A VISIT
TO
THE UNITED STATES
LONDON : PRINTED BY
SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AND PARLIAMENT STREET
WHITE AND BLACK
THE OUTCOME OF A VISIT TO
THE UNITED STATES
SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL, M.P.
CHATTO & WINDUS, PICCADILLY
1879
PREFACE.
I HAVE long thought that a man has not seen the
world till, besides following the beaten tracks in the
countries of Europe and Western Asia, which have
all drawn from the same sources, he has seen and
realised both the great civilisation of the Old World
which exists in China, owing nothing to our sources,
and the new departure in Western civilisation which
has taken place in a New World, in America. While I
was in India I was able to make a short run round
to China. The circumstances of a hard-working life
have not permitted me to fulfil my desire to visit
America till I accomplished it this last autumn.
Besides the wish to see America as others have seen
it, I had also a special desire, for reasons which I
explain, to learn something of the present position
of ' the nigger question ' — a subject on which very
little has been written in this country, and in regard
to which I had failed to get much clear information of
a recent date. For that reason I gave special atten
tion to some of the Southern States, viz., Virginia,
North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.
During my tour I kept rough notes, but only as
209
vi PREFACE.
an aide-memoire to myself, and not in a state intended
for publication. After my return I had occasion to
visit my constituents in the Kirkcaldy Burghs, and I
varied the monotony of our ordinary political subjects
by telling them something of what I had seen in
America. To go through a group of Scotch burghs
one has to make a good many speeches ; and so it
happened that on several occasions I went over ground
connected with or suggested by my American expe
riences. I also wrote an article on ' Black and White
in the Southern States,' which the Editor of the
* Fortnightly Review ' was kind enough to publish.
Several of my friends have been so good as to say
that they have been interested by it, and some of them
have added, ' It is only a pity that you did not carry
the subject a little farther.' Thus encouraged, I have
thought that some might be glad to see the evidence
on which my conclusions were founded, as contained
in my notes. The fact is, too, that though we have
plenty of books about the Far West and life in the
Rocky Mountains, and so on, there seem to be very
few regarding the more accessible parts of the United
States. I certainly had great difficulty in finding
such books to guide me in my travels, and was
obliged to take my information in a great degree
from that of Mr. Anthony Trollope, written almost a
quarter of a century back. A Member of Parliament,
Mr. Hussey Vivian, who recently visited America,
and who is a very competent observer, has published
a book of a very interesting character; but it so
happens that his specialities are different from mine.
PREFACE. Vll
He tells much about mines and metals, and other
things, of which I have no knowledge.
It has occurred to me, then, that there might be
room for such a book as I now oifer, containing much
of what I have picked up during my tour in the United
States. I fancy that my notes may perhaps be useful,
if only as a sort of guide and handbook to others con
templating a similar tour ; and that those interested
in the position of the coloured population, and the
political and industrial questions arising out of it,
may find a good deal which has not yet been given
to the public.
It will be seen that I made a very rapid run through
the Northern and some of the Western States, and saw
something of the interior of Illinois and the farmers
of that country ; and then, after visiting Pennsylva
nia, Baltimore, and Washington, made a more careful
study of the condition of things in the four Southern
States which I have already mentioned.
In addition to the Black question I have been
much interested in the cultivation and handling of
cotton, which I had also seen in India and Egypt ;
and in the Southern cotton mills, which now rival
the North in the production of the coarser goods, just
as the mills in our cotton-producing possessions rival
those of Lancashire. There seems to be no doubt that
both in America and Egypt the yield of cotton to the
acre is much larger than in India. The bale of which
I speak is about 450 Ibs.
My tour was so far cut short that I was not able
to make a little stay in New York and Philadelphia
viii PREFACE.
in the winter season, as I had hoped ; and I have not
had an opportunity of going into the social and poli
tical affairs of New England, which I should have
much liked. That and a great deal more remains for
another tour, if I should ever be able to accomplish it.
I have worked up and supplemented the general
views which I presented in the Kirkcaldy Burghs,
and submit the whole as ' A Bird's-eye Yiew of the
United States.' Then I have been permitted to re-
publish my article on ' Black and White,' and have
prefaced it with some remarks on our own manage
ment of coloured races in our American and African
colonies. I have put into some shape those parts
of my Journal which I thought might bear publica
tion. During the return voyage I had made notes of
the Constitutions of some of the States ; and, as a
specimen of the most improved and modern State
Constitutions, I have appended the principal parts of
the Constitutions of some States, especially Illinois.
I left a blank side in my Journal, on which I have
sometimes subsequently noted up later experiences
and corrections, and I have thought it better to
amalgamate these with the rest, rather than to put
them separately as notes ; but the effect is to create
some anachronisms, as it were ; so I have not entered
the precise dates, but have followed generally the
order of time, place, and subjects. At the same time
a journal must necessarily contain something of an
olla podrida of various and sometimes incongruous
subjects a good deal mixed together. If it be re
marked that on some subjects several repetitions are
PREFACE, IX
to be found, I reply that this is the evidence on which
my conclusions are founded, and that proof of this
kind necessarily depends on the cumulative testimony
of various witnesses.
Things march rapidly, and while I write the Black
question seems to have assumed a new phase, creat
ing great interest in it, owing to the movement of
large numbers of that race from Mississippi and Louis
iana, seeking to escape from tyranny and ill-usage,
and to find new homes in Kansas — a State where I
have mentioned that the negroes seem to be well
treated, and in the back parts of which a good many
of them are, I have heard, successfully established as
independent small farmers. There was an outbreak of
yellow fever, and I did not visit Mississippi and Louis
iana ; but I have several times mentioned the former
State, as that in which the practice of ' bull-dozing,'
or bullying the negroes, has most prevailed. There
were also severe election contests in parts of Louis
iana, accompanied by much violence ; and some cases
of very unjustifiable lynchings of Negroes were
reported during my visit. To these things, no
doubt, the movement is due. I have also men
tioned the case of a county in Georgia, in which
the negroes, being dissatisfied with their treatment,
formed a league among themselves to abandon that
county and leave their persecutors without labour.
That, I take it, is exactly what has been done on a
larger scale in the States of the Lower Mississippi. It
is a form of strike as a counter- move against ill-treat
ment; and under the circumstances the move may be a
X PREFACE.
bold and effective measure. There is nothing so
o
likely to bring the landowners to a sense of what
they owe the negro population as to make them feel
the want of it. The only fear is, that these poor
people are rushing into an independence for which
they have not the means ; but I gather from the
latest accounts that the movement is rather striking
in its sudden and concentrated form, than one which
involves a very great population. The numbers
are said to have been somewhat exaggerated. I
think it will probably be found that it is only the
population of particular counties or districts, where
there has been special ill-usage, who have emigrated
in mass. If the efforts now being made to obtain
assistance for them in the North should be successful,
and they should be enabled to locate themselves in a
temperate region in Southern Kansas, the effect may
be beneficial on the whole. At the same time I have
expressed a strong belief that, in the Southern States,
whites and blacks are interdependent — neither can
do without the other. I think they themselves have
found this to be so ; and generally speaking industrial
questions are not the cause of serious dissension.
It is the struggle for political power, and the
question whether the coloured people are to be
allowed to vote freely, which has caused all the trouble.
The greater the trouble the more necessity for settling
the question whether real effect is to be given to the
15th Article of Amendment to the United States Con
stitution, providing that the right to vote shall not
be denied or abridged on account of race or colour.
PREFACE. xi
It is notorious that in the late elections the free exer
cise of that vote has been abridged and destroyed by
violence and fraud in several Congressional districts.
These disputed elections must be decided by the
present Congress. I cannot but think that it would
be good policy on the part of Northern Democrats
honestly to give up the few seats which have been
won by the South by means which cannot possibly
be defended ; and that it is nothing but the most
evident prudence on the part of Southern Democrats
to accept that solution and be content with the great
majority and complete control of their States, which
they have attained, without insisting on an absolutely
solid South, to which they have no just right, if elec
tion be free.
A solution of this kind would involve an even
balancing of parties, which would plainly point to
compromise ; and if there is to be compromise surely
the best plan would be to let the President of com
promise, Mr. Hayes, sit quietly for another term.
Mr. Hayes pleases neither party, and it is the fashion
to run him down and call him weak. Yet he is the
only man who has shown some independent will to
act for the benefit of his country outside the tram
mels of party. I cannot but think that the Civil
Service and other reforms that he has attempted to
initiate are well worthy of a trial. No doubt if the
' man on horseback ' must come back — if the South
must be kept down by a firm hand, Grant is the man
to do it. Whatever his other qualities, he knows
the policy he is to carry out, and can be depended on
xii PREFACE.
to do it firmly without flinching. But if things are
to be settled by conciliation, and North and South
are to come together on friendly terms for a new
departure, then I venture to think that Mr. Hayes
is an able and good man, whose personal character,
manner, and surroundings well fit him to carry out
such a policy. But to make such a policy possible it is
absolutely necessary that the South should honestly
accept the 15th Amendment.
GEORGE CAMPBELL.
May 10, 1879.
CONTENTS.
A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
PAGE
Inducements to Visit America .
General Features of the Country . . . 5
The Climate .... .10
^ The Races composing the Population . . ..12
The Principal Products of the Soil . .18
Characteristics of the American People . . . . . 21
Language . . . .22
Hotels and Food . . . 23
Railway Travelling . . . . . . .26
Social Arrangements . . . . . . . 27
Manners . . .29
The Cities . . . 32
The Country Districts . ... 34
The Free School System 35
Commercial Morality ....... 37
Protection and Reciprocity . . , 38
The Drink Question . . . .45
Religion .... . . 51
Political System 57
Home Rule in the States 71
The Position of Canada 77
Taxation in the States 79
Land System . 84
The Currency Question ... .... 89
Opportunities for Emigration and Investment . . .97
Feeling towards England 109
xiv CONTENTS.
THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
PAOK
The System prevailing in our Colonies . . . ..Ill
Treatment of Natives in Africa . ... 120
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES.
^Objects of my Inquiry ... . . 120
1 The Character and Capacity of the Negro . .128
< The Negroes as a Labouring Population . . 140
The Political Situation in the South . .162
[The Caste Question 194
SOME OF THE CONTENTS OF MY JOURNAL.
The Voyage and First Impressions 203
New York 205
The Elevated Railway 208
The New York Country 209
A Scamper North and West 211
Boston 213
The Massachusetts Country . . . . .214
The Mohawk Valley 215
Niagara 216
Canada . . 217
Chicago 220
Chicago to St. Louis 223
St. Louis . . ... 224
Kansas 226
^rThe Blacks in the West 228
The Missouri and Mississippi . . . 230
The Interior of Illinois 231
The Western Farmers 233
Indiana and Ohio 238
Pennsylvania ........ 240
Pittsburgh 241
Interior of Pennsylvania . . . . . . 243
Democratic Meeting ...... 244
Pennsylvauiaii Farming . . .... 246
Philadelphia . 247
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Republican Meeting .... . . 248
Pennsylvanian Industries . . . . . .250
Philadelphian Society . . . 252
The Courts and the Judges . .254
Some Pennsylvanian Ideas . . . . . 255
Baltimore .256
)te-The Blacks in Maryland, &c . . . 257
The Hopkins University . . . 261
The Baltimore People . . , 262
A Democratic view of Politics . . . . ,263
Washington . . 265
)£ Conversation with the President . . .266
Appearance of the City . . . 270
Some Opinions on several Subjects . . . .271
Some of the Public Offices 274
The Revenue System 276
The Weather Department ... . . 278
General Sherman . . . , . . .280
Law and Lawyers . . . . . . . . 281
Virginia .......... 283
$fc- The Blacks at Hampton 284
Norfolk .... .287
Petersburg ... 289
Free Trade Views . 291
Richmond 292
Education 293
The Tobacco Manufacture 294
A Visit Jbo the Country 295
The Governor of Virginia . . . . . . 296
Virginian Views of Things 298
North Carolina 302
Raleigh, Capital of the State 304
Gaelic-speaking Americans . . . . . . 305
Cotton Culture 306
Condition of the Negroes . . . . . . 307
Political Parties 310
Agricultural Geography . . . . 312
Education ....... .313
The Farmers . . 314
a
xvi CONTENTS.
PAOK
Some Carolinian Acquaintances . . . 315
The Constitution and Legislation . 317
Durhams and Tobacco Manufacture . . . . 320
A Southern Cotton Mill . .321
Salisbury and the people there . ... 323
South Carolina .... .325
To Columbia, the Capital 326
Wade-Hampton, the Governor ... . 327
^-The Election 329
Education .... .332
^Position of the Negroes 333
The Tenure of Land ... .335
Charleston ... . . . . . . . 336
^he Low-country Negroes 337
The Rice Country 338
The Sea Islands 339
Some Representative Men . . . . . . 340
Visits to the Country .•?... 342
^fJIow the Election was Won . . . . . . 345
The Exodus to Liberia 347
South Carolina Legislation . . . . . . 348
A Visit to the Rice Districts 349
The Phosphate Works 351
The County of Beaufort 352
#The Effect of Black Rule 355
An American ' Ryotwar' Settlement . . . .359
w Georgia 362
Augusta and the Cotton Mills 363
Journey to Atlanta . . . . . . . 365
A Southern View of Things . . . . .366
Atlanta, the Capital 369
The Georgian Legislature 370
Some Georgian Acquaintances . . . . . 371
The Liquor Traffic ....... 376
:5KViews about the Nigger . . . . . 377
Some Statistics . . . . . . . 379
ore Talk with Georgians . . . . . 381
Democratic Orator . . . . . . .386
The Election of Judges ....... 387
Manufactures and Trade .... 388
CONTENTS. xvil
PAGE
The Georgian Farmers . ... 389
>4The Independents ....... 390
To Calhotm — a Farm in the Country . . . . 392
ft The White Farmers ....... 393
on — more White Farmers and Black . . . 394
The Return Journey . . . . . . .397
A Cattle Country ........ 398
Washington again . . . . . . .399
To New York . . . . 400
Railway Affairs . . . . . . . .401
Some Views of North and South ..... 402
A New York Market ....... 403
New York Politics and Taxation ..... 404
The Voyage Home ....... 405
STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
The Constitution of Massachusetts ..... 407
The Constitution of Virginia ...... 408
The Constitution of Illinois . . . .413
A BIED'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES
BEING THE SUBSTANCE OF
A SERIES OF ADDRESSES DELIVERED IN SCOTLAND IN
THE BEGINNING OF FEBRUARY 1879
A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW
OF
THE UNITED STATES:
THE SUBSTANCE OF A SERIES Of ADDRESSES.
I HAVE a strong belief that all of us ought to know
the Americans better than we do. They are really
and truly our kin. This is not a mere phrase.
When one goes among them one finds that they are
very little removed from us after all, and the com
munity of language makes intimacy very easy. An
intimate acquaintance and friendship with them must
be most beneficial to both parties, in order to cultivate
the arts of peace and material progress, anfl. to avert
the possibility of misunderstandings which have led,
and mights-even yet lead to war between two sister
countries, than which, in these modern days of
destruction, nothing can be more awful or more
terrible ; but a risk to which we are always exposed
as long as misunderstandings- 'are possible. It seems
to me very unfortunate that most of the popular
English writers who have described the Americans
have caricatured them ; and that is so not only as
regards the writers of the past who have suffered
B 2
4 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
from American finance or otherwise, but even the
popular writer Anthony Trollope, who is still among
us, and who some years ago gave us a description of
the Americans in his very vivid and popular manner,
seems to me to have done them the greatest injustice.
He seems to make the worst of everything ; most of
their ways and institutions he condemns to, I think,
an unfair degree ; and you may imagine the spirit in
which he wrote, when I mention that writing in the
latter part of the great civil war he condemns, in
language the most scathing, all who would do any
thing so mad and foolish as to emancipate the slaves.
The only wonder to me is that after all that has
passed the feeling of the Americans towards us is so
good as it in fact is. They really have a very kindly
feeling on their part ; and if there is misunderstanding
I think it is more due to ignorance and prejudice on
the part of many people in England, though I hope
not in Kirkcaldy, which has so much and so benefi
cial business with America. It is certainly the case
that the Americans who come to Europe do not feel
themselves at their ease in England, and consequently
it happens — a very lamentable fact, I think — that,
almost invariably, after spending a few days in the
country and seeing Windsor, Stratford-on-Avon, and
Abbotsford, they go abroad to the Continent of
Europe and spend their time and money there. I
think this should be cured. We should welcome
them more than we do ; and I would very much
urge on all of you who can make it out to go and
see for yourselves in America what kind of people
GENERAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 5
they are. You would very soon find that you are
not among foreigners there, but among a people with
whom you could very readily make yourselves at home.
The facilities for getting to America are now very
great, and the expense not large. The Atlantic no
doubt is not the calmest of seas, but stout-hearted
people don't mind that. The voyage is now reduced
to eight days, and the steamers are admirable and
very numerous. For those who are prepared to
travel in an independent way, without servants or
special luxuries, the cost of travelling in America is
not excessive, and the comforts are considerable.
Whatever may be said of the hotels in other
respects, they are very convenient for the passing
traveller, and the kindness of American friends to
whom one is introduced is unbounded.
For people who require private rooms and
accommodation for servants, and who cannot rough
it so far as to get about by the aid of tramways and
public conveyances only, travelling in America is
much more difficult and expensive, since the American
establishments do not afford the same private accom
modation jis English hotels, or if they do charge for
it excessively, and the hack carriages are enormously
dear. This must be borne in mind if ladies are of
the party.
GENERAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY.
I will try to give you some little account of the
country and the people ; and first as regards the
6 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
objects immediately apparent to the eye — the com
mon botany and zoology of the country, I was sur
prised to find not nearly so strange as I expected.
One has heard so much of the extremely new
character of the trees and animals of Australasia,
and other distant countries — of trees without leaves,
and animals that walk chiefly by the aid of their
tails — that I had expected in America also, so long
an undiscovered continent, to find numerous strange
appearances. It really is not so at all. The vegeta
tion is curiously like our own. Firs and oaks, and
other trees, look very much like those in Europe,
and the animals too are not violently unlike. There
are partridges and birds like grouse, and American
rabbits not so unlike ours, and other creatures very
familiar to us. But there is this peculiarity, that,
although almost all plants and animals are like those
with us they are never identical. They are always
similar, but never the same species ; and perhaps it
is due to the peculiarities of climate that European
species seem never to have superseded those of
America. For instance, while the European rabbit
has overrun Australia and Xew Zealand, it is un
known in America, and the small American rabbit —
something between the rabbit and the hare in its
habits — still holds its place. I am told that in
reality there is a greater difference between the natural
productions of the country east and west of the
Rocky Mountains than there is between Europe and
the Eastern States. I did not myself go so far as the
Rocky Mountains ; but till we reach the western
GENERAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 7
part of the American continent, I may say of the
States in general, that they are not so mountainous
or so hilly as Great Britain. The most decided hills
that one sees are close to the eastern ports, but
beyond that there is scarcely anything that can be
called a mountain. What is called a mountain in
American language is sometimes a very little hill
indeed. On the other hand, one is struck by the
immense quantity of wood all over the country, not
less in the Southern States than in the North. In
fact, the Southern States are especially woody, and
it is the quantity of wood that in all the old States
makes the extension of cultivation somewhat slow
and difficult. The prevailing tree in the south is a
pine, which very much resembles our Scotch fir ; in
the north, hardwood trees are more prevalent. In
truth, not a tenth part of the older States is yet
really cleared and cultivated. There is yet every
where room for immense development. The rainfall
is generally most beneficently arranged, and the ge
neral character of the land is one of much fertility.
In this respect, however, I do not think that it has
upon the -whole, or taken on an average, an advan
tage over England and the lowlands of Scotland.
True, some western lands are of extraordinary
fertility, but there is a great deal that is only
moderately fertile, and that is the case in regard to
most of the Eastern States. When we compare the
country on the whole with England, I think it may
be said that perhaps it is about on a par — the
average of the soil is as good, perhaps a little better.
8 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF TIIE UNITED STATES.
In some respects the climate is brighter, but the
winters are certainly more severe, and the extremes
of climate lead to an enormous growth of weeds,
which makes agriculture in some respects more
difficult than with us. True, in the west there are
what are called prairie States, great parts of which
are free from natural • wood ; but it is an entire
delusion to suppose that magnificent prairies with,
magnificent natural grass are easily available to the
settler. I travelled considerably west of the Missouri
in search of such a prairie, and never found one.
The ground is all taken up and enclosed, and the
natural prairie grass — never very good — fails as soon
as cattle are turned upon it in large numbers.
Hence in Illinois and such States, the farmers are
obliged to resort to artificial grass, just as we do in
this part of Scotland.
On the whole, then, taking the country mile for
mile and acre for acre, I can say that it is about
equal to but not superior to England ; but then there
is this vast difference, that it is not one England, but
forty Englands. Some people seem to have been
offended by Mr. Gladstone's recent article, when he
said that the United States, if they kept together,
must certainly surpass us. It seems to me that Mr.
Gladstone only spoke a truth which must be self-
evident, without attributing to the American people
any great superiority over ourselves, at all events
over Scotchmen. We are a people a little over
30,000,000, who have no means of extension in our
own country. We are, as it were, like a hive of bees
I
GENERAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 9
which is constantly sending forth swarms to establish
other hives elsewhere, but does not itself admit of
extension ; whereas the Americans are already up
wards of 40,000,000, perhaps nearly 45,000,000 of
people who are continually extending themselves
every day ; they have not one hive but forty hives,
and these only very partially occupied ; and not only
do they send their swarms into their own hives, but
they are continually receiving new swarms from us and
from others. It follows, as a matter of course, that
under such circumstances the forty hives must surpass
the one hive in population and production, if only
they keep together. And we may be very comfort
able at home without grudging them their extension.
In truth, what the Americans suffer from at
present is too much land. They would have better
settled what they have if they had less of it. At "one
time it was supposed that soon after passing the
Missouri they had reached the natural limit in that
direction, and that the country was then bounded by
a great rainless tract, marked in the map as the great
American desert ; but it has been discovered that
this is quite a mistake, that the country called desert
is not desert at all, but very capable of excellent
cultivation, and especially good for raising wheat
and cattle. The most rapidly developing States in
the west are those situated in that tract marked as
desert in the map. In fact, that is the great feature
of recent American extension, and from these there
comes a large portion of the wheat and the beef
which to-day renders your food so much cheaper
10 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
than it has been. Wheat is a plant which thrives in
a dry climate, and great tracts in the far west are
now found to be suitable to it, while even where the
land is too dry or steep for wheat, good grazing is
still found on the slopes and in the valleys of the
Kocky Mountains.
THE CLIMATE.
The Americans are accustomed rather to boast of
their climate, and to compare the brightness of their
skies with our foggy atmosphere ; but on the other
hand there is no doubt of this, that they suffer from
extremes of heat and cold more than we do. The
heat in summer is excessive in New York. For a
few weeks in the height of summer I am told that
it is not an uncommon thing for the thermometer
to stand at 110°, and to be almost as high at night
as in the daytime. And then the cold in winter is
very severe, and though kept out of houses by stoves
— not the most wholesome things in the world —
much interferes with agricultural and other opera
tions. It is generally believed that the effect of this
climate has been to make the American race perhaps
keener and brighter, but not so healthy and rosy as
our people are. The difference in the women espe
cially has long been noticed. Still I am bound to
say I saw a great many men in America who looked
very robust and well, and might have passed for
Scotchmen ; and that even some of the ladies are
now becoming pretty beefy, as it has been irreverently
THE CLIMATE. 11
expressed. I say this without detracting from the
reputation for a somewhat delicate -looking beauty
which is well deserved by so many of them. The
great advantage for practical purposes of the American
climate is the favourable distribution of the rainfall.
The rain seems never to fail, and it generally comes
just when it is most wanted. I believe it is almost
entirely due to the fortunate distribution of the
rainfall that the Southern States so completely beat
countries where labour is infinitely cheaper in the
production of cotton. The valley of the Mississipi
has throughout a very full and good supply of rain
at the right season, and throughout the Union, there
seems to be less trouble from bad weather at harvest
time than with us. Many crops, maize especially,
stand out for long till it is convenient to reap them.
In California 1 believe the wheat is left standing for
weeks without injury. I should tell you here that
in what I say of America, I usually do not refer to
the Californian countries beyond the mountains. I
did not go there ; but I found that if I remarked
anything that was wanting in America they always
said, ' Ah, -you would get that in California.' I have
no doubt from what I learned that California really
has a different climate — not so hot in summer, nor
so cold in winter, but more like that of Southern
Europe, as shown by its fruits and other productions.
I think one of the most extraordinary things I know,
as showing the difference between the energies of
different races, is that the Spaniards were actually
possessed of California for hundreds of years, and
12 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
never discovered that it was worth anything at all,
whereas the Americans no sooner got it than they
made it one of the finest countries in the world. At
the same time I should say this by way of caution,
that under the old Spanish grants of land all California
has been monopolised, and it is not owned by settlers,
as the other parts of the States. The man who goes
there must expect to be a labourer rather than an
owner of land.
THE RACES COMPOSING THE POPULATION.
And now I will tell you something about the
origin and breed, if I may use the expression, of the
people of America. The foundation of the people —
that upon which their language and manners are
based — is almost entirely English, derived in fact
from the southern counties of England, from which
the early settlers came. Indeed, I am inclined to
think that many of the peculiarities in language and
other respects, which we now call American, are really
old English, or rather old south of England pecu
liarities. We Scotch have not put a special Scotch
impress on any part of the United States, as we have
in Ireland and other parts of the world. In Canada
only does one hear very largely the Scottish tongue
and find especially Scottish settlements. But although
none of the United States are specially Scotch there
is a very large and very valuable infusion of Scotch
blood throughout all of them. I found that an
immense number of the best and most prominent men
RACES COMPOSING THE POPULATION. 13
wherever I went claimed Scotch descent, or at least
a share of Scottish blood. Then there is another
allied breed which is very prominent in almost every
part of the United States — one of the finest races of
the world — of which we have reason to be proud and
may well think second only to ourselves. I mean
the Northern Irish, universally called in America
Scotch-Irish, expressing by that term people of
Scotch origin who had settled in Ireland. They have
emigrated to America in large numbers, and are
among the best farmers and the best men in every
way. There is, as you know, a very large Southern-
Irish element in the States, mostly comparatively
recent emigrants, of the Catholic religion. A very
great deal has been said against these Irish in the
States. I confess I had rather been led to believe
that they were a rowdy and not very prosperous set.
I have been agreeably surprised by what I learned
of them in America. It is true they have not very
much risen to the higher places, in fact seem com
paratively seldom to rise as compared with Scotch or
Scotch-Irish, except as politicians ; but they are admir
able labourers, and it is almost a proverb in the States
to say that a good workman does as much as an
Irishman. The railways and other great works of
the States are almost dependent upon Irish labour.
And in the cotton mills of the Northern States, which
now so severely rival Lancashire, I am told that the
Irish girls work better and are generally preferred to
Americans and Canadians who work with them in
the mills. Although the Irish have not shown that
14 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
aptitude as pioneers in the settlement of land which
we might have expected of men so accustomed to
small farms in Ireland, and do not successfully push
west as do Scotchmen or Germans, and although like
other Americans they may not always be very saving,
I understand that they are not altogether without
these good qualities, and that a very large portion of the
North-Eastern States, from which the pushing and ad
venturous Yankees have gone forth to occupy the West,
have been filled up as they leave by Irishmen taking
their places. It would be a very curious thing if Pu
ritan New England became a Roman Catholic Irish
colony, while New England goes West to better itself.
Although the language and everything else in the
States is English, there is, as you are probably aware,
a very large proportion of European foreigners, who
have become naturalised and are becoming Anglicised
there. The old Dutch of New York are not very
numerous. But one is apt to be misled regarding
the Dutch, for it is the American habit to call all
Germans Dutch, probably the German word deutsch
having become naturalised. The Germans are a
numerous and most valuable element in the United
States. Perhaps, taking them all in all, they are as
good colonists as any of the races which come from
these islands. For if they are not so bright and so
pushing they are more hard-working, and saving, and
more economical ; in fact, they are quite model
colonists. They settle down on the land and work
with a thriftiness and perseverance which no Scotch
men could beat — the women working as well as the
RACES COMPOSING THE POPULATION. 15
men ; and whether in the east or in the west you
always find Germans among the best and most
numerous of the small farmers. That is their special
vocation. They are also very numerous among
small shopkeepers and traders. German Jews are
now becoming very prominent in the States. Of
late years there has been a great emigration of people
from the Scandinavian countries : Swedes and Nor
wegians, and people from Finland and some parts
of Russia. They confine themselves to the extreme
Northern States, pushing on to the far north-west ;
but they are admirable settlers, and a great source of
increase and improvement to the States to which they
go. In several parts of the United States there is a
considerable old French element which contributes
in many respects to the brightness of the population
and to certain branches of enterprise and industry.
The native Indians have never come to any good ;
I ana afraid they have never been very well managed
in the States, not so well as in Canada ; at all events
they are gradually pushed off the soil ; only a few
still remain as pensioners, and they cannot be ac
counted as ji considerable element in the population.
On the other hand, the negro race, imported as slaves,
is now very numerous and very prominent, forming
about half the population of many of the Southern
States. We have heard a great many prophecies of
the terrible things which would happen when these
poor helpless children were set free. Mr. Anthony
Trollope, whom I have mentioned, is one of the
most lugubrious of the prophets. They were to
16 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
die out or be sent back to Africa, or to be a perpetual
incubus to the white people among whom they
lived. I have been agreeably surprised to find how
all this has been falsified. Far from dying out they
are now prospering and increasing. They produce
that immense crop of cotton, larger far than any
produced in slave times, which supplies the mills of
the whole world. They are capital workers at rail
ways and other works in the southern climates not
fitted for white men. They do almost as much
work as Irishmen. I was told that many of them
are becoming small independent farmers ; and al
together instead of being a burden they are becoming
an important class of American citizens. They are
already zealous Christians. They have adopted the
ways and habits of the white men. They have the
rights of citizens, and are rapidly being educated.
I have alluded to the New Englanders of the
North-Eastern States, and said that very many of
them have pushed further west. It is in consequence
of this emigration that the great North -Western
States are very distinctly marked by a New England
or Yankee character. Undoubtedly the least fertile
portion of the United States is New England. The
only wonder is how the first settlers should ever
have settled there ; but having taken root there they
were rewarded for their industry by the acquisition of
the great countries to the north-west. The State of
New York is a great State ; but its agricultural
citizens have abundant room within their own State ;
and it is rather the City of New York than the State
RACES COMPOSING THE POPULATION. 17
that is so prominent in American politics and com
merce. That city is, in fact, situated in a position
extraordinarily favourable to commerce, and has far
outdone all rivals. It has a magnificent harbour,
with a tide just enough to keep it clean and sweet,
and not so much as to render necessary dry docks
and other elaborate appliances which we require.
Ships of the largest burden lie alongside the shore
for miles, and have facilities such as are not found
in our harbours. Then in the latitude of New York
there is a natural cleft in the Alleghany Mountains —
the only cleft which exists from the Gulf of Mexico
to Northern Canada. Through that cleft there is a
splendid waterway, the Hudson Eiver, and railways
have been carried alongside of it. Thus it is that
New York has a natural advantage which no other
port possesses. In the country districts of the New
York State, as in the city, there are still considerable
remains of the old Dutch element, but nearly Angli
cised ; the other settlers on the land of all classes,
both British and foreign, constitute a very large and
prosperous population of small farmers. Pennsylva
nia, again, is a very great State, originally founded
by English Quakers, but in which the German ele
ment is now very large. It is, perhaps, the most
advanced State in the Union, in regard to its manu
factures and the character of its agriculture. Penn
sylvania, too, has very largely colonised the Western
States. Virginia is an old State, but not so prosper
ous. I ani afraid most of the Englishmen who have
taken up land there have not made a particularly
18 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
good thing of it, except those in the hilly country to
the west, where splendid cattle are produced. But
Virginia is, as it were, the mother of the Southern
States. From Virginia people have very largely
gone southwards to colonise the higher and cooler
parts of the Carolinas, Georgia, and the other
Southern States ; so that in these States, while, as I
have said, about half the population are negroes, the
other half are very decent and respectable white
people, principally small farmers. There has not
been much white immigration there of late years, but
in the last century a good many Scotchmen went
there, especially Highlanders.
THE PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF THE SOIL.
If you look at the map you will see the great
varieties of latitude and of physical configuration
which enable the United States to produce so many
things, and so largely to supply the world with food
and the materials for clothing. Round the Southern
seaboard, from North Carolina to Texas, and up the
Mississippi to Arkansas and Missouri, we have a belt
of States producing by far the largest portion of the
cotton-supply of Europe. On the lowlands of the
Carolinas and Georgia rice of fine quality is grown ;
and near the mouths of the Mississippi there are
great sugar plantations ; but these latter articles only
thrive under protection, and are not exported. There
has lately been a good deal of talk and fuss about the
production of sugar from maize-stalks and sorghum,
THE PRINCIPAL PRODUCTS OF THE SOIL. 19
a Chinese millet. Many farmers cultivate patches
of the latter ; but so far as I could learn, this sugar is
not likely to come to much — only a sort of molasses
for domestic use is ordinarily obtained.
The American tobacco is principally grown in the
Central States ; still to a large extent in Arirginia, but
even more in Kentucky and Tennessee, and farther
west, and now a good deal in Pennsylvania also.
There is some very fine grazing ground in the
Central States, Kentucky, Tennessee, and West
Yirginia. The blue grass of Kentucky is famous ;
though it is not blue at all, but green, and very like
our common natural grass. In the South aa East-
Indian grass, known as ' Dhoop,' or Sun-grass, has
been introduced, and proves very productive as a
permanent grass. In most of the Northern States
timothy grass, rye grass, and clover are largely sown ;
and in some parts further south lucerne is a produc
tive crop.
Efforts are being made to reintroduce silk in the
South, but it has been tried before, and I doubt if it
will come to much. The tea-plant grows very well,
but it requires too much labour to be a practical
culture in the States. There is too much frost for
coffee. The Southerners are trying to grow Bengal
jute, but nothing has come of these experiments yet.
They used to cultivate indigo, but it has quite gone
out; Bengal has beaten them in that. And they have
not attempted to rival our Indian opium. Attempts
are made to produce wine, but I think it is only in
California that vineyards are very successful.
c 2
20 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
In the Northern States, little as one would
expect it, the most valuable product of all is hay,
chiefly grown from artificial grass. That shows
how much is done for the rearing of flocks. Maize,
or Indian corn, is an immense production all over
the country. Of this also much is used to feed
animals. After that comes wheat, the production of
which has made wheat cheap in our markets, and the
cultivation of which is so much increasing that it
may be confidently predicted that, unless we have
any unhappy quarrel with the United States, which
God forbid, bread never can again be dear in this,
country; for the means of communication are im
proving every day. The production of barley is not
large, but there is a great abundance of oats. Wheat
is produced both in the North-Western States, where
snow covers it in winter, and much further south,
where the winters are mild. In the intermediate
zone maize prevails.
I trust cheap meat is about to be secured to us
in addition to cheap bread. Already bacon is produced
in America at an extraordinarily low rate, and the
people of a large number of the States are now
devoting immense attention to the production of beef.
It is not only that great herds come from the western
grazing grounds of Colorado and Texas, but in the
settled agricultural countries people are more and more
giving themselves to cattle-breeding. They import
very carefully the finest bulls, and are raising the
character of their cattle every day. Nothing im
pressed me so much throughout my tour as the
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 21
great extent of country, North and South, East and
West, in which the farmers are going into cattle-
breeding for our market with enthusiasm — one hears
the talk of beeves everywhere, and the cattle trade
is ready to assume enormous proportions. You are
aware, too, that extraordinary efforts are being made,
day by day, to find improved means of bringing the
American meat to your doors. An immense number
of fine steamers are fitting up for the trade in live
cattle, which is growing by leaps and bounds as
never trade grew before. I cannot but have some
sympathy with our farmers, who are, I am afraid,
having rather hard times ; but still they have con
siderable advantages in many respects, and must
more and more devote themselves to supplying us
with milk and butter, to finishing off the education of
foreign cattle, to turning their farms into a sort of
market -gardens of high culture. And, without touch
ing upon political subjects, I must venture to hope
that our Government will not be led into any re
striction upon the importation of cattle, which would
have the effect of keeping very dear the butcher's -meat
consumed i>y the people of this country.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
I now proceed to tell you something of the
characteristics of the American people — I mean the
real American, born and bred in the country, as
distinguished from the foreign element, of which
there is so much. In some things, no doubt,
22 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
are peculiarities which make them unlike us ; but
in very many other things they are like us. And it
seems to me that, after getting over the first surface
differences, the likenesses are much more numerous
and much more prominent than the unlikenesses.
We have heard of their popular ' Yankeeisms,' which
are supposed to give us a fair specimen of the
American people ; but what I found when I went
there was, that the peculiarities of language and other
wise which had been held out to us as ' Yankeeisms '
really almost exhaust all that there is of American
peculiarity. These l Yankeeisms ' of our literature are
not specimens of what is behind, but are in themselves
nearly the whole of the features in which the people
differ from us. In their general style, in their
manners, and in their language they are in a very
marked degree British, and not foreign.
In regard to language especially I was really
surprised to find how little difference there is, and
how much their idioms and everything else are
thoroughly English. It is a curious thing, but it
seems to me that the only people who talk very
American indeed are the higher class of people, and
especially the ladies — the sort of fine ladies one sees
in foreign hotels on the Continent of Europe.
Perhaps the truth is that these people are the oldest
Americans, who have brought down most completely
the provincial peculiarities which they carried with
them from certain parts of Old England or established
among themselves in the early days of American
settlement. It may well be that these have been
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 23
handed down among the richer classes, whereas
among the lower classes, intermixed so much as
they have been with new arrivals, the language has
assumed a sort of cosmopolitan English character.
I found that in many parts of the States the common
labouring man used language which I could not dis
tinguish from that of a tolerably educated man of the
same class in these islands. I might have been in
doubt what county he came from, but if he did not
happen to use a few peculiar American phrases I
should not have known that he was not a Britisher.
It was not only that my ear became accustomed to
the American intonation, for I constantly found,
again, that when I met ladies of the more well-to-do
classes the ' Yankee ' peculiarities came out as pro
minently as ever. Of the body of the people I think
it may be said that their language is English — a
little better than that used in any county of
England.
