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Our Lady of China 

Marian Devotion and the Jesuits 

Jeremy Clarke, S.J< 

BX3701 .S88 

Current Periodicals 

41/3 • AUTUMN 2009 


The Seminar is composed of a number of Jesuits appointed from their provinces in the United 

It concerns itself with topics pertaining to the spiritual doctrine and practice of Je- 
suits, especially United States Jesuits, and communicates the results to the members of the 
provinces through its publication, Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits. This is done in the 
spirit of Vatican lis recommendation that religious institutes recapture the original inspiration 
of their founders and adapt it to the circumstances of modern times. The Seminar welcomes 
reactions or comments in regard to the material that it publishes. 

The Seminar focuses its direct attention on the life and work of the Jesuits of the 
United States. The issues treated may be common also to Jesuits of other regions, to other 
priests, religious, and laity, to both men and women. Hence, the journal, while meant especially 
for American Jesuits, is not exclusively for them. Others who may find it helpful are cordially 
welcome to make use of it. 


R. Bentley Anderson, S.J., teaches history at St. Louis University, St. Louis, Mo. (2008) 

Richard A. Blake, S. J., is chairman of the Seminar and editor of STUDIES; he teaches film stud- 
ies at Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Mass. (2002) 

Mark Bosco, S.J., teaches English and theology at Loyola University Chicago, Chicago, 111. 

Gerald T. Cobb, S.J., teaches English at Seattle University, Seattle, Wash. (2007) 

Terrence Dempsey, S.J., teaches art history and directs the Museum of Contemporary Reli- 
gious Art at St. Louis University, St. Louis, Mo. (2009) 

Francis X. McAloon, S.J., teaches theology at the Jesuit School of Theology and the Graduate 
Theological Union, Berkeley, Cal. (2009) 

Michael C. McCarthy, S.J, teaches theology and classics at Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, 
Cal. (2008) 

Thomas J. Scirghi, S.J., teaches theology at Fordham University, Bronx, N.Y. (2007) 

Thomas Worcester, S.J., teaches history at the College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Mass. 

Michael A. Zampelli, S.J., teaches theater and dance at Santa Clara University, Santa Clara, 
Cal. (2007) 

The opinions expressed in Studies are those of the individual authors thereof. Paren- 
theses designate year of entry as a Seminar member. 

Copyright © 2009 and published by the Seminar on Jesuit Spirituality 

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Tel. 314-633-4622; Fax 314-633-4623 


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Tel. 617-552-0860; Fax 617-552-0925 


Our Lady of China 

Marian Devotion and the Jesuits 

Jeremy Clarke, S.J 


41/3 • AUTUMN 2009 

the first word . . . 

W hen does a Jesuit reach a point in life when he can no longer deny that he 
has become an old fuddy-duddy? The question holds both epistemological 
and metaphysical implications. What are the criteria for knowledge, and what 
is the essence of fuddy-duddy-ness? Several years ago an older colleague sug- 
gested what seemed at the time a few helpful points of reference for a shifting 
horizon of being. He argued that once cops and baseball players begin to look 
like kids, you know you've arrived. At the time, his thesis seemed objectively 
verifiable through the test of experience. 

Now that I have firmly established my own F. D. credentials, I find his 
analysis less convincing. Even in our most grandfatherly moments, I can't 
imagine many Jesuits addressing a state trooper as "Sonny," especially after 
he's just stopped us for doing seventy in a fifty-five-mile zone with an expired 
license. Baseball players have no age anymore, thanks to a creative use of 
chemicals. In the old days several seasons of outfield sun would weather their 
faces to the color and texture of a catcher's mitt, and the ever-present manda- 
tory wad of chewing tobacco would create heads hung with jowls that sweep 
away the morning dew. Those heroes on our baseball cards did in fact look 
like old-timers to us ten-year-olds. To a sixty-year-old, they must have looked 
like kids, and thus my friend's thesis. Q.E.D. Nowadays, teenagers arrive in 
the majors muscled like veteran weight-lifters, and graybeards wring one 
more season out of their knuckle-ball or designated-hitter slot, giving a new 
meaning to the term "baseball immortal." 

But if the old F. D. criteria haven't stood the proverbial test of time, 
what others can be invoked? Here's one that came to me late one evening 
in midsummer, as I lay sleepless in my Spartan cell while returning alum- 
ni danced away the hours in a plastic tent pitched under my window. No, I 
wasn't particularly grumpy about the situation, since the music was slated to 
end at 11:30, certainly a reasonable hour for ending dances any place in the 
real world. So with relative tranquility, I had no choice but to listen to the mu- 
sic provided by a rented deejay and his two-million-amp sound system. The 
thought struck me that all the music sounded the same: a heavy beat on the 
drums, a lot of twanging of guitars, and singers shrieking repetitious mono- 
syllables with something approximating a southern accent. (I'm told this is 


the influence of country music, which similarly all sounds the same to my ur- 
banized ear.) My thesis: When all pop music sounds alike, youVe crossed the R 
D. divide. i 

Yes, of course I realize that musical taste is culturally conditioned. Here's 
a good example. During my one brief experience of retreat giving in Nige- 
ria, I suggested that instead of playing those clunky 1970s guitar hymns dur- 
ing meals, the retreatants might find classical music more relaxing. Intercultur- 
al gaffe #873. My hostess told me politely but forcefully that they can't stand 
Western classical n\usic. Fair enough. Forcing me to listen to African, Indian, 
Chinese, or Arabic classical music would probably be an effective tool of what 
we now call ''enhanced interrogation." After ten minutes, I'd tell them anything 
they want to know, even where the minister hides the keys to the "extra" house 
car or how much I really spent on my credit card last month. 

Tossing from one side to the other during the alumni reunion concert, I 
appreciated for the first time that the temporal dimension is every bit as impor- 
tant as the spatial in intercultural dynamics. Yes, I knew that popular music ap- 
peals to "our" generation while those a few years younger or a few years older 
find it an abomination, but I didn't really appreciate the fact in all its brutal 
truth until that night. Dopey me. For the past twenty years or more, producers 
of those endless fund raisers on public television have been pioneering a whole 
new science of "age appropriate" music. The theory is simple: the audience that 
has the means to contribute can be presumed to have reached their F. D. years. 
(Their children are paying off the mortgage, and their grandchildren are still 
paying off college loans. No money there.) Recycling songs from their old col- 
lection of forty-five r.p.m. records gives them a sense that the PBS affiliate is 
"their" station, and they have an obligation to support it. 

Still there is something strange seeing performers well into their sev- 
enties strutting their stuff in sequins. The pop music of the fifties and sixties 
seems more suited to a museum than contemporary television, but it lives on 
every time PBS needs a few dollars. So do its vintage-age performers, with the 
aid of cosmetic surgery and properly constructed costumes. Several months 
ago there was a news story about the Rolling Stones having to cancel a concert 
because one of its members fell out of a tree and was injured. Do the arithme- 
tic. The band was big in the 1960s. How did this old geezer get into a tree in the 
first place? Men his age would norraally need a derrick. The musicians go on, 
and so do their fans, many of whom still pay exorbitant prices for tickets to see 
these old guys do the routines they have been doing for over forty years. What 
we call the "golden oldies" the younger generation refers to as "geriatric rock." 

Of course, it's all in the ear of the beholder. For a while I had the illusion 
that some popular music was exempt from the aging process: Gershwin, Cole 
Porter, Irving Berlin, Harold Arlen, and maybe even Rogers and Hart. I've often 


suspected that Fve been such a Woody Allen fan over the years simply because 
he uses these old standards as background music for his sound tracks. (We are 
both Brooklyn boys of the same age.) It came as a shock when I realized that 
not everybody held these old standards in awe. Several years ago, during a tour 
of duty in a scholasticate, I sat alone in the community's sole television room. 
After channel surfing for a few minutes, I settled on a PBS concert — possibly a 
fund-raiser — of vintage American songs performed in what appeared to be a 
cocktail-lounge setting. (Cole Porter and champagne always belong in the same 
sentence.) One of my pre-ordained brethren thumped his way to a chair the 
back of the room, and since he voiced no preference for a different channel, I let 
the program continue. After a few minutes, he got up and left with the parting 
shot: "How can you listen to this stuff?"' So much for the universal appeal of the 
timeless classics. 

Music may be one of the more obvious examples of the way we define 
cultural norms on the basis of our own experience and find the norms of peo- 
ple from other places or age brackets difficult to appreciate. Religion, of course, 
fits into this pattern. We Jesuits of the Vatican II generation remember the style 
of the old days, with nostalgia, perhaps, but just as much with embarrassment 
and perhaps even with a twinge of anger. WeVe made a literary genre of remi- 
niscences of litanies, birettas, fiddle-back vestments, and soupy hymns from 
the St. Gregory Hymnal. The theme boils down to a line from ''Amazing Grace": 
"I was lost, but now I'm found." Our younger companions have been patient 
with us, but if the truth be told, they find the topic exceedingly tedious by this 
time. One can imagine a day when we Vatican II commandoes have retired to 
the province infirmaries. In all probability we will find equally mixed emotions 
about our scented candles, paisley vestments, and the tattered copy of The Vel- 
veteen Rabbit sharing the ambo with the Lectionary. Our religious practice to- 
day seems perfectly natural and balanced, but wait until the next generation of 
memoirs begins to appear in, say, forty years. 

Geography has also played a part in our cultural expression of Catholi- 
cism. Few would question that the American church has been transformed over 
the past several decades by the rapid growth of the Latino population. My de- 
cidedly unscientific recollections indicate that being an American Catholic is a 
very different experience today than it was forty years ago. Not too long ago, 
we were a beachhead community, seeking a place in the American dream. We — 
the Irish, Italian, German, and Polish churches — took care of our own with our 
schools and labor unions. When the wave of Hispanics came ashore, we met 
them with denial and perhaps even hostility, then with condescension, and fi- 
nally with acceptance. We've come a long way from allowing a Spanish-lan- 
guage Mass in the church basement once a month. And just who has profited 
more by this meeting of Catholic cultures? Isn't it fair to say the infusion of new 
blood has transformed and revitalized the American churches more than any 

set of new documents and directives? The Latino presence has sensitized us to 
the needs of recent immigrants struggling in the cities and farms, to harsh legal 
restrictions, to the struggle for justice in other parts of our hemisphere. We've 
become more aware of the needs of God's people, not only in Latin America but 
throughout the world. Being a Catholic today means keeping the door open to 
the outside world that exists beyond the church vestibule or the parish bound- 
aries. Not too long ago, concern for social justice issues for ''minorities'' would 
be suspect in some quarters; now it is at the core of our religious identity as 
Catholics. It's a remarkable development. 

How generations and cultures interact and enrich one another over time 
holds the key to our Catholic understanding of Christianity. In this issue Jeremy 
Clarke has provided a laboratory case history of one such development. Most 
of us would have no trouble explaining the place of the Blessed Virgin Mary 
in the Catholic tradition. Yet it is clear that her role has evolved over the centu- 
ries and in different cultures. Jeremy takes us to China to show how the image 
of Mary developed through the meeting of European influences in a mission- 
ary church and the cultural sensibilities of Chinese artists. He spells out the in- 
evitable tensions between a host society and the images brought to it from the 
outside. The story is fascinating in itself, but as we reflect on it, we can see the 
ways our own religious beliefs and practices have changed according to time 
and place. We Catholics have become more catholic, and that's all to the good. 

A few second words . . . 

The Seminar on Jesuit Spirituality, like every other social organization, 
participates in the relentless march of generations. The fall issue of Studies tra- 
ditionally includes a mention of transitions, and this issue is no exception. 

On behalf of the Seminar, and with a bit of presumption on my part, 
on behalf of the entire U. S. Assistancy, I want to express our gratitude for the 
four members who have ended their three-year membership in the Seminar. 
Jim Bretzke will take up a new assignment as professor at the Boston College 
School of Theology and Ministry. There he will join his fellow retired Seminar 
member, Tom Massaro, now a veteran of the faculty there. As rector of the Jesu- 
it Community at Seattle University, Pat Howell will have enough to occupy his 
time and energies without the activities of the Seminar. After a year at Boston 
College, Mark Massa will return to Fordham as director of the American Catho- 
lic Studies program. Thanks for your conversation and companionship. We'll 
miss your presence at our meetings. 

Some of our old hands will be with us for a few more months, but with 
a change of portfolio. Tom Scirghi has moved his theological library from Je- 
suit School of Theology in Berkeley to Fordham. Bentley Andersen remains on 


the faculty of St. Louis University, but will take a year as a visiting professor at 

Now for the new generation: Mark Bosco, of the Missouri Province, 
holds a joint position in English and Theology at Loyola University Chicago, 
where he directs the Catholic Studies Program. He specializes in theological 
aesthetics and the Catholic literary tradition. His written works include Graham 
Greene's Catholic Imagination (2005) and a volume of essays he edited entitled 
Finding God in All Things: Celebrating Bernard Lonergan, John Courtney Murray and 
Karl Rahner (2007). Terry Dempsey, also of the Missouri Province, is the May 
O'Rourke Jay Professor of Art History and Religion at St. Louis University. He 
also serves as director of the Museum of Contemporary Religious Art, where 
he has curated thirty-five exhibits over the last twenty years. Frank McAloon, 
of the Maryland Province, teaches spirituality at the Jesuit School of Theology 
in Berkeley and the Graduate Theological Union. With a special interest in the 
poetry of Gerard Manley Hopkins, he works in the areas of religious aesthetics, 
hermeneutics, and Ignatian spirituality. His most recent book is 40-Day Journey 
with Gerard Manley Hopkins (2009). If s a remarkable roster. Many thanks to each 
of them for their generosity in accepting the invitation to join us for the next 
three years. 

Richard A. Blake, S.J. 


This is a cropped version of the ordination card for Charles D. Si- 
n\ons, S.J., ordained on June 10, 1933, at St. Ignatius Church, Zika- 
wei, Shanghai. The caption read Our Lady of China, in English 
and Chinese characters. (From the archives of the California Prov- 
ince of the Society of Jesus; gratefully used with permission.) 

Jeremy Clarke, S.J., a member of the Australian Province, is presently 
a post-doctoral fellow at Boston College and visiting fellow in the Re- 
search School of Pacific and Asian Studies, the College of Asia and the 
Pacific at the Australian National University, Canberra. Long a stu- 
dent of the history of Jesuits in China, he completed his doctoral stud- 
ies at the Australian National University. He is currently preparing 
a historical guidebook to the Catholic Church in Shanghai, focusing on 
the role of the Tushanwan Orphanage in developing modern Chinese 
art. He is also involved in projects relating to the four-hundredth an- 
niversary of the death ofMatteo Ricci, which falls in 2010. 



I. Introduction 

11. Historical Background 2 

The Pre-Suppression Period 5 

Sodalities Become the Cornerstone 6 

Early Images of Mary 7 

The Nineteenth Century 12 

III. Pilgrimages, Shrines, and Paintings 16 

Marian Devotion at Donglu 19 

The Donglu Portrait of Mary 26 

The Tushanwan Orphanage 27 

IV. From Donglu to Our Lady of China 30 

The Shanghai Plenary Council of 1924 35 

Consecrating China to Mary 38 

A New Image for a New Title 40 

V. Conclusion 46 


Our Lady of China 

Marian Devotion and the Jesuits 

Marian devotion rests at the heart of Chinese Catholicism 
and developed from an adaptation of Western practice to 
local cultures. By sponsoring Marian sodalities and pil- 
grimages, Jesuits contributed significantly to the Chinese 
church. Jesuit artists helped shape representations of Mary 
prevalent in China today. 

I. Introduction 

A well-educated Shanghainese friend of mine — a graduate from 
Harvard's Business School, no less — once asked me whether or 
not it was true that "Christians believe in Jesus, whereas Catho- 
lics believe in Mary/' Leaving aside the false dichotomy between Chris- 
tianity and Catholicism — one that has been made often in China since 
the beginning of the nineteenth century, resulting in both traditions be- 
ing recognized as distinct legal religions in the People's Republic of 
China — my friend does in fact have a point. Or at least, when one sur- 
veys the daily life and faith practices of the Catholic church in China, it 
is easy to see why she thinks this is the case/ 

Throughout the country almost every church will have a Marian 
statue or shrine on its property, oftentimes built in the form of an 
elaborate grotto. There are, or have been, pilgrimages to churches or 
shrines dedicated to all manner of Marian devotions including, among 

^Full-color reproductions of images mentioned in this essay can be ac- 
cessed at 


Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 


others. Our Lady Help of Christians, Our Lady of Liesse (from the small 
town of Aisne, north of Paris), and Our Lady of the Miraculous Medal. 
Recitations of the rosary occur both before and after Mass, during the 
Stations of the Cross, in open fields, and in private homes. Church 
calendars often bear a Marian image on their front page, and church 
devotional shops sell everything from prayer cards bearing the image of 
Our Lady of Medjugorje to rosary beads made out of cloisonne. Various 
Marian images are found on convent walls, in church porches, and in 
people's bedrooms. My friend, therefore, was partly right: in China 
Mary is indeed central to Catholic belief. 

