky 
large numbers moved into southern Ohio, Indiana, 
Illinois, and across the river into Missouri, Arkansas, 
Louisiana, and Texas. Abraham Lincoln's father 
was one of these pioneers and tried his luck in vari- 
ous localities in Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois. 

Nor had the movement ceased after a century of 
continental exploitation. Hamlin Garland in his 
notable autobiography, A Son of the Middle B order , 
brings down to our own day the evidence of this na- 
tive American restiveness. His parents came of 
New England extraction, but settled in Wisconsin. 
His father, after his return from the Civil War, 
moved to Iowa, where he was scarcely ensconced 


before an opportunity came to sell his place. The 
family then pushed out farther upon the Iowa 
prairie, where they "broke" a farm from the prime- 
val turf. Again, in his ripe age, the father found 
the urge revive and under this impulse he moved 
again, this time to Dakota, where he remained long 
enough to transform a section of prairie into wheat 
land before he took the final stage of his western 
journeyings to southern California. Here he was 
surrounded by neighbors whose migration had been 
not unlike his own, and to the same sunny region 
another relative found his way "by way of a long 
trail through Iowa, Dakota, Montana, Oregon, and 
North California. " 

When the last frontier had vanished, it was seen 
that men of this American stock had penetrated 
into every valley, traversed every plain, and ex- 
plored every mountain pass from Atlantic to Paci- 
fic. They organized every territory and prepared 
each for statehood. It was the enterprise of these 
sons and grandsons and great-grandsons of the 
Revolutionary Americans, obeying the restless im- 
pulse of a pioneer race, who spread a network of 
settlements and outposts over the entire land and 
prepared it for the immigrant invasion from Europe. 
Owing to this influx of foreigners, the American 


stock has become mingled with other strains, especi- 
ally those from Great Britain. 

The Census Bureau estimated that in 1900 there 
were living in the United States approximately 
thirty-five million white people who were descended 
from persons enumerated in 1790. If these thirty- 
five milhon were distributed by nationality accord- 
ing to the proportions estimated for 1790, the result 
would appear as follows: 

English 28,735,000 

Scotch 2,450,000 

Irish 665,000 

Dutch 875,000 

French 210,000 

German 1,960,000 

All others 105,000 

In 1900 there were also thirty-two million descend- 
ants of white persons who had come to the United 
States after the First Census, yet of these over 
twenty million were either foreign born or the chil- 
dren of persons born abroad. If this ratio of in,- 
crease remained the same, the American stock 
would apparently maintain its own, even in the 
midst of twentieth century immigration. But the 
birth rate of the foreign stock, especially among 
the recent comers, is much higher than of the na- 
tive American stock. Conditions have so changed 


that, according to the Census, the American peo- 
ple "have concluded that they are only about 
one-half as well able to rear children — at any 
rate, without personal sacrifice — under the con- 
ditions prevailing in 1900 as their predecessors 
proved themselves to be under the conditions 
which prevailed in 1790." 

The difficulty of ascertaining ethnic influences 
increases immeasurably when we pass from the 
physical to the mental realm. There are subtle 
interplays of delicate forces and reactions from en- 
vironment which no one can measure. Leadership 
nevertheless is the gift of but few races; and in the 
United States eminence in business, in statecraft, 
in letters and learning can with singular directness 
be traced in a preponderating proportion to this 
American stock. 

In 1891 Henry Cabot Lodge published an essay 
on The Distribution of Ability in the United States y^ 
based upon the 15,514 names in Appleton's Cyclo- 
pcBdia of American Biography (1887) . He ** treated 
as immigrants all persons who came to the United 
States after the adoption of the Constitution," 
and on this division he found 14,243 "Americans" 

» See The Century Magazine, September, 1891, and Lodge's 
Huiorieal and Political Essays, 1892. 




and 1271 " 


:s," distributed racially 

r as 






























Canadian and 



British Colonial 










































Of the total number of individuals selected, a 
large number were chosen by the editors as being of 
enough importance to entitle them to a small por- 
trait in the text, and fifty-eight persons who had 
achieved some unusual distinction were accorded 


a full-page portrait. These, however, represented 
achievement rather than ability, for they included 
the Presidents of the United States and other 
political personages. Of the total number selected 
for the distinction of a small portrait, 1200 were 
"Americans " and 71 " immigrants. " Of the 1200 
"Americans," 856 were of English extraction, 129 
Scotch-Irish, 57 Huguenot, 45 Scotch, 39 Dutch, 
37 German, 15 Welsh, 13 Irish, 6 French, and one 
each of Scandinavian, Spanish, and Swiss. Of 
the "immigrants" 15 were English, 14 German, 
11 Irish, 8 Scotch-Irish, 7 Scotch, 6 Swiss, 4 French, 
S from Spanish Provinces, and 1 each from Scan- 
dinavia, Belgium, and Poland. All the 58 whose 
full-page portraits are presumed to be an index to 
unusual prominence were found to be "Americans " 
and by race extraction they were distributed as 
follows: English 41, Scotch-Irish 8, Scotch 4, 
Welsh 2, Dutch, Spanish, and Irish 1 each. 

Whatever may be said in objection to this index 
of ability (and Senator Lodge effectively answered 
his critics in a note appended to this study in his 
volume of Historical and Political Essays), it is, 
apparent that a large preponderance of leadership 
in American politics, business, art, literature, and 
learning has been derived from the American stock. 


This is a perfectly natural result. The founders 
of the Republic themselves were in large degree 
the children of the pick of Europe. The Puritan, 
Cavalier, Quaker, Scotch-Irish, Huguenot, and 
Dutch pioneers were not ordinary folk in any sense 
of the term. They were, in a measure, a race of 
heroes. Their sons and grandsons inherited their 
vigor and their striving. It is not at all singular 
that every President of the United States and every 
Chief Justice of the Federal Supreme Court has 
come from this stock, nor that the vast majority 
of Cabinet members, of distinguished Senators, of 
Speakers of the House, and of men of note in the 
House of Representatives trace back to it their lin- 
eage in whole or in part. After the middle of the 
nineteenth century the immigrant vote began to 
make itself felt, and politicians contended for the 
"Irish vote" and the "German vote" and later for 
the "Italian vote," the "Jewish vote," and the 
"Norwegian vote." Members of the immigrant 
races began to appear in Washington, and the new 
infusion of blood made itself felt in the political life 
of the country. 

But, if material were available for a compre- 
hensive analysis of American leadership in life 
and thought today, a larger number of names of 


non-native origin would no doubt appear than was 
disclosed in 1891 by Senator Lodge's analysis. All 
the learned professions, for instance, and many 
lines of business are finding their numbers swelled 
by persons of foreign parentage. This change is 
to be expected. The influence of environment, es- 
pecially of free education and unfettered oppor- 
tunity, is calling forth the talents of the children 
of the immigrants. The number of descendants 
from the American stock yearly becomes relatively 
less; intermarriage with the children of the foreign 
born is increasingly frequent. Profound changes 
have taken place since the American pioneers 
pushed their way across the AUeghanies; changes 
infinitely more profound have taken place even 
since the dawn of the twentieth century and have 
put to the test of Destiny the institutions which 
are called "American." 

Nevertheless in a large sense every great tradi- 
tion of the original American stock lives today: the 
tradition of free movement, of initiative and enter-, 
prise; the tradition of individual responsibility; the! 
primary traditions of democracy and liberty. Thes^ 
give a virile present meaning to the name American. 
A noted French journalist received this impression 
of a group of soldiers who in 1918 were bivouacked 


in his country: "I saw yesterday an American 
unit in which men of very varied origin abounded 
— French, Polish, Czech, German, English, Cana- 
dian — such their names and other facts revealed 
them. Nevertheless, all were of the same or simi- 
lar type, a fact due apparently to the combined in- 
fluences of sun, air, primary education, and environ- 
ment. And one was not long in discovering that 
the intelligence of each and all had manifestly a 
wider outlook than that of the man of single ra- 
cial lineage and of one country." And these men 
were Americans. 



Not many years ago a traveler was lured into a 
London music hall by the sign: Spirited American 
Singing and Dancing, He saw on the stage a sex- 
tette of black-faced comedians, singing darky rag- 
time to the accompaniment of banjo and bones, 
dancing the clog and the Cakewalk, and reciting 
negro stories with the familiar accent and smile, all 
to the evident delight of the audience. The man 
in the seat next to him remarked, "These Amer- 
icans are really lively. " Not only in England, but 
on the continent, the negro's melodies, his dialect, 
and his banjo, have always been identified with 
America. Even Americans do not at once think of / 
the negro as a foreigner, so accustomed have they/ 
become to his presence, to his quaint mythology, 
his soft accent, and his genial and accommodating 
nature. He was to be found in every colony before 
the Revolution; he was an integral part of American 



economic life long before the great Irish and 
German immigrations, and, while in the mass he 
is confined to the South, he is found today in every 
State in the Union. 

The negro, however, is racially the most dis- 
tinctly foreign element in America. He belongs 
to a period of biological and racial evolution far 
removed from that of the white man. His habi- 
tat is the continent of the elephant and the lion, 
the mango and the palm, while that of the race into 
whose state he has been thrust is the continent of 
the horse and the cow, of wheat and the oak. 

There is a touch of the dramatic in every phase of 
the negro's contact with America : his unwilling com- 
ing, his forcible detention, his final submission, his 
emancipation, his struggle to adapt himself to free- 
dom, his futile competition with a superior economic 
order. Every step from the kidnaping, through 
"the voiceless woe of servitude" and the attempted 
redemption of his race, has been accompanied by 
tragedy. How else could it be when peoples of two 
such diverse epochs in racial evolution meet? 

His coming was almost contemporaneous with j 
that of the white man. "American slavery," ] 
says Channing,' "began with Columbus, possibly 

' History of the United States, vol. i, p. 116. 


because he was the first European who had a chance 
to introduce it: and negroes were brought to the 
New World at the suggestion of the saintly Las 
Casas to alleviate the lot of the unhappy and 
fast disappearing red man." They were first em- 
ployed as body servants and were used extensively 
in the West Indies before their common use in the 
colonies on the continent. In the first plantations 
of Virginia a few of them were found as laborers. 
In 1619 what was probably the first slave shipf 
on that coast — it was euphemistically called a 
"Dutch man-of-war*' — landed its human cargo 
in Virginia. From this time onward the numbers 
of African slaves steadily increased. Bancroft es- 
timated their number at 59,000 in 1714, 78,000 in 
1727, and 263,000 in 1754. The census of 1790 re- f 
corded 697,624 slaves in the United States. This * 
almost incredible increase was not due alone to 
the fecundity of the negro. It was due, in large 
measure, to the unceasing slave trade. 

It is diflScult to imagine more severe ordeals than 
the negroes endured in the day of the slave trade. 
Their captors in the jungles of Africa — usually 
neighboring tribesmen in whom the instinct for 
capture, enslavement, and destruction was untamed 
— soon learned that the aged, the inferior, the 


defective, were not wanted by the trader. These 
were usually slaughtered. Then followed for the less 
fortunate the long and agonizing march to the sea- 
board. Every one not robust enough to endure the 
arduous journey was allowed to perish by the way. 
On the coast, the agent of the trader or the middle- 
man awaited the captive. He was an expert at de- 
tecting those evidences of weakness and disease 
which had eluded the eye of the captor or the rigor 
of the march. "An African factor of fair repute," 
said a slave captain,^ "is ever careful to select his 
human cargo with consummate prudence, so as not 
only to supply his employers with athletic laborers, 
but to avoid any taint of disease. " But the severest 
test of all was the hideous "middle passage" which 
remained to every imported slave a nightmare to 
the day of his death. The imhappy captives were 
crowded into dark, unventilated holds and were 
fed scantily on food which was strange to their lips; 
they were unable to understand the tongue of their 
masters and often unable to understand the dia- 
lects of their companions in misfortune; they were 
depressed with their helplessness on the limitless 
sea, and their childish superstitions were fed by a 

' Captain Canot: or Twenty Years in a Slaver^ by Brantz Mayer, 
p. 94 S. 


thousand new terrors and emotions. It was small 
wonder that, when disease began its ravages in the 
shipload of these kidnaped beings, "the mortality 
of thirty per cent was not rare." That this was 
primarily a physical selection which made no allow- 
ance for mental aptitudes did not greatly diminish 
in the eyes of the master the slave's utility. The 
new continent needed muscle power; and so tens of 
thousands of able-bodied Africans were landed on 
American soil, alien to everything they found there. 
These slaves were kidnaped from many tribes. 
"In our negro population," says Tillinghast, "as 
it came from the Western Coast of Africa, there 
were Wolofs and Fulans, tall, well-built, and very 
black, hailing from Senegambia and its vicinity; 
there were hundreds of thousands from the Slave 
Coast — Tshis, Ewes, and Yorubans, including 
Dahomians; and mingled with all these Soudanese 
negroes proper were occasional contributions of 
mixed stock, from the north and northeast, having 
an infusion of Moorish blood. There were other 
thousands from Lower Guinea, belonging to Bantu 
stock, not so black in color as the Soudanese, and 
thought by some to be slightly superior to them. "'^ 
No historian has recorded these tribal differences. 

^ The Negro in Africa and America, p. 113. 



The new environment, so strange, so ruthless, 
swallowed them; and, in the welter of their toil, the 
black men became so intermingled that all tribal 
distinctions soon vanished. Here and there, how- 
ever, a careful observer may still find among them 
a man of superior mien or a woman of haughty de- 
meanor denoting perhaps an ancestral prince or 
princess who once exercised authority over some 
African jungle village. 

Slavery was soon a recognized institution in 
every American colony. By 1665 every colony 
had its slave code. In Virginia the laws became 
increasingly strict until the dominion of the master 
over his slaves was virtually absolute. In South 
Carolina an insm-rection of slaves in 1739, which 
cost the lives of twenty-one whites and forty-four 
blacks, led to very drastic laws. Of the Northern 
colonies. New York seems to have been most in fear 
of a black peril. In 1700 there were about six thou- 
sand slaves in this colony, chiefly in the city, where 
there were also many free negroes, and on the large 
estates along the Hudson. Twice the white people 
of the city for reasons that have not been preserved, 
believing that slave insurrections were imminent, 
resorted to extreme and brutal measures. In 1712 
they burned to death two negroes, hanged in chains 


a third, and condemned a fourth to be broken on the 
wheel. In 1741 they went so far as to burn fourteen 
negroes, hang eighteen, and transport seventy-one. 

In New England where their numbers were rel- 
atively small and the laws were less severe, the 
negroes were employed chiefly in domestic service. 
In Quaker Pennsylvania there were many slaves, 
the proprietor himself being a slave owner. Ten 
years after the founding of Philadelphia, the au- 
thorities ordered the constables to arrest all ne- 
groes foimd "gadding about" on Sunday without 
proper permission. They were to remain in jail 
until Monday, receiving in lieu of meat or drink 
thirty-nine lashes on the bare back. 

Protests against slavery were not uncommon 
during the colonial period; and before the Revolu- 
tion was accomplished several of the States had 
emancipated their slaves. Vermont led the way in 
1777; the Ordinance of 1787 forbade slavery in the 
Northwest Territory; and by 1804 all the Northern ' 
States had provided that their blacks should be 
set free. The opinion prevailed that slavery was 
on the road to gradual extinction. In the Federal 
Convention of 1787 this belief was crystallized into 
the clause making possible the prohibition of the ; 
slave trade after the year 1808. Mutual benefit 


organizations among the negroes, both slave and 
free, appeared in many States, North and South. 
Negro congregations were organized. The num- 
ber of free negroes increased rapidly, and in the 
Northern States they acquired such civil rights as 
industry, thrift, and integrity commanded. Here 
and there colored persons of unusual gifts distin- 
guished themselves in various callings and were 
even occasionally entertained in white households. 
The industrial revolution in England, with its 
spinning jenny and power loom, indirectly influ- 
enced the position of the negro in America. The 
new machinery had an insatiable maw for cotton. 
It could tiu^n such enormous quantities of raw fiber 
into cloth that the old rate of producing cotton was 
entirely inadequate. New areas had to be placed 
under cultivation. The South, where soil and cli- 
mate combined to make an ideal cotton land, came 
into its own. And when Eli Whitney's gin was 
perfected, cotton was crowned king. Statistics tell 
the story: the South produced about 8000 bales 
of cotton in 1790; 650,000 bales in 1820; 2,469,093 
bales in 1850; 5,387,052 bales in 1860. ' This vast 

» Coman, Industrial History of the United States, p. 238. Bogart 
gives the figures as 1,976,000 bales in 1840. and 4,675,000 bales in 
1860. Economic History of the United States, p. it66. 


increase in production called for human muscle- 
which apparently only the negro could supply. 

Once it was shown that slavery paid, its status! 
became fixed as adamant. The South forthwith^ 
ceased weakly to apologize for it, as it had formerly 
done, and began to defend it, at first with some 
hesitation, then with boldness, and finally with vehe- 
ment aggressiveness. It was economically neces- 
sary ; it was morally right ; it was the pecuHar South- 
ern domestic institution ; and, above all, it paid. On 
every basis of its defense, the cotton kingdom would 
brook no interference from any other section of the 
country. So there was formed a race feudality in 
the Republic, rooted in profits, protected by the 
political power of the slave lords, and enveloped in 
a spirit of defiance and bitterness which reacted 
without mercy upon its victims. Tighter and 
tighter were drawn the coils of restrictions around 
the enslaved race. The mind and the soul as well 
as the body were placed under domination. They 
might marry to breed but not to make homes. 
Such charity and kindness as they experienced, they 
received entirely from individual humane masters; 
society treated them merely as chattels. 

Attempted insurrections, such as that in South , 
Carolina in 1822 and that in Virginia in 1831 in 


which many whites and blacks were killed, only 
produced harsher laws and more cruel punishments,! 
until finally the slave became convinced that his 
only salvation lay in running away. The North 
Star was his beacon light of freedom. A few thou- 
sand made their way southward through the chain 
of swamps that skirt the Atlantic coast and min- 
gled with the Indians in Florida. Tens of thou- 
sands made their way northward along well recog- 
nized routes to the free States and to Canada: the 
Appalachian ranges with their far-spreading spurs 
furnished the friendliest of these highways; the 
Mississippi Valley with its marshlands, forests, and 
swamps provided less secure hiding places; and the 
Cumberland Mountains, well supplied with lime- 
stone caves, offered a third pathway. At the north- 
ern end of these routes the "Underground Rail- 
way"' received the fugitives. From the Cumber- 
lands, leading through the heart of Tennessee 
and Kentucky, this benevolent transfer stretched 
through Ohio and Indiana to Canada; from south- 
ern Illinois it led northward through Wisconsin; 
and from the Appalachian route mysterious byways 
led through New York and New England. 

' See The Anti-Slavery Crusade, by Jesse Macy (in The Chronicle 
of America), Chapter viii. 


How many thus escaped cannot be reckoned, but 
it is known that the number of free negroes in the 
North increased so rapidly that laws discriminating 
against them were passed in many States. No- 
where did the negro enjoy all the rights that the 
white man had. In some States the free negroes 
were so restricted in settling as to be virtually pro- 
hibited; in others they were disfranchised; in others 
they were denied the right of jury duty or of testify- 
ing in court. But in spite of this discrimination on 
the part of the law, a great sympathy for the runa- 
way slave spread among the people, and the fugitive 
carried into the heart of the North the venom of 
the institution of which he was the unhappy victim. 

Meanwhile the slave trade responded promptly 
to the lure of gain which the increased demand for 
cotton held out. The law of 1807 prohibiting the 
importation of slaves had, from the date of its 
enactment, been virtually a dead letter. Messages 
of Presidents, complaints of government attorneys, 
of collectors and agents called attention to the con- 
tinuous violation of the law; and its nullity was a 
matter of common knowledge. When the market 
price of a slave rose to $325 in 1840 and to $500 after | 
1850, the increase in profits made slave piracy a 
rather respectable business carried on by American 


citizens in American built ships flying the American 
flag and paying high returns on New York and New 
England capital. Owing to this steady importation 
there was a constant intermingling of raw stock 
from the jungles with the negroes who had been 
slaves in America for several generations. 

In 1860 there were 4,441,830 negroes in the 
United States, of whom only 488,070 were free. 
About thirteen per cent of the total number were 
mulattoes. Among the four million slaves were men 
and women of every gradation of experience with 
civilization, from those who had just disembarked 
from slave ships to those whose ancestry could be 
traced to the earliest days of the colonies. It was 
not, therefore, a strictly homogeneous people upon 
whom were suddenly and dramatically laid the bur- 
dens and responsibilities of the freedman. Among 
the emancipated blacks were not a few in whom 
there still throbbed vigorously the savage life they 
had but recently left behind and who could not 
yet speak intelligible English. Though there were 
many who were skilled in household arts and in the 
useful customary handicrafts, large numbers were 
acquainted only with the simplest toil of the open 
fields. There were a few free blacks who possessed 
property, in some instances to the value of many 


thousands of dollars, but the great bulk were whol- 
ly inexperienced in the responsibilities of ownership. 
There were some who had mastered the rudiments 
of learning and here and there was to be found a 
gifted mind, but ninety per cent of the negroes were j 
unacquainted with letters and were strangers to| 
even the most rudimentary learning. Their reli-i 
gion was a picturesque blend of Christian precepts 
and Voodoo customs. 

The Freedmen's Bureau, authorized by Congress 
early in 1865, had as its functions to aid the negro 
to develop self-control and self-reliance, to help the 
freedman with his new wage contracts, to befriend 
bim when he appeared in court, and to provide for 
him schools and hospitals. It was a simple, slen- 
der reed for the race to lean upon until it learned to 
walk. But it interfered with the orthodox opinion 
of that day regarding individual independence and 
was limited to the period of war and one year there- 
after. It was eyed with suspicion and was regarded 
with criticism by both the keepers of the laissez 
faire faith and the former slave owners. It estab- 
lished a number of schools and made a modest be- 
ginning in peasant proprietorship and free labor. ^ 

' See The Sequel of Appomattox, by Walter L. Fleming (in The 
Chronicles qf America), Chapter iv. 


When this temporary guide was withdrawn, pri- 
vate organizations to some extent took its place. 
The American Missionary Association continued 
the educational work, and volunteers shouldered 
other benevolences. But no power and no organ- 
ization could take the place of the national author- 
ity. If the Freedmen's Bureau could have been 
stripped of those evil-intentioned persons who used 
it for private gain, been so organized as to enlist 
the support of the Southern white population, and 
been continued until a new generation of blacks 
were prepared for civil life, the colossal blunders 
and criminal misfits of that bitter period of tran- 
sition might have been avoided. But political 
opportunism spurned comprehensive plans, and 
the negro suddenly found himself forced into 
social, political, and economic competition with 
the white man. 

The social and political struggle that followed 
was short-lived. There were a few desperate 
years under the domination of the carpetbagger 
and the Ku Klux Klan, a period of physical coer- 
cion and intimidation. Within a decade the negro 
vote was uncast or uncounted, and the grandfather 
clauses soon completed the political mastery of the 
former slave owner. A strict interpretation of the 


Civil Rights Act denied the application of the 
equality clause of the Constitution to social equal- 
ity, and the social as well as the political separa- 
tion of the two stocks was also accomplished. 
"Jim Crow," cars, separate accommodations in 
depots and theaters, separate schools, separate 
churches, attempted segregations in cities — these 
are all symbolic of two separate races forcibly 
united by constitutional amendments. 

But the economic struggle continued, for the 
black man, even if politically emasculated and so- 
cially isolated, had somehow to earn a living. In 
their first reaction of anger and chagrin, some of 
the whites here and there made attempts to reduce 
freedmen to their former servitude, but their efforts 
were effectually checked by the Fifteenth Amend- 
ment. An ingenious peonage, however, was ere 
ated by means of the criminal law. Strict statutes! 
were passed by States on guardianship, vagrancy, 
and petty crimes. It was not diflScult to bring 
charges under these statutes, and the heavy penal- 
ties attached, together with the wide discretion 
permitted to judge and jury, made it easy to sub- 
ject the culprit to virtual serfdom for a term of 
years. He would be leased to some contractor, 
who would pay for his keep and would profit by his 


toil. Whatever justification there may have been 
for these statutes, the convict lease system soon fell \ 
into disrepute, and it has been generally abandoned, j 
It was upon the land that the f reedman natu- \ 
rally sought his economic salvation. He was ex- 
perienced in cotton growing. But he had neither 
acres nor capital. These he had to find and turn to 
his own uses ere he could really be economically 
free. So he began as a farm laborer, passed through 
various stages of tenantry, and finally graduated 
into land ownership. One finds today examples of 
every stage of this evolution.' There is first the 
farm laborer, receiving at the end of the year a 
fixed wage. He is often supplied with house and 
garden and usually with food and clothing. There 
are many variations of this labor contract. The 
"cropper" is barely a step advanced above the 
laborer, for he, too, furnishes nothing but labor, 
while the landlord supplies house, tools, live stock, 
and seed. His wage, however, is paid not in cash 
but in a stipulated share of the crop. From this 
share he must pay for the supplies received and 
interest thereon. This method, however, has 
proved to be a mutually unsatisfactory arrangement 

» See The New South by Holland Thompson (in The Chronicles qf 
America), Chapters iv and vii. 


and is usually limited to hard pressed owners of 
poor land. 

The larger number of the negro farmers are ten- 
ants on shares or metayers. They work the land 
on their own responsibility, and this degree of inde- 
pendence appeals to them. They pay a stipulated 
portion of the crop as rent. If they possess some 
capital and the rental is fair, this arrangement 
proves satisfactory. But as very few negro metay- 
ers possess the needed capital, they resort to a sys- 
tem of crop-lienage under which a local retail mer- 
chant advances the necessary supplies and obtains 
a mortgage on the prospective crop. Many negro 
farmers, however, have achieved the independence 
of cash renters, assuming complete control of their 
crops and the disposition of their time. And finally, 
241,000 negro farmers are landowners.' By 1910 
nearly 900,000 negroes had achieved some degree 
of rural economic stability. 

The negro has not been so fortunate in his at- f 
tempts to make a place for himself in the industrial | 
world. The drift to the cities began soon after 
emancipation. During the first decade, the dis- 
satisfaction with the landlordism which then pre- 
vailed, seconded by the demand for unskilled labor 

^Negroes in the United States, Census Bulletin No. 129, p. 37. 


in the rapidly growing cities, drew the negroes from 
the land in such considerable numbers that the 
landowners were induced to make more liberal 
terms to keep the laborers on their farms. While 
there has been a large increase in the number of ne- 
groes engaged in agriculture, there has at the same 
time been a very marked current from the smaller 
communities to the new industrial cities of the 
South and to some of the manufacturing centers of 
the North. In recent years there have been whole- 
sale importations of negro laborers into many 
Northern cities and towns, sometimes as strike 
breakers but more frequently to supply the urgent 
demand for unskilled labor. Many of the smaller 
manufacturing towns of New York, Ohio, Penn- 
sylvania, Illinois, and Indiana are accumulating 
a negro population. 

Very few of these industrial negroes, however, 
are skilled workers. They toil rather as ordinary 
day laborers, porters, stevedores, teamsters, and 
domestics. There has been a great deal written 
of the decline of the negro artisan. Walter F. Wil- 
cox, the eminent statistician, after a careful study 
of the facts concludes that economically "the negro 
as a race is losing ground, is being confined more 
and more to the inferior and less remunerative 


occupations, and is not sharing proportionately to 
his numbers in the prosperity of the country as a 
whole or of the section in which he mainly lives. " 
It appears, therefore, that the pathway of eman- 
cipation has not led the negro out of the ranks of 
humble toil and into racial equality. In order to 
equip him more effectively for a place in the world, 
industrial schools have been established, among 
which the most noted is the Tuskegee Institute. 
Its founder, Booker T. Washington, advised his fel- 
low negroes to yield quietly to the political and so- 
cial distinctions raised against them and to perfect 
themselves in handicrafts and the mechanic arts, 
in the faith that civil rights would ultimately follow 
economic power and recognized industrial capacity. 
His teaching received the almost unanimous ap- 
proval of both North and South. But opinion 
among his own people was divided, and in 1905 the 
"Niagara Movement" was launched, followed five 
years later by the organizing of the National Asso- 
ciation for the Advancement of Colored People. 
This organization advised a more aggressive atti- 
tude towards race distinctions, outspokenly advo- 
cated race equality, demanded the negro's rights, 
and maintained a restless propaganda. These 
champions of the race possibilities of the negro 


point to the material advance made since slavery; 
to the 500,000 houses and the 221,000 farms owned 
by them; their 22,000 small retail businesses and 
their 40 banks; to the 40,000 churches with nearly 
4,000,000 members; to the 200 colleges and second- 
ary schools maintained for negroes and largely sup- 
ported by them; to their 100 old people's homes, 
30 hospitals, 300 periodicals; to the 6000 physicians, 
dentists, and nurses; the 30,000 teachers, the 18,000 
clergymen. They point to the beacon lights of 
their genius: Frederick Douglass, statesman; J. C. 
Price, orator; Booker T. Washington, educator; 
W. E. B. DuBois, scholar; Paul Laurence Dunbar, 
poet; Charles W. Chestnutt, novelist. And they 
compare this record of 50 years' achievement with 
the preceding 245 years of slavery. 

This, however, is only one side of the shield. 
There is another side, nowhere better illustrated, 
perhaps, than in the neglected negro gardens of the 
South. Near every negro hut is a garden patch 
large enough to supply the family with vegetables 
for the entire year, but it usually is neglected. "If 
they have any garden at all, " says a negro critic 
from Tuskegee, "it is apt to be choked with weeds 
and other noxious growths. With every advan- 
tage of soil and climate and with a steady market if 


they live near any city or large town, few of the col- 
ored farmers get any benefit from this, one of the 
most profitable of all industries. " In marked con- 
trast to these wild and unkempt patches are the 
gardens of the Italians who have recently invaded 
portions of the South and whose garden patches are 
almost miraculously productive. And this inva- 
sion brings a real threat to the future of the negro. 
His happy-go-lucky ways, his easy philosophy of 
life, the remarkable ease with which he severs home 
ties and shifts from place to place, his indifference 
to property obligations — these negative defects in 
his character may easily lead to his economic doom 
if the vigorous peasantry of Italy and other lands 
are brought into competition with him. 



America has long been a gigantic Utopia. To 
every immigrant since the founding of Jamestown 
this coast has gleamed upon the horizon as a Prom- 
ised Land. America, too, has provided convenient 
plots of ground, as laboratories for all sorts of va- 
garies, where, unhampered by restrictions and un- 
annoyed by inquisitive neighbors, enthusiastic 
dreamers could attempt to reconstruct society. 
Whenever an eccentric in Europe conceived a social 
panacea no matter how absurd, he said, *' Let's go 
to America and try it out. " There were so many 
of these enterprises that their exact number is im- 
known. Many of them perished in so brief a time 
that no friendly chronicler has even saved their 
names from oblivion. But others lived, some for a 
year, some for a decade, and few for more than a 
generation. They are of interest today not only 

because they brought a considerable number of 



foreigners to America, but also because in their 
history may be observed many of the principles 
of communism, or socialism, at work under favor- 
able conditions. While the theory of Marxian so- 
cialism differs in certain details from these com- 
munistic experiments, the foreign-made nostrums 
so brazenly proclaimed today wherever malcon- 
tents are gathered together is in essence nothing 
new in America. Communism was tried and found 
wanting by the Pilgrim Fathers; since then it has 
been tried and found wanting over and over again. 
Some of the communistic colonies, it will appear, 
waxed fat out of the resources of their lands; but, 
in the end, even those which were most fortunate 
and successful withered away, and their remnants 
were absorbed by the great competitive life that 
surrounded them. 

There were two general types of these communi- 1 
ties, the sectarian and the economic. Frequently/ 
they combined a peculiar religious belief with the 
economic practice of having everything in common. 
The sectarians professed to be neither proselyters 
nor propagandists but religious devotees, accepting 
communism as a physical advantage as well as a 
spiritual balm, and seeking in seclusion and quiet 
merely to save their own souls. 