The hotels are certainly a very peculiar American
institution. Mr. Anthony Trollope hits them off
very well. Although he does make the worst of
things, I_am not prepared to say that there is not
much truth in his description of the hotels. I have
said that they are extremely convenient for the
passing traveller ; but as residences in the way many
Americans use them I do not know that I should
care for them. It struck me as curious, in regard
to hotels and some other things, that, inventive and
progressive as the Americans are, there is in these
things a sort of dead level of uniformity about them.
24 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
Wherever you go in all these vast States the hotels
are almost all on the same plan. So are the railway
carriages, and so are some other things. There does
not exist either the cosy, comfortable English hotel
or the foreign cafe. There is nothing in New York
or anywhere else, so far as I saw, like the Boulevards
in Continental cities. But there is everywhere the uni
versal American hotel, the lower hall of which is a
kind of place of assembly for all the world, or at all
events all the male world. That public life in the
hotel hall is what the American men seem to like
best. The reading-rooms and other public apartments
are not very comfortable ; but the barber's shop
attached to every American hotel is luxurious. I do
agree witli Mr. Trollope in denouncing as the most
horrible place in the world the ladies' room, which is
always the stiffest, barest, and most uncomfortably
gorgeous place that it is possible to conceive — not a
book or a newspaper or a domestic comfort of any
kind — a place into which a stranger can hardly dare
to enter, unless he be a man of iron nerves; and if he
does enter cannot make himself comfortable in any
sort of way. It seems very strange that, with the ex
perience of Continental travelling which the Americans
have, after seeing the nice, comfortable drawing-rooms
in Swiss and other hotels, they won't condescend to
introduce something of the kind into their own.
Then in their mode of feeding the Americans are
certainly peculiar, and. their ways are quite different
from our ways. You never see such a thing as an
English joint or an English dish put upon the table.
CHAKACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 25
Nor, on the other hand, have you well-cooked dishes
handed round in the French style. They have a
style of their own, which is, that your meal is served
in a large number of curious oval little dishes, which
are put before you all mixed up together, without the
smallest regard to time or tide, or hotness, or coldness,
or anything else; and especially you have to this
day what Mr. Trollope vividly describes, a waiter who
stands over you as a sort of taskmaster, and makes
you eat your meal, not at your convenience but at his.
I do think it is a very great pity that the founders of
the American Republic did not introduce a little
Scotch cookery among their early institutions. I am
very happy to say that more recent reforms have
introduced one excellent Scotch food which we are
too much inclined to discard ourselves. I mean oat
meal porridge. They generally give cream with it —
a very commendable arrangement. In truth, I could
have eaten oatmeal porridge in the States with great
satisfaction, if I had not felt insulted by the constant
practice there of calling it ' Irish oatmeal.' The
Americans themselves seem to have a partiality to
live upon qysters, which are there produced in enor
mous quantity, and I believe of excellent quality, for
I do not eat them myself. Their beef is generally
good, but not always well cooked; the mutton not
good. They have a most delightful variety of
different kinds of bread, not only of wheat but of
maize, corn, buckwheat, and other things. They
drink a very great deal of tea and coffee, and a great
deal of excellent milk ; but what is unpardonable,
26 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
considering the excellent dairy facilities which they
have, the butter is always salt and bad. When I
speak of tea or coffee, however, I should say that
coffee is the principal drink of the States, and is
generally very well made. Tea is comparatively quite
rare, and is almost always very badly made. I shall
notice separately in connection with the drink ques
tion the, to us, extraordinary absence of wine and
other liquors from their meals.
The railway carriages are another American insti
tution whicli are quite different from ours. They are
very long and heavy conveyances, with entrances only
from the ends, and seats ranged along each side. There
seems to be no objection on principle to a variety of
classes. On all the chief railways of the Northern States
there are drawing-room cars, which practically take
the place of first-class carriages. But the ordinary
American railway carriage, which is the only car
riage without distinction of class on a large proportion
of railways, is such that it may be generally said that
all are second-class. In these travelling in America
is somewhat cheaper than travelling first-class in this
country ; and so far as my experience goes there is
generally an entire absence of any rough and rowdy
element, such as some have supposed must result from
an amalgamation of classes. I am inclined to think the
people who most suffer from the American system are
those who travel third-class in this country. For
them there is no cheap third-class, and consequently
for them travelling is much dearer than in this
country. There seem to be no railway porters in
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 27
America. People manage themselves and take care
of themselves, and the railways run through the
middle of streets and towns without any fencing. I
asked, l Are people not constantly run down and
killed ? ' The answer I got was, c They sometimes are ;
but they learn to take care of themselves.' For
travelling at night there are the Pulman cars, or
other cars in the style of the Pulman. But here, too,
it struck me, there was a too extreme uniformity
and great absence of variety. The cars are very
gorgeous and not very comfortable — sometimes very
crowded and much overheated. The great steamers
which run on protected waters and rivers are, I think,
the most comfortable institutions in the way of
travelling that exist in America or in any other
country.
If you want to have an idea of the general state of
society which exists in America I would put it to you
in this way — if in this country you were to kill off all
the country gentlemen, with all their wives and fami
lies, and make the farmers the owners of the land which
they till, you would have something which you could
hardly distinguish from America. American towns
are very much like English towns. The social arrange
ments of Kirkcaldy are very like the social arrange
ments of an American country town. But there is this
great difference, in the outward aspect, that in an Ame
rican town of this size you would have very large and
very broad streets, lined with trees; and very nice villa-
like houses, probably on the whole better than our
houses. In that respect the American town is a better
28 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
and a nicer place than our towns— in dry weather, at
any rate. But when it conies to rain, as the streets
are all unpaved, they are exceedingly muddy. I
have said that the country gentlemen element is alto
gether wanting ; but the plutocrats, the money people,
are quite as strong in America as in this country —
perhaps stronger ; that is socially, and in everything
not regulated by the first principles of the American
Constitution and system — these they cannot get
over. In all other matters the plutocrats, it seems to
me, rule the country even more than they do here.
The rich people rule the press, and the press rules
the country. I am afraid that is a good deal the case
in most parts of the civilised world.
There is a popular idea that the Americans are so
civilised that they object to marriage, and that for in
crease of the population the Americans must depend,
not upon themselves, but upon the foreigners. I
believe that this is quite a libel. The peculiar sects
of which we hear so much are but a drop among the
population. I myself saw none of them, but I did
see a great many people who did not belong to these
peculiar sects, and my decided impression is that the
Americans marry earlier and trust to their wits to
support a family more than we do ; that they have
large and rapid families, just such as we have ; and
there is not the least danger that the American
population will die out. In nothing, I think, does
Mr. Trollope so much libel the Americans as in the
most odious character which he attributes to the
average middle-class woman of America. He seems
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 29
to depict her as a kind of hideous Jezebel who in
vades tramway-cars and other public places, turns
men out of their seats in the most audacious and
unfeeling manner, and asserts women's rights with
the most entire disregard to the rights of unhappy
males. Perhaps Mr. Trollope's denunciations have
had some effect in wrorking a reform, but all I can say
is that I saw nothing whatever of the kind. Where
a car is crowded men will generally give seats to-
women, just as they do on the Metropolitan Railway
in London, but I never saw anything more than this.
On the contrary, it seemed to me that the more
purely American of the American women — those who
are not accustomed to spend money in an ostentatious
way in Europe, and to over-dress and over-peacock
there — are very nice people indeed. It is the ( Daisy
Millers,' and the Daisy Millers' mammas, who to some
extent have given the American women a bad name.
See them at home, and they seem to me among the
nicest of their sex. The American girls are certainly
more independent than our girls are. They think
it a reproach if they cannot be trusted to go with a
young man either to a church or a theatre. I won't say
whether that is better or worse than our system;
but I do admire the independence of the American
girls in helping themselves by useful employments. In
this respect I hope many of our girls are following
their example. Ladies of a class who would not like
to go out as school teachers and telegraph clerks
among us do so quite freely in America, I think the
last school I was in before I came to Kirkcaldy was a
30 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
black school for little negro children in the Southern
States, taught by a young white Northern lady, whom
we should think almost superior to that sort of work.
I am sure our women have much to learn from the
American women in the matter of helping others and
helping themselves.
As to the men, I liked their style and manners.
Generally speaking, there was comparatively little of
the Yankee about them. I heard a story of my
friend Mr. Holmes, the Member for Paisley, who
made a tour in the United States, and when he got
to Chicago he was very anxious to see a typical
American, with his slouched hat, big boots, belt with
revolver stuck in it, and so on. He could not find
one for a long time. At last he found a man who
exactly came up to his ideas ; and entering into con
versation with him, he said, l Have you been long
here ? ' ' Xa,' was the answer, ' Tarn jist a month
frae GrlascaV Perhaps the men too have been some
what affected by English criticism. At all events,
it is now the case that in their conduct they are
exceedingly quiet and orderly, and only spit to a
moderate extent. In fact, as regards smoking and
everything of that kind, the American rules are much
more strict than ours. Mr. Trollope denounces the
lower class of American men as rude and barbarous
in the extreme. For my part, I can say I found
them quite the contrary. Whenever I had occasion
to talk to any of them I was generally impressed with
their civility, intelligence, and education. One thing
particularly struck me, and that was the quiet and
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 31
orderly character of their political meetings, I may
almost say the dullness of them, for I think they
were somewhat too quiet. They never interrupt a
speaker, but always let him say out his say without
the smallest hindrance, however distasteful his ideas
may be to some of them. When I said that some
times they are very orderly, to the point of dullness,
I might illustrate that by telling you of an American
politician whom I met. He had been up attending a
political meeting at a country town. I said, l How
did you get on?' 'Oh,' he replied, 'exceedingly
well ; I gave them three solid hours of it, and they
were as quiet as if they had been in church.' Upon
the whole, my impression of the Americans is this,
that in point of energy and enterprise they are ra
ther above the average Britisher, but not above the
average Scotchman — about, I may say, equal to an
average Scotchman. They are certainly very pushing
and go-ahead people ; but then if they make a great
deal of money they also spend it very quickly —
there is no doubt that they are inclined to be extra
vagant.
Everyone who goes to America is very much
struck by the respect for law which prevails there.
They are, in fact, an extremely law-abiding people ;
and since their great war, having learned by ex
perience how horrible war is, they have come
through great trials and difficulties with wonderful
avoidance of irritation and injurious conflict. I
know no people in the world who accept defeat in so
thoroughly good-humoured a way ; and in this respect
32 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
I think that the tone and temper of the people of the
Southern States is very highly to be praised.
There is an idea prevalent in this country that
in regard to many questions of social science, the
management of prisons and such like matters, the
Americans have gone far ahead of ourselves. I did
not go very minutely into these matters, for I had
not time, but so far as I could learn I failed to find
that they are much ahead of us. I heard quite as
many complaints of prison management in America
as ever I did in this country, and I doubt very much
whether their sanitary and other improvements are
greatly superior to ours. I am inclined to believe
that Edinburgh and Glasgow have done quite as
much in the way of social science progress as any
American town.
I was specially interested in the condition of the
Southern States, and I spent a good deal of my time
there. They have no doubt suffered from war in a
pecuniary way as well as by losing all the flower of
the population ; but they have a good heart, and are
doing well. This subject, however, is a special one,
which I shall probably take occasion to explain in
another shape, for it is scarcely possible to do so now,
I do not know that there is anything very special
in the larger American cities, except the trees in the
streets which I have mentioned, and the strictly rectan
gular character in their arrangement which leads to
the numbering of the streets in the way you have often
heard. There is one institution in New York which
struck me as very successful, and that is the elevated
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 33
railways just opened. Instead of destroying the
narrower streets, full of traffic, by laying tramways
in them, they leave the streets for the ordinary traffic,
and carry the railway on elevated girders above the
heads of the people and the carts. That seems to be
successfully done in New York, and I hope to see it
done in London also. The Elevated Railway is quite
a new institution in New York — only started in the
last few months ; but throughout all the towns the
tramwav-car is a most universal and successful insti-
•/
tution. The whole population use the tram-cars ; in
most places there are comparatively few private car
riages, and cabs are always dear.
My complaint of the American cities is that
they are too big — that is to say, too many people
come to the towns who had much better go and
work in the country. I was almost tempted to
say that, among the Americans, for every man who
really works with his hands there seem to be two
who seek to live by speculating upon him — espe
cially by insuring his life — that seems to be the
great business now to which retired generals, go
vernors, and other great men devote themselves.
It seemed to me that Washington is the pleasantest
and best of American cities. Mr. Trollope describes
it in very horrible terms, but it has certainly been
very much improved since those days, and appeared
to me to be a charming place. Boston, as you
may have heard, is a delightfully English -looking
place. Chicago and those new cities seem to have
been overdone and to be much too large.
D
34 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF^ THE UNITED STATES.
It is always very easy to see the cities of America ;
everybody expects you to see the cities ; but it is much
more difficult to see the country. E ail ways there
are in abundance, and wherever there is a railway you
can go, but there is an extreme want of good roads.
The Americans seem to have skipped over that stage
in human progress and to have gone direct from
no roads to railways. If you want to hire a trap
to drive ten miles into the country you will find
it scarcely possible to get such a thing. But the
Americans themselves have, for country use, most
admirable private vehicles — infinitely lighter than our
carriages, quite as lasting, and every way superior ;
and I cannot imagine why we don't take a leaf out of
their book in this respect. Whenever you are with
friends they are always ready to drive you over
the country with their fast-trotting horses and light
buggies — admirable both horses and buggies are.
That is the only way in which you can see America.
To my view no man has seen America who merely
goes from town to town, and does not see the country
in the way I have described, for the real backbone of
the population of America consists of the small farmers
who cover the country. The American Government
have been exceedingly wise in the provisions which
they have made against land-jobbing. Land is not
appropriated in immense blocks by the early settlers,
as in most of our colonies. The amount which each
man is allowed to take up is restricted to that which
he can beneficially farm; and under the homestead
law every man who settles in the country is entitled
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 35
to a farm of this kind. I believe it is upon, this system
that the true greatness of America is founded.
Much, too, is due to the system of free education
which has prevailed in the common schools of the
North for the last two Or three generations. Not
only is this so in New England, but the New
Englanders, taking their ideas to the West, have
developed the system still more completely in the
Western States. For instance, in Illinois it is re
quired by law that there should be a school every
two miles at least. A certain proportion of the
land in every township is always set apart for the
maintenance of schools. The State maintains not
only primary schools but also high schools in number
sufficient to meet the demand for higher instruction ;
and even, in some places, agricultural colleges and
such special institutions. The universities and col
leges for general education of the highest class of
all are the only institutions not included in the
general system of free public instruction ; but there
are many excellent universities, some of which have
large endowments, while some have received some
public aid under local arrangements. In addition to
endowments the cost of public education is met, first,
by a rate upon land, and, second, by a poll-tax upon
the people. By these means sufficient funds are
provided in the Northern States ; but in the South
the funds are very deficient, though the system has
been more or less introduced there also. There are
a good many grumblers in America, as there are with us
— a good many people who complain of the highness of
D 2
36 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
the rates, and who say that they should not be taxed
to teach a labourer's daughter to play upon the piano.
Now, about the piano I won't say whether I agree
with them — perhaps I am rather heretical on musical
subjects ; but I am impressed with the belief, not
only that we should make education as cheap and
free as possible to the poorer classes, but also that
the public may fairly do something for the middle
and higher education, both in view of the fact that
the middle classes pay largely to the education rates,
and that a ladder may be provided by which the poor
may mount upwards. In America the children of
the well-to-do classes, merchants and professional men
and such like, habitually attend the public schools,
girls as well as boys ; indeed, the higher schools are
much more used by girls than by boys, for the boys
go early into business, while the girls continue their
education. I did not find the character of the higher
education to be so much reformed as I should have
expected. There is still a good deal of Latin and Greek
taught ; and there is not so universal a system of in
struction in the useful sciences as I looked for ; but
much is done in special colleges, and improvements
are being effected which, no doubt, will soon become
general.
Meantime I think it may be said that the Ame
ricans owe their great success in certain branches
of mechanical manufacture to their own ingenuity
and energy, rather than to any public system of
technical instruction. They certainly are marvel
lously clever as inventors. They have a patent
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE. 37
law, and consider it to be much better than ours.
They examine and test patents before they are passed,
and have a great patent show at Washington. I am
not qualified to tell you anything of their manu
facturing processes, and indeed was not on this oc
casion long enough in the North-Eastern States and
cities to see much of these things ; but they are readily
accessible to any of you who choose to go there. The
Americans certainly show immense energy in all
mercantile and manufacturing operations, and leave
no stone unturned to develop the resources of the
country.
I have often been asked, ' How about American
rascality ? Are people there worse than our direct
ors? ' I can only say that I think they are about
the same. The fact is that American law is entirely
founded on English law, and the safeguards against
new-fashioned rascality offered by a law designed
only to meet a rascality which is not new-fashioned
are about as great in America as in this country — as
great, I think, but not greater. There is a great deal
of mercantile rascality there as well as here ; but I
have heard it said that some people are rather jealous
of the directors of the Glasgow Bank for having done
a ' bigger thing' than they have done. As is the case
with us, a great many fraudulent people escape the
punishment which they merit ; and there have been
some great scandals, not only in joint-stock affairs
but in municipal affairs. I think, however, that we
must not judge of the American people by what has
taken place in the New York Municipality ; that is,
38 B1ED*S-EYE VIEW OF TIIE UNITED STATES.
I believe, exceptional. Most of their towns are as
well managed as ours. My impression is that when
they do take fraudulent people in hand they are
more thorough in their proceedings than we some
times are, and that a more adequate punishment is
sometimes dealt out.
PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY.
In these days of commercial distress and pro
phecies of down-going you will probably expect me to
say a word about free trade and reciprocity and such
like matters; for whereas in this country we have been
for a good many years the upholders of free trade, in
America I have been among a people who have become
the strenuous upholders of protectionist doctrines.
They protect everything and everybody, and if there
are any objectors they silence them by giving them
protection too ; so that the protection of one thing-
leads to a dozen others. I am no expert in commercial
matters, and cannot pretend to sit in judgment where
doctors disagree. I am, also, no rabid i political eco
nomist,' if I may so express it. I do not treat the
dogmas of political economists as if they were emana
tions from on high; and I also am not one of those
people who think that when Englishmen differ from
the rest of the world Englishmen must necessarily
be in the right. I cannot say whether there are any
circumstances in which a certain amount of protection
really might be beneficial, in the sense in which a
glass cover is beneficial in certain stages of a growing
PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 39
plant; but of this I am sure, that if there are any such
uses of protection, very great abuses, much exceeding
the uses, speedily supervene. It is hard to persuade
people in America that they have not greatly
benefited by protection. They point to the exten
sion and improvement of their manufactures. I never
admitted that that was due to protection ; but that
there has been a vast improvement in America within
the last few years no man can doubt. On the other
hand, one sees at every turn great evils resulting from
the abuse of protection — one of the most prominent
I can mention being the American shipping trade,
which has been absolutely annihilated by protection.
Only yesterday I read an account of the carrying
trade in China, which, when I was round there a
few years ago, was very largely carried in American
ships ; but now American shipping has almost dis
appeared from that trade, because the Americans
will neither allow the materials for shipbuilding to
be imported without an enormous duty being placed
upon them, nor will they allow an American citizen to
bring a ready-made ship from the Clyde.
Some of the protectionist duties are quite useless,
as they act in an almost prohibitory way on things
not produced in America. And some seem of a
wantonly injurious character, as, for instance, a very
high duty on quinine, so much wanted as a remedy
for the prevalent ' fever and chills ' of America. I
think no one denies that the details of the tariff
should be reformed.
Then I have no doubt that the system of protection
40 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
followed in the United States does in many ways
enhance the cost of living, both directly, by enhancing
the price of commodities, and indirectly, by pandering
to that disposition to prefer high gains and lavish
expenditure to moderate gains and careful expendi
ture, which is the bane of the country. Our people
are open to the reproach, often levelled against them,
that if they make more they spend more and save
less than the people of some other countries ; but in
this respect the Americans, or at any rate large
classes of Americans, much exceed them. The cry
there is always for great profits and high wages, but
economy of living is not studied. One notices in the
smallest things how much more the distributors are
allowed to appropriate than with us. You can't buy
a two-cent paper in the street for less than five cents;
and in a country where apples are so abundant that
you may almost pick them up for nothing they are
retailed in the towns dearer than in London.
Not only is the system of protection popularised
by its universality, but no doubt people get used to,
and do not fully realise, any indirect impost. The
excuse for the Indian salt duty of 2,000 per cent,
is that people get accustomed to it. So it is that
the Americans hardly realise the burdens which
they bear. They argue that theirs is not a narrow
protection, since their country is so large and contains
so many States, with varying climates, peoples, and
industries, that there is within the limits of the Union
abundantly active competition, affording ample stimu
lus to progress. They rely on the recent enormous
PROTECTION AND RECIPKOCITY. 41
improvement of their manufactures as showing the
success of their system. When one comes to parti
culars, too, it is somewhat difficult to make out a
strong case against them. The daily wants of the
ordinary population are food, houses, clothing, and
such luxuries as tea and coffee, spirits and tobacco.
Now, food and the materials for houses are certainly
cheaper in America than with us ; the taxes on
alcoholic drinks and tobacco are lighter than ours ;
tea and coffee are free. Even as regards clothing I
was so constantly assured as to be almost persuaded
that their cotton goods — especially what are called
' domestics ' — are as cheap as and better than ours ;
and though woollen goods are dearer, they say that the
lower class of woollens, made all over the States from
native wool, and a class of mixed goods, much used
by the Southern and Western populations, are not
materially dearer. It is in the better description of
clothing used by the upper classes, the finer woollens
and -silks, and all ladies' clothing, that there is an
enormous difference — the cost of these in America is
nearly double, and people who go to Europe almost
pay the expenses of the trip by saving in the stock
of personal clothes they bring from thence and get
through the Custom House free of duty. As regards
linens the Americans are behind, and I hope even
protection will not enable them to dispense with
Kirkcaldy goods. Iron and steel are a good deal
dearer than in England ; but when we throw in the
cost of carriage, &c., the difference is not so great.
It seems to be conceded that the classes employed in
42 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
this branch of industry in the States have already suf
fered so much from bad times, and are so dangerous,
that it would not be possible to establish free trade
in the iron trade till times are more prosperous. The
Americans certainly possess magnificent coalfields and
immense deposits of iron, and they are advancing
greatly in the manufacture. I am afraid our iron
masters will never obtain that market again. The
anthracite coal, of which we have heard so much, is
confined to certain very limited localities in one part
of Pennsylvania; but throughout vast tracts in
Pennsylvania and other Eastern States, and again in
the AYestern States, the fields of soft coal are almost
unlimited.
There is no denying that in some departments
the ingenuity of the Americans has enabled them to
rival us in foreign markets to some degree, notwith
standing the greater dearness of some of their materials.
I believe it is the fact that they have been exporting
railway engines, not only to Russia, but to our own
Australian colonies ; their agricultural implements are
now sent all over the world ; and even their watches
are exported to the Continent of Europe — to countries
hitherto supplied by the Swiss. On the other hand,
our Sheffield goods, such as knives and scissors,
cannot be rivalled in America, arid hold their own
there in spite of protection.
There is little hope that the Americans will soon
adopt free trade principles, unless, indeed, they con
tinue their present rapid improvement in manufactures
so far as to become a large exporting people. Then
PROTECTION AND RECIPROCITY. 43
no doubt it will suit their book, and they will become
free traders. Their idea is to raise their enterprise
in the hothouse atmosphere of protection at home
until it gets so large and strong that they may knock
away the glass and let it spread over the outer world.
Whether they will accomplish that, time only will
show ; but I am quite sure that the people of this
country should not give in to them. Though free
traders as such now hardly exist in America, there is
in some parts of the country a feeling that a tariff
more designed for revenue might be the means of
relieving the several States of the internal revenue
system of which they complain as being both ex
pensive and harassing. I heard a Virginian complain
that the tobacco duty raised on the manufacture there
makes the internal taxation of the State heavier than
that of other and richer States; and the Southern
highlanders of the Alleghanies say that they would
get on very well if it were not for the i whisky block
ade,' which interferes with their honest industry in
that article. It is likely enough that the tariff may
be modified to get rid of some useless and injurious re
strictions, "and to increase the customs revenue to some
degree, but free trade there will not be for the present.
There still remains the reciprocity question. It
is said, and I myself have no doubt it is true, that if
all nations would accept free trade, and all barriers
were broken down, it would be best for all parties ;
but then, some people add, since almost all other
nations do impose heavy protective duties, 'Would
it not be well for us to impose moderate duties, such,
44 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
at all events, as to equal the taxes which are paid by
our own manufacturers, the workmen who live in this
country and produce their goods at home ? ' Here also
I will not pretend to decide upon grounds of political
economy ; but I put this practical question to you, ' if
you admit that doctrine, what goods would you tax
on their import into this country ? ' I don't myself see
what you could tax. We export manufactures, and we
import food and the raw materials for manufacture ;
and because America taxes your manufactures would
you tax the food of the people — the wheat, the beef,
and the bacon which come from America ? It is im
possible ; the people would not submit to anything of
the kind. Then, would you tax the raw materials of
your manufactures ? You know very well that that
would be cutting your own throat. And so I bring
it to this, what would you tax ? There might be a
few luxuries which it might be right enough to tax,
but practically there is no great trade which you
could tax ; and it is on that ground I say that reci
procity is a mere theory, and not a practical question.
Then some people recommend restriction of production
as the remedy. That seems to me also to be a most
suicidal system. True, in times of prosperity and
excessive trade it may be well to say to capitalists,
' Take care ; don't overdo it ; don't try to make more
money than the trade will justify ; don't run up
wages to a point at which they cannot be maintained.'
But when you come to hard times and bad trade it
seems to me that capitalists will be ready enough to
contract; and as contraction of production means
THE DRINK QUESTION. 45
contraction of employment for the workpeople, it is
the worst possible thing for them. I have seen a good
deal of many countries, and I am quite convinced of
this, that the only chance of our maintaining our su
premacy is, that we should do that which we have
done in the past, namely, make our goods as many,
as cheap, and as durable as possible, and try to under
sell all foreign countries in what we may call the
neutral markets of the world ; that is, the countries
which do not manufacture for themselves. There are
still quite enough of them to maintain our trade, and
we may still live, if we can occupy them and beat
the protectionists. We shall have to look sharp to do
even this. The Americans have not yet very seriously
rivalled us in foreign markets, but they have begun to
do it to a small extent ; and we shall not keep them
out unless we can undersell them, and undersell them
without deteriorating the quality of British goods.
We must produce good articles in enormous quan
tities, and cheaper than anyone else, if we are to
remain ahead of the rest of the world.
THE DRINK QUESTION.
Of all the questions affecting the low- Teuton coun
tries I think none is really so important as the drink
question, and I paid a good deal of attention to it when
I was in America. I was not in Maine, and did not go
into the well-worn question of the Maine Liquor Law ;
but I noticed the ordinary practice in the States through
which I travelled, and found it pretty uniform.
46 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
The first thing that I noticed in travelling was
the remarkable feature in the American meals, that
people drink no alcoholic liquors at all ; it seems to
be contrary to their habits, and I may almost say to
good morals and good manners, to do so — in public at
least. In a great American hotel, where you meet
hundreds of people, you will probably not see one
who takes anything stronger than tea and coffee with
his meals ; or if you do he is a foreigner. They drink a
great deal of milk and such innocent things, but
neither beer, nor wine, nor spirits. Wine is very
dear, and that may be one reason why it is not seen.
I know it is said, ' Ah, that is all very well, but
the men go and drink afterwards . at the bars.' Some
of them do so, but I am bound to say that I was
exceedingly surprised to find how little frequented
these bars are. If you want first-class American
drinks you must go to the cafes on the Boulevards of
Paris — for you won't get them in America. That is
my experience. In some parts of the country it is a
common form of civility to invite a friend or a stranger
to ' take a drink ' and to treat him at the bar ; and there
are some men's evening parties at which wine is in
troduced, but one does not see much of this kind of
thing.
Among the people at large the public and evi
dent drinking is, I think, less than with us, and if a
good deal is consumed it is done in a more decent
kind of way. I have not been able to compare the
statistics exactly with respect to the amount of drink
consumed. A great deal of whisky, no doubt, is
THE DRINK QUESTION. 47
drunk ; but the revenue derived from alcoholic
liquors is not so large as in this country, and it cer
tainly is the case that one sees much less drunken
ness. I am told that this is very much due to the
climate. People say that whereas in Scotland some
Scotchmen with strong constitutions drink a good
deal of whisky all their lives and die in their beds at
eighty — not many of them, I believe — a man cannot
possibly do that kind of thing in America. He
would be killed in a very short time. Thus neces
sity begets a certain moderation. I am told that there
is nowhere in America the state of things said to
prevail in some English places, where a large pro
portion of some classes are so drunk upon a Sunday
that they take Monday to recover, and don't return
to work till Tuesday. However, I hope that is an
exaggeration. There is a Sunday-closing law almost
everywhere, with no exception for bond fide travellers
or anyone else. It is more or less strictly observed
by the natives, and certainly a stranger can get
nothing. I was myself reformed in consequence in
a very fortunate manner. I used to think a little
whisky-and-water good to make me sleep ; but not
being able to get it on Sundays, and finding that I
slept quite as well, I did without it on other days too,
to my great benefit.
I fear the drink question is not one which can be
very effectually dealt with by law in the present state
of feeling. We must always have greater reliance upon
moral and social means. One result of what I have
seen and experienced in America is to make me believe
48 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
that it is much better to go in for total abstinence
than temperance. It seems to me that drink is like
gambling, it is very easy to abstain altogether ;
abstinence does no harm, and very soon one does
not feel the want of it. But if you drink in modera
tion it is like gambling in moderation — you are very
apt to go on. Some people are not much tempted to
excess, but some constitutions are tempted, and they
do go on to excess. The Americans have found out
this, and no doubt it is for this reason that it has
become so much the practice of the better classes
among them to abstain altogether. I must say,
then, that my advice to those in this country who
are sincerely anxious to cure their less restrained
fellow-countrymen of bad habits is, that they should
rather show an example of abstinence than simply
preach temperance to their neighbours and try to cur
tail the public-houses. People never do have very
much influence who do not practise what they preach.
My strong belief is that if the well-to-do classes, the
moral, religious, and evangelical classes, were to ba
nish wine from their tables and take to milk, they
might with much greater advantage and effect try
to put down the public-houses of the poorer classes.
Then, as regards legislation on the subject, a man
who becomes convinced of that which he had believed
before becomes very thoroughly convinced indeed,
and that is pretty much the case with me on this
drink question. I have been always inclined to
suspect that the matter should be dealt with in a way
which has not many advocates in this country, and I
THE DRINK QUESTION. 49
have been agreeably surprised to find that in America
the practice is actually that to which my own opinion
inclined. I believe that it is a very great mistake
to deal with the matter simply by limiting the
number of public-houses, because the result is to
create a monopoly and vested interest in those public-
houses which remain. I should say that in this
matter there has been a kind of alliance between
those who serve God and those who serve Mammon —
between the good people who wish to put down public -
houses and the public -house keepers who do not wish
any more houses to compete with them. Thus the
worshippers of God and the worshippers of Mammon,
being united, have been so strong that they have
carried everything before them, and the result is that
a great monopoly interest has been created. Now, I
entirely admit that in rural places where there never
has been a public-house it is a very great evil that
one should be set up, and that there should be some
local power of veto on it ; but, on the other hand, I
believe that if you have half a dozen public-houses
in a street, no reason exists why two or three more
should not be allowed, if, in the way of free trade, they
are established. On the contrary, it is the existence
of a valuable monopoly on the part of the restricted
number of houses which makes practically impos
sible any public action whatever — whether the pro
hibition of sales, the Gothenburg system, or anything
else. I think the first step towards any great measure
of reform is to make the trade free, paradox as that
may seem ; for when you have abolished monopolies
E
50 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
and vested rights which have no right to be, you are
then free to act in the public interest. This is the
view taken by the Americans. The laws of different
States are different — I cannot answer for all — but I
inquired in several, and in none of them did I find
that there was that disgraceful and demoralising con
test for licenses which takes place to such an excessive
degree in England, and to some degree in Scotland
too. In places where the sale is permitted at all
there is no privilege, all the citizens being treated
equally ; the manufacture is taxed, the sale is taxed,
licenses to sell are very heavily taxed ; but any man
of good character, who submits to the rules and keeps
the rules, gets the license under a regular system,
without making it a matter of canvassing, or argu
mentation by lawyers. On the other hand, in certain
localities the sale of spirituous liquors is prohibited,
not merely the retail in public houses, but all sales
whatever ; and that seems to me a much more logical
' O
process. I never could reconcile myself to closing
the poor man's club and leaving open the shops
where the better classes or any other class may sup
ply themselves with liquor to consume at home ; nor
could I see any reason for giving one grocer a license
and prohibiting another. If you prohibit at all, I
think you should prohibit all. The Americans have
not got Sir Wilfrid Lawson's Permissive Bill. I
could not ascertain very exactly the reason for the
course which they take, but hi many different States
they follow the same course, which is this — that when
there is a very strong wish to prohibit the sale of
THE DRINK QUESTION. 51
liquors in any particular locality a bill for that pur
pose is brought in and passed by the local State
Legislature. I presume that, being so treated, the
question does not absolutely turn upon a mere local
majority, but if there are objectors they have an
opportunity of being heard, after which the Home
Rule Parliament of the particular State decides as
it thinks best ; and it is undoubtedly the case that
in almost every State in which I inquired a number
of such bills are passed, and under them the sale of
liquors is prohibited in considerable localities. Some
times, but not very often, the bill takes the shape of
giving an option to the particular locality to be deter
mined by vote. My own opinion tends very much
to prohibition, though I feel that the world generally
is not ripe for it yet. I should, however, be very
glad to see an experiment made in particular localities
which are pretty well united in wishing for it. On
that ground I would gladly see some measure em
bodying the principle of vesting a power somewhere
to stop the sale of liquors in particular localities
when the general sense of the population desires it ;
although Ldo not know that I would let a mere
majority impose such a measure on a large and
reluctant minority.
RELIGION.
I had expected to find America overrun by new
fangled ideas in religion, but it did not appear to be
so. By far the larger portion of the people adhere
E 2
52 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
to the good old -fashioned Churches, or perhaps in
many eases I should say to an old-fashioned Congrega
tional system, for there seems to be a great disposition
to Congregationalism in the United States. The Epis
copalians are hut a small minority. The most impor
tant sects are the Presbyterians, Methodists, and Bap
tists; but it seems to me that in America there is much
inclination among religious sects which do not differ
in essentials to come together on common ground.
The Young Men's Christian Associations — which are,
I believe, unsectarian — are widely spread in the coun
try, and do excellent work. The number of Irish
who go to America is so great that, added to a num
ber of Southern Germans, they make a considerable
Catholic population. But I do not think that that re
ligion is suited to the genius of the people of America,
white or black. The Catholics do not make progress.
The blacks do not at all accept them. In their own
way these blacks are an exceedingly religious Christian
people ; but it strikes me as a sad thing that the black
and the white Churches are now entirely separated
from one another. The blacks have now everywhere
set up black preachers, who do not preach at all badly.
Their congregations sing exceedingly well, and they
are more in earnest than most white people.
Although, as I have said, one sees very little of
the very new-fangled religions, there are a good
many divisions and subdivisions of the old sects in
different parts of the country. In the great hotels
in the cities of the interior one sees a board with a
list of the various Churches, and they are certainly
RELIGION. 53
pretty numerous. However, one recognises most of
them. The only prevalent sect (especially in the
West) which struck me as novel was one called simply
* Christians,' or sometimes ' Campbellites,' having been
founded by a Campbell. They claim to be unsec-
tarian Christians. I thought I should like to belong
to that persuasion.
I was anxious to know how people get on in Ame
rica without an Established Church — whether they
are the worse for that want. We have all been a good
deal exercised on that subject. I have had much
difficulty in making up my mind on it. I have had
an old affection for the Scotch Establishment which I
cannot very easily surrender. It is not that I have
had any high-flying ideas about the union of Church
and State and the advantage of clothing the Church
in purple and fine linen, and making her a ruler of
men ; I believe that nothing could be more contrary
to the Spirit of Christianity, nothing worse for the
Church or worse for the State than that; and if I had
any doubt about that, what I have seen on the Con
tinent of Europe has quite solved all those doubts.
But I have" thought, and I think still, that if we were
all of one religion it might be much better to combine
to maintain a common minister paid by rates — and
teinds or tithes are nothing but an old form of rates
— -just as we find it better to maintain a common
school by rates — rather than allow ministers to depend
upon the bounty of their congregations, and especially
of the richer among their congregations. We in
Scotland seem to have satisfied ourselves that this
54 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
is the best and most economical system in regard to
schools.
Now, formerly, in America, the people took very
much the view which I have indicated — the original
New Englanders did establish their ministers in the
way which I have mentioned ; they did not leave
their support to individual zeal, but, being generally
in each settlement of one persuasion, they rated them
selves for the purpose ; and in truth that was exactly
what was done by the early Reformers in Scotland.
That was a system which was very successful for a
very long period ; and if circumstances had not
changed I think no one would have sought to
change it. But circumstances have changed — have
o o
changed in America, and have changed in Scotland ;
O o 7
and, owing to the progress of modern thought and
modern freedom, it has come to pass that the people
in New England are not all of one sect of religion,
and the people of Scotland are not all of one sect.
There is a division among the people on religious sub
jects, and that division is not unattended with con
siderable jealousy and rivalry, and, I am afraid I must
say, sometimes some bad feeling. Now, in America
as soon as it was found that people were no longer
unanimous, but that there was considerable division,
the course they took was to abolish all State aid to
all Churches, and to let every sect make their own
arrangements with regard to their religious establish
ments. I have watched this subject with very great
interest. In order to ascertain how this system
worked I made it my duty to see whether the
RELIGION. 55
interests of religion suffered, or whether any other
evils had attended the free system in America. I
was entirely satisfied that religion had in no degree
suffered ; on the contrary, the people of America are
to the full as religious as any people in the world
— as religious as the people of Scotland, and that
is saying a great deal. Not only is this so in the old
settled States of New England, New York, and Penn
sylvania, but I found — I confess somewhat to my sur
prise — that it is so also in the Western and Southern
States. We have an idea that in the West people are
rather rough, and I had half-expected to find that
after a certain point they had left a good deal of their
religion behind them, but it really is not so. In St.