In this paper I explore how such a situation evolved. In the process 
of showing how Marian devotion came to be a key feature of the Chinese 
Catholic church, I also outline the Jesuit involvement in the process. Thus, 
at one level the essay is about the development of a particular aspect of 
Chinese Catholic piety, and because of the Society of Jesus' sustained en- 
gagement with China, I hope that this of itself will be of interest to a gen- 
eral reader. More importantly, however, given the way that this strong 
Marian identity not only enabled Chinese Catholics to define themselves 
within Chinese society at large but also created one means by which they 
survived periods of external pressure and control, the history of a piety 
becomes, metonymously, the story of a conununity. 

The early Catholics not only sought to portray themselves as be- 
longing within Chinese society but also as being separate from other 
elements of the society. That is, they endeavored to create a legitimate 
space for themselves within the Chinese body politic and yet distin- 
guish themselves from, for instance, Buddhist and Daoist communities. 
The utilization of Marian devotions was one tactic employed by the ear- 
ly Chinese converts and Catholic missionaries in their pursuit of this 
goal. In the early sections of the essay, I explore the way in which this 
took place. In the latter parts I discuss the implications of the identity 
that had been formed by these devotions. 


11. Historical Background 

he Society's engagement with China, ever since the arrival of 
Michele Ruggieri and Francesco Pasio in Zhaoqing in southern 
China in the late-sixteenth century, has already been studied ex- 

Our Lady of China ^ 

tensively.^ Articles, books, and conferences have analyzed subjects as 
distinct as the Jesuits' controversial use of Chinese terms for Christian 
concepts to their position as cross-cultural conduits of everything from 
"Jesuit bark'' (quinine) to Confucianism. This trend will presumably 
continue, especially given that the year 2010 marks the four-hundredth 
anniversary of the death of Matteo Ricci in Beijing. Thus I will not repeat 
that story here, except by way of providing background. Rather, I ex- 
plore the sometimes neglected _.«^^^_^^^^^^^^«..«.^^_^^ 

development of the Chinese —, . , . , . 

r- i-u 1- J i-i^ • i-u • This paper seeks to chart a course 
Catholic identity m the nine- ^ ^ . . , . , 

.1 J 1 i. i.- i-u between overstatement ana 

teenth and early-twentieth , . . . t . , ,. 

1 . 1 T M. / 1 historical amnesia hy recorain^^ 

centuries, and the Jesuits role ., , ^., x ... . .. 

. . 1 , J 1 . the role of the Jesuits in assistini^ 

m that development. . ,, , -^ , ^ . ^.r ^r . 

^ in the development of the Chinese 

It would be historically Catholic identity, especially as 

inaccurate, as well as an act of regards Marian devotion, 

hubris, to suggest that the role ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
of the Jesuits in the modern 

period was as significant or pervasive as it was in the period prior to 
our Suppression (1772). This is especially so, given the role of not only 
other foreign congregations, such as the Vincentians (Lazarists), the 
Paris Foreign Mission Society (La Societe des Missions Etrangeres de 
Paris), and the Helpers of the Holy Souls (Les Auxiliatrices des Ames 
du Purgatoire), among others, but also given the lived experiences of 
the Chinese Catholic communities themselves.^ Nevertheless, neither 
can the Jesuit contribution to the development of a Chinese Marian 
spirituality be ignored altogether. The following example suffices to il- 
lustrate this. 

^See, for instance, Liam Brockey's prize-winning book journey to the East: 
The Jesuit Mission to China, 1579-1724 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University 
Press, 2007); Nicholas Standaert, ed., A Handbook of Christianity in China, 635- 
1800 (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2001); Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Art on the Jesuit Mis- 
sions in Asia and Latin America, 1542-1773 (Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toron- 
to Press, 1999); and David Mungello, ed.. The Chinese Rites Controversy: Its History 
and Meaning (Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1994). 

^The crucial role of the Chinese Catholics themselves is a point well made 
by David Mungello in his article "The Return of the Jesuits to China in 1841 and 
the Chinese Christian backlash," The Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal 27 
(2005): 9-46. Peter Ward Fay's article "The French Catholic Mission in China dur- 
ing the Opium War" {Modern Asian Studies 4, no. 2 [1970]: 115-28) also recounts 
the understandably essential role of the Chinese Christians. 

^ Jeremy Clarke, S J. 

One of the most significant public acts of worship for the Chinese 
Catholic church is the Marian pilgrimage to Sheshan, on the outskirts of 
Shanghai. A French Jesuit, Father Desjacques, initiated this pilgrimage 
in 1868. Two years later, in 1870, there was a widespread Christian per- 
secution in China. The then superior of the mission of Jiangnan (the area 
south of the Yangtze River, the Chang Jiang), an Italian Jesuit Father, An- 
gelo della Corte by name, promised to build a large church dedicated to 
Our Lady Help of Christians if Mary protected her people in their time 
of need. The dangers were averted, the church was built, and the tradi- 
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^_ tion of making a pilgrimage to 

Sheshan, especially on May 24 
Not only did [sodalities] increase (^^e Feast of Our Lady Help of 

the popularity of a particular Christians), was begun. 

devotion, hut they also provided 

an organizational structure within The Chinese Catho- 

church communities, which were lies believe that at numerous 

often chronically short of priests times throughout their his- 

or brothers to serve them, tory they have been saved by 

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ just such a beneficent interven- 
tion by Mary. Not only is this a 
sense of having been saved from immediate danger (be this marauding 
Taiping or Boxer troops, militant atheists, or rampant Red Guards) but 
also a sense of being brought into the salvific presence of Jesus through 
the intercession of Mary. They consider that the aversion of calamity, 
or at least being given the graces to endure whatever wave of hardship 
breaks upon them, is a foretaste of their eternal salvation. 

Through times of war and periods of persecution, this pilgrimage 
has continued, even until today. On rare occasions, however, formal pil- 
grimages have been banned and actively prevented, as happened dur- 
ing the Cultural Revolution.^ The success of the Sheshan pilgrimage, 
and the central place it played in the life of the Chinese Catholics, was 
recognized in 1924 at the conclusion of a plenary council that took place 
in Shanghai. The Chinese Catholic Church was entrusted to Mary's pro- 
tection, and the council fathers formally recognized the devotion to 
Our Heavenly Queen of China (also known as Our Lady of China). ^ 
A Chinese Jesuit brother working in Shanghai at the famous art work- 

* A recent example of this was during the lead-up to the 2008 Olympics, when 
visitors reported official harassment. See, for instance, AsiaNews, 05/28/2008, http:/ / /index.php?l=en&art=12371&size=A 

^ Pius XI gave official recognition to this devotion in 1928. 

Our Lady of China ^ 

shop at the Jesuit-run orphanage at Tushanwan (also known as Tou-se- 
we) painted the image for this new devotion. A French Jesuit wrote the 
prayer of dedication, in Latin and Chinese. 

This paper seeks to chart a course between overstatement and his- 
torical amnesia by recording the role of the Jesuits in assisting in the de- 
velopment of the Chinese Catholic identity, especially as regards Mari- 
an devotion. Although the Church in China continues to face challenges 
from within and without, a greater understanding of how it came to 
possess the unique characteristics that it does will, I hope, go some way 
to assist in the alleviation of such difficulties. At the very least, Jesu- 
its and those who are enlivened by Ignatian spirituality may be em- 
boldened to take up Benedict XVFs call during Pentecost 2007 to join 
with the Chinese Catholic church and, on the feast of Our Lady Help of 
Christians, stand in prayerful solidarity with them.^ 

The Pre-Suppression Period 

Two factors came together to promote Marian devotions in China 
during the pre-Suppression period. There was the rich vein of Marian 
spirituality that permeated the work of the early Society, and then there 
was the already well-developed tradition of Marian piety and cross-cul- 
tural exchange that had taken place in China since the late-thirteenth 
century, especially in the field of visual culture. Both of these factors 
have been discussed elsewhere, so it is enough to summarize the essen- 
tial elements.^ 

As is well known, Mary has held a central place in Ignatian spiri- 
tuality from the earliest days of the Society. Among other things, this is 
revealed by famous incidents in Ignatius' s own life journey — from his 
all-night vigil before Our Lady of Montserrat to his desire to defend the 
good name of Mary when a fellow traveller, a Moor, refers to her dis- 
paragingly along the road {Autobiography, 13, 15). The Spiritual Exercises 
encourage the frequent use of Marian intercessory prayers, and numer- 

^See Benedict XVI's "Letter to the Bishops, Priests, Consecrated Per- 
sons and Lay Faithful of the Catholic Church in the People's Republic of Chi- 
na" (May 27, 2007), no. 19 ( 
/letters/2007/documents/hf_ben-xvi_let_20070527_china_en.html ). 

^See for instance, Nicholas Standaert, An Illustrated Life of Christ Presented 
to the Chinese Emperor: The History ofjincheng Shuxiang (Sankt Augustin: Institute 
Monumenta Serica, 2007). 

^ Jeremy Clarke, S J, 

ous meditations have distinctly Marian themes (as, for instance, the first 
contemplation of the Second Week, where the particular subject of the 
composition of place is to imagine Mary in her rooms in Nazareth as she 
is visited by the angel Gabriel). 

Visually too, as shown by Thomas Lucas, S.J., in an earlier edi- 
tion of Studies, images of Mary were used for evangelizing purposes on 
the far-flung missions of the early Society, including notably in China.^ 
Marian feast days played a symbolic and practical role in the liturgi- 
cal life of our communities and the significant role of sodalities, Marian 
ones in particular (what came to be known in some provinces as ''Teams 
of Our Lady'O/ has been remarked upon elsewhere.^ 

Sodalities Become the Cornerstones 

The sodalities played an especially important role in China. Not 
only did they increase the popularity of a particular devotion, but they 
also provided an organizational structure within church communities, 
which were often chronically short of priests or brothers to serve them. 
In this way they promoted a vibrant prayer life among the lay faithful, 
while at the same time offering sound catechetical education. Matteo 
Ricci seems to have started the earliest Marian sodality in Beijing in 
1609.^° Other missionaries around the country soon did likewise. In 
1610 Joao da Rocha began a congregation in Nanjing, Lazzaro Catta- 
neo established one in Shanghai in the same year, and other mission- 
aries followed suit at different stages throughout the empire." Written 
documents were also produced to assist in the ongoing formation of the 
members of the sodalities. Some of these were specifically Marian in fo- 
cus, for instance, Joao da Rocha's illustrated work Method for Praying the 
Rosary, which was published in 1619.^^ 

^Thomas M. Lucas, SJ., "Virtual Vessels, Mystical Signs: Contemplating 
Mary's Images in the Jesuit Tradition," Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 35, no. 
5 (November 2003). 

^See, especially, Brockey, Journey to the East, and Standaert, Handbook. 

^°See Albert Chan, Chinese Books and Documents in the Jesuit Archives in 
Rome: A Descriptive Catalogue, Japonica-Sinica I-IV (Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 
2002), 459; Brockey, Journey to the East, 331, argues, contra Chan, that a group had 
been encouraged to form in Zhaoqing much earlier than this. 

"See Chan, Chinese Books, 460, and Standaert, Handbook, 456-60. 

^^Also known by its Chinese title, Songnianzhu Guicheng, this work 
is particularly important in any study of the way that religious themes are 

Our Lady of China ^^ 

By 1664, at the time of the anti-Christian persecution led by 
Yang Guangxian, ''the congregations numbered about 400 and the 
number of members in each congregation about 100/'" In this year in 
Shanghai alone, for instance, there were six different types of sodalities 
or lay congregations. The largest of these, one exclusively for women, 
reportedly had 144 smaller confraternities or groups and was dedicated 
to our Lady/^ 

Early Images of Mary 

The success of the Marian sodalities can also be linked to the 
popularity of Marian images in general/^ Extensive academic research 
on various aspects of visual culture in the late Ming (1368-1644) and 
early Qing dynasties (1644-1911) has revealed that there existed strong 
links between images of the Madonna and Guanyin, the Buddhist bo- 
dhisattva of compassion/^ At the risk of retelling a well-known story, 
it is acknowledged that during their work in China during the Yuan 

transmitted through the use of visual imagery, because the illustrations contained 
within it are noticeably Chinese in style. Albert Chan and Gianni Criveller argue 
that da Rocha's work was published in 1619; see Chan, Chinese Books, 70-71, con- 
cerning the difficulty of dating this work, and Gianni Criveller, Preaching Christ 
in Late Ming China: The Jesuits' Presentation of Christ from Matteo Ricci to Guilio 
Aleni (Taipei: Ricci Institute for Chinese Studies, 1997), 237. On the other hand, 
Bailey puts the date at 1608 {Art on the Jesuit Missions, 102). 

^^Chan, Chinese Books, 460. 

^"^Henri Havret, La Mission du Kiang-nan: Son histoire, ses oeuvres (Paris: J. 
Mersch Imprimeur, 1900), 12. 

^^As shown by Lucas, "Virtual Vessels,'' and Bailey, Art on the Jesuit 

^^ Scholars like Derek Gillman, Timothy Brook, and Yii Chun-Fang, as well 
as Sepp Schiiller before them, have shown the process of mutual borrowing that 
occurred between the producers of these different images. Sepp Schiiller, in his 
La Vierge Marie a Travers les Missions (Paris: Braun and Cie, 1936), makes argu- 
ments similar to those of the later scholars mentioned here; but it seems his 
work was unknown to at least Gillman and Yii. Derek Gillman's work, however, 
"Ming and Qing Ivories: Figure Carving," in Chinese Ivories from the Shang to the 
Qing, ed. W. Watson (London: British Museum Publications Ltd, 1984), 35-52, is 
cited by Yii, Kuan-yin. Timothy Brook, The Confusions of Pleasure: Commerce and 
Culture in Ming China (Berkeley: University of CaUfornia Press, 1998), 121-29, 
also mentions these connections. Other scholars have drawn on the latter work 
by Yii Chiin-fang, Kuan-yin: The Chinese Transformation of Avalokitesvara (New 
York: Columbia University Press, 2001), such that the earlier works have largely 
faded from the public arena. See, for instance, "Guadalupe and Guanyin: Images 

8 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

dynasty (1271-1368), Franciscan missionaries utilized Marian images, 
prominent among which were paintings or drawings of the type that 
came to be known as the Madonna of Humility, where Mary is paint- 
ed holding Jesus on her lap.^^ These images were then appropriated by 
Chinese artisans and painters and not only Sinicized but also, in certain 
contexts, incorporated within Buddhist iconography The result of this 
incorporation was the development of a unique Chinese Buddhist im- 
age, Child-Giving Guanyin.^^ 

The oldest image of Mary in a Chinese context is found on the 
tombstone of Catherine Ilioni (not Viglione, as it is sometimes writ- 
ten), which bears the date 1342. She was buried in the city of Yangzhou, 
along the Grand Canal in eastern China just north of the Yangtze River. 
As Francis Rouleau, S.J., a California Jesuit and Chinese church histo- 
rian, first noted in 1954, Mary is shown seated on a Chinese-style seat, 
holding Jesus, and angels fly around them, again represented with Chi- 
nese motifs.^^ At the same time, contemporaneous Guanyin images be- 

of the Madonna in Mexico and China," a public lecture by Lauren Arnold at the 
Ricci Institute, University of San Francisco, 2005, which cites Yii frequently. 

^^Jesuits can often start the history of Christianity in China at the end 
of the sixteenth century, thereby forgetting the earlier work of the Franciscans. 
One way to read about this history is through the letters of these missionaries 
themselves; see, for instance, Henry Yule, trans, and ed., Cathay and the Way 
Thither: Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China (London: Printed for the 
Hakluyt Society, 1866). 

^^ Strictly speaking, the Chinese title, Songzi Guanyin, means "son-giving 
Guanyin" but a more inclusive translation is also possible. 

^^Francis Rouleau, "The Yangchow Tombstone as a Landmark of Medieval 
Christianity in China," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 17, nos. 3-4 (1954): 346- 
65. Later works, like Igor de Rachewiltz, Papal Envoys to Genghis Khan (London: 
Faber and Faber, 1971) and Richard C. Rudolph, "A Second Fourteenth-Century 
Italian Tombstone in Yangzhou," Journal of Oriental Studies 13, no. 2 (1975), also 
write about this stone, and a companion stone for Anthony Ilioni, who died in 
1344. There has been considerable debate about whether the name was Viglione, 
or variations on this, or Ilioni, with the definitive argument for Ilioni being put in 
1977 by Robert S. Lopez in his "Nouveaux documents sur les marchands italiens 
en Chine a I'epoque mongole," as cited in Speaking of Yangzhou, a Chinese City, 
1550-1850, by Antonia Finnane (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Asia 
Center; distributed by Harvard University Press, 2004), 341 n.8. Some other 
works, like Lauren Arnold's Princely Gifts and Papal Treasures: The Franciscan 
Mission to China and Its Influence on the Art of the West, 1250-1350 (San Francisco: 
Desiderata Press, 1999), rely on Rouleau and thus continue to use, incorrectly, 
Viglione. Chinese works sidestep this issue by not translating the surname; see. 