The majority of the religious communists came 
from Germany — the home, also, of Marxian so- 
cialism in later years — where persecution was the 
lot of innumerable little sects which budded after 
the Reformation. They came usually as whole 
colonies, bringing both leaders and membership 
with them.' Probably the earliest to arrive in 
America were the Labadists, who denied the doc- 
trine of original sin, discarded the Sabbath, and 
held strict views of marriage. In 1684, under the 
leadership of Peter Sluyter or Schluter (an assumed 
name, his original name being Vorstmann), some 
of these Labadists settled on the Bohemia River in 
Delaware. They were sent out from the mother 
colony in West Friesland to select a site for the en- 
tire body, but it does not appear that any others 
migrated, for within fifteen years the American 

« As is usual among people who pride themselves on their pecu- 
liarities there were variations of opinion among these sects which 
led to schisms. The Mennonites contained at one time no less 
than eleven distinct branches, among them the Amish, Old and 
New, whose ridiculous singularity of dress, in which they dis- 
carded all ornaments and even buttons, earned them the nick- 
name "Hooks and Eyes." But no matter how aloof these sects 
held themselves from the world, or what asceticism they prac- 
ticed upon themselves, or what spiritual and economic fraternity 
they displayed to each other, they possessed a remarkable native 
cunning in bargaining over a bushel of wheat or a shoat, and for a 
time most of their communities prospered. 


colony was reduced to eight men. Sluyter evi- 
dently had considerable business capacity, for he be- 
came a wealthy tobacco planter and slave trader. 
In 1693 Johann Jacob Zimmermann, a distin- 
guished mathematician and astronomer and the 
founder of an order of mystics called Pietists, ( 
started for America, to await the coming of the 
millennium, which his calculations placed in the 
autumn of 1694. But the fate of common mortals 
overtook the unfortunate leader and he died just as 
he was ready to sail from Rotterdam. About forty 
members of his brotherhood settled in the forests on 
the heights near Germantown, Pennsylvania, and, 
under the guidance of Johann Kelpius, achieved 
a unique influence over the German peasantry 
in that vicinity. The members of the brother- 
hood made themselves useful as teachers and in j 
various handicrafts. They were especially in de- 
mand among the superstitious for their skill in cast- 
ing horoscopes, using divining rods, and carving po- ! ' 
tent amulets. Their mysterious astronomical tow- 
er on the heights of the Wissahickon was the Mecca 
of the curious and the distressed. To the gentle 
Kelpius was ascribed the power of healing, but 
he was himself the victim of consumption. The 
brotherhood did not long survive his death in 1708 


or 1709. Their astrological instruments may now 
be seen in the collections of the Pennsylvania 
Philosophical Society. 

The first group of Dunkards (a name derived i 
from their method of baptism, eintunken, to im- 
merse) settled in Pennsylvania in 1719. A few I 
years later they were joined by Conrad Beissel 
(Beizel or Peysel). This man had come to Amer- 
ica to unite with the Pietist group in Germantown, 
but, as Kelpius was dead and his followers dispersed 
he joined the Dunkards. His desires for a monas- 
tic life drove him into solitary meditation — tradi- 
tion says he took shelter in a cave — where he 
came to the conviction that the seventh day of the 
week should be observed as the day of rest. This 
conclusion led to friction with the Dunkards; and 
as a result, with three men and two women, Beissel 
founded in 1728 on the Cocalico River, the cloister 
of Ephrata. From this arose the first communis- 
tic Eden successfully established in America and 
one of the few to survive to the present century. 
Though in 1900 the community numbered only 
seventeen members, in its prime while Beissel was 
yet alive it sheltei^ed three hundred, owned a pros- 
perous paper mill, a grist mill, an oil mill, a fulling 
mill, a printing press, a schoolhouse, dwellings for 

Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. 


Photograph by Lewis W. Hine 

for Special Survey Mission, 

American Red Cross, and 

for Pittsburgh Survey. 


Photograph b}' 
Lewis W. Hine. 

OUR ■^^""^"^^ 

n i709. Their M^^xn 

V iiuW 

hi-^ s.i^rn m the cofl^ 



from Ui<-ii- n ' u ; 


A i'ew 

year*? T"? ^ ,9iniH .7r ^.i/^-jJ vd i(qin^i.<, 



ica to unites ipin 


but, as K and his followers dispersed 

he \o i^BjtMiUM, His d 

\ ^-s- 

tie lite orove mm into solitary nacu. . 


tion says he took shelter in a ca^ 

came to the conviction that the »evt 

week should be observed as the day 

cmiclusion led to friction with the Duolcttr 

% with three men and two ^ 

u a in 1728 on the Cocalico Bi\ 

: ■, ,; 

'■• r*. ♦ « From this aitMie tibt ♦ 
.fully es^?^^-*-*^ 

a and 

ieissel was 

:'iy owned a pros- 

i oil mill, afulHng 

ouse, dwellings for 



the married members, and large dormitories for the 
ceHbates. The meeting-house was built entirely 
without metal, following literally the precedent of 
Solomon, who built his temple **so that there was 
neither hammer nor ax nor any tool of iron heard in 
the house while it was building." Wooden pegs 
took the place of nails, and the laths were fastened 
laboriously into grooves. Averse to riches, Beis- 
sel's people refused gifts from William Penn, King 
George III, and other prominent personages. The 
pious Beissel was a very capable leader, with a pas- 
sion for music and an ardor for simplicity. He 
instituted among the unmarried members of the 
community a celibate order embracing both sexes, 
and he reduced the communal life of both the reli- 
gious and secular members to a routine of piety and 
labor. The society was known, even in England, 
for the excellence of its paper, for the good work- 
manship of its printing press, and especially for the 
quality of its music, which was composed largely by 
Beissel. His chorals were among the first com- 
posed and sung in America. His school, too, was 
of such quality that it drew pupils from Balti- 
more and Philadelphia. After his death in 1786, 
in his seventy-second year, his successor tried for 
twenty-eight years to maintain the discipline and 


distinction of the order. It was eventually deemed 
prudent to incorporate the society under the laws of 
the State and to entrust its management to a board 
of trustees, and the cloistered life of the commimity 
became a memory. 

A community patterned after Ephrata was 
founded in 1800 by Peter Lehman at Snow Hill, in 
Franklin Coimty, Pennsylvania. It consisted of 
some forty German men and women living in clois- 
ters but relieving the monotony of their toil and the 
rigor of their piety with music. As in Ephrata, 
there was a twofold membership, the consecrated 
and the secular. The entire community, however, 
vanished after the death of its founder. 

When Beissel's Ephrata was in its heyday, the 
Moravians, under the patronage of Count Zinzen- 
dorf of Saxony, established in 1741 a community 
on the Lehigh River in Pennsylvania, named Beth- 
lehem in token of their humility. The colony pro- 
vided living and working quarters for both the 
married and unmarried members. After about 
twenty years of experimenting, the communistic 
regimen was abandoned. Bethlehem, however, 
continued to thrive, and its schools and its music 
became widely known. 

The story of the Harmonists, one of the most sue- 


cessful of all the communistic colonies is even more 
interesting. The founder, Johann Georg Bapp, had 
been a weaver and vine gardener in the little village 
of Iptingen in WUrttemberg. He drew upon him- 
self and his followers the displeasure of the Church 
by teaching that religion was a personal matter be- 
tween the individual and his God; that the Bible, 
not the pronouncements of the clergy, should be 
the guide to the true faith, and that the ordinances 
of the Church were not necessarily the ordinances 
of God. The petty persecutions which these doc- 
trines brought upon him and his fellow separat- 
ists turned them towards liberal America. In 1803 ( 
Rapp and some of his companions crossed the sea 
and selected as a site for their colony five thousand 
acres of land in Butler County, Pennsylvania. 
There they built the new town of Harmony, to t 
which came about six hundred persons, all told. 
On February 15, 1805 they organized the Harmony 
Society and signed a solemn agreement to merge 
all their possessions in one common lot. ^ Among 

* Under the communal contract, which was later upheld by the 
Supreme Court of the United States, members agreed to merge 
their properties and to renounce all claims for services; and the 
community, on its part, agreed to support the members and to 
repay without interest, to any one desiring to withdraw, the 
amount he had put into the common fund. 


them were a few persons of education and property, 
but most of them were sturdy, thrifty mechanics 
and peasants, who, under the skillful direction of 
Father Rapp, soon transformed the forest into a 
thriving community. After a soul stirring revival 
in 1807, they adopted celibacy. Those who were 
married did not separate but lived together in sol- 
emn self-restraint, "treating each other as brother 
and sister in Christ."' Their belief that the sec- 
ond coming of the Lord was imminent no doubt 
strengthened their resolution. At this time, also, 
the men all agreed to forego the use of tobeicco — no 
small sacrifice on the part of hard-working laborers. 
The region, however, was unfavorable to the 
growth of the grape, which was the favorite WUrt- 
temberg crop. In 1814 the society accordingly 
sold the communal property for $100,000 and re- 
moved to a site on the Wabash River, in Indiana, 
where, under the magic of their industry, the beau- 
tiful village of New Harmony arose in one year, and 
where many of their sturdy buildings still remain 
a testimony to their honest craftsmanship. Un- 
fortunately, however, two pests appeared which 
they had not foreseen. Harassed by malaria and 

* Communistic Societies of the United States, by Charles Nord- 
hoflf, p. 73. 


meddlesome neighbors, Father Rapp a third time 
sought a new Canaan. In 1825 he sold the entire 
site to Robert Owen, the British philanthropic so- 
cialist, and the Harmonists moved back to Penn- 
sylvania. They built their third and last home on 
the Ohio, about twenty miles from Pittsburgh, and 
called it Economy in prophetic token of the wealth 
which their industry and shrewdness would soon 
bring in. 

The chaste and simple beauty of this village was 
due to the skill and good taste of Friedrich Rei- 
chert Rapp, an architect and stone cutter, the 
adopted son of Father Rapp. The fine proportions 
of the plain buildings, with their vines festooned be- 
tween the upper and lower windows, the quaint and 
charming gardens, the tantalizing labyrinth where 
visitors lost themselves in an attempt to reach the 
Summer House — these were all of his creation. 
Friedrich Rapp was also a poet, an artist, and a 
musician. He gathered a worthy collection of 
paintings and a museum of Indian relics and ob- 
jects of natural history. He composed many of 
the fine hymns which impress every visitor to 
Economy. He was likewise an energetic and skill- 
ful business man and represented the colony in its 
external affairs until his death in 1834. He was 


elected a member of the convention that framed 
the first constitution of Indiana, and later he was 
made a member of the legislatm*e. Father Rapp, 
who possessed rare talents as an organizer, con- 
trolled the internal affairs of the colony. Those 
who left the community because unwilling to abide 
its discipline often pronounced their leader a nar- 
row autocrat. But there can be no doubt that 
eminent good sense and gentleness tempered his 
judgments. He personally led the community in 
industry, in prayers, and in faith, until 1847, when 
death removed him. A council of nine elders 
elected by the members was then charged with the 
spiritual guidance of the community, and two trus- 
tees were appointed to administer its business affairs. 
Economy was a German commimity where Ger- 
man was spoken and German customs were main- 
tained, although every one also spoke English. As 
there were but few accessions to the community 
and from time to time there were defections and 
withdrawals, the membership steadily declined'; 

» The largest membership was attained in 1827, when 522 were 
enrolled. There were 391 in 1836; 321 in 1846; 170 in 1864; 146 
in 1866; 70 in 1879; 34 in 1888; 37 in 1892; 10 in 1897; 8 in 1902, 
only two of whom were men; and in 1903, three women and one 
man. The population of Economy, however, was always much 
larger than the communal membership. 


but while the community was dwindling in mem- 
bership it was rapidly increasing in wealth. Oil 
and coal were found on some of its lands; the prod- 
ucts of its mills and looms, of its wine presses and 
distilleries, were widely and favorably known; and 
its outside investments, chiefly in manufactories 
and railroads, yielded even greater returns. These 
outside interests, indeed, became in time the sole 
support of the community for, as the membership 
fell away, the local industries had to be shut down. 
Then it was that communistic methods of doing 
business became inadequate and the colony ran in- 
to diflBculties. An expert accountant in 1892 dis- 
closed the debts of the community to be about one 
and a half million dollars. But the outside indus- 
trial enterprises in which the community had in- 
vested were sound; and the vast debt was paid. 
The society remained solvent, with a huge surplus, 
though out of prosperity not of its own making. 
When the lands at Economy were eventually sold, 
about eight acres were reserved to the few survivors 
of the society, including the Great House of Father 
Rapp and its attractive garden, with the use of the 
church and dwellings, so that they might spend 
their last days in the peaceful surroundings that 
had brought them prosperity and happiness. 


Lead me, Father, out of harm 
To the quiet Zoar fann 
If it be Thy will. 

So sang another group of simple German separat- 
ists, of whom some three hundred came to America 
from Wurttemberg in 1817, under the leadership of 
Joseph Bimeler (Baumeler) and built the village 
of Zoar in Tuscarawas County, Ohio. They ac- 
quired Gve thousand acres of land and signed ar- 
ticles of association in April, 1819, turning all their 
individual property and all their future earnings 
into a common fund to be managed by an elected 
board of directors. The community provided its 
members with their daily necessities and two suits 
of clothes a year. The members were assigned to 
various trades which absorbed all their time and 
left them very little strength for amusement or 
reading. Their one recreation was singing. The 
society was bound to celibacy until the marriage 
of Bimeler to his housekeeper; thereafter marriage 
was permitted but not encouraged. 

In 1832 the society was incorporated under the 
laws of Ohio, and until its dissolution it was man- 
aged as a corporation. A few Germans joined the 
society. No American ever requested admission. 
Joseph Bimeler was elected Agent General and 


thereby became the chosen as well as the natural 
leader of the community. Like other patriarchs 
of that epoch who led their following into the wil- 
derness, he was a man of some education and many 
gifts. He was the spiritual mentor; but his piety, 
which was sincere and simple, did not rob him of 
the shrewdness necessary to material success. His 
followers were loyally devoted to him. They built 
for him the largest house in the community, a fine 
colonial manor house, where he dwelt in compara- 
tive luxury and reigned as their "King." When 
he died in 1853 he had seen the prosperity of his 
colony reach its zenith. It remained small. Scarce- 
ly more than three hundred members ever dwelt in 
the village which, in spite of its profusion of vines 
and flowers, lacked the informal quaintness and 
originality of Rapp's Economy. The Tuscarawas 
River furnished power for their flour mill, whose 
products were widely sought. There was also a 
woolen mill, a planing mill, a foundry, and a ma- 
chine shop. The beer made by the community 
was famous all the country round, and for a time 
its pottery and tile works turned out interesting 
and quaint products. But one by one these 
small industries succumbed to the competition of 
the greater world. At last even an alien brew 


supplanted the good local beer. When the railroad 
tapped the village, and it was incorporated (1884) 
and assumed an official worldliness with its mayor 
and councilmen, it lost its isolation, summer visi- 
tors flocked in, and a "calaboose" was needed for 
the benefit of the sojourners ! 

The third generation was now grown. A num- 
ber of dissatisfied members had left. Many of the 
children never joined the society but found work 
elsewhere. A great deal of the work had to be 
done by hired help. Under the leadership of the 
younger element it was decided in 1898 to abandon 
communism. Appraisers and surveyors were set 
to work to parcel out the property. Each of the 
136 members received a cash dividend, a home in 
the village, and a plot of land. The average val- 
ue of each share, which was in the neighborhood of 
$1500, was not a large return for three generations 
of communistic experimentation. But these had 
been, after all, years of moderate competence and 
quiet contentment, and if they took their toll in 
the coin of hope, as their song set forth, then these 
simple WUrttembergers were fully paid. 

The Inspirationists were a sect that made many 
converts in Germany, Holland, and Switzerland in 
the eighteenth century. They believed in direct 


revelations from God through chosen "instru- 
ments." In 1817, a new leader appeared among 
them in the person of Christian Metz, a man of 
great personal charm, worldly shrewdness, and 
spiritual fervor. Allied with him was Barbara 
Heynemann, a simple maid without education, who 
learned to read the Scriptures after she was twenty- 
three years of age. Endowed with the peculiar 
gift of "translation, " she was cherished by the sect 
as an instrument of God for revealing His will. 

To this pair came an inspiration to lead their 
harassed followers to America. In 1842 they pur- 
chased the Seneca Indian Reservation near Buffalo, 
New York. They called their new home Ebenezer, 
and in 1843 they organized the Ebenezer Society, 
under a constitution which pledged them to com- 
munism. Over eight hundred peasants and ar- 
tisans joined the colony, and their industry soon 
had created a cluster of five villages with mills, 
workshops, schools, and dwellings. But they were 
continually annoyed by the Indians from whom they 
had purchased the site and were distracted by the 
rapidly growing city of Buffalo, which was only 
five miles away! 

This threat of worldliness brought a revelation 
that they must seek greater seclusion. A large tract 


on the Iowa River was purchased, and to this new 
site the population was gradually transferred. There 
they built Amana. Within a radius of six miles, five 
subsidiary villages sprang up, each one laid out like 
a German dxyrf, with its cluster of shops and mills, 
and the cottages scattered informally on the main 
road. When the railway tapped the neighborhood, 
the community in self-defense purchased the town 
that contained the railway station. So when the 
good Christian Metz died in 1867, at the age of 
seventy-two, his pious followers, thanks to his sagac- 
ity, were possessed of some twenty-six thousand 
acres of rich Iowa land and seven thriving villages, 
comfortably housing about 1400 of the faithful. 
Barbara Heynemann died in 1883, and since her 
death no "instrument" has been found to disclose 
the will of God. But many ponderous tomes of 
"revelations" have survived and these are faith- 
fully read and their naive personal directions and 
inhibitions are still generally obeyed. The Bible, 
however, remains the main guide of these people, 
and they follow its instructions with childish liter- 
alism. Until quite recently they clung to the 
simple dress and the austere life of their earlier 
years. The solidarity of the community has been 
maintained with rare skill. The "Great Council 


of the Brethren" upon whom is laid the burden of 
directing all the affairs, has avoided government by 
mass meeting, discouraged irresponsible talk and 
criticism, and, as an aristocracy of elders, has 
shrewdly controlled the material and spiritual life 
of the community. 

The society has received many new members. 
There have been accessions from Zoar and Econ- 
omy and one or two Americans have joined. The 
** Great Council," in its desire to maintain the 
homogeneity of the group, rejects the large num- 
ber of applications for membership received every 
year. Over sixty per cent of the young people 
who have left the community to try the world 
have come back to "colony trousers" or *' colony 
skirts," symbols of the complete submergence of 
the individual. 

Celibacy has been encouraged but never en- 
joined, and the young people are permitted to 
marry, if the Spirit gives its sanction, the Elders 
their consent, and if the man has reached the age 
of twenty-four years. The two sexes are rigidly 
separated in school, in church, at work, and in the 
communal dining rooms. Each family lives in a 
house, but there are communal kitchens, where 
meals are served to groups of twenty or more. 


Every member receives an amiual cash bonus vary- 
ing from $25 to $75 and a pass book to record his 
credits at the "store." The work is doled out 
among the members, who take pride in the quality 
rather than in the quantity of their product. All 
forms of amusement are forbidden; music, which 
floiu'ished in other German communities, is sup- 
pressed; and even reading for pleasure or informa- 
tion was until recently under the ban. 

The only symbols of gayety in the villages are the 
flowers, and these are everywhere in lavish abun- 
dance, softening the austere lines of the plain and 
unpainted houses. No architect has been allowed 
to show his skill, no artist his genius, in the shap- 
ing of this rigorous life. But its industries flour- 
ish. Amana calico and Amana woolens are known 
in many markets. The livestock is of the finest 
breeds; the products of the fields and orchards are 
the choicest. But the modem visitor wonders how 
long this prosperity will be able to maintain that 
isolation which alone insured the communal soli- 
darity. Already store clothes are being worn, pho- 
tographs are seen on the walls, "worldly " furniture 
is being used, libraries, those openers of closed 
minds, are in every schoolhouse, and newspapers 
and magazines are "allowed/* 


The experiences of Eric Janson and his devotees 
whom he led out of Sweden to Bishop Hill Colony, 
in Illinois, are replete with dramatic and tragic 
details. Janson was a rugged Swedish peasant, 
whose eloquence and gift of second sight made him 
the prophet of the Devotionalists, a sect that at- 
tempted to reestablish the simplicity of the primi- 
tive church among the Lutherans of Scandinavia. 
Driven from pillar to post by the relentless hatred 
of the Established Church, they sought refuge in 
America, where Janson planned a theocratic social- 
istic community. Its communism was based en- 
tirely upon religious convictions, for neither Janson 
nor any of his illiterate followers had heard of the 
politico-economic systems of French reformers. 
Over one thousand young and vigorous peasants 
followed him to America. The first contingent of 
four hundred arrived in 1846 and spent their first 
winter in untold miseries and privations, with barely 
sufficient food, but with enough spiritual fervor to 
kindle two religious services a day and three on 
Sunday. Attacking the vast prairies with their 
primitive implements, harvesting grain with the 
sickle and grinding it by hand when their water 
power gave out, sheltering themselves in tents and 
eaves, enduring agues and fevers, hunger and cold. 


the majority still remained loyal to the leader 
whose eloquence fired them with a sustaining hope. 
Thrift, unremitting toil, the wonderful fertility of 
the prairie, the high price of wheat, flax, and broom 
corn, were bound to bring prosperity. In 1848 
they built a huge brick dormitory and dining hall, 
a great frame church, and a number of smaller 
dwellings. Improved housing at once told on the 
general health, though in the next year a scourge 
of cholera, introduced by some newcomer, claimed 
143 members. 

In the meantime John Root, an adventurer from 
Stockholm, who had served in the American army, 
arrived at the colony and soon fell in love with the 
cousin of Eric Janson. The prophet gave his con- 
sent to the marriage on condition that, if at any 
time Root wished to leave the colony, his wife 
should be permitted to remain if she desired. A 
written agreement acknowledged Root's consent 
to these conditions. He soon tired of a life for 
which he had not the remotest liking, and, failing 
to entice his wife away with him, he kidnaped her 
and forcibly detained her in Chicago, whence she 
was rescued by a valiant band of the colonists. In 
retaliation the irate husband organized a mob of 
frontiers folk to drive out the fanatics as they had a 


short time before driven out Brigham Young and 
his Mormons. But the neighbors of the colonists, 
having learned their sterling worth, came to the 
rescue. Root then began legal proceedings against 
Janson. In May, 1850, while in court the rene- 
gade deliberately shot and killed the prophet. The 
community in despair awaited three days the re- 
turn to life of the man whom they looked upon as 
a representative of Christ sent to earth to rebuild 
the Tabernacle. 

Janson had been a very poor manager, how- 
ever, and the colony was in debt. In order quick- 
ly to obtain money, he had sent Jonas Olsen, the 
ablest and strongest of his followers, to Califor- 
nia to seek gold to wipe out the debt. Upon hear- 
ing of the tragedy, Olsen hastened back to Bish- 
op Hill and was soon in charge of affairs. In 
1853 he obtained for the colony a charter of in- 
corporation which vested the entire management 
of the property in seven trustees. These men, 
under the by-laws adopted, became also the spirit- 
ual mentors, and the colonists, unacquainted with 
democratic usages in government, submitted will- 
ingly to the leadership of this oligarchy. A new era 
of great material prosperity now set in. The vil- 
lage was rebuilt. The great house was enlarged so 


that all the inhabitants could be accommodated in 
its vast communal dining room. Trees were planted 
along the streets. Shops and mills were erected, 
and a hotel became the means of introducing 
strangers to the community. 

Meanwhile Olsen was growing more and more 
arbitrary and, after a bitter controversy, he im- 
posed celibacy upon the members. This was the 
beginning of the end. One of the trustees, Olaf 
Jansen, a good-natured peasant who could not 
keep his accounts but who had a peasant's sagacity 
for a bargain, wormed his way into financial con- 
trol. He wanted to make the colony rich, but he 
led it to the verge of bankruptcy. He became a 
speculator and promoter. Stories of his shortcom- 
ings were whispered about and in 1860 the peasant 
colony revolted and deposed Olaf from office. He 
then had himself appointed receiver to wind up the 
corporation's affairs, and in the following year the 
communal property was distributed. Every mem- 
ber, male and female, thirty-five years of age re- 
ceived a full share which "consisted of 22 acres of 
land, one timber lot of nearly 2 acres, one town lot, 
and an equal part of all barns, houses, cattle, hogs, 
sheep or other domestic animals and all farm- 
ing implements and household utensils." Those 


under thirty-five received according to their age. 
Had these shares been unencumbered, this would 
have represented a fair return for their labor. But 
Olaf had made no half-way business of his financial 
ambitions, and the former members who now were 
melting peacefully and rather contentedly into the 
general American life found themselves saddled 
with his obligations. The "colony case" became 
famous among Blinois lawyers and dragged through 
twelve years of litigation. Thus the glowing fra- 
ternal communism of poor Janson ended in the 
drab discord of an American lawsuit. 

In 1862 the followers of Jacob Hutter, a Men- 
nonite martyr who was burned at the stake in 
Innsbruck in the sixteenth century, foimded the 
Old Elmspring Community on the James River 
in South Dakota. During the Thirty Years' War 
these saintly Quaker-like German folk had foimd 
refuge in Moravia, whence they had been driven 
into Hungary, later into Rumania, and then in- 
to Russia. As their objection to military serv- 
ice brought them into conflict with the Czar's 
government, they finally determined to migrate 
to America. In 1874 they had all reached 
South Dakota, where they now live in five small 
communities. Scarcely four hundred all told. 


they cling to their ancient ambition to keep them- 
selves "unspotted from the world," and so have 
evolved a self-sustaining communal life, char- 
acterized by great simplicity of dress, of speech, 
and of living. They speak German and refrain 
entirely from voting and from other political ac- 
tivity. They are farmers and practise only those 
handicrafts which are necessary to their own com- 
munal welfare. 

While most of these German sectarian communi- 
ties had only a slight economic effect upon the 
United States, their influence upon immigration has 
been extensive. In the early part of the last cen- 
tury, it was difficult to obtain authentic news con- 
cerning America in the remote hamlets of Europe. 
All sorts of vague and grotesque notions about this 
coimtry were afloat. Every member of these com- 
munities, when he wrote to those left behind, be- 
came a living witness of the golden opportunities 
offered in the new land. And, unquestionably, a 
considerable share of the great German influx in 
the middle of the nineteenth century can be traced 
to the dissemination of knowledge by this means. 
Mikkelsen says of the Jansonists that their "letters 
home concerning the new country paved the way 
for that mighty tide of Swedish immigration which 


in a few years began to roll in upon Illinois and the 
Northwest. " 

The Shakers are the oldest and the largest com- 
munistic sect to find a congenial home in America. 
The cult originated in Manchester, England, with 
Ann Lee, a "Shaking Quaker," who never learned 
to read or write but depended upon revelation for 
doctrine and guidance. "By a direct revelation, " 
says the Shaker Compendium, she was "instructed 
to come to America. " Obedient to the vision, she 
sailed from Liverpool in the summer of 1774, ac- 
companied by six men and two women, among 
whom were her husband, a brother, and a niece. 
This little flock settled in the forests near Albany, 
New York. Abandoned by her husband, the 
prophetess went from place to place, proclaiming 
her peculiar doctrines. Soon she became known as 
"Mother Ann " and was reputed to have supernat- 
ural powers. At the time of her death in 1784 she 
had numerous followers in western New England 
and eastern New York. 

In 1787 they founded their first Shaker conunu- 
nity at Mount Lebanon. Within a few years other 
societies were organized in New York, Massachu- 
setts, New Hampshire, Maine, and Connecticut. 
On the wave of the great religious revival at the 


beginning of the nineteenth century their doc^ 
trines were carried west. The cult achieved its 
highest prosperity in the decade following 1830, 
when it numbered eighteen societies and about six 
thousand members. 

In shrewd and capable hands, the sect soon had 
both an elaborate system of theology based upon 
the teachings of Mother Ann and also an effec- 
tive organization. The communal life, ordaining 
celibacy, based on industry, and constructed in 
the strictest economy, achieved material prosper- 
ity and evidently brought spiritual consolation to 
those who committed themselves to its isolation. 
Although originating in England, the sect is con- 
fined wholly to America and has from the first re- 
cruited its membership almost wholly from native 

Another of these social experiments was the Onei- 
da Community and its several ephemeral branches. 
Though it was of American origin and the members 
were almost wholly American, it deserves passing 
mention. The founder, John Humphrey Noyes, a 
graduate of Dartmouth and a Yale divinity student, 
conceived a system of communal life which should 
make it possible for the individual to live without 
sin. This perfectionism, he believed, necessitated 


the abolition of private property through com- 
munism, the abolition of sickness through com- 
plete cooperation of the individual with God, and 
the abohtion of the family through a "scientific" 
cooperation of the sexes. The Oneida Communi- 
ty was financially very prosperous. Its " stirpicul- 
ture," Noyes's high-sounding synonym for free 
love, brought it, however, into violent conflict with 
public opinion, and in 1879 ** complex marriages" 
gave way to monogamous families. In the follow- 
ing year the communistic holding of property gave 
way to a joint stock company, under whose skill- 
ful management the prosperity of the community 
continues today. 

The American Utopias based upon an assiuned 
economic altruism were much more numerous than 
those founded primarily upon religion but, as 
they were recruited almost wholly from Americans, 
they need engage our attention only briefly. There 
were two groups of economic comitiunistic experi- 
ments, similar in their general characteristics but 
differing in their origin. One took its inspiration 
directly from Robert Owen, the distinguished phi- 
lanthropist and successful cotton manufacturer of 
Scotland; the other from Fourier, the noted French 
social philosopher. 


In 1825 Robert Owen purchased New Harmony, 
Rapp's village in Indiana and its thirty thousand 
appurtenant acres. When Owen came to America 
he was already famous. Great throngs flocked to 
hear this practical man utter the most visionary 
sentiments. At Washington, for instance, he lec- 
tured to an auditory that included great senators 
and famous representatives, members of the Su- 
preme Court and of the Cabinet, President Monroe 
and Adams, the President-elect. He displayed to 
his eager hearers the plans and specifications of 
the new human order, his glorified apartment house 
with all the external paraphernalia of selective 
human perfection drawn to scale. 

For a brief period New Harmony was the com- 
munistic capital of the world. It was discussed 
everywhere and became, says its chronicler, "the 
rendezvous of the enlightened and progressive 
people from all over the United States and north- 
ern Europe." It achieved a sort of motley cosmo- 
politanism. A " Boat Load of Knowledge " carried 
from Pittsburgh, the most distinguished group of 
scientists that had hitherto been brought togeth- 
er in America. It included William Maclure, a 
Scotchman who came to America, at the age of 
thirty-three, ambitious to make a geological survey 


of the country and whose learning and energy 
soon earned him the title of "Father of American 
Geology"; Thomas Say, **the Father of American 
Zoology"; Charles Alexander Lesueur, a distin- 
guished naturalist from the Jardin des Plantes 
of Paris; Constantino S. Rafinesque, a scientific 
nomad whose studies of fishes took him everywhere 
and whose restless spirit forbade him remaining 
long anywhere; Gerard Troost, a Dutch scientist 
who later did pioneer work in western geology; 
Joseph Neef, a well-known Pestalozzian educa- 
tor, together with two French experts in that sys- 
tem; and Owen's four brilliant sons. A few artists 
and musicians and all sorts of reformers, including 
Fanny Wright, an ardent and very advanced suf- 
fragette, joined these scientists in the new Eden. 
Owen had issued a universal invitation to the ** in- 
dustrious and well disposed," but his project of- 
fered also the lure of a free meal ticket for the 
improvident and the glitter of novelty for the 

"I am come to this country," Owen said in his 
opening words at New Harmony, "to introduce an 
entire new state of society, to change it from the 
ignorant, selfish system to an enlightened social 
system, which shall gradually unite all interests 


mlo one, and remove all causes for contests 
between individuals. " * But the germs of dissolu- j 
tion were already present in the extreme individ- l 
uality of the members of this new society. Here | 
was no homogeneous horde of docile German \ 
peasants waiting to be commanded. What Father 
Rapp could do, Owen could not. The sifting proc- 
ess had begun too late. Seven different constitu- 
tions issued in rapid succession attempted in vain 
to discover a common bond of action. In less than 
two years Owen's money was gone, and nine hun- 
dred or more disillusioned persons rejoined the 
more individualistic world. Many of them sub- 
sequently achieved distinction in professional and 
public callings. Owen's widely advertised experi- 
ment was fecund, however, and produced some 
eleven other short-lived communistic attempts, of 
which the most noted were at Franklin, Haver- 
straw, and Coxsackie in New York, Yellow Springs 
and Kendal in Ohio, and Forestville and Macluria 
in Indiana. 

Fourierism found its principal apostle in this i 
country in Arthur Brisbane, whose Social Destiny [ 
of Man, published in 1840, brought to America 
the French philosopher's naive, social regimen of 
' ' The New Harmony Movement, by G. B. Lockwood, y. 8S. 


reducing the world of men to simple units called 
phalanxes, whose barrack-like routine should insure 
plenty, equality, and happiness. Horace Greeley, 
with characteristic, erratic eagerness, pounced 
upon the new gospel, and Brisbane obtained at 
once a wide circle of sympathetic readers through \ 
the Tribune, Thirty-four phalanxes were organ- 
ized in a short time, most of them with an incred- 
ible lack of foresight. They usually lasted until 
the first payment on the mortgage was due, though 
a few weathered the buffetings of fortune for sev- 
eral years. Brook Farm in Massachusetts and the 
Wisconsin phalanx each endm-ed six years, and the 
North American phalanx at Red Bank, New Jersey, 
lasted thirteen years. 