Louis and Kansas, in the West, and Carolina and
Georgia, in the South, they are very decorous and
religious people, with abundance of churches. The
only drawback is that, as with us, there are some
times three or four different churches, when one
would suffice, if people would only all agree to go to
it ; but as they don't agree I don't see that any great
harm comes from their having separate churches —
though I am not without hope that, as liberal feelings
progress, they may agree, and unite on the original
simple principles of Christianity, getting rid of theo
logical dogmas and difficulties.
Well, then, if religion does not suffer in America
for want of Establishments, I am quite sure that
peace and good-will greatly benefit. I was immensely
struck by the entire elimination of religion from
politics in that country, and the absolute want of
56 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
any inclination to hate one's neighbour on account of
religion. Every man does as to him seems best, and
no other man hates him, worries him, or avoids his
society on that account. Politically and socially
America is not divided by religious cliques. Politics
have no streak of religion in them ; a man lives as
he likes, without being troubled by his neighbour ;
and dies as he likes, without his neighbour inquiring
to what persuasion he belonged. I confess, then, I
now feel that I should like to see religion separated
from politics. I should be glad to see that done in
this country, when it can be done without creating
an amount of disturbance and bad blood, which
would make the cure worse than the disease. But
I also feel this, that the existing Establishment in
Scotland is the least offensive religious establishment
in the world, and is not an overwhelming evil. I can
perfectly well sleep in my bed with the knowledge
that the Church of Scotland still exists. I daresay
the day is not very far distant when the thing may
be done without the great change and great evils
which some people seem to apprehend. I met a dig
nitary of the English Church in Canada — a Church
which was disestablished by our countryman, Lord
Elgin — and, I said to him, ' How do you get on in your
disestablished character?' 'Well/ he said, 'we did
not like it at all at first ; we thought ourselves very
ill-used ; but now we have come to like it, and are
quite convinced that it is best. Formerly there was
great jealousy and dislike of us on account of our
position ; now all that has passed away. Everyone
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 57
is most friendly. We were disestablished on liberal
terms ; we have done the best we can for ourselves,
and we get on very well indeed.'
THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES.
I cannot properly explain to you in a few words
the political system of the United States, nor can
I quite compare the Congress with our Parliament.
The functions of the two bodies are really quite
different. As I have already said, the United States
are not one country, but forty countries, and the civil,
criminal, and domestic laws of all sorts do not apper
tain to the central authority, but to the separate
States, each having its own laws. Till one visits the
country perhaps one hardly realises how completely
this is the case. Neither in regard to marriage
and inheritance, or the punishment of crimes, or the
management of railways, or anything else, is there
any general law whatever ; the laws of each State
are made by the separate Legislature of that State.
Consequently, the Congress of the United States, hav
ing nothing to do with these things, is confined to the
few functions which the Constitution vests in it, and
which are, in fact, mainly financial ; for it is necessary
to raise a sufficient revenue to support the army and
navy, and diplomatic service, and to pay the interest
of the debt. The necessity of raising a customs re
venue involves the question of the Tariff and the
whole question of free trade or protection, which thus
conies before Congress. The coinage and currency are
58 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
common to all the States, and are managed by Con
gress, which has also established common patent and
copyright laws. It has power to establish a general
bankruptcy law, and did pass a temporary law of the
kind after the war, but it has expired, and there is none
now. The Post-office is almost the only institution
beyond these which is common to all the States. I
should mention, however, that, in connection with
foreign commerce and the customs revenue, the
United States undertake the charge of the principal
harbours and the great rivers, and the expenditure
connected with them — a circumstance which gives
rise to a good deal of rivalry of local interests, and
to considerable opportunities for exercising influence
by means of the public purse.
The revenue of the United States is mainly de
rived from three sources : the sea-customs and two
great internal taxes, that on spirituous liquors and
that on tobacco.
The laws of all the States, except the old French
colony of Louisiana, are based on the common law
of England, to which reference is constantly made,
although a great and varying body of statute law
has been built up over it in the various States. Still
very much of the old English system remains, and
one is surprised to find old English institutions,
which have been swept away, modified, or threat
ened in England, still surviving in most of the
States. The reason is that some of the oldest of the
English legal institutions and maxims, such as the
grand jury, trial by jury in all cases indiscriminately,
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 59
(civil as well as criminal), unanimity of the jury, the
non -ex animation of the accused, and such like, have
been preserved in the American Constitutions, which
are considered to be much more sacred than ordi
nary laws. The United States have a written Con
stitution, and each State has its Constitution. The
State Constitutions have been revised and changed
pretty often by special Conventions empowered to do
so, but that of the United States has been very little
changed — in fact, never revised, only added to at rare
intervals ; and as all the subordinate Constitutions
must fit into that of the United States, a certain
amount of sameness and continuity of old maxims is
preserved. These Constitutions, too, make the situa
tion different from ours ; for the Constitutions are,
as it were, above the laws, and the judges, having the
power to interpret the Constitutions, may and often
do declare laws illegal ; so that Congress and the State
Assemblies are not so omnipotent as our Parliament.
Although no State laws nor even those of Con
gress can violate the United States Constitution,
each State is recognised as a sovereign power, and
does not admit that any judicial tribunal can enforce
judgments against it. For instance, by the United
States Constitution no law can be passed impairing
the obligation of contracts, and any attempt to tam
per by law with State debts is at once set aside ; but
when, as is now the case in some States, the people
find themselves unable to pay, the Legislature simply
fails to make provision for payment, and there are no
means of enforcing claims.
60 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
I think a great many people in this country have
the idea that the Americans have generally reduced
their law to regular codes, but this is quite a mistake.
Something has been done in that direction in New
York and, I rather think, something in Louisiana ;
but, generally speaking, the laws are just as in
England — common law plus the statutes. But there
is a very useful system of digesting the laws common
in America. Every few years the statute law is
revised and reprinted by some competent man, and
after examination the volume is passed by the Legis
lature and issued by authority. These very useful
volumes are called Revised Codes, but they are only
collections of unrepealed laws. There is the Revised
Code of the L^nited States and the Revised Code of
almost every State. These volumes are certainly a
great convenience — almost a necessity where people,
having far-extended dealings or the management of
great enterprises, have to do with a number of States
with different laws. I very much wish our law
could be put in as popular a form. We particularly
want that in Scotland, for the Scotch law seems to be
a sealed book to everyone but a lawyer.
Before going farther I will mention a few points,
common both to the general Government and to the
particular States, in which the American political
system differs from ours.
The Americans have no Ministries dependent
on Parliament, and going in and out as they
possess or lose the confidence of Parliament. Great
executive power is vested in the President of the
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 61
United States and in the Governors of the particular
States, who are elected by the people (directly or
indirectly), for fixed terms of four or two years, and
hold office for their term, whether they agree with
their Legislature or whether they do not. The
Ministers (if not similarly elected, as they are in
most States) are the nominees of the President or
Governor, cannot sit in the Legislature, and are
altogether free from Parliamentary control. Thus
the Executive is not the creature of Parliament,
but an altogether independent power. True, both
powers are derived from the same sources, but then
it often happens that an Executive elected at one
date and in one way is opposed to a legislative
majority elected at another date. There are always
two Houses of the Legislature. As in the United
States so in each State there is a Senate as well as
an Assembly. The latter in some degree corres
ponds to our House of Commons, but the Senate is
very different from our House of Lords. The State
Senate is elected by the people, the United States
Senators by the Legislative body of each State ;
the members of the Senate hold office for longer
periods — for four or six years — and besides an equal
power in the Legislature have a considerable control
over the Executive in regard to high appoint
ments and some other matters. Thus the position
of a Senator is one of much power and dignity, and
is much sought after. I understand that the place of
a United States Senator elected for six years (and
eligible for re-election), with a considerable salary
62 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
and a good deal of power and patronage, is generally
preferred to that of Governor of a State.
Every State determines for itself the question of the
franchise and the qualification of electors. Universal
suffrage is no part of the Constitution of the United
States, and in fact, till a comparatively recent date, was
by no means the general rule. It is only provided
that the members of the United States Congress shall
be returned by the same constituency as the most
popular branch of the Legislature of the State
returning the members. In practice, however, man
hood suffrage has come to be the common rule,
the only exception which I noticed being in
Massachusetts, where there is still an educational
franchise. No man can vote unless he can read and
write, and when I was there the Irishmen were being
1 coached up ' to enable them to vote for General
Butler.
Woman suffrage does not find much favour in
America ; there is nothing of the kind in any of
the old settled States, and, so far as I could gather, any
agitators for it were even less successful than with
us. In some of the far-Western Territories, however,
something of the kind has been tried, and I came
across an enthusiastic gentleman from the Territory
of Wyoming, up in the Eocky Mountains, where, it
seems, all political distinctions between the sexes have
been abolished, and women are eligible to all public
offices. He wanted to convert the other States to
that system, and told of a case in which a husband
and wife went to the poll against one another as rival
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 63
candidates without the slightest disturbance of their
domestic harmony and good feeling. I confess,
however, that I was not convinced of the advantage
of the system, nor are the American people. They
show by their practice that women may have many
privileges, and even usefully practise many pro
fessions, without seeking political power, or at all
events without obtaining it.
You have all heard of the caucus system which
prevails in America in regard to elections ; that is,
before going to the poll each party decides within
itself who is to be its candidate. In fact, this system
seems to have become almost universal. Everywhere
there are what are called the i primary ' elections —
i.e., the unofficial elections within the party, before
the real election — and these primary elections are
often conducted with at least as much heat and bit
terness as the real election, sometimes much more
so. There are various modes of arranging the
caucus : sometimes the primary election is in the
form of a ballot by the voters of the party to elect
the candidate direct, but generally they elect de
legates, who meet in caucus and elect the candi
dates ; and it is among these caucus delegates that
jobbery and trickery is said often to prevail, the more
as, these elections being unknown to the law, abuses
cannot be controlled by the law and the Courts.
People are generally very much alive to the evils of
their own system, and I certainly heard in America
more abuse of the caucus system than praise of it.
It was said that the best man was often ousted in the
64 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
caucus by a system of jobbery and underhand ma
nagement, and that many independent men much
preferred an appeal to the constituencies direct. I
confess I was not able in my short visit to get to
the bottom of the subject or to make up my mind
about it.
A general election took place while I was in
America, and I noticed that in several States there
were a good many l Independent ' candidates, who set
at defiance the caucuses and went in against their
nominees ; and they not unfrequently won. This
was the more practicable, because at present parties
in America are in a very peculiar position. There
are, as with us, two parties who have long existed
under different names, and have for a good many
years been known as Republicans and Democrats.
But I failed to identify these two parties with our
Liberals and Conservatives. At one time they were a
good deal ranged on the question of Centralisation
versus State-rights, the Republicans representing what
we might call the Imperialist party, and the Demo
crats the State-rights party ; now that question
has been fought out and settled (as regards the
claims of the Southern States and the institution of
slavery), and it has nearly ceased to have practical
importance. It so happens that on the questions of
the present day — the Tariff, the Currency, and some
others — each of the regular parties is divided within
itself, and it seems inevitable that there must be a
new deal. It will, I should say, be a very good
thing if it is so, for in some things the system of
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 65
party government is carried much further than with
us, especially as regards appointments to offices which
we call permanent and treat as such. A custom has
sprung up in modern times of turning out all the
officials when there is a change in the Executive
Government, and putting in the men of the incoming
party. And to this has been added a horrible sys
tem of raising a regular tax by a tariff levied on
the salaries of all officials, towards defraying the
election expenses of the party; for -I am sorry to say
that the practice of spending money on elections is
growing rapidly — following our evil example. The
subordinate office-holders under this system become
the principal election agents, and political struggles
become to a great degree a contest between rival
factions of placemen and would-be placemen to a
much greater degree than with us. The greatness of
this evil is felt and acknowledged. But there is an
extreme difficulty in getting rid of it when once
introduced, because, one party having put in all their
own men, it would require superhuman virtue in the
other party to leave them permanently in possession.
The thing- can only be settled by a compromise,
which the present President is anxious to effect, and a
new deal of parties will be the best opportunity for it.
At present parties in Congress are so evenly balanced
that it is very difficult to put the placeman question
out of sight.
The same division of parties is carried into many of
the State elections, and into some of the municipal elec
tions in the great cities. But I was happy to observe
F
66 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
that in other States the divisions are on other questions
and other lines than the mere struggle between Re
publicans and Democrats, and I hope that this is a
sign that a better state of things may be arrived at.
I specially remarked two things as giving to
American legislators a character different from our
members of Parliament.
First, they are all paid. This payment chiefly
affects the members of Congress. They receive a
handsome salary of 1,000/. per annum each — members
of the Senate and Assembly equally — for their
attendance during a portion of the year ; so that
each Congressman is a regular salaried placeman.
The members of the State Legislatures, on the other
hand, only receive a moderate daily allowance for
their expenses during the time of their actual at
tendance, which in very many States is only once in
two years ; and they can hardly make much by the
transaction ; so that they are not placemen in the
same sense, and not so much professional politicians.
Second, it is a very important practical feature in
the situation that in most cases American Legislatures
do not meet, like our Parliament, in a great social
and commercial capital, where the great and grand
and rich gather together for other purposes, and
where fashionable swells and millionaire plutocrats
are equally ready to add M.P. to their names, in one
phase of their lives, and to migrate, in another, to a
higher if not better place in the Upper House. As
you know, the United States Congress meets at
Washington, which is in no sense a commercial city,
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 67
and had no social attractions, but was founded as a
political centre only. Considerable amenities have
lately been created there, but it can never be a capital
in the sense of any great European capital, and people
go there neither for pleasure nor for private business,
but for political business only. So it is in most of
the States. The Legislatures meet in rural towns, in
a central position, not in the commercial capitals — for
instance, the Legislature of New York at Albany,
that of Pennsylvania at Harrisburg, that of Illinois
at Springfield, and so on. Boston is the only great
city that came under my observation in which a
State Legislature meets. Richmond, in Virginia, has
now grown into a considerable town, but is scarcely
a great city; and in most other States very secondary
places have been selected. Consequently a man who
goes to a United States Legislature goes either for
love of country or for love of place and power, not
for social privileges ; and when he does go he goes to
work, not to give to legislation the time he can spare
from other avocations.
It is this character and position of the members
that renders possible the feature which most dis
tinguishes the working of the American Legislatures
from our own, viz., that most of the work is done
in great committees, which practically amount to the
House sitting simultaneously in several separate
divisions at the same time. All the members having
come in as working men of business, and having
nothing else to do, are able to devote themselves
regularly and systematically to work of this kind in
68 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
a way that would not be possible to many of our
much -occupied or lightly -occupied members, who can
only give to legislation occasional parts of evenings,
or, if they do sit on special committees, attend or stay
away as they please.
The work which with us is done by the whole
House being in America threshed out and settled in
these committees, is in most cases accepted by the
House at large Avithout much further discussion.
This is especially the case in the State Legislatures,
the maj ority of which meet, as I have said, only once
in two years, and the sitting of which is generally
limited by the Constitution to a moderate period —
sometimes as little as fifty or sixty days, and generally
not more than three or four months. Yet it seemed
to me, looking over the volumes of the legislation of
each session in several different States, that they get
through quite as much legislation as our Parliament,
and my impression of the system is altogether favour
able.
The word ' politician ' is used in a bad sense in
America, as applied to people who make politics a
profession, and are skilled hi the arts of ' wire-pulling '
and such practices. In this country you certainly do
not offend a man, or even a woman, if you say, ' I
believe you are a great politician ? ' But if you say
that in the States, the person you address fires up and
assures you he is nothing of the kind. I think this
use of the word is what has given rise to the idea, so
prevalent in this country, that none of the best men
in the States will have anything to do with politics,
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 69
and leave that to inferior persons ; but it seemed to
ine that the fact is not really so. It may be true as
regards a good many plutocrats in New York and
elsewhere, who can make more money in the great
cities than by serving their country in out-of-the-way
places; and in New York (only, I think, in that city)
there is springing up a class who live on realised
wealth, and whose young men affect the jennesse
doree — drive four-in-hands, and so on. But it seemed
to me that the great majority of the best Americans,
while disclaiming the character of ' politicians ' in
the American sense, take quite as much interest in
politics as Englishmen do. Indeed, so far from the
mass of educated people abstaining from politics, it is
proverbial that there is an extraordinary craving for
office ; that is, principally local office. All offices are
elective, and elections are continually going on. The
salaries are not large, but it is generally said that as
soon as a boy ceases to play at marbles he begins to
aspire to office. No doubt, for reasons which I have
already given, a good many men such as would in
this country accept a seat in Parliament cannot or
will not ge into Congress at Washington ; but many
other good men of business, such as do not here get
into Parliament, there get into Congress or into the
State Legislatures. Lawyers are more numerous and
prominent in the American Legislatures than with us,
but the better class of American lawyers are generally
able and good men ; and there being little of a con
centrated bar or legal head- quarters at Washington,
the provincial lawyers are probably of a higher class
70 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
than are usually found in our provinces. I am in
clined, then, to believe that there is a great amount of
ability in the United States legislative bodies; but
no doubt there is with this ability a great infusion of
the i politician ' element and character. Comparing
the personnel and working system of Congress with
our Parliament, I should judge in a general way (for
I had no opportunity of watching the actual working
of Congress) that there are advantages and disad
vantages on either side. The American Congress
men are, probably, on the average more able men.
Being paid men, bound to work, they do work harder,
and by their system of committees work more effec
tually ; but they are not more honest, and are, on
the contrary, more open to the imputation of jobbery
and wire-pulling. I think that the American mode
of electing the Executive authority and making it
independent of Congress is inferior to our Ministerial
system, and the political character of the appointments
to subordinate civil posts is an evil of a very grave
character. On the other hand, I am inclined to sup
pose that the great principles handed down by the
founders of the Republic, and embalmed in the Con
stitution, have really given a high tone, a continuity
of purpose, and a national dignity to the political
system, in whatsoever hands it may be. American
statesmen steer by permanent sailing directions, as
it were ; and in this respect their work contrasts
favourably with our hand-to-mouth haphazard sort
of want of system. Their successful efforts to reduce
their public debt stand in favourable contrast to oar
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 71
puny reductions ; and in regard to such questions as
the public land, local government, and others which
could be named, there has been for generations a con
tinuity of policy which we may well envy. This it
is, I think, which preserves the character of American
society, and prevents the plutocrat of to-day from
becoming the aristocrat of to-morrow.
Apart from the general Government of the United
States, I had a special interest in, and paid particular
attention to, the State 'Governments and system of
local administration, constituting what I may call
Home Rule in America. I was the more anxious to
see the character of this Home Rule, because I am
entirely convinced that the work of the British Par
liament is more and more overpassing the working
power of the machinery ; that things are rapidly
coming to a serious block, if not a dead-lock, and
that something must be done. The number of sub
jects with which Parliament deals has immensely
increased, while the working power has not increased,
but has, on the contrary, considerably decreased, on
account of Irish questions and other causes. There
has long been most undeniable ground of complaint
that our Scotch business is not done — or, so far as
done, is done in the small hours of the morning — in a
way that is scarcely fair. I wanted to know, then,
if such things are better done in America. While
what I have said of the general administration of
the United States compared with ours goes to show
that after all there is but a balancing of pros and
cons, on the other hand, as regards this Home Rule
72 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
I am bound to say that the result of very
careful inquiry has been to convince me that the
Americans have a very great advantage over us.
It seemed to me that the State Legislatures are
most useful institutions and that, through them,
a very large amount of work is done, to the great
benefit and satisfaction of their citizens, very much
which with us is left undone altogether being
there got through without hitch or difficulty. The
members of these local Legislatures appear to be
very respectable citizens. They are men sent up
from among the people of the States, acting before
and within the cognisance of their own fellow-
countrymen. Their laws are not always and alto
gether of the highest style of jurisprudence, but
they are 'practical and useful, and if anything does
not work well it is easily set right. They have an
especial advantage in dealing with those local and
minor matters which we class under the head of
private bill legislation, and which with us is done in
a very expensive and somewhat uncertain and un
satisfactory way.
I had an opportunity of seeing and carefully noting
the proceedings of one of the State Legislatures — not
one of the most important States in the Union, but still
a large State, and perhaps the best of the Southern
States — and I was much pleased by what I saw. I
have already mentioned several of the peculiarities
of the American Legislatures which are common
both to Congress and to the State Assemblies, and I
understand that in its forms and procedure the State
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 73
Legislature which I saw very much resembled the
Congress, and may be taken as a minor edition of it.
The origin of the procedure is evidently English, but
the practice has now much varied from ours, not only
in the system of committees which I have mentioned,
but also in the use of the previous question, or cloture,
and in other ways. They have rules regarding the
length of speeches and such matters which very much
abbreviate the proceedings when it is the general wish
that a decision should be arrived at. The members
of the Legislature seemed to be very sound, good,
practical men, the senators being in every way equal
to the men who might fill such a situation in most
other countries with which I am acquainted ; while
the Assembly, containing, besides a good many men
of a high class, some rather rough farmers and such
practical men, was apparently very well qualified to
deal with the work before it. All seemed to go into
their work with a will, and to get through it in a
rapid, practical manner. Their speeches were short
and to the point, and there was very little declaim
ing. As a stranger I was received with very great
courtesy, and was most obligingly put in the way of
seeing and understanding what was going on. I
shall always retain a very pleasant recollection of
that experience of an American Home Eule Legis
lature in actual operation and doing its ordinary
daily work.
You may well imagine what an American State
Legislature is like if you suppose that here in Scotland,
instead of altogether uniting our Legislature with that
74 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
of England, we had only sent delegates to London to
deal with matters of Imperial concern, and had re
tained a Scotch Parliament at Edinburgh, to make
all our Scotch laws and control a Scotch adminis
tration. Scotland is just about the size and popu
lation of a good American State, say Pennsylvania
or Ohio. I think the Americans have very well hit
off about the right size for their States and Home Rule
Legislatures — they are so large as to be free from the
imputation of a petty parish -vestry kind of character,
and at the same time not so large as to be unmanage
able and incapable of dealing with details and local
matters.
I am inclined to suppose that, looking back into
history, it is really the case that all successful re
publican governments, as in Greece, Italy, Switzerland,
and the United States, have consisted of small states
joined together in union, and not of great central
ised states. My own impression is that in England
and France we have attempted to centralise too
much ; and on that account, if we were to begin
again, I should probably be much in favour of sepa
rate Legislatures for the different parts of the empire.
It would be much more difficult to institute any
thing of the kind now. Xo doubt the country is hardly
prepared for it. The Irish do not seem at all agreed
what they want in this respect. I wonder they have
never proposed to take as their model one of the States
of the American Union; but if they did, and got
something of the kind, I am afraid that they would
fight among themselves. Ireland would have to be
POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES. 75
divided into at least two States. Instead of another
Heptarchy, we must probably be content with
dividing Parliament into Grand Committees, or some
such scheme, when we get an Administration inclined
to deal radically with the matter, and not merely to
nibble at its fringes. If this were done, one grand
committee might take up Scotch business, another
North Irish, another South Irish, another Welsh, and
two or three more the several departments of English
and Imperial business.
All American States are divided into counties,
the counties being generally numerous and smaller
than ours — often as many as 100 counties in a State ;
but there are no representative bodies in the counties ;
they are only judicial and administrative divisions ;
and the chief interest is the periodical elections of
the judges, magistrates, and county officers.
Then in New England and other Northern States
we have the well-known division of the whole country
into townships, corresponding to French and German
communes or Indian village communities ; these
have been well described by De Tocqueville. It
must not be supposed, however, that this institution
is universal in America ; it was wholly wanting in
the Southern States, where there was only a loose
sort of English parish system ; and recent efforts of
Northerners in power in the South to introduce the
township system there have not been successful. In
the North the system is still in full vigour, and by all
accounts answers admirably, both for administrative
purposes and for the political education of the people.
76 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
The townships have certain officers with certain func
tions, but they do not delegate their powers to town
councils or any representative body. Every impor
tant matter is decided by the citizens at large in
public meeting assembled, much as in ancient Greece.
Besides the popular and pleasant character of the
institution it supplies a system of rural administra
tion on a small scale which is much wanted in this
country.
As respects the government of towns and groat
cities things seemed to be in most cases about on a
par with this country. I have before alluded to the
great abuses in New York, a municipality of immense
size, and full of half-settled foreigners, and which is
not to be taken as a fair specimen of American ma
nagement. On the whole people are probably more
enterprising and go-ahead in American towns, and
per contra oftener come to grief ; but in other respects
I believe the administration is in most cases pretty
well conducted. Ambitious enterprises and improve
ments have in some cases led to very heavy local
taxation in the towns, from which you would do well
to take warning. It is dangerous to pile up too much
upon posterity in order to obtain present improve
ments : there are often two sides to these things, and
they must be well considered. The speculative charac
ter of men and things in America and the temptations
offered by successful ventures and sudden rises are such
that defalcations of town treasurers and such-like mis
fortunes are certainly more common than they are with
us, I am glad to say ; and these scandals have tended
POSITION OF CANADA. 77
to give us a bad idea of American honesty ; though, as-
I have already said, I do not think that in the main
there is much more rascality than in other countries.
Certainly the outward appearance of the towns, espe
cially the second-rate country towns, gives one the
idea of successful management.
THE POSITION OF CANADA.
I only passed through a part of Canada, and had
no opportunity of studying Canadian institutions on
the spot ; but I heard a good deal about Canada, not
only from Canadians whom I met, but also from
many people in the States, who seem much impressed
with the well-doing of Canada, and what is called the
loyalty to the English connection. In truth, I believe
that this connection really is extremely beneficial to
the Canadians. There has sprung up among them a
considerable feeling of, I will not call it jealousy and
antagonism, but at least of rivalry and emulation, to
wards the United States ; and being a smaller people
in close contact throughout a very long and little-
separated border with a greater people, with whom
difficult questions not unfrequently arise (e.g., the
existing fishery question), they naturally set much
store on English alliance and support. Moreover,
their Government does seem to combine to a great
degree the advantages of the American and the English
systems. The Dominion Union of Canadian States is
based on an effective Home Rule system very similar
to that of the United States; but the Canadians havey
78 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
I think, an advantage in the adoption of our system
of ministerial responsibility as compared with the
American mode of appointing the executive autho
rities. That, however, has not saved them from some
financial scandals and abuses, and from a Protective
system much less excusable than that of the Ame
ricans, inasmuch as their own production is much
narrower and less varied, and by their protective
system they wound in the tenderest point the Power
to which they look for support. It is a decided ad
vantage to the Canadians that, while absolutely and
entirely independent so far as their own Legislature
and Government is concerned, and owning no allegiance
whatever to the British Parliament, they are saved the
agitation and difficulties of the American elections for
o
President, by the appointment of a British Governor-
General, always a selected and impartial man, taking-
no part in their politics, but a useful arbitrator and
mediator in case of difficulty. The Governor-General
is, in fact, a very cheap constitutional king, not subject
to the accidents of heredity, but always a picked man
— like a perpetual Leopold of Belgium, for instance.
Canada, not having participated in the American
war, is not subject to so heavy a taxation as that
which the war has brought on the United States ; but
then the Americans have by that war settled their
political system, and find themselves on their own
continent a united people, without an equal or, in
point of population and power, a rival ; whereas in
the presence of so much greater a Power the troubles
of the Canadians may have yet to come.
TAXATION IN THE STATES. 79
Altogether I am not at all surprised that the
Canadians are thoroughly loyal to the British con
nection — it suits them admirably. But it should be
understood that they only own loyalty and allegiance
to the British Crown, not by any means to the British
Parliament and the British people. We need not
flatter ourselves that Canada any more belongs to us
than Hanover did when it was subject to the British
Crown. My only doubt is, whether the connection
is beneficial to us. I cannot quite see what we, the
people and taxpayers of Great Britain, get for the
political and military responsibilities which it imposes
on us. I observe that, in opening the Canadian
Parliament the other day, Lord Lome says, in his
official Speech from the Throne : ' By the readjustment
of the tariff, with a view to increasing the revenue and
developing and encouraging the industries of Canada,
you will, I trust, be able to restore the equilibrium,
and aid in removing the commercial and financial de
pression? That means that the British Governor-
General sent from this country, is compelled by his
position to recommend in so many words, protection
for protection's sake — a policy which, right or wrong,
is utterly opposed to the universal and most strong
feeling of this country. I confess that I think that
it is somewhat humiliating to us to continue the
connection on these terms.
TAXATION.
There is a good deal of disposition among us to
suppose that the Americans suffer from a very heavy
80 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
taxation. I hardly think this is so, except in particular
localities. Of course the burden left by the war was
enormous — that has disturbed everything, and made it
necessary for a people formerly about the most lightly
taxed in the w^orld to submit to considerable taxation
— the more as that taxation has been imposed, not only
to pay the interest of the debt, but to pay off the
capital. But, after all, the general taxation levied by
the United States is not extremely onerous — not so
much so as that which we raise, and much less than
that raised in France and other countries. I have
already mentioned what it consists of — an excise more
moderate than our excise and tobacco duties, and a
customs revenue which is only very burdensome be
cause it involves protection, and consequent enhance
ment of prices of a good many articles. The exemption
of tea and coffee from all duty is a notable concession by
the Americans to the l free-breakfast-table ' view of life.
No doubt the United States' taxation excludes
provision for the local courts of justice and some
other things which are provided by the States'
Governments ; but the cost of those Governments,
(other than that incurred for railways and canals)
is not large ; on the contrary, they are very economi
cally administered ; and the State tax is generally not
heavy, except in some of the Southern States. A good
many charges are thrown on the counties, as is the
case with us. But the county rates are also as a rule
not very heavy. Nor are those of rural townships
and villages or small towns excessive. It is only, I
think, in some of the large cities, such as New York
TAXATION IN THE STATES. 81
and Chicago, that the rate is very heavy, amounting
sometimes to as much as 2i to 3 per cent, on capital
value, all charges — State, county, and city — included ;
in fact, to six or eight shillings in the pound of the
rental — a rate which naturally very much enhances
the cost of living and doing business in those cities.
On the other hand, we must remember that in some of
our towns all our rates added together come to a good
many shillings in the pound ; and if to these be added
a large part of our Excise, stamp revenue, Imperial
income-tax and house-tax, and other items not paid
in America, it may be doubted whether, even in the
cities, an American contributes more, in proportion to
his means, to the public administration of one kind
and another than an Englishman does ; while it may
be affirmed that out of those cities he contributes less.
But, in addition to the prominence given to the
taxation of some of the large cities of which foreigners
see most, what, I think, makes Americans cry out and
foreigners think them oppressed by taxation is, that
almost all taxation of all kinds below that of the
United States is in the form of a direct tax on pro
perty. Tlrus the Americans have less indirect taxa
tion and as much, or perhaps more, direct taxation
on the whole than we have ; and as direct taxation
is always more felt, their burdens are more evident
and conspicuous, and have been especially felt at a
time when property has been universally depreciated,
both by the after-effects of the war and by the com
mercial depression, while taxation has been increased
to meet debts and pay for great works undertaken in
G
82 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
prosperous times. In the Southern States particularly,
property has been very greatly depreciated, for the
slaves were in themselves an immensely valuable pro
perty, and the land, though as well cultivated as before,
does not yet sell for high prices. There the taxation
is often much complained of, and State debts are in a
good many cases not met.
By the constitutions of almost all the States all
taxation must be imposed on all property equally,
and consequently the direct taxation, State, county,
and local, all takes the single form of a tax on
property, both real and personal. There is, as a rule,
no tax on incomes as distinguished from property ;
the capital value of the property must be returned,
and then the taxes are a percentage on that. A war
income-tax was at one time imposed by the United
States, but that has been given up, and there is now
no such tax, except in some of the Southern States
which are in financial difficulties.
There is no doubt that all real property is effec
tively taxed, but the question is how far personal
property is fully reached. I gather that the assess
ment is carried out with very various degrees of
thoroughness. I was not able to go into the mat
ter exhaustively, but I understood that there is more
or less evasion. Considering the enormous realised
wealth of New York, the proportion of personal
property returned in that State seems surprisingly
small — much less than in either Massachusetts or
Ohio. But the morality of New York City is, no
doubt, below the average of America, and the ad
ministration there has been corrupt and lax.
TAXATION IN THE STATES. 83
While we, I think, go to one extreme in taxing the
most precarious professional incomes at the same rate as
incomes derived from realised property, the Americans
seem to go to the other extreme, in exempting alto
gether incomes derived otherwise than from property.
For instance lawyers and other professional men are
not taxed on their receipts.
Then there is, in most States, a poll-tax for
education, to which I have before adverted ; it ranges
from one to two dollars per head on ablebodied males,
but is strictly confined by the Constitution to special
purposes- — generally altogether to education. A tax
generally the resort of tyrannical governments is
thus given a popular character. A burning question
in America is the imposition of a dog- tax. It is
alleged that sheep and other animals suffer terribly
from the depredations of dogs ; but the tax being
obnoxious to much popular objection, it is provided
that where it is imposed for preventive purposes it
also is to go for education.
I think there is nothing in the Constitution to
prevent the imposition of local taxes of an indirect
character for State purposes, except that nothing may
be done which involves anything of the character of a
transit duty or interferes with trade and commerce ;
but generally speaking nothing of the kind is attempted.
In some States — as, for instance, Virginia — a State tax
on the sale of intoxicating liquors has been imposed
in addition to the United States Excise tax. But
such revenues are, I think, quite exceptional.
G "2
84 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
THE LAND SYSTEM.
I omitted to mention one very important subject
which is reserved for the Central Government, viz.,
the disposal of the unoccupied lands. The original
States of the Union had and retained the disposal of
their own lands ; and the great new State of Texas,
on coming into the Union, made a bargain that it
should retain a similar power ; but with this excep
tion all the vast lands west of the Alleghanies, and
out of which so many great new States and Territories
have been formed, were considered to belong to the
people of the United States as a whole, and are by
them offered, not only to their own citizens, but to
all foreigners who are willing to come and settle
among them. It is under the system adopted by the
central authority that wise rules have been passed
and precautions taken to which I have already alluded,
and under which land-jobbing and the monopoly of
great areas is prevented. Great populations of free
and independent small farmers owning their own
land have been thus attracted to the soil of America.
Only in exceptional cases and for special reasons is
any public land sold in an unrestricted manner. It
is reserved for lona fide settlers. Every citizen and
every man willing to become a citizen of the United
States is, under the homestead law, entitled to a free
grant of 80 or 160 acres, according to the situation,
provided he settles upon it and fulfils conditions
ensuring that it is taken up for real cultivation, and
not for speculation and sale. Or, again, he may buy
THE LAND SYSTEM. 85
a similar plot or a larger one up to 320 acres at five
or ten shillings per acre (according to situation),
under less restrictive conditions, but still subject to
precautions against land -jobbing. Where peculiar
circumstances exist — as, for instance, where large irri
gation works are necessary to profitable cultivation
— the land is sold in large blocks. And there has
been a good deal of outcry of late regarding what is
supposed to be a departure from the principle of the
American land system in the grant of great quantities
of land to railway companies. Though there may
have been a good deal of jobbing in particular
instances, I doubt whether the general complaint is
very well-founded. I have alluded to the want of
roads in America. In the deep black soil of the
Western Prairie States roads are not only absent but
most difficult and expensive to make. Railways are
the very life of the country. Vast new tracts have
been and are being opened up by railways which
otherwise could not have been approached, and value
less land is made valuable by railways, that close to
the line being, of course, infinitely more valuable than
that away" from it. Hence, the value being created
by the railways, I think it was far from an unwise
system to pay for the construction of railways into
unoccupied countries, where no one would otherwise
make them, out of the value thus created. The
system adopted was to grant to those who made the
railways every alternate square mile block along the
line, the other alternate blocks being reserved for sale
at an enhanced rate, or for homestead grants of smaller
86 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
area than elsewhere. Certainly the opening out of
the country has been thus secured, and I don't gather
that a very large amount of land-jobbing has resulted;
for, the custom of the country being favourable to
real settlement and small farms, the railways have
generally laid out their lands with that object, and
disposed of them to bond fide farmers in lots of 40,
80, 160, or 320 acres. I saw a good deal of the
country thus occupied along the Illinois Central
Railway, the best known case in which the system
of railway grants was adopted, and certainly the
result has there been a very excellent settlement of
such farmers on farms suited to their means. It is
only in some of the outlying tracts in the Far West
that a few great estates have been got together and
that one hears of farms on a magnificent scale ;
but I gather that they are rather made to sell than
anything else, and that the magnificent descriptions
of them which have been circulated are of the nature
of advertisements, with a view to their disposal in
moderate lots. In Texas and some of the Far
Western States land not suited for agriculture is, I
believe, held in large grazing farms. In California
the land was claimed in large blocks under old
o
Spanish titles, which the United States Courts have
declared to be valid, and by purchase of these titles
large estates have been acquired, so that the tenure
of land and structure of society is different there from
other parts of the United States.
The system of survey and registration of all the
lands settled under the system which I have described
THE LAND SYSTEM. S7
is admirable. The whole country is accurately sur
veyed and lotted off into square mile sections of 640
acres, with rectangular road-spaces dividing them.
These are again divided into quarter sections of 160
acres, and these again, as occasion requires, into 80 and
40 acre sections ; so that every 40-acre plot can be
accurately stated and traced by the use of a very few
figures in the simplest possible manner.
After a few years' bond Jlde settlement and cultiva
tion all land is freely transferable, so that there is not
the least practical difficulty in acquiring large farms,
or even large estates, if, for purposes of large and
high cultivation or systematic management, anyone
wishes to acquire such by fair purchase, and not
by mere land -jobbing and forestalling. In the older
States plenty of large tracts are, in fact, in the
market; so that it is not for want of opportunity if
the large culture system is not often followed.
The system of direct taxation which prevails in
the United States is, on the other hand, very effectual
to prevent large quantities of land being kept waste
for jobbing or speculative purposes, since all private
property of this kind is taxed, whether it is cultivated
or not.
Thus the land system of the United States is in
great contrast to that of most of our colonies, where
not only are great quantities of land monopolised by
squatters and jobbers, but such tracts have been held
almost exempt from taxation. In Australia these
land questions seem to be very prominent ; but mean
time it appears that there the public land is being
88 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
very rapidly sold away and the proceeds spent as
revenue.
In the United States not only is the public land
reserved and local jobbing and improvident sale
prevented, but, although free self-governing institu
tions within certain limits are given to the settlers in
new territory, they by no means at once obtain the
complete self-government which our colonies now
usually have. As soon as there is a moderate popu
lation what are called Territories are formed. But
these Territories are under governors appointed by
the President, the laws passed by their Legislatures
are subject to the approval of Congress, and they are,
as it were, kept in leading-strings till they arrive at
a tolerable maturity, when they are converted into
States, and admitted into the Union as such.