Our Lady of China ^^ 

gin to show the female bodhisattva cradling a child, in a posture similar 
to that of the Madonna of Humility. 

The vibrant Latin Rite communities established by the Franciscans 
almost certainly seem to have died out at the end of the Yuan dynas- 
ty, and all that remains of this history are funerary monuments, archi- 
tectural remnants, paintings, 

and parts of letters. Even so, 

.1,1... r 1. . . AltnouQn the Catholic 

the tradition of making statues . . . y , , 

.^ ji. . r ^ mtsstonartes who were already 

of Guanym cradling an infant . ^i . ^ /• .i 

,■ , ^ P , ., tn China came from many of the 

child was maintained with- countries that made up Catholic 

in Chinese towns along the Europe, a large number of the 

eastern seaboard. There was a ^^^/^ g^^^ Catholic religious 

rise in trade in the middle de- ^^^^ French. The members of this 

cades of the sixteenth century national group brought with them 
between Chinese artisans liv- more than just "the universal 

ing in these littoral ports, their faith" and memories of home, 

compatriots living throughout ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^_...^^_ 
south-east Asia (especially in 

Manila), Portuguese traders from Macao, and Spanish merchants from 
the Philippines. This caused the resumption of production of Christian 
images, including Marian ones, often with Chinese motifs and features. 

Derek Gillman cites contemporary merchant accounts to illustrate 
the sheer diversity of the items for trade, as, for instance, the record 
made by Fernando Riguel, the Philippine governor's notary, of objects 
brought by Chinese merchants in 1574. 

A year ago there came to the port of this city three ships from China, and 
to the neighboring islands five more. Those which came here brought 
merchandise such as is used by the Chinese, and such as they bring here 
ordinarily The distance frora the mainland is not great, the voyage lasts 
about eight days. . . . They brought specimens of many kinds of goods 
peculiar to their country, in order to arrange the price at which they can 
be sold — such as quicksilver, powder, pepper, fine cinnamon, cloves, sug- 
ar, iron, copper, tin, brass, silks in textiles of many kinds and in skeins, 
realgar, camphor, various kinds of crockery, luscious and sweet orang- 
es, and a thousand other goods and trifles quite as many as the Flem- 

for instance, Gu Weimin, Zhongguo Tianzhujiao Biannianshi [The annals of the 
Catholic Church in China] (Shanghai: Shanghai Shudian Chubanshe, 2003), 44. 

10 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

ish bring. Moreover they brought images of crucifixes and very curious 
seals made like ours.^° 

This account, which v\^as written when Ricci was still studying 
rhetoric at the Roman College, reveals that Chinese merchants clearly 
considered the production and sale of Christian imagery to be a profit- 
able part of their business. Three decades later, in 1604, a letter written 
by a Jesuit in the Philippines reveals that by that time Marian imagery 
also featured strongly in this trade: ''Almost all of the churches in the is- 
land were adorned with images, nearly all of which were of the Mother 
of God."^^ By the time of the establishment of the first Jesuit residence in 
China in 1582, and therefore even before the beginning of the third pe- 
riod of Christian history in China, there was already a strong culture of 
Chinese Marian imagery, or at least of Marian imagery produced in Chi- 
na. The rich strand of Marian devotion brought by the Jesuits was thus 
not as foreign as the missionaries may have first presumed or feared. 

This did not prevent moments of confusion and misunderstand- 
ing, as, for instance, when Chinese visitors to the house in Zhaoqing, 
upon viewing a painting of the Madonna, exclaimed that the Jesuits 
worshiped a woman, perhaps thinking this was a representation of 
Guanyin.^ Nevertheless, this did not stop the Jesuits from utilizing the 
various elements of Marian spirituality that were at their disposal and 
led indeed to a further enriching of both the images produced in Chi- 
na and the devotions practiced by the Chinese Christians over the next 

The various expressions and acts of religious devotion made 
by Chinese Catholics during these centuries have been discussed at 
length in the often acrimonious conversation about the Chinese Rites 
Controversy, and it is not my intention to consider that issue here yet 
again. It is important to note, nevertheless, that one consequence of this 
dispute was that the Qing emperors Kangxi and Yongzheng proscribed 
the practice of Christianity in China in 1717 and 1724 respectively. Un- 
derstandably, these edicts noticeably affected the Catholic communi- 
ties. Kenneth Latourette wrote that ''after what looked like a promising 

2° Cited in Gillman, ''Ming and Qing Ivories," 37. 

2'Citedibid., 40. 

^^See, among others, Jonathan D. Spence, The Memory Palace ofMatteo Ricci 
(New York, N.Y.: Elizabeth Sifton Books, Penguin books, 1985), 242-46. 

Our Lady of China ^ 11 

growth in the latter part of the seventeenth century, the eighteenth cen- 
tury brought adverse conditions which for a time seemed to presage a 
third extinction of the faith/'^^ 

The proscriptions did not mean, however, that all foreign Cath- 
olic missionaries left China. Nor did it result in the total cessation of 
missionaries crossing the borders; also, the established Chinese Catho- 
lic communities did not in fact wither away. In many general histories 
about Christianity in China, one of the enduring simplifications about 
this period of history has been "that by the time the [opium] war broke 

out the Catholic Mission to ^^^^^_^^^^^^_^___^^__.^ 
China had shrunk almost to 

nothing "^^ This was clearlv ^Llfiree statues that exist in churches 
not the case. It was true, nev- ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^V ^^^ kilometers 

ertheless, that the increase distant from one another show at 
in the number of Christians once marked similarities yet also 

during this time was remark- significant differences, illustrating 
ably slow. Peter Ward Fay es- ^^^ ^^^^ diversity of the 

timates that by the beginning Marian devotions in Paris, 

of the 1830s there were around ^^^ indeed beyond. 

200,000 converts throughout ^_«.»».i«»»»«..^^_»»^.,.....^._ 
all of China and David Mun- 

gello adds to this figure, maintaining that by the time of the Jesuits' 
return in the mid-nineteenth century there were almost 250,000 Cath- 
olics.^^ Whatever the exact numbers (which are of course hard to deter- 
mine), whenever they were able these Catholic communities continued 
to receive the sacraments from their priests, both Chinese and foreign. 
In between times the lay leaders continued to guide the communities. 

Since the number of lay leaders vastly outnumbered that of 
priests, devotions that the lay leaders were allowed to lead became the 
ones used more often. Naturally enough, the lay catechists and virgins 

^^ Kenneth Latourette, The Nineteenth Century outside Europe: The Americas, 
the Pacific, Asia, and Africa, vol. 3 of Christianity in a Revolutionary Age: A History 
of Christianity in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London: Eyre and Spot- 
tiswood, 1961), 444. 

'Fay, "French Catholic Mission," 117. 

David Mungello, "The Return of the Jesuits," 16, and Fay, "French Cath- 
olic Mission," 118. Fay's research also indicates that there were around twenty- 
nine French missionaries spread throughout all of China at this time. 


12 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S J. 

(women who consecrated themselves to a form of religious life with- 
out being formally part of a congregation) were assisted in their work 
by the prayer habits inculcated by the sodalities, especially the ones 
dedicated to our Lady. It is no surprise, then, that by the middle of the 
nineteenth century, when the Chinese Christian communities were able 
to function legally again, Marian pieties had come to be key elements 
of their faith life. I now focus on the interactions between the newly 
arrived missionaries and the local communities, especially regarding 
these devotions. 

The Nineteenth Century 

Church activities ceased to be illegal after the victories of the for- 
eign powers in the Opium Wars of 1839-42 and 1856-60. Attendant upon 
these victories and the numerous treaties that followed them was the 
opening up of a number of ports along the Chinese coast and the right of 
foreign powers (especially the French) to protect their Christian subjects, 
Chinese or otherwise. Foreign missionaries, including Jesuits, were once 
again able to enter China legally and they did so in large numbers. Mis- 
sionaries were also now allowed to travel throughout the country. 

The treaties encouraged the arrival of a new generation of foreign 
missionaries, both Catholic and Protestant. Although the Catholic mis- 
sionaries who were already in China came from many of the countries 
that made up Catholic Europe, a large number of the newly sent Catho- 
lic religious were French. The members of this national group brought 
with them more than just "the universal faith" and memories of home. 
These missionaries also had many popular French devotional images 
in their possession. Such objects were instruniental in the missionar- 
ies' catechetical program and at the same time served to remind the re- 
ligious of their loved ones far across the globe. These faith objects were 
subsequently displayed more frequently than the existing images, some 
of which, as discussed, had Chinese features.^^ 


^^It is important not to overstate the French influence on the Chinese 
church, given the role played by Belgian, German, Irish, and North American 
missionaries, for instance, in the period after the Opium Wars. Even so, the 
French influence was significant, not only because of the effects of the French 
protectorate but also because of the number of French missionaries (especially 
in leadership positions), the places the French congregations worked, and the 
role of their printeries, seminaries, and communication networks. At the First 
Vatican Council (1869) ten of the fifteen bishops sent from China were French; in 
1885, seventeen of the thirty-five Catholic missions in China were entrusted to 

Our Lady of China ^ 13 

Many of these new images were Marian in nature, and con- 
sequently the images of Mary from the French churches soon over- 
whelmed images of the Madonna that had been produced in China. The 
French churchmen and churchwomen (for, as distinct from the previ- 
ous waves of missionaries, there were also groups of missionary sisters 
among these new generations) certainly had a large variety of images to 
choose from.^^ This was but one ^— ^^^^— ^^^^— ^^^— ^^^^^^ 
consequence of the popular- Yhe French missionaries entering 

ity of Marian devotion within qi^i^^ i^ ^/^^ y^^y^ ^ff^y the Opium 
France at this time. Wars were thus increasingly 

In Paris alone, for in- ^^^^^V *" ''""^ ^'*^ ^^^"^ statues 

.1 T paintings, pictures, ana 

stance, there were several ma- ^, , r , ^ , • 

T,, . 1 . .^1 . 1 . holu medals featurtn<^ 

lor Marian shrines withm aki- ^tj^t j 

; ^ .1 1 . r .1 Our Lady of Lourdes. 

lometer from the heart of the ^ -^ 

city, the He de la Cite. Each of — ^^^^-^^^^— ^^— ^^^^^— 
these shrines had a distinct devotional focus and a different iconograph- 
ic representation of Mary, if not indeed several representations. Even so, 
in each of these churches there exists one particular Marian image, the 
image from which the church has derived its name. This key image is 
also the only one recognized as the image of the particular devotion as- 
sociated with the church. This becomes important later when we con- 
sider the image used for Our Lady Queen of China. 

Three of these shrines included Our Lady of Paris (Notre Dame de 
Paris), on the island itself. Our Lady of Good Deliverance (Notre Dame 
de Sainte Esperance) on the left bank of the river Seine, and Our Lady 
of Victories (Notre Dame des Victoires), on the right bank. These three 

French congregations, and even by 1914, of the 1,500 n\issionaries in the coun- 
try, 850 were French. See Claude Soetens, L'Eglise Catholique en Chine au XXe Ste- 
ele (Paris: Beauchesne, 1997), 79; Louis Wei Tsing-sing, La Politique missionaire de 
la France en Chine, 1842-1856 (Paris: Nouvelles Editions Latines, 1960), 95; and 
Louis Wei Tsing-sing, Le Saint-Siege, la France et la Chine sous le pontificat de Leon 
XUl: Le projet de V etahlissement d'une Nonciature a Pekin et I' affaire du Pei-t'ang, 
1880-1886 (Schoneck/Beckenreid: Administration de la Nouvelle Revue de sci- 
ence Missionaire, 1966), 12. Although missionaries from the other nationalities 
likewise had their own devotions, because the French devotions were both par- 
ticular — and thus especially used by French missionaries — and universal (used 
by all), they were present throughout the whole country. 

^^For instance, the Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul arrived in Chi- 
na in 1847, followed later by the Society of Helpers in 1867, and a group of Car- 
melite Sisters (from Laval) arrived in 1869. 

14 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

shrines, and others besides, were popular as pilgrimage destinations for 
French (and other European) Catholics in the nineteenth century, and 
indeed even earlier. Although the French Marian images shared many 
common details, such as the frequent use of the mother and child, among 
these various representations there were notable differences, such as the 
physical position of Jesus in relation to Mary Thus three statues that ex- 
ist in churches that were barely two kilometers distant from one another 
show at once marked similarities yet also significant differences, illus- 
trating the rich diversity of the Marian devotions in Paris, and indeed 

One of the most famous Marian images of modern times. Our 
Lady of Lourdes, is a case in point. This image, which originated in the 
French Pyrenees, dates back to the late 1850s, but traces its origins to 
other earlier images. It reflects the fact that the devotion associated with 
the southwestern town of Lourdes emphasizes the dogma of the Im- 
maculate Conception as a result of its central place in the apparition ac- 
counts of a local shepherd girl, Bernadette Soubirous. 

Given that devotion to Our Lady of Lourdes became popular 
throughout the Catholic communities all over France during the latter 
part of the nineteenth century, this statue was readily found in many 
French Catholic churches. It could also be seen in individual homes, more 
usually as small replicas but sometimes in larger versions as well. Simply, 
this image was ubiquitous in the French Catholic world in the late-nine- 
teenth century. The French missionaries entering China in the years after 
the Opium Wars were thus increasingly likely to bring with them statues, 
paintings, pictures, and holy medals featuring Our Lady of Lourdes. This 
image played an important role in the lives of all the missionaries, regard- 
less of where they came from in France. The establishment of numerous 
Lourdes-type shrines throughout China in the nineteenth and twentieth 
centuries points to the importance that this image already had in the de- 
votional lives of the missionaries who traveled to China. 

The missionaries' own place of origin also exerted an influence. 
Two popular devotions usually associated with missionaries who came 
from the northern parts of France, namely. Our Lady of Treille (which 
originated in the city of Lille) and Our Lady of Liesse, could be found in 
China in towns and villages where there were missionaries who came 
from these areas in France. A church built in the province of Guizhou in 
1876 by Foreign Missions priests, for instance, was named the Church 
of Our Lady of Liesse, suggesting the northern origins of the mission- 

Our Lady of China ^ 15 

aries stationed there. This was the case even though the seminary and 
motherhouse of the Society for the Foreign Missions was in Paris, at rue 
du Bac, and therefore a Marian devotion that originated in Paris would 
have been more likely. Another example is the seminary at Xianxian 
in Hebei province. Jesuits from the northern French Jesuit Province of 
Champagne had founded this work, and they entrusted their endeavors 
to Our Lady of Treille. 

Until the appointment of a diocesan priest. Gong Pinmei, as 
bishop of Shanghai in 1950, Jesuits from the Province of Paris admin- 
istered the church in Shanghai. It is understandable, therefore, that in 
addition to the French Marian devotions that enjoyed a national and 
even an international follow- 
ing, like the devotion to Our ^— ^——^— —-——---—-—--— ------------- 

Lady of Lourdes, devotions A newsletter of 1936 proudly 

that were more representative reported the construction in 

of the Parisian Catholic com- Shanghai of a Lourdes-style grotto 
munities also became popular on the grounds of the parish of 

in Shanghai. It is for these rea- Christ the King, entrusted to the 

sons that the devotion to Our California Jesuits, 

Lady of Victories was particu- ^_^^^__^_^_^__^_^^__^__^____^^^ 
larly popular among mission- 
aries who either came from, or had a special attachment to, the City of 
Lights. Likewise the Marian pilgrimage in Shanghai was significantly 
influenced by these French Jesuits, and so it is not surprising that the 
first image used for this pilgrimage was a copy of the statue of Our Lady 
of Victories from the famous church of this name in their capital city.^^ 

Interestingly, the prevalence of these European images, however, 
came at the expense of the Chinese images, insofar as the French im- 
ages were displayed in greater numbers and were reproduced more of- 
ten. The innovative evocations of local imagery that were popular in the 
late-Ming and early-Qing periods (1583-1724), ones that had been the 
product of centuries of cultural interaction and negotiation, were now 
supplanted by scenes wholly imported from afar. 

^^ Gabriel Palatre, Le Pelerinage de Notre-Dame-Auxiliatrice a Zo-se, dans le 
vicariat apostolique de Nan-kin (Shanghai: Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 
1875), 30. 

16 ^ Jeremy Clarke, SJ. 

III. Pilgrimages, Shrines, and Paintings 

Even though these images were not now truly representative of a 
Chinese Catholic sensibility, they were nevertheless readily ac- 
commodated within Chinese Catholic spirituality. These pieties 
were but more Marian practices that could be added to the already rich 
set of devotions. Thus, the foreign missionaries may have been bringing 
their local devotions with them, but the local church made them their 
own quickly and fervently. 

This could be observed throughout the Chinese Catholic world in 
the way in which Mary was now depicted in statues and paintings as 
she had appeared at Lourdes. That is, she was dressed in white with a 
blue belt around her waist and with a rosary in her hands. She is situa- 
ted in a grotto, with or without Bernadette kneeling before her, a clear 
reference to the apparitions in southwestern France. The replicas were 
not only two-dimensional paintings and drawings, but also took the 
form of shrines, grottoes, and pavilions. Where there was no cave or 
rocky overhang that could play the part of a grotto, one was construct- 
ed from whatever stones or materials were available and a statue of 
Mary was placed inside.^^ These grottoes were established at first by the 
French missionaries, but within a short period of time, Chinese Cath- 
olics also began building and maintaining such structures. Chinese 
Catholics were delighted to have a place of their own where they could 
give honor to Mary, and it did not matter where such grottoes were built 
or who erected them. 