Icaria is a romantic sequel to the Owen and 
Fourier colonies. It antedated Brisbane's revival 
of Fourierism, was encouraged by Owenism, sur- 
vived both, and formed a living link between the 
utopianism of the early nineteenth century and 
the utilitarian socialism of the twentieth. Etienne 
Cabet was one of those interesting Frenchmen 
whose fertile minds and instinct for rapid ac- 
tion made France during the nineteenth century 
kaleidoscopic with social and political events. 
Though educated for the bar, Cabet devoted 


himself to social and political reform. As a young 
man he was a director in that powerful secret order, 
the Carbonari, and was elected to the French cham- 
ber of deputies, but his violent attitude toward the 
Government was such that in 1834 he was obliged 
to flee to London to escape imprisonment. Here, 
unmolested, he devoted himself for five years to so- 
cial and historical research. He returned to France 
in 1839 and in the following year published his 
Voyage en Icarie, a book that at once took its place 
by the side of Sir Thomas More's Utopia, Cabet 
pictured in his volume an ideal society where 
plenty should be a substitute for poverty and equal- 
ity a remedy for class egoism. So great was the 
cogency of his writing that Icaria became more 
than a mere vision to hundreds of thousands in 
those years of social ferment and democratic aspi- 
rations. From a hundred sources the demand arose 
to translate the book into action. Cabet there- 
upon framed a constitution and sought the means 
of founding a real Icaria. After consulting Robert 
Owen, he unfortunately fell into the clutches of 
some Cincinnati land speculators and chose a site 
for his colony in the northeastern part of Texas. 
When the announcement was made in his paper, 
Le Populaire, the responses were so numerous 


that Cabet believed that "more than a million 
cooperators" were eager for the experiment. 

In February, 1848, sixty-nine young men, all 
carefully selected volunteers, were sent forth from 
Havre as the vanguard of the contemplated exodus. 
But the movement was halted by the turn of great 
events. Twenty days after the young men sailed, 
the French Republic was proclaimed, and in the 
fervor and distraction of this immediate political 
victory the new and distant utopia seemed to 
thousands less alluring than it had been before. 
The group of young volunteers, however, reached 
America. After heart-rending disillusionment in 
the swamps and forests of Louisiana and on the raw 
prairies of Texas, they made their way back to New 
Orleans in time to meet Cabet and four hundred 
Icarians, who arrived early in 1849. The Gallic 
instinct for factional differences soon began to as- 
sert itself in repeated division and subdivision on 
the part of the idealists. One-half withdrew at 
New Orleans to work out their individual salvation. 
The remainder followed Cabet to the deserted Mor- 
mon town of Nauvoo, Illinois, where vacant houses 
offered immediate shelter and where they enjoyed 
an interval of prosperity. The French genius for 
music, for theatricals, and for literature relieved 


them from the tedium that characterized most co- 
operative colonies. Soon their numbers increased 
to five hundred by accessions which, with few 
exceptions, were French. 

But Cabet was not a practical leader. His pam- 
phlet published in German in 1854, entitled // / 
had half a million dollars, reveals the naivete of his 
mind. He wanted to find money, not to make it. 
The society soon became involved in a controversy 
in which Cabet's immediate following were out- 
numbered. The minority petulantly stopped work- 
ing but continued to eat. "The majority decided 
that those who would not work should not eat . . . 
and gave notice that those who absented them- 
selves from labor would be cut off from rations. " ' 
As a result, Cabet, in 1856, was expelled from his 
own Icaria! With 170 faithful adherents he went 
to St. Louis, and there a few days later he died. 
The minority buried their leader, but their faith in 
communal life survived this setback. At Chelten- 
ham, a suburb of St. Louis, they acquired a small 
estate, where proximity to the city enabled the mem- 
bers to get work. Here they lived together six 
years before division disrupted them permanently. 

* Icaria, A Chapter in the History c§ Communiatn, by Albert 
Shaw, p. 58. 


At Nauvoo in the meantime there had been other 
secessions, and the property, in 1857, was in the 
hands of a receiver. The plucky and determined 
renmant, however, removed to Iowa, where on the 
prairie near Corning they planted a new Icaria. 
Here, by hard toil and in extreme poverty, but in 
harmony and contentment, the communists lived 
until, in 1876, the younger members wished to 
adopt advanced methods in farming, in finance, 
and in management. The older men, with wisdom 
acquired through bitter experience, refused to alter 
their methods. The younger party won a lawsuit 
to annul the communal charter. The property 
was divided, and again there were two Icarias, the 
"young party" retaining the old site and the "old 
party" moving on and founding New Icaria, a few 
miles from the old. But Old Icaria was soon split: 
one faction removed to California, where the Icaria- 
Speranza community was founded; and the other 
remained at Old Icaria. Both came to grief in 
1888. Finally in 1895 New Icaria, then reduced to 
a few veterans, was dissolved by a unanimous vote 
of the community. 

In 1854 Victor Considerant, the French socialist, 
planted a Fourieristic phalanx in Texas, under the 


liberal patronage of J. B. A. Godin, the godfather 
of Fourierism in France who founded at Guise 
the only really successful phalanx. A French com- 
munistic colony was also attempted at Silkville, 
Kansas. But both ventures lasted only a few 
years. Since the subsidence of these French com- 
munistic experiments, there have been many spo- 
radic attempts at founding idealistic communities 
in the United States. Over fifty have been tried 
since the Civil War. Nearly all were established 
under American auspices and did not lure many 



After the Revolution, immigrants began to filter 
into America from Great Britain and continental 
Europe. No record was kept of their arrival, and 
their numbers have been estimated at from 4000 to 
10,000 a year, on the average. These people came 
nearly all from Great Britain and were driven to 
migrate by financial and political conditions. 

In 1819 Congress passed a law requiring Collec- 
tors of Customs to keep a record of passengers ar- 
riving in their districts, together with their age, sex, 
occupation, and the country whence they came, 
and to report this information to the Secretary of 
State. This was the Federal Government's first ef- 
fort to collect facts concerning immigration. The 
law was defective, yet it might have yielded valu- 
able results had it been intelligently enforced. ' 

« The immigration reports were perfunctory and lacking in 
accuracy. Passengers were frequently listed as belonging to the 



From all available collateral sources it appears 
that the oflScial figures greatly understated the ac- 
tual number of arrivals. Great Britain kept an of- 
ficial record of those who emigrated from her ports 
to the United States and the numbers so listed 
are nearly as large as the total immigration from 
all sources reported by the United States oflSciab 
during a time when a heavy influx is known to have 
been coming from Germany and Switzerland. 

Inaccurate as these figures are, they nevertheless 
are a barometer indicating the rising pressure of 
immigration. The first official figures show that in 
1820 there arrived 8385 aliens of whom 7691 were 
Europeans. Of these 3614, or nearly one-half, 
came from Ireland. Until 1 850 this proportion was 
maintained. Here was evidence of the first ground 
swell of immigration to the United States whose 
subsequent waves in sixty years swept to America 
one-half of the entire population of the Little Green 
Isle. Since 1820 over four and a quarter million 

country whence they sailed. An Irishman taking passage from 
Liverpool was quite as likely to be reported English as Irish. 
Large numbers of immigrants were counted who merely landed ia 
New York and proceeded immediately to Canada, while many 
thousands who landed in Canada and moved at once across the 
border into northern New York and the Weit did not appear ia 
the reports. 


Irish immigrants have found their way hither. In 
1900 there were nearly five million persons in the 
United States descended from Irish parentage. 
They comprise today ten per cent of onr foreign 
born population. 

The discontent and grievances of the Irish had a 
vivid historical background in their own country. 
There were four principal causes which induced 
the transplanting of the race: rebellion, famine, 
restrictive legislation, and absentee landlordism. 
Every uprising of this bellicose people from the 
time of Cromwell onward had been followed by 
voluntary and involuntary exile. It is said that 
Cromwell's Government transported many thou- 
sand Irish to the West Indies. Many of these 
exiles subsequently found their way to the Caro- 
liiias, Virginia, and other colonies. After the great 
Irish rebellion of 1798 and again after Robert 
Emmet's melancholy failure in the rising of 1803 
many fled across the sea. The Act of Union in 
1801 brought "no submissive love for England," 
and constant political agitations for which the Cel- 
tic Irish need but little stimulus have kept the 
pathway to America populous. 

The harsh penal laws of two centuries ago pre- 
scribing transportation and long terms of penal 


servitude were a compelling agency in driving the 
Irish to America. Illiberal laws against religious 
nonconformists, especially against the Catholics, 
closed the doors of political advancement in their 
faces, submitted them to humiliating discrimina- 
tions, and drove many from the island. Finally, the 
selfish Navigation Laws forbade both exportation 
of cattle to England and the sending of foodstuflPs 
to the colonies, dealing thereby a heavy blow to Irish 
agriculture. These restrictions were followed by 
other inhibitions until almost every industry or busi- 
ness in which the Irish engaged was unduly limited 
and controlled. It should, however, not be forgotten 
that these restrictions bore with equal weight upon 
the Ulster settlers from Scotland and England, who 
managed somehow to endure them successfully. 

Absentee landlordism was oppressive both to 
the cotter's body and to his soul, for it not only 
bound him to perpetual poverty but kindled with- 
in him a deep sense of injustice. The historian, 
Justin McCarthy, says that the Irishman "re- 
garded the right to have a bit of land, his share, 
exactly as other people regard the right to live." 
So political and economic conditions combined to 
feed the discontent of a people peculiarly sensitive 
to wrongs and swift in their resentments. 


But the most potent cause of the great Irish /^ 
influx into America was famine in Ireland. The! 
economist may well ascribe Irish failure to the 
potato. Here was a crop so easy of culture and 
of such nourishing qualities that it led to over- 
population and all its attendant ills. The fail- 
ure of this crop was indeed an ** overwhelming 
disaster," for, according to Justin McCarthy, the 
Irish peasant with his wife and his family lived 
on the potato, and whole generations grew up, 
lived, married, and passed away without ever 
having tasted meat. When the cold and damp 
summer of 1845 brought the potato rot, the little, 
overpopulated island was facing dire want. But 
when the next two years brought a plant disease 
that destroyed the entire crop, then famine and 
fever claimed one quarter of the eight million in- 
habitants. The pitiful details of this national dis- 
aster touched American hearts. Fleets of relief 
ships were sent across from America, and many a 
shipload of Irish peasants was brought back. In 
1845 over 44,821 came; 1847 saw this number rise 
to 105,536 and in the next year to 112,934. Re- 
bellion following the famine swelled the number of 
immigrants until Ireland was left a land of old 
people with a fast shrinking population. 


There is a prevailing notion that this influx after 
the great famine was the commencement of Irish 
migration. In reality it was only the climax. 
Long before this, Irishmen were found in the col- 
onies, chiefly as indentured servants; they were in 
the Continental Army as valiant soldiers; they were 
in the western flux that filled the Mississippi Valley 
as useful pioneers. How many there were we do 
not know. As early as 1737, however, there were 
enough in Boston to celebrate St. Patrick's Day, 
and in 1762 they poured libations to their favorite 
saint in New York City, for the Mercury in an- 
nouncing the meeting said, "Gentlemen that 
please to attend will meet with the best Usage." 
On March 17, 1776, the English troops evacu- 
ated Boston and General Washington issued the 
following order on that date: 

Parole Boston 

Countersign St. Patrick 

The regiments under marching orders to march tomorrow morn- 
ing. By His Excellency's conmiand. 

Brigadier of the Day 
Gen. John Suluvan. 

Thus did the Patriot Army gracefully acknowledge 
the day and the people. 


In 1784, on the first St. Patrick's Day after the 
evacuation of New York City by the British, there 
was a glorious celebration "spent in festivity and 
mirth." As the newspaper reporter put it, "the 
greatest unanimity and conviviality pervaded" a 
"numerous and jovial company." 

Branches of the Society of United Irishmen were 
formed in American cities soon after the foimding 
of the order in Ireland. Many veterans of '98 
found their way to America, and between 1800 and 
1820 many thousand followed the course of the 
setting sun. Their number cannot be ascertained; 
but there were not a few. In 1818 Irish immigrant 
associations were organized by the Irish in New 
York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore to aid the new- 
comers in finding work. Many filtered into the 
United States from Canada, Newfoundland, and 
the West Indies. These earlier arrivals were not 
composed of the abjectly poor who comprised the 
majority of the great exodus, and especially among 
the political exiles there were to be found men of 
some means and education. 

America became extremely popular in Ireland 
after the Revolution of 1776, partly because the 
English were defeated, partly because of Irish 
democratic aspirations, but particularly because it 


was a land of generous economic and political pos- 
sibilities. The Irish at once claimed a kinship with 
the new republic, and the ocean became less of a 
barrier than St. George's Channel. 

"The States," as they were called, became a 
synonym of abundance. The most lavish reports 
of plenty were sent back by the newcomers — of 
meat daily, of white bread, of comfortable clothing. 
"There is a great many ill conveniences here," 
writes one, "but no empty bellies." In England 
and Ireland and Scotland the number of poor who 
longed for this abundance exceeded the capacity 
of the boats. Many who would have willingly gone 
to America lacked the passage money. The Irish 
peasant, born and reared in extreme poverty, was 
peculiarly unable to scrape together enough to 
pay his way. The assistance which he needed, 
however, was forthcoming from various sources. 
Friends and relatives in America sent him money; 
in later years this practice was very common. So- 
cieties were organized to help those who could not 
help themselves. Railroad and canal companies, 
in great need of labor, imported workmen by the 
thousands and advanced their passage money. 
And finally, the local authorities found shipping 
their paupers to another country a convenient way 


of getting rid of them. England early resorted 
to the same method. In 1849 the Irish poor law 
guardians were given authority to borrow money 
for such "assistance," as it was called. In 1881 the 
Land Commission and in 1882 the Commissioner 
of Public Works were authorized to advance money 
for this purpose. In 1884 and 1885 over sixteen 
thousand persons were thus assisted from Galway 
and Mayo counties. 

Long before the great Irish famine of 1846-47 
America appeared like a mirage, and wondering 
peasants in their dire distress exaggerated its opu- 
lence and opportunities. They braved the perils 
of the sea and trusted to luck in the great new 
world. The journey in itself was no small ad- 
venture. There were some sailings directly from 
Ireland; but most of the Irish immigrants were 
collected at Liverpool by agents not always scrup- 
ulous in their dealings. A hurried inspection at 
Liverpool gained them the required medical cer- 
tificates, and they were packed into the ships. 
Of the voyage one passenger who made the journey 
from Belfast in 1795 said: "The slaves who are 
carried from the coast of Africa have much more 
room allowed them than the immigrants who 
pass from Ireland to America, for the avarice of 


captains in that trade is such that they think they 
can never load their vessels suflBciently, and they 
trouble their heads in general no more about the 
accommodation and storage of their passengers 
than of any other lumber aboard." When the 
great immigrant invasion of America began, there 
were not half enough ships for the passengers, all 
were cruelly overcrowded, and many were so filthy 
that even American port officials refused a landing 
before cleansing. Under such conditions sickness 
was a matter of course, and of the hordes who 
started for the promised land thousands perished 
on the way. ' 

Hope sustained the voyagers. But what must 
have been the disappointment of thousands when 
they landed! No ardent welcome awaited them, 
nor even jobs for the majority. Alas for the rosy 
dreams of opulence! Here was a prosaic place 

* According to the Edinburgh Review of July, 1854, "Liverpool 
was crowded with emigrants, and ships could not be found to do 
the work. The poor creatures were packed in dense masses, in 
ill* ventilated and unsea worthy vessels, under charge of improper 
masters, and the natural results followed. Pestilence chased the 
fugitive to complete the work of famine. Fifteen thousand out 
of ninety thousand emigrants in British bottoms, in 1847, died on 
the passage or soon after arrival. The American vessels, owing to 
a stringent passenger law, were better managed, but the hospitals 
of New York and Boston were nevertheless crowded with patients 
from Irish estates." 


where toil and sweat were the condition of mere 
existence. As the poor creatures had no means of 
moving on, they huddled in the ports of arrival. 
Almshouses were filled, beggars wandered in every 
street, and these peasants accustomed to the soil 
and the open country were congested in the cities, 
unhappy misfits in an entirely new economic en- 
vironment. Unskilled in the handicrafts, they[ 
were forced to accept the lot of the common laborer, i 
Fortimately, the great influx came at the time of 
rapid turnpike, canal, and railroad expansion.^ 
Thousands found their way westward with con- 
tractors' gangs. The free lands, however, did not 
lure them. They preferred to remain in the cities. 
New York in 1850 sheltered 133,000 Irish. Phila- 
delphia, Boston, New Orleans, Cincinnati, Albany, 
Baltimore, and St. Louis, followed, in the order 
given, as favorite lodging places, and there was not 
one rapidly growing western city, such as Buffalo, 
Cleveland, Detroit, and Chicago, that did not 
have its "Irish town" or "Shanty town" where 
the immigrants clung together. 

Their brogue and dress provoked ridicule; their 
poverty often threw them upon the community; 
the large percentage of illiteracy among them 
evoked little sympathy; their inclinations towards 


intemperance and improvidence were not neutral- 
ized by their great good nature and open-handed- 
ness; their religion reawoke historical bitterness; 
their genius for politics aroused jealousy; their pro- 
clivity to unite in clubs, associations, and semi-mili- 
tary companies made them the objects of official 
suspicion; and above all, their willingness to assume 
the offensive, to resent instantly insult or intimi- 
dation, brought them into frequent and violent 
contact with their new neighbors. "America for 
Americans" became the battle cry of reactionaries, 
who organized the American or "Know-Nothing" 
party and sought safety at the polls. While all 
foreign elements were grouped together, indiscrimi- 
nately, in the mind of the nativist, the Irishman 
unfortunately was the special object of his spleen, 
because he was concentrated in the cities and there- 
fore offered a visual and concrete example of the 
danger of foreign mass movements, because he was 
a Roman Catholic and thus awakened ancient re- 
ligious prejudices that had long been slumbering, 
and because he fought back instantly, valiantly, 
and vehemently. 

Popular suspicion against the foreigner in Amer- 
ica began almost as soon as immigration assumed 
large proportions. In 1816 conservative newspapers 


called attention to the new problems that the 
Old World was thrusting upon the New: the pov- ^ 
erty of the foreigner, his low standard of living, 
his illiteracy and slovenliness, his ignorance of 
American ways and his unwillingness to submit to 
them, his clannishness, the danger of his organizing 
and capturing the political offices and ultimately 
the Government. In addition to the alarmist and 
the prejudiced, careful and thoughtful citizens 
were aroused to the danger. Unfortunately, how- 
ever, religious antagonisms were aroused and, as 
is always the case, these differences awakened the 
profoundest prejudices and passions of the human 
heart. There were many towns in New England 
and in the West where Roman Catholicism was un- 
known except as a traditional enemy of free in- 
stitutions. It is diflficult to realize in these days of 
tolerance the feelings aroused in such communities 
when Catholic churches, parochial schools, and con- 
vents began to appear among them; and when the 
devotees of this faith displayed a genius for prac- 
tical politics, instinctive distrust developed into 
lively suspicion. 

The specter of ecclesiastical authority reared it- 
self, and the question of sharing public school 
moneys with parochial schools and of reading the 


Bible in the public schools became a burning issue. 
Here and there occurred clashes that were more 
than barroom brawls. Organized gangs infested 
the cities. Both sides were sustained and en- 
coiu-aged by partisan papers, and on several oc- 
/ / casions the antagonism spent themselves in riots 
and destruction. In 1834 the Ursuline convent at 
Charlestown, near Boston, was sacked and burned. 
Ten years later occurred the great anti-Irish riots 
in Philadelphia, in which two Catholic churches 
and a schoolhouse were burned by a mob inflamed 
to hysteria by one of the leaders who held up a torn 
American flag and shouted, "This is the flag that 
was trampled on by Irish papists. " Prejudice ac- 
companied fear into every city and "patented citi- 
zens" were often subject to abuse and even perse- 
cution. Tammany Hall in New York City became 
the political fortress of the Irish. Election riots 
of the first magnitude were part of the routine of 
elections, and the "Bloody Sixth Ward Boys" were 
notorious for their hooliganism on election day. 

The suggestions of the nativists that paupers 
and criminals be excluded from immigration were 
not embodied into law. The movement soon was 
lost in the greater questions which slavery was 
thrusting into the foreground. When the fight 


with nativism was over, the Irish were in posses- 
sion of the cities. They displayed an amazing apti- 
tude for political plotting and organization and for 
that prime essential to political success popularly 
known as "mixing." Policemen and aldermen, 
ward heelers, bosses, and mayors, were known by 
their brogue. The Irish demonstrated their loy- 
alty to the Union in the Civil War and merged 
readily into American life after the lurid prejudices 
against them faded. 

Unfortunately, a great deal of this prejudice was 
revived when the secret workings of an Irish organ- 
ization in Pennsylvania were unearthed. Among 
the anthracite coal miners a society was formed, 
probably about 1854, called the Molly Maguires, a 
name long known in Ireland. The members were 
all Irish, professed the Roman Catholic faith, and 
were active in the Ancient Order of Hibernians. 
The Church, the better class of Irishmen, and the 
Hibernians, however, were shocked by the doings 
of the Molly Maguires and utterly disowned them. 
They began their career of blackmail and bullying 
by sending threats and death notices embellished 
with crude drawings of coffins and pistols to those 
against whom they fancied they had a grievance, 
usually the mine boss or an unpopular foreman. 


If the recipient did not heed the threat, he was 
waylaid and beaten and his family was abused. By 
the time of the Civil War these bullies had terror- 
ized the entire anthracite region. Through their 
political .influence they elected sherifPs and con- 
stables, chiefs of police and county commissioners. 
As they became bolder, they substituted arson and 
murder for threats and bullying, and they made life 
intolerable by their reckless brutality. It was im- 
possible to convict them, for the hatred against an 
informer, inbred in every Irishman through genera- 
tions of experience in Ireland, united with fear in 
keeping competent witnesses from the courts. Fi- 
nally the president of one of the large coal companies 
employed James McParlan, a remarkably clever 
Irish detective. He joined the Mollies, somehow 
eluded their suspicions, and slowly worked his way 
into their confidence. An unusually brutal and 
cowardly murder in 1875 proved his opportunity. 
When the courts finished with the Mollies, nineteen 
of their members had been hanged, a large number 
imprisoned, and the organization was completely! 
wiped out. 

Meantime the Fenian movement served to keep j 
the Irish in the public eye. This was no less than 
an attempt to free Ireland and disrupt the British 


Empire, using the United States as a fulcrum, the 
Irish in America as the power, and Canada as the 
lever. James Stephens, who organized the Irish 
Repubhcan Brotherhood, came to America in 1858 
to start a similar movement. After the Civil War, 
which supplied a training school for whole regi- 
ments of Irish soldiers, a convention of Fenians was 
held at Philadelphia in 1865 at which an *' Irish 
Republic" was organized, with a full complement 
of officers, a Congress, a President, a Secretary of 
the Treasury, a Secretary of War, in fact, a replica 
of the American Federal Government. It assumed 
the highly absurd and dangerous position that 
it actually possessed sovereignty. The luxurious 
mansion of a pill manufacturer in Union Square, 
New York, was transformed into its government 
house, and bonds, embellished with shamrocks and 
harps and a fine portrait of WoKe Tone, were issued, 
payable "ninety days after the establishment of 
the Irish Republic. " Differences soon arose, and 
Stephens, who had made his escape from Rich- 
mond, near Dublin, where he had been in prison, 
hastened to America to compose the quarrel which 
had now assumed true Hibernian proportions. An 
attempt to land an armed gang on the Island of 
Campo Bello on the coast of New Brunswick was 


frustrated; invaders from Vermont spent a night 
over the Canadian border before they were driven 
back; and for several days Fort Erie on Niagara 
River was held by about 1500 Fenians.^ General 
Meade was thereupon sent by the Federal au- 
thorities to put an end to these ridiculous breaches 
of neutrality. 

Neither Meade nor any other authority, however, 
could stop the flow of Fenian adjectives that now 
issued from a hundred indignation meetings all over 
the land when Canada, after due trial, proceeded to 
sentence the guilty culprits captured in the "Battle 
of Limestone Ridge, " as the tussle with Canadian 
regulars near Fort Erie was called. Newspapers 
abounded with tales of the most startling designs 
upon Canada and Britain. There then occurred 
a strong reaction to the Fenian movement, and the 
American people were led to wonder how much of 
truth there was in a statement made by Thomas 
D'Arcy McGee. ^ " This very Fenian organization 
in the United States, " he said, "what does it really 

* Oberholtzer, History of the United States since the Civil War, 
Tol. I, p. 526 ff. 

» Thomas D'Arcy McGee (1825-1868), one of the leaders of the 
"Young Ireland" party, fled for political reasons to the United 
States in 1848, where he established the New York Nation and the 
American Celt, When he changed his former attitude of opposi- 
tion to British rule in Ireland he was attacked by the extreme 


prove but that the Irish are still an alien popula- 
tion, camped but not settled in America, with for- 
eign hopes and aspirations, unshared by the people 
among whom they live?" 

The Irishman today is an integral part of every 
large American community. Although the restric- 
tive legislation of two centuries ago has long been 
repealed and a new land system has brought great 
prosperity to his island home, the Irishman has not 
abated one whit in his temperamental attitude to- 
wards England and as a consequence some 40,000 
or 50,000 of his fellow countrymen come to the 
United States every year. Here he has been dis- 
possessed of his monopoly of shovel and pick by 
the French Canadian in New England and by the 

Irish patriots in the United States and in consequence moved to 
Canada, where he founded the New Era and began to practice law. 
Subsequently, with the support of the Irish Canadians, he repre- 
sented Montreal in the Parliament of United Canada (1858) and 
was President of the Council (1862) in the John Sandfield Mac- 
donald Administration. When the Irish were left unrepresented 
in the reorganized Cabinet in the following year, McGee became 
an adherent of Sir John A. Macdonald, and in 1864 he was made 
Minister of Agriculture in the Tache- Macdonald Administration. 
An ardent supporter of the progressive policies of his adopted 
country, he was one of the Fathers of Confederation and was a 
member of the first Dominion Parliament in 1867. His denuncia- 
tions, both in Ireland (1865) and in Canada, of the policies and 
activities of the Fenians led to his assassination at Ottawa on 
April 7, 1868. 


Italian, Syrian, and Armenian in other parts of the 
country. He finds work in factories, for he still 
shuns the soil, much as he professes to love the "old 
sod. " A great change has come over the economic 
condition of the second and third generation of 
Irish immigrants. Their remarkable buoyancy of 
temperament is everywhere displayed. Bridget's 
3^ daughter has left the kitchen and is a school teacher, 
'iP\^ a stenographer, a saleswoman, a milliner, or a dress- 
maker; her son is a clerk, a bookkeeper, a traveling 
salesman, or a foreman. Wherever the human 
touch is the essential of success, there you find the 
Irish. That is why in some cities one-half the teach- 
ers are Irish; why salesmanship lures them; why 
they are the most successful walking delegates, 
solicitors, agents, foremen, and contractors. In 
the higher walks of life you find them where dash, 
brilliance, cleverness, and emotion are demanded. 
The law and the priesthood utilize their eloquence, 
journalism their keen insight into the human side 
of news, and literature their imagination and 
humor. They possess a positive genius for organi- 
zation and management. The labor unions are led 
by thein; and what would municipal politics be 
without them.f^ The list of eminent names which 
they have contributed to these callings will increase 


as their generations multiply in the favorable Ameri- 
can environment. But remote indeed is the day and 
complex must be the experience that will erase the 
memory of the ancient Erse proverb, which their 
racial temperament evoked: " Contention is better 
than loneliness." 



As the Irish wave of immigration receded the Teu- 
tonic wave rose and brought the second great influx j 
of foreigners to American shores. A greater ethnic 
contrast could scarcely be imagined than that which 
was now afforded by these two races, the phleg- 
matic, plodding German and the vibrant Irish, a 
contrast in American life as a whole which was soon 
represented in miniature on the vaudeville stage by 
popular burlesque representations of both types. 
The one was the opposite of the other in temper- j 
ament, in habits, in personal ambitions. The Ger- 
man sought the land, was content to be let alone, 
had no desire to command others or to mix with \ 
them, but was determined to be reliable, philo- 
sophically took things as they came, met opposi- 
tion with patience, clung doggedly to a few cher- 
ished convictions, and sought passionately to pos- 
sess a home and a family, to master some minute 


mechanical or teclinical detail, and to take his lei- 
sure and his amusements in his own customary way. 
The reports of the Immigration Conunissioner 
disclose the fact that well over five and a third mil- 
lions of Germans migrated to America between 
1823 and 1910. If to this enormous number were 
added those of German blood who came from Aus- 
tria and the German cantons of Switzerland, from 
Luxemburg and the German settlements of Russia, 
it would reach a grand total of well over seven mil- 
lion Germans who have sought an ampler life in 
America. The Census of 1910 reports "that there 
were 8,282,618 white persons in the United States 
having Germany as their country of origin, com- 
prising 2,501,181 who were born in Germany, 
3,911,847 born in the United States both of whose 
parents were born in Germany, and 1,869,590 born 
in the United States and having one parent born 
in the United States and the other in Germany."^ 

' According to the Census of 1910 the nationality of the total 
number of white persons of foreign stock in the United States is 
distributed chiefly as follows: 




25.7 per cent 




14.0 " " 




8.6 " " 




7.9 " " 




7.2 " " 




6.6 " " 




6.2 « " 


The coming of the Germans may be divided into 
three quite distinct migrations: the early, the mid- 
dle, and the recent. The first period includes all 
who came before the radical ferment which began 
to agitate Europe after the Napoleonic wars. The 
Federal census of 1790 discloses 176,407 Germans 
living in America. But German writers usually 
maintain that there were from 225,000 to 250,000 
Germans in the colonies at the time of the Declara- 
tion of Independence. They had been driven f roF» 
the fatherland by religious persecution and eco- 
nomic want. Every German state contributed to 
their number, but the bulk of this migration came 
from the Palatinate, Wiirttemberg, Baden, and Al- 
sace, and the German cantons of Switzerland. The 
majority were of the peasant and artisan class who 
usually came over as redemptioners. Yet there 
were not wanting among them many persons of 
means and of learning. 

Pennsylvania was the favorite distributing point j 
for these German hosts. Thence they pushed] 

Furthermore, the significance of the foreign born element in the 
population of the United States can be gathered from the fact 
that, in 1910, of the 91,972,266 inhabitants of the United 
States, no less than 13,515,886 or 14.6 per cent were born in 
some other country. 


southward through the beautiful Shenandoah Val- 
ley into Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, 
and northward into New Jersey. Large numbers 
entered at Charleston and thence went to the fron- 
tiers of South Carolina. The Mohawk Valley in 
New York and the Berkshires of Massachusetts 
harbored many. But not all of them moved in- 
land. They were to be found scattered on the 
coast from Maine to Georgia. Boston, New York 
City, Baltimore, New Bern, Wilmington, Charles- 
ton, and Savannah, all counted Germans in their 
populations . However strictly these German neigh- 
borhoods may have maintained the customs of 
their native land, the people thoroughly identi- 
fied themselves with the patriot cause and supplied 
soldiers, leaders, money, and enthusiasm to the 
cause of the Revolutionary War. 

Benjamin Rush, the distinguished Philadelphia 
physician and publicist, one of the signers of the 
Declaration of Independence, wrote in 1789 a de- 
scription of the Germans of Pennsylvania which 
would apply generally to all German settlements 
at that time and to many of subsequent date. The 
Pennsylvania German farmer, he says, was distin- 
guished above everything else for his self-denying 
thrift, housing his horses and cattle in commodious. 


warm barns, while he and his family lived in a log 
hut until he was well able to afford a more comfort- 
able house; selling his "most profitable grain, 
which is wheat" and "eating that which is less 
profitable but more nourishing, that is, rye or In- 
dian corn"; breeding the best of livestock so that 
"a German horse is known in every part of the 
State" for his "extraordinary size or fat"; clear- 
ing his land thoroughly, not "as his English or 
Irish neighbors"; cultivating the most bountiful 
gardens and orchards; living frugally, working con- 
stantly, fearing God and debt, and rearing large 
families. " A German farm may be distinguished," 
concludes this writer, "from the farms of other 
citizens by the superior size of their barns, the plain 
but compact form of their houses, the height of 
their enclosures, the extent of their orchards, the 
fertility of their fields, the luxuriance of their mead- 
ows, and a general appearance of plenty and neat- 
ness in everything that belongs to them. " ' Rush's 
praise of the German mechanics is not less stinted. 
They were found in that day mainly as "weavers, 
taylors, tanners, shoe-makers, comb-makers, smiths 
of all kinds, butchers, paper makers, watchmakers, 

^An Account of the Manners of the German Inhabitants of 





Photographs In Lewis W. Hine. 


w»rm baxnjs, while be ard his family lived in a log 
hut until he was weD ifford a more comfort- 

able house; selling his 'most profitable grain, 
which is wheat" and "eating that which is less 
prpfitable but more nourishing, that isy rye or In- 
dian cora'^^^br^^^ji^ that 
"a German horse i:s known in everx part of the 
State" for his "extraordinary size or fat"; clear- 
ing his land ghly, not "as his English or 
Irish neighb iltivating the most bountiful 
gardens and i* if.aus; living frugally, working con- 
stantly, fearing God and debt> jmrl ppnriTuy }iirge 
families. "A German farm ma j l/* 
concludes this writer, "from the farms of other 
citizens by the superior size of their barns, the plain 
but compact form of their houses, th' ' " of 
their * n Io<«T^- ** y^K^^^te^fet^ttheir hv 

frrinit\ Ol tL .. .,^, theluxiirint.. .i.v.,ttd- 

and a general appearajr d neat- 

erything that Iw^liHig.^ ' Rush's 

the German mechauies is not less stinted. 