Besides the public lands, the central Government
reserves the function of dealing with the Indians, the
old possessors or roamers over these lands ; and con
siderable tracts (in one quarter what amounts to the
area of a State, comprising, it is said, as good land
as any in the Union) have been reserved for them.
In Canada I believe that some of the tame Indians
have been turned into tolerable farmers, and the wild
ones keep up amicable relations with the Government.
Tame squaws knit stockings about the Niagara Falls,
In the States one sees very little of tame Indians.
A number of young Indians from the West are being
trained in a college in Virginia, who are to be sent
back to carry civilisation to their tribes ; but mean
while these Western tribes are extremely trouble-
THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 89
some. Though unwilling to settle down to work, they
are far from deficient in energy, and show very
decided talent in the use of firearms ; in fact, I be
lieve they are the best marksmen in America. They
give an immense amount of very harassing occupation
to the United States troops. Many people in America
say they have been very ill-used, and I believe that
is so — not by the Government, but by people whom
the Government cannot restrain ; and so they are
driven into rebellion. At any rate, the moral is to
show how troublesome a few savages can be when
they learn the use of good firearms. The conditions
of the savage world are already very much changed
from what they were but a few years ago, and are
rapidly changing still more now that free trade in
troduces cheap firearms everywhere. We must take
full account of this in dealing with barbarian popu
lations.
THE CURRENCY QUESTION.
The Currency question is so burning and impor
tant in the United States, and of so much interest on
this side of the Atlantic, that I will attempt to ex
plain briefly how it stands.
The dollar — on which the United States monetary
system is based — was originally a silver coin, the
currency having been founded on the Mexican silver
dollar. But almost ever since the Revolution the
American system seems to have been in strictness
bimetallic ; that is, both silver and gold were coined in
any quantity for all persons who brought these metals
90 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES/
to the Mint, and both silver and gold coins were
equally a legal tender. The debtor had the option of
paying either in silver or in gold ; and, as is neces
sarily the case under such a rule, he of course always
paid in the coin which happened to be cheapest at the
time. The silver dollar of this coinage is the ' dollar
of our daddies,' weighing 41 2 i grains troy, of which
one-tenth is alloy ; and that is still the American
silver dollar. But I gather that in times before the
war the Mexican dollar was more current than any
coin of the United States.
That, then, was the state of things up to 1862,
the debtor having the option of paying in silver or in
gold, and on that basis all contracts were made and
loans contracted. In 1862, in consequence of the
war, a very important change took place — the legal
coins remained the same as before in theory, but in
that and the following years very large quantities of
inconvertible paper notes were issued and made legal
tender equally with coin i in payment of all debts,
public or private, except duties on imports and
interest on the public debt.' These were the famous
greenbacks. Legally debtors could then pay either in
silver, gold, or greenbacks ; but, as greenbacks were
speedily depreciated, and became cheaper to the
debtor, all payments (save those excepted) were
made in greenbacks. Practically coin was not seen
again in the United States till January 1 of the pre
sent year (1879), excepting only a small currency
reintroduced of late years for small payments only.
There was no term for payment of the greenbacks in
THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 91
coin ; but the constitutional legality of the Greenback
Act having been disputed in the Courts, the Supreme
Court decided that it was legal only under the neces
sity of war, and it seemed to result that the notes
must be repaid as soon as the necessities caused by
the war permitted. To make this clear an Act of
March 1869 declares that 'the faith of the United
States is solemnly pledged to the payment in coin or
its equivalent of all the United States notes,' and ' to
make provision at the earliest practicable period for
the redemption of the notes in " coin." No more
exact time was specified. Thus, then, the holders
were solemnly promised payment as soon as possible
in ' coin;1 that is, either silver or gold.
Meantime the interest of the interest-bearing debt
had remained payable in coin of one or the other
description. But the gold discoveries had rendered
gold the cheaper metal, and the consequence was that
everything payable in coin was as a rule paid in gold.
This was the state of things when a new coinage
o o
Act was passed in 1873. Silver was not demone
tised — the existing dollars still remained a legal
tender ; but the new Act (looking, no doubt, to the
prevalent use of gold, so far as any coin was used)
dropped the silver dollar out of the new coinage, re
taining only smaller silver pieces, the legal payment
of which was limited to a small amount. As, in
truth, for most of the ordinary business and transac
tions of life, no coin at all was then used in the United
States, little visible effect was produced by the new
Act. But as very few silver dollars were in existence,
92 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
and no new ones were to be coined, the effect certainly
was that, in case of resumption of specie payments,
gold, and not silver, must be the coin used. The Act
of 1873 seems to have been put into the form in
which it was ultimately passed at the last moment,
and, under the circumstances of the time, was not of
the highest interest, nor did it create any excitement.
Two years later (in 1875) the Act for the resump
tion of specie payments was passed, providing that
the United States notes should be redeemed on
January 1, 1879, in coin — nothing was said of the
description of coin.
But about this time a great change began to take
place in the relative value of gold and silver. Gold
relatively went up in value and silver went down, as
we all know. Then it was seen what a disturbance of
existing arrangements would be caused by the Act of
1873. An agitation on the subject soon commenced,
and prolonged and excited discussions took place.
It was not till February 1878 that the Act to restore
the old silver dollar to the coinage received the
President's assent. Even then it was restored in
principle rather than in immediate practice. It was
feared that if an unlimited coinage of silver dollars
o
were at once permitted the holders of silver would
establish monopoly prices and get all the profits, and
therefore it was determined to bring in the silver
dollar gradually. The Treasury were to purchase not
less than 2,000,000 nor more than 4,000,000 dollars'
worth of silver monthly, and to coin it for cir
culation. The Act also provided that, while silver
THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 93
dollars should be a legal tender, an exception should
be made ' where otherwise expressly stipulated in the
contract.'
A great outcry was made against this Act by the
moneyed interests in the Northern cities and in Eng
land, on the ground that it deprived them of the dear
gold coins which they expected to receive, and put them
off with cheap silver coins. I must say that for the
most part I cannot see that this reclamation was well-
founded. It seems to me that none of the holders or
creditors whose bonds date prior to the Act of 1873
can complain, for they certainly get exactly what they
bargained for — viz., coin, either gold or silver — and
this includes the whole of the public obligations of
the United States. The only people who might seem
to have a fair case are those who made contracts or
lent money between 1873 and February 1878 ; but
morally even they do not seem to have much case of
hardship — they dealt in or lent greenbacks, which in
1875 were at a discount of 12 to 15 per cent., but
which the Act of that year prospectively restored to
coin value. In 1876 the value of the greenback was
rising very slowly, and throughout that and the follow
ing year while the Act for restoring the silver dollar
was under discussion, it was evident enough that it
would be restored, the particular form of the measure
only being doubtful ; so that there was no surprise.
Moreover, there has for the present come to
the aid of the creditors the provision limiting the
coinage of silver. The President and his advisers
are unfavourable to the silver coinage, and I believe
94 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
they have coined as little as the law allows them ;
consequently up to this time there is so little silver
in circulation that it cannot take the place of gold.
Resumption has been in practice effected in dear gold ;
and the greenback of the past seventeen years has
now become worth its nominal value in gold.
Practically, then, the United States are at present
in the same position as the States of the Latin Union,
France and the rest ; that is to say, although gold
and silver coins are both legal tender, the quantity
of silver coined is so restricted that gold is the real
measure of value, and silver coin, so far as it cir
culates (and we know that it circulates largely in
France), bears an artificial value far above its real
intrinsic value. But there is this important differ
ence, that whereas the Latin Union fix a total limit
to their silver coinage, the United States have only
fixed the amount to be coined monthly. If the
present law stands, silver coin must go on accu
mulating, and in the end it must inevitably bring
down the value of the dollar of account, cheap silver
dollars displacing dear gold dollars. Under the ex
isting law this is a mere question of time.
To realise the importance of this question we
must remember that it is not only a question of the
currency, or of the payment of the public debts and
obligations, but of all private debts and obligations.
Every man who borrowed a dollar in 1864 must now
pay back a dollar two and a half times more valuable.
Every man who borrowed a dollar in 1868 (after the
war was well past and over) must pay back nearly one
THE CURRENCY QUESTION. 95
and a half times ; every man who borrowed in 1875 or
1876 must pay 10 to 15 per cent, more ; every man
who borrowed in 1877 must pay 2 to 6 per cent. more.
No doubt this is a heavy tax on debtors, and a great
increase in the value the creditors can claim. There
are so many debtors in the States that it is no wonder
there is a strong feeling on the subject, the more so
as the debtors are the mass of rural proprietors and
others throughout the country, while the creditors
are the capitalists in the large towns and in England.
It is most unfortunate that the Act of 1873 was
ever passed. If it had not been for that there could
have been no ground of complaint, and the debtors
would have had the benefit of the cheap silver to which
the law under which they incurred the debts entitled
them. Then, again, if at the time of the passing of the
Eesumption Act of 1875 provision had at the same
time been made for coining the silver dollar, no one
could have reasonably complained. The greenback
being then at about 15 per cent, discount, it could be
no hardship to make it payable in silver coin, accord
ing to the original contract, for even that would have
enhanced its existing value. There would thus have
been a happy and easy transition from greenbacks to
silver worth a little, but not very much more, than the
greenbacks of 1875, without disturbance or difficulty.
As it is the creditors claim their pound of gold under
the Act of 1873, and denounce the Act of 1878,
which only returns to the state of things prior to
1873, as spoliation.
It was the real hardship to debtors of a return
96 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
to a gold standard, excluding the old silver option,
which produced the recent unreasonable and unsuc
cessful agitation for a return to greenbacks ; but it
curiously shows how much the question is one be
tween the farmers and people on one side, and the
capitalists on the other, that the strength of the agi
tation was not so much in the indebted and depressed
South as in the rich State of Massachusetts and the
steady agricultural State of Maine, both model New
England States.
The return to silver money would be the less a
hardship on creditors, as the authorised standard in
America puts gold to silver at about 16 to 1, instead
of 15^ to 1, the European standard ; consequently
the present cheapening of silver is a smaller departure
from the old standard by upwards of 3 per cent.
I may mention that one is apt to be puzzled by
the existence of another authorised dollar coined in
the U.S. mints, called the 'trade dollar.' It is larger
than the standard dollar, weighing 420 grains, and
is not a legal tender, being coined for use in China
and Japan, where it was supposed that a dollar of
that kind would be preferred. I believe it is not
very successful. The present state of things has
brought about this curious result, that the larger
trade dollar, not being a legal tender, is not worth a
dollar in America, while the smaller standard dollar,
enhanced in value by its scarcity, passes for the value
of a dollar in gold. That is quite an artificial state
of things, and can hardly last.
EMIGRATION AND INVESTMENT. 97
AMERICA AS A FIELD FOR EMIGRATION AND
INVESTMENT.
It may be of interest to some of you that I should
tell you something of what I have gathered on the
subject of emigration to America. I should be sorry
to see you go, of course, but at the same time there is
this to be said in favour of America, that to any man
who goes there, and especially to a Scotchman or
an Irishman, that country is not in any degree a
foreign country. There are some peculiarities, but
they are all on the surface, and you would soon get
over them. It is wonderful how soon one adapts
oneself to local customs and habits when the people
and language are really identical with those of our
own country. The manners of the Americans are
our manners, their ways are our ways, and their hearts
and sympathies are the hearts and sympathies to which
we are accustomed.
When we come to consider the question whether
it is a good thing to emigrate to America, I would
say, as a general rule, it is a country only for those
who are willing to work with their hands, and work
very hard indeed. It is not the place for a man who
looks to earn his bread by his brains only, and with a
moderate amount of work. No doubt if a man is ex
traordinarily clever he may get on in any part of fche
world ; and if such a one is well fitted to get on in
this country, he may not improbably also get on in
America, if he begins early. In America there is
H
98 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
much greater room for extension than here ; but as a
rule the people who earn their bread by their brains,
instead of their hands, are not so well paid, and
therefore average people of that class I would recom
mend not to go to America. I have been surprised
at the low salaries paid there, and at the extent of the
head-work done at a low rate of remuneration, al
though no doubt some people make large fortunes. If
a man is not ready to work hard with his hands, if he
hopes to earn his bread by his education and by head-
work, I think, on the whole, unless he is very smart
indeed, he had better stay at home or go to some of
our colonies, and not try to rival the Americans, where
the educated class are very keen and smart. After
all if a man has moderate ideas and does not look to
be a millionaire, some of the educated professions
seem to be not yet over- stocked in this country — for
instance, medical men are hardly procurable for Her
Majesty's service — and there are many employments
of various kinds throughout Her Majesty's dominions.
To the man of the well-to-do classes with a few
thousand pounds I would say that the land and the
products would be somewhat strange to him, going
from this country, and therefore, unless he lays out
his money very judiciously, he might gain his ex
perience by losing it, the result, in a good many cases,
of young men going out with money. If a man has
money he should take care to look about him before
he invests in America. There is a view taken by
some of my acquaintances that a fine young man,
who does not care for indoor work, might farm in
EMIGRATION AND INVESTMENT. 99
America, and might thus make sure of an indepen
dent position. Now, in this respect there is a great
deal of delusion. I do not think America is the place
for every man who wishes to be a gentleman-farmer ;
the majority of that kind of whom I have heard have
been unsuccessful. Land is cheap, but it cannot be
used till houses have been built on it, fences erected,
and the land itself improved in a great many ways ;
and there is this fact, that labour is so dear that large
farms, as a rule, do not pay. There are some large
cattle farms which have paid, but these are the ex
ceptions, and have been of a speculative character.
The only farms which surely pay are small farms
worked by men who are willing to work with their
own hands, and really to work hard. To men of
that class I believe there is no country better than
America, in which they may acquire an independent
position, such as they would not have in this country,
at a small cost, and with a small capital. Comparing,
however, the condition of farmers in this country and in
America, I must give it as my opinion that the average
man who cultivates here 500 or 1,000 acres had better
stay at home, or go somewhere else than to America.
No doubt there is much room for improved farming
in America ; at least many very competent Americans
think so ; and a very energetic man who takes a lead
in that way may make it succeed ; but he will be a
sort of pioneer — he will not find things cut out to his
hand. A man who takes to farming in America will
not have the same comforts and society and civilised
distractions that he has here. The distances are great,
H 2
100 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
country neighbours few and rough, and servants
scarce and dear. I have heard of many instances of
ex-officers of the army and others who have taken
to farming hi America who, and still more whose
wives, have had to go through hardships and hard
work which they little thought of in their own
country. On the other hand, some very pushing and
energetic men have no doubt been successful as cattle-
breeders and, in some of the far-away States, as wheat-
farmers on a large scale. In the wheat-growing
tracts of the Red River of the North (in the far North-
West of the States) and in the valleys of California,
where great tracts of very rich and unmcumbered
prairie land have been obtained from railway com
panies, Spanish grantees, and otherwise, the system is
to lay in a great stock of machinery and keep a few
men to take care of it ; then at so wing- time, and again
at harvest-time, to hire great gangs of casual labourers,
lumber-men out of work and others, to plough and
sow in spring, and reap in summer, in great fields miles
long. This is, however, a style of farming which is
quite exceptional, and will not, I think, last very long.
On the other hand, I would advise the small
farmer with a little means — to whom I especially re
commend America — not to be too much led away by
the prospect of getting a homestead grant for nothing
in the farther parts of the country. I doubt whether
such allotments can be taken up with advantage by
men new to the country and climate, such as our coun
trymen of the class I describe. Successful settlements
are, I believe, made by Scandinavians and Germans,
EMIGRATION AND INVESTMENT. 101
who are accustomed to a sort of communal arrange
ments and to a very rough life ; but a man who goes
from this country, and who wishes to begin at once
as an independent farmer, would, I think, do better to
buy a ready-made farm. He may probably get a good
one, with house and everything to his hand, at from
21. to 5/. per acre. The most common size is 40, 80, or
160 acres, and he may enlarge that afterwards, if he is
prosperous. If he has sons he may work a tolerable
sized farm with his own family ; if not, he may hire
one or two farm labourers, and that class are readily
enough procured, and do not receive very monstrous
wages.
Even the small farmer must not be too sanguine
of a very brilliant success. The fact is that agriculture
is now so largely spread and production is so enormous
that, happily for the dwellers in older lands, food-stuffs
are exceedingly cheap ; and, unless a farmer has a
special success in breeding or otherwise, he must be
content to make a living by the sweat of his brow.
But at any rate he will have a rough plenty — he need
not want for a tolerable house and good food. He
may well be an independent and self-respecting man.
His children will be easily provided for, and he may
enlarge his holding gradually. To a man not too
ambitious and not in too great a hurry to be rich I
believe that the life of a respectable farmer, owning his
own land, in a country where he need call no man his
superior, is happy, useful, and creditable.
Now I come to the case of the labouring man
willing to work hard for a good living. Any man
102 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
accustomed to farm labour, or willing and able to take
to that kind of work, can be sure of such a living in
America. I have said that in these times labourers
do not receive very extravagant wages, as at one time
they did ; but still they can earn higher wages than
they do here, while food is cheaper, and a labouring
man has better food. I have no doubt that on the
whole such a man is immediately better off than he
is at home ; and if he is prudent and saving he has
certainly much better opportunities to rise. He may
well hope to become an independent farmer after a time
— a position to which, I fear, fewer and fewer farm-
labourers rise in this country. The labourer, how
ever, must, like the farmer, be prepared, if need be, to
go far afield, and must not grumble if he finds himself
obliged to rough it a good deal for a time. He may
have a good deal to learn, and experience some change
in climate and habits. He must not expect to carry
into remote parts all the ways to which he may have
been accustomed.
As regards the class of mechanics and others not
willing to work on the land — artisans, navvies, miners,
iron-workers, mill-workers, &c. — they are generally
better off in America than in this country ; but,
owing to the depression of recent years, their posi
tion there is not so assured as that of those who
are willing to labour on the land. During the bad
times many American works have been stopped, and
many good men, as well as a very great many indiffer
ent and bad men, have been thrown out of employment
and suffered much hardship. A good many of them
EMIGRATION AND INVESTMENT. 103
have given up their trades and taken to work on the
land ; and business being now a little better, there is
by no means so conspicuous a want of employment
as there was. But still I could not advise people
of the classes to which I refer to go to America at
present, unless employment has been assured to them.
I may say, while I am on this subject, that the
successful artisan in America has, I think, much
greater facilities for owning a nice home and garden
of his own than in this country.
There is one class of people who are in great de
mand in America, viz., domestic servants. I do not
mean male servants — I think domestic service is not
the work for men — we require all the thew and sinew
of the nation for other work. But there is no doubt
that America is a paradise for female servants. They
are treated there as helps rather than servants ; and
though it is necessary for them to work hard, still
their employment is certain, and a really good servant
may almost make her own terms.
I have said that in recent years times have been
somewhat hard in America, but I think there is a
degree of exaggeration in that, because, though wages
have been reduced, yet, on the other hand, the absolute
necessaries of life are so much cheaper than they were
as almost to make up for the difference. The ordinary
labouring man, who in this country might earn 2s. 6d.
or 3.5. a day, would in America earn a dollar ; a me
chanic who gets from 5s. to 6s. a day here would, if he
succeeded in getting employment, earn considerably
more.
104 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
I am afraid, however, that much of the advantage is
lost owing to the extravagant habits of the Americans
in regard to spending. The obligatory expenses, or
even those necessary to the ease and comfort of a
working man, are not so heavy as in this country ;
but there is no doubt that all classes, high and low,
have been to some degree spoiled by former prosperous
times, and that they have not learned saving as they
ought. Many think that recent hard times will have
a very good effect on the habits of the American
people, and in this I speak of the richer and more
pretentious classes still more than of labouring men.
On the other hand, many of the Germans and some
other classes exhibit wonderful thrift, and are a model
of careful and successful industry, by which they
improve their position much more than some who
may earn more and seem of a higher class.
It must be felt that the absence in America of
that wide social gulf between classes which so much
exists in England is a great advantage to a working
man who by skill and prudence rises to an indepen
dent position ; and the political system is certainly
one which makes him feel that he has a better and
more recognised place in the commonwealth. We
cannot, too, shut our eyes to the fact that this is a
risen country, where there is not apparent room for
so much further rise as there is in America, with its
illimitable opportunities for expansion ; and in this
respect the man who seeks to rise has probably more
to look to on the other side of the Atlantic.
At the same time I cannot too often impress on
EMIGRATION AND INVESTMENT. 105
you that, while America is the place for the man
with a strong arm and a strong will to work — for
the pushing and the energetic — it is most decidedly
no place for the idle or the easy-going, or for men
discontented with their lot, who think that a mere
change of country will better it. There are too
many of that sort in America already. This is the
class which has suffered most from the want of
employment, and it is a class to which Americans
are not inclined to be very tender. Any man who
is not thoroughly self-reliant had better stay in the
older and perhaps more indulgent country.
There is this important consideration with respect
to emigration, that many a man who hardly thinks
that his own lot is improved by transplantation, and
who sets against the advantages much that comes
rather trying in the change, must feel that his
children at least, growing up in America, will greatly
benefit by the step which he has taken. To begin
with, to the parents of large families the American
educational system is a very great advantage. In
all the best parts of America there is offered to all
an excellent education, absolutely free, given to all
children without distinction ; and the clever boy
may not only thus learn the 'three E's,' but may
go to the higher education, also given free, and
qualify for higher work and a higher place than his
father ever aimed at. If the son of a poor man is
very ambitious he has certainly a better chance of
being President of the United States than of being
Prime Minister of England. And without looking
106 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
so high as that, I think there can be no doubt that
not only the son of the energetic Scotchman and the
prudent German, but also the son of the poor Irish
man, brought up as an American citizen, has better
prospects than in his own country. I won't say that
this country has culminated and begun to go down —
we have not, I hope, come to that — but there is no
doubt that, with very limited land and immense foreign
competition in manufactures, we can hardly hope to
hold a place relatively so far in advance of the world
as we have in the past generations. We shall, I hope,
still progress in many ways, but it is almost in the
nature of things that America must progress faster.
I will sum up my views in regard to emigration
to America as follows — taking the case of the average
man, not the exceptional man.
If I were a young man with a moderate patrimony
I would go and look about me in America, but would
not invest my fortune there rashly ; it would be
principally a question of temperament, and a choice
between the safety and ease which such a man may
have in his own country, or the adventure and the
chance of making his mark which he may have in
America.
If I were a well-educated farm labourer, with a
large family, I would certainly go. If I were an un-
incumbered young farm-labourer or a young maid
servant without special ties in this country, I would go.
If I were a young mechanic or mill -worker I think
I should take the first favourable opportunity of
going, and would take my chance for better or worse.
EMIGRATION AND INVESTMENT. 107
A man of any other class I would not advise to
go, unless lie feels a very special vocation for the
adventure of American life. Clerks, professional
men, shopkeepers, elderly mechanics and others of
the working classes without a special engagement in
America, may generally with greater advantage stay
at home.
All that I have hitherto said has principally had
reference to emigration, and to the investment of
capital taken out by those who themselves emigrate ;
but perhaps I may say one word regarding the
investment of capital in America by people who do
not emigrate, though that is a very difficult subject,
and I should be sorry to give confident advice about
it. Xo doubt the demand for money is greater in
America than it is here, and the interest is higher ;
but on equal security the difference is not now very
great. The United States Government can borrow
at 4 per cent, as easily as we can at 3^ — the security
of that Government is, no doubt, as safe as any in
the world. The New York money market is now a
very large one, and investors there are glad to get
moderate interest for safe investments. I think not
fully 5 per cent, is to be got on first-class railway
bonds and such -like securities, which give about 4
per cent, in this country. The difference between 4
and 4 1 may about express the degree to which in
terest is higher in America. All the second mort
gages, shares, &c., which bear higher interest, are
more or less risky. It is true one is told that
first-class mortgages on land are to be had at a
108 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
high rate of interest, but there is a good deal of diffi
culty about this — estates are not large, the titles are
not always unconditional — most States reserve rights
of wives, without whose consent the homestead can
not be alienated, and sometimes limited homesteads
cannot be alienated at all. There is great variety in
the laws of different States, and especially it should
be noticed that in some parts of the country there is
great uncertainty and liability to variation in the value
of property, and a mortgage on estates one day said
to be immensely valuable may more than exhaust
the whole value another day. Some fine estates are
made to sell, and I should be sorry to be the mort
gagee of a house in Chicago for half the value which
it bore some years ago. It comes, I think, to this,
that if a man with a good deal of money and a good
knowledge of business devotes himself to the subject,
he might invest his money well in this way in
America ; or if you have a friend in America who is
both competent and honest, and on whom you can
thoroughly rely (but who in such matters can rely
on anyone in these days?), he may make a good
investment for you ; but it is not to be done by the
ordinary investor.
As regards most of the State and city debts, and
a variety of tempting investments of that kind, they
require a very thorough knowledge of American po
litics and finance, and I think that a man who has
not that knowledge had better not touch them.
FEELING TOWARDS ENGLAND. 109
FEELING TOWARDS ENGLAND.
Let me now say one word more before I have
done as regards the feeling in the United States
towards England. Upon the whole I am quite sure
that the people there feel kindly towards us ; in fact,
ninety-nine out of the hundred do so, and perhaps,
the hundredth has no really hostile feeling. But
there does still remain, among some of the Americans,
a feeling that we did not behave well or kindly to
wards them during their great Civil War, and espe
cially some of these men are persuaded that it is due
to our conduct that their mercantile marine has been
destroyed. I will not deny that our miscarriage in
permitting privateers to avail themselves of our ports
and prey upon the commerce of the United States
had something to do, for the time, with the destruc
tion of their mercantile marine ; but we have paid
heavy ' smart money ' for that ; and I believe that the
real cause of the continued decadence of the marine is,
not what was done by the ' Alabama,' but the protec
tive system, which makes it impossible for a citizen of
the United States to sail a ship abroad without pay
ing for it a great deal more than a citizen of Great
Britain pays for his ship. However, I fear it is the
fact that in connection with this subject a sore feeling
does in some quarters exist. I am afraid that there
are some people in some of the States who, in case
this country were involved in war, would very readily
undertake the enterprise and excitement of priva
teering against our marin?. I do not believe that
110 BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES.
the central Government would willingly permit this ;
but that Government is not strong enough to check
all its citizens. If we could not prevent the ' Alabama '
from going out of Liverpool can we be sure that the
President of the United States could prevent i Ala-
bamas ' from going out from any port on the many
thousand miles of seaboard of the United States?
This actual fact is certain, that, in view of the proba
bility or possibility of war with us, the Emperor of
Eussia has had several first-class cruisers built in
Philadelphia, though he must have paid much more
heavily for them than they would have cost in Europe ;
and the other day these cruisers were brought out
and delivered over to the Russians with much parade.
Happily this was after the immediate danger of war
with Russia had passed. But that the vessels should
have been built by Americans for the purpose for
which they were intended seems to me to point to a
very great danger. If we once got into a war there
is no saying how far it might extend. If we ever go
to war with Russia that country would strain every
nerve, by means of such cruisers, to involve us with
the United States ; and if once it comes to privateering
from United States ports there is all too much fear
that sparks leading to a conflagration might be struck
at any moment. I sincerely hope, by a good under
standing, so terrible a calamity may be rendered al
most impossible ; and the word I say in conclusion
is, pray cultivate friendship, good- will, and amity
with the people of the United States ; come to know
them well, and encourage them to know us well.
THE MANAGEMENT
OF
COLOURED RACES.
THE paper on ' Black and White in the Southern
States/ which follows this, has appeared in the i Fort
nightly Review/ and is now republished, with the kind
permission of the Editor. I was, as I have there stated,
led to look particularly into the relations between the
black and white races in the Southern States, for the
sake of the lessons that might be learned as bearing
on our management of British possessions where
white and black races are intermingled.
I do not here speak of our great dependency, India,
where our system has been to rule both races by a
Government avowedly absolute and despotic. In regard
to that system I am one of those to be judged rather
than to judge others; but this at least I may claim, that
the Indian administration of the past cannot be ac
cused of any habitual subordination of the rights and
interests of the coloured races to those of the whites.
Of our Colonies, beyond a few very casual visits,
I have no personal experience, but as a member of
Parliament, and also in connection with the coolie
112 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
emigration from India to the Colonies, my attention has
been during the past few years much directed to the
management of our colonial possessions in tropical
and semi-tropical regions. I cannot pretend to have
mastered the details of the various colonies — the
materials are not available. But the strong and
broad glimpses obtained from official reports and
Parliamentary papers and discussions have certainly
led me to an unfavourable opinion of their adminis
tration as regards the treatment of the coloured races.
In none of the Colonies does the Home Govern
ment exercise absolute and direct control, as in India ;
in every case the colonists are admitted to some
substantial share in the government, whether in the
shape of Constitutional Assemblies or of nominated
Councils. Except to a limited degree in a portion of
the Cape Colony proper (where, I believe, a very cre
ditable and successful commencement has been made),
there is no attempt to admit the coloured races to
any share of political franchise — where there is any
election of legislators or officials the election is in the
hands of the white colonists only. And in the colonies
called Crown Colonies the administration is almost
as much in the hands of a white oligarchy, for the
Councils are mainly composed of the leading white
colonists ; and the Colonial system is such (in this
respect widely differing from that of India) that a
large proportion of the official members of Council
and other high officials are intimately connected by
blood, business, and interest with the dominant race
of settlers. Whenever the views or interests of that
THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES. 113
race conflict with those of the labouring population
the safe-guarding of the latter rests principally with
the Governor sent out by the Colonial Office. Not
only, however, is he in many cases without sufficient
power, but also the atmosphere and surroundings in
which he lives are such, and the public opinion which
is heard of beyond the colony is so one-sided, that
it requires much more than common firmness to
do justice in excited times. Some governors have
nobly done their duty ; some have more or less
failed to do so. I think one might point to cases in
which the latter have gone off in a blaze of popularity
and obtained pleasant promotion, while those who
have taken the part of subject races have fared very
differently.
In the colonies where slavery once prevailed there
is a hankering after compulsion to labour, which has,
I think, given rise to injustice in many cases ; and
even in colonies where there never was slavery, and
where one would have supposed oligarchical abuses
the least possible, recent official inquiries have dis
closed an astounding partiality in financial matters.
Not only to this day have the revenues of Malta and
Ceylon been largely derived from taxes on the im
ported food of the people (while the rich by com
parison escape) to a degree with which the worst
days of protection in England cannot compare, but it
appears that in Ceylon the internal cultivation of
paddy or rice, the food of the poorest of the people,
is subjected to a special tax from which the valuable
products of the rich colonists are exempt.
i
114 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
In our Colonies the disposition to compel labour
has not affected the emancipated negroes nearly so
much as in those of some other European countries.
The negro has been to some extent under the pro
tection of a powerful philanthropic party in this
country; and he himself, though good-natured and
submissive up to a certain point, has shown that he
can break out in. an extremely dangerous way when
treated with injustice — we have had some experience
of that in Jamaica and elsewhere — and it is patent
that the last negro outbreak in the Danish island of
Santa Cruz was caused by extreme injustice in the
attempt to limit wages and prevent free movement of
the labourers. As a rule our colonists have probably
more frequently failed to manage and utilise the free
negro than greatly oppressed him. My own atten
tion has been more directed to the condition of the
Indian labourers who have been substituted for the
negro labour which has failed. Several inquiries by
competent lloyal Commissions in the past few years
show that they have been treated with great unfair
ness in some of our colonies.
In order to obtain the means of carrying on the
coolie emigration the Government has been induced to
sanction a system which would not be tolerated in the
case of white labourers. In consideration that the
expense is borne by the Colonies or the colonists, the
labourers are bound down to labour for a term of years.
They do not engage themselves to masters whom they
know, or to any individual, but are engaged to serve in
the colony, and on their arrival are assigned to a master.
THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES. 115
They are afterwards subject to be re-assigned and trans
ferred from one master to another, and from one estate
to another, during the term of their indenture, without
their own consent or voice in the matter. In short,
call it as we may, and justify it as on the whole bene
ficial, if we can, there can be no doubt that it is a
temporary, modified, and supervised slavery, so long
as the obligation to labour lasts. The Indian Govern
ment have been careful to ascertain the voluntary
character of the emigration, the fairness of the con
tracts, and the adequacy of the provision for the
voyage ; but so soon as the coolie leaves India he
passes out of their hands — the due execution of the
contracts and the treatment of the coolie henceforth
rest with the Colonial Administrations. It is evidently
necessary that such a system, carried out in colonies
where the masters are the dominant race, should be
very jealously watched, and there can be no question
that the Colonial Office in England has always been
actuated by a desire to protect the coolies. But there
is great difference in the management of different
colonies, and while some are good, abuses have crept
into others. The Reports of the Royal Commissions,
to which allusion has been made, show that in some
instances the contracts made hi India have not been
fairly carried out, and that in several respects in
justice has been done. Great efforts have been made
to remedy these evils, and I do not propose here
to discuss the advantages and disadvantages of the
indenture system. What I have always strongly
insisted on is, that at any rate after the indenture has
i 2
116 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
expired, the coolie is entitled to be treated as a free
man on a par with any other of Her Majesty's sub
jects ; and my great complaint has been that Colonial
authorities, under the guise of vagrancy laws and the
like, have curtailed that freedom and equality to the
extent of making the emancipated coolie's life un
endurable till he consents to re-indenture. To the
disclosures contained in the Report of the Royal
Commission on the coolie system in the Mauritius
I chiefly refer, as showing both the injustice which
may be done under Colon:al law and the insufficient
power of the English Colonial Office to control and
remedy the injustice. Mauritius is the colony in
which the system of coolie emigration is oldest and
best established. It is no inaccessible place, but
thoroughly well known. It is ranked in the official
Colonial Office list as a Crown Colony of the first
class, ' in which the Crown has the entire control of
legislation/ Yet the Report shows that the Colonial
Legislature (aided by a Governor who took the side
of the whites, and withheld information from the
Home Government) was able in 1867 to pass the
most monstrous laws — not disguised as general laws,
o o
but expressly directed only against the time-expired
Indian emigrants who refused to re-indenture for
long terms. These people were treated, not as free
men, but (as the Colonial Office authorities have de
scribed it) as if they were ticket- of-leave convicts of
bad character, adscribed to their localities, subjected
to the most harassing police supervision and tyranny,
heavily taxed for the benefit of Colonial officials, and
THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES. 117
oppressed by Colonial magistrates. One would have
thought that, if this be really a Crown Colony, such
disclosures had only to be made by such an authority
as the Royal Commission to ensure an instant sweep
ing away of these injustices. I am sure no man ever
presided at the Colonial Office with a greater desire to
do justice than Lord Carnarvon ; he immediately set
himself to do so, and he sent as Governor an old
Indian administrator of whose desire to protect all
classes there can be no question. But in truth,
though Mauritius be a Crown Colony, as it is now
constituted the Colonists have a majority in the
Legislative Council, and Colonial views and ideas have
much weight in the departments of the Colonial Office.
Radical measures were not found easy ; it was deemed
necessary in some shape to obtain the consent of and
to act through the Colonial Legislature. As a matter
of fact several years passed in correspondence about
draft b'.lls ; up to the close of the last session of Parlia
ment the reformed legislation had not been passed;
I have only now learned that at last, at the end of 1878,
the oppressive laws of 1867 have been repealed, and
a new law passed which is a very great improvement.
But even now the law does not treat the time- expired
coolie as altogether free from restraint — he must be
protected by a pass and by a photograph, which are
to be surrendered to his employer whenever he takes
service ; and he is still subject to certain rules and
restrictions.
While I write a very bad case of ill-treatment
of coolies has been disclosed by papers presented
118 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
to Parliament regarding the West India island of
Grenada. A new Administrator went to that island
in 1878, and a new Protector of Coolies had been
appointed on probation in the early part of that year.
In August the latter not only reported very illegal
and cruel treatment of a recently arrived cargo of
coolies, but denounced the whole system prevailing
in the island, asserting that the persons in charge of
the estates neither took care of the coolies nor paid
them, nor provided for them when sick, and worked
them to such a pitch that few would survive. He
added that of 2,000 coolies formerly imported very
few remained ; that ' the treatment they received was
iniquitous,' and that it was ' sad to think what has
become of the bulk of them.' The complaints of the
Protector in regard to the newly-arrived coolies were
fully confirmed. The Administrator took energetic
and praiseworthy measures to rescue the survivors,
but remarked that the Protector himself was not free
from blame for having allowed this state of things to
be possible, and complained of ' the spirit which seems
to actuate him as evinced by his report, his failure to
move about sufficiently, and his not going to live in
the district where most of the emigrants are.' He
adds, however : ' Indeed, the person whose house I had
engaged refused to give possession on finding who it
was required for.' 1 should have thought the refusal
of the planters to let the Protector live among them
was rather a ground for vigorous measures to keep
them in order. But the Administrator was satisfied
that they had i an earnest disposition ' to do what
THE MANAGEMENT OF COI.QUKED ..JJACES. 119
was required; and, i as they are very anxious to have
an additional supply of immigrants, I see no reason
why they should not have as many as they are able
to pay for.'
It is stated that the Protector so recently appointed
had been laid up by an accident. The Lieutenant-
Governor of the Windward Islands, on the matter being
referred to him, thought the Protector ' could not be
altogether exonerated from blame.' ' But,' he added,
* he is in many respects a good officer. He speaks
Hindustanee, and is trusted and liked by the coolies.
His unpopularity among the planters is in itself evi
dence that he discharged his duties conscientiously.'
However, it was eventually settled to get over the
difficulty by superseding the obnoxious Protector
who had spoken out too strongly. As he was only
6 on probation ' he had no opportunity of defending
himself. Xo inquiry was made into his allegations
of past mismanagement; but a new ordinance is to be
considered by the local Legislature. The whole pro
ceeding certainly does not inspire me with confidence.