The popularity of such Marian devotion, both before shrines and 
in other pious practices, is reported in much missionary literature of the 
period, from the middle of the nineteenth century onwards. A memoir 
written in 1855 by the Jesuit missionary Father BrouUion, for instance, 
listed the various devotions that were popular among the Jiangnan 
Catholics and noted the importance of Marian piety. 

I must add that properly speaking devotion is not unknown to our Chris- 
tians: the Sacred Heart of Jesus receives the most fervent homage, and 
the feast is celebrated with enthusiasm; Saint Joseph, patron of China; 
Saint Ignatius, patriarch of the missionaries of Jiangnan; and Saint Fran- 

^^Such places were called shengmu shan, literally "holy mother mountain/ 
and structures of this type are still known by this name today. 

Our Lady of China ^ 17 

cis Xavier, patron of the diocese of Nanjing, are all honored with solemn 
novenas. But above all it is the trust in Mary that is the source of the most 
abundant graces for our Christians. ^° 

In an article written in 1916, French Vincentian missionary Father 
Clerc-Reynaud describes his visit to a Catholic minor seminary in the 
town of Citou in Jiangxi province: 

I visited the grotto of Lourdes, which [Vincentian] Fathers Henri Cra- 
pez and Pierre Estamp had built at the foot of a little coUine on the sem- 
inary's property. . . . The work resembled the countryside of the Pyr- 
enees; all that was lacking was the river Gave and the liveliness which 
is provided by the pilgrims who visit there. The little mountain where 
the grotto is situated is very agreeable. There the students, some sixty of 
them, vividly chant a canticle before the statue of the Virgin at the end of 
recreation every evening. . . . [This] little grotto is the first of its kind ele- 
vated in the vicariate of east Jiangxi in honor of the Virgin of Lourdes.^^ 

These grottoes maintained their popularity as the century pro- 
gressed. A newsletter of 1936 proudly reported the construction in 
Shanghai of a Lourdes-style grotto on the grounds of the parish of Christ 
the King, entrusted to the California Jesuits. 

Our Lady of Lourdes grotto was recently completed by Messrs Le Sage 
and Deward. It is built of brown stone that rises to a height of about 
fourteen feet and has a niche about six feet in height. Rose arbors and 
concrete benches will provide shade and a resting place for those per- 
forming devotions there. Two parishioners, Mrs I Min Hsu and Miss 
K. Clement, have just presented for the grotto a beautiful statue of Our 
Lady of Lourdes. It stands about five feet six inches high and will be 
blessed in the near future.^^ 

These types of Lourdes grottoes continue to be built in China to- 
day. While they were important in the promotion of European-style rep- 

^° Father BrouUion, S.J., Missions de Chine: Memoire sur I'etat actuel de la 
Mission de Kiang-nan, 1842-1855 (Paris: Julien, Lanier and Cie, 1855), 77 (author's 

^^ Father Clerc-Reynaud, Les Missions Catholiques, no. 2441 (March 17, 
1916), 130 (author's translation). 

^^The China Letter 21 (September 1936): 2. The China Letter: The American Je- 
suits on the Mission of Shanghai, also known as China: Letter of the American Jesuits 
in China to the Friends in the States, was printed by the California Province of the 
Society of Jesus, San Francisco, California. 

18 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

resentations of Mary, it must be noted that devotions like the rosary, the 
Stations of the Cross, or the popular Marian paintings, holy cards, and 
medals that were also brought over by the foreign missionaries were 
also very popular and maybe even more so. This is because grottoes 
took some effort to build (and thus were beyond the capacity of many 
communities) and, therefore, while present throughout the country, 
were still not as ubiquitous as the card-size images. 

Furthermore, pilgrimages to such grottoes, or ones like them, 
were established only after some years. While two of the most famous, 
Sheshan and Donglu (in Hebei province), were begun in 1868 and 1908 
respectively, others were undertaken much later. The grottoes were 
nevertheless a significant influence on the development of both the 
identity and the devotional life of Chinese Catholic communities. 

The Origins of the Sheshan Pilgrimage 

While the grottoes were popular because they were places for tran- 
quil prayer and the physical practicing of devotional rituals, they were 
also much esteemed because the Chinese Catholics believed graces and 
blessings could be gained from visiting them. Thus, those places where 
miracles were said to have occurred became all the more important. The 
popularity of the Marian devotions increased because the Catholics be- 
lieved Mary had answered the prayers of her people. The two Marian 
shrines already mentioned, Baoding and Sheshan, are especially impor- 
tant in this regard. As we have seen, the devotion at Sheshan became 
part of the faith life of the Jiangnan Catholics in 1870 after the danger of 
violent attack was averted. These Catholics, believing that Mary inter- 
vened in response to prayers made by the Jesuit in charge of the mission, 
made a special point of offering their thanks for their preservation in the 
face of this anti-Christian persecution. The Christians' commonly held 
belief in Mary's saving help and the manner in which they expressed 
their gratitude became known throughout the nation. As a result of the 
spread of missionary literature, this was also reported abroad. 

Father Royers, a nineteenth-century English Jesuit working in the 
Jiangnan mission, described the enthusiasm with which the pilgrim- 
age was celebrated in 1874, only a few years after its inauguration. The 
sheer number of pilgrims is also striking. 

On the day of the Feast of Our Lady Help of Christians, more than twen- 
ty thousand Christians reached the place. . . . with them came twenty- 
five missionaries and fifteen scholastics from Zikawer [sic; Zikawei/Xu- 

Our Lady of China ^ 19 

juahui]. His Lordship the bishop being absent on account of sickness, 
it fell to our revered Father Superior, Father Foucault, to hold the chief 
place in the procession, sing high Mass, and give the Benediction of the 
Sacred Heart. The statue of our Lady, adorned with flowers, was borne 
by four deacons and subdeacons. Behind it walked twenty Fathers in 
copes, and more than two hundred magnificent banners, supported by 
six hundred Christians in surplices. The twenty thousand Christians 
were drawn up on the mountain — and this in the midst of a land whol- 
ly given over to paganism! [sic]. But I must be short. A Father, shortly 
arrived in the country, said, ''Never did I see anything more beautiful, 
even in France"; and one of our scholastics, who had previously served 
among the Papal Zouaves, added, 'T have seen magnificent festivals in 
Rome, but never did I witness anything so moving as the sight of the 
Feast of Our Lady, Help of Christians, at Zo-chan [Zose / Sheshan].' 


For all the hyperbole, it is clear that, after only a few^ short years, 
the Chinese Catholic celebration of this feast rivaled in beauty and fer- 
vor the celebrations held by the communities w^hence this devotion had 
come. This zeal was not a mo- 
mentary occurrence. From 1870 ^^^^^^^^^"^^^^^^^^^^~"^ 
to the present, reports simi- In the years immediately prior to 

lar in tone and content can be the eventual uprising there had 

found throughout Sheshan's been periods of drought, resulting 

history. For the moment, how, in widespread unemployment 

ever, let us move further north and famine, 

and consider the origins of the 

other primary place of Mari- 
an pilgrimage in China, the town of Donglu. Even though devotions at 
Sheshan began earlier than those at Donglu, the distinctive origins of 
this latter pilgrimage and the pictorial image that was especially created 
for this devotion had a greater influence on the development of Chinese 
Catholicism during the first decades of the twentieth century. 

Marian Devotion at Donglu 

The town of Donglu grew in fame during the beginning of the 
twentieth century as a result of the survival of the local Catholic com- 
munity during the violent times of the Boxer Uprising (1898-1900). The 
Donglu Catholics attributed their deliverance to the salvific interven- 
tion of Mary. The faith stories associated with this village became sus- 

^^ Father Royer, "A Pilgrimage in China,'' Letters and. Notices (Roehampton: 
Ex Typographia Sancti Josephi) 10 (1875): 101. 

20 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S J. 

taining narratives within other Catholic communities in China; and, in 
fact. Our Lady of Donglu has become talismanic for the Chinese Catho- 
lic church. Given the origins of this devotion in the late-nineteenth and 
early-twentieth centuries, it is not surprising that the image associated 
with it is largely European in style. 

The market town of Donglu is in the prefecture of Baoding in the 
province of Hebei, southwest of Beijing. This province contains one of 
the highest concentrations of Catholics in China, and the church trac- 
es its origins to the missionary work of the late-Ming and early-Qing 
imperial periods (1583-1724). The Catholics were most often found 

grouped together in country 
^^^^^^^^^^^^^"""""^""^^^ villages as a result of the mis- 
Those Chinese who were deemed sionary strategy to seek to con- 

to have sold their birthright vert large numbers of families 

by becoming Christians were within one village, if not in fact 

convenient scapegoats for people's the whole village, rather than 
ills; as conditions got worse, just one or two individuals 

bands of Boxers scoured the and their families. The strategy 

countryside looking for victims. was based on the pastoral in- 

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^_ sight that it was easier to main- 
tain one's faith in a communal 
setting rather than as an individual, particularly if the surrounding vil- 
lage or culture was opposed to the expression of the Christian faith. As 
seen above, participation in the sodalities was one way of strengthening 
the sense of Christian community among these villagers. 

One consequence of this evangelical strategy, however, was that 
when waves of anti-foreign or anti-religious hostility swept the coun- 
tryside, it was easy to attack the Catholics because they were readily 
identifiable by where they lived. This was especially true of Donglu, 
where almost all the inhabitants were Catholic. According to mission- 
ary accounts from the early-twentieth century, the Catholic population 
numbered over 2,500 people.^ 

Work by Joseph Esherick and others has also shown that the op- 
position to Catholics and Christians that erupted throughout the nine- 
teenth and twentieth centuries was not caused just by anti-foreign sen- 

^^Le Bulletin Catholique de Pekin 141 (1925): 172. Some figures today state 
that the Catholic population of Donglu is seven thousand out of around nine 
thousand people. See, for instance (although with great reservation because no 
source is provided) http:/ / Donglu.html 

Our Lady of China ^ 21 

timent, although this certainly did play a role.^^ These scholars have ar- 
gued that the rise in the number of Catholics in certain areas also threat- 
ened the local economies, especially where the Catholics were grouped 
en masse. This is because the Catholics refused to participate in village 
festivals that revolved around the local temple cults. These festivals 
were major events in the life of a rural community and also included 
a type of village tax, which was used for such things as infra-structur- 
al repair (like roads) as well as for the funding of charitable works and 
prayer services, either in honor of the ancestors or in thanksgiving for 
good harvests. 

Catholics refused to pay this tax because of its link to non-Catho- 
lic rituals. Consequently, other village inhabitants thought they were 
not only paying more than their fair share but were also subsidizing 
those who paid nothing at all. The Catholic practice of marrying other 
Catholics, even if this meant pursuing spouses in other villages, likewise 
threatened local community harmony because this custom destabilized 
well-established local relationships among families and clans. Such di- 
visions among rural communities fostered dangerous tensions. 

There was a great deal of hostility and violence throughout the 
late-nineteenth century in China, especially in the rural plains around 
Beijing and Tianjin. The reasons for this were complex, but one common 
consequence was that the Christian communities of all traditions usu- 
ally bore the brunt of the widespread dissatisfaction and outrage. Don- 
glu was no exception, and this predominantly Catholic village was at- 
tacked both during the time of the Taiping rebellion in the middle of the 
century and then later in 1900 during the rise of the Boxer movement.^^ 

^^ Joseph W. Esherick, The Origins of the Boxer Uprising (Berkeley: Univer- 
sity of California Press, 1987). See the essays by Alan Richard Sweeten, "Cath- 
olic Converts in Jiangxi Province: Conflict and Accommodation, 1860-1900"; 
Charles A. Litzinger, "Rural Religion and Village Organization in North China: 
The Catholic Challenge in the Late Nineteenth Century"; and Roger R. Thomp- 
son, "Twilight of the Gods in the Chinese Countryside: Christians, Confucians, 
and the Modernizing State, 1861-1911," in Christianity in China from the Eigh- 
teenth Century to the Present, ed. Daniel H. Bays (Stanford: Stanford University 
Press, 1996). 

^^The Taiping rebellion occurred between 1851 and 1864. See Jonathan D. 
Spence, God's Chinese Son: The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom of Hong Xiuquan (Lon- 
don: HarperCollins Publishers, 1996). 

11 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S J. 

After these attacks, the Catholics of Donglu believed that on both occa- 
sions Mary had saved them from destruction. 

The Chinese Catholics were accustomed to turning to Mary in 
times of peace, so it was all the more understandable that they would 
then seek her intercessory prayers in their potential hour of death. Af- 
ter each wave of persecution, the Catholics drew solace from their sur- 
_^^^^^_^^^^____^_^^^ vival and, as at Shanghai, they 

r^^ ^ ^ /- t 1 . attributed their deliverance to 

The momentous act of aeltvery .1 r . .i . t.^ i i i 1 

^ 1 J J • the fact that Mary had heard 

from harm was recorded in , 11. 

J . . -n T-i I and answered their prayers. 

prayers and in images. The Donglu ^ ^ 

Catholics produced just such a In this regard, the events 

portrait embodying their devotion of the years 1899 and 1900 
to Mary^ one that has been among proved to be critical to the 
the most famous of the Chinese continued development of 

Marian images ever since. the identity of the Catholics 

_^^^^^^^^^^^^^^__^_^^__^^_ of Donglu. These events also 

positioned Marian devotions 
even more at the center of the faith life of the community After their ul- 
timate survival, the Chinese Catholic communities experienced Mary's 
traditional titles of Our Lady Help of Christians and Our Lady of Vic- 
tories as being true in deed as well as in word. The experience of the 
Catholic community of Donglu show how this situation arose. 

Although the origins of the Boxer Uprising are complex and be- 
yond the scope of this essay, it is clear that one of the proximate causes 
of the movement was the role of the church in local affairs. Certain- 
ly, things like the refusal of Catholics to contribute financially to cer- 
tain village celebrations and the missionaries' overly zealous involve- 
ment in local judicial matters had prompted much antagonistic feeling 
toward the Catholic Church.^^ Rather than focus on the Boxer Uprising 
as a whole, I will examine the response of the Catholics of Donglu to the 
violent Boxer attacks and thereby show the manner in which Marian de- 

^^See, for instance, in addition to the works of Joseph Esherick and oth- 
ers already mentioned, Albert Francois Ilephonse D'Anthouard, Les Boxeurs: La 
Chine contre L'Etranger (Paris: Plon-Nourrit et cie, 1902); Mark Elvin, "Mandarins 
and Millenarians: Reflections on the Boxer Uprising of 1899-1900," in Another 
History: Essays on China from a European Perspective (Sydney: Wild Peony Pay Ltd, 
1996), chap, 7; and Dianne Preston, Besieged in Peking: The Story of the 1900 Boxer 
Rising (London: Constable and Company, 1999). 

Our Lady of China ^^ 23 

votion became even more entrenched in the life of the Catholic commu- 
nities as a result. 

The Boxer movement has often been regarded as "as a 'religious 
uprising' with anti-foreign aims . . . [or as] . . . an anti-foreign (or anti- 
imperialist) movement that expressed itself in religious terms/'^^ Mark 
Elvin states, however, that it "appears that the link between Boxerism 
and the religious and foreign irritant usually supposed to have caused 
it is nothing like as strong as it should be to serve as a convincingly 
sufficient explanation/'^^ Paul Cohen argues that, in addition to the un- 
doubted anti-foreign aspects, the backlash to the concessions of the un- 
equal treaties, and the cultural chauvinism of many of the foreign mis- 
sionaries, the economic and ecological conditions of the final years of 
the millennium were also contributory causes to the Boxer movement. 

In the years immediately prior to the eventual uprising there had 
been periods of drought, resulting in widespread unemployment and 
famine. These in turn had led to great anxiety among the population, 
especially among the rural poor. These harsh conditions made it attrac- 
tive to the peasantry to join groups like the Boxers. An observation in 
1900 by the United States Minister to China, Edwin H. Conger, about 
the situation in Zhili (modern Hebei) reflects the complex mixture of 

The present conditions in this province are most favorable to such a 
movement [that is, the Boxers]. The people are very poor; until yester- 
day [May 7] practically no rain has fallen for nearly a year, plowing has 
not been and can not be done, crops have not been planted, the ground is 
too dry and hard to work in any way, and consequently the whole coun- 
try is swarming with hungry, discontented, hopeless idlers, and they . . . 
are ready to join any organization offered.^" 

The foreigners and those Chinese who were deemed to have sold 
their birthright by becoming Christians were convenient scapegoats for 
people's ills; as conditions got worse, bands of Boxers scoured the coun- 
tryside looking for victims. In Hebei province, the Catholics of Dong- 

^^Paul A. Cohen, History in Three Keys: The Boxers as Event, Experience and 
Myth (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 98. 