1 in that day mainly as "weavers, 

^ ' "^ * mb-makers, smiths 

ers, watchmakers 

German InkaiktanT 

till :ir ^iw-Kl /d grfqBi^oJoriS 


and sugar bakers. " Their first desire was " to be- 
come freeholders, " and they almost invariably suc- 
ceeded. German merchants and bankers also pros- 
pered in Philadelphia, Germantown, Lancaster, 
and other Pennsylvania towns. One-third of the 
population of Pennsylvania, Rush says, was of 
German origin, and for their convenience a German 
edition of the laws of the State was printed. 

After the Revolution, a number of the Hessian 
hirelings who had been brought over by the British 
settled in America. They usually became farmers, 
although some of the officers taught school. They 
joined the German settlements, avoiding the Eng- 
lish-speaking communities in the United States 
because of the resentment shown towards them. 
Their number is unknown. Frederick Kapp, a 
German writer, estimates that, of the 29,875 sent 
over, 12,562 never returned — but he fails to tell 
us how many of these remained because of Yankee 
bullets or bayonets. 

The second period of German migration began 
about 1820 and lasted through the Civil War. Be- 1 
fore 1830 the number of immigrants fluctuated be- 
tween 200 and 2000 a year; in 1832 it exceeded 
10,000; in 1834 it was over 17,000; three years later 
it reached nearly 24,000; between 1845 and 1860 


there arrived 1,250,000, and 200,000 came during 
the Civil War. 

There were several causes, working in close con- 
junction, that impelled these thousands to leave 
Germany. Economic disturbances doubtless turned 
the thoughts of the hungry and harassed to the land 
of plenty across the sea. But a potent cause of the 
great migration of the thirties and forties was the 
universal social and political discontent which fol- 
lowed in the wake of the Napoleonic wars. The 
German people were still divided into numberless 
small feudalities whose petty dukes and princes 
clung tenaciously to their medieval prerogatives 
and tyrannies. The contest against Napoleon had 
been waged by German patriots not only to over- 
come a foreign foe but to break the tyrant at home. 
The hope for constitutional government, for a re- 
presentative system and a liberal legislation in the 
German States rose mightily after Waterloo. But 
the promises of princes made in days of stress were 
soon forgotten, and the Congress of Vienna had 
established the semblance of a German federation 
upon a unity of reactionary rulers, not upon a 
constitutional, representative basis. 

The reaction against this bitter disappointment 
was led by the eager German youth, who, inspired 


by liberal ideals, now thirsted for freedom of 
thought, of speech, and of action. Friedrich Lud- 
wig Jahn, a German patriot, organized everywhere 
Turnvereine, or gymnastic clubs, as a tangible form 
of expressing this demand. Among the students 
of the universities liberal patriotic clubs called 
Burschenschaften were organized, idealistic in their 
aims and impractical in their propaganda, where 
"every man with his bonnet on his head, a pot of 
beer in his hand, a pipe or seegar in his mouth, and a 
song upon his lips, never doubting but that he and 
his companions are training themselves to be the 
regenerators of Europe, " vowed "the liberation of 
Germany.'* Alas for the enthusiasms of youth! 
In 1817 the Burschenschaften held a mass reunion at 
the Wartburg. Their boyish antics were greatly ex- 
aggerated in the conservative papers and the gov- 
ernments increased their vigilance. In 1 8 1 9 Kotze- 
bue, a reactionary publicist, was assassinated by a 
member of the Jena Burschenschaft, and the retalia- 
tion of the government was prompt and thoroughly 
Prussian — gagging of the press and of speech, dis- 
solution ol all liberal organizations, espionage, the 
hounding of all suspects. There seemed to remain 
only flight to liberal democratic America. But the 
suppression of the clubs did not entirely put out the 


fires of constitutional desires. These smoldered 
until the storms of '48 fanned them into a fitful 
blaze. For a brief hour the German Democrat had 
the feudal lords cowed. Frederick William, the 
"romantic'* Hohenzollern, promised a constitution 
to the threatening mob in Berlin; the King of Sax- 
ony and the Grand Duke of Bavaria fled their capi- 
tals; revolts occurred in Silesia, Posen, Hesse-Cas- 
sel, and Nassau. Then struck the first great hour 
of modern Prussia, as, with her heartless and disci- 
plined soldiery, she restored one by one the fright- 
ened dukes and princes to their prerogatives and 
repressed relentlessly and with Junker rigor every 
liberal concession that had crept into laws and in- 
stitutions. Strangled liberalism could no longer 
breathe in Germany, and thousands of her revolu- 
tionists fled to America, bringing with them almost 
the last vestige of German democratic leadership. 
In the meantime, economic conditions in Ger- 
many remained unsatisfactory and combined with 
political discontent to uproot a population and 
transplant it to a new land. The desire to immi- 
grate, stimulated by the transportation companies, 
spread like a fever. Whole villages sold out and, 
with their pastor or their physician at their head, 
shipped for America. A British observer who 


visited the Rhine country in 1846 commented on 
"the long files of carts that meet you every mile, 
carrying the whole property of these poor wretches 
who are about to cross the Atlantic on the faith of 
a lying prospectus." But these people were nei- 
ther "poor wretches" nor dupes. They had coin 
in their pockets, and in their heads a more or less 
accurate knowledge of the land of their desires. At 
this time the German bookshops were teeming with 
little volumes giving, in the methodical Teutonic 
fashion, conservative advice to prospective immi- 
grants and rather accurate descriptions of Ameri- 
ca, with statistical information and abstracts of Am- 
erican laws. Many of the immigrants had further 
detailed information from relatives and friends al- 
ready prospering on western farms or in rapidly grow- 
ing towns. This was, therefore, far from a pauper 
invasion. It included every class, even broken-down 
members of the nobility. The majority were, nat- 
urally, peasants and artisans, but there were multi- 
tudes of small merchants and farmers . And the po- 
litical refugees included many men of substantial 
property and of notable intellectual attainments. ' 

» J. G. EKcker, a well-informed and prosperous German who 
took the journey by steerage in a sailing vessel in 1849» wrote an 
instructive description of his experiences. Of his fellow passengers 


Bremen was the favorite port of departure for 
these German emigrants to America. Havre, 
Hamburg, and Antwerp were popular, and even 
London. During the great rush every ship was 
overcrowded and none was over sanitary. Steer- 
age passengers were promiscuously crowded to- 
gether and furnished their own food; and the ship's 
crew, the captain, the agents who negotiated the 
voyage, and the sharks who awaited their arrival 
in America, all had a share in preying upon the in- 
experience of the immigrants. Arrived in America, 
these Germans were not content to settle, like 
dregs, in the cities on the seacoast. They were 
land lovers, and westward they started at once, usu- 
ally in companies, sometimes as whole communities, 
by way of the Erie Canal and the Great Lakes, 
and later by the new railway lines, into Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois^ Michigan, Missouri, Wisconsin, 
and Iowa, where their instinct for the soil taught 
them to select the most fertile spots. Soon their log 
cabins and their ample barns and flourishing stock 
bespoke their success. 

he said ; " Our company was very mixed. There were many young 
people: clerks, artists, musicians, architects, miners, mechanics, 
men of various professions, peasants, one man seventy-eight years 
old, another very aged Bavarian farmer, several families of Jews, 
etc., and a fair collection of children." 


The growing Western cities called to the skilled 
artisan, the small tradesman, and the intellectuals. 
Cincinnati early became a German center. In 
1830 the Germans numbered Bve per cent of its 
population; in 1840, twenty-three per cent; and in 
1869, thirty-four per cent. Milwaukee, "the Ger- 
man Athens, '* as it was once called, became the dis- 
tributing point of German immigration and influ- 
ence in the Northwest. Its Gesangvereine and Turn- 
vereine became as famous as its lager beer, and 
German was heard more frequently than English 
upon its streets. St. Louis was the center of a Ger- 
man influence that extended throughout the Mis- 
souri Valley. Cleveland, Chicago, Detroit, Buffalo, 
and many of the minor towns in the Middle West 
received substantial additions from this migration. 

Unlike the Irish, the Germans brought with 
them a strange language, and this proved a strong 
bond in that German solidarity which maintained 
itself in spite of the influence of their new en- 
vironment. In the glow of their first enthusiasm 
many of the intellectuals believed they could es- 
tablish a German state in America. " The founda- 
tions of a new and free Germany in the great 
North American Republic shall be laid by us," 
wrote Follenius, the dreamer, who desired to land 


enough Germans in "one of the American terri- 
tories to estabHsh an essentially German state." 
In 1833 the Giessener Gesellschaft, a company or- 
ganized in the Grand Duchy of Hesse, grew out of 
this suggestion and chose Arkansas as the site for 
its colony. But unfavorable reports turned the 
immigrants to Missouri, where settlements were 
made. These, however, never grew into a Ger- 
man state but merged quite contentedly into the 
prosperous American population. 

A second attempt, also from Hesse, had a tragic 
denouement. A number of German nobles formed 
a company called the Mainzer Adelsverein and in 
1842 sent two of their colleagues to Texas to seek 
out a site. The place chosen was ill-suited for a 
colony, however, and the whole enterprise from be- 
ginning to end was characterized by princely in- 
competence. Thousands of immigrants, lured by 
the company's liberal offers and glowing prospec- 
tus, soon found themselves in dire want; many per- 
ished of disease and hunger; and the company end- 
ed in ignominious disaster. The surviving colo- 
nists in Texas, however, when they realized that 
they must depend upon their own efforts, succeed- 
ed in finding work and eventually in establishing 
several flourishing communities. 


Finally, Wisconsin and Illinois were considered 
as possible sites for a Germany in America. But 
this ambition never assumed a concrete form. 
Everywhere the Americans, with their energy and 
organizing capacity, had preceded the incoming 
Germans and retained the political sovereignty of 
the American state. 

But while they did not establish a German state, 
these immigrants did cling to their customs wher- 
ever they settled in considerable numbers. Espe-' 
cially did they retain their original social life, their 
Turnvereine, their musical clubs, their sociable beer 
gardens, their picnics and excursions, their churches 
and parochial schools. They still celebrated their 
Christmas and other church festivals with Ger- 
man cookery and KucheUy and their weddings 
and christenings were enlivened but rarely de- 
bauched with generous libations of lager beer and 
wine. In the Middle West were whole regions 
where German was the familiar language for two 

There were three strata to this second German 
migration. The earlier courses were largely peas- 
ants and skilled artisans, those of the decade of the 
Civil War were mostly of the working classes, and 
between these came the "Forty-eighters." Upon 


them all, however, peasant, artisan, merchant, and 
intellectual, their experiences in their native land 
had made a deep impression. They all had a back- 
ground of political philosophy the nucleus of which 
was individual liberty; they all had a violent dis- 
taste for the petty tyrannies and espionages which 
contact with their own form of government had 
produced; and in coming to America they all 
sought, besides farms and jobs, political freedom. 
They therefore came in humility, bore in patience 
the disappointments of the first *rough contacts 
with pioneer America and its nativism, and few, if 
any, cherished the hope of going back to Germany. 
Though some of the intellectual idealists at first 
had indefinite enthusiasms about a Devischtum in 
America, these visions soon vanished. They ex- 
pressed no love for the governments they had 
left, however strong the cords of sentiment bound 
them to the domestic and institutional customs of 
their childhood. 

This was to a considerable degree an idealistic 
migration and as such it had a lasting influence 
upon American life. The industry of these people 
and their thrift, even to paring economy, have of- 
ten been extolled; but other nationalities have 
worked as hard and as successfully and have spent 


as sparingly. The special contribution to America 
which these Germans made lay in other qualities. 
Their artists and musicians and actors planted the 
first seeds of aesthetic appreciation in the raw West 
where the repertoire had previously been limited to 
Money Musk, The Arkansas Traveler, and Old Dog 
Tray. The liberal tendencies of German thought 
mellowed the austere Puritanism of the prevalent 
theology. The respect which these people had for 
intellectual attainments potently influenced the 
educational system of America from the kinder- 
garten to the newly founded state universities. 
Their political convictions led them to espouse with 
ardor the cause of the Union in the war upon slav- 
ery; and their sturdy independence in partisan poli- 
tics was no small factor in bringing about civil 
service reform. They established German news- 
papers by the hundreds and maintained many Ger- 
man schools and German colleges. They freely in- 
dulged their love for German customs. But while 
their sentimentalism was German, their realism 
was American. They considered it an honor to 
become American citizens. Their leaders became 
American leaders. Carl Schurz was not an isolated 
example. He was associated with a host of able, 
careful, constructive Germans. 


The greatest quarrels of these German immi- 
grants with American ways were over the so-called 
"Continental Sabbath " and the right to drink beer 
when and where they pleased. "Only when his 
beer is in danger, " wrote one of the leading Forty- 
eighters, " does the German- American rouse himself 
and become a berserker. " The great numbers of 
these men in many cities and in some of the West- 
ern States enabled them to have German taught in 
the public schools, though it is only fair to say that 
the underlying motive was liberalism rather than 
Prussian provincialism. Frederick Kapp, a distin- 
guished interpreter of the spirit of these Forty- 
eighters, expressed their conviction when he said 
that those who cared to remain German should 
remain in Germany and that those who came to 
America were under solemn obligations to become 

The descendants of these immigrants, the second 
and the third and fourth generations, are now thor- 
oughly absorbed into every phase of American life. 
Their national idiosyncrasies have been modified 
and subdued by the gentle but relentless per- 
sistence of the English language and the robust 
vigor of American law and American political 


After 1870 a great change came over the German 
immigration. More and more industrial workers, 
but fewer and fewer peasants, and very rarely an 
intellectual or a man of substance, now appeared at 
Ellis Island for admission to the United States.* 
The facilities for migrating were vastly increased 
by the great transatlantic steamship companies. 
The new Germans came in hordes even outnumber- 
ing the migrations of the fifties. From 1870 to 1910 
over three and a quarter millions arrived. The 
highest point of the wave, however, was reached 
in 1882, when 250,630 German immigrants entered 
the United States. Thereafter the number rapid- 
ly subsided; the lowest ebb, in 1898, brought only 
17,111, but from that time until the Great War 
the number of annual arrivals fluctuated between 
25,000 and 40,000. 

The majority of those who came in the earlier 
part of this period made their way to the Western 
lands. The Dakotas, Nebraska, Kansas, Iowa, 

' There were three potent reasons for this migration: financial / 
stringency, overpopulation, and the growing rigor of the military | 
service. Over ten thousand processes a year were issued by the 
German Government in 1872 and 1873 for evasion of military 
duty. Germans who had become naturalized American citizens 
were arrested when they returned to the Fatherland for a visit 
on the charge of having evaded military service. A treaty be- 
tween the two countries finally adjusted this diflSculty. 


and the Far West, still offered alluring opportuni- 
ties. But as these lands were gradually taken, the 
later influx turned towards the cities. Here the 
immigrants not only found employment in those 
trades and occupations which the Germans for 
years had virtually monopolized, but they also be- 
came factory workers in great numbers, and many 
of them went into the mining regions. 

It soon became apparent that the spirit of this 
latest migration was very different from that of the 
earlier ones. "I do not believe," writes a well- 
informed and patriotic Lutheran pastor in 1917, 
"that there is one among a thousand that has emi- 
grated on account of dissatisfaction with the Ger- 
man Government during the last forty-five years. " 
Humility on the part of these newcomers now grad- 
ually gave way to arrogance. Instead of appear- 
ing eager to embrace their new opportunities, they 
criticized everything they found in their new home. 
The contemptuous hauteur and provincial egotism 
of the modern Prussian, loathsome enough in the 
educated, were ridiculous in the poor immigrants. 
Gradually this Prussian spirit increased. In 1883 
it could still be said of the three hundred German- 
American periodicals, daily, weekly, and monthly, 
that in their tone they were thoroughly American. 


But ten or fifteen years later changes were appar- 
ent. In 1895 there were some five hundred Ger- 
man periodicals published in America, and many 
of the newer ones were rabidly Germanophile. 
The editors and owners of the older publications 
were dying out, and new hands were guiding the 
editorial pens. Often when there was no Ameri- 
can-born German available, an editor was import- 
ed fresh from Germany. He came as a German 
from a new Germany — that Prussianized Germany 
which unmasked itself in August, 1914, and which 
included in its dream of power the unswerving 
and undivided loyalty of all Germans who had 
migrated. The traditional American indifference 
and good nature became a shield for the Machi- 
avellian editors who now began to write not for 
the benefit of America but for the benefit of Ger- 
many. Political scandals, odious comparisons of 
American and German methods, and adroit criti- 
cisms of American ways were the daily pabulum 
fed to the German reader, who was left with the 
impression that everything in the United States 
was wrong, while everything in Germany was 
right. Before the United States entered the Great 
War, there was a most remarkable unanimity of 
expression among these German publications; 


afterwards, Congress found it necessary to enact 
rigorous laws against them. As a result, many of 
them were suppressed, and many others suspended 

German pastors, also, were not infrequently im- 
ported and brought with them the virus of the new 
Prussianism. This they injected into their con- 
gregations and especially into the children who 
attended their catechetical instruction. German 
"exchange professors, " in addition to their univer- 
sity duties, usually made a pilgrimage of the cities 
where the German influence was strong. The fos- 
tering of the German language became no longer 
merely a means of culture or an appurtenance to 
business but was insisted upon as a necessity to 
keep alive the German spirit, der Deutsche Geist. 
German parents were warned, over and over again, 
that once their children lost their language they 
would soon lose every active interest in Kultur. 
The teaching of German in the colleges and uni- 
versities assumed, undisguised and unashamed, 
the character of Prussian propaganda. The new 
immigrants from Germany were carefully protected 
from the deteriorating effect of American contacts, 
and, unlike the preceding generations of German 
immigrants, they took very little part in politics. 


Those who arrived after 1900 refused, usually, to 
become naturalized. 

The diabolical ingenuity of the German propa- 
ganda was subsequently laid bare, and it is known 
today that nearly every German club, church, 
school, and newspaper from about 1895 onward was 
being secretly marshaled into a powerful Teutonic 
homogeneity of sentiment and public opinion. The 
Kaiser boasted of his political influence through the 
German vote. The German-American League, in- 
corporated by Congress, had its branches in many 
States. Millions of dollars were spent by the Im- ; 
perial German Government to corrupt the millions 
of German birth in America. These disclosures, 
when they were ultimately made, produced in the 
United States a sharp and profound reaction against 
everything Teutonic. The former indifference com- 
pletely vanished and hyphen-hunting became a 
popular pastime. The charter of the German- 
American League was revoked by Congress. City 
after city took German from its school curriculum. 
Teutonic names of towns and streets were erased — 
half a dozen Berlins vanished overnight — and in 
their places appeared the names of French, British, 
and American heroes. 

But though the names might he erased, the 


German element remained. It had become incor- 
porated into the national bone and sinew, contrib- 
uting its thoroughness, stolidity, and solidity to 
the American stock. The power of liberal politi- 
cal institutions in America has been revealed, and 
thousands upon thousands of the sons and grand- 
sons of German immigrants crossed the seas in 
1917 and 1918 to bear aloft the starry standard up- 
on the fields of Flanders against the arrogance and 
brutality of the neo-Prussians. 



For over a century after the Revolution the great 
fact in American life was the unoccupied land, that 
vast stretch of expectant acreage lying fallow in 
the West. It kept the American buoyant, for it 
was an insurance policy against want. When his 
crops failed or his business grew dull, there was 
the West. When panic and disaster overtook him, 
there remained the West. When the family grew 
too large for the old homestead, the sons went west. 
And land, unlimited and virtually free, was the 
magnet that drew the foreign home seeker to the 
American shores. 

The first public domain after the formation of 
the Union extended from the Alleghanies to the 
Mississippi. This area was enlarged and pushed 
to the Rockies by the Louisiana Purchase (1803) 
and was again enlarged and extended to the Pacific 
by the acquisition of Oregon (1846) and the Mexican 



cession (1848) . The total area of the United States 
from coast to coast then comprised 8,025,000* 
square miles, of which over two-thirds were at one 
time or another public domain. Before the close 
of the Civil War the Government had disposed of 
nearly four hundred million acres but still retained 
in its possession an area three times as great as the 
whole of the territory which had been won from 
Great Britain in the Revolution. 

The public domain was at first looked upon as a 
source of revenue, and a minimum price was fixed 
by law at $2 an acre, though this rate was subse- 
quently (1820) lowered to $1.25 an acre. The 
West always wanted liberal land laws, but the 
South before the Civil War, fearing that the growth 
of the West would give the North superior strength, 
opposed any such generosity. When the North 
dominated Congress, the Homestead Law of 1862, 
providing that any person, twenty-one years of age, 
who was a citizen of the United States or who had 
declared his intention of becoming one, could ob- 
tain title to 160 acres of land by living upon it five 
years, making certain improvements, and paying 
the entry fee of ten dollars. 

^ Oberholtzer, History of the United States tinee tiie Citfil War, 
vol. I. p. 275. 


The Government laid out its vast estate in 
townships six miles square, which it subdivided 
into sections of 640 acres and quarter sections of 
160 acres. The quarter section was regarded as 
the public land unit and was the largest amount 
permitted for individual preemption and later 
for a homestead. Thus was the whole world in- 
vited to go west. Under the new law, 1,160,000 
acres were taken up in 1865. ' The settler no longer 
had to suffer the wearisome, heart-breaking tasks 
that confronted the pioneer of earlier years, for 
the railway and steamboat had for some time 
taken the place of the Conestoga wagon and the 
fitful sailboat. 

But the movement by railway and by steamboat 
was merely a continuation on a greater scale of what 
had been going on ever since the Revolution. The 
westward movement was begun, as we have seen, 
not by foreigners but by American farmers and 
settlers from seaboard and back country, thousands 
of whom, before the dawn of the nineteenth cen- 
tury, packed their household goods and families 
into covered wagons and followed the sunset trail. . 

The vanguard of this westward march was Amer- f 
lean, but foreign immigrants soon began to mingle 

^ Oberholtzer, supra cit, p. 278. 


with the caravans. At first these newcomers who 
heard the far call of the West were nearly all from 
the British Isles. Indeed so great was the exodus 
of these farmers that in 1816 the British journals 
in alarm asked Parliament to check the "ruinous 
drain of the most useful part of the population 
of the United Kingdom. " Public meetings were 
held in Great Britain to discuss the average man's 
prospect in the new country. Agents of land com- 
panies found eager crowds gathered to learn parti- 
culars. Whole neighborhoods departed for Amer- 
ica. In order to stop the exodus, the newspapers 
dwelt upon the hardship of the voyage and the ex- 
cesses of the Americans. But, until Australia, 
New Zealand, and Canada began to deflect migra- 
tion, the stream to the United States from England, 
Scotland, and Wales was constant and copious. 
Between 1820 and 1910 the number coming from 
Ireland was 4,212,169, from England 2,212,071, 
from Scotland 488,749, and from Wales 59,540. 

What proportion of this host found their way to 
the farms is not known. ' In the earlier years, the 

» The census of 1910 discloses the fact that of the 6,361,502 
farms in the United States 75 per cent were operated by native 
white Americans and only 10.5 per cent by foreign born whites. 
The foreign born were distributed as follows: Austria, 33,336; 
Hungary, 3827; England, 39,728; Ireland, 33,480; Scotland, 



Photographs by Lewis W. Hine. 

heard ilie far ca!! 
the British Isk 
of these farmers tl 

ill alarm asked Parliai ruinous 

drain of the mosi tiie population 

of the Unit —^ ^^ -meetings " -"' 

held in Op verage m 

prosper Agents of land corn- 

pan i wds gathered to learn parti- 

euL orhoods departed for Amer- 

ica. In order to stop the ' ' '< 

dwelt upon the hardship oi li 
cesses of the Americans. Bi 
New Zealand, and Canada began to deflect migra- 
tion, the stream to the United States from England, 
Sco Wales was oo 

•otland 488,741). 

- proportion of thi.^ thek* way to 

t know T years, the 

e. operate 

V foreiga 1 

follows: Ausi 

('land. 33.4S<^ 

.saiH .W aiwdJ y^d grfqaisoiodl 


majority of the English and Scotch sought the land. 
In western New York, in Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, 
and contiguous States there were many Scotch and 
English neighborhoods established before the Civil 
War. Since 1870, however, the incoming British 
have provided large numbers of skilled mechanics 
and miners, and the Welsh, also, have been drawn 
largely to the coal mines. 

The French Revolution drove many notables to 
exile in the United States, and several attempts 
were made at colonization. The names Gallipolis 
and Gallia County, Ohio, bear witness to their 
French origin. Gallipolis was settled in 1790 by 
adventurers from Havre, Bordeaux, Nantes, La 
Rochelie, and other French cities. The colony was 
promoted in France by Joel Barlow, an Ananias 
even among land sharks, representing the Scioto 
Land Company, or Companie du Scioto, one of the 
numerous speculative concerns that early sought to 
capitalize credulity and European ignorance of the 
West. The Company had, in fact, no title to the 
lands, and the wretched colonists found themselves 

10,220; Wales, 4110; France, 5832; Germany, 221,800; Holland, 
13,790; Italy, 10,614; Russia, 25,788; Poland, 7228; Denmark, 
28,375; Norway, 59,742; Sweden, 67,453; Switzerland, 14.333; 
Canada, 61,878. 


stranded in a wilderness for whose conquest they 
were unsuited. Of the colonists McMaster says: 
**Some could build coaches, some could make 
perukes, some could carve, others could gild with 
such exquisite carving that their work had been 
thought not unworthy of the King."' Congress 
came to the relief of these unfortunate people in 
1795 and granted them twenty-four thousand 
acres in Ohio. The town they founded never fully 
realized their early dreams, but, after a bitter 
struggle, it survived the log cabin days and was lat- 
er honored by a visit from Louis Philippe and from 
Lafayette. Very few descendants of the French 
colonists share in its present-day prosperity. 

The majority of the French who came to Amer- 
ica after 1820 were factory workers and profes- 
sional people who remained in the cities. There 
are great numbers of French Canadians in the 
factory towns of New England. There are, too, 
French colonies in America whose inhabitants can- 
not be rated as foreigners, for their ancestors were 
veritable pioneers. Throughout the Mississippi 
Valley, such French settlements as Kaskaskia, 
Prairie du Rocher, Cahokia, and others have left 
much more than a geographical designation and 

» HiHory of the People of the United States, vol. vii, p. 20S. 


have preserved an old world aroma of quaintness 
and contentment. 

Swiss immigrants, to the number of about 250,- 
000 and over 175,000 Dutch have found homes in 
America. The majority of the Swiss came from 
the German cantons of Switzerland. They have 
large settlements in Ohio, Wisconsin, and Cali- 
fornia, where they are very successful in dairying 
and stock raising. The Hollanders have taken 
root chiefly in western Michigan, between the Kala- 
mazoo and Grand rivers, on the deep black bottom 
lands suitable for celery and market gardening. 
The town of Holland there, with its college and 
churches, is the center of Dutch influence in the 
United States. Six of the eleven Dutch periodicals 
printed in America are issued from Michigan, and 
the majority of newcomers (over 80,000 have ar- 
rived since 1900) have made their way to that 
State. These sturdy and industrious people from 
Holland and Switzerland readily adapt themselves 
to American life. J 

No people have answered the call of the land in 
recent years as eagerly as have the Scandinavians. 
These modern vikings have within one generation 
peopled a large part of the great American North- 
west. In 1850 there were only eighteen thousand 


Scandinavians in the United States. The tide rose 
rapidly in the sixties and reached its height in the 
eighties, until over two million Scandinavian immi- 
grants have made America their home. They and 
their descendants form a very substantial part of the 
rural population. There are nearly half as many 
Norwegians in America as in Norway, which has 
emptied a larger proportion of its population into 
the American lap than any other country save Ire- 
land. About one-fourth of the world's Swedes 
and over one-tenth of the world's Danes dwell 
in America. 

The term Scandinavian is here used in the loose 
sense to embrace the peoples of the two peninsulas 
where dwell the Danes, the Norwegians, and the 
Swedes. These three branches of the same family 
have much in common, though for many years they 
objected to being thus rudely shaken together into 
one ethnic measure. The Swede is the aristocrat, 
the Norwegian the democrat, the Dane the conserv- 
ative. The Swede, polite, vivacious, fond of music 
and literature, is "the Frenchman of the North," 
the Norwegian is a serious viking in modern dress; 
the Dane remains a landsman, devoted to his fields, 
and he is more amenable than his northern kinsmen 
to the cultural influence of the South. 


The Norwegian, true to viking traditions, led 
the modern exodus. In 1825 the sloop Restoration^ 
the Mayflower of the Norse, landed a band of fifty- 
three Norwegian Quakers on Manhattan. These 
peasants settled at first in western New York. 
But within a few years most of them removed to 
Fox River, Illinois, whither were drawn most of 
the Norwegians who migrated before 1850. After 
the Civil War, the stream rapidly rose, until nearly 
seven hundred thousand persons of Norwegian 
birth have settled in America. 

The Swedish migration started in 1841, when 
Gustavus Unonius, a former student of the Uni- 
versity of Upsala, founded the colony of Pine Lake, 
near Milwaukee. His followers have been de- 
scribed as a strange assortment of "noblemen, ex- 
army officers, merchants, and adventurers, " whose 
experiences and talents were not of the sort that 
make pioneering successful. Frederika Bremer, 
the noted Swedish traveler, has left a description of 
the little cluster of log huts and the handful of peo- 
ple who "had taken with them the Swedish inclina- 
tion for hospitality and a merry life, without suflSc- 
iently considering how long it could last. " Their 
experiences form a romantic prelude to the great 
Swedish migration, which reached its height in the 


eighties. Today the Swedes form the largest ele- 
ment in the Scandinavian influx, for well over one 
million have migrated to the United States. 

Nearly three hundred thousand persons of Dan- 
ish blood have come into the country since the Civil 
War. A large number migrated from Schleswig- 
Holstein, after the forcible annexation of that prov- 
ince by Prussia in 1866, preferring the freedom of 
America to the tyranny of Berlin. 

Whatever distinctions in language and customs 
may have characterized these Northern peoples, 
they had one ambition in common — the desire to 
own tillable land. So they made of the Northwest 
a new Scandinavia, larger and far more prosperous 
than that which Gustavus Adolphus had planned 
in colonial days for his colony in Delaware. One 
can travel today three hundred miles at a stretch 
across the prairies of the Dakotas or the fields of 
Minnesota without leaving land that is owned by 
Scandinavians. They abound also in Wisconsin, 
Northern Illinois, Eastern Nebraska, and Kansas, 
and Northern Michigan. Latterly the lands of Ore- 
gon and Washington are luring them by the thou- 
sands, while throughout the remaining West there 
are scattered many prosperous farms cultivated by 
representatives of this hardy race. Latterly this 


stream of Scandinavians has thinned to about one- 
half its former size. In 1910, 48,000 came; in 1911, 
42,000; in 1912, 27,000; in 1913, 33,000. The later 
immigrant is absorbed by the cities, or sails upon 
the Great Lakes or in the coastwise trade, or works 
in lumber camps or mines. Wherever you find a 
Scandinavian, however, he is working close to na- 
ture, even though he is responding to the call of 
the new industry. 

It is the consensus of opinion among competent f 
observers that these northern peoples have been! 
the most useful of the recent great additions to the 
American race. They were particularly fitted by 
nature for the conquest of the great area which 
they have brought under subjugation, not merely 
because of their indomitable industry, perseverance, 
honesty, and aptitude for agriculture, but because 
they share with the Englishman and the Scotch- 
man the instinct for self-government. Above all, 
the Scandinavian has never looked upon himself as 
an exile. From the first he has considered himself 
an American. In Minnesota and Dakota, the 
Norse pioneer often preceded local government. 
"Whenever a township became populous enough to 
have a name as well as a number on the surveyor's 
map, that question was likely to be determined by 


the people on the ground, and such names as Chris- 
tiana, Swede Plain, Numedal, Throndhjem, and 
Vasa leave no doubt that Scandinavians officiated 
at the christening. " These people proceeded with 
the organizing of the local government and, "ex- 
cept for the peculiar names, no one would suspect 
that the town-makers were born elsewhere than in 
Massachusetts or New York. " ^ This, too, in spite 
of the fact that they continued the use of their 
mother tongue, for not infrequently election notices 
and even civic ordinances and orders were issued 
in Norwegian or Swedish. In 1893 there were 146 
Scandinavian newspapers, and their number has 
since greatly increased. 