I am one of those who believe that since we have,
on one hand, in India great agricultural populations,
docile, intelligent, and industrious, but constantly
pressing on the means of subsistence, and on the
other great possessions, which only require for their
development such a population fitted for hot climates,
it would be in every way beneficial from both points
of view to encourage emigration from India, provided
it be carried out on fair terms and the policy be
accepted not merely to use the coolies as a substitute
120 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
for slave labour under planter-masters, but to facili
tate their free colonisation and settlement on the
soil under a liberal system similar to that adopted in
the United States. Planters might then trust to a
good free population for voluntary hired labour. It is
impossible that the natives of India should distinguish
between the British Government which they know in
India, and the British Government of each colony;
and the better colonies suffer in credit and popularity
for the faults of the bad. I hold, then, strongly to the
view that we are not justified in encouraging and
facilitating this emigration till we have much greater
security for the treatment of the emigrants and an
effective assurance that the personal freedom which
(as distinguished from political freedom) they enjoy
in India in an eminent decree shall not be abridged.
o o
In some of our West Indian Colonies there have
very recently been important questions with respect
to the management of the negro labouring population,
but it is in the African Colonies that the questions-
relating to the African races are of the highest im
portance. Eecent events have attracted very great
attention to the subject, and have been the occasion
of a mass of official information published in Blue-
books, in which I have been much interested. I put
aside external political questions, and now look to
the matter only as regards the treatment of the large
masses of indigenous blacks whom we either have
found in the territories which we have acquired or
have received under our protection and immediate or
mediate control ; for it appears that disturbances and
THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES. 121
tyrannies beyond our borders have led to migrations of
large numbers of natives and the settlement of many
of them in our territories, or in Boer territory which
we have since annexed. The great and long-
debated question in Africa seems to be, whether the
natives who occupy large tracts almost exclusively
are to be brought under civilised law or allowed to
retain their own laws, more or less administered by
their own chiefs. My own prepossessions have been
entirely in favour of allowing the indigenes to retain
their own laws, so far as they are not absolutely in
consistent with our system. That has been the prac
tice in India, in almost all things in the earlier days
of our rule — and even when in later days we have come
to regulate many things by codes common to white
and black, we leave to every native class their own
laws regarding marriage and inheritance, religious
and social rites, and suchlike matters. Since, how
ever, I have looked into the matter carefully I have
seen reason to depart from this view as regards Africa,
and rather to incline to a system which may lead us
towards the state of things now found in America,
where the- Africans have been converted in manners,
religion, language, and clothing, and assimilated to the
white man's standard. The accounts we have of the
African tribal administrations seem to be very un
favourable ; and though they are very often drawn
from a hostile point of view, I must say that, looking
to recent official summaries of native laws, as now
administered in our Colonies, I do not think that
they are such as it is desirable to retain. I do not here
122 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
enter on questions of marriage and the like ; but cer
tainly as regards property the system seems to nega
tive altogether individual ownership in a way which
must be fatal to settlement and progress. The head
of the kraal and of the house seems to have absolute
control over all the property of the community, and
that power descends undivided to a single heir, sub
ject only to the customary liabilities in respect of the
maintenance of the members of the house. Individual
property is, it would seem, not recognised. These
people are not the possessors of an old civilisation
and ancient laws, under which they have learned to
manage their own affairs ; they are in no degree in the
position of Hindoo and Mahomedan races in India.
They are mere barbarians, with some ill-defined
customs which we have reduced to law. Even their
tribes seem generally not to be well-established tribes
under chiefs who are looked up to as the hereditary
heads of clans and who carry a traditionary influence
with them. African tribes seem to be mere casual ag
gregations of people under the chief of the day. We
are constantly told that a modern people have been
made up of ' broken tribes ' and fragments of all sorts.
I should judge, then, that there is little of native law
or rule which we are much called on to respect when
these people come under our jurisdiction.
On the other hand, if we would adopt the method
of taming and civilising these people, I think what I
have seen in America goes far to show how much
good may result. The situation of the blacks in
Africa is, of course, very different from that of their
THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED EACES. 123
congeners in America ; but through all differences
I seem to recognise the same radical characteristics
in the men and the women too. There seems always
to be the capacity for making excellent labourers; and
the tribes whom we have most effectually converted
to our ways, such as the Fingoes, appear to exhibit
very considerable capacities for improvement and
civilisation. Altogether I see much reason to sup
pose that the African is quite at his best when
working with the example, guidance, and assistance
of white men and following their ways. Of course one
cannot have long experience of newly -acquired terri
tories without feeling that changes must not be too
violent and sudden, and that in many cases we must
receive people to a certain extent on their own terms,
and allow them to retain for a time many laws and
habits which we do not ourselves think the best.
But I incline, so far as I have seen, to believe that in
the case of these African populations our ultimate
aim should be, not to govern them under their own
laws and religions, as we do the Indian populations,
but to assimilate them as far as possible, and to
make them a good agricultural and labouring popu
lation. At any rate, I hope that what I tell in the
following pages of Africans so treated in America may
furnish to the reader some material for forming an
opinion on this point.
I am greatly disposed to think that if, by a just
and equal rule, we humanise and improve these
African natives, protecting them from class tyranny
of the white man on the one hand, and from their
124 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
chiefs on the other, and teaching them to work as
free men with the white man, great things may be
achieved by these large populations in a vast country
of great capabilities. The proof that South Africa
has capacities is, that colonists can now afford to pay
wages which seem much to exceed those paid in
America. We may well hope that if they obtain
a very large supply of the labour of humanised natives
great prosperity may ensue and industry may be im
mensely developed, without any of those compulsory
and unfair methods to which whites lording it over
coloured races have sometimes been tempted to resort.
I am sure no one can compare the present state of
these African populations under their own tribal
system with that of civilised Africans in America
without feeling that such a change would be im
mensely beneficial to the native races of South
Africa.
From a selfish point of view I think we might
especially look to such a consummation as beneficial
to this country, because we have a very large and
increasing class for whom it is becoming; more and
o o
more difficult to provide : I mean the educated classes,
somewhat above mere manual labour. I have said
that I do not think America the country for that
class — there I put it that the only farmer sure to
succeed is he who holds the plough himself. After
the early days of successful squatting have passed I
suspect that most of our temperate colonies approxi
mate to a similar condition. It would be very de
sirable that there should be somewhere a field for the
THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES. 125
more educated and enterprising class, who are more
fitted to direct and utilise labour than to do the mere
manual work. Such a field might, I fancy, be found
in South Africa, if we could humanise a great labour
ing population and establish a state of things such
that a young man of good education, good tact, and
real energy might successfully work a large farm or
other enterprise with the aid of native labour.
All this, however, is chiefly speculation. I only
throw out these hints as showing the sort of problems
I have had in my mind when I went to study c the
nigger question ' in America, with the result set out
in the following pages.
•126 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE
SOUTHERN STATES.
DURING a recent tour in the United States I was
particularly anxious to obtain information regarding
the relation of the black and white races, not only
because the subject is in itself of immense interest to
commerce and humanity, but because it is of special
interest to ourselves, called on to deal with masses of
the black race in South Africa, and the possessors of
many lands in which white and coloured races are
intermingled. In some of our colonies it has been
supposed that the free negro has shown a great
indisposition to labour. On the other hand, cotton,
the great staple of the Southern States, and formerly
almost entirely raised by slave labour, has been pro
duced in larger quantity since emancipation than ever
it was before. How, I sought to know, has that been
managed, political disturbances and difficulties not
withstanding?
As regards political questions, too, I am much
impressed with the belief that our management of
territories where white and black races are intermixed
has not always been successful. An oligarchical
system of government generally prevails in our
BLACK AND WHITE IX THE SOUTHERN STATES. 127
tropical colonies, under which considerable injustice
has, I think, sometimes been done to the East Indian
labourers imported to take the place of the emanci
pated negroes. Except in the Cape Colony proper
no political representation has been allowed to the
coloured races. I was, then, very anxious to see the
effect of the political emancipation of the negroes in
the Southern States of the Union.
In the course of my tour I have had opportunities
of conversing with many men of many classes (and
quite as much on one side of politics as the other),
who have had the greatest experience of the blacks
in various aspects — educational, industrial, political,
and other. I am indebted to them for information
given to me with a freedom, frankness, and liberality
for which I cannot be sufficiently grateful ; to none
more so than to many Southern gentlemen who have
gone through all the bitternesses of a great war on
the losing side and the social revolution which fol
lowed — men whose good temper and fairness of
statement, after all that has passed, commanded my
admiration. I have visited not only the towns but
the ruraL districts of four of the principal States-
formerly slave-holding, viz., Yirginia, North Carolina,
South Carolina, and Georgia ; and it so happened
that I was in South Carolina (the ne plus ultra of
Southernism) on the day of the late general election.
I have seen and conversed with the negroes in their
homes and in their fields, in factories, in churches,
and in political meetings, and I think I have also
been able to learn something of a very prominent
128 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED EACES.
part of the population — the negresses. I feel that a
single tour must still leave much to be learnt, but I
have honestly weighed and compared all the infor
mation I have obtained from different sources, and
submit the general result for what it may be worth.
If my conclusions do not in themselves carry much
weight, I hope that I may perhaps succeed in indica
ting some points worthy of inquiry and discussion.
THE CHARACTER AND CAPACITY OF
THE NEGRO.
The first and most difficult question is the capa
city of the negro as compared with other races. In one
sense all men are born equal before God ; but no one
supposes that the capacities of all men are equal, or
that the capacities of all races are equal, any more
than the capacities of all breeds of cattle or dogs,
which we know differ widely. There is, therefore, no
prima facie improbability of a difference of capacity
between the white Aryan and the negro race, though
I believe there is no ground for presuming that white
races must be better than black.
It is unnecessary to try to distinguish between
differences due to unassisted nature and those due to
domestication and education. No doubt the varieties
of wild animals found in different countries differ con
siderably ; but the differences due to cultivation seem
to be still more prominent in the animals and plants
with which we are best acquainted. It is enough
to take the negro as he is, and his history and sur-
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 129
roundings need only be briefly glanced at in so far
as they afford some key to his present position and
immediate prospects.
The negro race now in America is derived from
an admixture of people of various African tribes, pro
bably differing considerably among themselves, but
all, it may be assumed, in a more or less savage and
little civilised condition. They have all passed two
or three generations in slavery to white men, during
which period all traces of their various origin have
been lost, as well as their original languages and
habits. And now, though variety of breed, affecting
their capacity, may still to some degree be present,
if we could trace it, I believe that it is impossible to
do so, and that we must deal with them as a single,
English-speaking people. They are also now all
Christians ; and though some African traditions may
linger among them, they have for the most part
adopted the dress and manners of the:r white mas
ters, and have been greatly civilised. In this latter
respect there is, however, a considerable distinction.
One portion of the negroes has lived in parts of the
country where the white population was numerous —
equal to or more numerous than the blacks — and
thus, working among and in very intimate contact
with white people, has very thoroughly learned
their ways, habits, and ideas. But there is a broad
belt round the outer portion of the Southern States
where the climate is very injurious to the white man,
and almost impossible to the ordinary white labourer.
In this tract, containing much of the most productive
K
130 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
country, the whole labouring population was and is
negro, the few white men being, in slave times, only
the masters and drivers, and in no degree the com
rades of the blacks. In these tracts we have a thick
population not so completely converted. Their lan
guage is still to some degree a sort of pigeon or negro
English, and they are still to some extent a peculiar
people — perhaps less good workers than those more
thoroughly educated by contact with whites, but pro
bably as a rule more simple and docile. It should
be noticed, however, that considerable migrations
have taken place in the troubles consequent on the
war, and that there has been some intermixture of
the two classes.
At the time of emancipation the negroes were
destitute of education to an excessive degree. Not
only were means of education wanting to them, but
after some local troubles which alarmed the masters
most of the Southern States passed laws making it
highly penal to educate a negro. These laws endured
to the last, and under them the generation upon whom
emancipation came grew up entirely without instruc
tion. The only educated persons of the race were
the few free blacks who had obtained instruction in
the North, and a very few favourite domestic slaves,
whom their mistresses had to some degree educated,
the penal laws notwithstanding. Since emancipation
a good deal has been done to educate the negro.
Many schools in which a superior education is afforded
have been maintained by benevolent Northerners, and
the State Governments have set up, and continue to
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 131
maintain, several colleges in which the more ambitious
and aspiring young blacks are educated. For the
education of the masses a public school system has
been started in all the States, of which the blacks
have a fair share. Owing, however, to financial
difficulties these schools are extremely imperfect,
being open but a small portion of each year — in some
States as little as two months, and in none, I believe,
more than about four months on an average. How
ever, this is better than nothing. The negroes show
a laudable zeal for education, and upon the whole I
think that as much has been done as could be expected
under the circumstances.
During the last dozen years the negroes have had
a very large share of political education. Considering
the troubles and the ups and downs that they have
gone through, it is, I think, wonderful how beneficial
this education has been to them, and how much these
people, so lately in the most debased condition of
slavery, have acquired independent ideas, and, far
from lapsing into anarchy, have become citizens with
ideas of law and property and order. The white serfs
of European countries took hundreds of years to rise
to the level which these negroes have attained in
a dozen. Such has been the thoroughness of the
measures adopted in America.
Another education has, I think, greatly affected
the character and self-reliance of the negroes. I
mean what I may call their religious education.
Like most primitive races (the aborigines of India,
for instance) they are inclined to take Christianity in
K 2
132 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
a more literal sense than their more civilised fellow-
Christians, who have managed to explain most of it
away to their own satisfaction. And these negroes
are by temperament extremely religious people of an
emotional type. They like to go direct to God him
self, and are quite unwilling to submit to priests
claiming to stand between them and God. Hence it
is that the Catholic hierarchy has had no success with
them, and probably never will have. Every man and
woman likes to be himself or herself an active member
of the Church. And though their preachers are in a
great degree their leaders, these preachers are chosen
by the people from the people, under a system for the
most pare congregational, and are rather preachers
because they are leaders than leaders because they are
preachers. In this matter of religion the negroes
have utterly emancipated themselves from all white
guidance — they have their own churches and their
own preachers, all coloured men — and the share they
take in the self-government of their churches really
is a very important education. The preachers to our
eyes may seem peculiar. American orators somewhat
exaggerate and emphasize our style, and the black
preachers somewhat exaggerate the American style ;
but on the whole I felt considerably edified by them.
They come to the point in a way that is refreshing
after some sermons that one has heard. I did not
witness any of the more active emotions in which I
understand congregations sometimes indulge ; but
the practice of emitting in a hearty way a sort of
responses here and there during the sermon seemed
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 133
to me earnest and not unbecoming. I witnessed a
convention of Baptist ministers (the blacks generally
are Baptists or Methodists), in a rural church, and it
was a pleasant sight. The ministers by no means
had it all their own way. The whole country-side
seemed to have come in to assist, both men and
women — and they seemed to be making a time of it
— camped about for the day.
The prominent position taken by the negro women
is a feature in which they are distinguished from
some Oriental races. No doubt this has some ad
vantages, but also I shall have to note some attend
ant disadvantages — social, industrial, and political.
In matters matrimonial the women are somewhat too
independent and light-hearted ; and the men also being
on this subject given to a rather loose philosophy, the
marital tie is not so binding and indissoluble as it
might be. Those who take an unfavourable view of the
negro character are in the . habit of speaking of these
traits of their character in severe language, and dwell
ing much on their immorality and want of family
affection. I think, however, that it is scarcely fair to
judge them by too high a standard. The truth is
that the Aryan family has hardly yet established
itself among the negroes, and it is not surprising that
this should be so. In Africa we know that nothing
of the kind exists ; there, no doubt, the progenitors
of the American blacks lived under the loose polyga-
mistic system still prevailing there. Under slavery
the family could not be introduced — it was impossible
that there could be much permanency of marital ar-
134: THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
rangements when the parties were constantly liable to
be, and very frequently were, sold away like cattle ;
and the relation between parent and child was espe
cially weakened, or rather not created. The parents
were not really responsible for the children ; on the con
trary, the women were sent to work, and the children
were carefully tended by persons appointed by the
masters for the purpose, like calves or lambs or any
other valuable stock. Parents had little affection for
children thus reared, and children owed no respect
and obedience to parents. The family as we know it
is, in fact, a novelty to the negro since emancipation,
and such institutions are not perfected in a day. Still
the evil is a very grave one, especially in regard to
the relations between parents and children. I have
heard many authentic stories of children who have
deserted or neglected their parents in a shocking
manner, and the more than American liberty of the
children threatens to render the next generation less
tractable and useful than their fathers bred in slavery.
We can only hope that time and religious influences
will more completely establish the family system.
Though the exceptions are many, there seems already
to be much that is good and kind in the relations of
the blacks to one another. If in some respects, other
than marital, the women are rather troublesome, it
seems that in this as in other things they have rather
exaggerated American ways than set up ways of
their own. Seeing the liberty, equality, and privileges
enjoyed by the free white women, the negro women
insist that their position among their own race shall
not be inferior.
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 135
One great difficulty in estimating the qualities of
the negro race, as tested by education, &c., is, that
since under the American system all who have any
share of black blood are classed with blacks, a large
proportion of those who have received the most edu
cation in former days, and wTho most frequently be
come known as prominent coloured men, are mulattos
of mixed blood ; so, in fact, are many of the students
in the higher schools. Whatever the qualities of
those whose blood is mixed in various degrees, they
are evidently no safe index of the negro qualities
and capacities, and it is necessary to be constantly on
one's guard on this point when one generalises from
experience of individuals.
As respects the mulattos there is much disposition
to disparage them ; but I am inclined to think that this
is in great part due to their peculiar position — they are
rejected from all the society of the w^hites, and have
not been accepted by the blacks as their natural
leaders. The same tone of disparagement has gene
rally been adopted regarding the Eurasians, the people
of mixed blood in India ; yet I believe their failure
is more due to an unfortunate position than to want
of effective qualities. In early days Skinners and
Gardeners were men of great mark, and the Eurasian
drummer-boys of the old sepoy regiments were physi
cally fine men and good athletes. I understand that
in the New Orleans country, under the French prac
tice (which has not our Anglo- Sax on antipathy to
intimacy with coloured races), many Creoles of mixed
blood attained a far higher position than in other
parts of the United States.
136 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED EACES.
Reverting now to the capacities of the negro
proper as we find him in America under the circum
stances which I have described, the general opinion
of those engaged hi the education of the race is, that
while the younger children are as quick and bright
as white children, they do on the average fall off in
some degree as they get older. Yet this opinion is not
given without some consideration and qualification ;
the intellectual gulf between the two races does not
seem to be very wide and evident. I am told on all
hands that some pure negroes show an educational
capacity quite equal to that of good whites. Nothing
is more difficult than to estimate accurately qualities
of this kind, especially when, as in this case, the two
classes are not taught together, but separately; and
there has not yet been time to see much of the results
of educating the blacks on a large scale ; but I think
that in general terms the direction in which all ex
perience points is that which I have stated, viz., that
on the whole they are behind, but not very far behind.
When we look to practical success in life appear
ances seem at first sight less favourable to the blacks.
I constantly asked, ' Have any individuals among them
come to the front and achieved success in industrial
pursuits, in commerce, or in the professions ? ' and I
could not learn that they have. ' There were,' I said,
1 before the war a number of free blacks, many of them
educated ; have none of them distinguished themselves
in practical life? And since emancipation the negroes
have for years had the upper hand in some of the
Southern States ; have none of them come to the
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 137
front among their own race by the process of natural
selection which has raised men to greatness in bar
barous and Oriental countries?' Well, as I have
already mentioned, they have shown some capacity
as preachers, and they seem to have some talent for
oratory (though I believe that Frederick Douglas
and one or two other well-known men are mulattos,
not real negroes). As politicians some of them have
done fairly well, and are now good and popular
representatives of their race ; but I don't think any
of them have made a great mark. The politics of
the Southern States, while negro majorities prevailed,
seem to have been in reality entirely under the
guidance of the white ' Carpet-baggers.'
For the rest I have not been able to hear of a
successful negro merchant — the shopkeeping business
in the most negro districts is almost entirely in the
hands of whites. I have scarcely found a negro who
has risen in the mercantile world higher than an
apple- stall in a market. Certain professions they
almost monopolise throughout the Union — waiters-
and barbers, and in some parts ship-caulkers ; but I
found very few negro lawyers, and no doctors. All
over the world it is curious to notice how ready
people are to entrust the care of their souls to very
unsafe home-rulers, and how much less trustful they
are of their bodies.
When I have put these failures to the friends of
the negroes they reply that allowance must be made
for very great disadvantages — even in the North,
they say, the free negroes were subjected to a social
138 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
ostracism which made their success in commerce and
the professions almost impossible. And as regards
the South, they say, ' Since emancipation how short a
time has elapsed ! — people enslaved and denied educa
tion cannot rise in a day.' In all this there is much
truth. Still I cannot help thinking that if the race
had been a very pushing and capable one, the men
educated in the North would ere this have made more
way in the South. l Do you think,' I have said, ' that
if they had been Chinamen they would not, in spite of
all these disadvantages, have found their way to the
front in some directions? ' I think it is admitted that
to some extent this is so. The negroes are certainly
not a race remarkable for energy and force under
difficulties. The only question is whether they are
very deficient in these qualities. As respects mer
cantile qualities, we may remember that there are
many excellent races who show no aptitude that way
and permit alien races to usurp the mercantile func
tions. In the Southern States the white Americans
themselves are very much ousted from the business
of small storekeepers by the Germans, who are to
the manner born.
What is more disappointing is the failure of the
negroes, so far, as superior artisans and in all that
requires accuracy and care. As it is expressed, they
are not responsible — they cannot be depended on. In
slavery times some of them AY ere pretty good artisans,
and many of them, in the South, are now fairly good
carpenters, bricklayers, and blacksmiths. But they
seem hardly to have progressed in this respect since
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 139
emancipation. A man who will do his carpentry so
far well enough will not fit the pieces accurately;
and in factories which employ black labour they do
not rise to the higher posts. In the North the
trades unions are so strong, and the jealousy of the
negroes on the part of foreigners, Irish and others, is
so great, that they would not have a fair chance ; but
in the South they labour under no such disadvantage,
and employers rather prefer negro labour ; yet in
practice they don't seem to be able to trust the blacks
beyond a certain point. In mechanical shops the
blacks do the manual labour, but are hardly trusted
to work engines. ' Perhaps a negro might learn to
work the engine,' an employer said to me, ' but I
never could be sure that he would not go to sleep
on the top of it.' In tobacco factories the labour is
almost exclusively negro, and many of them are very
well paid for labour requiring considerable skill ; but
I noticed that for certain work, the weighing and
making up the packages and such-like, white men
were always employed. I was in all these cases
assured that no black man could be trusted to be
accurate. - Yet they make very fair cotton-farmers,
and much of their handiwork in various branches of
industry is quite good.
On the whole, I think it must be considered that
at present, whether from natural defects or from want
of cultivation, they are to a certain extent inferior to
white men in the qualities which lead to the higher
grades of employment. On the other hand, they
have a very remarkable good nature and good temper,
140 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
much docility, and great physical power and endu
rance — qualities that admirably fit them for labourers.
Considering from how low and oppressed a condition
they have been lately raised, and how infinitely
higher their position now is, it is hardly ground for
disappointment that they do not immediately rise in
large numbers to the higher grades of society. They
have now opportunities of education which will enable
them to rise, if they are fitted or when they are fitted
for it. For the present we may deal with them in
their existing position as the labouring population of
the Southern States.
THE NEGROES AS A LABOURING POPULATION.
To understand the relations between the whites of
the South and the blacks, as labourers and farmers,
we must go back a little. In later slave times — in
the States, at least, to which my inquiries were chiefly
directed — the slaves were not worked out like omnibus
horses ; in fact, the capital sunk in slaves was so
heavy, and produce had become so cheap, that the
principal source of profit was what was called the
' increase ' of the slaves — the breeding them for the
market or for new plantations opened in the more
Western States. As in breeding-farms for other
kinds of stock, the human stock was carefully, and,
on the whole, kindly treated ; and although the sell
ing off the young stock as it became fit for the market
was a barbarous process, still, the family relations
being so weak as I have described, those who re-
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATS. 141
mained did not feel it so much as we should ; and I
think it may be said that the relations between the
masters and the slaves were generally not unkindly.
One old gentleman in Carolina dwelt much on the
kindness and success with which he had treated his
slaves, adding as the proof and the moral that they
had doubled in twenty years.
Then it must be remembered that in all the older
States the whole of the land was private property —
there was no unowned land available to squatters —
and through all the political troubles the rights of
property have been maintained inviolate ; neither by
mob violence nor by class laws have they been inter
fered with. In some limited portions of the Southern
States, occupied early in the war by United States
troops, a good deal of the property of absent seces
sionists was sold for non-payment of taxes in a way
which the Southerners call confiscation, but this was
done by the authority of the United States Govern
ment. The Carpet-bagger and Negro State Govern
ments and Legislatures never seriously infringed on
the rights of property.
After _the war the Southerners accepted the situa
tion as few but Americans can accept a defeat, and,
instead of throwing up their hands and crying to
heaven, sought to make the best of the lands that re
mained to them. It seemed not impossible that, the
property in slaves being written off as lost, the land
might be as cheaply and effectively cultivated by
hired labour, if the negroes could be got to work ; at
any rate it was a necessity to get it cultivated some-
142 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
how. The negroes, on the other hand, found that they
must work or starve ; and the feeling between them
and their former masters being, as I have said, not un
friendly, the matter was arranged in one way or another.
Under the old system there were no great estates
in the English sense — that is, very large properties,
let to tenants. The large plantations were what we
should call large farms, several hundred acres — up to,
say, a thousand or fifteen hundred — being cultivated
by the owner with slave labour. Some of the old
owners, and some Northerners and Englishmen who
purchased encumbered estates at a cheap rate, at first
tried to maintain this system with hired labour, but
the result has been to show that, as in almost all the
States of the Union, large farming does not pay as
well as small farming, and consequently the large
farms have for the most part been broken up or
let to small farmers.
There is a general concurrence of opinion, and not
of opinion only, but of the most practical experience,
that the blacks make admirable labourers when they
are under sufficient supervision. On public works, and
all undertakings carried on under professional superin
tendence, nothing can be better or more effective than
their labour. They are physically exceedingly fine
men ; they stand any climate and any weather, and
are quite ready to do a good day's work for a mode
rate day's pay, provided it is fairly and regularly paid.
I heard of no case in which when such work has been
offered to them they have preferred to squat down in
idleness ; that allegation against the negro character
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 143
seems to me quite disproved by experience. The
worst said is that they cannot alway be depended on,
and sometimes after labouring for a time will go off
for a time. There may be some cases in which, work
not being readily available, and little assistance or
guidance forthcoming, they have sunk into a some
what degraded condition, but such cases are quite rare
and exceptional. I came across none, though I have
heard it asserted that there are such. On small farms,
where black men work in small numbers, in company
with and under the immediate control of their em
ployers, they do exceedingly well ; also when they
work on their own account they do very well. It is
only where they are employed in large numbers, under
insufficient supervision, as on very large farms, that
they are apt to take it easy and idle away their time
as is the case with most such races.
Not only is the negro labour excellent, but also
there is among the Southern proprietors and leading
men accustomed to black labour, and not so used to
whites, a disposition greatly to rely on black labour
as a conservative element, securing them against the
dangers and difficulties which they see arising from
the combinations and violence of the white labourers
in some of the Northern States ; and on this ground
the blacks are cherished and protected by democratic
statesmen, who now hold power in the South.
As in other parts of America, wages are not so
high as they were ; but a common negro labourer in
rural districts can generally earn about fifty cents,
say two shillings, a day ; and that, with food so cheap
144 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
as it is, and in a country which requires little fuel
and no very expensive shelter, is a very good wage.
Nothing so much brings home to me the poverty and
lowness of living of our Indian population as to hear
these wages talked of as low ; being, as they are, six
or eight times the wages of a coolie in India, while
food is scarcely, if at all, dearer. In truth, the
negroes are very well off.
More important than the rate of wages is the
question whether the black labourers show any dis
position to providence and saving. There is a good
deal of discrepancy in the evidence on this subject,
but on the whole I am afraid it must be said that
the balance of evidence is decidedly against them. It
seems pretty clear that providence is as yet the ex
ception, and that the rule is a light-hearted way of
spending their money as they get it. A very great
scandal and evil was the failure of the Freedman's
Bank, in which so many were induced to put their
savings in the days of high wages. I suspect that in
the case of the negro, as of other races, prudence will
not come but with the growth of desires and ambitions
only to be satisfied by saving.
In some parts of the country there has been a
considerable lack of female labour. In slave days
women were probably worked too much ; now they
sometimes work too little, because, in the parts where
they are much mixed with whites, the negro women,
seeing that the white women do not work in the
fields, and being, more than the men, inclined to
assert equality, refuse out-door work. I. have no
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 145
sympathy whatever with the sentimental feeling
which would stigmatise the field labour of honest
Scotch or German women as degrading, and I do not
sympathise with negro ladies who make their hus
bands work while they enjoy the sweets of emancipa
tion. But after all they are only followTing the most
usual American fashion in regard to out-door labour ;
and both in the more negro parts of the country, at
all times, on their own farms at cotton-picking seasons,
and everywhere at in-door labour, the negro women
work well enough.
I inquired whether the black labourers have
shown any disposition to violent outbreaks such as
have occurred in several West India islands, but I
could only hear of one such case, when the hired
labourers in some of the rice-plantations of South
Carolina struck for wages, and used much violence
towards non- strikers, hunting them about with whips.
The whites attempting to apprehend the rioters were
mobbed, and the aifair at one time looked very serious;
but, by the aid of influential black politicians, the
matter was accommodated, and the labourers have
since worked well and quietly. I am told that though
in their immediate demands the blacks were in the
wrong, they had much ground of complaint, owing
to the practice of some of the employers, who, not
being able to pay the wages earned and due, put the
labourers off with checks upon stores kept on the
truck principle. So here, also, there was some in
justice at the bottom of the affair. But it shows that
when stirred up there is always this element of ex-
L
146 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOUPtED RACES.
citability and potential violence in the negro cha
racter. Here, also, I understand, the women came to
the front. The men might have been managed, but
the women were terribly violent.
The great majority, I take it, of the negroes are
not employed at regular wages, but work more or
less as farmers of a sort. Not only are large farms
generally unsuccessful in America, but in the South
there is very great deficiency of capital to work
such farms; and so it has come about that most of
the land is cultivated on a sort of co-operative or
Metayer-tenant system. Virginia still contains a
large negro population, and I saw one instance of a
large estate still successfully cultivated by hired black
labour, under a proprietor well known for his kind
treatment of the negroes ; but others doubt his pro
fits, and say that his success is due to large private
means, and that there are not many such instances.
In fact, Yirginia, not being a cotton State, is some
what unfortunately situated. The influx of cheap
cereals from the West makes their culture in the East
unprofitable; and in the culture of its old staple,
tobacco, Yirginia has been surpassed by some more
Western States. Except in the higher tracts in the
west of the State, where excellent pastures support
very fine cattle. I am afraid it is not very prosperous.
From North Carolina all the way round to Texas
there is a belt of States in which cotton is to an over
whelming degree the staple. That staple is certainly
now produced in greater quantity than ever it was,
and it cannot be said that this tract has in any degree
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 147
receded or ceased to progress, even though the want
of money resulting from the war and its consequences
is still very greatly felt. The cotton I speak of is
the ordinary short cotton, which always has formed
the great bulk of the American crop. There is a
narrow belt on the seacoast, which used to produce
in part the long, or Sea Island cotton, and in part rice,
where there has certainly been a great falling off ;
but this is, I believe, chiefly due to other causes than
the emancipation of the slaves. The long-cotton
plant produces but a fraction of the quantity that the
ordinary cotton yields, and requires a more expensive
and careful cultivation. It never could be produced
at a profit except at a price several times greater than
that of ordinary cotton. Xow that Egyptian cotton
to a great degree supplies the wants of manufacturers,
no considerable quantity of Sea Island will fetch this
price in the market, and consequently its production
has fallen off. So as regards the American rice,
which was once in great demand. It is now so un
dersold by Indian rice that it is not exported, and
scarcely holds its own in America by the aid of a
heavy protective duty. I did not see the sugar-lands
of Louisiana, I understand that the sugar- culture a
good deal fell off, but has recovered itself, aided as
it is by a protective duty. It is, however, at a great
disadvantage compared with the West India sugar,- the
frosts often prematurely killing the American annual,
while the West Indians get two or three crops from
one planting. I doubt if sugar will ever be a great
American staple.
L 2
148 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
We may take, then, the ordinary cotton as the
great subject of black labour in the South. For
some years the produce has begun to overtop the
best years before the war, and the late cotton-pick
ing season, which was going on when I visited the
Southern States, very far exceeded any previous crop,
the season having been altogether favourable and the
late autumn unusually favourable to cotton -picking.
There seemed to be no doubt that the crop would
considerably exceed five millions of bales ; and if it
had not been for the extreme stagnation of the cotton
manufacturing trade, and consequent lowness of prices,
the South would be in a fair way to recovery. Let
us see, then, how this great cotton crop is raised.
There has been an idea prevalent that much of it is
due to white labour, and there is some truth in this,
but only to a limited degree. It has now been dis
covered that cotton (really a very hardy plant) will
grow very well on the high red soils not generally
supposed to be cotton-lands, and by the aid of stimu
lating fertilisers it is brought to maturity earlier than
formerly ; consequently it has advanced some distance
north of its former limits and a considerable distance
up into the higher parts of the Southern States (along
the Alleghany range), where small white farmers
abound. There has also been a great increase in
Texas, where, I believe, most of the farmers are white,
but I did not see that country. In the Carolinas and
Georgia it is certainly the case that a good deal of
cotton is raised by small upland white farmers who
did not raise it before ; in part by their own labour.
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 149
•and in part by the aid of the black labourers whom
they employ. The portion, however, of the crop
wrhich is raised exclusively by white labour is, I be
lieve, very small ; the whites generally prefer other
crops; cotton culture is especially suited to the blacks.
There is rather a change- from large farmers to small,
than from black to white labourers. Taking, then,
the normal condition of the cotton districts — white
ownership and v black labour — the owners still cul
tivate by hired labour moderate home-farms, but
the greater portion of their lands they let out to
blacks on a variety of terms. First there is a mere
co-operative arrangement under which the owner
supplies land, seed, mule, implements, and all, and
exercises a general supervision over the culture,
giving the labourer a share of the crop rather than
taking a share from him. The labourer's share is,
moreover, subject to deduction for food supplied to
him during the cultivating season. Then we have
regular Metayer tenants, who themselves find the
mule and implements, the crop being divided with
the landlord ; and again many tenants who pay a
fixed rent in cotton — so many bales — and a few
(comparatively rare) who pay money rents. Some
times white men rent land and cultivate with negro
labourers, but most frequently the owner deals direct
with the negro.
I have said that the cotton cultivation is suited to
the blacks ; it is easily carried on upon a small scale
— as slaves they have learned to raise it. A single
mule and a light plough suffice for the operations of
150 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
a small farm. The cotton gives employment almost
all the year round, especially at the season unfavour
able to white labour. After preparing the ground,
sowing and tending it, there is much and constant
hoeing and clearing to be done. Then at picking-
time the negro family turns out, and much work is
done without expense which would be very expensive
to do by hired labour. And after the cotton is
picked many hands, especially the women, find em
ployment in the ginning mills. The ginning system
makes the division of shares much easier than it other
wise would be. The hand-gins have completely gone
out. All the cotton must of necessity be brought to
the mills. After being ginned it is divided, and the
account is struck.
The cotton is then produced, and things go on
much better than might have been expected under the
circumstances. Yet, after all, this is rather attained
by make-shifts the result of necessity, than based on
a settled and satisfactory system. Although after
the war the proprietors and the ex- slaves came to
terms to carry on the cultivation, it must not be
supposed that the former slaves have generally re
mained with their old masters. In some cases no
doubt this is so, but it is the exception. Not only
have war and revolution caused considerable migra
tions, but there seems to have been a general feeling
that freedom was not practically realised till the
slaves had left their masters, if it were only for a
time. Both parties seem to have felt that it should
be so ; and it often happened that while remaining on
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 151
quite friendly terms with their old masters, and even
coming to them for advice and assistance, A's former
slaves would prefer to cultivate under B, and B's
slaves under A. Altogether, somewhat migratory
habits were set up, which the existing system of
agriculture has not tended to diminish. Some men
whose means admit of a liberal system, by which
assistance is rendered to the cultivators, are well
satisfied on the whole with the result of the present
method, but more generally it is found that there is
a want of fixity and stability about it. The cultiva
tion is carried on in a somewhat imperfect and hand-
to-mouth sort of way, and the negroes frequently
change about from one estate to another. Except
some short clearance leases, there is no system of
leases of cleared land ; it is merely held from year to
year, and there is no system of compensation for im
provements under which the tenant might improve
his house, his fences, and his land, and settle himself
down. On the contrary, it is a common complaint
that much land is allowed to run out into ravines, or
is otherwise neglected and exhausted, and then aban
doned by the tenant.
Xo doubt the purely commercial system of land-
letting succeeds in Scotland and parts of England,
where we have capitalist landlords and large capitalist
farmers ; but I am more and more convinced by all
I can see and learn in various countries that a small-
farm system, under which the landlord does not do all
the improvements, never works well without some
sort of fixity of tenure. In America there is no
152 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
system of tenant-right, but land is cheap, and through
out the United States (with perhaps an exception in
California, on which I need not here dwell) the
agricultural success of the country is due to small
farmers owning their own land. I have, then, sought
with very special interest to ascertain whether the
black small farmers of the Southern States have to
any considerable extent purchased their farms, or are
in the way of doing so.
I freely admit it may well be that if, in the first
instance, there had been confiscation of the lands of
the whites and every enfranchised black had been
given, what they are said to have expected, twenty-
five acres and a mule, and left to make the most of it,
without white assistance or guidance, the result might
perhaps have been disastrous. The people might pos
sibly have relapsed into semi-barbarism and squatted
down, content to raise a low subsistence from the
land. That might or might not have been so. But
there certainly is not the least fear that anything of
the kind could now result from the acquisition of
land by the negroes by any fair methods. They have
become accustomed to independent labour and to
raising valuable staples for the market. So far from
neglecting these latter in order to raise a low and lazy
diet, the common accusation against them now is that
they cultivate the staples, which bring money, too
much, to the exclusion of food -supply. I have heard
much said of the folly of negro farmers in buying
Western corn and bacon instead of raising these
things. This is partly the consequence of the system
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 153
of cotton-rents, which makes a large cotton cultivation
obligatory; but also, I dare say, these people know
by experience what pays them best. At any rate it
is clear that they are not now inclined to lapse into a
low style of living; their fault and difficulty is just in
the opposite direction. Unfortunately they live too
freely and generously, and do not save money to buy
land, and make themselves independent, as they
might.
This is the general rule, I fear, but not the
universal practice. Throughout the Southern States
there are already a good many negroes (though very
few compared to the whole number) who cultivate
land of their own, and there are very many more
who own houses and small patches, especially in the
vicinity of towns, where they congregated too much
at first, and where for a time they obtained wages
which enabled them to set up house. It is generally
said that most of the negroes who were superior
servants on the plantations, and above the ordinary
level in the days of slavery, have now acquired land.