^^Elvin, "Mandarins and Millenarians," 208. 

^°From a letter written by Edwin Conger dated May 8, 1900, as cited in Es- 
herick. Origins of the Boxer Uprising, 281. 

24 ^ Jeremy Clarke, SJ. 

lu were a definite focus of the Boxer forces and they suffered a number 
of attacks. Contemporary missionary bulletins and reports stated that 
the Donglu Catholics maintained that Mary appeared to them several 
times during the siege of their church, and that these apparitions over 
the church were ''instrumental in protecting them from a series of Boxer 
assaults between December 1899 and July 1900/ 


A remarkably similar story was told by the survivors of the siege 
of the North Church in Beijing, which lasted from June 16 to August 
16, 1900. This siege resulted in the deaths of more than 400 people, in- 
cluding more than 160 children.^ During the course of this siege, over 
three thousand Chinese Christians huddled behind the walls of the 
church compound. Alongside them were thirty French marines, led by 
the 23-year-old Lieutenant Paul Henry (who died in the siege), eleven 
Italian soldiers led by their even younger twenty-two-year-old soldier. 
Lieutenant Olivieri, and numerous French and Chinese priests and sis- 
ters. Overseeing everything was the elderly French Lazarist bishop of 
Beijing, Bishop Pierre-Marie-Alphonse Favier. 

Over a two-month period they endured bombardments from the 
latest cannon and bullets from modern repeating rifles. The Boxers had 
been able to fire down on the Catholics from ladders and scaffolds that 
were secured behind the Imperial City walls. The beleaguered Catholics 
also survived mine attacks, flaming rockets, and starvation through lack 
of food. Their survival was attributed to the appearance of a woman in 
white, the Virgin Mary, over the walls of the church.^^ 

In 1901 Bishop Favier described this experience during a visit to 
his fellow Lazarists in Paris: 

*^ Cited in Paul A. Cohen, "Boxers, Christians and the Gods: The Boxer 
Conflict of 1900 as a ReUgious War," in China Unbound: Evolving Perspectives on 
the Chinese Past (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 118. 

^^ Preston, Besieged in Peking, 208. 

*^Like the similarity between images of Guanyin and Mary discussed 
earlier, so too was there a similarity between Guanyin apparition stories and 
Marian apparitions. Given the complexity of that discussion, see, among oth- 
ers, Yii, Kuan-yin, chap. 3, and p. 192, and Maria Reis-Habito, "The Bodhisattva 
Guanyin and the Virgin Mary," in Buddhist-Christian Studies 13 (1993): 65-66. For 
the more general story of appearances of Guanyin, see, among others. Glen Dud- 
bridge, The Legend of Miao-shan (London: Ithaca Press, 1978). 

Our Lady of China ^ 25 

Every night during those two months, the Chinese directed heavy gun- 
fire at the roofs of the cathedral and the balustrade surrounding it. Why? 
wondered Paul Henry and the missionaries. There was no one there to 
defend the cathedral. After the liberation, the pagans [sic] provided the 
key to this mystery: "How is ii," they said, "that you did not see any- 
thing? Every night, a white Lady walked along the roof, and the balus- 
trade was lined with white soldiers with wings." The Chinese, as they 
themselves affirm, were firing at the apparitions.^ 

Such stories of divine intercession spread throughout the Catholic 
communities. They believed that Mary had again helped her people in 
their time of need. Mary had provided assistance at Shanghai in 1870; so 
too did she now appear at Donglu and Beijing in 1899 and 1900. In the 
minds of the Chinese Catholics, they could only attribute their survival 
to Mary's providential aid.^^ The defeat of the uprising meant that the 
already complex story of faith was now overlaid with another stratum of 
meaning.*^ Accounts of miraculous delivery in times of genuine hardship 
and danger now accompanied the powerful community-building pious 
acts — for example, the participation in sodalities, the carrying-out of 
devotions like the chanting of rosaries and the making of pilgrimages. 

This dramatic overlaying of meaning had at least two significant 
consequences. First, the overlaying resulted in a strengthening of the 
archetypal story of faith: that is, that Mary the blessed one would in- 
tercede with God on behalf of those who prayed to her. As a result, the 
acts of piety that embodied this belief became more popular. Second, 
the new story strengthened the Catholics' sense of identity. In a cyclical 

^^Cited by the Webpage 
/ peking.htm. This is reputedly sourced from Annales de la Mission; I have been 
unable, as of yet, to find the relevant article containing this quotation. Given the 
widespread repetition of this story in Chinese Catholic circles, 1 repeat it here, 
albeit with that caveat. 

^^Regarding apparition accounts at a time of societal upheaval, see Robert 
A. Ventresca, "The Virgin and the Bear: Religion, Society and the Cold War in 
Italy," journal of Social History 37, no. 2 (2003); and, more generally, E. Ann Mat- 
ter, "Apparitions of the Virgin Mary in the Late Twentieth Century: Apocalyptic, 
Representation, Politics," Religion 31 (2001). 

^^Praesenjit Duara describes this concept of overlayering as superscrip- 
tion in his "Superscribing Symbols: The Myth of Guandi, Chinese God of War," 
Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (1988): 778-95. 1 have been greatly helped by 
Duara's conceptualization. 

26 ^^ Jeremy Clarke, S J. 

fashion, the bolstered identity encouraged greater practicing of the re- 
ligious devotions, which in turn then led to a deepening of the original 
sense of identity. Each reinforced the other. 

The Donglu Portrait of Mary 

The Marian dimensions of the communities had thus become a 
major force that would continue to animate the believers. The momen- 
tous act of delivery from harm was recorded in prayers and in images. 
The Donglu Catholics produced just such a portrait embodying their 
devotion to Mary, one that has been among the most famous of the Chi- 
nese Marian images ever since. 

The image was simply called Our Lady of Donglu, rather than a 
more traditional title like Our Lady of Victories or Our Lady Help of 
Christians, and it was commissioned in 1908, only eight years after the 
end of the uprising. At the time the commission was carried out, the 
loss of life among the Catholic families throughout China was still sore- 
ly felt. It was perceived that there was a need among the communities 
to commemorate both Mary's assistance and the memory of their mar- 
tyred townsfolk. 

The painting also owed its origins in no small part to the rise in 
popularity throughout China of representational imagery (both portrai- 
ture and photography) during the latter part of the nineteenth century 
and the early part of the twentieth. In particular, the Empress Dowa- 
ger's utilization of these forms of imagery exerted a surprising influ- 
ence on the Donglu Catholic painting. In fact, an oil portrait of Cixi was 
used as one of the main models for the Catholic Donglu painting. 

Katherine Carl, a foreign artist, had painted this work in 1903 at 
the suggestion of the wife of the then U.S. Consul General in China, 
Mrs. Sarah Pike Conger.^^ Cixi was very careful as to how she was por- 
trayed in this portrait and throughout the process issued numerous di- 
rections and correctives. Several photographs of Cixi, which deliber- 
ately portrayed her as Guanyin, were also noticeable influences. These 
links are explained below. In order to trace the history of this seminal 
image, however, we must move south again, back to Shanghai, since 

^^See Sarah Pike Conger, Letters from China (London and New York: Hod- 
der and Staughton, 1909), 246-48. 

Our Lady of China ^ 27 

the Donglu Catholics' longed-for painting was produced there at the art 
workshop of the Society of Jesus, based at Tushanwan. 

The Tushanwan Orphanage 

This workshop was one of the many works of the Jesuits in Shang- 
hai situated at their complex at Xujiahui (Zikawei). Tushanwan was in 
fact an orphanage, and the work produced at its various workshops had 
become famous throughout the country since its foundation. 

Tushanwan had taken over and expanded upon the operations of 
another orphanage, which had begun in 1848 at a village on the outskirts 
of Shanghai known as Tsa-ka-wei (Caijiawan, in Mandarin) .^^ These or- 
phanages were a response of the Catholic missionaries to the plight of 
the large number of infants whose parents had died or become home- 
less in that year, principally as 

a result of severe flooding. The 

orphanages also housed and The goods produced at Tushanwan 
educated the many foundlings became well known outside the 

who had either been left to the country. Several pieces of furniture 
care of the Jesuits or had been and four large scroll paintings, 

saved from roadsides and oth- f^^ instance, were sent to San 

er places where they had been Francisco for the Panama-Pacific 
abandoned. Two Franciscans, International Exposition of 1915, 

Father Pellicia and Father __.i.........^_ii^^_^^^^^ 

Schettino, had initially run the 

Tsa-ka-wei Orphanage and had then handed over its administration to 
Father Frangois Giaquinto, S.J., in 1851. He ran this for six years before 
he was sent to a new mission elsewhere and was replaced at the or- 
phanage by Father Luigi Massa, S.J. Massa was at Tsa-ka-wei until 1860, 
at which time Taiping soldiers killed him, along with several Chinese 
Christians and a number of the orphans. 

After this. Father Giaquinto returned to Shanghai in 1861 to re- 
sume the position of director of the orphanage, which had moved into 
downtown Shanghai after the Taipings' attacks; he held this post until 
his death at the age of forty-six in 1864.^^ He had contracted typhoid fe- 
ver in the confined conditions of the new site. Those orphans who had 

^^See Joseph Serviere, L'orphelinat de T'ou-se-we: Son histoire, son etat pres- 
ent (Zikawei, Shanghai: Imprimerie de I'orphehnat de T'ou-se-we, 1914), 3. 

^^See Catalogus of 1863 and Catalogus of 1865. 

28 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

survived violence from their fellow Chinese and had resisted the ill- 
nesses that abounded in such an unhealthful environment were then 
moved to Tushanwan in November of the same year, 1864. Father Emil 
Chevreuil, S.J., became director of the Tushanwan orphanage in 1865 
and held this position until at least 1868. Construction of spacious new 
premises began at Tushanwan in 1864 and these were completed, in sev- 
eral stages, by 1875. On July 11 of that year, the superior of the mission, 
the French Jesuit Father Foucault (who led the prayers at Sheshan that 
so impressed Father Royer) blessed Tushanwan' s new buildings and 
workshops during a solemn opening Mass. At this time there were two 
hundred orphans at Tushanwan and around one hundred adults were 
employed in the various workshops. ^° 

At Tushanwan the Jesuit priests and brothers worked as the mas- 
ter craftsmen and taught the boys in their care various trades, including 
woodworking, metalworking, printing, and painting. In the course of 
learning these skills, which would then provide the orphans with a live- 
lihood once they were old enough to leave the orphanage, the young 
students produced a variety of religious and secular goods. The sale 
of these goods helped offset the operating expenses of the orphanage. 
Some of the orphans also chose to remain working in the various de- 
partments of Tushanwan once they had reached adulthood.^^ 

The art workshop began operations at Tushanwan in 1867, al- 
though Spanish Jesuit Brother Jean de Dieu Ferrer, S.J., had been teach- 
ing art to students at Xujiahui since 1852, ^nd from 1865 Brother Pe- 
ter Lu (Lu Bodu), S.J., had been in charge of teaching the orphans to 
paint.^^ Lu had himself been one of Ferrer's earliest pupils and contin- 

^°See Relations de la Mission de Nan-king, II, 1874-75 (Shanghai: Imprimerie 
de la Missions CathoHque, 1876), 70. Chinese female religious, the Presentandines, 
and French female religious, the Helpers of the Holy Souls, cared for the many 
female orphans. For more on orphanages and the work of the French Holy Child- 
hood Association, see Henrietta Harrison, "A Penny for the Little Chinese: The 
French Holy Childhood Association in China, 1843-1951," American Historical 
Review 113, no. 1 (February 2008): 72-92. 

^^For instance, according to the article "Un Vieil Orphelinat," Le Bulletin 
CathoHque de Pekin, no. 269 (January 1936), 183-84, each day there were 650 peo- 
ple to feed at the orphanage. 

^^One of the earliest histories of Tushanwan is in Relations de la Mission 
de Nan-king, II, 1874-75. Although there are a number of academic references to 
Tushanwan, as for instance, in several of Michael Sullivan's works, there is yet 
to be a full-length study devoted to it. References are also contained in the recent 

Our Lady of China ^ 29 

ued Ferrer's work after his death in 1855. Lu joined the Jesuits in 1862. 
In addition to supplying works for the local and regional churches and 
attracting curious day-trippers from among the Europeans resident in 
Shanghai, this workshop also began to attract interest from among local 
Chinese artists as well.^^ 

The goods produced at Tushanwan became well known outside 
the country. Several pieces of furniture and four large scroll paintings, 
for instance, were sent to San Francisco for the Panama-Pacific Interna- 
tional Exposition of 1915.^* The extent of the activities at Tushanwan was 
revealed in an advertisement in the 1937 publication A Guide to Catho- 
lic Shanghai. This proclaimed that the orphanage would "fill personal 
orders at moderate prices and could supply stained glass, fancy lamp 
shades, hand-carved furniture, silver plating, steel work, artistic book- 
binding, sacred vessels, statuary and paintings and printing services.''^^ 
In fact, the vast majority of Catholic publications produced in Shanghai, 

work on Shanghai artist Ren Bonian: New Wine in Old Bottles: The Art of Ren Bo- 
nian in Nineteenth-Century Shanghai, by Yang Chialing (London: Saffron Books, 
2007). For information on Tushanwan, Yang relies on several early-twentieth- 
century Chinese-language publications, including Lin Zou, Xuhui JilUe (Shang- 
hai: Tushanwan yinshuguan, 1933), chap. 13. Details in these works differ from 
the earlier and more contemporaneous accounts in both Relations and Joseph 
Serviere's history of 1914, L'orphelinat de T'ou-se-we. Consequently, the weight of 
evidence seems not to be with Lin Zou et al. One example of this is that the build- 
ings were finally finished in 1875, not 1867. 

^^Some of the Chinese artists who were assisted or influenced by the Jesuit 
teachers at Tushanwan include Ren Bonian, Xu Beihong, and Zhang Chongren. 
The Jesuits also produced a number of books that helped Chinese students ac- 
quire Western techniques. Liu Dezhai, S.J., was responsible for some of these, as 
was another Jesuit priest, Adolphe Vasseur, S.J., who briefly taught art at Tush- 

^"^The four scrolls mentioned here may be seen at the Lone Mountain 
Campus of the University of San Francisco, and several items of furniture are 
also in Jesuit houses of the California Province. Moreover, elaborate pieces of 
embroidery, needlework, and bound photographic albums produced at the girls' 
workshops were delivered to Rome for the Mission Exposition of 1924 and 1925, 
held at the Vatican. 

^^ Anonymous, A Guide to Catholic Shanghai (Shanghai: T'ou-Se-We Press, 
1937), 56. In fact, according to Paul Mariani, S.J., although their names were not 
recorded in this work, the book was produced by a number of California Jesu- 
its for the use of visitors to Shanghai who made their way there after the Thirty- 
third Eucharistic Congress in Manila in February 1937. 

30 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

including this guidebook itself, were produced by Tushanwan's print- 
ing house, which began in 1870.^^ 

Thus, when the Donglu-based missionary wished to procure a 
new and especially beautiful image of Mary, it was no surprise that he 
turned to the Jesuit workshop in Shanghai. This work was indeed com- 
missioned from the painters at Tushanwan in 1908. Some years later, 
in 1925, an extensive account of the origins of this painting was pub- 
lished.^^ This account was written at a time when there was an ongo- 
ing debate among the church communities about the appropriateness 
of utilizing Chinese clothing, symbols, and stylistic devices in Christian 
paintings and statuary. The apostolic nuncio to China, Archbishop Cel- 
so Costantini, had initiated this debate, in no small part because of the 
currents of nationalism sweeping the country, and especially Shanghai, 
at this time.^^ The account of the painting's origins is the earliest and 
most comprehensive description in existence, although the author was 

Parts of the report are quoted here because the origins of the Don- 
glu painting have been largely forgotten, or inaccurately remembered. 
This is even though the painting quickly became iconic, metamorphosed 
later into Our Lady of China and, since its execution, was accepted by 
Chinese and foreign Catholics alike as a Chinese religious painting. 

IV. From Donglu to Our Lady of China 

The Donglu missionary "dreamed of equipping his church with 
a beautiful painting of the Holy Virgin, who was much honored 
by the Christians. "^^ The missionary in question was a Lazarist 
priest named Rene Flament, who was encouraged to pursue his dream 
by ''the words and gifts of Monsignor Jarlin, the vicar apostolic, and 

^^ According to the article "'Un vieil orphelinat/' 183-84, each year on av- 
erage the printery published fifty works in European languages, producing be- 
tween 25,000 and 75,000 copies, and sixty Chinese-language works, numbering 
between 250,000 and 350,000 copies. 

^^ An anonymous article entitled "Notre Dame de Chine," in Le Bulletin Catholique 
de Pekin, 141, (May 1925), 71-73. 

^^ In May 1919 there was a large protest in Beijing (the May 4 protest), and in May 
1925 there was a large strike in Shanghai. These are beyond the scope of this essay. 

^^ "Notre Dame de Chine," 172 (author's translation). 