In politics the Norseman learned his lesson quick- 
ly. Governors, senators, and representatives 
in Congress give evidence to a racial clannish- 
ness that has more than once proven stronger than 
party allegiance. Yet with all their influence 
in the Northwest, they have not insisted on un- 
reasonable race recognition, as have the Germans 
in Wisconsin and other localities. Minnesota and 
Dakota have established classes in "the Scan- 
dinavian language" in their state universities, 

V ^ K. C. Babcock, The Scandinavian Element in the United States, 

\A^ p. 148. 


evidently leaving it to be decided as an aca- 
demic question which is the Scandinavian lan- 
guage. Without brilliance, producing few leaders, 
the Norseman represents the rugged common- 
place of American life, avoiding the catastrophes 
of a soaring ambition on the one hand and the pit- 
falls of a jaded temperamentalism on the other. 
Bent on self -improvement, he scrupulously patro- 
nizes farmers' institutes, high schools, and exten- 
sion courses, and listens with intelligent patience 
to lectures that would put an American audience 
to sleep. This son of the North has greatly but- 
tressed every worthy American institution with 
the stern traditional virtues of the tiller of the soil. 
Strength he gives, if not grace, and that at a time 
when all social institutions are being shaken to 
their foundations. 

Among the early homesteaders in the upper Mis- 
sissippi Valley there were a substantial number of 
Bohemians. In Nebraska they comprise nine per^ i 
cent of the foreign born population, in Oklahoma 
seven per cent, and in Texas over six per cent. 
They began migrating in the turbulent forties. \ 
They were nearly all of the peasant class, neat, in- 
dustrious and intelligent, and they usually settled 
in colonies where they retained their native tongue 


and customs. They were opposed to slavery and 
many enlisted in the Union cause. 

Among the Polish immigrants who came to Amer- 
ica before 1870, many settled on farms in Illinois, 
Wisconsin, Texas, and other States. They proved 
much more clannish than the Bohemians and more 
reluctant to conform to American customs. 

Many farms in the Northwest are occupied by 
Finns, of whom there were in 1910 over two hun- 
dred thousand in the United States. They are a 
Tatar race, with a copious sprinkling of Swedish 
blood. Illiteracy is rare among them. They are 
eager patrons of night schools and libraries and 
have a flourishing college near Duluth. They are 
eager for citizenship and are independent in poli- 
tics. The glittering generalities of Marxian social- 
ism seem peculiarly alluring to them; and not a few 
have joined the I. W. W. Drink has been their 
curse, but a strong temperance movement has re- 
cently made rapid headway among them. They 
are natural woodmen and wield the axe with the 
skill of our own frontiersmen. Their peculiar 
houses, made of neatly squared logs, are features 
of every Finnish settlement. All of the North 
European races and a few from Southern and East- 
ern Europe have contributed to the American rural 


population; yet the Census of 1910 disclosed the 
fact that of the 6,361,502 white farm operators 
in the United States, 75 per cent were native 
American and only 10.5 per cent were foreign born. 



"What will happen to immigration when the pub- 
lie domain has vanished?'* was a question fre- 
quently asked by thoughtful American citizens. 
The question has been answered: the immigrant 
has become a job seeker in the city instead of 
a home seeker in the open country. The last 
three decades have witnessed "the portentous 
growth of the cities" — and they are cities of a 
new type, cities of gigantic factories, towering 
skyscrapers, electric trolleys, telephones, automo- 
biles, and motor trucks, and of fetid tenements 
swarming with immigrants. The immigrants, 
too, are of a new type. When Henry James 
revisited Boston after a long absence, he was 
shocked at the "gross little foreigners" who in- 
fested its streets, and he said it seemed as if the 
fine old city had been wiped with "a sponge satu- 
rated with the foreign mixture and passed over 



almost everything I remembered and might have 
still recovered."' 

Until 1882 the bulk of immigration, as we have 
seen, came from the north of Europe, and these 
immigrants were kinsmen to the American and for 
the most part sought the country. The new immi- 
gration, however, which chiefly sought the cities, 
hailed from southern and eastern Europe. It has 
shown itself alien in language, custom, in ethnic 
aflSnities and political concepts, in personal stand- 
ards and assimilative ambitions. These immigrants 
arrived usually in masculine hordes, leaving women 
and children behind, clinging to their own kind with 
an apprehensive mistrust of all things American, and 
filled with the desire to extract from this fabulous 
mine as much gold as possible and then to return 
to their native villages. Yet a very large number 
of those who have gone home to Europe have re- 
turned to America with bride or family. As a result 
the larger cities of the United States are congeries 
of foreign quarters, whose alarming fecundity fills 
the streets with progeny and whose polyglot chat- 
ter on pay night turns even many a demure New 
England town into a veritable babel. 

» This lament of Henry James's is cited by E. A. Ross in The 
Old World in the New, p. 101. 


There are in the United States today roughly 
eight or ten millions of these new immigrants. A 
line drawn southward from Minneapolis to St. 
Louis and thence eastward to Washington would 
embrace over four-fifths of them, for most of the 
great American cities lie in this northeastern comer 
of the land. Whence come these millions? From 
the vast and mysterious lands of the Slavs, from 
Italy, from Greece, and from the Levant. 

The term Slav covers a welter of nationalities 
whose common ethnic heritage has long been con- 
cealed under religious, geographical, and political 
diversities and feuds. They may be divided into 
North Slavs, including Bohemians, Poles, Ruthen- 
ians, Slovaks, and "Russians," and South Slavs, 
including Bulgarians, Serbians and Montenegrins, 
Croatians, Slovenians, and Dalmatians. As one 
writer on these races says, "It is often impossible 

in America to distinguish these national groups 

Yet the differences are there. ... In American 
communities they have their different churches, 
societies, newspapers, and a separate social life. . . . 
The Pole wastes no love on the Russian, nor the 
Ruthenian on the Pole, and a person who acts in 
ignorance of these facts, a missionary for instance, 
or a political boss, or a trade union organizer, may 

Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. 


Photograph by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, 
American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. 

'.j^FSnT^ re 


Photograph copyright by Underwood and Underwood, 
New York. 

OUR F'^^ 

T AJJJi^K.^ 

kiiKZL^ t^ic in the ^ ^^^ States today roughly 
eight or ten millioiis »f tf^etse new immigrants. A 
line drawn southwm Minneapolis to St. 

Louis and thmoe eiir¥iM^M^B||^hington would 
embrace over foiii^iMiiivolE IjtftiviiiiMriKliost of the 
great American cities ■ j^ tiortheastem comer 

of the land. Wbe v < at iheae millioiis? Prom 
the vast and m:^ ^ rious lands of the Slavs, from 
Italy, froTii Greece, and from the Levan i 

The term Slav covers a welter of nationalities 
whose common ethnic heritage has long been con- 
cealed under religious, geograpb' ' ! political 
diversities and feuds. They mav vidkid into 

North Slavs, incluamg Bohemians, i*.^ti Ittetlien- 
mn^. ^ovals. rang TT^S&iaift?f„„jipaCT ^^fl.,„A^^.s, 
ing Bulgarians, Serbians and Moatetkegrins, 
Slovenians, and Dalmatiaos. Xs one 

^ m impossible 

ii^viA%ii ■ iir-7w- u«» ^.Jiv^iuuu groups. • . . 

es are there. ... In American 

they h& v different churches, 

es, newgpa tg i be^j^ im^^lM^ipcial lif 

iilt-_ t :>l^ifiusriaJar nor Ajbe 

^aii^rson who acts in 
losionary for instancr 
nj boss, or a trade union organiser* may 

l)nt- hoowisbnU vrf 

i.ii'::y%j Jict«.,i«5, ti «j.iij 

Andersen -Lawt,^o -V Y. 


find himself in the position of a host who should 
innocently invite a Fenian from Cork County to 
hobnob with an Ulster Orangeman on the ground 
that both were Irish." ' 

The Bohemians (including the Moravians) are 
the most venturesome and the most enlightened 
of the great Slav family. Many of them came to 
America in the seventeenth century as religious 
pilgrims; more came as political refugees after 
1848; and since 1870, they have come in larger 
numbers, seeking better economic conditions. All 
told, they numbered over 220,000, from which it 
may be estimated that there are probably today 
half a million persons of Bohemian parentage in the 
United States. Chicago alone shelters over 100,000 
of these people, and Cleveland 45,000. These im- 
migrants as a rule own the neat, box-like houses 
in which they live, where flower-pots and tiny 
gardens bespeak a love of growing things, and lace 
curtains, carpets, and center tables testify to the 
influence of an American environment. The Bo- 
hemians are much given to clubs, lodges, and so- 
cieties, which usually have rooms over Bohemian 
saloons. The second generation is prone to free 
thinking and has a weakness for radical socialism. 

' Emily Greene Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens, p. 8-9. 


The Bohemians are assiduous readers, and illit- 
eracy is almost unknown among them. They sup- 
port many periodicals and several thriving pub- 
lishing houses. They cling to their language with 
a religious fervor. Their literature and the his- 
tory which it preserves is their pride. Yet this love 
of their own traditions is no barrier, apparent- 
ly, to forming strong attachments to American 
institutions. The Bohemians are active in politics, 
and in the cities where they congregate they see 
that they have their share of the public offices. 
There are more highly skilled workmen among 
them than are to be found in any other Slavic 
group; and the second generation of Bohemians in 
America has produced many brilliant professional 
men and successful business men. As one writer 
puts it: "The miracle which America works upon 
the Bohemians is more remarkable than any other 
of our national achievements. The downcast look 
so characteristic of them in Prague is nearly gone, 
the surliness and unfriendliness disappear, and the 
young Bohemian of the second or third genera- 
tion is as frank and open as his neighbor with his 
Anglo-Saxon heritage."' 

The bitter political and racial suppression that 

' Edward A. Steiner, On the Trail of the Immigrant, p. US. 


made the Bohemian surly and defiant seem, on the 
other hand, to have left the Polish peasant stolid, 
patient, and very illiterate. Polish settlements 
were made in Texas and Wisconsin in the fifties 
and before 1880 a large number of Poles were 
scattered through New York, Pennsylvania, and 
Illinois. Since then great numbers have come over 
in the new migrations until today, it is estimated, 
at least three million persons of Polish parent- 
age live in the United States.^ The men in the 
earlier migrations frequently settled on the land; 
the recent comers hasten to the mines and the met- 
al working centers, where their strong though un- 
trained hands are in constant demand. 

The majority of the Poles have come to America 
to stay. They remain, however, very clannish and 
according to the Federal Industrial Commission, 
without the "desire to fuse socially." The recent 
Polish immigrant is very circumscribed in his men- 
tal horizon, clings tenaciously to his language, 
which he hears exclusively in his home and his 

» This is an estimate made by the Reverend W. X. Kruszka 
of Ripon, Wisconsin, as reported by E. G. Balch in Our Slavic 
Fellow Citizens, p. 262. Of this large number, Chicago claims 
350,000; New York City, 250,000; Buffalo, 80,000; Milwaukee, 
75,000; Detroit, 75,000; while at least a dozen other cities have 
substantial Polish settlements. These numbers include the 
suburbs of each city. 


church, his lodge, and his saloon, and is unrespon- 
sive to his American environment. Not until the 
second and third generation is reached does the 
spirit of American democracy make headway 
against his lethal stolidity. Now that Poland has 
been made free as a result of the Great War, it 
may be that the Pole's inherited indifference will 
give way to national aspirations and that, in the 
resurrection of his historic hope of freedom, he 
will find an animating stimulant. 

The Pole, however, is more independent and 
progressive than the Slovak, his brother from the 
northeastern corner of Hungary. For many genera- 
tions this segment of the Slav race has been piti- 
fully crushed. Turks, Magyars, and Huns have 
taken [delight in oppressing him. An early, spo- 
radic migration of Slovaks to America received a 
sudden impulse in 1882. About 200,000 have come 
since then, and perhaps twice that number of per- 
sons of Slovak blood now dwell in the mining 
and industrial centers of the United States. Many 
of them, however, return to their native villages. 
They keep aloof from things American and only 
too often prefer to live in squalor and ignorance. 
Their social life is centered in the church, the 
saloon, and the lodge. It is asserted that their 


numerous organizations have a membership of 
over 100,000, and that there were almost as many 
Slovak newspapers in America as in Hungary.' 

Little Russia, the seat of turmoil, is the home 
of the Ruthenians, or Ukranians. They are also 
found in southeastern Galicia, northern Hungary, 
and in the province of Bukowina. They have mi- 
grated from all these provinces and about 350,000, 
it is estimated, now reside in the United States. 
They, too, are birds of passage, working in the 
mines and steel mills for the coveted wages that 
shall free them from debt at home and insure their 
independence. Such respite as they take from 
their labors is spent in the saloon, in the club rooms 
over the saloon, or in church, where they hear no 
English speech and learn nothing of American ways. 

It is impossible to estimate the total number of 
Russian Slavs in the United States, as the census 
figures until recently included as "Russian" all 
nationalities that came from Russia. They form 
the smallest of the Slavic groups that have mi- 
grated to America. From 1898 to 1909 only 66,282 
arrived, about half of whom settled in Pennsyl- 
vania and New York. It is surprising to note, 

» This is accounted for by the fact that the Hungarian Govern- 
ment rigorously censored Slovak publications. 


however, that every State in the Union except 
Utah and every island possession except the Philip- 
pines has received a few of these immigrants. The 
Director of Emigration at St. Petersburg in 1907 
characterized these people as "hardy and indus- 
trious," and "though iUiteraie they are intelligent 
and unbigoted."^ 

So much in brief for the North Slavs. Of the 
South Slavs, the Bulgarians possess racial charac- 
teristics which point to an intermixture in the re- 
mote past with some Asiatic strain, perhaps a 
Magyar blend. Very few Bulgarian immigrants, 
who come largely from Macedonia, arrived before 
the revolution of 1904, when many villages in 
Monastir were destroyed. For some years they 
made Granite City, near St. Louis, the center of 
their activities but, like the Serbians, they are now 
well scattered throughout the country. In Seattle, 
Butte, Chicago, and Indianapolis they form con- 
siderable colonies. Many of them return yearly 
to their native hills, and it is too early to deter- 
mine how fully they desire to adapt themselves to 
American ways. 

» Since the Russo-Japanese War, Siberia has absorbed great 
numbers of Russian immigrants. This accounts for the small 
number that have come to America. 







Photographs by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey Mission, 
American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. 


lali and ever 

e Union e 
Kcept the P' 

/grants, liu 
viijburg in 1907 
iTdy ai> • ^ 

jL/irectoi oi ijinigi 
( hmpLf 'imzed thes 
in(HX</' and "the: 
and unbig( 

So much in brii^^^^^' Of the 

South Sla^ i» possess racial charac 

teristicji whui an intennixture in the re- 

mote past witi* iv.^ Asiatic strain, perhar^ 
Magyar blend. Very few Bulgarian i iirn^ 
who come largely from Macedonia, a; 
the revolution of 1904, when miiii> 
Monastir were destroyed. For som 
made Granite City, near St. Lou' 
" ' V. uM .Titles but, like the Serbic'^ 
d throughout the r vi t 
and I 


o deter- 

beria ha« abs< 
'^'^(?ounts for 

•S'-avure, An'i^''' 


Montenegro, Serbia, and Bulgaria, countries 
that have been thrust forcibly into the world's 
vision by the Great War, have sent several hundred 
thousand of their hardy peasantry to the United 
States. The Montenegrins and Serbians, who 
comprise three-fourths of this migration, are vir- 
tually one in speech and descent. They are to be 
found in New England towns and in nearly every 
State from New York to Alaska, where they work 
in the mills and mines and in construction gangs. 
The response which these people make to educa- 
tional opportunities shows their high cultural 

The Croatians and Dalmatians, who constitute 
the larger part of the southern Slav immigration, 
are a sturdy, vigorous people, and splendid speci- 
mens of physical manhood. The Dalmatians are a 
seafaring folk from the Adriatic coast, whose sailors 
may be found in every port of the world. The Dal- 
matians have possessed themselves of the oyster 
fisheries near New Orleans and are to be found in 
Mississippi making staves and in California making 
wine. In many cities they manage restaurants. 
The exceptional shrewdness of the Dalmatians is 
in bold contrast to their illiteracy. They get on 
amazingly in spite of their lack of education. Once 


they have detdtmined to remain in this country, 
they take to American ways more readily than do 
the other southern Slavs. 

Croatia, too, has its men of the sea, but in 
America most of the immigrants of this race are 
to be found in the mines and coke furnaces of Penn- 
sylvania and West Virginia. In New York City 
there are some 15,000 Croatian mechanics and 
longshoremen. The silver and copper mines of 
Montana also employ a large number of these 
people. It is estimated that fully one-half of the 
Croatians return to their native hills and that they 
contribute yearly many millions to the home-folks. 

From the little province of Carniola come the 
Slovenians, usually known as "Griners" (from the 
German Krainer, the people of the Krain), a frag- 
ment of the Slavic race that has become much more 
assimilated with the Germans who govern them 
than any other of their kind. Their national cos- 
timie has all but vanished and with it the virile 
traditions of their forefathers. They began coming 
to America in the sixties, and in the seventies they 
founded an important colony at Joliet, Illinois. 
Since 1892 their numbers have increased rapidly, 
until today about 100,000 live in the United States. 
Over one-half of these immigrants are to be found 


fa the steel and mining towns of Pennsylvania, 
Ohio, and Illinois, where the large majority of 
them are unskilled workmen. Among the second 
generation, however, are to be found a number of 
successful merchants. 

All these numerous peoples have inherited in 
common the impassive, patient temperament and 
the unhappy political fate of the Slav. Their 
countries are mere eddies left by the mighty cur- 
rents of European conquest and reconquest, back- 
ward lands untouched by machine industry and 
avoided by capital, whose only living links with 
the moving world are the birds of passage, the 
immigrants who flit between the mines and cities 
of America and these isolated European villages. 
Held together by national costume, song, dance, 
festival, traditions, and language, these people live 
in the pale glory of a heroic past. Most of those 
who come to America are peasants who have been 
crushed by land feudalism, kept in ignorance by 
political intolerance, and bound in superstition 
by a reactionary ecclesiasticism. The brutality 
with which they treat their women, their disregard 
for sanitary measures, and their love for strong 
drink are evidences of the survival of medievalism 
in the midst of modern life, as are their notions of 


class prerogative and their concept of the State. 
Buffeted by the world, their language suppressed, 
their nationalism reviled, poor, ignorant, unskilled, 
these children of the open country come to the 
ugliest spots of America, the slums of the cities, 
and the choking atmosphere of the mines. Here, 
crowded in their colonies, jealously shepherd- 
ed by their church, neglected by the community, 
they remain for an entire generation immune to 
American influences. According to estimates giv- 
en by Emily G. Balch,^ between four and six mil- 
lion persons of Slavic descent are now dwelling 
among us, and their fecundity is amazing. Equal- 
ly amazing is the indifference of the Government 
and of Americans generally to the menace in- 
volved in the increasing numbers of these invet- 
erate aliens to institutions that are fundamentally 

The Lithuanians and Magyars are often classed 
with the Slavs. They hotly resent this inclusion, 
however, for they are distinct racial strains of an- 
cient lineage. An adverse fate has left the Lithu- 
anian little of his old civilization except his lan- 
guage. Political and economic suppression has 
made sad havoc of what was once a proud and 

^ Oiar Slavic Fellow Citizens^ p. 280. 


prosperous people. Most of them are now crowded 
iMo the Baltic province that bears their name, and 
they are reduced to the mental and economic level of 
the Russian moujik. In 1868 a famine drove the first 
of these immigrants to America, where they were 
soon absorbed by the anthracite mines of Penn- 
sylvania. They were joined in the seventies by 
numbers of army deserters. The hard times of the 
nineties caused a rush of young men to the western 
El Dorado. Since then the influx has steadily 
continued until now over 200,000 are in America. 
They persistently avoid agriculture and seek the 
coal mine and the factory. The one craft in which 
they excel is tailoring, and they proudly boast of 
being the best dressed among all the Eastern- 
European immigrants. The one mercantile ambi- 
tion which they have nourished is to keep a saloon. 
Drinking is their national vice; and they measure 
the social success of every wedding, christening, 
picnic, and jollification by its salvage of empty 
beer kegs. 

Over 338,000 Magyars immigrated to the United 
States during the decade ending 1910. These bril- 
liant and masterful folk are a Mongoloid blend 
that swept from the steppes of Asia across east- 
ern Europe a thousand years ago. As the wave 


receded, the Magyars remained dominant in beau- 
tiful and fertile Hungary, where their aggressive 
nationalism still brings them into constant rivalry 
on the one hand with the Germans of Austria and 
on the other with the Slavs of Hungary. The im- 
migrants to America are largely recruited from the 
peasantry. They almost invariably seek the cities, 
where the Magyar neighborhoods can be easily 
distinguished by their scrupulously neat house- 
keeping, the flower beds, the little patches of well- 
swept grass, the clean children, and the robust and 
tidy women. Among them is less illiteracy than in 
any other group from eastern and southern Europe, 
excepting the Finns, who are their ethnic brothers. 
As a rule they own their own homes. They learn 
the English language quickly but unfortunately 
acquire with it many American vices. Drinking 
and carousing are responsible for their many crimes 
of personal violence. They are otherwise a socia- 
ble, happy people, and the cafes kept by Hunga- 
rians are islands of social joUity in the desert of 
urban strife. 

In bold contrast to these ardent devotees of 
nationalism, the Jew, the man of no country and of 
all countries, is an American immigrant still to be 
considered. By force of circumstance he became 



a city dweller; he came from the European city; 
he remained in the American city; and all attempts 
to colonize Jews on the land have failed. The doors 
of this country have always been open to him. At 
the time of the Revolution several thousand Jews 
dwelt in American towns. By 1850 the number 
had increased to 50,000 and by the time of the Civil 
War to 150,000. The persecutions of Czar Alex- 
ander III in the eighties swelled the number to 
over 400,000, and the political reactions of the 
nineties added over one million. Today at least 
one fifth of the ten million Jews in the world live 
in American cities. 

The first to seek a new Zion in this land were 
the Spanish-Portuguese Jews, who came as early 
as 1655. They remain a select aristocracy among 
their race, clinging to certain ritualistic character- 
istics and retaining much of the pride which their 
long contact with the Spaniard has engendered. 
They are found almost exclusively in the eastern 
cities, as successful bankers, merchants, and pro- 
fessional men. There next came on the wave of 
the great German immigration the German Jews. 
They are to be found in every city, large and small, 
engaged in mercantile pursuits, especially in the 
drygoods and the clothing business. Nearly all 


of the prominent Jews in America have come from 
this stock — the great bankers, financiers, lawyers, 
merchants, rabbis, scholars, and public men. It 
was, indeed, from their broad-minded scholars 
that there originated the widespread liberal Juda- 
ism which has become a potent ethical force in our 
great cities. 

The Austrian and Hungarian Jews followed. 
The Jews had always received liberal treatment 
in Hungary, and their mingling with the social 
Magyars had produced the type of the coffee- 
house Jew, who loved to reproduce in American 
cities the conviviality of Vienna and Budapest 
but who did not take as readily to American 
ways as the German Jew. Most of the Jews from 
Hungary remained in New York, although Chi- 
cago and St. Louis received a few of them. In 
commercial life they are traders, pawnbrokers, 
and peddlers, and control the artificial-flower and 
passementerie trade. 

By far the largest group are the latest comers, 
the Russian Jews. " Ultra orthodox," says Edward 
A. Steiner, "yet ultra radical; chained to the past, 
and yet utterly severed from it; with religion per- 
meating every act of life, or going to the other ex- 
treme and having 'none of it'; traders by instinct. 


and yet among the hardest manual laborers of 
our great cities. A complex mass in which great 
things are yearning to express themselves, a 
brooding mass which does not know itself and 
does not lightly disclose itself to the outside."' 
Nearly a milHon of these people are crowded 
into the New York ghettos. Large numbers of 
them engage in the garment industries and the 
manufacture of tobacco. They graduate also 
into junk-dealers, pawnbrokers, and peddlers, 
and are soon on their way "up town." Among 
them socialism thrives, and the second generation 
displays an unseemly haste to break with the faith 
of its fathers. 

The Jews are the intellectuals of the new immi- 
gration. They invest their political ideas with 
vague generalizations of human amelioration. 
They cannot forget that Karl Marx was a Jew: and 
one wonders how many Trotzkys and Lenines are 
being bred in the stagnant air of their reeking 
ghettos. It remains to be seen whether they will 
be willing to devote their undoubted mental ca- 
pacities to other than revolutionary vagaries or to 
gainful pursuits, for they have a tendency to com- 
mercialize everything they touch. They have 

« On the Trail of the Immigrant, p. 27. 


shown no reluctance to enter politics; they learn 
English with amazing rapidity, throng the public 
schools and colleges, and push with characteristic 
zeal and persistence into every open door of this 
liberal land. 

From Italy there have come to America well 
over three million immigrants. For two decades 
before 1870 they filtered in at the average rate of 
about one thousand a year; then the current in- 
creased to several thousand a year; and after 1880 
it rose to a flood. ^ Over two-thirds of these Ital- 
ians live in the larger cities; one-fourth of them are 
crowded into New York tenements. "" Following in 
order, Philadelphia, Chicago, Boston, New Orleans, 
Cleveland, St. Louis, Baltimore, Detroit, Portland, 
and Omaha have their Italian quarters, all char- 
acterized by overcrowded boarding houses and 
tenements, vast hordes of children, here and there 
an Italian bakery and grocery, on every cor- 
ner a saloon, and usually a private bank with a 

* The census figures show that approximately half the Italian 
immigrants return to their native land. American oflBcers in the 
Great War were surprised to find so many Italian soldiers who 
spoke English. In 1910 there remained in the United States only 
1,343,000 Italians who were born in Italy, and the total number 
of persons of Italian stock in the United States was 2,098,000. 

2 According to the Census of 1910 there were 544,000 Italians 
in New York City. 


Photographs by Lewis W. Hine for Special Survey 
Mission, American Red Cross, and for Pittsburgh Survey. 

or.v iNERS- 

....>, a no reluctii., it politics; they lear?^ 

English with amazir ty, throng the pubi 

schools and colleges. sh with characterisl 

zeal and persistence into every open door of this 
liberal land. 

Prom Ital- r ^^-f America well 

over fhr-f^t^ ^\' . ■' v>\ v'An/ \v\ A'AU^Wo decades 
befor Lge rate of 

about attsamd a year; then the current in- 

creased to several thousand a year; and after 1880 
it rose to a flood. ' Over two-thirds of these It ^ 

ians live in the larger cities; one ' ' * '^ * 

crowded into New York tenemei . . . , ,,.... ..-^ ^ 

order, Philadelphia, Chicago, Boston, New QrleanB> 
Cleveland, St. Louis, Baltimore, Detroit, Portland, 
and Omaha have their Italian quarters, all char- 
a ercrowded boa I 

i vM hordes of child) . Liit^re 

a., ^._ akery and i/t<w'-< y cor- 

ner a saloon, and u^tjfi? with a 

rK*» /.#-n«iifi; . If the Italian 

fficera in the 
i»»3 wri / ji « I . 1 vf u soldiers who 

^^.ajrlish. maiaed iti the United States only 

Ital3% and the total number 
.cd States was 2.068»000 
V eiMU4 i^ iiiiO there were 544,600 Itslinns 

Y9vw8 laioaqa lol saill .N aiw^J vd ?.nqm:ioi(.il4 
/vS^ts^M?. s\Q-\vjd*«V*\ nol buiJ ,88Oi0 baJI flaoiiamA .noiKglM 

Bra'^ JKncersen -J^a.mb, Ho.N-^ 


steamship agency and the oflBce of the local ^padrone. 
Scores of the lesser cities also have their Italian 
contingent, usually in the poorest and most neg- 
lected part of the town, where gaudily painted door 
jambs and window frames and wonderfully pros- 
perous gardens proclaim the immigrant from sunny 
Italy. Not infrequently an old warehouse, store, 
or church is transformed into an ungainly and evil- 
odored barracks, housing scores of men who do 
their own washing and cooking. Those who do 
not dwell in the cities are at work in construc- 
tion camps — for the Italian has succeeded the 
Irishman as the knight of the pick and shovel. 
The great bulk of these swarthy, singing, hopeful 
young fellows are peasants, unskilled of hand but 
willing of heart. Nearly every other one is un- 
able to read or write. They have not come for 
political or religious reasons but purely as seek- 
ers for wages, driven from the peasant villages 
by overpopulation and the hazards of a precari- 
ous agriculture. 

They have come in two distinct streams: one 
from northern Italy, embracing about one-fifth 
of the whole; the other from southern Italy. The 
two streams are quite distinct in quality. North- 
ern Italy is the home of the old masters in art and 


literature and of a new industrialism that is bringing 
renewed prosperity to Milan and Turin. Here the 
virile native stock has been strengthened with the 
blood of its northern neighbors. They are a ca- 
pable, creative, conservative, reliable race. On the 
other hand, the hot temper of the South has been 
fed by an infusion of Greek and Saracen blood. 
In Sicily this strain shows at its worst. There the 
vendetta flourishes; and the Camorra and its sinis- 
ter analogue, the Black Hand, but too realistically 
remind us that thousands of these swarthy crimi- 
nals have found refuge in the dark alleys of our 
cities. Even in America the Sicilian carries a dirk, 
and the "death sign" in a court room has silenced 
many a witness. The north Italians readily iden- 
tify themselves with American life. Among them 
are found bakers, barbers, and marble cutters, as 
well as wholesale fruit and olive oil merchants, 
artists, arid musicians. But the south Italian is a 
restless, roving creature, who dislikes the confine- 
ment and restraint of the mill and factory. He 
is found out of doors, making roads and excava- 
tions, railways, skyscrapers, and houses. If he 
has a liking for trade he trundles a pushcart filled 
with fruit or chocolates; or he may turn a jolly 
hurdy-gurdy or grind scissors. In spite of his 


native sociability, the south ItaHan is very slow 
to take to American ways. As a rule, he comes 
here intending to go back when he has made 
enough money. He has the air of a sojourner. 
He is picturesque, volatile, and incapable of effec- 
tive team work. 

About 300,000 Greeks have come to America 
between 1908 and 1917, nearly all of them young 
men, escaping from a country where they had meat 
three times a year to a land where they may have 
it three times a day. "The whole Greek world," 
says Henry P. Fairchild, writing in 1911, "may 
be said to be in a fever of emigration. . . . The 
strong young men with one accord are severing 
home ties, leaving behind wives and sweethearts, 
and thronging to the shores of America in search 
of opportunity and fortune.'* Every year they 
send back handsome sums to the expectant family. 
Business is an instinct with the Greek, and he has 
almost monopolized the ice cream, confectionery, 
and retail fruit business, the small florist shops and 
bootblack stands in scores of towns, and in every 
large city he is running successful restaurants. As 
a factory operative he is found in the cotton mills 
of New England, but he prefers merchandizing to 
any other calling. 


Years ago when New Bedford was still a whaling 
port a group of Portuguese sailors from the Azores 
settled there. This formed the nucleus of the Por- 
tuguese immigration which, in the last decade, 
included over 80,000 persons. Two-thirds of these 
live in New England factory towns, the remaining 
third, strange to say, have found their way to the 
other side of the continent, where they work in the 
gardens and fruit orchards of California. New 
Bedford is still the center of their activity. They 
are a hard-working people whose standard of living, 
according to oflScial investigations "is much low- 
er than that of any other race," of whom scarcely 
one in twenty become citizens, and who evince 
no interest in learning or in manual skill. 

Finally, American cities are extending the radius 
of their magnetism and are drawing ambitious 
tradesmen and workers from the Levant. Over 
100,000 have come from Arabia, Syria, Armenia, 
and Turkey. The Armenians and Syrians, form- 
ing the bulk of this influx, came as refugees from 
the brutalities of the Mohammedan regime. The 
Levantine is first and always a bargainer. His 
little bazaars and oriental rug shops are bits of 
Cairo and Constantinople, where you are privi- 
leged to haggle over every purchase in true oriental 



style. Even the peddlers of lace and drawn-work 
find it hard to accustom themselves to the oc- 
cidental idea of a market price. With all their 
cunning as traders, they respect learning, prize 
manual skill, possess a fine artistic sense, and are 
law-abiding. The Armenians especially are eager 
to become American citizens. Since the settle- 
ment of the Northwestern lands, many thousands 
of Scandinavians and Finns have flocked to the 
cities, where they are usually employed as skilled 

Thus the United States, in a quarter of a century, 
has assumed a cosmopolitanism in which the early 
German and Irish immigrants appear as veteran 

* The Census of 1910 gives the following distribution of the 
American white population by percentages: 


Native stock 

Native born of 

Foreign or 
mixed parentage 


Rural districts 

Cities 2,500- 10,000 

10,000- 25,000 


" 100,000-500,000 

" 500,000 and over 







The native white element predominates in the country but is 
only a fraction of the population in the larger cities. 