Though the old proprietors sometimes cling to their
land when their means do not justify their holding it,
and in some places there is a feeling against letting
the land pass into the hands of blacks, there is so
much land for sale that those who save money need
have no difficulty in buying it.
The statistics which most of the States are now
beginning to attempt are very imperfect and unreliable,
and it is difficult to ascertain how much agricultural
land is now owned by blacks who have acquired it
154 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
since emancipation, and to what extent they are now
acquiring land. Even when there are any sort of
figures they include all the property of coloured
people, and the totals are swelled by the property of
those free before the war ; for instance, of the French
mulatto Creoles, who are, I believe, found to some
extent in Charleston and Savannah, as well as in
New Orleans. But from personal experience and
inquiries I ascertained that farms owned by emanci
pated blacks are certainly found here and there scat
tered about the country. The ice has been broken,
the example set.
Georgia, which was not long under a black Legis
lature, but which early adopted liberal principles of
white rule, has been held out, in a paragraph which
went the round of the papers, as in advance of other
States in respect of negro property ; but on examining
the latest official papers I think they somewhat de
tract from the grounds of this reputation. Most of
the property attributed to coloured people consists
of household furniture, animals, agricultural tools, &c.
They have something more than 1^ million dollars
worth of land out of about 86 millions worth in the
State. But some of the largest quantities are in
counties where there are fewest negroes, and can
hardly be ordinary small farms. I fear, too, from all
I can learn, that, in these days of cheap cotton, the
negro- owned lands are not now much increasing.
Georgia has done nothing special to facilitate the
acquisition of land by the negroes, and what I could
gather from personal inquiries rather led me to think
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 155
that in this respect they were less forward there than
in the Carolinas.
In South Carolina more has been done for them,
and I think they have done more for themselves than
in most States. During ' carpet-bag ' rule the State
Government established a commission to buy estates
as they came into the market and settle freedmen
upon them on fair terms of payment, on exactly the
plan recomnlended by the last Parliamentary com
mittee on the Irish land ; and the plan promised
success if it had not been interrupted by accusations
of fraud and embezzlement against those charged
with the management, and the fall of the Carpet-bag
Government. A more important and permanent ex
periment was made on the lands sold by the United
States Government for taxes, on the Coast of South
Carolina. These lands were not given to the negroes,
but were cut up into ten and twenty acre lots, and
offered to them for purchase on reasonable terms. They
were taken up by blacks, who by paying for them
showed both their ability to help themselves and
their appreciation of the opportunity offered to them.
I visited these tracts, and was very greatly interested
in the independent and self-supporting rural com
munities which I there found. They were under
considerable disadvantages. To begin with, most of
them were those low -country negroes who have been
less than the others civilised by contact with the
white man. Then the lands on which they are
settled are those which have been more and more
falling into decadence owing to the decline in long
156 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
cotton and rice ; so much so that the white proprietors
of large portions of such lands have suffered them to
go out of cultivation, or sold them for a song. Xo
other money -fetching staple has yet been found for
these lands, and they are not suitable for short cotton.
Hence the negroes have carried on the long- cotton
culture at a very great disadvantage. On the other
hand, they had this considerable advantage, that the
able-bodied men can do much to make the two ends
meet by occasional labour at the ports, and especially
on the great phosphate beds, which have become a
large source of industry and wealth to that part of the
country. The fact that the men readily avail them
selves of the opportunity of hard and remunerative
work and make most admirable labourers at it — as
good, I am told, as any in the world — is of itself a
practical answer to any suggestion that they are
unwilling to work. I have heard it suggested that
negroes are somewhat unreliable workmen for a con
tinuance, and apt to throw up work and go off when
they have made a little money and want to attend a
religious camp-meeting or something of that kind ;
but there is no question that for a certain time no
workman can be more steady and effective. At
seasons when no very hard field-work is necessary
these men leave the women and children to hoe and
look after the crops, while they earn wages by diving
for and cleaning the phosphates. It has probably
been an advantage to them that their land has not
been such as to enable them to live without working
hard, men and women too.
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 157
They have had, too, the advantage of aid from
friendly Northern and other whites, who do for them
those things which they cannot do for themselves.
Some very excellent Northern dealers gin and buy
their cotton, and white storekeepers have introduced
among them a wholesome system of ready-money
payment. They owe very much to the devoted
Northern and English ladies who have come among
them to educate their children. It is somewhat
difficult to reconcile conflicting statements. While
many or most people attribute to the negro race some
very serious social and other faults, those who have
the best opportunity of knowing these land- owning
negroes represent them as possessed of every virtue •
not only those ordinarily conceded to the race, but
those usually denied — thrift, carefulness, and family
affection. They are said to save in order to buy
farms for their sons, and to be altogether a growing
and progressive community, unremunerative prices
notwithstanding. Perhaps some allowance must be
made for a kindly enthusiasm ; but also I am con
vinced that these people, more happily and inde
pendently-placed and educated to that craving for land
which of all things leads to thrift, really are much
superior to the average of the negro race. I could
myself see that their homes are better, and that they
have many horses and light carts and other evidences
of comfort and well-doing.
I visited some of these people with a coloured
Congress-man to wThom they much look, and was
struck by the eager interest with which they (especially
158 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES,
the women) questioned him about an attack on the
title to the lands, which has a good deal disturbed
them. It has been attempted or threatened to ques
tion in the Courts the legality of the sales by United
States authority, under which the land came into the
hands of the blacks. No doubt it seemed at the time
that by these forced sales at a cheap rate the lands
were sadly sacrificed ; and, the owners being in re
bellious contumacy, the proceeds, such as they were,
came into the United States Treasury. But, in truth,
this particular class of land has fallen to so low a
value, that if the sale had taken place now, it would
perhaps have scarcely realised more than it did when
sold after the war. If the money in the Treasury
were restored to the old owners, justice tempered with
mercy would be done without disturbance.
Many proprietors in South Carolina and elsewhere,
far from thinking, as some of our colonists seem to
think, that the best way to make sure of hired labour
is to debar the labouring population from any in
dependent place on the land, have followed a much
wiser course, and encourage by all means in their
power the settlement of the negroes on small holdings
owned by themselves. They have rightly deemed
that this is the best way to fix a permanent popula
tion from which they can draw labour when needed.
They have therefore laid out parts of their lands in
small lots, and offered facilities to negroes willing to
purchase. Once the blacks are settled down in this
way, it is not difficult to maintain friendly relations
with them. They are still a good deal dependent on
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 159
the proprietor of the estate for liberty to graze their
cattle in the woods, and other little aids. They are
a good-natured, easily-managed race, and they are
always ready to accept a good spell of work, for a time
at least. Proprietors so situated get plenty of labour
when they want it on the lands they cultivate them
selves, and for any improvements and operations that
they may undertake.
On the whole I am very agreeably surprised to
find the position of the emancipated blacks so good,
and the industrial relations between them and the
whites so little strained and difficult. They are, as a
rule, good labourers and very tolerable cultivators.
A gentleman who has had much experience of them,
and who now labours among them in one of the most
negro parts of Virginia, in describing their character
said that one might take about one-third of them to
be really good and progressive ; another third to be
so far well-inclined and well-doing that, with good
management and judicious treatment, they may be
made good ; and the remaining third to be bad. But
I am inclined to think, from what I saw and learned
elsewhere, that this description is more correct of a
particular tract, in which many of the best and the
worst of the race congregated during the war, than of
the country generally ; and that in reality both the
good, thrifty men who have shown a capacity for in
dependence, and the bad, who prefer idleness and
thieving to work, are far less than this saying im
plies, the great majority being in the second category,
who so far do well that under favourable circumstances
160 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
they will settle down into an excellent peasantry. It
seemed to me that the present situation gives very
good ground of hope, and I am sanguine of a favour
able issue. The position of the cultivators is such
that they may well, with a little kindly aid, become
independent farmers ; and any man inclined to work
honestly and well can earn sufficiently good wages.
All that is now wanted to make the negro a fixed
and conservative element in American society is to
give him encouragement to, and facilities for, making-
himself, by his own exertions, a small landowner ; to
do, in fact, for him what we have sought to do for the
Irish farmer. Land in America is so much cheaper
and more abundant, that it would be infinitely easier
to effect the same object there. I would by no means
seek to withdraw the whole population from hired
labour ; on the contrary, the negro in many respects
is so much at his best in that function, that I should
look to a large class of labourers remaining ; but 1
am at the same time confident that it would be a
very great benefit and stability to the country if a
large number should acquire by thrift an independent
position as landowning American citizens.
Supposing things to settle down peaceably, as I
hope they may, I go so far as to say that, though
nothing is perfect in this world, the American blacks
are in a fair way of becoming a comfortable, well-to-do
population to a degree found in very few countries ;
a condition which may compare very favourably not
only with the Indian ryot, the Russian serf, or the
Irish tenant-farmer, but also with the Dorsetshire
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 161
labourer. I doubt whether, on the whole, a better
labouring population, more suited to the climate and
country in which they find themselves, is anywhere
to be found. The whites certainly cannot do without
them ; already the great drawback to the Southern
States is the want of that great influx of foreign po
pulation which causes the North and West to progress
in a geometrical ratio. Evidently their true policy is
to make the most of the excellent population which
they have, and they quite see it. The blacks, again,
certainly cannot do without the whites ; their own
race is not sufficiently advanced to fulfil the functions
now in the hands of the whites.
Newly-educated classes, among races hitherto kept
down, are apt to over-estimate their own acquirements
and powers ; that is the tendency of the educated
Hindoos of Calcutta and Bombay, and the same ten
dency shows itself among the educated mulattos and
blacks in America. It is scarcely surprising that they
should chafe against the social ostracism of all who
have dark blood in their veins, and should long for
a Utopia in which educated coloured men own no
superior ;- but I think they are entirely wrong in
preaching as they now do to their countrymen the
advantages of emigration to Liberia — which, however,
they do not themselves practise. Probably there
could be no more notable example of the want of
practical ability in these men, than their management
of the last exodus from Charleston to Liberia. The
whole thing was a purely coloured movement, and
the management was in coloured hands. It seems to
M
162 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
have been terribly mismanaged ; and the result was
that, after much loss and suffering on the voyage,
some of the best of the coloured people who had
accumulated money enough to set them up most
comfortably in farms of their own in America, were
drained of everything they possessed for the expenses
of the voyage, and landed in a country where they
could earn as labourers about half what they could
in their native America, the cost of living being also
infinitely dearer. My advice would certainly be — to
the blacks in America, ' Stay at home, and make the
best of an excellent situation,' — to the whites, ' Do
all you can to keep these people, conciliate them,
and make the most of them.' I am confident that
this may and will be done, if only political diffi
culties and unsettlements do not mar the prospect,
and in this view I must now look at the political
situation.
THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE SOUTH.
The population of the principal Southern States
may be roughly stated to be about half black and half
white; that is, putting aside Tennessee, Kentucky,
Missouri, and such intermediate States. Of the first-
mentioned States the blacks are in a considerable
majority in South Carolina and one or two more ; in
the others the whites are somewhat more numerous.
Before the war the blacks were almost all slaves. I
think the idea prevalent in Europe was that the
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 163
Southern whites were composed of an aristocracy of
slave- owning gentlemen, refined and polished, with
their dependent slave-drivers, and a large number of
very inferior whites, known as ' mean whites,' ' white
trash,' and so on, who were rather an encumbrance
than otherwise. It seems to me that this view is not
justified. The population was very much divided
geographically; there was the great black belt on the
lower lands, where a few whites ruled over a large
slave population ; and there was a broad upper belt
in the hilly country, where the great bulk of the
population was white, mostly small farmers owning
their land. No doubt education was much more
backward in the South than in the North, and the
people were probably less pushing ; but I have been
very favourably impressed by these Southern whites,
many of whom are of Scotch- Irish (i.e., Northern
Presbyterian Irish) or Highland Scotch blood ; they
seemed to be a handsome, steady, industrious people;
and if somewhat primitive in their ways, and humble
in the character of their houses and belongings, they
are curiously self- supporting and independent of the
outer world ; they raise their own food, and to this
day their wives weave their clothes from their own
wool and cotton ; and, if not rich, they have few
wants. There is, no doubt, in all these Southern
States a large intermediate zone in which white and
black are much intermixed ; but even there they are
a good deal aggregated in patchwork fashion, the
general rule apparently being that the rich slave
owners have occupied the best lands, and the poorer
M 2
164 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
independent whites the poorer lands, especially much
of what are called 'pine barrens/ though they are
not so barren after all. A notable population in this
latter country is the settlement of Scotch Highlanders
who came over after ' the '45,' Flora Macdonald being
one of them. I am told that not only do they speak
Gaelic to this day, but the few black slaves they had
among them spoke Gaelic too. In truth, then, I
gather that the population of very inferior whites
without property never was very large. There were
very many without slave property, but most had
more or less land. The chief justification for attri
buting lowness and meanness to the poorer whites
seems to be, that some of the inferior central tracts
are occupied by a set of people said to be descended
from the convicts sent out in former days, and to
this day very unthrifty. They are called Sandhillers
in South Carolina, and really do seem to be an inferior
people.
The changes favouring small farmers have tended
to improve on the whole the condition of those
Southern whites who have any sort of property, the
losses of the war and the bad times notwithstanding ;
but mere labourers, probably, feel the competition of
free black labour more than formerly. I saw at
places black and white labourers working together
at the same work, and on the same wages, in a way
which, to our Indian ideas of the dignity of the white
race, is somewhat distressing. But I did not detect
anything specially bad or degraded about these whites;
and in the Southern cotton mills (very prosperous
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 165
and growing establishments), where the whites have
a monopoly of the employment, they are very good
workers, the women especially being, apparently, as
good as anywhere — the men not so good.
The real weakness of the Southern party during
the war was neither any want of gallantry on the
part of the slave- owning classes, nor any active
disaffection on the part of the blacks, but the entire
want of sympathy for and zeal in the war on the part
of the majority of the white population owning no
slaves, who considered it a slave-owners' war for the
maintenance of slavery. It is surprising to find how
many, even of the upper classes, say that they were
against secession and war, and only ' went with their
State ' when war was inevitable ; but having gone
into it, the whole of that class, and all connected
with them — professional men, doctors, lawyers, and
everyone else — went into it with a will, and sus
tained losses such as, perhaps, no civilised people ever
bore before. So long as they were successful there
was little active opposition by the poorer whites'; but
the conscription and other burdens to support a slave
owners' war became very severe, the whites not in
terested in that cause became recalcitrant, some went
into active opposition ; and at last it was more deser
tion and disunion than anything else that brought
about the final overthrow.
After the war the results of the victory were
summed up in the three famous amendments to the
Constitution known as the 13th, 14th, and 15th, com
prising the abolition of slavery, equal privileges for
166 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
all citizens, and the ' right of all citizens to vote not
to be denied or abridged in any State on account of
race, colour, or previous condition of servitude.' The
great struggle was over this last, or 15th amendment,
and it was only forced on the Southern States by
extreme compulsion. That is, in fact, still the bone
of contention. At the first election under the new
Constitution many of the whites were still under
political disabilities on account of rebellion, and in
several States the leaders of the lately rebellious
whites deliberately counselled abstinence from poli
tical affairs as a sort of protest. Consequently, in
most places, the black vote, under the guidance of
the Northern politicians known as Carpet-baggers,
carried the day entirely. The result was that a very
large number of ignorant negroes were sent to the
State Legislatures ; and many of the Carpet-baggers
being corrupt adventurers, there was much corruption
and scandal. This has brought about a union among
the Southern whites, for those who were unwilling to
fight for slavery are by no means willing to be ruled
by the blacks, or even very freely to admit their
equality ; and so it has happened that parties in the
South are ranged into black and white much more
than ever they were before.
In most States the white leaders soon came to
their senses, and perceived, what might have been
seen from the first, that a, population which had half
the numbers, and all the property, influence, and
education, must prevail over the black half, possessed
of none of these advantages, and in many respects
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 167
dependent on the propertied classes. They therefore
very early returned to the electoral charge, and by
no very unfair means regained possession of most of
the State Governments and the control of the State
Legislatures. Fortunately, taught by adversity, the
white leaders so restored to power took a reasonable
and moderate course, honestly accepting the situation
and the great constitutional amendments. In these
States it is a great gain that, in order to introduce
certain amendments of a moderate character, the
people, under white leadership, have recently passed
revised editions of their State constitutions (embody
ing the war amendments, which no one can gainsay as
not being real and voluntary ; whereas the first con
stitutions imposed after the war were certainly the
work of very one-sided conventions, acting under the
protection of United States bayonets. Besides the
management of their own States, the white party
have been more and more gaining the great majority
of the Southern seats in the United States Congress,
and things have been more and more tending to that
democratic ' Solid South ' of which we have lately
heard so- much. In some of the States this was in
evitable, and I doubt if it can be said that in most
cases any very unfair means have been used to great
excess. When I left the States several of the recent
elections were still disputed ; but I believe there is
no doubt that in Virginia and North Carolina two or
three Republican members have been returned for
the districts in which the black vote is in a very
overwhelming majority ; and that is probably as
168 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
much as could be expected under the circumstances.
In Georgia no Republican Congressmen were elected ;
but several ' independent ' Democrats have been re
turned under circumstances which tend much to
ensure fair dealing towards the blacks, inasmuch as,
the whites being divided, the black vote has been
important. The Independents justify their separa
tion from the regulars of their party by denouncing
the evils and jobbery of the ' caucus ' system ; and
they go on to say that it was a sort of bargain with
the blacks that if they quietly yielded the reins of
power to the whites, they should be fairly treated,
and their right to vote should be honestly recognised;
whereas if the whole thing is settled in white caucus,
from which the blacks are excluded, they are practi
cally disfranchised.
As regards, then, what I may call the moderate
States, I see no ground for taking a gloomy view of
the situation. Perhaps, as a foreigner writing on the
other side of the Atlantic, I may be permitted to say
(what might, if I were nearer, seem presumptuous)
that the men who, in these States, as governors now
wield the large powers entrusted to the executive in
America, seemed to be very able, sound, moderate
men, from whose judgment and discretion I should
expect much benefit. My only doubt is as regards
one constitutional amendment which most of these
States have adopted. I do not seriously quarrel with
that which, as with us, deprives of the franchise those
who have not paid their taxes. But it must be fairly
worked. There is generally a direct poll-tax, jus-
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 169
tified by its application to popular education, of
which the masses are so much in need ; and there is a
question of a tax on dogs, the slaves of the ex -slaves.
If any laxity is shown in the collection of taxes from
poor and ignorant people about election -time, or the
date of payment is put near election-day, very many
may be disfranchised, who must soon pay the money
nevertheless. The provision in the new Constitution
which I most fear is that which permanently dis
franchises all who are convicted of crime, unless the
governor remits the sentence. In principle exception
can hardly be taken to this ; but I have some doubt
whether, in the matter of justice, the negroes are
quite secure of fair play; and it is somewhat danger
ous if a nearly balanced constituency may be affected
by a rigorous administration of the criminal laws.
It is certain that the prison populations are composed
of blacks in a proportion greater than the general
population to an overwhelming degree. Whatever
the degree of their criminality, there is a disposition
to cure it by a strictness in penal management which
requires watching, seeing how much the administra
tion of justice is now in the hands of the whites. The
magistrates and judges are either elected or nominated
by the white rulers. English law is the basis of most
American institutions, and the English law regulating
the selection of juries has always been very lax. I
found that in the Southern States there is little regard
to the principle of selecting de medietate linguce in
cases between black and white. Very few blacks are
admitted on juries ; in Virginia, I believe, none at all.
170 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
Then, as regards 'punishment, flogging is very
freely used in Virginia ; but further South the
system of chain-gangs^ — i.e., extra-mural labour — is
universal. The convicts are not only employed on
public works, railways, and the like, but are very
usually let out to private speculators, and they are
made a source 'of profit instead of an expense. It
comes simply to this, that the punishment for crime
is reduction to the old state of slavery in a form not
very widely differing from the old form. I ani told
that the people most often convicted and sent to the
chain-gang are the undisciplined young negroes who
have grown up since the days of slavery. I have
even heard it said by reliable men that they employ
no man so readily as one who has come out of the
chain-gang, because he has there learnt discipline.
In nothing have I encountered greater discre
pancies of statement than in regard to the criminality
of negroes. Many people represent them as most
inveterate thieves, whom nothing but severity will
reform. Others say they have lived among them for
years and never had occasion to lock a door ; and of
this last I have had personal experience. I tried very
hard to sift the truth, and I believe it to be this.
The negro is not much given to violent, and very
little to what I may call vicious, crime. In this
respect he really stands above most other races. But
he has brought from slavery times a sort of childish
want of respect for property in certain things. It is
hardly deemed a theft, but merely a misconduct, when
a child is caught taking a spoonful of jam. A slave
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 171
used, it is said, to reason thus: 'I am my master's, so
is this chicken. If I catch and eat the chicken I take
nothing from my master.' These things depended
much on individual management. So it is now ; in
well-managed establishments and on well-adminis
tered estates things go on smoothly enough, but in
many places there is a good deal of disposition to
petty picking and stealing, which needs to be checked
by moderate measures. I gather, however, that some
things thought very venial in slave times are now
severely dealt with. On the whole I am inclined to
think that there is some foundation for the assertion
sometimes put forward by friends of the blacks, that
a much harder justice is dealt to one class than
to another ; that for all the outrages and murders
committed by the whites in the troubled years after
the war very little condign punishment has been ex
ecuted, while justice and something more is done
on the blacks. One thing did astonish me during
my tour, and that is, to find how much k Judge Lynch '
survives, especially when the accused are blacks. I
imagined he was a thing of the past, but I found that
several lynching cases of atrocity occurred before I had
been many weeks in the States ; that is, hanging by
popular movement without the intervention of judge
and jury. This is generally the case when there is
any alleged assault of any kind by a black on a white
woman. The blacks are popularly said to be prone
to that kind of crime ; with what justice I cannot
say. An experienced judge told me he had known
many accused and many hanged, but none convicted
172 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
•on trial. The mere suggestion that a black man
would like to do something of the kind if he could
seems enough to hang him.
Hitherto I have principally spoken of those States
which I have called i moderate/ but there are two or
three others where moderate counsels have not pre
vailed, and where the difficulties are much greater.
Happily they are but a small minority. My personal
inquiries were limited to South Carolina ; but, known
as it is as the ' Petrel State J there is probably no more
typical instance of the difficulties of reconstruction.
So I shall confine myself to stating the case as I have
gathered it in connection with that State.
Partly owing to the greater numerical preponde
rance of the blacks, and partly to the less disposition
of the whites to accept measures of moderation and
compromise, the black predominance in the Legisla
ture and the Carpet-bag rule were carried further and
lasted much longer in South Carolina than in the
surrounding States. The great majority of the
legislators were blacks ; and though some of them
were fair representative men, with some education, no
doubt most of them were absurdly ignorant and out
of place, and there was some colour for the nickname
of ' the Monkey House,' which their enemies applied
to the Assembly. They, however, indulged in no
violent class-legislation, but were very completely
guided by the white men who had obtained the
government — principally Northern Carpet-baggers.
Whatever violence and disturbance there was (and
there was a good deal), was not on the part of the
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 173
black majority, but of the white minority, who, in
stead of trying constitutional methods to regain
power, preferred Ku Klux organisations and such
violent methods, committing many murders and
creating much terror. The strong arm of the United
States authority was, however, used to aid in putting
down the Ku Klux, and by the time the elections of
1876 approached the whites had begun to see that
with two -fifths of the population and all the property,
and much physical and moral force, it was easier to
win elections than to continue the contest by uncon
stitutional means. Accordingly, in 1876 the whites
got the best of it in the elections for the State Le
gislature, though three black men were still sent to
Congress. As regards the very important question
of the election of State Governor, and the conse
quent control of the Executive, the election was dis
puted between Chamberlain, the former Carpet-bag
Governor, and Wade Hampton, the very popular
Democrat, who was put up on moderate and com
promise principles, and from whose moderation and
conciliation much was expected. As we know in
regard to a more important election and subordinate
issues arising out of it, there is an extreme difficulty
in deciding disputes of this kind in the United States.
On this occasion no mode of settlement was arrived
at, and in the beginning of 1877 two rival govern
ments were for months actually face to face, each
claiming to exercise the executive function. That the
question was not settled by an appeal to arms was
due partly to a certain forbearance, and partly to the
174 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
presence of United States troops ; but these latter
were powerless to settle the matter, and a good deal
of disturbance took place under their noses which
they could not put a stop to. It was at this time
that President Hayes decided to withdraw the
garrisons which had hitherto been posted in the
Southern States, and to give the moderate Southern
politicians, who had everywhere come to the front, a
fair chance of carrying out in good faith the constitu
tional amendments, and bringing about a moral and
political instead of a mere military restoration of the
Union. He was probably well aware that the result
must be to restore the Southern Democrats to power,
and deliberately preferred to let South Carolina pass
under the government of the moderate Wade Hamp
ton, rather than abet a continuance of the struggle.
Certainly that was the immediate effect of the with
drawal of the troops. I believe the question never
was formally decided at all ; but as soon as the
United States troops went, the Democrats being
evidently the strongest physically, the other party
collapsed, and Wade Hampton quietly assumed the
government without further dispute.
It is marvellous, under the circumstances, that
there has been so little of armed collision in the
Southern States ; for, after all, the so-called United
States garrisons were mere detachments at a few
places, carrying with them the moral power of the
United States Government, but nothing more. Very
many of the blacks were armed and taught to fight
during the war. There has been no attempt at any
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 175
general disarmament of the Southern States ; on the
contrary, the Constitution insures to all citizens the
right to possess arms, and all are entitled to serve,
if they will, in the National Militia of each State. At
one time arms were very freely distributed, and very
large numbers of the blacks belonged to the popular
military force which it sought to establish under the
name of ' National Guards ; ' but the regiments so
formed were very ragged and irregular indeed, and
on the ground (fairly enough established) of total
inefficiency their arms were taken from them, and
the State- armed Militia was confined to the companies
which came up to a moderate standard of efficiency —
a practice consonant enough with that of other States
of the Union. The negroes have a good deal of
military zeal, and in many of the larger towns they
have very creditable Volunteer Militia companies ;
sometimes, I am told, a good deal better drilled and
more efficient than the white companies ; but they
are required to provide their own uniforms and incur
expenses which the rural negroes cannot afford.
And so it happens that the black Militia are, on the
whole, small in number compared with the whites.
Moreover, hi some States — and South Carolina is one
of them — the whites have rifle clubs, outside and
beyond the recognised and inspected Militia, which
constitute, in fact, a sort of armed political organisa
tion. Between Militia and rifle clubs and volunteer
artillery they can always make a show of armed force,
and indulge in an amount of cannon-firing and so on
which is not encouraging to opponents of weak nerves.
176 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
For much that was done in troubled times, and
much that has been done since (to which I shall
come presently), the excuse is, that the Carpet-bag
rule was so utterly detestable, wicked, and impossible
that it was an absolute necessity to get rid of it by
fair means or foul. I have, then, sought to learn
what were the terrible things suffered under this rule.
There seems to be a general agreement that very great
abuses did exist under it, and before I went South I
certainly expected to find that the Southern States
had been for a time a sort of Pandemonium in which
a white man could hardly live. Yet it certainly was
not so. I have said that the Kepublican State Go
vernments made no attack on the rights of pro
perty, and I have been able to discuss the whole
labour and land question without having occasion to
allude to political events as a very disturbing influ
ence. It is in truth marvellous how well the parties
to industrial questions were able to settle them while
there was so great political unsettlement. When I
went to South Carolina I thought that there at least
I must find great social disturbances ; and in South
Carolina I went to the county of Beaufort, the
blackest part of the State in point of population, and
that in which black rule has been most complete and
has lasted longest. It has the reputation of being a
sort of black paradise, and, per contra, I rather expected
a sort of white hell. There I thought I should see a
rough Liberia, where the blacks ruled roughshod over
the whites. To my great surprise I found exactly
the contrary. At no place that I have seen are the
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 177
relations of the two races better and more peaceable.
It is true that many of the whites have suffered very
greatly from the war, and from the tax -sales by
United States authority to which I have before
alluded, and I am afraid that there are numerous
cases of poverty and sad reverse of fortune among
them ; but that comes of the war which is past.
Those whose fortunes or professions have in any
degree survived have nothing serious to complain of.
The town of Beaufort is a favourite summer resort for
white families from the interior. All the best houses
are in the occupation of the whites — almost all the
trades, professions, and leading occupations. White
girls go about as freely and pleasantly as if no black
had ever been in power. Here the blacks still
control the elections and send their representatives
to the State Assembly ; but though they elect to
the county and municipal offices they by no means
elect blacks only. Many whites hold office, and I
heard no complaint of colour difficulties in the local
administration. The country about is partly the
land on which black proprietor- farmers have been
settled, with white traders, teachers, &c., in the suc
cessful manner which I have already described;
partly similar lands of white proprietors who let them
out and manage amicably with a black tenantry;
partly rice plantations, which, on account of the
works of protection and irrigation required, are
worked in large farms by hired labour ; partly the
land and water in which the phosphates before al
luded to are found ; partly forest and sandhills ; but
N
178 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
whatever the tenures and circumstances, I say em
phatically that nowhere are the relations between
blacks and whites better, and nowhere does a tra
veller see fewer signs that political difficulties have
been fatal to settlement.
t Well, then,' I have gone on to ask, ' did the
black Legislatures make bad laws ? ' My informants
could not say that they did. In truth, though many
of the Carpet-baggers were in some sense the scum of
the Northern armies, the leading spirits among them
seem to have been men of decided education and
ability, and the work done under their direction, and
a good deal adapted from Northern models, is not at
all below the average of American State legislation.
What, then, is the practical evil of which complaint
is made? The answer is summed up in the one
word ' corruption.' It is alleged that under Carpet
bag rule the most monstrous and inconceivable
corruption was all but universal, and that not only
were the available public funds made away with, but
the States were burdened with terrible debts by those
who pretended to represent them, so as to have
brought them to the brink of insolvency. I believe
there can be no doubt at all that a great deal of
corruption did prevail — much more than the ordinary
measure of American corruption ; it was inevitable
that it should be so under the circumstances, but to
what degree it was so, it is very difficult to tell.
The fact is there is no denying that corruption does
to some degree exist in American politics, and is not
confined to the South. If we are to believe the
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHEBN STATES. 179
common language of Americans themselves, and
have regard to their opinions of the motives and
character of 'politicians,' their every-day accusations,
and the staple of their caricatures and farces, this
corruption must be very widespread indeed. On the
other hand, I am inclined to suppose that such ac
cusations are the ordinary form of throwing dirt at
any man who is in disgrace, and that while some are
true a good many are not well-founded. Of course I
am not qualified to speak with any confidence, but
the general impression I have brought away is, that,
as the leading men in America seem to be constantly
oscillating between high political office and the
management of railways, life insurance companies,
and other joint-stock undertakings, many of them
have carried into politics what I may call joint- stock
morals, and are no better and no worse than our own
directors. All the Carpet-bag Governors are, as a
matter of course, accused of the grossest personal
corruption ; and as soon as they fall from power it is
almost a necessity that they should fly from criminal
prosecutions instituted in the local courts under
circumstances which give little security for a fair
trial. Several Democrats of high position in Georgia
have assured me they believe that the Northern
gentleman of good antecedents, who was Governor
there, was innocent of the things of which he was
accused; in fact, I believe he came back, stood his
trial, and was acquitted. In South Carolina I was
given the report of the Committee of Investigation
disclosing terrible things, and said to be most
K 2
180 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
impartial and conclusive. The general result was to
leave on one's mind the belief that undoubtedly a
very great deal of pilfering and corruption had gone
on, but the tone of the report was far too much that
of an indictment, rather than of a judgment, to
satisfy me that it could be safely accepted in block.
The Governor of Massachusetts has refused to render
up the ex-Governor, who asserts his innocence and
his readiness to stand his trial if a fair trial be
assured. As regards the State debts, I believe those
shown to be fraudulent and unjustifiable have been
repudiated long ago ; and the Southern States having
also had the advantage of writing off all debts
incurred during the war, I understand that by far
the greater portion of their existing debts were
incurred before the war. The debts which Virginia
and North Carolina find it necessary to ' adjust '
were, I am told, very largely incurred for somewhat
reckless subventions to railways and other public
works. But the railways at any rate exist, and are
the making of the country. In South Carolina the
whole debt is not large — only, I think, about one
and a half millions sterling, all told.
On the whole, then, I am inclined to believe that
the period of Carpet-bag rule was rather a scandal
than a very permanent injury. The black men used
their victory with moderation, although the women
were sometimes dangerous, and there was more
pilfering than plunder on a scale permanently to
cripple the State.
To return to the history of South Carolina.
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 181
After the withdrawal of the United States troops the
Carpet-baggers were entirely routed and put to flight,
and Wade Hampton assumed the undisputed govern
ment. He has certainly had much success. His
party claim (I believe with justice) that he has done
much to restore the finances, promote education, and
protect blacks and whites in the exercise of peaceful
callings. As regards political matters, his policy
amounts, I think, to this ; — it is in effect said to the
blacks : l If you will accept the present regime, follow
us, and vote Democratic ; we will receive you, cherish
you, and give you a reasonable share of representa
tion, local office, &c. ; but there shall be nothing for
those who persist in voting Republican.' Some of
them accept these terms, but to vote Democratic is
the one thing which the great majority will not do.
They may be on excellent terms with white men
with whom they have relations, will follow them and
be guided by them in everything else, but they have
sufficient independence to hold out on that point of
voting, even when they have lost their white leaders
and are quite left to themselves. They know that
they owe their freedom to the Republicans, and it is
to them a sort of religion to vote Republican. I
think it was in Georgia (where they have not held
out so stoutly) that, talking to a small black farmer,
an ex- slave, as to the situation, I asked him about
the black vote. ' Well,' he said, ' some wote straight,
and some don't ; some is 'suaded and some is paid,
but I wote according to my principles, and my prin
ciples is Republican.' In South Carolina that is the
182 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
view of the great body of the blacks, as the Democrats
fully admit. Stories are told of personal dependants
of the present Governor who owe everything to him
and would do anything else in the world for him, but
who will yet openly vote against him. Such, then,
was the state of things when the elections of No
vember 1878 came on.
It seemed to be well known beforehand that the
Democrats were determined to win everything in the
South. It was said to be a necessity finally to
emancipate all the States from the scandal of black
and Carpet-bag rule, and so far one could not but
sympathise with the feeling ; but so much had been
already achieved, and there was not the least risk of
a reaction. On the contrary, the power of the native
whites was thoroughly re-established. In South
Carolina Wade Hampton's re-election was not opposed,
and there was no question whatever that by moderate
means the Democrats could retain a very decided
majority in the State Legislature. But they were
not content with this ; they aimed at an absolute
possession of everything, leaving no representation
to their opponents at all, and especially at a ' solid
South,' in the United States Congress. ' They are
determined to win,' I was told. ' They will get the
votes by fair means, if they can; and if not I am
sorry to say they will steal 'em.' And that is just
what was done in South Carolina.
To understand what took place we must look at
the election law prevailing in the United States. It
seems to me that if the law had been designed to
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 183
facilitate fraud, make detection difficult, and render
the settlement of disputed elections impossible, it
could not have been more skilfully devised. There is
something to be said for open voting and something
for a well-managed ballot, but the pretended ballot of
the United States seems to combine all the evils of
both systems. It may be just possible for an indepen
dent man connected with no party, who manages the
thing skilfully, to conceal his vote ; but if he con
sents to make it known, there can be, and in practice
there is, no secrecy whatever. There are no official
ballot-papers, numbered and checked, so as to be
afterwards traced, as with us ; every man may deposit
in the box any ballot-paper he chooses, written or
printed in whatever form he chooses. In practice
voters use papers in a particular form supplied by
their own party, so that there can be no mistake
which way they vote. There being no means of
identifying the papers so cast, everything depends on
the honesty and fair dealing of those who have the
official management of the polls. In all things the
executive Government has much greater power in
America than with us, and the party which has the
executive power has also the control of the ballot-
boxes. They appoint returning boards and election
managers at each polling-place, who, when party
spirit runs high, are in the interest of the dominant
majority. This was carried to an excess in South
Carolina during the recent elections. The United
States officers are entitled to take certain precautions
to see that the United States election law is fairly
184 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
carried out, but they could only be present at the
principal places, and sent very subordinate agents to
the other polling-places, where they were hustled and
treated with no respect whatever. Under these con
ditions the elections were held in South Carolina.
There is a remarkable frankness and openness in
speaking of the way in which things were managed,
and I believe I violate no confidences, because there
was no whispering or confidence about it. There
was not a very great amount of violence or intimi
dation. Some Republican meetings were violently
interfered with before the election, and on the day
of the election there was at some places a certain
amount of galloping about, firing guns, and such-like
demonstration by men in red shirts ; but any intimi
dation used was rather moral than physical. In all
districts where the parties in any degree approach
equality perhaps there would be no very strong
grounds for disputing the victory of the Democrats.
It is in the lower districts, where the Republicans are
admittedly in an immense majority, that great De
mocratic majorities were obtained by the simple pro
cess of what is called l stuffing the ballot-boxes.'
For this purpose the Democrats used ballot-papers of
the thinnest possible tissue-paper, such that a number
of them can be packed inside of one larger paper and
shaken out as they are dropped into the box. These
papers were freely handed about ; they were shown
to me, and I brought away specimens of them. I
never heard a suggestion that these extraordinary
little gossamer-web things were designed for any
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 185
other purpose than that of fraud. Of course the
result of such a system was that there were many
more ballot-papers in the box than voters. At one
place in the Charleston district, where not above one
thousand persons voted, there were found, I believe,
three thousand five hundred papers in the box. In
such case the practice (whether justified by law or
not, I know not) is that the election managers blind
fold a man, who draws out and destroys the number
of papers in excess of the voters. Of course he takes
care to draw out the thick papers of the opposite
party, and to leave in the thin papers of his own
party ; so when the process is completed the Demo
crats are found to be in a great majority, and the
return is so made by the returning board. There are
some other grounds of complaint. In some of the
black districts the number of polling-places has been
so reduced that it is impossible for all who wish to
poll to do so in the time allowed. At one or two
places the ballot-boxes were stolen and carried off.
At one place of which I have personal knowledge the
appointed election managers simply kept out of the
way, and "had no poll at all. Hundreds of blacks
who came to vote were told they must go elsewhere,
when it was too late to do so. In short, I have no
hesitation in saying, as matter within my own know
ledge, that, if these elections had taken place in
England, there were irregularities which must have
vitiated them before an election judge a hundred
times over.