Our Lady of China ^\^ 31 


Monsignor Fabregues, who was director of the district of Baoding 
When Father Flament placed his order, he also mailed a photograph of 
the Katherine Carl portrait of the Empress Cixi to the director of the or- 
phanage's art workshop, rather than simply leaving the design solely to 
the whim of the painters at Tushanwan.^^ 

The director of the painting studio at the time was the Chinese Je- 
suit brother and artist, Liu Dezhai or Simeon Liu, who took personal re- 
sponsibility for fulfilling Flamenfs request.^^ When Liu was a child, his 
father had been taken away in a boat by the Taiping rebels on the out- 
skirts of Shanghai and was never seen again.^^ Liu's family was Chris- 
tian, and he was allowed to en- ^_^^^^^_^_^.^^__^^^_ 

ter the college of Saint Ignatius r^ . . -, , - _ 

.^..1.1 1 .^ The tmpenal court had an Empress 

at Xuiianui when he was quite ^ ^ .i r^i - ^ ^i i- 

^ ^ , 111 Dowager; the Chinese Catholics 

young. It was then that he be- ^^^ ^^^ .^ ^^^ heavenly 

gan his artistic education with mother and child. 

those Jesuits based at Xujiahui, 

especially with Jean de Dieu "~"'"^'^'""'^^^^^^^^^^^^"""~ 

Ferrer, S.J. Although Brother Ferrer was a sculptor by profession, having 

completed his own artistic studies in Rome prior to joining the Society, 

he was also a competent painter and draughtsman. He was assisted by 

an Italian Jesuit priest, Nicholas Massa, S.J., who was one of four Jesuit 

brothers of Luigi Massa, who had died at the Tsa-ka-wei Orphanage.^^ As 

^°Ibid., 172 (author's translation). Flament would later become the presi- 
dent of the inaugural synodal commission. 


^^Joseph de Lapparent, "Notre Dame de Chine-Regina Sinarum: 
Historique," Le Bulletin Catholique de Pekin (1941): 359-60. His name was also 
written in missionary literature as Liu, Lieu and Liou. De Lapparent wrote this 
concise history of the image so that there would be no further debate about its 
origins. His article drew on the earlier article of 1925. Liu Dezhai was born on 
February 2, 1843, and died July 31, 1912. Some articles say his name was Liu Bi- 
zhen; yet a recent Chinese work, 20 shiji Zhongguo yishu shi de ruogan keti yanjiu 
(1900-1949) [Research on a number of problems in twentieth-century Chinese art 
history between 1900 and 1949], ed. Wu Wuhua (Sichuan: Sichuan Meishu chu- 
banshe, 2006), 182, records his name as Liu Dezhai. 

^^See Cent ans sur le Fleuve Bleu: line mission des Jesuites (Zikawei, Shanghai: 
Imprimerie de T'ou-se-wei, 1942), 218. 

^^ Ellen Johnstone Laing, in Selling Happiness: Calendar Posters and Visu- 
al Culture in Early-Twentieth-Century Shanghai (Honolulu: University of Hawaii 


Jeremy Clarke, S J. 

a younger man, Nicholas Massa had received training in the art of paint- 
ing in Europe. Ferrer and his assistant Massa not only trained genera- 
tions of artists and artisans after 
their arrival in Shanghai (Ferrer ar- 
rived in October 1847) but also pro- 
duced a great deal of religious art 
for the various chapels and church- 
es of the Jiangnan mission, as did 
his many students after him. Ferrer 
also drafted the plans for the first 
church at Xujiahui. 

Liu must have learned more 
than art from Ferrer because, like 
Lu before him, he subsequently 
entered the Society on September 
7, 1867. He began working in the 
painting department in 1870 after 
completing his two-year novitiate. 
He was admitted to final vows on 
the feast of Saint Ignatius, July 31, 
1878.^^ For many years Brother Liu 
was the director of the painting 
workshop at Tushanwan, a posi- 
tion he took over from Brother Pe- 

Plate 2: This is a cropped reproduction of the or- 
dination card for John J. Brennan, S.J., ordained at 
Shanghai on June 8, 1946. The image bears the title 
"Heavenly Queen of China, pray for me." It is re- 
ferred to in the text as Plate 2. (From the archives 
of the California Province of the Society of Jesus, 
gratefully used with permission.) 

ter Lu, upon Lu's death in 1880. 
Liu was still head of the department in 1908, at sixty-five years of age, 
and died in 1912.^^ The efficient administration of the workshop and the 
popular work first of Ferrer and Massa, and then of Lu and Liu, as well 

Press, 2004), 62, calls Nicholas Massa a brother, rather than a priest. The confu- 
sion exists because Nicholas Massa began his religious life as a brother but later 
undertook theology studies and became a priest. See G. B. Rossi, Cenni storici dei 
cinque f rat elli Massa della Compagnia di Gesu morti nelle missioni della Cina tra gli 
anni 1850-1876 (Naples: Pe'tipi di Salvatore Marchese, 1879). 

^^ Index to Catalogus Provincide Francide, 1900. 

^^He is listed as director in the 1908 catalogue of the French Jesuits, "Mis- 
sio Sinensis in Provincia Nankinensi," 53. Showing the ideally ever-present reli- 
gious aspect of the Jesuit vocation, Liu was also responsible for ensuring that the 
charges in his care were saying their prayers (visit, orat. et exam., as described in 
the Jesuit Latin shorthand used in province catalogues). 

Our Lady of China ^ 33 

as the many students who had learned from them, had ensured that the 
painters of Tushanwan had a national reputation. Between them, the 
two Chinese Jesuit brothers directed the painting workshop for almost 
sixty years. 

Liu Dezhai used the photograph of the Katherine Carl portrait as 
a model for his oil portrait, incorporating additional suggestions made 
by others, including the client who offered the commission, the Laza- 
rist Father Flament. As in the painting of Cixi, Mary was seated on a 
throne and was dressed in a sumptuous blue and yellow Manchu court 
garment.^^ Although there was only one subject in the Carl painting, 
namely Cixi, here the child Jesus appears with Mary. He stood on the 
throne, beside Mary's leg, and was likewise clad in rich vestments. Al- 
though Liu had any number of models for this depiction, ranging from 
Our Lady of Paris to Our Lady of Treille, it is not known why Jesus was 
shown in this fashion, rather than in some other way. 

It is also unknown if the original image painted by Liu Dezhai 
stills exists in Donglu. It is certain, however, that many copies of this 
image were produced in the subsequent years, especially after the 
Shanghai Plenary Council of 1924, when Celso Costantini ensured 
a greater circulation of the image, as discussed below. Some of these 
reproductions were themselves replicated from other copies and a 
number of changes occurred in the process of transmission. Given that 
it was painted at a time when other regal images, such as the photo- 
graphs of Cixi as Guanyin and the photographs of the Empress Dowa- 
ger portrait, were also being circulated, one can easily understand how 
it could attract the reverence of Catholics beyond Donglu. The connec- 
tion between the images was as much the result of the shared historical 
context as of the visual similarities, or even more so. The imperial court 
had an Empress Dowager; the Chinese Catholics had their own heaven- 
ly mother and child. 

The initial portrait brought much joy to Liu Dezhai and his fellow 
Jesuits, so much so that they were apparently tempted to keep the paint- 

^^De Lapparent, "Notre Dame de Chine," 359. The photographs of Cixi as 
Guanyin show her either standing or sitting, and accompanied by court atten- 
dants dressed as Buddhist figures. She is also photographed among a field of lo- 
tuses, a Buddhist symbol of purity. There are no attendants in the Donglu paint- 
ing or lotuses. It thus seems reasonable to accept both the anonymous article and 
de Lapparent's account that the painting, and not the photographs, provided the 
model for Liu's work. See Lin Jing, The Photographs of Cixi in the Collection of the 
Palace Museum (Beijing: Forbidden City Press, 2002). 



Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

ing at Xujiahui. They honored their contract, however, and the paint- 
ing was transported to Donglu by train, where it arrived on March 17, 
1909. Father Flament subsequently displayed it behind the main altar in 
the church, replacing another image of Mary that had been painted by 
a local Chinese virgin.^^ This apparently had "a certain grace,'' although 

it was not as attractive as the 
new work.^^ The earlier image 
had already helped the popu- 
larization of the cult of the Vir- 
gin Mary within this Catholic 
village. Father Flament hoped 
that this much-longed-for new 
painting would likewise be a 
successful means of strengthen- 
ing the already significant de- 
votion to Mary. 

Liu Dezhai's image sub- 
sequently became famous 
throughout China. The church 
at Donglu had already been a 
place of pilgrimage for Catho- 
lics from nearby villages (as a re- 
sult of the apparition stories re- 
counted earlier). It now became 
well known throughout all the 
Chinese Catholic communities. 
This increase in fame likewise 
saw a rise in the number of visi- 
tors. The Donglu Catholics were 
justifiably proud of their Christianity and of their pious devotion to the 
Holy Virgin, and this impressed all those who made the pilgrimage to 
their church. "[There was] nothing as touching as listening to the end- 
lessly repeated invocation, chanted with an engrossing and moving in- 
sistence, 'Heavenly Holy Mother, Queen of Donglu, pray for me.' "^° 

Plate 3: A cropped reproduction of a prayer card 
produced by the Paris Foreign Mission Society, 
some time in the 1940s, which bore the title Notre 
Dame de Chine. 

^^See J. M. Tremorin, "Les Pelerinages a Notre Dame de Tonglu," Le Bul- 
letin Catholique de Pekin, no. 229 (September 1932): 174-75. 

^^See de Lapparent, "Notre Dame de Chine," 172. 

''°De Lapparent, "Notre Dame de Chine," 172 (author's translation). 

Our Lady of China ^ 35 

The chants, the pilgrimages, and the rosaries in particular, ensured 
that devotion to Mary (especially as it was associated with Donglu) be- 
came widespread and even more deeply held. The complex cultural in- 
teractions that took place within the Chinese Catholic communities are 
well illustrated by the people involved in bringing this iconic Chinese 
Catholic image into being. A French priest commissioned the work from 
a Chinese Jesuit painter, who in turn had learned the art of painting 
from Spanish and Italian missionaries. The painter used Chinese sty- 
listic devices to depict a Catholic devotion from a rural market town in 
the north of China. The original model for this work, furthermore, was 
a photographic reproduction of an oil portrait of the Chinese Empress 
that had been painted by a United States citizen. 

This portrait would also play a part in the deliberate and con- 
scious program of indigenization that was taking place throughout the 
international Church during the early part of the twentieth century, and 
which had China as a particular focus. Rome led this program in many 
ways, even in the face of marked opposition from numerous European 
missionaries working in China. The Our Lady of Donglu painting was 
a famous harbinger of the plan to strengthen the local church. Its adop- 
tion by Bishop Celso Costantini at the Plenary Council in 1924 is the fi- 
nal part of our story, and we return once more to Shanghai. 

The Shanghai Plenary Council of 1924 

As apostolic delegate, Costantini called for, planned, and then 
chaired the first plenary council of the Catholic Church in China, held 
in Shanghai between May 15 and June 11, 1924. It began with a Mass of 
the Holy Spirit and concluded with another solemn Mass on June 12. At 
the opening Mass a relic of Blessed (now Saint) Robert Bellarmine was 
placed on the altar in Saint Ignatius Church, Xujiahui. Those of the as- 
sembled faithful who did not know that Bellarmine had had personal 
correspondence with the famous seventeenth-century Shanghai Catho- 
lic, Paul Xu Guangqi, certainly knew of this by the end of the service, as 
much was made of the relationship between these two great minds liv- 
ing on opposite sides of the globe. There were many such symbols of the 
longevity of the Chinese church evident throughout the course of the 

^^For more about the daily events of the council, see Louis Wei Tsing-sing, 
Le Saint Siege et La Chine: De Pie XI a nos jours (Sotteville-les-Rouen: Allais, 1971), 
108-16. Bellarmine was not canonized until 1930. 

36 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

The council was a momentous event in the life of the Chinese 
Catholic community, and it marked yet another major step in the move- 
ment toward the creation of a locally led church. Various activities of 
the council also reinforced the distinctive Marian identity of the Chinese 
Catholic church. They did this administratively as well as through sim- 
ple means. As the Chinese Catholic church grew in stature and maturity, 
so too did its Marian identity become more pronounced. 

The Marian pieties and devotions practiced within the Chinese 
Catholic communities traditionally reflected the strong French influ- 
ence that had been exerted on the Catholics throughout the time of the 
French protectorate.^^ As the Chinese church grew in independence, one 
could expect that there would be a visible change in the ways in which 
these pieties would be expressed. Events which took place at the council 
seemed to suggest that such change would continue to occur throughout 
the twentieth century. 

Once the council had been called. Pope Pius XI sent a letter to his 
delegate, Costantini, discussing the importance of the synod. He said 
that this council would be 

one of the grandest of the lights shining among the splendors of 
the church and that it would be engraved on the memories of future 
generations. In bringing this project to realization, it seems to us that one 
can see the very ashes trembling of those who, in centuries past, spent 
their lives working and, courageously and generously, even pouring out 
their blood to bring the people of China to Jesus Christ.^^ 

The council called together all the leadership of the Catholic 
Church in China. This obviously meant that the council was a gathering 
of male clerics, and thereby excluded not only the local superiors of the 
numerous female congregations present in China at this time but also 
representatives of the non-priestly male orders in China, like the Marist 
Brothers. Those invited to attend consisted of all the vicars and prefects 
apostolic of the missions in China, the superiors of the priestly orders. 

^^That is, the period initiated by the Opium Wars treaties. As this essay- 
focuses on the church communities in China, it does not discuss the broader ef- 
fects of the French influence. See, among others, Guy Brossollet, Les Frangais de 
Shanghai, 1849-1949 (Paris: BeHn, 1999), and John K. Fairbank, ed.. Late Ching, 
1800-1911, part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978). 

^^Les Missions de Chine, no. 129 (May 1924): 162 (author's translation). 

Our Lady of China ^ 37 

the abbot of the Cistercian monastery at Yangjiaping (Our Lady of Con- 
solation), and the bishop of Macau 7"^ 

It was an amazing feat to bring together all these clerics from the 
far-flung corners of the country. At the preliminary session, which was 

held the day before the official ^^^^^^_^^^^^^^^^^^__^^^ 
opening, the proceedings be- 
gan with a formal prayer. Af- ^^^ ^^^^^ possibility is that 
terward, Costantini proposed ^^^ ^^^ ^^^S^ ^f ^"^ ^^^V ^f 
sending a telegram to the Holy ^^^^^ ^^^ carried in front of the 
Father and to Cardinal van procession in the form of a portrait 
Rossum in Rome, informing and the invocations were 
them of the successful gather- repeated in front of it 
ing of most of those invited. ^^^^^^^^^^— ^^^-^—^ 
Those who had not arrived 

had been prevented from doing so because of sickness, encounters with 
robbers on the journey, or rivers in flood that had become impassable.^^ 

The journeys of the bishops of Yunnan and Sichuan, for instance, 
is illustrative of the difficulties involved: 

They were twenty days on horseback, until they came to the nearest 
tributary of the Yangtze; then by raft, sampan, sailboat, and a succession 
of steamers [they traveled] another period of thirty-one days [and even- 
tually] arrived at Shanghai. They traveled downstream all the way, made 
unusually quick connections, and had no mishaps; yet the trip took fifty- 
one days. Going back upstream they expect to make it in slightly over 
two months.^^ 

^^The Cistercian monastery became famous later because of the death 
march forced upon the monks by the troops of the Communist Party's Fifth 
Route Army in the late 1930s, and the total destruction of the abbey. See James 
T. Myers, Enemies without Guns: The Catholic Church in China (New York: Paragon 
House, 1991), 1-13. 

^^See "Le Concile Plenier de Shanghai," Les Missions de Chine, no. 130 
(June 1924): 202. 

^^Francis X. Ford, "Report on the General Council at Shanghai, June 1924," 
in MaryknoU Mission Letter, China, II: Extracts from the Letters and Diaries of the 
Pioneer Missioners of the Catholic Foreign Mission Society of America (New York: 
MacMillan, 1927), 344. Ford, who later became a bishop, was arrested as a spy in 
April 1951 and died in 1952 in prison in Guangzhou. See Jean-Paul Wiest, Mary- 
knoll in China: A History, 1918-1955 (Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1988), 

38 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

Although the council was able to inform Ronie almost immedi- 
ately of its commencement, traveling within China could still take more 
than seven weeks. Plane travel over the Atlantic Ocean may have made 
the world appear smaller by the early decades of the twentieth centu- 
ry, but in China these journeys were still dauntingly long. The fact that 
the council members were even able to come together was a remarkable 
achievement, and a testimony to the participants' genuine sense of mis- 
sion, whatever lack of willingness some of them had hitherto shown in 
adopting new ways to carry out this mission. 

The Chinese church leadership that did manage to ford rivers, 
survive brigandage, and remain healthy enough to reach Shanghai was 
obviously overwhelmingly foreign at this time, the recent appointment 
of two Chinese as prefects apostolic notwithstanding.^^ The very pres- 
ence of these two Chinese priests, nevertheless, was a sign of the chang- 
es that were being wrought by the leadership of Celso Costantini and 
Pius XL Costantini had increased the number of Chinese representa- 
tives in other ways, as is evident in the list of those who were present. 