Americans. This is not a stationary cosmopolitan- 
ism, like that of Constantinople, the only great city 
in Europe that compares with New York, Chicago, 
or Boston in ethnic complexity. It is a shifting 
mass. No two generations occupy the same quar- 
ters. Even the old rich move "up town" leaving 
their fine houses, derelicts of a former splendor, to 
be divided into tenements where six or eight Italian 
or Polish families find ample room for themselves 
and a crowd of boarders. 

Thousands of these migratory beings throng the 
steerage of transatlantic ships every winter to 
return to their European homes. The steamship 
companies, whose enterprise is largely responsible 
for this flow of populations, reap their harvest; 
and many a decaying village buried in the southern 
hills of Europe, or swept by the winds of the great 
Slav plains, owes its regeneration ultimately to 
American dollars. 

They pay the price of their success, these flitting 
beings, links between distant lands and our own. 
The great maw of mine and factory devours thou- 
sands. Their lyric tribal songs are soon drowned 
by the raucous voices of the city; their ancient 
folk-dances, meant for a village green, not for a 
reeking dance-hall, lose here their native grace; 


and the quaint and picturesque costumes of the 
European peasant give place to American store 
clothes, the ugly badge of equality. 

The outward bound throng holds its head high, 
talks back at the steward, and swaggers. It has 
become "American." The restless fever of the 
great democracy is in its veins. Most of those who 
return home will find their way back with others of 
their kind to the teeming hives and the coveted 
fleshpots they are leaving. And again they will 
tax the ingenuity of labor unions, political and 
social organizations, schools, libraries, and churches, 
in the endeavor to transform medieval peasants 
into democratic peers. 



America, midway between Europe and Asia, was 
destined to be the meeting-ground of Occident and 
Orient. It was in the exciting days of '49 that gold 
became the lodestone to draw to California men 
from the oriental lands across the Pacific. The 
Chinese for the moment overcame their religious 
aversion to leaving their native haunts and, lured 
by the promise of fabulous wages, made their way 
to the "gold hills." Of the three hundred thousand 
who came to America during the three decades of 
free entry, the large majority were peasants from 
the rural districts in the vicinity of Canton. They 
were thrifty, independent, sturdy, honest young 
men who sought the great adventure unaccom- 
panied by wife or family. Chinese tradition for- 
bade the respectable woman to leave her home, 
even with her husband; and China was so isolated 
from the world, so encrusted in her own traditions, 



that out of her uncounted millions even the paltry 
thousands of peasants and workmen who filtered 
through the port of Canton into the great world 
were bound by ancient precedent as firmly as if 
they had remained at home. They invariably 
planned to return to the Celestial Empire and it 
was their supreme wish that, if they died abroad, 
their bodies be buried in the land of their ancestors. 

The Chinaman thus came to America as a work- 
man adventurer, not as a prospective citizen. He 
preserved his queue, his pajamas, his chopsticks, 
and his joss in the crude and often brutal surround- 
ings of the mining camp. He maintained that 
gentle, yielding, unassertive character which suc- 
cumbs quietly to pressure at one point, only to 
reappear silently and unobtrusively in another 
place. In the wild rough and tumble of the camp, 
where the outlaw and the bully found congenial 
refuge, the celestial did not belie his name. He was 
indeed of another world, and his capacity for pa- 
tience, his native dignity without suspicion of hau- 
teur, baffled the loud self-assertion of the Irish 
and the Anglo-Saxon. 

During the first years of the gold rush, the 
Chinaman was welcome in California because he 
was necessary. He could do so many things that 


the miner disdained or found no time to do. He 
could cook and wash, and he could serve. He was 
a rare gardener and a patient day laborer. He 
could learn a new trade quickly. In the city he 
became a useful domestic servant at a time when 
there were very few women. In all his tasks he was 
neat and had a genius for noiselessly minding his 
own business. 

As the number of miners increased, race preju- 
dice asserted itself. "California for Americans" 
came to be a slogan that reflected their feelings 
against Mexicans, Spanish- Americans, and Chinese 
in the mines. Race riots, often instigated by men 
who had themselves but recently immigrated to 
America, were not infrequent. In these disor- 
ders the Chinese were no match for the aggressors 
and in consequence were forced out of many good 
mining claims. 

The labor of the cheap and faithful Chinese ap- 
pealed to the business instincts of the railroad con- 
tractors who were constructing the Pacific railways 
and they imported large numbers. In 1866 a line 
of steamships was established to run regularly be- 
tween Hong Kong and San Francisco. In 1869 the 
first transcontinental railway was completed and 
American laborers from the East began to flock to 


California, where they immediately found them- 
selves in competition with the Mongolian standard 
of living. Race rivalry soon flared up and the anti- 
Chinese sentiment increased as the railroads neared 
completion and threw more and more of the orien- 
tal laborers into the general labor market. Chinese 
were hustled out of towns. Here and there violence 
was done. For example, in the Los Angeles riots 
of October 24, 1871, fifteen Chinamen were hanged 
and six were shot by the mob. 

This prejudice, based primarily upon the China- 
man's willingness to work long hours for little pay 
and to live in quarters and upon fare which an 
Anglo-Saxon would find impossible, was greatly 
increased by his strange garb, language, and cus- 
toms. The Chinaman remained in every essential 
a foreigner. In his various societies he maintained 
to some degree the patriarchal government of his 
native village. He shunned American courts, 
avoided the Christian religion, rarely learned much 
of the English language, and displayed no desire 
to become naturalized. Instead of sympathy in 
the country of his sojourn he met discrimination, 
jealousy, and suspicion. For many years his testi- 
mony was not permitted in the courts. His contact 
with only the rough frontier life failed to reveal to 


him the gentle amenities of the white man's faith, 
and everywhere the upper hand seemed turned 
against him. So he kept to himself, and this isola- 
tion fed the rumors that were constantly poisoning 
public opinion. Chinatown in the public mind be- 
came a synonym for a nightmare of filth, gambling, 
opium-smoking, and prostitution. 

Alarm was spreading among Americans concern- 
ing the organizations of the Chinese in the United 
States. Of these, the Six Companies were the 
most famous. Mary Roberts Coolidge, after long 
and careful research, characterized these societies 
as "the substitute for village and patriarchal as- 
sociation, and although purely voluntary and be- 
nevolent in their purpose, they became, because of 
American ignorance and prejudice, the supposed 
instruments of tyranny over their countrymen."' 
They each had a club house, where members were 
registered and where lodgings and other accommo- 
dations were provided. The largest in 1877 had a 
membership of seventy-five thousand; the smallest, 
forty-three thousand. The Chinese also main- 
tained trade guilds similar in purpose to the Ameri- 
can trade union. Private or secret societies also 
flourished among them, some for good purposes, 

^ Chinese Immigration, p. 402. 


others for illicit purposes. Of the latter the High- 
binders or Hatchet Men became the most notori- 
ous, for they facilitated the importation of Chinese 
prostitutes. Many of these secret societies thrived 
on blackmail, and the popular antagonism to the 
Six Companies was due to the outrages committed 
by these criminal associations. 

When the American labor unions accumulated 
partisan power, the Chinese became a political 
issue. This was the greatest evil that could befall 
them, for now racial persecution received official 
sanction and passed out of the hands of mere 
ruffians into the custody of powerful political 
agitators. Under the lurid leadership of Dennis 
Kearney, the Workingman's party was organized 
for the purpose of influencing legislation and "rid- 
ding the country of Chinese cheap labor." Their 
goal was "Four dollars a day and roast beef"; and 
their battle cry, "The Chinese must go." Under 
the excitement of sand-lot meetings, the Chinese 
were driven under cover. In the riots of July, 1 877, 
in San Francisco, twenty-five Chinese laundries 
were burned. " For months afterward," says Mary 
Roberts Coolidge, "no Chiniman was safe from 
personal outrage even on the* main thoroughfares, 
and the perpetrators of the abuses were almost 



never interfered with so long as they did not molest 
white men's property."' 

This anti-Chinese epidemic soon spread to other 
Western States. Legislatures and city councils 
vied with each other in passing laws and ordinances 
to satisfy the demands of the labor vote. All 
manner of ingenious devices were incorporated into 
tax laws in an endeavor to drive the Chinese out 
of certain occupations and to exclude them from 
the State. License and occupation taxes multiplied. 
The Chinaman was denied the privilege of citizen- 
ship, was excluded from the public schools, and 
was not allowed to give testimony in proceedings 
relating to white persons. Manifold ordinances 
were passed intended to harass and humiliate him: 
for instance, a San Francisco ordinance required 
the hair of all prisoners to be cut within three 
inches of the scalp. Most extreme and unreason- 
able discriminations against hand laundries were 
framed. The new California constitution of 1879 
endowed the legislature and the cities with large 
powers in regulating the conditions under which 
Chinese would be tolerated. Jn 1880 a state law 
declared that all corporations operating under a 
state charter should be prohibited from employing 

' Chinese Immigration, p. 265. 


Chinese under penalty of forfeiting their charter. 
Chinese were also excluded from employment m 
all public works. Nearly all these laws and ordi- 
nances, however, were ultimately declared to be 
unconstitutional on account of their discriminatory 
character or because they were illegal regulations 
of commerce. 

The States having failed to exclude the Chinese, 
the only hope left was in the action of the Federal 
Government. The earliest treaties and trade con- 
ventions with China (1844 and 1858) had been 
silent upon the rights and privileges of Chinese re- 
siding or trading in the United States. In 1868, 
Anson Burlingame, who had served for six years 
as American Minister to China, but who had now 
entered the employ of the Chinese Imperial Gov- 
ernment, arrived at the head of a Chinese mission 
sent for the purpose of negotiating a new treaty 
which should insure reciprocal rights to the Chinese. 
The journey from San Francisco to Washington 
was a sort of triumphal progress and everywhere 
the Chinese mission was received with acclaim. 
The treaty drawn by Secretary Seward was ratified 
on July 28, 1868, and was hailed even on the Pacific 
coast as the beginning of more fortunate relations be- 
tween the two countries. The treaty acknowledged 


the "inherent and inalienable right of man to 
change his home and allegiance, and also the 
mutual advantage of the free migration and emi- 
gration of their citizens and subjects respectively, 
from the one country to the other, for purposes of 
curiosity, of trade or as permanent residents." It 
stated positively that "citizens of the United 
States visiting or residing in China shall enjoy 
the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions in 
respect to travel and residence as may be enjoyed 
by the citizens of the most favored nation. And, 
reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing 
in the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, 
immunities, and exemptions in respect to travel 
or residence." The right to naturalization was 
by express statement not conferred by the treaty 
upon the subjects of either nation dwelling in 
the territory of the other. But it was not in any 
way prohibited. 

The applause which greeted this international 
agreement had hardly subsided before the anti- 
Chinese agitators discovered that the treaty was 
in their way and they thereupon demanded its 
modification or abrogation. They now raised the 
cry that the Chinese were a threat to the morals 
and health of the country, that the majority of 


Chinese immigrants were either coolies under con- 
tract, criminals, diseased persons, or prostitutes. 
As a result, in 1879 a representative from Nevada, 
one of the States particularly interested, intro- 
duced in Congress a bill limiting to fifteen the 
Chinese passengers that any ship might bring to 
the United States on a single voyage, and requiring 
the captains of such vessels to register at the port 
of entry a list of their Chinese passengers. The 
Senate added an amendment requesting the Presi- 
dent to notify the Chinese Government that the 
section of the Burlingame treaty insuring recipro- 
cal interchange of citizens was abrogated. After 
a very brief debate the measure that so flagrantly 
defied an international treaty passed both houses. 
It was promptly vetoed, however, by President 
Hayes on the ground that it violated a treaty 
which a friendly nation had carefully observed. 
If the Pacific cities had cause of complaint, the 
President preferred to remedy the situation by 
the "proper course of diplomatic negotiations."^ 

^ So intense was the feeling in the West that at this time a 
letter purporting to have been written by James A. Garfield, the 
Republican candidate, favoring unrestricted immigration, was 
published on the eve of the Presidential election (1880). Though 
the letter was shown to be a forgery, yet it was not without in- 
fluence. In California Garfield received only one of the six 
electoral votes; and in Nevada he received none. In Denver, 


The President accordingly appointed a com- 
mission, under the chairmanship of James B. 
Angell, president of the University of Michigan, 
to negotiate a new treaty. The commission pro- 
ceeded to China and completed its task in Novem- 
ber, 1880. The new treaty provided that, "when- 
ever, in the opinion of the Government of the 
United States, the coming of Chinese laborers to 
the United States, or their residence therein, affects 
or threatens to affect the interests of that country, 
or to endanger the good order of the said country 
or of any locality within the territory thereof, the 
Government of China agrees that the Government 
of the United States may regulate, limit, or sus- 
pend such coming or residence, but may not ab- 
solutely prohibit it." Other Chinese subjects who 
had come to the United States, "as travelers, mer- 
chants, or for curiosity, " and laborers already in 
the United States, were to "be allowed to go and 
come of their own free will," with all of the "rights, 
privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are 
accorded to the citizens of the most favored na- 
tion." The United States furthermore undertook 

where only four hundred Chinese lived, race riots occurred which 
cost one Chinaman his life and destroyed Chinese property to the 
amount of $50,000. 


to protect the Chinese in the United States against 
"ill treatment" and to "devise means for their 

Two years after the ratification of this treaty, a 
bill was introduced to prohibit the immigration of 
Chinese labor for twenty years. Both the great 
political parties had included the subject in their 
platforms in 1880. The Democrats had espoused 
exclusion and were committed to "No more 
Chinese immigration"; the Republicans had pre- 
ferred restriction by "just, humane, and reason- 
able laws." The bill passed, but President Arthur 
vetoed it on the ground that prohibiting immigra- 
tion for so long a period transcended the provisions 
of the treaty. A bill which was then passed short- 
ening the period of the restriction to ten years 
received the President's signature, and on August 
5, 1882, America shut the door in the face of 
Chinese labor. 

The law, however, was very loosely drawn and 
administrative confusion arose at once. Chinese 
laborers leaving the United States were required to 
obtain a certificate from the collector of customs 
at the port of departure entitling them to reentry. 
Other Chinese — merchants, travelers, or visitors 
— who desired to come to the United States were 


required to have a certificate from their Govern- 
ment declaring that they were entitled to enter 
under the provisions of the treaty. As time went 
on, identification became a joke, trading in certi- 
ficates a regular pursuit, and smuggling Chinese 
across the Canadian border a profitable business. 
Moreover, in the light of the law, who was a "mer- 
chant" and who a "visitor"? In 1884 Congress 
attempted to remedy these defects of phraseology 
and administration by carefully framed definitions 
and stringent measures. ' The Supreme Court up- 
held the constitutionality of exclusion as incident 
to American sovereignty. 

Meanwhile in the West the popular feeling 
against the Chinese refused to subside. At Rock 
Springs, Wyoming, twenty-eight Chinese were 
killed and fifteen were injured by a mob which also 
destroyed Chinese property amounting to $148,000. 
At Tacoma and Seattle, also, violence descended 
upon the Mongolian. In San Francisco a special 
grand jury which investigated the operation of the 
exclusion laws and a committee of the Board of 
Supervisors which investigated the condition of 
Chinatown both made reports that were violent- 
ly anti-Chinese. A state anti-Chinese convention 

^ Wong Wing vs. U. S.. 163 U. S. 235. 


soon thereafter declared that the situation "had 
become well-nigh intolerable." So widespread 
and venomous was the agitation against Chinese 
that President Cleveland was impelled to send to 
Congress two special messages on the question, 
detailing the facts and requesting Congress to pay 
the Chinese claims for indemnity which Wyoming 
refused to honor. The remonstrances of the Chi- 
nese Government led to the drafting of a new 
treaty in 1888. But while China was deliberating 
over this treaty. Congress summarily shut off 
any hope for immediate agreement by passing the 
Scott Act prohibiting the return of any Chinese 
laborer after the passage of the act, stopping the 
issue of any more certificates of identification, and 
declaring void all certificates previously issued. 
It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that this 
brutal political measure was passed with an eye to 
the Pacific electoral vote in the pending election. 
In the next presidential year the climax of harsh- 
ness was reached in the Geary law, which required, 
within an unreasonably short time, the registration 
of all Chinese in the United States. The Chinese, un- 
der legal advice, refused to register until the Federal 
Supreme Court had declared the law constitutional. 
Subsequently the time for registration was extended. 


The anti-Chinese fanaticism had now reached its 
highest point. While the Government maintained 
its policy of exclusion, it modified the drastic de- 
tails of the law. In 1894 a new treaty provided 
for the exclusion of laborers for ten years, except- 
ing registered laborers who had either parent, wife, 
or child in the United States, or who possessed 
property or debts to the amount of one thou- 
sand dollars. It required all resident Chinese labor- 
ers to register, and the Chinese Government was 
similarly entitled to require the registration of all 
American laborers resident in China. The treaty 
made optional the clause requiring merchants, 
travelers, and other classes privileged to come to 
the United States, to secure a certificate from their 
Government vised by the American representative 
at the port of departure. ^ 

In 1898 General Otis extended the exclusion acts 
to the Philippines by military order, owing to the 
fact that the country was in a state of war, and 
Congress extended them to the Hawaiian Islands. 
In 1904 China refused to continue the treaty of 
1894, and Congress substantially reenacted the 
existing laws "in so far as not inconsistent with 
treaty obligations." Thus the legal status quo has 
been maintained, and the Chinese population in 


America is gradually decreasing. No new laborers 
are permitted to come and those now here go home 
as old age overtakes them. But the public has come 
to recognize that diplomatic circumlocution cannot 
conceal the crude and harsh treatment which the 
Chinaman has received; that the earlier laws were 
based upon reports that greatly exaggerated the 
evils and were silent upon the virtues of the Orien- 
tal; and that a policy which had its conception in 
frontier fears and in race prejudice was sustained 
by politicians and perpetuated by demagogues. 

Rather suddenly the whole drama of discrimina- 
tion was re-opened by the arrival of a considerable 
number of Japanese laborers in America. In 1900, 
there were some twenty-four thousand in the United 
States and a decade later this number had increased 
threefold. About one-half of them lived in Califor- 
nia, and the rest were to be found throughout the 
West, especially in Washington, Colorado, and Or- 
egon. They were nearly all unmarried young men 
of the peasant class. Unlike the Chinese, they mani- 
fested a readiness to conform to American customs 
and an eagerness to learn the language and to 
adopt American dress. The racial gulf, however, 
is not bridged by a similarity in externals. The 
Japanese possess all the deep and subtle contrasts 


of mentality and ideality which difiFerentiate the 
Orient from the Occident. A few are not averse to 
adopting Christianity ; many more are free-thinkers ; 
but the bulk remain loyal to Buddhism. They 
have reproduced here the compact trade guilds 
of Japan. The persistent aggressiveness of the 
Japanese, their cunning, their aptitude in taking 
advantage of critical circumstances in making 
bargains, have by contrast partially restored to 
popular favor the patient, reliable Chinaman. 

At first the Japanese were welcomed as unskilled 
laborers. They found employment on the rail- 
roads, in lumber mills and salmon canneries, in 
mines and on farms, and in domestic service. But 
they soon showed a keen propensity for owning or 
leasing land. The Immigration Commission found 
that in 1909 they owned over sixteen thousand 
acres in California and leased over one hundred 
and thirty-seven thousand. Nearly all of this land 
they had acquired in the preceding five years. 
In Colorado they controlled over twenty thousand 
acres, and in Idaho and Washington over seven 
thousand acres each. This acreage represents 
small holdings devoted to intensive agriculture, 
especially to the raising of sugar beets, vegetables, 
and small fruits. 


The hostility which began to manifest itself 
against the Japanese especially in California 
brought that State into sharp contact with the 
Federal Government. In 1906 the San Francisco 
authorities excluded the Japanese from the public 
schools. This act was immediately and vigorously 
protested by the Japanese Government. After 
due investigation, the matter was finally adjusted 
at a conference held in Washington between 
President Roosevelt and a delegation from Cali- 
fornia. This incident served to re-awaken the 
ghost of Mongolian domination on the Pacific 
coast, for it occurred during the notorious regime 
of Mayor Schmitz. Labor politics were rampant. 
Isolated instances of violence against Japanese 
occurred, and hoodlums, without fear of police 
interference, attacked a number of Japanese res- 
taurants. Political candidates were pledged to an 
anti-Japanese policy. 

In 1907 the two governments reached an agree- 
ment whereby the details of issuing passports to 
Japanese laborers who desired to return to the 
United States was virtually left in the hands of the 
Japanese Government, which was opposed to the 
emigration of its laboring population. As a con- 
sequence of this agreement, passports are granted 


only to laborers who had previously been residents 
of the United States or to parents, wives, and 
children of Japanese laborers resident in America. 
Under authority of the immigration law of 1907, 
the President issued an order (March 14, 1907) 
denying admission to "Japanese and Korean 
laborers, skilled or unskilled, who have received 
passports to go to Mexico, Canada, Hawaii and 
come therefrom" to the United States. 
' Anti-Japanese feeling was crystallized into the 
alien land bill of California in 1913. So serious was 
the international situation that President Wilson 
sent Mr. Bryan, then Secretary of State, across the 
continent to confer with the California legislature 
and to determine upon some action that would at 
the same time meet the needs of the State and 
"leave untouched the international obligations of 
the United States." The law subsequently passed 
was thought by the Californians to appease both 
of these demands. ^ But the Japanese Government 
made no less than five vigorous formal protests 

* The Alien Land Act of May 19, 1913, confers upon all aliens 
eligible to citizenship the same rights as citizens in the owning and 
leasing of real property; but in the case of other aliens (i.e. Asiatics) 
it limits leases of land for agricultural purposes to terms not exceed- 
ing three years and permits ownership *' to the extent and for the 
purposes prescribed by any treaty." 



and filled a lengthy brief which characterized the 
law as unfair and intentionally discriminating and 
in violation of the treaty of Commerce and Navi- 
gation entered into in 1911. While anti- Japanese 
demonstrations were taking place in Washington, 
there was a corresponding outbreak of anti- 
American feeling in the streets of Tokyo. On 
February 2, 1914, during the debate on a new im- 
migration bill, an amendment was proposed in 
the House of Representatives, at the instigation 
of members from the Pacific coast, excluding all 
Asiatics, except such as had their entry right es- 
tablished by treaty. But this drastic proposal was 
defeated by a decisive vote. 

The oriental question in America is further 
complicated by the fact that since 1905 some five 
thousand East Indians have come to the United 
States. Of these the majority are Hindoos, the 
remainder being chiefly Afghans. How these 
people who have lived under British rule will adapt 
themselves to American life and institutions re- 
mains to be seen. 



With the free land gone and the cities crowded 
to overflowing, the door of immigration, though 
guarded, nevertheless remains open and the pres- 
sure of the old-world peoples continues. Where 
can they go? They are filling in the vacant spots 
of the older States, the abandoned farms, stagnant 
half -empty villages, undrained swamps, uninviting 
rocky hillsides. This infiltration of foreigners pos- 
sessing themselves of rejected and abandoned land, 
which has only recently begun, shows that the 
peasant's instinct for the soil will reassert itself 
when the means are available and the way opens. 
It is surprising, indeed, how many are the ways 
that are opening for this movement. Transporta- 
tion companies are responsible for a number of col- 
onies planted bodily in cut-over timber regions of 
the South. The journals and the real estate agents 
of the diflFerent races are always alert to spy out 



opportunities. Dealing in second-hand farms has 
become a considerable industry. The advertising 
columns of Chicago papers announce hundreds of 
farms for sale in northern Michigan and Wiscon- 
sin. In all the older States there are for sale thou- 
sands of acres of tillable land which have been left 
by the restless shiftings of the American population. 
In New England the abandoned farm has long been 
an institution. Throughout the East there are de- 
pleted and dying villages, their solidly built cot- 
tages hidden in the matting of trees and shrubs 
which neglect has woven about them. One can 
see paralysis creeping over them as the vines creep 
over their deserted thresholds and they surrender 
one by one the little industries that gave them life. 
These are the opportunities of the immigrant 
peasant. Wherever the new migration swarms, 
there the receding tide leaves a few energetic in- 
dividuals who have made for themselves a perma- 
nent home. In the wake of construction gangs 
and along the lines of railways and canals one dis- 
covers these immigrant families taking root in the 
soil. In the smaller cities, an immigrant day la- 
borer will often invest his savings in a tumble-down 
house and an acre of land, and almost at once he 
becomes the nucleus for a gathering of his kind. 



The market gardens that surround the large cities 
offer work to the children of the factory operatives, 
and there they swarm over beet and onion fields 
like huge insects with an unerring instinct for weeds. 
Now and then a family finds a forgotten acre, builds 
a shack, and starts a small independent market 
garden. Within a few years a whole settlement of 
shacks grows up around it, and soon the trucking of 
the neighborhood is in foreign hands. Seasonal 
agricultural work often carries the immigrant in- 
to distant canning centers, hop fields, cranberry 
marshes, orchards, and vineyards. Every time a 
migration of this sort occurs, some settlers remain 
on land previously thought unfit for cultivation — 
perhaps a swamp which they drain or a sand-hill 
which they fertilize and nurture into surprising 
fertility by constant toil. This racial seepage is 
confined almost wholly to the Italian and the Slav. 
There is a vast acreage of unoccupied good land 
in the South, which the negro, usually satisfied 
with a bare living, has neither the enterprise nor 
the thrift to cultivate. The prejudice of the former 
slave owner against the foreign immigration for 
many years retarded the development of this land. 
About 1880, however, groups of Italians, attracted 
by the sunny climate and the opportunities for 


making a livelihood, began to seep into Louisiana. 
By 1900 they numbered over seventeen thousand. 
When direct sailings between the Mediterranean 
and the Gulf of Mexico were established, their num- 
bers increased rapidly and New Orleans became 
one of the leading Italian centers in the United 
States. From the city they soon spread into the 
adjoining region. Today they grow cotton, sugar- 
cane, and rice in nearly all the Southern States. In 
the deep black loam of the Yazoo Delta they pros- 
per as cotton growers. They have transformed 
the neglected slopes of the Ozarks into apple and 
peach orchards. New Orleans, Dallas, Galveston, 
Houston, San Antonio, and other Southern cities 
are supplied with vegetables from the Italian truck 
farms. At Independence, Louisiana, a colony 
raises strawberries. In the black belt of Arkansas 
they established Sunnyside in 1895, a colony which 
has survived many vicissitudes and has been the 
parent of other similar enterprises. In Texas there 
are a number of such colonies, of which the largest, 
at Bryan, numbers nearly two thousand persons. 
Li California the Italian owns farms, orchards, 
vineyards, market gardens, and even ranches. 
Here he finds the cloudless sky and mild air of his 
native land. The sunny slopes invite vine culture. 


In the North and the East the alert Italian has 
found many opportunities to buy land. In the en- 
virons of nearly every city northward from Norfolk, 
Virginia, are to be found his truck patches. At 
Vineland and Hammonton, New Jersey, large col- 
onies have flourished for many years. In New 
York and Pennsylvania, many a hill farm that was 
too rocky for its Yankee owner, and many a back- 
breaking clay moraine in Ohio and Indiana has 
been purchased for a small cash payment and, un- 
der the stimulus of the family's coaxing, now yields 
paying crops, while the father himself also earns 
a daily wage in the neighboring town. Where one 
such Italian family is to be found, there are sure to 
be found at least two or three others in the neigh- 
borhood, for the Italians hate isolation more than 
hunger. Often they are clustered in colonies, as at 
Genoa and Cumberland in Wisconsin, where most 
of them are railroad workmen paying for the land 
out of their wages. 

The Slavs, too, wedge into the most surprising 
spaces. Their colonies and settlements are to be 
found in considerable numbers in every part of the 
Union except the far South. They are on the cut- 
over timber lands of Michigan, Wisconsin, and* 
Minnesota, usually engaged in dairying or raising 


vegetables for canning. On the great prairies in 
Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, and the Dakotas, the 
Bohemians and the Poles have learned to raise 
wheat and corn, and in Texas, Oklahoma, and Ar- 
kansas, they have shown themselves skillful in 
cotton raising. Wherever fruit is grown on the Pa- 
cific slope, there are Bohemians, Slavonians, and 
Dalmatians. In New England, Ohio, Illinois, In- 
diana, and Maryland, the Poles have become pio- 
neers in the neglected corners of the land. For 
instance in Orange County, New York, a thriving 
settlement from old Poland now flourishes where 
a quarter of a century ago there was only a mos- 
quito breeding swamp. The drained area pro- 
duces the most surprising crops of onions, lettuce, 
and celery. Many of these immigrants own their 
little farms. Others work on shares in anticipa- 
tion of ownership, and still others labor merely 
for the season, transients who spend the winter 
either in American factories or flit back to their 
native land. 

In Pennsylvania it is the mining towns which 
furnished recruits for this landward movement. In 
some of the counties an exchange of population has 
been taking place for a decade or more. The land 
dwelling Americans are moving into the towns and 


cities. The farms are offered for sale. Enterpris- 
ing Slavic real estate dealers are not slow in per- 
suading their fellow countrymen to invest their 
savings in land. 

The Slavonic infiltration has been most marked 
in New England, especially in the Connecticut Val- 
ley. From manufacturing centers like Chicopee, 
Worcester, Ware, Westfield, and Fitchburg, areas 
of Polish settlements radiate in every direction, 
alien spokes from American hubs. Here are little 
farming villages ready made in attractive settings 
whose vacant houses invite the alien peasant. A 
Polish family moves into a sedate colonial house; 
often a second family shares the place, sometimes 
a third or a fourth, each with a brood of children 
and often a boarder or two. The American fam- 
ilies left in the neighborhood are scandalized by 
this promiscuity, by the bare feet and bare heads, 
by the unspeakable fare, the superstition and cre- 
dulity, and illiteracy and disregard for sanitary 
measures, and by the ant-like industry from star- 
light to starlight. Old Hadley has become a pro- 
totype of what may become general if this racial 
infiltration is not soon checked. In 1906 the Poles 
numbered one-fifth of the population in that town, 
owned one-twentieth of the land, and produced 


two-thirds of the babies. Dignified old streets 
that formerly echoed with the tread of patriots 
now resound to the din of Polish weddings and 
christenings, and the town that sheltered William 
Goffe, one of the judges before whom Charles I was 
tried, now houses Polish transients at twenty-five 
cents a bed weekly. 

The transient usually returns to Europe, but 
the landowner remains. His kind is increas- 
ing yearly. It is even probable that in a gen- 
eration he will be the chief landowner of the 
Connecticut Valley. It will take more than an 
association of old families, determined on keep- 
ing the ancient homes in their own hands, to 
check this transformation. 

The process of racial replacement is most rapid 
in the smaller manufacturing towns. In the New 
England mills the Yankee gave way to the Irish, 
the Irish gave way to the French Canadian, and 
the French Canadian has been largely superseded 
by the Slav and the Italian. Every one of the 
older industrial towns has been encrusted in layer 
upon layer of foreign accretions, until it is diffi- 
cult to discover the American core. Everywhere are 
the physiognomy, the chatter, and the aroma of 
the modem steerage. Lawrence, Massachusetts, is 


typical of this change. In 1848 it had 5923 inhab- 
itants, of whom 63.3 per cent were Americans, 36 
per cent were Irish, and about forty white persons 
belonged to other nationalities. In 1910 the same 
city had 85,000 inhabitants, of whom only about 
14 per cent were Americans, and the rest foreigners, 
two-thirds of the old and one-third of the new 

A like transformation has taken place in the 
manufacturing towns of New York, New Jersey, 
and Delaware and in the iron and steel towns of 
Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and the Middle West. 
For forty years after the establishment of the first 
iron furnace in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, in 1842, 
the mills were manned exclusively by Americans, 
English, Welsh, Irish, and Germans. In 1880 
Slavic names began to appear on the pay rolls. 
Soon thereafter Italians and Syrians were brought 
into the town, and today sixty per cent of the popu- 
lation is of foreign birth, largely from southeastern 
Europe. The native Americans and Welsh live in 
two wards, and clustered around them are settle- 
ments of Italians, Slovaks, and Croatians. 

The new manufacturing towns which are de- 
pendent upon some single industry are almost whol- 
ly composed of recent immigrants. Gary, Indiana, 



Photograph copyright by Underwood and Underwood, New York. 

Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. 

Photograph by Lewis W. Hine. 

, - j^,.wiil of this change ... iio48 it had 5923 inhab- 
itants, of whom 6f? ^ ^rr c«it were Americans, 36 
per cent were Iri ^ ^^^^orty white persona 

city had 85,000 inhabitairt^, of whom only about 
14 per cent were Americans, and the rest foreigners, 
two-thirds of thie old and one-third of the new 

A Kke transformation has taken place in the 
manufacturing towns of New York, New Jersey, 
and Delaware and in the iron and steel towns of 
Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and the Middle West. 
For forty years after the establishment of the first 
iron furnace in JohMtWW^feHflsylvania, in 1842, 
the mills weresjgftiMeAytiicliiaihMiiQJay Ahm ricans, 
English, Welsh, Irish, and Germi 30 

Slavic names began to app 

" eafter Italians and a;|TiJMMs were Drought 

"-^ and today aixtv '^*-»- ^-^^nt of the popu- 

eign birth, larg' , southeastern 

Eiiropt . The native Americans and Welsh live in 

two wards, and clustered around them are settle- 

r Italians, Slovaks, and Croatians. 

' ' towns which are de- 

. .. ..»^v. ^, .. ., \ .. as try are almost whol- 
otmjBt m&iMT'^y, Indiana, 






built by the United States Steel Corporation, and 
Whiting, Indiana, established by the Standard Oil 
Company for its refining industry, are examples of 
new American towns of exotic populations. At a 
glass factory built in 1890 in the village of Charleroi, 
Pennsylvania, over ten thousand Belgians, French, 
Slavs, and Italians now labor. An example of 
lightning-like displacement of population is af- 
forded by the steel and iron center at Granite City 
and Madison, Illinois. The two towns are prac- 
tically one industrial community, although they 
have separate municipal organizations. A steel mill 
was erected in 1892 upon the open prairies, and 
in it American, Welsh, Irish, English, German, and 
Polish workmen were employed. In 1900 Slovaks 
were brought in, and two years later there came 
large numbers of Magyars, followed by Croatians. 
In 1905 Bulgarians began to arrive, and within two 
years over eight thousand had assembled. Arme- 
nians, Servians, Greeks, Magyars, every ethnic fac- 
tion found in the racial welter of southeastern Eu- 
rope, is represented among the twenty thousand in- 
habitants that dwell in this new industrial town. 
In "Hungary Hollow" these race fragments iso- 
late themselves, effectively insulated against the 
currents of American influence. 


The mining communities reveal this relative dis- 
placement of races in its most disheartening form. 
As early as 1820 coal was taken from the anthracite 
veins of northeastern Pennsylvania, but until 1880 
the industry was dominated by Americans and 
north Europeans. In 1870 out of 108,000 foreign 
born in this region, 105,000 or over ninety-seven 
per cent came from England, Wales, Scotland, Ire- 
land, and Germany. In 1880 a change began and 
continued until in 1910 less than one-third of the 
267,000 foreign born were of northern European 
extraction. In 1870 there were only 306 Slavs 
and Italians in the entire region; in 1890 there were 
43,000; in 1909 there were 89,000; and in 1910 the 
number increased to 178,000. 

Today these immigrants from the south of Eu- 
rope have virtually displaced the miner from the 
north. They have rooted out the decencies and 
comforts of the earlier operatives and have sup- 
planted them with the promiscuity, the filth, and 
the low economic standards of the medieval peas- 
ant. There are no more desolate and distressing 
places in America than the miserable mining 
"patches" clinging like lichens to the steep hill- 
sides or secluded in the valleys of Pennsylvania. 
In the bituminous fields conditions are no better. 


In the town of Windber in western Pennsylvania, 
for example, some two thousand experienced Eng- 
lish and American miners were engaged in opening 
the veins in 1897. No sooner were the mines in 
operation than the south European began to drift 
in. Today he outnumbers and underbids the 
American and the north European. He lives in 
isolated sections, reeking with everything that 
keeps him a "foreigner" in the heart of Amer- 
ica. The coal regions of Virginia, West Virginia, 
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois and the ore regions of 
northern Michigan and Minnesota are rapidly 
passing under the same influence. 

Every mining and manufacturing community is 
thus an ethnic pool, whence little streams of for- 
eigners trickle over the land. These isolated min- 
ers and tillers of the soil are more immune to Amer- 
ican ideals than are their city dwelling brethren. 
They are not jostled and shaken by other races; 
no mental contagion of democracy reaches them. 

But within the towns and cities another process 
of replacement is going on. Its index is written 
jlarge in the signs over shops and stores and clearly 
in the lists of professional men in the city director- 
[ies and in the pay roll of the public school teach- 
^ers. The unpronounceable Slavic combinations of 


consonants and polysyllabic Jewish patronymics 
are plentiful, while here and there an Italian name 
makes its appearance. The second generation is 
arriving. The sons and daughters are leaving the 
factory and the construction gang for the counter, 
the office, and the schoolroom. 

American ideals and institutions have borne and 
can bear a great deal of foreign infiltration. But 
can they withstand saturation.'^ 



"Whosoever will may come" was the generous 
welcome which America extended to all the world 
for over a century. Many alarms, indeed, there 
were and several well-defined movements to save 
America from the foreigner. The first of these at- 
tempts resulted in the ill-fated Alien and Sedition 
laws of 1798, which extended to fourteen years the 
period of probation before a foreigner could be nat- 
uralized and which attempted to safeguard the 
Government against defamatory attacks. The 
Jeffersonians, who came into power in 1801 largely 
upon the issue raised by this attempt to curtail free 
speech, made short shrift of this unpopular law and 
restored the term of residence to five years. The 
second anti-foreign movement found expression in 
the Know-Nothing party, which rose in the decade 
preceding the Civil War. The third movement 
brought about a secret order called the American 



Protective Association, popularly known as the 
A. P. A., which, like the Know-Nothing hysteria, 
was aimed primarily at the Catholic Church. Its 
platform stated that "the conditions growing out 
of our immigration laws are such as to weaken our 
democratic institutions," and that "the immigrant 
vote, under the direction of certain ecclesiastical 
institutions, " controlled politics. In 1896 the or- 
ganization claimed two and a half million ad- 
herents, and the air was vibrant with ominous 
rumors of impending events. But nothing hap- 
pened. The A. P. A. disappeared suddenly and 
left no trace. 

For over a century it was almost universally be- 
lieved that the prosperity of the country depended 
largely upon a copious influx of population. This 
sentiment found expression in President Lincoln's 
message to Congress on December 8, 1863, in 
which he called immigration a "source of national 
wealth and strength " and urged Congress to estab- 
lish "a system for the encouragement of immigra- 
tion." In conformity with this suggestion. Con- 
gress passed a law designed to aid the importa- 
tion of labor under contract. But the measure 
was soon repealed, so that it remains the only in- 
stance in American history in which the Federal 


Government attempted the direct encouragement 
of general immigration. ^ 

It was in 1819 that the first Federal law pertain- 
ing to immigration was passed. It was not 
prompted by any desire to regulate or restrict im- 
migration, but aimed rather to correct the terrible 
abuses to which immigrants were subject on ship- 
board. So crowded and unwholesome were these- 
quarters that a substantial percentage of all the im- 
migrants who embarked for America perished dur- 
ing the voyage. The law provided that ships could 
carry only two passengers for every five tons bur- 
den; it enjoined a suflScient supply of water and 
food for crew and passengers; and it required the 
captains of vessels to prepare lists of their passen- 
gers giving age, sex, occupation, and the country 
whence they came. The law, however good its 
intention, was loosely drawn and indifferently 
enforced. Terrible abuses of steerage passengers 
crowded into miserable quarters were constantly 
brought to the public notice. From time to time 
the law was amended, and the advent of steam 
navigation brought improved conditions without, 
however, adequate provision for Federal inspection. 

^ Congress has on several occasions granted aid for specific 
colonies or groups of immigrants. 


Indeed such supervision and care as immigrants 
received was provided by the various States. Bos- 
ton, New York, Baltimore, and other ports of en- 
try, found helpless hordes left at their doors. They 
were the prey of loan sharks and land sharks, of 
fake employment agencies, and every conceivable 
form of swindler. Private relief was organized, but 
it could reach only a small portion of the needy. 
About three-fourths of the immigrants disem- 
barked at the port of New York, and upon the 
State of New York was imposed the obligation of 
looking after the thousands of strangers who landed 
weekly at the Battery. To cope with these con- 
ditions the State devised a comprehensive system 
and entrusted its enforcement to a Board of Com- 
missioners of Immigration, erected hospitals on 
Ward's Island for sick and needy immigrants, and 
in 1855 leased for a landing place Castle Garden, 
which at once became the popular synonym for the 
nation's gateway. Here the Commissioners ex- 
amined and registered the immigrants, placed at 
their disposal physicians, money changers, trans- 
portation agents, and advisers, and extended to 
them a helping hand. The Federal Government 
was represented only by the customs officers who 
ransacked their baggage. 


In 1875 the Federal Supreme Court decided that 
it was unconstitutional for a State to regulate im- 
migration. **We are of the opinion,'* said the 
Court, "that this whole subject has been confided 
to Congress by the Constitution; that Congress 
can more appropriately and with more acceptance 
exercise it than any other body known to our law, 
state or national; that, by providing a system of 
laws in these matters applicable to all ports and to 
all vessels, a serious question which has long been 
a matter of contest and complaint may be effec- 
tively and satisfactorily settled. " ' Congress dal- 
lied seven years with this important question, and 
was finally forced to act when New York threat- 
ened to close Castle Garden. In 1882 a Federal 
immigration law assessed a head tax of fifty cents 
on every passenger, not a citizen, coming to the 
United States, and provided that the States should 
share with the Secretary of the Treasury the obli- 
gation of its enforcement. This law inaugurated 
the policy of selective immigration, as it excluded 
convicts, lunatics, idiots, and persons likely to be- 
come a public charge. Three years later, contract 
laborers were also excluded. 

' Henderson et al. vs. The Mayor of New York City et al. 92 
U.S., 259. 


The unprecedented influx of immigrants now 
began to arouse public discussion. Over 788,000 
arrived in America during the first year the new 
law was in operation. In 1889 both the Senate and 
the House appointed standing committees on im- 
migration. The several investigations which were 
held culminated in the law of 1891, wherein the list 
of ineligibles was extended to include persons suf- 
fering from a loathsome or contagious disease, poly- 
gamists, and persons assisted in coming by others, 
unless upon special inquiry they were found not to 
belong to any of the excluded classes. Thus for 
the first time the Federal Government assumed 
complete control of immigration. Now also both 
the great political parties adopted planks in their 
national platforms favoring the restriction of im- 
migration. The Republicans favored "the enact- 
ment of more stringent laws and regulations for the 
restriction of criminal, pauper, and contract immi- 
gration." The Democrats "heartily" approved 
"all legislative efforts to prevent the United States 
from being used as a dumping ground for the 
known criminals and professional paupers of Eu- 
rope, " and they favored the exclusion of Chinese 
laborers. They favored, however, the admission 
of "industrious and worthy" Europeans. 


Selective immigration thus became a political 
issue in 1892, partly under the stimulus of labor un- 
ions, which feared an over-supply of labor, and 
partly because of the growing popular belief that 
many imdesirable foreigners were entewng the 
country. No adequate and just criteria for any 
process of selection have been discovered. In 1896 
Senator Lodge introduced an immigration bill, 
which contained the famous literacy test, excluding 
all persons between fourteen and sixty years of 
age "who cannot both read and write the English 
language or some other language. " The bill was 
simultaneously introduced into the House of Re- 
presentatives by McCall of Massachusetts. The 
debate on this measure marks a new departure in 
immigration policy. A senatorial inquiry made 
among the States in the preceding year had dis- 
closed a universal preference for immigrants from 
northern Europe. Moreover, a number of States 
through their governors, had declared that further 
immigration was not desired immediately; and the 
opinion prevailed that the great influx from south- 
eastern Europe should be checked. Fortified by 
such solidarity of sentiment. Congress passed the 
Lodge bill with certain amendments. President 
Cleveland, however, returned it with a strong veto 


message on March 2, 1897. He could not concur 
in so radical a departure from the traditional liberal 
policy of the Government; and he believed the lit- 
eracy test so artificial that it was more rational 
"to admit a hundred thousand immigrants who, 
though unable to read and write, seek among us 
only a home and opportunity to work, than to ad- 
mit one of those unruly agitators and enemies of 
governmental control who can not only read and 
write, but delights in arousing by inflammatory 
speech the illiterate and peacefully inclined to dis- 
content and tumult. " The House passed the bill 
over the President's veto, but the Senate took no 
further action. 

In 1898 the Industrial Commission was empow- 
ered "to investigate questions pertaining to immi- 
gration" and presented a report which prepared 
the way for the immigration law of 1903, approved 
on the 3rd of March. This law, which was based 
upon a careful preliminary inquiry, may be called 
the first comprehensive American immigration 
statute. It perfected the administrative machin- 
ery, raised the head tax, and multiplied the vig- 
ilance of the Government against evasions by the 
excluded classes. Anarchists and prostitutes were 
added to the list of excluded persons. The literacy 


test was inserted by the House but was rejected by 
the Senate. 

This law, however, did not allay the demand for 
a more stringent restriction of immigration. A few 
persons believed in stopping immigration entirely 
for a period of years. Others would limit the num- 
ber of immigrants that should be permitted to en- 
ter every year. But it was felt throughout the 
country that such arbitrary checks would be mere- 
ly quantitative, not qualitative, and that undesir- 
able foreigners should be denied admission, no mat- 
ter what country they hailed from. A notable 
immigration conference which was called by the 
National Civic Federation in December, 1905, and 
which represented all manner of public bodies, re- 
commended the "exclusion of persons of enfeebled 
vitality " and proposed ** a preliminary inspection of 
intending immigrants before they embark. " Presi- 
dent Roosevelt laid the whole matter before Con- 
gress in several vigorous messages in 1906 and 1907. 
He pointed to the fact that 

In the year ending June 30, 1905, there came to the 
United States 1,026,000 alien immigrants. In other 
words, in the single year . . . there came ... a 
greater number of people than came here during the 
one hundred and sixty-nine years of our colonial life. 


... It is clearly shown in the report of the Com- 
missioner General of Immigration that, while much 
of this enormous immigration is undoubtedly healthy 
and natural . . . a considerable proportion of it, prob- 
ably a very large proportion, including most of the un- 
desirable class, does not come here of its own initiative 
but because of the activity of the agents of the great 
transportation companies. . . . The prime need is 
to keep out ail immigrants who will not make good 
American citizens. 

In consonance with this spirit, the law of 1907 
was passed. It increased the head tax to four dol- 
lars and provided rigid scrutiny over the transpor- 
tation companies. The excluded classes of immi- 
grants were minutely defined, and the powers and 
duties of the Commissioner General of Immigra- 
tion were very considerably enlarged. The act 
also created the Immigration Commission, consist- 
ing of three Senators, three members of the House, 
and three persons appointed by the President, 
for making "full inquiry, examination, and in- 
vestigation ... into the subject of immigra- 
tion." Endowed with plenary power, this commis- 
sion made a comprehensive investigation of the 
whole question. The President was authorized to 
"send special commissioners to any foreign coun- 
try for the purpose of regulating by international 


agreement . . . the immigration of aliens to the 
United States." 

Here at last is congressional recognition of the 
fact that immigration is no longer merely a domes- 
tic question, but that it has, through modern eco- 
nomic conditions, become one of serious interna- 
tional import. No treaties have been perfected 
under this authority. The question, however, re- 
ceived serious attention in 1909 when Lieutenant 
Joseph Petrosino of the New York police was miu*- 
dered in Sicily by banditti, whither he had pursued 
a Black Hand criminal from the East Side. 

In the meantime many measures for restricting 
immigration were suggested in Congress. Of these, 
the literacy test met with the most favor. Three 
times in recent years Congress enacted it into law, 
and each time it was returned with executive dis- 
approval: President Taft vetoed the provision 
in 1913, and President Wilson vetoed the acts of 
1915 and 1917. In his last veto message on Jan- 
uary 29, 1917, President Wilson said that "the 
literacy test ... is not a test of character, of 
quality, or of personal fitness, but would operate in 
most cases merely as a penalty for lack of oppor- 
tunity in the country from which the alien seeking 
admission came. " ♦ 


Congress, however, promptly passed the bill over 
the President's objections, and so twenty years 
after President Cleveland's veto of the Lodge Bill, 
the literacy test became the standard of fitness for 
immigrant admission into the United States. ' The 
law excludes all aliens over sixteen years of age who 
are physically capable of reading and yet who can- 
not read. They are required to read " not less than 
thirty or more than eighty words in ordinary use" 
in the English language or some other language or 
dialect. Aliens who seek admission because of re- 
ligious persecution, and certain relatives of citizens 
or of admissible aliens, are exempted. 

The debate upon this law disclosed the trans- 
formation that has come over the nation in its atti- 
tude towards the alien. Exclusion was the domi- 
nant word. Senator Reed of Missouri wished to 
exclude African immigrants; the Pacific coast Re- 
presentatives insisted upon exclusion of Asiatics, 
in the face of serious admonitions of the Secretary 
of State that such a course would cause interna- 
tional friction; the labor members were scornful 
in their denunciation of **the pauper and criminal 
classes" of Europe. The traditional liberal sym- 
pathies of the American people foimd but few 

^ The new act took effect May 1, 1917. 


champions, so completely had the change been 
wrought in the thirty years since the Federal Gov- 
ernment assumed control of immigration. 

By these tokens the days of unlimited freedom 
in migration are numbered. Nations are begin- 
ning to realize that immigration is but the obverse 
of emigration. Its dual character constitutes a 
problem requiring delicate international readjust- 
ments. Moreover, the countries released to a new 
life and those quickened to a new industrialism by 
the Great War will need to employ all their muscle 
and talents at home. 

It is an inspiring drama of colonization that has 
been enacted on this continent in a relatively short 
period. Its like was never witnessed before and 
can never be witnessed again. Thirty-three na- 
tionalities were represented in the significant group 
of American pilgrims that gathered at Mount Ver- 
non on July 4, 1918, to place garlands of native 
flowers upon the tomb of Washington and to pledge 
their honor and loyalty to the nation of their adop- 
tion. This event is symbolic of the great fact that 
the United States is, after all, a nation of immi- 
grants, among whom the word foreigner is descrip- 
tive of an attitude of mind rather than of a place 
of birth. 


General Histories 

Edward Channing, History of the United States, 4 vols. 
(1905). Vol. II. Chapter xiv contains a fascinating 
account of "The Coming of the Foreigner." 

John Fiske, Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America, 
% vols. (1899). The story of "The Migration of the 
Sects" is charmingly told. 

John B. McMaster, History of the People of the Unit- 
ed States, 8 vols. (1883-1913). Scattered throughout 
the eight volumes are copious accounts of the coming 
of immigrants, from the year of American independ- 
ence to the Civil War. The great German and Irish 
inundations are dealt with in volumes vi and vii. 

J. H. Latan6, America as a World Power (1907). 
Chapter xvii gives a concise summary of immigration 
for the years 1880-1907. 

Works on Immigration 

Reports of the Immigration Commission, appointed 
under the Congressional Act of Feb, 20, 1907, 42 vols. 
(1911). This is by far the most exhaustive study that 
has been made of the immigration question. It em- 
braces a wide range of details, especially upon the 
economic and sociological aspects of the problem. 



Census Bureau, A Century of Population Growth from 
the First Census of the United States to the Twelfth, 
1790-1900 (1909) . The best analysis of the population 
of the United States. It contains a number of chapters 
on the population at the time of the First Census in 1790. 

John R. Commons, Races and Immigrants in America 

Prescott F. Hall, Immigration and its Effects upon 
the United States (1906). 

Henry P. Fairchild, Immigration, a World Movement 
and its American Significance (1913). A good histor- 
ical survey of immigration as well as a suggestive 
discussion of its sociological and economic bearings. 

Jeremiah W. Jenks and W. Jett Lauck, The Immi- 
gration Problem (1913). A summary of the Report of 
the Immigration Commission. 

Peter Roberts, The New Immigration (1912). A 
discussion of the recent influx from Southeastern 

E. A. Ross, The Old World in the New (1914) contains 
some refreshing racial characteristics. 

Richmond Mayo-Smith, Emigration and Immi- 
gration (1890). This is one of the oldest American 
works on the subject and remains the best scientific 
discussion of the sociological and economic aspects of 

Edward A, Steiner, On the Trail of the Immigrant 
(1906). A popular and sympathetic account of the 
new immigration. 

The Negro 

B. G. Brawley, A Short History of the American 
Negro (1913). 


W. E. B. Du Bois, The Negro (1915). A small well- 
written volume, with a useful bibliography and an 
illuminating chapter on the negro in the United States; 
also, by the same author. Suppression of the African 
Slave Trade (1896). 

Carter G. Woodson, A Century of Negro Migration 

J. R. Spears, The American Slave Trade (1900). 

A. H. Stone, Studies in the American Race Prob- 
lem (1908). Contains several of Walter F. Wilcox's 
valuable statistical studies on this subject. 

J. A. Tillinghast, The Negro in Africa and America 
(1902) contains a suggestive comparison of negro life 
in Africa and America. 

Special Groups 

Kendrick C. Babcock, The Scandinavian Element in 
the United States (1914). The best treatise on this 

Emily Greene Balch, Our Slavic Fellow Citizens 
(1910). A comprehensive study of the Slav in America. 

J. M. Campbell, A History of the Friendly Sons of 
St. Patrick (1892). 

Mary Roberts Coolidge, Chinese Immigration 
(1909). A sympathetic and detailed account of the 
Chinaman's experience in America. 

A. B. Faust, The German Element in the United 
States. 2 vols. (1909). Like some other books written 
to prove the vast influence of certain elements of the 
population, this work is not modest in its claims. 

Henry Jones Ford, The Scotch-Irish in America 


Lucian J. Fosdick, The French Blood in America (1906) . 
Devoted principally to the Huguenot exiles and th«ir 

Charles A. Hanna, The Scotch-Irish, or the Scot in 
North Britain, North Ireland, and North America. 2 
vols. (1902). 

Eliot Lord, John J. D. Trevor, and Samuel J. 
Barrows, The Italian in America (1905). 

T. D'Arcy McGee, History of the Irish Settlers in 
North America (1852). 

O. N. Nelson, History of the Scandinavians and 
Successful Scandinavians in the United States, 2 vols. 

J. G. Rosengarten, French Colonists and Exiles in 
the United States (1907). Contains an interesting bib- 
liography of French writings on early American condi- 


J. A. Bole, The Harmony Society (1904). Besides 
a concise history of the Rappists, this volume con- 
tains many letters and documents illustrative of their 
customs and business methods. 

W. A. Hinds, American Communities and Coopera- 
tive Colonies, (2d revision 1908.) A useful summary 
based on personal observations. 

G. B. Lockwood, The New Harmony Communities 
(1902). It contains a detailed description of Owen's 
experiment and interesting details of the Rappists 
during their sojourn in Indiana. 

M. A. Mikkelsen, The Bishop Hill Colony, A Religi- 
ous Communistic Settlement in Henry County, Illinois 


Charles Nordhoff, The Communistic Societies of the 
United States (1875). A description of communities 
visited by the author. 

J. H. Noyes, History of American Socialisms (1870). 

W. R. Perkins, History of the Amana Society or 
Community of True Inspiration (1891). 

E. O. Randall, History of the Zoar Society (2ded. 1900) . 

Bertha M. Shambaugh, Amana, the Community of 
True Inspiration (1908) gives many interesting details. 

Albert Shaw, Icaria, a Chapter in the History of 
Communism (1884). A brilliant account. 


A. P. A., see American Protec- 
tive Association 

Acadia, French in, 18 

Adams, J. Q., and Owen, 94 

Afghans in United States, 207 

Africans, Reed favors exclusion 
of, 232; see also Negroes 

Alabama admitted as State 
(1819), S3 

Albany, Shakers settle near, 
91; Irish in, 113 

Alien and Sedition laws (1798), 

Amana, 82-84 

America, cosmopolitan char- 
acter, 19-20; American stock, 
21 etseq.'y origin of name, 21- 
22; now applied to United 
States, 22; Shakers confined 
to, 92; "America for Amer- 
icans," 114; see also United 

American Celt, McGee estab- 
lishes, 120 (note) 

American Missionary Associa- 
tion, work with negroes, 58 

American party, 114; see also 
Know-Nothing party 

American Protective Associa- 
tion, 221-22 

Amish, 68 (note) 

Anabaptists in Manhattan, 

Ancient Order of Hibernians, 

Angell, J. B., on commission to 
negotiate treaty with China, 

i6 Ml 

Antwerp, German emigrants 

embark at, 134 
Arkansas, frontiersmen in, 36; 

chosen as site by Giessener 

Gesellschaft, 136; Italians in, 

211; Slavs in, 213 
Armenians, 184; as laborers, 

122; at Granite City (111.), 

Arthur, C. A., and Chinese ex- 
clusion act, 199 
Asiatics, Pacific coast favors 

exclusion of, 232; see also 

Australia deflects migration to 

United States, 150 

Babcock, K. C, The Scandi- 
navian Element in the United 
States f quoted, 158 

Balch, E. G., Our Slavic Fellow 
Citizens, quoted, 164-65; 
cited, 167 (note), 174 

Baltimore, Ephrata draws pu- 
pils from, 71; Irish immi- 
grant association, 109; Irish 
in, 113; Germans in, 127; 
Italians in, 180; condition of 
immigrants landing in, 224 

Bancroft, George, estimates 
number of slaves, 47 

Barlow, Joel, 151 

Baumeler, see Bimeler 

Bayard, Nicholas, 16 

Beissel, Conrad (or Beizel, or 
Peysel), 70, 71 

Belgians in Charleroi (Penn.), 



Berkshires, Germans in, 127 

Bethlehem, communistic col- 
ony, 72 

Bimeler, Joseph (or Baumeler), 

Bishop Hill Colony, 85-89 

Black Hand, 182 

"Boat Load of Knowledge," 

Bogart, E. L., Economic His- 
tory of the United States, 
cited, 52 (note) 

Bohemians, in United States, 
159-60, 165-66; as North 
Slavs, 164; on the prairies, 
213; on Pacific slope, 213 

Boston, immigrants from Ire- 
land (1714-20), 11; French 
in, 16; Irish in, 108, 113; 
Germans in, 127; Italians in, 
180; condition of immigrants 
landing in, 224 

Boudinot, Elias, 16 

Bowdoin, James, 16 

Bremen, German emigrants 
embark at, 134 

Bremer, Frederika, quoted, 

Brisbane, Arthur, Social Des- 
tiny of Man, 96 

Brook Farm, 97 

Bryan, W. J., Secretary of 
State, and California Alien 
Land Act, 206 

Bryan (Tex.) Italian colony, 

Buffalo, Inspirationists near, 
81; Irish in, 113; Germans in, 
135; Poles in, 167 (note) 

Bulgarians, as South Slavs, 
164; in United States, 170; 
in Granite City (111.), 170, 

Burlingame, Anson, 195 

Burlingame treaty, 195-96, 197 

Burschenschaften, 131 

Butler County (Penn.), Har- 
monists in, 73 

Butte, Bulgarians in, 170 

Cabet, Etienne, 97-98, 99, 
100; Voyage en Jcarie, 98; 
Le Populaire, 98 

Cabinet, President's, majority 
of members from American 
stock, 42 

Cabot, John, 2 

Cabot, Sebastian, 2 

Cahokia, French settlement, 

California, frontiersmen in, 36, 
37; Icaria-Speranza com- 
munity, 101; Swiss in, 153; 
Dalmatians in, 171; Portu- 
guese in, 184; discovery of 
gold, 188; Chinese in, 189- 
190; "California for Amer- 
icans," 190; constitution 
(1879), 194; legislation 
against Chinese, 194-95; vote 
for Garfield (1880), 197 
(note); Japanese in, 203; 
Alien Land Act (1913), 206; 
Italians in, 211 

Campo Bello, Island, Fenians 
attempt to land on, 119 

Canada, fugitive slaves, 54; 
Irish come through, 109; 
Fenian raids, 120; deflects 
migration to United States, 

Carbonari, Cabet and, 98 

Carolinas, English settle, 5; 
Scotch-Irish in, 12; Scotch 
in, 12; Germans in, 14; cosmo- 
politan character of, 18; 
Irish in, 105; see also North 
Carolina, South Carolina 

Castle Garden, landing place 
for immigrants in New York, 
224, 225 

Catholics, in Maryland, 13; 
Irish, 114; prejudice against, 
115-16; American Protec- 
tive Association against, 222 

Census (1790), 24-25, 29; 
A Century of Population 
Growth (1909), 24; (1800). 
25; tables, 26-28; (1900), SB- 



Census — Continued 

39; slaves in United States, 
47; Bulletin No. 129, 
Negroes in the United States, 
cited, 61 (note); (1910), 
Germans in United States, 
125; foreigners in United 
States, 125-26 (note); for- 
eign born on farms, 150-51 
(note), 161; Italians in New 
York City, 180 (note); dis- 
• tribution of American white 
population, 187 

Channing, Edward, History of 
the United States, quoted, 

Charleroi (Penn.), foreigners 
in, 217 

Charleston (S. C.)» French in, 
16; Germans in, 127 

Charlestown (Mass.), Ursuline 
convent burned, 116 

Cheltenham, Icarians in, 100 

Chestnutt, C. W., negro novel- 
ist, 64 

Chicago, Irish in, 113; Ger- 
mans in, 135; Bohemians in, 
165; Poles in, 167 (note); 
Bulgarians in, 170; Hunga- 
rian Jews in, 178; Italians in, 
180; papers announce land 
for sale, 209 

Chicopee, Poles in, 214 

China, Burlingame treaty, 195- 
196, 197; treaty (1880), 198- 
199; treaty (1894), 202 

Chinese, in United States, 188- 
203; societies, 192; mission 
to United States (1868), 195; 
exclusion act, 199, 201; 
Scott Act, 201 ; Geary law, 201 

Cincinnati, Irish in, 113; Ger- 
man center, 135 

Cities, immigration to, 162 et 
seg.; cosmopolitanism, 185; 
racial changes in, 219-20 

Civil Rights Act, 59 

Civil War, German immigrants 
during, 130 

Cleveland, Grover, messages to 
Congress on Chinese agita- 
tion, 201; vetoes Lodge bill. 

Cleveland, Irish in, 113; Ger- 
mans in, 135; Bohemians in, 
165; Italians in, 180 

Cocalico River, cloister of 
Ephrata on, 70 

Colorado, Japanese in, 204 

Coman, Industrial History of 
the United States, cited, 52 

Communistic colonies, 67 et 
seq.; Labadists, 68-69; Pie- 
tists, 69-70; Ephrata, 70- 
72; Snow Hill, 72; Bethle- 
hem, 72; Harmonist, 72-77; 
Harmony, 73; New Har- 
mony, 74-75, 94-96; Econ- 
omy, 75-77; Zoar, 78-80; 
Inspirationists, 80-84; Eben- 
ezer,81; Amana, 82-84; Bish- 
op Hill Colony, 85-89; Old 
Elmspring Community, 89- 
90; Shakers, 91-92; Oneida 
Community, 92-93; Robert 
Owen and, 94-96; Brook 
Farm, 97; Fourierism, 96- 
97, 101-02; Icaria, 97-101; 
bibliography, 238-39 

Congress, noted members from 
American stock, 42; author- 
izes Freedmen's Bureau 
(1865), 57; immigration law 
(1819), 103; laws against 
German newspapers, 144; 
German-American League 
incorporated by, 145; char- 
ter of German-American 
League revoked, 145; Home- 
stead Law (1862), 148; 
grants land to French, 152; 
Cleveland's special messages, 
201; Scott Act, 201; Geary 
law, 201; extends Chinese 
exclusion to Hawaii (1898), 
202; Lincoln's message, Dec. 
8, 1868, 222; and regulation 



Congress — Continued 

of immigration, 225; Lodge 
bill, 227-28; Roosevelt's 
messages, 220 

Connecticut, Shakers in, 91 

Connecticut Valley, Poles in, 

Consid^rant, Victor, 101 

Constantinople, cosmopolitan- 
ism compared with American 
cities, 186 

Constitution, Fifteenth Amend- 
ment, 59 

Coolidge, M. R,., Chinese Immi- 
gration, quoted, 192, 193-94 

Cotton, effect on slavery, 52 

Coxsackie (N. Y.), communis- 
tic attempt at, 06 

Croatians, as South Slavs, 164; 
in United States, 171, 172; 
in Johnstown (Penn.), 216; 
in Granite City (111.), 217 

Cumberland (Wis.), Italian 
colony, 212 

Cumberland Mountains, fugi- 
tive slaves in, 54 

Dakotas, frontiersmen in, 36; 
Germans in, 141; Scandi- 
navians in, 156, 157; "Scan- 
dinavian language" in uni- 
versities, 158-59; Slavs in, 
213; see also South Dakota 

Dallas (Tex.), Italians in, 211 

Dalmatians, as South Slavs, 
164; in United States, 171- 
172; on Pacific slope, 213 

Danes, in America, 154, 156; 
character, 154; see also Scan- 

DeLancey, Stephen, 16 

Delaware, not represented in 
first census, 25; second cen- 
sus (1800), 25; Labadists in, 
68-69; Scandinavian colony, 
156; racial changes in manu- 
facturing towns, 216 

Democratic party on restric- 
tion of immigration, 226 

Denver, anti-Chinese riots, 

197-98 (note) 
Detroit, Irish in, 113; Germans 

in, 135; Poles in, 167 (note); 

Italians in, 180 
Devotionalists, 85-89, 90 
Douglass, Frederick, 64 
DuBois, W. £. B., negro schol- 
ar, 64 
Duluth, Finnish college near, 

Dunbar, P. L., negro poet, 64 
Dunkards, 70 
Dunkers, 13 
Dutch, in United States, 17- 

18; number of immigrants, 


Ebenezer Society, 81 

Economy, Harmonists estab- 
lish, 75; Rapp as leader, 75- 
76; as a communistic com- 
munity, 76-77; membership, 
76 (note); Amana gains 
members from, 83 

Emmet, Robert, emigration 
from Ireland after failure of, 

England, reasons for expansion, 
2-3; imports, 3; social and 
religious changes, 6-7; kid- 
naping, 8; emigration of 
poor, 9, 110, 111; criminals 
sent to colonies, 9; and Ul- 
ster, 10; French Protestants 
flee to, 15; Jews in, 16; in- 
dustrial revolution and the 
American negro, 52; emi- 
gration from, 150 

English, in Virginia, 1 ; in New 
World, 2-10; serving class, 
8; Nonconformists in Man- 
hattan, 17; and Dutch, 17- 
18; and French, 18; on land, 
151; in Johnstown (Penn.), 
216; in Granite City (111.), 
217; in coal mines of Penn- 
sylvania, 218 

Ephrata, 70-72 



Erie, Fort, Fenians hold, 120 
Europe, migrations, 1-2; im- 
migration from, 103; see also 
names of peoples 

Fairchild, H. P., quoted, 183 

Faneuil, Peter, 16 

Fenian movement, 118-21 

Finns in America, 160, 176. 