The result of these elections was that, except in
186 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
the single county of Beaufort, not one Republican or
Independent was returned to the State Legislature ;
nor, I believe, was a single office-bearer of those
persuasions elected. The dominant party took every
thing, and the Republican members of Congress were
all ejected. South Carolina returns a solid Demo
cratic representation to the next Congress.
I have throughout, on the spot, as I do now, ex
pressed the opinion that there is no excuse whatever
for the lengths to which the triumph of the Demo
crats has been pushed. Granting that they were
fairly justified in vigorous measures to give them the
control of the Government and Legislature, and that
they were in a position thus to obtain a good working
majority, there could be no reason for unfairly de
priving their opponents of a certain representation.
It was bad policy, too, for the things that have been
done have roused the indignation of the North, and
it is believed that the somewhat unexpected Republi
can successes in the North were in great degree due
to the feeling excited by unfair attempts to make a
solid South. Perhaps, for the time, it may not be a
matter of the very first importance whether the
Democrats have only a good majority in the Southern
State Legislatures, or almost the whole representa
tion ; but in the present state of parties in Congress
two or three sea£s, or say, including Louisiana and
Florida, half a dozen seats, won by extreme and pal
pable irregularities and fraud, make a great differ
ence ; and the question of these elections raises very
large and difficult issues. Not only are nearly-
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 1ST
balanced parties very much affected, but, in case of a
struggle over the next Presidential election, these
votes might just turn the scale ; and the question
whether there is any remedy practically available to
redress wrongs which are, I may almost say, admitted,
puts in issue the wider question whether the 15th
Amendment of the United States Constitution, se
curing equal electoral rights to the blacks, is really to>
be enforced, or whether it may be set aside in practice
by the action of individual States. Is, in fact, the
settlement at the end of the war to be maintained or
surrendered ? The excuse made by the Southern
whites for their proceedings is, that throughout the-
United States elections are not pure and free from
fraud ; that there has been as much of it in New
York as in the South ; that the laws admitting of
such things were made by their enemies to crush
them ; that the Presidency was ' stolen ' from them
by fraud ; and that they are justified in reprisals. I
have no doubt that it is an absolute necessity that
the election laws should be improved. But besides
this there is need of a final laying of the issue
between "North and South, depending on a due
execution of the war settlement. To see how this
stands we must glance at the relations between the
United States and the States of the Union as things
now exist.
When the United States Constitution was origi
nally framed, after the Revolutionary War, there was
much need of union and much necessity for taxation,
for which it provided the means. But as time passed
188 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
and the condition of the States rose with peace and
prosperity, the external customs revenue sufficed,
and more than sufficed, for all common purposes.
No internal revenue was raised for the general
government, and scarcely any interference of any
kind was exercised. We, who are accustomed to
speak of the United States as one country, hardly
realise how entirely as respects internal affairs the
Union was, and for most purposes still is, not one
country, but a league of many countries. The do
mestic administration is peculiar to each State, and
under no common control whatever. The United
States Courts of the original Constitution were few,
and confined in practice to larger matters. As I
heard a Democratic orator say (with truth, I believe),
' You hardly knew that there was a United States
Government, except when you went to the Post-office
for your letters/
After the war the clauses providing for the aboli
tion of slavery and the equality of race and class were
the only amendments which it was necessary to in
troduce into the Constitution; but, nevertheless,
there was in addition a very great practical change
carried out under provisions of the old Constitution,
which had long been almost dormant. The great
debt rendered necessary a heavy taxation, and an
entirely new system of internal revenue was put in
force ; whisky, tobacco, and some other things being
subjected to a heavy excise duty to the general
Government, which rendered necessary a strong
executive control by United States officers in every
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 189
corner of the States. Both revenue questions and
many other questions raised by the events of the war
necessitated a great extension of the United States
Courts, and brought them, as it were, to every man's
door. These, and some other changes, were common
to all the States. In the South there was further
required some measure of precaution to give effect to
the changes affecting the blacks.' Besides the mili
tary occupation for a time, the central Legislature was
empowered to pass laws to give effect to the new
electoral equality, and to station officers to watch the
working of those laws. Under these laws the central
authority has in theory power to deal with the elec
tion abuses which I have mentioned ; but in practice
it is not so easy. Like our Parliament, Congress
can deal with disputed elections to its own body ; and
when the new Congress meets, some months hence,
some of these elections will no doubt be brought
before it; but it will require a great exercise of virtue
on the part of Democratic members to do a justice
which will convert their narrow majority into a
narrow minority. Meantime the President may pro
secute in the United States Courts those who have
broken the election laws. But the first difficulty
is that, as such actions will be resisted by every
means, the conduct of the prosecutions will be very
expensive ; and they cannot be carried through with
out an appropriation for the purpose by a House in
which the Democrats have the majority. Then the
local people resist in another way : as fast as prose
cutions are instituted the United States subordinate
190 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
officers are arrested and dragged before the local State
magistrates on all sorts of charges ; and the witnesses
for the prosecution are arrested for perjury and com
mitted for trial before the local State Courts. The
President is much urged to vigorous and decisive
action ; but his position is very difficult. Apparently
a Committee of Congress to inquire into electoral
abuses has been appointed, but the terms of refer
ence seem to be so wide that it may be difficult to
bring it to a practical issue.
There never can be peace, quiet, and safety in the
United States till a mode of settling disputed elec
tions is arranged, and this question of the black vote
is definitely laid at rest. There is a curious cross of
opinion and interest on this latter question. Before
the war, the blacks having no votes, the electoral
representation of the South was diminished on that
ground. Since all have had votes the South has a
full representation according to population, and thus
sends many more members to Congress than ever it
did before ; and so, an almost solid South having
been returned on the Democratic side, it curiously
happens that the very measure of enfranchising the
negroes, which was expected to have an opposite
effect, has now given the Southern Democrats greatly
increased power. Seeing this, and the difficulty of
dealing with the question, some of the Northerners
have inclined to settle the matter by disfranchising
the blacks and diminishing the representation in
proportion; but this the Southerners stoutly resist.
They say, i You gave the blacks votes, and now they
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 191
shall not be deprived of them.' In truth, disfran-
chisement cannot now be the remedy. I venture to
agree with those thoughtful Northern statesmen who
say that, whatever temporary inconveniences may
attend the policy, deliberately adopted, it must be
adhered to ; for, they say, under our political system
the only security that every class shall be fairly
treated is, that they should have votes. They
instance the case of the Chinese in California, who,
in their view, are unfairly treated because they have
no votes. A man, they say, who has a vote, even
if he carries no weight now, is sure to be courted by
some party sooner or later. The whites must have
divisions among themselves, and then they will be
civil to the blacks. I think the experience of our
own Colonies is entirely in favour of this view. Un
represented blacks, and other unrepresented classes,
are always liable to be treated unfairly under labour
laws, vagrant laws, and revenue laws. I am told
that in the interval between the war and the adoption
of the black-vote clause of the Constitution some of
the Southern Legislatures showed a disposition to
adopt similar laws ; and though they now are honestly
free from such ideas, such proposals would probably
spring up again if the blacks were not represented.
It must be remembered that the Constitution of
the United States imposes no obligation whatever to
give universal suffrage to all blacks ; all that is re
quired is that there shall be the same rule for black
and white. The Southern States are perfectly at
liberty to impose any general property qualification,
192 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
household qualification, or anything else they please
— they might very well impose an education qualifi
cation such as exists in Massachusetts to this day.
With this exception, in Massachusetts, however,
universal manhood suffrage has, I think, become a
sort of custom of all the States, and perhaps they
would find it difficult to depart from it.
What makes it more especially desirable that the
question of the black vote should be settled is, that in
reality there are no other great questions whatever to
divide North and South, or black and white. Such
is the conclusion to which I have come after very
careful inquiry.
Free trade is no longer a question between North
and South — in fact, if the truth must be told, it is
not now a question in the United States at all. The
system is to disarm opposition by protecting every
thing and everybody. The sugar and rice of the
South are protected to conciliate the South. Dwell
ing on the good management of Georgia, a man of
position said to me, ' Look at Georgia ; instead of
talking nonsense about free trade they have gone in
manfully, established most successful cotton manufac
tures, and taken the benefit of protection.'
Well, then there is the more burning question,
lately the Greenback question — still the question of
debts on the former footing or enhanced debts, and of
cheap silver dollars against dear gold dollars. That .
question may be very exciting indeed, but it is also
not one in which the dividing lines will lie between
North and South, or black and white. True, the
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 193
Southerners owe a good deal of money and want
cheap money very badly ; but the strong movement
in that direction came, not from the South, but from
New England. So far from this being a question in
which the black vote is dangerous, the fact is that the
blacks have divided most impartially on the subject,
and it has more than anything else given promise of a
new political shuffling of the cards, after which there
will be no longer black and white sides, but a whole
some intermixture.
It is true that the old question of State rights
as against centralisation is now an active factor in
American politics ; but, so far as I have been able to
learn, the present vitality of the question entirely
hinges on the disputed black vote. All else that has
resulted from the war the Southerners have honestly
and fully accepted. Most of the States have accepted
even the black vote and made the best of it. There
is no rancour and no secessional spirit left. The
temper of the South is for the most part admirable.
But two or three States still maintain the struggle
as regards the free exercise of the black vote. It
is that and -that only which raises the question of
coercion, irritates the North, and leads to talk of the
return of the i man on horseback/ If that were
out of the way I can discern nothing in regard to
which the South has any greater interest in the
maintenance of State rights than the North and West.
All would, no doubt, be glad to be rid of Federal
taxation and the interference of Federal officers.
The North and West would enjoy cheap tobacco
o
194 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
just as much as the South. If it could be so ar
ranged, all the States would be most glad to appro
priate the drink revenue to their own purposes, and
so dimmish the weight of direct taxation (for State and
local purposes) of which they complain. In no other
respect is there any question of infringing the State
rights of domestic legislation and management in the
South more than anywhere else. It was slavery that
raised the question of State rights and brought on the
war; it is this sequela of slavery that keeps the ques
tion alive.
THE CASTE QUESTION.
There is one more view in which we must look at
the question of black and white : I mean the separa
tion of the people of America into two castes, which
is becoming more pronounced than ever. Since the
North has insisted that the blacks should be admitted
to political equality neither North nor South has
made any movement whatever towards admitting
them to social equality ; in fact, the movement has
been rather the other way. A certain friendly fami
liarity and association was possible and common,
more especially in the South, when the parties met
on acknowledged terms of superiority and inferiority.
Now the whites assert their superiority by social
exclusion; and the blacks themselves, unwilling to
accept the old situation in social matters, have much
withdrawn themselves from associating with the
whites on occasions which formerly brought the two
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 195
races together. This is particularly noticeable in the
churches. I am told that in former days almost
every church had a recognised ' black quarter ; ' now
the black churches are almost entirely separate from
the white churches. It was not unnatural that this
should have happened at first, but one might have
hoped that prejudices would have been gradually got
over. After all it is only matter of habit and custom,
and that such a habit can be very completely over
come is shown by the case of the public conveyances,
especially the tramway-cars, so universal in America.
I believe it is not long since no black could venture
to intrude himself among whites. Now the habit has
been established, and the humblest black rides with
the proudest white on terms of perfect equality, and
without the smallest symptom of malice or dislike
on either side. I was, I confess, surprised to see how
completely this is the case ; even an English Radical
is a little taken aback at first.
There is generally no bad feeling or incivility
attending the caste separation ; on the contrary, I saw
nothing but good feeling and good temper in the
daily relations between the classes ; only, like separate
Hindoo castes, they do not intermarry, or worship
or eat together. I fear there is not at present much
appearance of any abatement of this caste feeling ; it
is maintained and perpetuated by the separation of
the children in the public schools. It has become
almost the universal rule of the United States that
none of the schools, high or low, are common to the
two races ; the whites have their schools, and the
o 2
196 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
blacks have their schools, but there is no intermixture.
The question was, I believe, much debated, and in
some States it was not settled without much diffi
culty; but I understand that the general feeling of
the blacks themselves was in favour of separate
schools. They hardly felt that their children could
hold their own against the prejudices of the whites, if
they were obliged to go to the white schools, and
they preferred to have public schools established for
their special benefit. This is now the case wherever
the blacks are sufficiently numerous ; and the separa
tion is complete in the higher schools and colleges as
well as in the lower schools. The curious part of it
to the eye of a stranger is the effect on children really
white but tainted with some heredity of black blood.
One sees some extremely fair children — sometimes
fairer than the average of white children — among the
ebony, woolly-headed negroes. It seems hard ; but
when one says that, one is told that they are entirely
accustomed to be so treated, and do not feel it. It is
hardly to be expected that children brought up in
ideas of caste will readily get rid of them when they
grow up. Just like Hindoos, they maintain the
separation in some things, but not in others. In
many places I saw white and black children running
freely about in one another's houses, and apparently
on very good terms ; but still they know where to
draw the line. In India we have managed to bring
the different castes together in the same schools ; but
it is not so in America.
must, then, accept the caste system as a fact.
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 197
I won't here discuss the advantages or disadvantages
of its complete abolition, to the extent of permitting
what is called miscegenation. It has, I believe, been
suggested that forty millions of somewhat nervous
and over -energetic American whites, in danger of
wearing out their physique, as the sharp sword wears
out the scabbard, might be improved by the small
amalgam of four millions of easy-tempered, light-
hearted blacks in the formation of a people of the
future, fitted permanently to thrive on the soil and in
the climate of America ; but the most pronounced
philo-negro in the Northern States would recoil from
such an idea ; so we need not mention it. Christianity
may effect much to bring the races together, but not
quite that for the present. As it is, intermarriage
is now positively prohibited by law in most of the
States — an extraordinary state of things among a
people putting the equality of man at the head of all
their Constitutions ! Another suggestion much more
frequently, and, indeed, quite persistently made by
very many people is, that, the races remaining se
parate, it is not the whites but the blacks who will
die out. ' They cannot take care of themselves/ it
is said ; i they can neither take care of their children,
nor manage themselves in sickness, nor bring them
selves to sanitary laws and habits, now that the be
nevolent eye of the slave- owner is withdrawn. It
is a mere matter of time ; they must die out in the
end.' It is really quite surprising how seriously this
is said, when it is so directly contrary to fact. No
doubt in the terrible disturbance and unsettlement
198 THE MANAGEMENT OF COLOURED RACES.
due to the war there was much negro suffering and
a good deal of negro mortality in many places ; and
even yet the increase of the coloured population is
probably not so rapid as it was in the days of skilful
and careful slave-breeding, or as it will be when the
negro family system is better established and the
negro population is more settled and independent.
But all statistical figures available show that when
ever a new census has been taken it is found that the
negroes are not diminishing, but increasing more or
less fast. It is patent to the eye that they are not a
people who have the least intention of dying out ; on
the contrary, there seems every prospect that as they
settle down they will multiply with great rapidity,
and will supply the population still so much want
ing properly to occupy the Southern States. They
are an inevitable fact, and it is incumbent on every
well-wisher of America to make the best of them,
instead of supposing that heaven will remove the
difficulty.
To me, accustomed to see great communities in
India, where varieties of caste do not interfere with
union in a common social system — • where, on the con
trary, caste but represents a variety of occupations
and functions in that system — the existence of two
castes in America does not seem to present any
insuperable obstacle to well-being. In an Indian
village there may be, and generally is, a caste of pro
prietors, a caste of herdsmen, a caste of labourers, a
caste of money-lenders and shopkeepers, a caste of
blacksmiths, and a caste of carpenters, who all live
BLACK AND WHITE IN THE SOUTHERN STATES. 199
very well together, and support one another by each
contributing their functions to the village existence.
It is hard, then, if in the United States two castes
cannot co-exist, supposing that means of amalga
mating them are not found. No doubt it does
seem cruel that no black or mulatto of the highest
merit can overstep the line which condemns him to a
society socially inferior. But very much is open to
such a man ; there is a great black population among
whom he may fulfil great functions. Till the blacks
of the South are able to find among their own race
professional men, merchants, traders, and other oc
cupants of the higher places now almost entirely
monopolised by the whites, it cannot be said that a
coloured man fitted to rise has no field in which he
may do so.
My own view, then, is extremely sanguine. I
cannot see why the black difficulty in America
should not be settled, and well settled, and why this
great people should not retain among them a settled,
industrious, and progressive coloured population,
fitted to fill the portions of the country not adapted
for the white race, and there to contribute to the
wealth, the greatness, and the resources of the com
mon country.
SOME OF THE CONTENTS OF
MY JOUKNAL.
SOME OF THE CONTENTS OF
MY JOURNAL.
THE ATLANTIC AND NEW YORK.
I LEFT England in the beginning of September. From my
own experience, and what I have learned, I think it is better
not to go much earlier than this. Many people make the
mistake of going too early, and find it exceedingly hot in
America in the months of July and August, or sometimes
even in the beginning of September. I had it quite cool
from the time of my arrival, and altogether found the
uutumn season a delightful time.
I started from London very early in the morning, to
arrange about my passage and get the steamer at Liverpool,
but found on arrival that I need not have been in quite such
a hurry. The steamers are timed to leave Liverpool in the
afternoon, but they always take their final departure with
the mails from Queenstown, in the Cove of Cork, the following
afternoon."* They have to wait at Queenstown for the mails,
and are therefore in no hurry. A man who wishes to save
time, instead of starting in the morning may take the mail
train to Dublin in the evening, and go on with the mails to
Cork and Queenstown, and so make sure of catching the
steamer there ; but it is rather hard travelling. I took my
passage by the steamer Germanic, one of the finest of the
White Star line. This line is certainly the most modern,
and the quickest. The passage-money is not excessive, and
there is a great saving in taking a return ticket ; this costs
thirty guineas, which includes your board and lodging for
204 MY JOURNAL.
eighteen or twenty days — so it is not so very expensive
travelling after all. I was very civilly treated. Passengers
go on board by a tug steamer, and find the large steamer
lying out in the Liverpool river. We got to Queenstown
the next day, and started again with the mails at 4 P.M.
The length of the voyage from Queenstown to Sandy Hook,
the entrance to New York, is 2,800 nautical miles, and with
good weather the White Star steamers do the distance in
eight days ; but we must expect to meet some share of bad
weather in the Atlantic pretty often. That was my experi
ence. For three days we had a heavy sea, which much retarded
the vessel. Then it calmed down, and finally we had two or
three fine days, during which the vessel made from 360 to
380 miles per diem ; that is, from 15 to 16 miles per hour
on an average. She did that easily, without apparent effort,
and in some voyages she has not unfrequently done 400
miles in a day. I had never been in so fast a steamer before,
and was surprised to find the ease with which these vessels
go that pace. I thought the Germanic a very fine vessel,
and the arrangements regarding meals and attendance were
excellent. The food was quite good. Things were mostly
arranged upon the American plan. Passenger accommoda
tion is principally in the middle and forward part of the
ship ; there is a good smoking-room, and a ladies' cabin, but
no general drawing-room or writing-room. The ship was
quite full. Almost all the passengers were Americans or
else people going on business to America. I was fortunate
enough to make acquaintance with some very agreeable
people, several of whom I afterwards met in the States.
After a voyage of eight days and some hours from Queens-
town we reached the Bar at the mouth of the river at Sandy
Hook, and found we had to wait several hours to get over
it — there is not enough water at all times of the tide. Then
after we were over we were again stopped at the Quaran
tine Station. They seem to be particular about sanitary
inspection in America. Thence to New York is a very short
distance. We arrived there, and went straight alongside the
wharf, being a little more than 8^ days from Queenstown
NEW YOKK. 205
and 9|- from Liverpool. It was a fine day, and the sight
approaching New York very pretty. There is comparatively
little tide on the American coast, the ordinary rise being only
five or six feet — just enough to keep the harbour sweet and
clean, and not so much as to give all the trouble that our
tides give us. There is deep water all alongside New York,
and ships lie close in, without the necessity for wet docks or
other expensive arrangements. We landed without delay,
and found the Custom House not by any means troublesome,
everything being done in a quiet and orderly way. There
was nothing to be seen in the way of cabs except great two-
horse hackney coaches, exceedingly expensive ; but the hotel
omnibus presently turned up, and we were beset by £ ex
presses ' — that means in America light carts for forwarding
luggage. After a little delay I reached the Windsor Hotel,
where I stayed while in New York. It is a very good hotel
-perhaps the best specimen of an hotel conducted on the
American principle ; that is, of charging so much per diem
for board and lodging. For a residence for a little time in
New York I should certainly recommend the Windsor ; but
for a passing traveller it is a little far off, in the fashionable
quarter, the New York Belgravia ; and the well-known Fifth
Avenue Hotel might be more central and convenient. The
charge at the Windsor is $4 (say 16s.) per diem; and, con
sidering the character of the food and the accommodation, I
thought the charge quite moderate. Some of the hotels at
New York and Boston charge a little more and others less ;
the hotels in the interior of the country generally $%\ or $3.
About $Z\ to $4 a day may be taken as the average cost of
board and lodging at first-class hotels. You may have a
room with a bath-room attached, but that is always charged
a dollar a day extra. With this exception, there are very
few extras, especially if you fall into the custom of the
country and do not drink wine ; if you do you will have to
pay high for it. If a man is content to find his way about
by the aid of tramways and other native methods, he may
live very well at a pound a day, all expenses included. Then
say ten shillings a day for travelling — that would make about
206 MY JOURNAL.
thirty shillings a day for obligatory expenses. Of course he
may spend money beyond this, but really there is not so much
temptation to do so as in Europe. I should say that for
1501. a man may make an extremely good three months'
tour to America. Besides the hotels on the American plan
which I have mentioned, there are a few in the large cities
which are conducted on the European principle — charging
for what you have ; and I believe that if people do not want
to be overfed, and manage economically, they may live in
such hotels almost as cheaply as in those conducted on the
American plan ; but they will have more trouble ; and if
they want private rooms and such special accommodation,
they have to pay very heavily indeed at such hotels as the
Brunswick and Brevoort, at New York. At the Windsor
the waiters are white men, which is contrary to the usual
practice, most hotels having black waiters. I found the food
really very good indeed — a great deal better than that which
I afterwards obtained at most American hotels. My only
complaint was that feeding was rather overdone : you were
expected to eat too much ; and the waiters did not seem to
have any mercy on you if you did not comply.
Most of the beds in America have mosquito-curtains, and
I was terrified by the fear of encountering those old Indian
enemies. Happily at the season when I was in America I
did not suffer much ; but at some seasons, I believe, the
mosquitos are very bad there.
On the afternoon of my arrival I ' did ' the Central Park
of New York — an immense place, ever so many miles
long, and very well kept ; called < Central ' because it is a
long way off. Parks are very much the fashion in America ;
now almost every great town has a fine park. A long
stream of carriages of all kinds was going towards the park,
but they tailed off and became rare in the further parts. T
noticed even on Sunday a large number of vehicles going out
there ; but I am told that these are chiefly filled by the
foreign population of New York, which is very large. I
should say that the park is a kind of cross between Regent's
Park and the Bois de Boulogne. In the evening everything
NEW YORK. 207
seemed very dull. There are no books in the hotels; the
streets are but indifferently lighted, and nothing seemed to
be going on. There was none of the liveliness of a great
European city in the evening. The following day I looked
about the town, and delivered some letters of introduction,
being very kindly received by some very agreeable people.
That evening I dined with a very pleasant and hospitable
old banker, who struck me as wonderfully English in his
manners and conversation as well as in his table and arrange
ments. I was much surprised to find that he had never been
in Europe — which is a rare thing — but he had been very
much in contact with Englishmen.
The appearance of the city of New York did not strike
me as being very different from European cities. There are
some fine buildings, but I should not say that the place
impresses one very much. Upon the whole it is less un-
English-looking than I expected.
The principal points in New York ways which struck me
were the following: — The way of serving the dishes, the
cookery, the food, and the arrangements altogether at the
hotels. The rectangular streets, which one soon learns to find
a great convenience, the number of the street giving you at
once the clue to its whereabouts. Then the vehicles used,
which are different from ours. The ladies' carriages are not
very different; they are not particularly smart nor well
set up — the fine ladies are generally content with coachmen,
without footmen. But the light traps and everything that
goes under^ the name of ' buggy ' in America are very smart
and fast vehicles indeed, with a great many fast-trotting
horses. I was taken by surprise to find that the spider-like
vehicles which we rather suppose to be an American eccen
tricity are in every-day use, not only in the towns but still
more in the country and over the unmade country roads.
They are made of hickory-wood, are wonderfully light, and
seem to be exceedingly strong, judging by the work which
they endure. They last quite as well as our heavy vehicles,
and I cannot imagine why we do not follow the example in
getting such-like traps.
208 MY JOURNAL.
The tramways puzzle one rather at first ; they seem slow,
and difficult to understand ; but before one has been very
long in America one becomes quite accustomed to them, and
uses them continually. My only wonder is that such a
high-pressure people as the Americans can stand such a slow
mode of conveyance, for they are very slow. Really people in
America do not give you the idea of being in a hurry.
One of the newest things to me was the Elevated Railway
which has recently been started in New York. It seemed a
most admirable arrangement. New York is a very long city-
eight or ten miles long — avenues running the whole length of
it. The plan is to establish, on two or three of these avenues,
selected for the purpose, these elevated railways, which run
upon iron girders above the heads of the people and the
ordinary traffic, and are an enormous convenience to those
who have to go the long distances that New York people go
between their homes and their places of business. The
astonishing thing is, how they could have got on to the year
1878 without having anything of the kind. They must have
spent a large portion of their lives travelling five or six
miles backwards and forwards in the trams. The Elevated
Railway is, I think, infinitely cheaper and easier, and it
is certainly very much lighter and more airy than our
underground railways; and the facilities for travelling are
quite as great, the only difference being that passengers go
upstairs to the railway where we go down. There is no dif
ficulty in carrying the lines along the long straight avenues ;
but when you get into the older parts of New York (which
are built more like European towns, and where the avenues
are not continuous) there is much more difficulty. I was
astounded to see how the difficulty of going round corners is
overcome. The makers of the Elevated Railway have not
gone to the expense of taking up large blocks of houses to
make the way for their line ; they go sharp round right-
angled corners, taking up, perhaps, only part of one house at
the corner, and going round that in a way marvellous to
behold ; but they do it without accident. The great outcry
against the Elevated Railways was the damage to the amenity
THE NEW YORK COUNTRY. 209
of the houses in the streets through which they pass. The
Americans do things in a more energetic manner than we
do ; and having got the sanction of the New York Legislature
for the railway, they made it first and thought about com
pensation for the owners of property afterwards. No doubt
it is not a pleasant thing some day to find that a railway
is running before your drawing-room windows, but it will
probably be found in the end that the character of the houses
on the line is changed, not their value ; they will become
places of business rather than residences ; but for business
purposes the railway may add to their value. So perhaps
the Americans are wiser than if they had given enormous
compensation first, according to our plan. When I arrived
the only experience of the elevated railways having been in
summer, when they were not so much needed, the cry of the
aggrieved householders seemed to be more heard than the
praises of the passengers by the line ; but when I came back,
in winter, the immense advantage and convenience to the
general public of the railway had been so much appreciated
that praise altogether predominated over complaints. I am
very much impressed with the belief that elevated railways
of this kind in Oxford Street and Piccadilly and such-like
thoroughfares would admirably supplement the accommoda
tion afforded by the metropolitan lines, which cannot be
multiplied.
When I had spent a day or two in New York I accepted
the kind invitation of Mr. 0 to visit his place on the
Hudson River, near West Point, but on the opposite side.
I had a most agreeable visit, and was charmed with the
country I saw. I had expected to find the city of New
York a fine place, but had hardly looked for the charming
country which I found in the neighbourhood. We went up
by railway, and immediately on getting clear of the city
came upon a very pretty, undulating, and green country,
abounding in summer residences. I understand, however,
that this is an unusually green season, and that in most
years the grass is a good deal burnt up for a few weeks in
summer. However, grass is very much the characteristic of
P
210 MY JOURNAL.
the country near New York. It is mostly a dairy country —
not flat, but abounding in pretty hills and undulations. In
the country within easy reach of New York the wealthy
citizens have beautiful places — not exactly of the nature of
country seats in our style, but rather like large cottages, with
abundance of pretty grounds about them. Mr. 0 's
place is really a beautiful one, as are some other places in
the neighbourhood. I never saw anywhere a prettier country
or nicer houses. In the afternoon Mr. 0 — - took me over
to the West Point Military Academy — very pleasantly
situated. It seems that the cadets go through a very long
and very scientific course of education for the American
army, and are turned out accomplished officers to a far
greater degree than can be the case under our military
arrangements, where a boy is hardly a year at Sandhurst.
The next day Mr. 0 took me a drive through a pretty
country, very undulating, and even hilly. I enjoyed it very
much indeed, as I did my visit in every way. In the
morning I returned to New York by the steamer on the
Hudson River. The river is very pretty indeed, and is much
more in the style of a Scotch loch than a river. I again
occupied myself for a day or two doing the sights of New
York, and among them one of the magnificent steamers,
which runs to Providence. It is impossible to imagine
anything more luxurious than the American steamers made
for inland waters. They are enormous buildings, with cabins
tier upon tier ; and things are generally so arranged that you
go on board, have supper, go to bed as comfortably as if you
were in your own house, and arrive at your destination in
the morning.
I was invited to pay another visit, in the country near
New York, to Mr. H , a distinguished member of the
American Legislature, who lives there with his charming
family, and has something much more like a great English
estate than you often find in America. It is an old property,
on which many free blacks have been settled for generations.
Mr. H took me about the place, and I had my first sight
of the labouring population of America at home, both white
A SCAMPER THROUGH THE NORTH AND WEST. 211
and coloured. The latter were, however, of more or less
mixed blood, and several of them have Indian blood, being a
cross between negroes and Indians. All seemed fairly well-
to-do, the coloured people, perhaps, of a somewhat lower class
than the whites, but not very much so ; and they seem to
live quite sociably together, the white and black children
running into one another's houses ; only they do not inter
marry. This is, however, a very exceptional estate. We
drove a considerable distance into the country, and saw some
of the farms and farmers. There is little but dairy farm
ing in this part of the country. Mr. H and others
have also some good trotting stock, and part of the New
York country produces this stock, I understand, largely.
The farmers whom we saw universally owned their own
farms, although a good many have mortgages upon them.
The farms seemed to average about one hundred acres,
mostly pasture, with some woodland attached to each.
There is a great deal of wood all about this part of the
country. The farmers seem a very good, plain, hard-working
style of men. One farm was a good deal larger than the
average, and the people seemed superior, the daughter of the
house quite ladylike. The farmers principally live by selling
butter, and also some pigs and apples. Apples are exces
sively abundant in all this country, but I did not gather that
much cider is made. They raise corn enough for their own
consumption, but not for sale. I was struck by the quiet,
respectable, handsome look of some tradesmen assisting a
farmer to repair his house. They looked quite like the best
artisans in England 5 there was nothing American about
them.
A SCAMPER THROUGH THE NORTH AND WEST.
I now returned to New York, in order to start for Boston
by the New York Central Eailway. I travelled in a Wagner
drawing-room car. On each of the main lines a contractor,
generally either Pullman or Wagner, supplies drawing-room
and sleeping-cars. There is not much difference between the
p 2
212 MY JOURNAL.
contractors' cars ; there seemed rather a want of variety. The
railway seemed to be well managed, and the country, as we
went out of New York, much like what I had seen before in
the other direction. We ran along the shore across the
estuaries and harbours, and then passed through Providence
and other New England places, where there seemed to be
much population and traffic, and all the signs of a manu
facturing district. It was dark before I got to Boston,
where I went to the Brunswick Hotel, which I found com
fortable, but very expensive — a good deal more so than the
New York hotels.
Next morning I did part of Boston. It seemed a fine,
substantial town, with good stone buildings and churches.
After breakfast I took a steamer to Nahant, a small
watering-place, frequented by the Boston people, where I
made the acquaintance of a delightful family, from among
whom a distinguished member of the late Liberal Adminis
tration was almost in the act of taking to himself a wife, who
will be a great acquisition to our country. I was pleased
with this little American watering-place and the style of
life there. The cottages seemed to be real cottages, with
verandahs and creeping flowers and all sorts of pretty things.
I was the more glad to see this, as I had not time to go to
Newport, the fashionable seaside watering-place of the New
York and New England people. I am told that it is really
a beautiful place, and that many of the rich Americans have
very fine houses of their own there. In short, I gathered
that the place must be much superior to any of our watering-
places — putting aside Brighton, which is a great town, and
not a watering-place, and as ugly as Newport is said to be
pretty. Americans seem to go to the seaside a good deal
more than we do ; it is almost a necessity to them in the hot
summer months, when the sea-breezes seem wonderfully to
temper the heat. In point of society Newport seems to
stand far above any other place ; but I gather that there is a
great want of occupation for men. The season only lasts
through the summer. The famous Saratoga is an inland
place, and has, I understand, become far less select than
BOSTON. 213
Newport. In the latter part of the season, however, Saratoga
has become a great resort for ' politicians ' and their families.
All sorts of conventions are held there ; and it might be a
very likely place at that time for visitors who want to learn
something of American politics and institutions from very
able men — and many of the American ' politicians ' are very
able men. At Boston I was kindly and hospitably admitted
to the Somerset Club, a very comfortable institution. Clubs
have become very much an American institution ; I found
them at all the considerable towns that I visited, and the
members are always most kind in admitting strangers.
Thus admitted one has both many social advantages and the
run of English books and magazines ; sometimes even English
newspapers, and that is a great treat, for throughout the
United States there is nothing so difficult as to get an
English newspaper of any sort or kind. I sometimes
suffered for weeks together from a sort of c news-famine ; ' that
is, as regards everything excepting the sensational paragraphs
telegraphed to the American papers.
Boston and Boston Common and all about them have
been so often described that I need not dwell upon the place.
I shall only say that I found the character which it has for
English-like people and English-like hospitality and kindness
fully maintained. I went out by tram to Cambridge, to see
the Harvard College there. The students have rooms in
college, but are not compelled to dine there, and their dis
cipline altogether does not seem to be very strict. Boston
Free Library-is a wonderful institution — by far the largest in
the world, I believe — and said to be very successful. All over
New England the free library is a great institution ; but I
found that in Pennsylvania and other parts of the country
they do not seem to see the advantage in the same light. I
am told that almost all the mills and manufacturing
establishments in New England are joint-stock concerns.
They are said to be successfully managed, and to be afflicted
by few frauds. They continue to divide about 5 per cent,
even in bad times. They say that the best and most thrifty
working people are Irish and French Canadians. Americans
214 MY JOURNAL.
are neither so strong nor so industrious ; they want to live
by the head, and not by the hand. I think, however, that
this chiefly applies to the non-agricultural Americans. The
American farmer is a very good, hard-working man.
There are a large number of distinguished literary men
resident in and about Boston and Cambridge. The wealth
of the Boston people is also large. So, combining brains and
money as it does, no wonder it is a pleasant place. The
climate, however, is, I believe, very cold in winter. I was
only able to glance at the place, and must hope to return to
it another time.
These Eastern cities have a great advantage in using only
anthracite coal, which burns without blacks ; and so, from a
combination of climate and coal, they are very clean and
bright.
I left Boston for the West by the early express train
through Massachusetts. The country seemed hilly, and not
very fertile, but pretty and pleasant-looking, with many
villages and factories. Connecticut, I am told, is a good
agricultural country ; Maine is also a good farming State.
At present all is excitement in Maine, on account of the
majority given to the Greenbackers. General Butler, the
great Greenback hero, is stumping Massachusetts, and
alarming all the solid, old-fashioned people. I saw him on
the stump — a wild-looking man. As we got on Massa
chusetts becomes quite highland and picturesque. The
highland country seems to be of much the same character
all the way from Canada to the Gulf of Mexico ; the only
difference is that in the Southern States there is a large
belt of flat, swampy country between the hilly country and
the sea; whereas in New England the hills come down
almost to the sea. As we pass through Massachusetts and get
into the New York State, approaching Albany, the country
becomes more flat and agricultural. Beyond Albany are the
6 Sandy Plains ' — poor and sandy, but well settled. Hereabouts
was the old Dutch settlement. Further on, the sandy plains
change suddenly for a fertile and green country, near Sche-
nectady ; and from here up the Valley of the Mohawk is the
THE MOHAWK VALLEY. 215
finest country in the New York State, and the seat of the
great cheese manufacture. The cheese is all made on the
factory system, the factories generally being on a very large
scale. The milk is raised by the farmers around, who bring
it to the factories, where it is made into cheese. I stopped
at Schenectady — a very nice country town — with the ap
pearance of which I was much pleased. It is an American
habit to line the streets of country towns with fine trees.
They are very shady and pleasant ; and there seemed to be
a great abundance of fine healthy young people, especially
girls, about. This first specimen of an American country
town very favourably impressed me. There is here one of
the many excellent colleges which abound in America. I was
very pleasantly entertained by Dr. P and his wife, very
pleasant and intellectual people. We drove a long way
through the country. It seemed a good, quiet, agricultural
district. The most prominent crop at this moment is what
is called ' broom-corn,' out of which brooms are made ; a very
large quantity of it is raised in America. I cannot conceive
how the world can consume so many brooms. The Mohawk
and its Valley are really beautiful. In the evening I met a
fine old lady, the widow of a great Abolitionist, and heard
many stories of the ' Underground Railway,' and the ways
by which the Northern people enabled many slaves to escape
into Canada. I also met one of the largest farmers about.
He has nearly 300 acres, and seemed a very intelligent man.
I was soon quite at home with him. He might have been a
good Scotch farmer. He said almost all the farmers own
their own land. There is a very strong opposition to any
renting system under a landlord. A good many large pro
perties came down from former times under Dutch and
English grants ; but the proprietors found it difficult to hold
them as rented estates ; in fact, he said, in the case of one
proprietor in that part of the country who tried to do so, and
to maintain and enhance his rents, a good deal of burning
took place. He says, however, that occasional short leases
are not objected to. He raises and fattens much stock, and
that seems to be a very growing industry. He himself goes
216 MY JOURNAL.
in for pedigree stock, to sell. The average farms hereabouts
are from TOO to 150 acres. Some of the Mohawk Valley
land is extremely valuable. He talks of values about equal
to moderate English prices for land. There is an unusually
fine apple crop this year, and apples are selling almost ab
surdly cheap.
I have had a good deal of talk about religious sects in
America. All seem agreed that Americans of different per
suasions do not hate one another on account of religion.