In addition to the fifty-nine vicars and prefects apostolic, there 
were a number of others present at the council in their capacity as reli- 
gious superiors, theologians, or consultants. Given that Costantini ap- 
pointed these specialists, it is no surprise to find the names of at least 
seven other Chinese priests. ^^ He had also requested that the Chinese 
clergy send some representatives of their own choosing. 

Consecrating China to Mary 

One of the council's simplest acts brought about one of the most 
significant results. This act also gave rise to the profoundest of long- 
term effects. Simply, the council unanimously adopted a proposal put 
forward by Costantini that they consecrate China to the Most Holy Vir- 
gin Mary.^^ The consecration meant that the church leaders were plac- 

^^The first Chinese bishops since the seventeenth century were ordained 
two years later, in 1926, at St. Peter's in Rome. See Pasquale D'Elia, Catholic Na- 
tive Episcopacy in China (Shanghai: Tou-se-we Printing Press, 1927). 

^^Jean-Paul Wiest states that there were thirteen Chinese present. Sun and Cheng 
and eleven others. See "Introduction," Collectanea Commissionis Synodalis (Bethesda, 
Maryland: CIS Academic Editions, 1988), x; but the memorial of the council lists only 
seven, in addition to the prefects apostolic. 

^^See de Lapparent, "Notre Dame de Chine," 359. 

Our Lady of China ^ 39 

ing the needs, the hopes, and the prayers of their communities (and the 
whole of the Chinese people) at the feet of Mary in a special way, seek- 
ing her intercession and help. 

There were two main impulses for this: the strong Marian pieties 
that had spread out from France in the late-nineteenth century and that 
had taken root in China, and the belief held by the Chinese Catholic 
communities that Mary had been a consistent and salvific presence in 
their midst. These impulses are most clearly evident in the story of the 
Donglu painting and in the Sheshan and Donglu pilgrimages. Through 
this act of consecration, the council was articulating, and indeed recog- 
nizing in the deepest symbolic way possible, these strong devotions and 
the prevailing belief of the Chinese Catholics. 

The dedication occurred at the end of the council, on June 11, 
1924.^° After each bishop prayed for his own diocese or vicariate, all the 
participants read out a common formula of consecration. A French Je- 
suit, Henri Lecroart, S.J., vicar apostolic of Xianxian (Hebei province) 
had composed this formula in French and in Latin. According to the 
common ritual form of such prayers, the consecration concluded with a 
threefold invocation, taking the form of three statements, each of which 
consisted of an invitation and a response. The first two invocations were 
traditional and universally applicable — ''Help of Christians, pray for 
us,'' and "Mary, mother of grace, pray for us" — but the final invocation 
was entirely new and was specific to the Chinese people. This invita- 
tion was "Heavenly Queen of China." With one voice the bishops and 
priests then responded in Latin, "Pray for us." 

Fittingly, the council finished on the day of Pentecost, which ac- 
cording to Christian belief celebrates the moment that the Holy Spirit 
descended on the first Christians, giving them gifts and graces, empow- 
ering them to go to all nations and spread the good news in all languag- 
es (Acts 1:22 — 2:6). In 1924 Pentecost fell on June 12, and the celebration 
took place at Saint Ignatius Church, Xujiahui. Two days later, Costan- 
tini climbed Sheshan. He was accompanied by a significant number of 
the council fathers, even though some of the bishops had already begun 
their journey back to their vicariates. They renewed the consecration, 
this time before the statue of Our Lady at Sheshan. 

The actual image used at Sheshan was not identified in the jour- 
nals of the time. If the prayers of consecration were said in front of the 

'See Ford, "Report on the General Council at Shanghai," 344. 

40 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

shrine halfway up the hill at Sheshan, then the image would have been 
the statue of Our Lady of Lourdes, as this was in the pavilion at this spot. 
If, however, the prayers of consecration were said in the church on the 
^^^^^— ^^^^^— ^^^— ^^^^^— surmnit of the hill, then it was 
At first glance it is tempting to intoned in front of one of two 

say that the Our Lady ofDonglu images, a statue or portrait of 

painting is thus more European ^^^ Lady of Victories or a stat- 

in style than it is Chinese. For ^^ or portrait based on the Our 

instance, Mary and] esus both Lady Help of Christians im- 

wear jewel-encrusted crowns, ^S^- ^^^ latter image was re- 

traditional symbols of European produced often in the pre-1949 

royalty, and Mary also holds a Period and was clearly associ- 

scepter in her hand. ^^^^ ^ith Sheshan.^^ One other 

possibility is that the new im- 
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^~ age of Our Lady of China was 
carried in front of the procession in the form of a portrait and the invo- 
cations were repeated in front of it. Certainly, the famous modem image 
of Our Lady of Sheshan, where she is holding Jesus above her head, had 
not yet come into being, and thus could not have been used.^^ 

Given the descriptions of public worship recorded above, it is more 
than likely that Costantini led the gathered faithful behind a banner or 
portrait of the newly designated Our Lady of China image, whether or 
not they had other images in their possession (see plate 1 on p. x). Based 
on modern-day practice, which does not differ greatly from what was 
usual before 1949, the entourage would have paused in front of the Mar- 
ian pavilion half way up the hill, where the new prayers would have 
been pronounced; they then would have made their way up past the 
Stations of the Cross intoning the rosary, and upon entering the church 
they would have placed the banner or portrait at the front of the church, 
perhaps to one side in the Marian chapel. There it would have been 
alongside the other Marian image (or images) in use and further prayers 
would have been recited. Thus the new devotion was not displacing the 
previous ones, even physically, but was being placed alongside them. 

^^As described above. It was associated with Sheshan because the traditional 
feast day for this devotion. May 24, was one of the main pilgrimage days for the Catho- 
lics. Each year thousands visited Sheshan on this day. 

*^It was designed when the new basilica at Sheshan was opened in 1935. Construc- 
tion of a new church had only just begun in the year prior to the consecration, in 1923. 

Our Lady of China ^ 41 

Whereas in China there had already been the beginnings of lo- 
cal Marian devotions, such as Our Lady of Penha and Our Lady of 
Donglu/^ as we've seen, there were still many shrines that represented 
foreign devotions, like Our Lady of Treille and so on. The newer, lo- 
calized pieties had arisen out of the experiences of the people. The be- 
stowal of additional titles upon Mary was the result of the way people 
sought to overlay words onto these experiences. This new invocation. 
Our Lady Queen of China, was the way in which Costantini and the 
council fathers were recognizing the special Marian identity of the Chi- 
nese Catholic communities. In so doing they were enunciating on a na- 
tional scale the prayers and hopes of these different communities. 

By creating both a new invocation and a new title, the council 
also reinforced the Marian identity and popularized Marian devotions 
even further. These Marian characteristics, given formal approval at 
the council, became in turn an even more readily identifiable feature 
of the Chinese Catholic church. This particularly strong local devotion 
was to bind the Catholics together into the future and sustain them in 
difficult times. For all the optimism of the council, its members were 
well aware that their communities lived constantly with the threat of 
persecution. A specifically Chinese devotion, which had grown out of 
Chinese Catholic experiences, was therefore all the more attractive to 
the faithful. 

A New Image for a New Title 

New titles demand new images. Costantini, as thoughtful in this 
as he was in other regards, visited the Tushanwan orphanage work- 
shops on May 22, 1924, when the council had already begun its meet- 
ing. This shows that the consecration of the church to Mary sever- 
al weeks later (on June 11) was already in his plans. At Tushanwan 
Costantini asked to see their collection of Marian images and from the 
many presented to him, he was attracted to the image that Brother Liu 
Dezhai had painted in 1908, namely the Donglu portrait.^^ "We must 
popularize this image,'' he declared.^^ Father Rene Flament willingly 

^^There is a shrine of this name in Macau. This shrine was the first site of Marian 
pilgrimage in China, dating back to 1622. See Joseph de la Largere, "Les pelerinages a La 
S. Vierge en Chine, Le Bulletin Catholique de Pekin, no. 261 (May 1935). 

^Anonymous, "Correspondence et Renseignements/' Le Bulletin Catholique de 
Pekin (1941): 359-60. 

^ Ibid., 360 (author's translation). 

41 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

consented to the image of Our Lady of Donglu being circulated more 
widely around China under the title Our Lady of China. Costantini de- 
manded that a large number of these images be printed for distribu- 
tion, and they were to be ready by June 12, the anticipated final day of 
the council. They were to carry the Chinese title, Zhonghua Shengmu 
(Our Lady [Holy Mother] of China).^^ 

We have seen earlier how the thirteenth-century images of Child- 
giving Guanyin seemingly resembled European images of Mary as a re- 
sult of a mixture of superscription and copying. This episode from the 
twentieth century likewise shows that Europeans also engaged in such 
_^.^_i..i_i,.i^_^..i...^^.^^^^_ copying. This new Marian im- 

Seveml other key Chinese features ^B^ ^^^^"^^ ^^1^ ^^^^ ^i^h- 
have also been lost over the years. '^ China, through its dissemi- 
Perhaps the most significant nation as holy cards and as 

is that the distant mountains mementos of ordinations and 

visible through the windows in through reproductions in vari- 

the earliest reproductions are ous church magazines and jour- 

reminiscent of the scenery in much nals. It also inspired countless 
Chinese landscape painting. other versions of Chinese-style 

^..»^— ^^..—i— .ii—^— 1^-^^. Marian images. This was espe- 
cially so following the advent 
of the Christian art school at Furen University in Beijing in the next de- 
cade. ^^ Some of these other images have threatened to supplant the Don- 
glu image as the one most usually referred to as Our Lady of China. This 
situation has caused much debate in some Chinese Catholic circles.^^ 

^^Later reproductions also carried the title in Italian, Nostra Signora della Cina, 
or in English, Our Lady of China. 

^^See Chen Shijie John, The Rise and Fall ofFu Ren University, Beijing (New York 
and London: RoutledgeFalmer, 2004). Technically, this city was called Beiping between 
the years 1928 and 1949, but for reasons of convenience I will use Beijing when referring 
to the national capital. 

^^One critic of other images is the Chinese Catholic Church advocacy agency, the 
Cardinal Kung Foundation. The nephew of Cardinal Gong, Joseph Kung, founded this 
group after his arrival in the United States. They present themselves as the defender of 
the "persecuted" Chinese church, and as opponents to any recognition of the officially 
registered communities, even after recent papal attempts to bring about reconciliation 
within the Chinese Catholic communities. They also reject attempts to apply the title 
Our Lady of China to any other Marian images. 

Our Lady of China ^ 43 

The adoption and use of this Donglu image by the council, at the 
prompting of the Apostolic Delegate, guaranteed its official status. It 
was given even greater recognition in 1928 when Pius XI accepted it as 
the image to accompany the devotion to Our Lady of China. This ob- 
viously does not prevent other images also using this title, but strictly 
speaking, just as there is an accepted iconographic form for Our Lady 
of Lourdes or of Our Lady of Czestochowa, for instance, so too is the 
Donglu-derived Our Lady of China the model to which others either 
allude or from which they depart. 

There are many features of this image suggesting that Liu drew 
on European paintings for his inspiration. Therefore at first glance it 
is tempting to say that the Our Lady of Donglu painting is thus more 
European in style than it is Chinese. For instance, Mary and Jesus both 
wear jewel-encrusted crowns, traditional symbols of European royal- 
ty, and Mary also holds a scepter in her hand. Whereas Katherine Carl 
used traditional Chinese symbols of authority in her painting, items 
like phoenixes and dragons, Liu used relatively Western symbols to in- 
dicate the high status of the Madonna and Child. Furthermore, Mary's 
visage was not especially Chinese and the face of Jesus was likewise 
decidedly European. The floor of the room in which the throne is situ- 
ated also features black and white square tiles in a checkerboard de- 
sign, reminiscent of numerous Renaissance paintings. ^^ While it is pos- 
sible to glimpse background scenery through the windows on either 
side of the backing wall, in later prints the terrain and the flora are too 
indistinct for one to be able to say definitely whether the scene has been 
set in Europe or in China.^° 

Yet a close examination of the two oldest images — ordination cards 
from 1933 and 1946 (see plates 1 and 2 on pp. x and 32) — show that Liu 
did in fact fill his painting with many Chinese references.^^ While the 
European influences are undoubtedly evident, so too are Chinese ones. 

^^ See, for instance, Giovanni Bellini's painting of the Madonna and Child, pro- 
duced in 1505, which is in the church of San Zaccaria, Venice. 

^°I am hesitant to agree with Professor Paul Rule, who in private correspondence 
about this image, says that the scenery "seems distinctly Italian." 

^^ These two cards are the oldest color images I have been able to find. One is the 
ordination card for Charles Simons, S.J., and the other for John J. Brennan, S.J. There is 
an image on the Cardinal Kung foundation Website that purports to be the original im- 
age, but for many reasons this is doubtful. I am preparing another article that deals with 
all these different reproductions from an art-historical perspective. A more common- 

44 * Jeremy Clarke, S J. 

Once one looks for these influences, it is possible to see that Liu has 
very successfully taken a relatively traditional Western religious repre- 
sentation — Mary and Jesus on a throne — and, influenced by Carl's use 
of Chinese symbolism, has created something new: Our Lady of China, 
Our Lady of Donglu. 

These Chinese features, which have been lost in transmission in 
later reproductions, include the manner in which the throne is depicted, 
the design featured on the rear wall, the pillars that buttress the back 
wall, and the foliage and scenery visible through the rear windows. 
There are again subtle differences between the images on these two or- 
dination cards that suggest that Liu's painting had become a prototype 
that was copied over and over by the artists at Tushanwan.^^ 

While the portrayal of Mary seated on a throne was a common 
motif in European religious paintings, Liu Dezhai translated this motif 
into a distinctively Chinese context. For instance, just as the unknown 
artist at Yangzhou had done centuries before him, Liu Dezhai used a 
Chinese-style seat to acculturate this image. ^^ Furthermore, in all the 
images, the throne-seat cushion is covered in red Chinese silk, with dec- 
orations imprinted on it. 

The ornamentation of the throne is likewise significant. The earli- 
est extant image, Simons' s ordination card, shows an elaborately carved 
dragon on the seat back, which appears to be riding the rail of the seat 
with a pearl clasped in one of its claws. These Chinese figurative mo- 
tifs both possess imperial symbolism. The pearl also represents femi- 

ly known image was produced by the Paris Foreign Mission Society, after the original 
print. See plate 3, p. 34. 

^^It is known that one way students at Tushanwan were instructed in painting 
techniques was by the process of continuously copying old paintings. An undated pho- 
tograph from the archives of the California Jesuit Province shows that the Donglu Mary 
(which by the time of the photograph could already have become Our Lady of China) 
had indeed become one of the images to be replicated by the students. 

^3 Why this is a Chinese-style seat, as opposed to something that could be found 
in any culture, is evident in a technical sense for those with the knowledge of what to 
look for. Such detail seems extraneous to the present work, so I refer interested readers 
to C. P. Fitzgerald's Barbarian Beds: The Origin of the Chair in China (Canberra: Australian 
National University, 1965). 

Our Lady of China ^ 45 

nine beauty and purity, which from a Christian perspective was an apt 
choice for a painting of Mary^^ 

Although the seat legs on the earliest images were also noticeably 
Chinese in style, by the time of the latter images they had lost this dis- 
tinctiveness in the process of transmission. The curved throne leg on the 
Simons card seems to feature an elaborately carved lion, while the sec- 
ond card shows a simpler, yet arguably more elegant design, with the 
beading on the leg twirling into 
a ruyi mushroom cloud shape 

at the inside top and bottom, W/z^n we pray with contemporary 
which in the language of Chi- Chinese Catholics for the future 

nese symbolism is a symbol of- of their communities, therefore, 

ten associated with prosperity ^ot only do we give thanks for 

and good fortune. The thrones ^^^ ^^^1/ manifestations of God's 
on other cards (see plates 2 and grandeur, hut we can thus also 

3 on pp. 32 and 34), however, recognize the contributions of our 
reveal straight legs with rather forebears and the richness 

geometrical design features. It of our own past. 

is ironic therefore, that, by the ^^^^^^^_^__^^^«^^^— 
time the image had become 

generally accepted as showing a Chinese Mary and Child Jesus, several 
of the distinctive Chinese designs had been lost in the process of dupli- 
cation. It is thus easy to see how, if one relies on later reproductions, one 
could think the image is more European in style even as it was univer- 
sally regarded as a Chinese picture. 

Several other key Chinese features have also been lost over the 
years. Perhaps the most significant is that the distant mountains visible 
through the windows in the earliest reproductions are reminiscent of 
the scenery in much Chinese landscape painting. Other noticeably Chi- 
nese features in these prints are the Buddhist pagoda (a id), visible in the 
middle distance on the left-hand side of both images, the scholar stone 
in the left-hand foreground in the Simons image (which is replaced by 
a tree in the latter images), and the Chinese buildings in the middle dis- 
tance, visible in both reproductions. Jesus and Mary are enthroned on a 
Chinese seat, surrounded by motifs representing good fortune, purity. 