Fiske, John, on Scotch-Irish in 
colonies, 12 (note); The 
Dutch and Quaker Colonies 
in America, cited, 14 (note) 

Fitchburg, Poles in, 214 

Fleming, W. L., The Sequel of 
Appomattox, cited, 57 (note) 

Florida, fugitive slaves in, 54 

FoUenius quoted, 135-36 

Ford, H. J., The Scotch-Irish in 
America, quoted, 31 

Forestville (Ind.), communis- 
tic attempt, 96 

Fourierism in United States, 
93, 96-97, 101-02 

Franklin, Benjamin, estimates 
population of Pennsylvania 
(1774), 12 (note) 

Franklin (N. Y.)» communistic 
attempt at, 96 

Freedmen's Bureau, 57, 58 

French, Protestants leave 
France, 15; forts and trading 
posts of, 18; in United States, 
151-53; in Charleroi (Penn.). 
217; see also Huguenots 

French Canadians in New Eng- 
land, 122, 152, 215 

Frontiersmen, 34-36 

Gallipolis (O.) settled by French, 

Galveston, Italians in, 211 
Garfield, J. A., and Chinese 

immigration, 197 (note) 
Garland, Hamlin, A Son of the 

Middle Border, 36-37 
Gary (Ind.). character of town, 


Genoa (Wis.), Italian colony, 

Georgia, English settle, 5; not 
represented in first census, 25 

German-American League, 145 

Germans, in Pennsylvania, 13, 
14; lured by "soul-stealers," 
15; religious communists 
from, 68 et seq.; contrasted 
with Irish, 124; immigration 
tide, 124 et geq.; first period 
of migration, 126-29; second 
period of migration, 129-40; 
causes of emigration, 130; 
sailing conditions, 134; social 
life, 137, 140; laborers, 137, 
141; "Forty-eighters," 137- 
138 ; contribution to America, 
139; newspapers, 139, 142- 
144; number of immigrants 
(1870-1910), 141; third pe- 
riod of migration, 141-46; 
Prussian spirit among later 
immigrants, 142-44; propa- 
ganda, 143-45; "exchange 
professors," 144; in Great 
War, 146; in Johnstown 
(Penn.), 216; in Granite 
City (HI.), 217; in coal mines 
of Pennsylvania, 218 

Germantown (Penn.), founded, 
13; Pietists at, 69 

Giessener Gesellschaft, 136 

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 5 

Godin, J. B. A., 102 

Granite City (III.), Bulgarians 
in, 170; racial changes in, 

Great Britain, immigrants 
from, 103; record of emigra- 
tion, 104; see also England, 
English.Irish, Scotch, Scotch- 
Irish, Welsh 

Great Lakes, French on, 18 

Great War, German news- 
papers in, 143-44; soldiers of 
German descent in, 146; 
Poland and, 168; effect on 
immigration, 233 



Greeks in United States, 183, 

Greeley, Horace, 97 
Guise, only successful Fourier- 

istic colony, 102 

Hacker, J. G., quoted, 183r34 

Hadley, Poles in, 214-15 

Hakluyt, Kichard, quoted, 4 

Hamburg, German emigrants 
embark at, 134 

Hammonton (N. J.), Italian 
colony at, 212 

Harmonists, 72-77 

Harmony, town established, 73 

Harmony Society, 73 

Harvard College, 8 

Hatchet Men, 193 

Haverstraw (N. Y.), commu- 
nistic attempt at, 96 

Havre, German emigrants em- 
bark at, 134 

Hayes, R. B., vetoes amend- 
ment to Burlingame treaty, 
197; appoints commission 
to negotiate new treaty with 
China, 198 

Hessians, settle in America, 
129; Giessener Gesellschaft, 

Heynemann, Barbara, leader 
of Inspirationists, 81, 82 

Highbinders, 193 

Hindoos in United States, 207 

Holland, French Protestants 
flee to, 15; Spanish and Por- 
tuguese Jews find refuge in, 
16-17; Inspirationists, 80 

Holland (Mich.), center of 
Dutch influence, 153 

Homestead Law (1862), 148 

"Hooks and Eyes," nickname 
for Amish, 68 (note) 

Houston (Tex.). Italians in, 

Hudson Valley, Dutch in, 17 

Huguenots in Manhattan, 17; 
see also French 

Hungarians, see Jews, Magyars 
Hungary, Mennonites in, 89 
Hutter, Jacob, Mennonite 
martyr, 89 

I. W. W., see Industrial Work- 
ers of the World 

Icaria, 97-101 

Icaria-Speranxa community, 

Idaho, Japanese in, 204 

Illinois, admitted as State 
(1818), 33; frontiersmen in, 
36; " Underground Railway" 
in, 54; negroes in, 62; Bishop 
Hill Colony, 85-89; Swedish 
immigration, 91; Icarians in, 
99-100; Germans in, 134, 
137; Norwegians, 155; Scan- 
dinavians in, 156; Poles in, 
160, 167, 213; Slovenians in, 
173; racial changes in coal 
regions of, 219 

Immigration (1790-1820), 32; 
legislation, 201, 207, 222 et 
seq.'y present opportunities, 
208-10; Lincoln on, 222; 
only attempt of Federal 
Government to encourage, 
222-23; state regulation, 
224-25; bibliography, 235- 
236 ; see also names of peoples 

Immigration Commission, 
created, 230; and Japanese, 

Independence (La.), Italians 
in, 211 

Indiana, admitted as State 
(1816), 33; western migra- 
tion through, 36; "Under- 
ground Railway" in, 54; 
negroes in, 62; New Har- 
mony, 74-75, 94-96; Ger- 
mans in, 134; Scotch and 
English in, 151; Italian farm- 
ers in, 212; Poles in, 213; 
racial changes in coal regions, 
1^ Indianapolis. Bulgarians in, 1 70 



Indians real Americans, 22 

Indians, East, in America, 207 

Industrial Commission, on Pol- 
ish immigrants, 167; report 
on immigration, 228 

Industrial Workers of the 
World, Finns in, 160 

Inspirationists, 80-84 

Iowa, frontiersmen in, 36; In- 
spirationists in, 82-84; Ica- 
rians in, 101; Germans in, 
134, 141; Slavs in, 213 

Irish, in America, 6, 103 et seq.; 
half population of Ireland 
emigrates to America, 104; 
reasons for emigration, 105- 
107; in Continental Army, 
108; pauperimmigrantsfrom, 
110; travel conditions for 
immigrants, 111-12; present 
immigration, 121; economic 
advance in America, 122-23; 
contrasted with Germans, 
124; number of immigrants 
(1820-1910), 150; in New 
England mills, 215; in Law- 
rence (Mass.)? 216; in Johns- 
town (Penn.), 216; in Gran- 
ite City (111.), 217; in coal 
mines of Pennsylvania, 218 

Irish Republican Brotherhood, 

Isaacks, Isaac, 30 

Italians, in South, 65, 210-11; 
as laborers, .122; in United 
States, 180-83; on poor land, 
210; in New England mills, 
215; in Pennsylvania, 216, 
217, 218 

Jahn, F. L., organizes Turn- 

vereine, 131 
James, Henry, on foreigners in 

Boston, 162-63 
Jansen, Olaf, 88, 89 
Janson, Eric, 85-87, 89 
Jansonists, 85-89, 90 
Japan, agreement with (1907), 


Japanese, in United States, 203- 
207; hostility toward, 205- 
207; order of exclusion from 
United States, 206 

Jay, John, 16 

Jews, in America, 16-17, 176- 
180 ; S p a n i s h-Portuguese, 
177; German, 177; Austrian, 
178; Hungarian, 178; Rus- 
sian, 178-79 

Johnstown^ (Penn.), racial 
changes in, 216 

Joliet (111.), Slovenians in, 172 

Kansas, Germans in, 141 ; Scan- 
dinavians in, 156; Slavs in, 

Kapp, Frederick, 129, 140 

Kaskaskia, French settle, 152 

Kearney, Dennis, 193 

Kelpius, Johann, leader of 
Pietists, 69 

Kendal (O.), communistic at- 
tempt at, 96 

Kentucky, not represented in 
First Census, 25; admitted as 
State (1792), 33; pioneers 
leave, 36 

Kidnaping, labor brought to 
America by, 8 

" Know- Nothing" party, 114, 

Kotzebue, German publicist, 

Kruszka, Rev. W. X., esti- 
mates number of Poles, in 
United States, 167 (note) 

Ku Klux Klan, 58 

Labadists, 68-69 

Labor, kidnaping of, 8; inden- 
tured service, 9-10; Scotch 
political prisoners sold into 
service, 12-13; negro, 60-63; 
Irish displaced by other na- 
tionalities, 121-22; Italian, 
181; Chinese, 190-91; at- 
titude toward Chinese, 193, 
194; treaty limiting Chinese, 



Labor — Continued 

198; bill to prohibit immigra- 
tion of Chinese, 199; Scott 
Act, 201; Japanese, 204; 
racial changes in, 216-17; 
law to aid importation of 
contract labor, 222; contract 
labor excluded, 225 

Lafayette, Marquis de, visits 
Gallipolis, 152 

Land, immigrants on the, 147 
et seg.; immigrants on aban- 
doned or rejected land, 208- 

Laurens, Henry, 16 

Lawrence (Mass.), racial 
changes in, 215-16 

Lee, Ann, founder of Shakers, 
91, 92 

Legislation, negro, 59-60; Chi- 
nese immigration, 199-200, 
201-03; California Alien 
Land Act, 206-07; immigra- 
tion, 222 et seq. 

Lehigh River, Moravian com- 
munity on, 72 

Lehman, Peter, 72 

Lesueur, C. A., 95 

Levant, immigrants from the, 

Limestone Ridge, Battle of, 

Lincoln, Abraham, father a 
pioneer, 36; message to Con- 
gress Dec. 8, 1863, 222 

Literacy test for immigrants, in 
Lodge bill, 227; rejected in 
law of 1903, 228-29; execu- 
tive disapproval of, 231; bill 
passes over veto (1917), 232; 
provisions of act, 232 

Lithuanians in United States, 

Liverpool, Irish immigrants at, 
111, 112 (note) 

Lockwood, G. B., The New 
Harmony Movement, cited, 
96 (note) 

Lodge, H. C, The Distribution 

of Ability in the United States, 
39-41, 43; immigration bill, 

Logan, James, Secretary of 
Province of Pennsylvania, 
on Scotch-Irish, 11-12 

London, German emigrants 
embark at, 134 

Los Angeles, anti-Chinese riots, 

Louis Philippe visits Galli- 
polis, 152 

Louisiana, admitted as State 
(1812), 33; American migra- 
tion to, 34; Icarians in, 99; 
Italians in, 211 

Louisiana Purchase (1803), 147 

McCall, of Massachusetts, in- 
troduces Lodge bill in House, 

McCarthy, Justin, quoted, 
106; cited, 107 

Macedonia, Bulgarians from, 

McGee, T. D'A., leader of 
" Young Ireland" party, 120- 

Maclure, William, "Father of 
American Geology," 94-95 

Macluria (Ind.), communistic 
attempt, 96 

McMaster, J. B., History of the 
People of the United States, 
quoted, 152 

McParlan, James, 118 

Macy, Jesse, The Anti-Slavery 
Crusade, cited, 54 (note) 

Madison, James, on population 
of New England, 34 

Madison (111.), racial changes 
in, 217 

Magyars, distinct race, 174; 
in United States, 175-76; in 
Granite City (111.), 217 

Maine, Shakers in, 91 

Mainzer Adelsverein, 136 

Manchester (England), Shak- 
ers originate in, 91 



Manhattan, Jewish synagogue 
in (1691), 16; Dutch in, 17; 
cosmopolitan character, 17; 
Norwegian Quakers land on, 
155; see also New York City 

Marion, Francis, 16 

Marx, Karl, 179 

Maryland, English settle, 5-6; 
recruits schoolmasters from 
criminals, 9; Scotch-Irish in, 
11, 12; Scotch in, 12; Irish 
in, 13; Germans in, 127; 
Poles in, 213 

Massachusetts, French in, 15; 
Shakers in, 91; Brook Farm, 

Mather, Cotton, on Scotch- 
Irish, 11 

Mayer, Brantz, Captain Canot: 
or Twenty Years in a Slaver, 
quoted, 48 

Meade, General, against Fe- 
nians, 120 

Mennonites, 13, 68 (note) 

Mercury, New York, quoted, 

Metz, Christian, leader of In- 
spirationists, 81, 82 

Mexican War extends United 
States territory. 33, 148 

Mexicans, feeling against, in 
California, 190 

Michigan, admitted as State 
(1837), 33; Germans in, 134; 
Scotch and English in, 151; 
Dutch in, 153; Scandinavi- 
ans in, 156; farms for sale in, 
209; Slavs in, 212; racial 
changes in ore regions of, 219 

Mikkelsen, quoted, 90-91 

Milwaukee, ' ' the German 
Athens," 135; Poles in, 167 

Minnesota, frontiersmen in, 
36; Scandinavians in, 157; 
"Scandinavian language" in 
university, 158-59; Slavs in, 
212; racial changes in ore 
regions of, 219 

Mississippi, admitted as State 
(1817), S3; American migra- 
tion to, 34; Dalmatians in, 

Mississippi River, French on, 

Mississippi Valley, fugitive 
slaves in, 54; Irish in, 108; 
German influence, 135; 
French in, 152; Bohemians 
in, 159 

Missouri, admitted as State 
(1821), S3; frontiersmen in, 
36; Germans in, 134; Gies- 
sener Gesellschaft in, 136 

Mohawk Valley, Germans in, 

Molly Maguires, society among 
anthracite coal miners, 117- 

Monroe, James, and Owen, 94 

Montenegrins, as South Slavs, 
164; in United States, 171 

Moravians. 13, 17, 72, 165 

More, Sir Thomas, Utopia, 98 

Mormons, 87 

Mount Lebanon, Shaker com- 
munity, 91 

Mount Vernon, nationalities 
represented on July 4, 1918, 
at, 233 

Names, disappearance of, 24- 
25 (note); modifications, 30 

Nantes, Edict of, revocation of, 

National Association for the 
Advancement of Colored 
People, 63 

National Civil Federation calls 
immigration conference 
(1905), 229 

Nauvoo (111.). Icarians at, 99- 
100, 101 

Navigation Laws, 106 

Nebraska, Germans in, 141; 
Scandinavians in, 156; Bo- 
hemians in, 150; Slavs in, 



Neef, Joseph, 95 

Negroes, 45 et seq.; identified 
with America, 45; most dis- 
tinctly foreign element, 46; 
tribes represented among 
slaves, 49; mutual benefit or- 
ganizations, 51-52, 63; popu- 
lation (I860), 56; education, 
57; religion, 57; as farmers, 
59-60; advance, 64; char- 
acteristics shown by neg- 
lected gardens, 64-65; bib- 
liography, 236-37; see also 
Africans, Slavery, Slave 

Nevada, vote for Garfield 
(1880), 197 (note) 

New Amsterdam, Jews come to, 

New Bedford, Portuguese in, 

New Bern, Germans in, 127 

New England, English settle, 
6-6; dissenters found, 8; 
Scotch-Irish leave, 11; Dutch 
and, 17; Madison on popu- 
lation of, 34; slavery, 51; 
" Underground Railway'* in, 
54; capital in slave trade, 56; 
Montenegrins and Serbians 
in, 171; Portuguese in, 184; 
abandoned farms, 209; Poles 
in, 213; Slavs in, 214; racial 
changes in mills, 215-16 

New Era founded by McGee, 
121 (note) 

New Hampshire, Shakers in, 

New Harmony (Ind.), Rapp's 
colony, 74-75; sold to Robert 
Owen, 75; Owen's colony, 

New Jersey, English settle, 5; 
not represented in first cen- 
sus, 25; census computations 
for 1790, 28-29; Germans in, 
127; racial changes in manu- 
facturing towns, 216 

New Netherland, 17 

New Orleans, Spain acquires, 
18; Icarians in, 99; Irish in, 
113; Dalmatians in, 171; 
Italians in, 180,211 

New York (State), Germans in, 
14; French in, 15; Jews in, 
16; western part settled, 33; 
migration through, 36; slav- 
ery, 50-51; "Underground 
Railway" in, 54; and slave 
trade, 56; negroes in, 62; 
Shakers in, 91; Scotch and 
English in, 151; Norwegians 
in, 155; Poles in, 167; Rus- 
sians in, 169; Italian farmers, 
212; racial changes in manu- 
facturing towns, 216; State 
relief for immigrants, 224 

New York City, French in, 16; 
cosmopolitanism, 18-19; 
Irish in, 108, 109, 113; Tam- 
many Hall, 116; Germans in, 
127; Poles in, 167 (note); 
Croatiansin, 172; Hungarian 
Jews, 178; Russian Jews, 179; 
Italians, 180; see also Man- 

New York Nation, McGee es- 
tablishes, 120 (note) 

New Zealand, deflects migra- 
tion to United States, 150 

Newfoundland, Irish come 
through, 109 

Newspapers, German, 139, 142- 
144; Scandinavian, 158; Slo- 
vak, 169 

"Niagara Movement," 63 

Norsemen, see Scandinavians 

North, colonies settled by 
townfolk, 7-8; negroes in, 
55; negro laborers, 62 

North Carolina, Germans in, 

Northwest, Scandinavians in, 
156; see also names of States 

Northwest Territory, slavery 
forbidden in, 51 

Norwegians, number in Amer- 
ica, 154; character, 154; 



Norwegians — Continued 
lead Scandinavian migra- 
tion, 155; see also Scandi- 

Noyes, J. H., 92, 93 

Oberholtzer, History of the 
United States since the Civil 
War, cited, 120 (note), 148 
(note), 149 (note) 

Ohio, admitted as State (1802), 
S3; western migration 

' through, 36; "Underground 
Railway" in, 64; negroes in, 
62; Zoar colony, 78-80; Ger- 
mans in, 134; Scotch and 
English in, 151; French in, 
151-52; Swiss in, 153; Sloven- 
ians in, 173; Italian farmers, 
212; Poles in, 213; racial 
changes in coal regions of, 

Ohio River, French on, 18 

Oklahoma, Bohemians in, 159; 
Slavs in 213 

Old Elmspring Community, 89 

Olsen, Jonas, 87, 88 

Omaha, Italians in, 180 

Oneida Community, 92-93 

Orange County (N. Y.), Polish 
settlement, 213 

Ordinance of 1787, 51 

Oregon, acquisition of (1846), 
33, 147; Scandinavians in, 
156; Japanese in, 203 

Orientals, 188 et seq.; see also 
Chinese, Indians, East, Jap- 

Otis, General, 202 

Owen, Robert, 75, 98-96, 98 

Ozark Mountains, Italians in, 

Palatinate, peasants come to 

America from, 14 
Penn, William, 71 
Pennsylvania, English settle, 

5; Scotch-Irish in, 11-12; 

Welsh in, 13; Germans in. 

13, 14, 126-27; Dutch in, 14; 
Jews in, 17; cosmopolitan 
character, 19; western part 
settled, 33; slavery, 61; 
negroes in, 62; Dunkards in, 
70; Poles in, 167; Russians 
in, 169; Croatians in, 172; 
Slovenians in, 173; Lithua- 
nians in, 175; Italian farm- 
ers, 212; landward movement 
of Slavs in, 213-14; racial 
changes, 216, 218-19 ^ 

Pennsylvania Philosophical So- 
ciety, Pietists' astrological 
instruments in collection of, 

Petrosino, Lieutenant Joseph, 
murdered, 231 

Peysel, see Beissel 

Philadelphia, Welsh near, 13; 
cosmopolitan character, 18; 
negroes arrested, 61; Ephra- 
ta draws pupils from, 71; 
Irish immigrant association, 
109; Irish in, 113; Italians in, 

Philippines, Chinese exclusion, 

Pietists, 69-70 

Pine Lake (Wis.)» Swedish col- 
ony, 155 

Pittsburgh, **Boat Load of 
Knowledge'* from, 94 

Poles, in America, 160, 167-69, 
213, 214-15, 217; as North 
Slavs, 164^ 

Politics, foreigners in, 42; Irish 
in, 116, 117; Germans in, 139, 
144; Bohemians in, 166; 
Chinese as issue, 193; selec- 
tive immigration as issue 
(1892), 226-27 

Population, increase in, 32; 
see also Census 

Portland, Italians in, 180 

Portuguese in United States, 

Prairie du Rocher, French 
settlement, 162 



Presbyterians, Scotch-Irish, 10 
Presidents of United States 

from American stock, 42 
Price, J. C, negro orator, 64 

Quakers, Norwegian, 155 

Rafinesque, C. S., 95 

Railroads, Chinese laborers on, 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 5 

Rapp, F. R., adopted son of 
Father Rapp, 75-76 

Rapp, J. G., founder of Har- 
monists, 73; " Father Rapp," 
74; at Harmony, 73-74; at 
New Harmony, 74-75; at 
Economy, 75-77 

Reconstruction after Civil War, 

Red Bank (N. J.), communis- 
tic colony at, 97 

Reed, of Missouri, wishes to ex- 
clude African immigrants, 

Republican party on immigra- 
tion restriction, 226 

Restoration (sloop), 155 

r.evere, Paul, 16 

Revolutionary War, Irish in, 
108; Germans and, 127 

Rhode Island, French in, 15; 
Jews in, 17 

Rock Springs (Wyo.), anti- 
Chinese riot, 200 

Roosevelt, Theodore, confer- 
ence with delegation from 
California, 205; on restric- 
tion of immigration, 229-SO 

Root, John, 86-87 

Ross, E. A., The Old World in 
the New, cited, 163 (note) 

Rumania, Mennonites in, 89 

Rush, Benjamin, Manners of 
the German Inhabitants of 
Pennsylvania, 127-29 

Russia, Mennonites in, 89 

Russians, as North Slavs, 164; 
in United States, 169-70 

Ruthenians (Ukranians), as 
North Slavs, 164; in United 
States, 169 

St. Lawrence River, French on, 

St. Louis, Cabet in, 100; Irish 
in, 113; Germans in, 135; 
Hungarian Jews in, 178; 
Italians in, 180 

St. Patrick's Day, observed in 
Boston (1737), 108; in New 
York City (1762), 108; 
(1776), 108; (1784), 109 

San Antonio, Italians in, 211 

San Francisco, anti-Chinese at- 
titude, 193, 194, 200; Japa- 
nese excluded from public 
schools, 205 

Savannah, Germans in, 127 

Say, Thomas, "Father of 
American Zoology," 95 

Scandinavians in United States, 
85, 153-59, 185 

Schleswig-Holstein, Danes emi- 
grate from, 156 

Schluter, see Sluyter 

Schmitz, Mayor of San Fran- 
cisco, 205 

Schurz, Carl, 139 

Scioto Land Company (Com- 
panie du Scioto), 151-52 

Scotch, in America, 6, 12-13; 
in Manhattan, 17; immi- 
grants, 110, 150; on the land, 
151; in coal mines of Penn- 
sylvania, 218 

Scotch-Irish, in America, 6, 
10, 11; in Pennsylvania, 
11-12, 12 (note); names, 

Seattle, Bulgarians in, 170; 
anti-Chinese feeling, 200 

Seneca Indians Reservation, In- 
spirationists purchase (1841), 

Serbians, as South Slavs, 164; 
in United States, 171, 217 

Seward, W. H., Secretary of 



Seward, W. H. — Continued 
State, treaty with China 
(1868), 195-96 

Shaker Compendium quoted, 91 

Shakers, 91-92 

Shaw, Albert, Icaria, A Chapter 
in the History of Commu- 
nism, quoted, 100 

Siberia, Russian immigrants 
to, 170 (note) 

Sicilians, 182; see also Italians 

Silkville (Kan.), French com- 
munistic colony in, 102 

Six Companies, Chinese organ- 
ization. 192, 193 

Slavery, as recognized institu- 
tion, 9, 50; Channing on, 
46-47; protests against, 51; 
influence of cotton demand 
on, 52-53; fugitive slaves, 
54-55; condition when eman- 
cipated, 56-57; Germans 
against, 139; see also Ne- 
groes, Slave trade 

Slave trade, beginning of, 47; 
capture and transportation 
of slaves, 47-50; law pro- 
hibiting, 55; effect of cotton 
demand on, 55-56 

Slavonians on Pacific slope, 213 

Slavs, use of term, 164; on 
poor land, 210; colonies, 212- 
213; in New England mills, 
214, 215; in Pennsylvania, 
216, 217, 218; see also Bo- 
hemians, Bulgarians, Croa- 
tians, Dalmatians, Monte- 
negrins, Poles, Russians, 
Ruthenians, Serbians, Slo- 
vaks, Slovenians 

Slovaks, as North Slavs, 164; 
in United States, 168-69, 
216, 217; see also Slavs 

Slovenians, as South Slavs, 
164; "Griners," 172; see 
also Slavs 

Sluyter, Peter (or Schluter), 
(Vorstmann), leader of Laba- 
dists, 68 

Snow Hill (Penn.). community, 

Society of United Irishmen, 

South, plantationslure English, 
7; Scotch-Irish in, 12; cot- 
ton production, 52-53; Re- 
construction, 67-59; opposes 
liberal land laws, 148; im- 
migrants in cut-over timber 
regions, ^ 208; opportunities 
for immigrants in, 210 

South Carolina, French in, 15; 
slave laws, 50; insurrection 
(1822), 53; Germans in, 127 

South Dakota, Old Elmspring 
Community, 89 

Spain, England's victory over, 
2; France cedes New Or- 
leans to, 18 

Spanish- Americans in Cali- 
fornia, 190 

Standard Oil Company builds 
Whiting (Ind.), 217 

Steiner, E. A.. On the Trail of 
the Immigrant, quoted, 166, 

Stephens, James, 119 

Sullivan, General John, order 
of March 17, 1776, 108 

Sunnyside (Ark.)» Italians es- 
tablish (1895). 211 

Supreme Court, Chief Justices 
from American stock, 42; 
upholds communal contract, 
73; upholds exclusion, 200; 
on state regulation of im- 
migration, 225 

Swedes, in America, 85, 154, 
155-56; "Frenchmen of the 
North," 154; see also Scan- 

Switzerland, Inspirationists 
from, 80; immigration from, 
104; number of immigrants, 

Syrians, as laborers, 122; in 
United States, 184; in Johns- 
town (Penn.), 21« 



Tacoma, anti-Chinese feeling, 

Taft, W. H. vetoes literacy 
test provision (1913), 231 

Tammany Hall, 116 

Tennessee, not represented in 
First Census, 25; admitted 
as State (1796), 33; pioneers 
leave, 86 

Texas, added to United States, 
S3; Icarians in, 99; Fourier- 
istic community in, 101-02; 
Mainzer Adelsverein in, 136; 
Bohemians in, 159; Poles in, 
160, 167; Italian colonies, 
211; Slavs in, 213 

Thompson, Holland, The New 
South, cited, 60 (note) 

Tillinghast, The Negro in Afri- 
ca, quoted, 49 

Tokyo, anti-American feeling, 

Tone, Wolfe, portrait on Fe- 
nian bonds by, 119 

Transportation, development 
of, 149 

Tribune, New York, Brisbane 
and, 97 

Troost, Gerard, 95 

Turks in United States, 184 

Turnvereine, 131, 137 

Tuskegee Institute, 63 

Ukranians, see Ruthenians 
Ulster, Scotch in, 10 
Ulstermen, see Scotch-Irish 
"Underground Railway," 54 
United States, now called 
America, 22; population at 
close of Revolution, 23; 
American stock, 23; census 
(1790), 24; names changed 
or disappeared, 24-25 (note) ; 
population (1820), 82; Irish 
population, 105; expansion, 
147-48; nation of immi- 
grants, 233; see also America 
United States Steel Corporation 
builds Gary (Ind.), 216-17 

Unonius, Gustavus, 155 
Utopias in America, 66 et seq.; 
bibliography, 238-39 

Vermont, slaves emancipated, 

Vespucci, Amerigo, claim of 
discovery recognized, 21 

Vineland (N. J.), Italian colony 
at, 212 

Virginia, English occupation 
(1607), 1; English in, 5; 
protests receiving criminals, 
9; Scotch-Irish in, 11, 12; 
French in, 15; slavery, 47, 
50; insurrection (1831), 53- 
54; Irish in, 105; Germans in, 
127; racial changes in coal 
regions of, 219 

Vorstmann, see Sluyter 

Waldenses in Manhattan, 17 

WaldseemUller, Martin, and 
name America, 21 

Ward's Island, hospitals for 
immigrants on, 224 

Ware, Poles in, 214 

Washington, Booker T., 63 

Washington, George, on name 
America, 21; on spread of 
native population, 34; order 
of March 17, 1776, 108 

Washington (State), Scandi- 
navians in, 156; Japanese in, 
203, 204 

Washington (D. C.) Owen lec- 
tures at, 94; anti- Japanese 
demonstration at, 207 

Welsh, in United States, 6, 
150, 151, 216, 217, 218 

West, Far, Germans in, 142; 
draws homeseekers, 147; and 
land laws, 14t8; see also names 
of States 

West Indies, French in, 18; 
negro slavery, 47; Irish 
transported to, 105; Irish 
come through, 109 




West, Middle, racial changes in, 
216; see also names of States 
West Virginia, Croatians in, 
172;racialchangesin, 216,219 
Westfield, Poles in, 214 
Whiting (Ind.)» foreigners in, 

Whitney, Eli, cotton gin, 52 
Wilcox, W. F., quoted, 62-63 
Wilmington, Germans in, 127 
Wilson, Woodrow, and anti- 
Japanese feeling, 206; on 
literacy test, 231 
Windber(Penn.), racial changes 

in, 219 
Winthrop, John, on immigra- 
tion of Scotch-Irish, 11 
Wisconsin, frontiersmen in, 36; 
''Underground Railway" in, 
54; Fourieristic colony in, 
97; Germans in, 134. 137; 

Swiss in, 153; Scandinavians 
in, 156; Poles in, 160, 167; 
farms available in, 209; 
Slavs in, 212 

Worcester, Poles in, 214 

Workingmen's party, 193 

Wright, Fanny, 95 

Wyoming, and Chinese in- 
demnity claim, 201 

Yazoo Delta, Italians in, 211 
Yellow Springs (O.), commu- 
nistic attempt, 96 
Young, Brigham, 87 
"Young Ireland" party, 120 

Zimmermann, J. J., founder of 

Pietists, 69 
Zinzendorf, Count, 72 
Zoar, colony at, 78-80; Amana 

gains members from, 83 






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