^* See C. A. S. Williams, Chinese Symbolism and Art Motifs: A Comprehensive Hand- 
hook on Symbolism in Chinese Art through the Ages (North Clarendon, Va.: Tuttle Publish- 
ing, 2006). This is a later edition. 

46 ^ Jeremy Clarke, S.J. 

and beneficence, and through the windows of their house can be seen 
the typical countryside of China. 

V. Conclusion 

The development of Marian spirituality within the Chinese 
church was thus something that both nurtured a unique Catho- 
lic identity and helped bolster that emergent identity. Through- 
out this long process artists created innovative and beautiful images 
that expressed the manner in which the Chinese Catholic communities 
had evolved. Thus, in the beginning these images drew their inspiration 
from works imported from afar, while later they reflected the influence 
of local traditions or events that had taken place in China. In the tumul- 
tuous early decades of the twentieth century, this process culminated in 
a picture of our Lady at home in China, accepted and honored by the 
local Catholics as their patron. Bearing the title Our Heavenly Queen of 
China, the officially approved and domestically produced image encap- 
sulated all their stories of deliverance, their places of pilgrimage, and 
their prayers of entreaty and praise. 

This essay has attempted to show that, at the very least, the So- 
ciety was actively involved with the initial shaping of such an iden- 
tity, the subsequent establishment of methods to nurture it, and the 
encouragement of culturally appropriate ways of expressing this cen- 
tral feature of Chinese Catholicism through artistic forms. While there 
were obviously many individuals and missionary societies involved 
in this process — and thus it is important not to overstate the case — the 
Jesuit involvement was nevertheless important, if only as one inipetus 
among several. 

Such Jesuit involvement occurred in part because of the Society's 
vibrant tradition of Marian piety, including its strong encouragement 
of pilgrimages, but also because of missiological tactics pursued by Je- 
suit raissionaries and the local Catholic converts in both the pre-Sup- 
pression and post-Opium War periods. These decisions were part of an 
apostolic program that valued the sponsorship of artistic endeavor not 
only for the practical purpose of providing devotional images for local 
faith communities (and imparting practical skills to often needy indi- 
viduals in the process) but also because such activities in the realm of 

Our Lady of China ^ 47 

visual culture produced objects of beauty that delighted the senses and 
lifted the soul. 

In doing so, the church in China articulated its identity, and the 
international Church received beautiful expressions of faith. Although 
these images (and the influences that led to their production) may seem 
far away and long ago, they are nevertheless reminders of the vibrant 
ways that the Christian life and the Christian message can be incarnat- 
ed in all cultures, and especially in China. When we pray with contem- 
porary Chinese Catholics for the future of their communities, therefore, 
not only do we give thanks for the many manifestations of God's gran- 
deur, but we can thus also recognize the contributions of our forebears 
and the richness of our own past. 

Past Issues of Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits 
Available for Sale 

(For prices, see inside back cover.) 

1/1 Sheets, Profile of the Contemporary Jesuit (Sept. 1969) 

1 / 2 Ganss, Authentic Spiritual Exercises: History and Terminology (Nov. 1969) 

2/1 Burke, Institution and Person (Feb. 1970) 

2/2 Futrell, Ignatian Discernment (Apr. 1970) 

2/3 Lonergan, Response of the Jesuit as Priest and Apostle (Sept. 1970) 

3/1 Wright, Grace of Our Founder and the Grace of Our Vocation (Feb. 1971) 

3/2 O'Flaherty, Some Reflections on Jesuit Commitment (Apr. 1971) 

3/4 Toner, A Method for Communal Discernment of God's Will (Sept. 1971) 

3/5 Sheets, Toward a Theology of the Religious Life (Nov. 1971) 

4/2 Two Discussions: I. Spiritual Direction, II. Leadership and Authority (Mar. 1972) 

4/3 Orsy, Some Questions about the Purpose and Scope of the General Congregation 

Qune 1972) 
4/4 Ganss, Wright, O'Malley, O'Donovan, Dulles, On Continuity and Change: A 
Symposium (Oct. 1972) 
5 / 1-2 O'Flaherty, Renewal: Call and Response (Jan.-Mar. 1973) 
5 / 3 Arrupe, McNaspy, The Place of Art in Jesuit Life (Apr. 1973) 
5/4 Haughey, The Pentecostal Thing and Jesuits (June 1973) 
5/5 Orsy, Toward a Theological Evaluation of Communal Discernment (Oct. 1973) 
6/3 Knight, Joy and Judgment in Religious Obedience (Apr. 1974) 
7/1 Wright, Ganss, Orsy, On Thinking with the Church Today (Jan. 1975) 
7/2 Ganss, Christian Life Communities from the Sodalities (Mar. 1975) 
7/3 Connolly, Contemporary Spiritual Direction: Scope and Principles (June 1975) 
715 Buckley, The Confirmation of a Promise; Padberg, Continuity and Change in 

General Congregation XXXII (Nov. 1975) 
8/1 O'Neill, Acatamiento: Ignatian Reverence (Jan. 1976) 
8/2-3 De la Costa, Sheridan, and others. On Becoming Poor: A Symposium on Evan- 
gelical Poverty (Mar.-May 1976) 
8/4 Faricy, Jesuit Community: Community of Prayer (Oct. 1976) 
9/1-2 Becker, Changes in U.S. Jesuit Membership, 1958-75; Others, Reactions and Ex- 
planations (Jan.-Mar. 1977) 
9/4 Connolly, Land, Jesuit Spiritualities and the Struggle for Social Justice (Sept. 

9/5 Gill, A Jesuit's Account of Conscience (Nov. 1977) 

10/1 Kammer, "Burn-Out" —Dilemma for the Jesuit Social Activist (Jan. 1978) 
10/4 Harvanek, Status of Obedience in the Society of Jesus; Others, Reactions to Con- 
nolly-Land (Sept. 1978) 
11/1 Clancy, Peeling Bad about Peeling Good (Jan. 1979) 

11/2 Maruca, Our Personal Witness as Power to Evangelize Culture (Mar. 1979) 
11/3 Klein, American Jesuits and the Liturgy (May 1979) 
11/5 Conwell, The Kamikaze Factor: Choosing Jesuit Ministries (Nov. 1979) 
12/2 Henriot, Appleyard, Klein, Living Together in Mission: A Symposium on Small 

Apostolic Communities (Mar. 1980) 
12/3 Conwell, Living and Dying in the Society of Jesus (May 1980) 

13/1 Peter, Alcoholism in Jesuit Life (Jan. 1981) 

13/3 Ganss, Towards Understanding the Jesuit Brothers' Vocation (May 1981) 
13/4 Reites, St. Ignatius of Loyola and the Jews (Sept. 1981) 
14/1 O'Malley, The Jesuits, St. Ignatius, and the Counter Reformation (Jan. 1982) 
14/2 Dulles, St. Ignatius and Jesuit Theological Tradition (Mar. 1982) 
14/4 Gray, An Experience in Ignatian Government (Sept. 1982) 
14/5 Ivem, The Future of Faith and Justice: Review of Decree Four (Nov. 1982) 
15/1 O'MaUey, The Fourth Vow in Its Ignatian Context (Jan. 1983) 
15/2 Sullivan and Parley, On Making the Spiritual Exercises for Renewal of Jesuit 
Charisms (Mar. 1983) 
15/3-4 Padberg, The Society True to Itself: A Brief History of the 32nd General Congrega- 
tion of the Society of Jesus (May-Sept. 1983) 
15/5-16/1 Tetlow, Jesuits' Mission in Higher Education (Nov. 1983-Jan. 1984) 

16/2 O'MaUey, To Travel to Any Part of the World: Jeronimo Nadal and the Jesuit Voca- 
tion (Mar. 1984) 
16/3 O'Hanlon, Integration of Christian Practices: A Western Christian Looks East (May 

16/4 Carlson, "A Faith Lived Out of Doors": Ongoing Formation (Sept. 1984) 
17/1 Spohn, St. Paul on Apostolic Celibacy and the Body of Christ (Jan. 1985) 
17/2 Daley, "In Ten Thousand Places": Christian Universality and the Jesuit Mission 

(Mar. 1985) 
17/3 Tetlow, Dialogue on the Sexual Maturing of Celibates (May 1985) 
17/4 Spohn, Coleman, Clarke, Henriot, Jesuits and Peacemaking (Sept. 1985) 
17/5 Kinerk, When Jesuits Pray: A Perspective on the Prayer of Apostolic Persons (Nov. 

18/1 Gelpi, The Converting Jesuit (Jan. 1986). 

18/2 Beime, Compass and Catalyst: The Ministry of Administration (Mar. 1986) 
18/3 McCormick, Bishops as Teachers and Jesuits as Listeners (May 1986) 
18/5 Tetlow, The Transformation of Jesuit Poverty (Nov. 1986). 
19/1 Staudemnaier, United States Technology and Adult Commitment (Jan. 1987) 
19/2 Appleyard, Languages We Use: Talking about Religious Experience (Mar. 1987) 
19/5 Endean, Who Do You Say Ignatius Is? Jesuit Fundamentalism and Beyond (Nov. 

20/1 Brackley, Downward Mobility: Social Implications of St. Ignatius's Two Standards 

Qan. 1988) 
20 / 2 Padberg, How We Live Where We Live (Mar. 1988) 

20/3 Hayes, Padberg, Staudenmaier, Symbols, Devotions, and Jesuits (May 1988) 
20/4 McGovem, Jesuit Education and Jesuit Spirituality (Sept. 1988) 
20/5 Barry, Jesuit Formation Today: An Invitation to Dialogue and Involvement (Nov. 

21/1 Wilson, Where Do We Belong? United States Jesuits and Their Memberships (Jan. 

21/2 Demoustier, Calvez, et al.. The Disturbing Subject: The Option for the Poor (Mar. 

21/3 Soukup, Jesuit Response to the Communication Revolution (May 1989) 
22/1 Carroll, The Spiritual Exercises in Everyday Life (Jan. 1990) 
22/2 Bracken, Jesuit Spirituality from a Process Prospective (March 1990) 
22/3 Shepherd, Fire for a Weekend: An Experience of the Exercises (May 1990) 
22 / 4 O'Sullivan, Trust Your Feelings, but Use Your Head (Sept. 1990) 
22/5 Coleman, A Company of Critics: Jesuits and the Intellectual Life (Nov. 1990) 

23 / 1 Houdek, The Road Too Often Traveled Qan. 1991) 

23/3 Begheyn and Bogart, A Bibliography on St. Ignatius's Spiritual Exercises 

(May 1991) 

23/4 Shelton, Reflections on the Mental Health of Jesuits (Sept. 1991) 

23/5 Toolan, "Nature Is a Heraclitean Fire" (Nov. 1991) 

24/1 Houdek, Jesuit Prayer and Jesuit Ministry: Context and Possibilities (Jan. 1992) 

24/2 Smolich, Testing the Water: Jesuits Accompanying the Poor (March 1992) 

24/3 Hassel, Jesus Christ Changing Yesterday, Today, and Forever (May 1992) 

24/4 Shelton, Toward Healthy Jesuit Community Living (Sept. 1992) 

24/5 Cook, Jesus' Parables and the Faith That Does Justice (Nov. 1992) 

25/3 Padberg, Ignatius, the Popes, and Realistic Reverence (May 1993) 

25/4 Stahel, Toward General Congregation 34 (Sept. 1993) 

25/5 Baldovin, Christian Liturgy: An Annotated Bibliography (Nov. 1993) 

26/2 Murphy, The Many Ways of Justice (March 1994) 

26/3 Staxidemnaier, To Fall in Love with the World {May 1994) 

26/5 Landy Myths That Shape Us (Nov 1994) 

27/1 Daley, "To Be More like Christ" Qan. 1995) 

27/2 Schmidt, Portraits and Landscapes (March 1995) 

27/3 Stockhausen, Td Love to, but I Don't Have the Time (May 1995) 

27/4 Anderson, Jesuits in Jail, Ignatius to the Present (Sept. 1995) 

27/5 Shelton, Friendship in Jesuit Life (Nov. 1995) 

28/1 Begheyn, Bibliography on the History of the Jesuits (Jan. 1996) 

28/3 Clooney, In Ten Thousand Places, in Every Blade of Grass (May 1996) 

28/4 Starkloff, "As Different As Night and Day" (Sept. 1996) 

28/5 Beckett, Listening to Our History (Nov. 1996) 

29/1 Hamm, Preaching Biblical Justice (Jan. 1997) 

29/2 Padberg, The Three Forgotten Founders (March 1997) 

29/3 Byrne, Jesuits and Parish Ministry (May 1997) 

29/4 Keenan, Are Informationes Ethical? (Sept. 1997) 

29 / 5 Ferlita, The Road to Bethlehem —Is It Level or Winding? (Nov. 1997) 

30/1 Shore, The "Vita Christi" ofLudolph of Saxony and Its Influence on the "Spiritual 

Exercises of Ignatius of Loyola" (Jan. 1998) 

30/2 Starkloff, "I'm No Theologian, but... (or So...)?" (March 1998) 

30/3 Torrens, The Word That Clamors (May 1998) 

30/4 Petrik, "Being Sent" (Sept. 1998) 

30/5 Jackson, "One and the Same Vocation" (Nov. 1998) 

31/1 Clifford, Scripture and the Exercises (Jan. 1999) 

31/2 Toohig, Physics Research, a Search for God (March 1999) 

31/3 Fagin, Fidelity in the Church— Then and Now (May 1999) 

31/4 Schineller, Pilgrim Journey of Ignatius (Sept. 1999) 

31/5 FuUam, Juana, S.J.: Status of Women in the Society (Nov. 1999) 

32/1 Langan, The Good of Obedience in a Culture of Autonomy (Jan. 2000) 

32 / 2 Blake, Listen with Your Eyes (March 2000) 

32/3 Shelton, When a Jesuit Counsels Others (May 2000) 

32/4 Barry, Past, Present, and Future (Sept. 2000) 

32/5 Starkloff, Pilgrimage Re-envisioned (Nov. 2000) 

33/1 Kolvenbach et al.. Faith, Justice, and American Jesuit Higher Education (Jan. 


33/2 Keenan, Unexpected Consequences: Persons's Christian Directory (March 2001) 

33/3 Arrupe, Trinitarian Inspiration of the Ignatian Charism (May 2001) 

33/4 Veale, Saint Ignatius Asks, "Are You Sure You Know Who I Am?" (Sept. 2001) 

33/5 Barry and Keenan, How Multicultural Are We? (Nov. 2001) 

34 / 1 Blake, "City of the Living God " (Jan. 2002) 

34/2 Clooney, A Charism for Dialog (March 2002) 

34/3 Rehg, Christian Mindfulness (May 2002) 

34/4 Brackley, Expanding the Shrunken Soul (Sept. 2002) 

34/5 Bireley, The Jesuits and Politics in Time of War (Nov. 2002) 

35/1 Barry, Jesuit Spirituality for the Whole of Life (Jan. 2003) 

35/2 Madden /Janssens, The Training of Ours in the Sacred Liturgy (March 2003) 

35/4 Modras, A Jesuit in the Crucible (Sept. 2003) 

35/5 Lucas, Virtual Vessels, Mystical Signs (Nov. 2003) 

36/1 Rausch, Christian Life Communities for Jesuit University Students? (Spring 


36/2 Bernauer, The Holocaust and the Search for Forgiveness (Summer 2004) 

36/3 Nantais, "Whatever! " Is Not Ignatian Indifference (Fall 2004) 

36/4 Lukacs, The Incarnational Dynamic of the Constitutions (Winter 2004) 

37/1 Smolarski, Jesuits on the Moon (Spring 2005) 

37/2 McDonough, Clenched Fist or Open Hands? (Summer 2005) 

37/3 Torrens, Tuskegee Years (Fall 2005) 

37/4 O'Brien, Consolation in Action (Winter 2005) 

38/1 Schineller, In Their Own Words (Spring 2006) 

38/2 Jackson, "Something that happened to me at Manresa" (Summer 2006) 

38/3 Reiser, Locating the Grace of the Fourth Week (Fall 2006) 

38/4 O'Malley, Five Missions of the Jesuit Charism (Winter 2006) 

39/1 McKevitt, Italian Jesuits in Maryland (Spring 2007) 

39/2 Kelly, Loved into Freedom and Service {Summer 2007 

39/3 Kennedy, Music and the Jesuit Mission (Autumn 2007) 

39/4 Creed, Jesuits and the Homeless (Winter 2007) 

40 / 1 Giard, The Jesuit College (Spring 2008) 

40/2 Au, Ignatian Service (Summer 2008) 

40/3 Kaslyn, Jesuit Ministry of Publishing (Autunm 2008) 

40/4 Rehg, Value and Viability of the Jesuit Brothers' Vocation (Winter 2008) 

41/1 Friedrich, Governance in the Society of Jesus, 1540-1773 (Spring 2009) 

41/2 Manuel, Living Chastity (Summer 2009 

41/3 Clarke, Our Lady of China (Autumn 2009) 



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