My informants much doubted black students being equal to
white ones as they grow up. There are none at the College
here, but there are at several Northern colleges.
From Schenectady I took the night-train for Niagara, via
Buffalo. I met a man who had been visiting one of the
famous Agapemones which is upon this line. He said that
they affect to raise human stock on scientific breeding prin
ciples ; but the whole thing he thought very disgusting. In
the morning we found ourselves in the country near Eochester.
It seemed flat and more agricultural than pastoral. From
thence there seemed to be a considerable ascent, and then
very flat again towards Buffalo. Passing Buffalo we ran
down Niagara River to the Falls. There seemed to be very
many orchards in this part of the country, principally apples
and peaches. I stayed, at the Falls, at the International Hotel,
upon the American side. The Clifton Hotel, on the Canada
side, has by far the best view ; but then Groat Island and the
best points for seeing the Falls from near can only be ap
proached from the American side, and it is a long way from
the Clifton ; so I think it is best to stop on the American side
and go over to see the view from the other side. I crossed
by the ferry under the Falls. It is quite easy, and there is
no danger or difficulty ; but I was advised not to give in to
the people who bother one to go down behind the Falls. I
am told by many that the only result is to encounter a great
deal of wet spray and a great deal of mud, and that there is
nothing to repay one for it all. All the rest I did in quite
the correct way ; but the Falls have been so often described
that I need not go over it all. They certainly are a very
CANADA. 217
fine and unique thing. It would not do to travel in the
country without seeing them. One day is amply sufficient,
if the sightseer is active. From the other side I went a
little way into Canada. It seemed a pleasant country. The
population near the border is a good deal mixed ; but I am
told that more Americans come to the Canadian than
Canadians go to the other side. The taxation is now much
lighter in Canada. I returned by the fine Suspension Bridge
— saw a good many Indian women, who sat and knitted, and
apparently are part of the show, but they did not beg. They
look more fair and squat and Mongolian-like than I had
expected. The village of Niagara is full of shops for the sale
of Indian goods. I do not know why it is so much an Indian
centre.
I took another look at the Falls in the morning — they
well bear looking at twice certainly. I noticed that the
hotel bill was very moderate. To be sure it is rather late in
the season ; but perhaps the neighbourhood of Canada brings
down prices. Certainly the hack carriages on the Canadian
side are very moderate compared with American charges.
From Niagara I went to Chicago, through Canada, by the
Great Western Kailway, crossing the river by the Suspension
Bridge. The country beyond the river was much like what
I had already seen. We passed the Welland Canal ; that is,
the Canadian canal, by which ships are taken round the
Niagara Falls. It is now being re-excavated to the size and
depth sufficient to carry seagoing ships ; so that vessels may
sail direct from the head of Lake Superior to ports in Europe
with cargoes of grain and timber, or rather will soon be able
to do so. If the navigation were open all the year round
this route would have an immense advantage, but unfortu
nately it is closed by ice a great part of the year. I stopped
a little time at Hamilton, in Canada. It seemed a decent-
looking, newly-settled town, with many factories for agri
cultural implements. It is at the head of Lake Ontario, but
I did not see much shipping. I went to a fair and agricul
tural show which was then taking place, and thought it really
a very fine show indeed. It was full of Scotch people, or at
218 MY JOURNAL.
any rate people talking very decided Scotch ; indeed, there
was so much of the Scotch intonation that if I had shut my
eyes I might have supposed myself in Scotland. I am told
that there are many Irish too hereabouts, and in one part
of this country there are also Dutch. When I entered
Canada I noticed that a superior class of coloured people
came into the train. There seemed to be several parties of
them, and among them several smart black ladies — very
smart indeed. I do not know whether it was an accident
seeing these people just as I entered Canada, or whether
there are many well-to-do descendants of old refugees. In
all the crowd at the fair there were scarcely any coloured
people. I only saw two. All the rest looked very British.
I was much interested in the agricultural show. There were
plenty of good cattle, and horses, and pigs, but no sheep.
But going away in the train I saw a good many sheep. Be
sides the ordinary food-grains there were some very fine man
golds, and a very magnificent show of apples, some pears, and
very fine grapes ; but I am told that most of the grapes are
grown under glass. There was a great variety of agricultural
machinery. A man was exhibiting and much praising what
he called sugarcane grown in the neighbourhood. I looked
at it, and found it was only sorghum, and that what was
called sugar was nothing but a kind of molasses. In the ba
zaar there were many things of United States manufacture —
watches from Illinois, enamelled ironmongery from St. Louis,
silver from Connecticut ; but furniture was mostly Canadian,
as also were a good many woollen goods, which did not seem
to me very first-rate. A little further on I stopped a little
while at London. Here again another fair and show was
going on, and again I found many Scotch-speaking people.
I am sorry to say that one or two with whom I specially
fraternised turned out to be tipsy. However, that little
weakness excepted, they seemed a good sort of Scotch people.
I do not know whether it is because I am remarkably sober
myself, but I seem to have a special attraction for Scotchmen
who have had a drop too much — when I go abroad.
There was an hotel-car attached to the train on the Great
CANADA. 219
Western line, and in it I had far the best travelling meal I
have yet had — everything warm and nice, and the prices
moderate. These hotel-cars are an immense convenience.
It is a great blessing, and greatly improves the digestion, to
be able to take your meal at your leisure, without the con
tinual fear of being left behind. Unfortunately, however,
the hotel-cars are comparatively rare, and are only found on
a few lines. On this line they go as far, I think, as Omaha,
but they do not now run (as they once did) to San Francisco.
For the rest of the journey passengers are obliged to get
their meals at the stations, which must be a very great draw
back to that long journey. I know nothing so trying in the
American arrangements as the stopping and the starting of
the trains. There are no porters to shout and no slamming
of doors, because there are no doors to slam, and most fre
quently no warning is given whatever. The train slides
away quite silently, and until I gained experience I was once
or twice almost left behind whilst standing on the platform,
because I thought that the train going off in that style must
be only shunting. However, you are always at liberty to
run after the train and catch it, and get up as best you can.
That is what a large proportion of the passengers do.
The country about London is very pretty and good ; to
my idea as pleasant and home-looking an agricultural coun
try as I have seen in America. It is undulating, and seemed
to have much good grass, grazed over by fine stock, whereas
in much of the New York country I gathered that the grass
was much qftener cut as hay than grazed. In this Canada
country there is much fine wood and many stumps in the
fields, giving it a very newly-cleared appearance. Never
theless I cannot help thinking that it showed more signs of
good Scotch farming than anything I had seen in the States.
In the night-train to Chicago there were a large number of
sleeping-cars, and very many families and children returning
from their summer outings. Sleeping-cars crowded in this
fashion are not the coolest and pleasantest places in the
world ; and what surprises one is, that whereas in America
there is almost always separate accommodation for ladies,
220 MY JOURNAL.
^very hotel having a separate ladies' entrance, and even every
post-office a special window for ladies, in the sleeping-cars there
is no division at all — all sexes and ages are accommodated
promiscuously. I do not recommend night-travelling when
there is a special run upon the cars. With all this sleeping
.accommodation and hotel-car and other luxuries, I was sur
prised to find there was no smoking accommodation what
ever, except a very filthy car filled with emigrants. There is
much less provision for smokers in America than with us.
On this line there is practically a third class, under the name
of ' emigrant carriages.' During the night we crossed the St.
Lawrence (or whatever the river is here called) on a steamer
without being at all disturbed. The train is taken on board
and everything managed in the quickest and easiest manner.
They certainly do manage these things capitally in America.
Their ferry-boats are much superior to anything to be seen in
Europe. In the morning we found ourselves in the Michigan
country, near the lake. It seemed there somewhat poor and
jungly, and on the borders of the lake there were great sand
hills. As we got on the country became somewhat better,
but still a dead flat, with a great deal of marsh, and many of
the houses built on piles. The lake was quite smooth : there
were no waves beyond ripples. We duly arrived at Chicago.
The railway station was burnt down in the great fire, and
has not been rebuilt. The town, though still showing a good
many blanks, has been rebuilt in a wonderful way, and is
undoubtedly a very fine one, but rather dirty and smoky —
not clean, like the Eastern cities, where they burn anthracite
coal. The whole country about is a dead level. The town
is laid out on, I think, rather too great a scale ; the distances
are very great. Outside each quarter is a great park. I
went to the Grand Pacific Hotel — not the largest, but it
seems very good and well situated, and I was comfortable there.
I made the acquaintance of Mr. A , the President of
the Illinois Central Kailway, who gave me much assistance ;
and I found one or two friends whom I had before met on my
travels, and who were very kind to me. I spent the day in
thoroughly doing the town. I went to one of the great pig-
CHICAGO. 221
killing establishments. It certainly was a wonderful sight.
They kill and dispose of 8,000 pigs per diem. It takes
three or four days to convert the pigs into bacon, but they
are really made into sausages in the course of an hour. The
bacon is put into railway cars in layers, without any further
packing, and so sent to the Eastern States. I drove round
the parks, which are not quite complete, and may be called
the parks of the future ; but they are very well and hand
somely laid out. There is a pleasant villa suburb called
Hyde Park. Most of the Western cities have a ' Hyde Park.
Here also there was an exhibition going on, which I went
to see. American-made goods seemed to preponderate, the
agricultural machinery, as usual, very prominent. I went to
see one of the great elevators by which grain is raised by
machinery, stored, and shipped. It must be understood that
the elevator in America is not a mere machine for transferring
the grain from one conveyance to another, but is, in fact, a
great warehouse, where grain is stored sometimes for months,
especially on the great lakes, where, owing to the suspension
of traffic in the winter, it must often be kept for a consider
able period in store. The system seems to be one under
which a man does not necessarily receive back his own grain,
but only a like quantity of grain of the same grade. I was
not quite able to understand the nature of the interference
exercised, but I found that at Chicago, and I believe at most
American commercial centres, the produce brought to market
is examined by official inspectors, who class the grain, and
apparently ..nothing is allowed to be sold without being
officially classed.
I met at Chicago and had much talk with Judge F ,
of Tennessee, a gentleman who has had great experience in
the Southern States ; and also another gentleman, a Chicago
lawyer, connected with the railway, a very clear-headed man.
He told me that in all the States except Louisiana the law
is based upon the English law. The Illinois Legislature
meets biennially. The State Constitutions are. generally
revised by a Convention — say about once in every twenty
years on the average, but there is no fixed time. Each State
222 MY JOURNAL.
has its own civil and criminal law, and the State Judges dis
pose of all cases except offences against the United States
revenue laws, which are tried by the United States Judges.
After the war there was a general bankruptcy law throughout
the whole of the United States, but it has now expired, and
has not been renewed. There is a local insolvency law in
some States, but not in all. In all States there seems to
be a regular system of public prosecution — a prosecuting
attorney is always to be found, corresponding to our Scotch
Procurator Fiscals.
Judge F being a Southerner, takes a somewhat
Southern view of things. He thinks the blacks will last for a
time, but they cannot take care of themselves, and will die out
in the end. Whether by nature or want of education, they
seem to have a lower order of intelligence, and do not do well
work requiring a fine hand, care, or thought ; he believes they
do not succeed in factories. They have a few farms of their
own, but very few. He admits, however, that they are the
most good-natured of mankind, and do very well under white
superintendence. Most of the cotton is raised by negroes
under a system of cultivation upon shares — that is, the crops
are divided between the proprietor and the negro who does
the work, the negroes being well looked after. The larger
estates in the South are now broken up into smaller farms,
and more carefully worked than they used to be.
I went to see a great dry goods store. Dry goods are
cloths and textile fabrics of all sorts, and, I believe, a good
many other things besides ; but I cannot exactly define the
term. At all events dry goods are not groceries nor iron
mongery. In this Great Central Chicago Store they say
that half or perhaps more of the goods are of American make;
Of the remainder, perhaps, one-third are English, and the
rest French and German, or from other foreign countries.
Cotton goods they declare to be as cheap as in Manchester ;
and they have many varieties to suit American taste, but
woollens are excessively dear. Woollen clothes cost fully
double what they do in England ; ladies' silks are also very
dear. Woollen goods are now manufactured in almost every
CHICAGO TO ST. LOUIS. 223
State in America. The Americans evidently are pushing
hard to come up to us in that trade.
From Chicago I took the night train through Illinois to
St. Louis. This time we had the Pullman cars, which seemed
cleaner and better than the Wagner's, in which I had before
travelled. In the morning the train was detained for a time
at Decatur. I had time to take a walk and look about the
place on a charming morning, and I was much pleased with
this Illinois country place. It seemed to be a kind of cross
between town and country — large streets, laid out at right
angles, and lined with trees in the usual pleasant manner ;
nice houses scattered about, with plenty of room. Although
there is little natural wood in Illinois the trees when planted
grow luxuriantly. The soil seemed a rich black soil ; there
is nothing like hills, but decided undulations. I now quite
understand the rolling land we hear so much of. There was
beautiful grass and clover in many of the fields, and plenty
of stock of all kinds.. Many apple-orchards were planted, but
they do not seem to thrive here as they do in the country
further north. The wind, I believe, is too much for them.
There was good coffee and refreshment at the station.
There seems to be generally some sort of hotel at these
country stations. At last we started, and had daylight for
the run onwards to St. Louis. I was much interested and
pleased with the country. Much of it is rolling, and more
or less raised. There were occasionally what looked like
small hillocks, but nothing amounting to hills. The country
through which I travelled all consisted of what once was
prairie, but is now cultivated and enclosed. There are only
a few belts of natural wood in broken ground near streams
and ravines, especially as we approached the Mississippi.
All the land seemed well cultivated. The great crop is
Indian corn. It is now standing on the ground ripe. In
some of the barer parts the crops seemed of poor growth
and the weeds very strong ; but other parts were much better
cultivated, and the crops there seemed strong and good. We
passed a good many wheat-fields, the autumn wheat already
up, and the fields clean and well cultivated. I saw no root-
224 MY JOURNAL.
crops; and throughout most of the country at this season there
is little appearance of plentiful grass — the fields seemed pretty
bare — but a great deal of hay was stacked. We passed many
villages and small towns. The people at some of these places
seemed primitive enough. After running through a con
siderable belt of wood we came to the Mississippi, with the
city of St. Louis on the opposite side, and crossed by the
great bridge, a very fine structure.
I went to the Lindell Hotel, a fine and large one. My
first day at St. Louis was a Sunday, and I noticed there that,
although the people seemed very religious and church-going,
they were somewhat Continental in their views of Sunday.
Here and at other places I saw the eternal American game of
base-ball being played on Sunday. There was a boat-race ; and
the Exhibition grounds (here, as everywhere, an agricultural
exhibition was going on) were very full of people, the Sunday
notwithstanding. All over America shops are closed on Sunday,
as with us; but they seem to have no shutters to the windowsy
so that they have not the same closed appearance. I stayed at
St. Louis long enough to have a good look about the town.
There seemed to be many fine buildings, but I should say it
is hardly so pretentious as Chicago. However, it is almost as
large, with very long streets running out into the country,
and a large park.
I noticed in the St. Louis papers that in this State of Mis
souri parties are so divided that the negro vote seems to be of
consequence. The question of mixed or separate schools seems
to be an important one here, and the advocates of mixed schools
hope to secure the votes of the blacks. I went down to have a
good look at the Mississippi, that great river of America, and
I was certainly disappointed. After having seen other great
rivers I was not particularly struck with this one. It may
be larger than the others, but the size is not palpable ; the
breadth is not excessive, and there is no appearance of a very
strong current. According to the register it is now seven
feet above low- water level, which, I suppose, is rather low.
The Mississippi and Missouri join a few miles above this.
The water looks muddy. It is a curious thing that there
ST. LOUIS. 225
seem to be no good fish in the Mississippi. There are no
river-fish in the hotel bills ; those that they have come over
from the great lakes or from the sea. I asked about it, and
they said only a few inferior fish, called cat-fish, are caught in
the Mississippi.
There are many steamers here, but none equal to the
great inland steamers at New York. I took two trips of
some miles each into the suburbs. On one route there was a
park and a great many good villas, and on the other there
were endless streets of poor men's houses. They seemed good
of their kind. The country rises in a rolling way ; but there are
no hills or signs of the mountains yet. I noticed that the
driver of the tram in which I travelled was a Frenchman,
and the conductor an Irishman. I am told that there are a
good many French here, but there seem to be more Grerman
signboards, notices, &c. I saw very little peculiarly Ameri
can about the dress and appearance of the people, and did not
even notice very much in their voices. In crowded tram-
cars scarcely anyone said anything to anybody, and there
was no roughness. Wideawakes are certainly more common
than in England ; chimney-pot hats are comparatively rare.
In the Exhibition I saw some very fine fat cattle. In the
hotel there was a board with the various churches grouped
under denominations. Baptist, Episcopal, Methodist, and
Presbyterian are the most numerous. Besides Presbyterian
there are also a few ' United Presbyterian ' churches. One
of the largest denominations struck me, being called simply
'Christians.'., On inquiry I was told that this is a large
persuasion throughout a great part of the States. They are
called ' Christians ' or ' Campbellites,' being founded by a
certain Bishop Campbell ; they are said to have branched off
from the Baptists.
After doing St. Louis I started for Kansas. The first
part of the country is much like that on the other side of the
river, but becomes more rolling as we go on. On all the
lands formerly prairie a good deal of tree-planting has been
done, and trees are now nowhere rare ; but they are not yet
available for timber. The timber is chiefly imported from
Q
226 MY JOURNAL.
the lakes into Illinois and the neighbouring country.
Hedges are becoming very common as fences. Getting on
towards Kansas the country rolls more and more, and a good
deal of stone begins to crop up. I was surprised to see the
extent of cultivation. There is still nothing that can be
called a real open prairie, though there are some grazing
tracts. The grass is now not very green ; but here also
immense quantities of hay are stored. Some hemp is grown,
and also tobacco ; and bees are kept to a considerable extent.
We passed a large bee-farm ; and in a very inchoate skeleton
village I noticed a beehive shop. In parts natural wood
becomes pretty common, principally oak, especially near the
Missouri Elver. To see the open prairie you must go far
back from the railways. I am told that far away out in the
south-west of Kansas State, upon the Arkansas Eiver, is a very
fine country of big-rolling prairie, with splendid soil, where
a great wheat cultivation has been developed during the last
six or eight years. Sometimes they suffer from drought, but
usually there is rain enough for wheat. From all I can
gather I understand that the rise to the foot of the Eocky
Mountains is quite gradual, and that even when you come
to the mountains the ascent on this side is comparatively
gradual. Between this and the mountains is what was called
the Great American Desert ; but it now turns out that the
Desert is a myth — that there is no desert at all. Travelling
along here I did not see very many cattle, but at all the
stations there were pens and inclines for shipping cattle. I
noticed a good many horses and many very fine mules ; oxen
do not seem to be used for draught in this part of the country.
The cattle-drivers and farm-hands ride with wooden stirrups.
You may see a man on horseback fetching in a cow. I stayed
at Kansas City, which, by the way, is not in Kansas State at
all, but in Missouri, on the borders of Kansas. There were
many vehicles of all sorts, well horsed. Everyone seems to
keep a horse ; yet the price of a hack carriage is two dollars
the first hour, and one dollar for every subsequent hour. The
proprietors say they are obliged to take out licenses, which
causes conveyances to be dear. I noticed here an ordinance
KANSAS. 227
against touting and soliciting custom, making it a misde
meanour. Apparently this is a municipal ordinance published
by the Mayor and signed by the town clerk. The innkeepers'
notice regarding liabilities for losses is a Missouri State Law
(Revised Statutes of Missouri, chapter 79). Kansas City is on
the Missouri River. I was very much disappointed with that
river ; it does not look very large. It is like an Indian river,
with sandbanks in it ; but I understand it does not rise so
much. There are no steamers and apparently no navigation
here, except a few mud-barges and small boats for local use.
In fact, the river is not much used in this part of its course,
but it is more used higher up, and it is navigable throughout
more or less. Occasional steamers pass up, and can go up a
very long way — it is scarcely known how far. The Govern
ment send steamers up by the river route for supplying their
far-away outposts in the far North-West, where there are no
other means of communication. Kansas City is mostly on
high ground. It seems a thriving place, nothing very remark
able about it, and is quite modern in its ways. I should not
have known I was so far West. My hotel was the St. James's,
on high ground, comfortable and moderate. I found that
no paper is published on Monday morning, and I asked,
' Why, are people too good to print upon Sunday ? ' The
answer I got was, ' No, but they drink upon Sunday.' How
ever, I did not see much of that, and rather think that my
informant was unduly severe on his countrymen.
In the afternoon I visited the stock-yards, and then went
on the Kansas side of the small river which here divides the
two States. There were many cattle in the yards, and most
of them seemed to be very well-bred animals — not very fat,
but tolerably so. I understand that they will go to the
American butchers at once. The greater number come from
Texas, many also from Colorado. The cattle raised in Colo
rado are said to be the best-bred. Much good short-horn
blood has, I believe, been introduced of late years. The
cattle come here by rail. There is no grazing-ground along
which they could be driven for two or three hundred miles
from this. They are driven from Texas up to the railway,
228 MY JOURNAL.
and then trucked. These railways have certainly led to the
cultivation and civilisation of the country in a marvellous
degree. Where a few years ago all was uncultivated and bar
barous now things are almost as civilised as in an English
town, to say the least. The bad spirits who hover on the
borders of civilisation have gone farther West. To see the
real West one must go much farther than Kansas City ; but
as my inquiries lie chiefly in another direction I have not
gone farther.
In Kansas City, and still more in the suburbs in Kansas
proper, the negroes are much more numerous than I have yet
seen. On the Kansas side they form quite a large proportion
of the population. They are certainly subject to no indignity
or ill-usage. They ride quite freely in the trams and railways
alongside of the whites, as I myself experienced, and there
seems to be no prejudice whatever against personal contact
with them. I did not hear them at all abused or slanged.
Coming along in the tram-car a cart was found standing on
the line, and detained us some time. When the owner at last
appeared he was a black man. A white waggoner in London
would certainly have been most unmercifully slanged by a
'bus-driver, and would have deserved it ; but our driver said
nothing that I could hear. He may have moved his lips or
said something low, but it was the negro I heard defiantly
call out, c What do you say ? ' Altogether, for such a place as
this, there is surprisingly little shouting or slanging. So
many crossings on a level would lead to endless bad language
in London ; but people in America seem much more on their
good behaviour. The blacks are civil and attentive as waiters
in the hotels and railway-cars, but sometimes ill-mannered.
The black porter in the Pullman car on my journey here
slept on the passengers' seats, with his boots on the cushions,
in a way that not every passenger, and certainly not a white
guard, would venture on ; and he washed his own dirty
hands in the passengers' washhand-basin before my face,
before doing something wanted. The white railway con
ductors are generally civil and well-behaved, though they do
not expect tips, as these ill-mannered blacks do. I am bound,
KANSAS. 229
however, to say that my subsequent experience did not con
firm this view of the bad manners of the blacks.
Here the negroes seemed to have quite taken to work at
trades; I saw them doing building work, both alone and
assisting white men, and also painting and other tradesman's
work. On the Kansas side I found a negro blacksmith, with
an establishment of his own ; he was an old man, and very
'negro,' and I could only extract a little from him. He
.grumbled just like a white man — he made a living; did
pretty well : ' But things are dear.' ( Well, they are cheaper
than they were.' ' But then you are expected to work cheaper.'
He came from Tennessee, after emancipation ; had not been
back there, and did not want to go. Most of the schools here
are separate, and not mixed. ' Perhaps that suits best. Some
black boys go, and some don't.' A black boy of about ten
was standing by. That boy did not go. Could not say why.
His father is a member of the School Board ; and though he
has several children, never sent one to school. I also saw
black women keeping apple-stalls, and engaged in other such
occupations. In these States, which I may call intermediate
between black and white countries, the blacks evidently have
no difficulty. I am told that they work tolerably well, but,
as it was put to me, they are not very ' forehanded.' They
are content if they have enough for the time. However, my
informant said there were a good many blacks in the further
part of the Kansas State, who are doing pretty well, especially
some who have small farms of their own.
The suburban cottages seemed to me very nice indeed,
with trees and orchards, and shrubs and gardens ; but, as it
generally happens in the interior parts of America, they have
not gardens such as our gardens, only fruit-trees, cabbages,
Indian corn, pumpkins, &c., but very few flowers. Things
are not quite so smart in Kansas as in the larger cities, but
quite good and comfortable, and in the same style. There
is a singular uniformity about everything in America, both
in the food and style of the dishes and everything else.
There are always very many dishes on the bill of fare ; but
in all places, and every day, they seem to be veiy much the
230 MY JOUENAL.
same. One gets sick of looking at the list. The Americans
seem to eat their meat underdone to a degree which some
what astonished one. I was always rather fond of underdone
meat, but I dare not ask for it underdone, or ' rare,' as they
call it here, when the question is put as it usually is, for it
is far beyond me. American ladies will eat, in the sweetest
manner, meat which I could not touch. Prices here in the
West are more moderate than in the Eastern cities. Board
and lodging is only two or two and a half dollars a day, and
a single meal about fifty cents. They seem very fond of
English names ; here, too, there is a ' Hyde Park.' At the
hotel here the mutton is called c Southdown,' and the cheese
c English dairy cheese.'
Next morning I started, on my return to Illinois, by
another line, the Hannibal and St. Joe. This is one of the-
many competing lines which run east and west in this part
of the world. It is surprising how many of them there arer
and how difficult it is to choose between their relative merits.
I think I have said that there are no books in the American
hotels, but there is a great provision of railway advertise
ments, each railway not only advertising its merits, but en
forcing them by a map, on which, by taking some slight
liberties with geography, the particular line is shown broad,
straight, tempting in every way, while all the other lines
are depicted as mean, circuitous, and inconvenient. In
default of any other literature one is driven to devote one's
evenings to the study of these railway lines. We crossed
the Missouri River and ran through the interior of North
Missouri. The river still looks not very large nor interesting.
There are many bridges on both the Missouri and the Mis
sissippi above St. Louis, though none below on the united
streams. On crossing the Missouri we ran througli some
fine timber and some good green pasture, abounding in
cattle ; then through a good deal of broken ground and some
swampy tracts ; then a long tract of highish prairie country,
very flat, with little roll, mostly cultivated ; but there were
some large natural pastures, generally enclosed. Near the
Mississippi we dropped down into a heavily-wooded country,
INTEKIOR OF ILLINOIS. 231
and through that to the river. I thought it beautiful. It
is very broad and large, with wooded islands. To the eye it
seemed to me larger than the Missouri. There were a good
many steamers about, and I understand there is very much
more navigation than on the Missouri. The river is na
vigable up to St. Paul's. We crossed it on a good light
iron bridge to Quincy, in Illinois, which seemed a good and
settled town. The Illinois country near it is quite a garden.
I noticed besides the ordinary crops a few vineyards, a good
deal of tobacco, and many good grass-fields. As we went on
the country seemed very much the same as the part of
Illinois I had seen before. We crossed the Illinois, a con
siderable river. Springfield, the political capital of the
State, seemed a sort of exaggerated village, with rural-looking
streets and houses. The roads are a great difficulty in these
parts. There is no metal to be got, and the black soil, like
the Indian soil of the same kind, is very good for mud-roads
in dry weather, but wholly impracticable in wet weather.
This accounts for the immense number of railways in this
State. As long as we were in Missouri we saw a good many
blacks. At one place the black passengers dined at a separate
table ; but in Illinois, in a country settled by whites, the
blacks are rarely found — only, in fact, as hotel servants and
suchlike. I understand, however, that in the southern part
of Illinois blacks are numerous. At Cairo they load the
vessels and do such work. I had occasion to ask at the
hotel who cleaned the boots, that I might tip him. c There
is the gentleman,' said the landlord, pointing to a black, and
apparently quite in earnest. It seemed to me that the rule
of service is black men and white women. At the stations
at meals as we came along to-day we were generally waited
upon by nice quiet-looking white girls. I did not see black
women much employed except as nurses ; and I am told
that they make good cooks.
Coming along the Illinois country from Quincy to Cham
pagne I was struck by the large number of passengers.
There were many junctions, and people crowded out and in.
It must be remembered, however, that there are generally
232 MY JOURNAL.
only two trains in the twenty-four hours. At Champagne, a
small country town, there was a very decent hotel, very
clean, and charges moderate. I stayed there for the night.
In the morning I found that Mr. 0 , President of
the Illinois Central Railway, had come down in his car with
Mr. A , the British Vice-Consul, and they kindly invited
me to take up my quarters with them. We went to see the
Illinois Industrial University located here. It seems a very
flourishing institution, devoted to agriculture and other
useful arts. The President showed us over, and I was called
upon to make a little speech. Most of the students are
young men ; but there are also a good many young women.
They have a model farm, garden, and stock-farm attached.
The professor of agriculture gave me much information.
There is a fine museum, with botanical schools and every
thing complete. Talking of agriculture, I am told that here,
as elsewhere, it pays better to cultivate a small farm, carefully
worked and looked after, than a large one. Only stock-farms
pay on a large scale. In California land has got into the
hands of great holders, who cultivate by hired labour. There
are few small proprietors, and probably to that is due the
rowdyism which seems to some extent to prevail in Cali
fornia.
All over this part of the country there is a disposition to
pay much attention to live stock. Farmers pride themselves
on their grass-fields, and believe that their grass is as good
as ours. They raise stock here for the cattle-market ; but
in the North of Illinois there are many dairy farms and
cheese factories. Besides hay a good deal of corn is given to
the cattle. We visited a small American farmer, and found
his name to be Campbell. I noticed that he and his family
pronounced it in the orthodox way, sounding the B, whereas
all the higher classes of Americans, even in New York, in
variably pronounce the name in the old lowland Scotch fashion
as ' Cammel.* They appeal to the poetical authority of the
song—
' The Campbells (Cammels) are coming.'
This is one of those cases in which the language and pro-
INTERIOR OF ILLINOIS. 233
nunciation of the working classes in America are more modern
than that of the higher classes. My namesake had a good
new barn, but a very poor house. They say that all thrifty
farmers build an improved barn first, and an improved house
afterwards. He had two pairs of horses, one hired servant,
and a number of children. Of course he worked, and worked
hard, himself.
We slept in the railway-carriage, and went on during
the night to Kanakee, an Illinois country town, originally a
French settlement. There seem to be now many considerable
towns on this line of railway. From Kanakee we went along
a new branch line now being made into a district not
hitherto served by railway ; and, driving some miles beyond
the point now reached by the rail, I had the advantage of
seeing a good deal of the thoroughly rural class of Western
farmers. The branch line is being made very cheap — it is
only to cost 1 ,200L a mile. The farmers are very keen to
get it ; they have generally given the land required free, and
many of them have promised voluntary contributions to
wards the undertaking, for which they have given notes of
hand. When the time comes for payment they are said to
be rather difficult to settle with ; they want to stipulate
for very cheap rates and other advantages. The land about
here is mostly rather flat ; a great deal of it, and indeed
a great deal of Illinois land altogether, stands in need of
drainage. In many places tile-drains are being put in.
Altogether this country seems to have rather too much than
too little rain. There is sufficient slope for drainage when
it is attended to. A great deal of the land hereabouts was
originally given to the Illinois Central Railway, and by them
sold to farmers. Most farms seem to be small — a good many
of them only 40 acres, very many 80 acres, some 160 acres.
Those of 320 acres are comparatively few. The buildings
seem generally to be rather poor — as if not very much had
been done to them since they were built by the first settlers ;
but a good many trees have been planted, good hedges
and fences set up, and draining and other improvements
are going on. The farms where the railway had been long
234 MY JOURNAL.
running generally had improved barns. I gather that the
farmers have a hard-working time of it ; and unless a man
has very special advantages he scarcely makes money very
rapidly. During the Civil War prices were very high, and
much money was made ; but now prices are far too low to
bring much profit. The maize crop fetches but a very low
price, and the farmers have not any very paying crops, unless
they can make fat cattle pay ; but cattle are also at present
very cheap in America. To improve very much it would
require higher farming, which involves a good supply of
labour ; but the continual opening up of new countries in
the West takes people off so fast as greatly to interfere with
the States already settled. The life of the farmers must be
rather solitary and rough. I visited a German farmer who
has been a good many years settled in America, but he had
lived so much alone that he still speaks English very im
perfectly, while his wife and mother do not speak it at all.
I found a good many farms occupied by different members of
a Scotch family of the name of Bute. They claimed descent
from ' Lord Bute ; ' but that is a bad shot, as Lord Bute's
name is not Bute. Most of the English-speaking farmers
seem to be of American birth — generally men who had come
from older States and taken up land in Illinois. One was an
Englishman, originally a mechanic ; he had come from Lan
cashire as a young man, had worked at his trade in the
States, then tried farming in several places ; eventually
settled in Illinois ; was lucky in making money during the
war and in the possession of several strong sons — that is the
best wealth in America — daughters don't pay — this man
has now 320 acres here, besides a farm in Indiana, which he
has rented ' on shares ; ' that is, to a man who pays him a share
of the crop. He seems still a rough sort of man. I did not
see much (here, at any rate) of the smart farmers' wives such
as Mr. Dale lately described, but there are a few large
farmers better off than others. They say that the Irish do
not do well here ; those who have farms generally rent, and,
as it was put to me, c they rent them too cheap to work them
well.' There does not seem to be the same objection here to
INTERIOR OF ILLINOIS. 235
renting farms as there is in New York. A good many are-
rented, but only for short terms and upon shares — generally
paying one-third of the produce to the owner. There are no
long leases. The share system is said to answer well enough.
Such rentings, however, are only what I may call casual ;
there is no such thing as an estate bought for the purpose of
leasing out in farms. Many of the owners are in debt, and
pay about 8 per cent. There is very good provision for
educating the children ; the law requires that there should
be a school every two miles. The schools are generally
taught either by women or by young men just out of college
and commencing their career. Many young women ' teach
school ' before they get married, and many distinguished
men have commenced life by teaching schools. Some say
that the drawback to education is apparent in the too great
number of young men who seek to live by their head rather
than by their hands.
The land here is all marked off into townships of six
miles square, and into mile, half-mile, and quarter-mile
squares, with unmetalled rectangular roads dividing the
squares, and generally hedges. The houses are of wood.
The farmers have not much machinery. Indian corn is not
reaped by machine, and the farmers can generally hire a
machine to thrash out the grain when they require it. A
very common institution on the farms here is the small
American windmill ; it is used for pumping water, bruising
corn, and for other purposes. Water is always to be had
from wells within easy distance of the surface. This not being
a fruit country, large fruit trains come up from Southern
Illinois in the season, and apples come from the North.
Prairie chickens are very common hereabouts; they by no
means affect remote prairies ; on the contrary, they seem a
domestic sort of creatures, frequenting the neighbourhood of
roads, farms, &c. The small American rabbit is also com
mon ; the large Jack rabbit, or hare, is found only in the
West. There is a great abundance of wild ducks almost
everywhere in America. A small forty-acre farmer had a
little sugar-mill, such as the ryots have in some parts of
236 MY JOURNAL.
India, and his neighbours brought their sorghum to be
•crushed into molasses. Most of the farmers grow oats for
their own use, but I did not see anything of peas and beans ;
that is, our peas. There are American peas and beans too,
but they are of a different kind. In Canada I noticed that
the best bacon was described as pea-fed. Barley does not
seem to be a common crop in any of the States which I have
visited, but there is plenty of rye and buckwheat. Illinois
is par excellence the ' corn State ; ' that is, Indian corn, which
is always meant when corn is spoken of in America. They
have wonderfully improved varieties of this corn here. It
shows what can be done by selection and cultivation. The
flat or rolling black soil prevails throughout all the central
parts, and indeed over most of the State; but at either end is a
country of a different character. In the south there is much
rocky and uneven ground, some of it poor ; but much wheat
is grown in the south. In the north also there is an undu
lating country, with lead mines and other minerals. There
also is Elgin (they pronounce it ' Eljin '), where the Illinois
watches are made. For fat cattle the Durham short-horn
breed is preferred. For milch cows here and all over
America they are very fond of small Jerseys, and affect that
breed much more than is usually the case in this country.
All the land which is private property is taxed according
to its value, whether it is cultivated or not; that is, for
State, county, and local purposes. The county supports some
county officers, roads, bridges, and the poor. I have been
surprised to find that there is some sort of poor law in
almost every State in America. The fact is, the law being
English law, the English poor law has been imported, and is
only more or less modified. The townships support schools
and local roads. There are no commons properly so called;
in remote parts there may be open public land not yet ap
propriated, but it is not the practice to reserve any common
pasture land in the settled townships. The townships here
are merely local organisations for financial and adminis
trative purposes ; they have no basis of common property,
like the European and Asiatic townships or communes. The
INTERIOR OF ILLINOIS. 237
counties of some of these States are very numerous — as many
as a hundred or more in a State. They are very little more
than areas for taxation, and seem to have no county repre
sentation or county meetings. The townships elect trustees,
who correspond to the 'select men' of the Eastern States, and
also town constables and some other officers. There is no
county police; only in large towns is there any regular police
force. When occasion requires the Sheriff acts with a ' posse.'
Any considerable place is formally incorporated as a city,
whilst smaller places are incorporated as villages. The people
are very fond of meetings of the citizens; that is, gene
rally the citizens of the townships. Oratory is taught at the
Industrial College. They have also there a mock place of
business, where the boys and girls do merchants' work with
tokens of small value, and so learn to make and lose money.
On looking into the laws of this State I find that it is op
tional with each county to organise into townships for
administrative purposes. They generally do ; as soon as the
country is settled the township system comes into play. In
order to avoid confusion incorporated towns, as distinguished
from the district called a township, are now called either cities
or villages. Any populous place of 1,000 inhabitants or up
wards may become a city ; any place of 300 inhabitants or
upwards a village.
To go back to the farmers : they seem to me a quiet and
simple but shrewd sort of men, very like what small Scotch
farmers might be. They generally take in a local weekly
paper and an agricultural paper. Groing into the houses,
some of them struck me as really very poor and crowded ;
some had no separate living room, but these are the early
houses first built in a newly-settled country, and they will
improve, if the people are tolerably prosperous.
In these Western States I notice a good many French
names of places, marking a time when, both in India and in
America, the French almost outrivalled us. Ohio, too, which
not so long back was a remote and unsettled territory, was
the scene of French settlement and French military operations
a long time ago ; and the present Pittsburgh, the great iron
238 MY JOURNAL.
centre in West Pennsylvania, was the Fort du Quesne of the
French.
After this visit to the interior of Illinois I returned to
Chicago, and there again made a short halt, and saw some
more of the sights of that famous place.
I am more and more struck by the absence of the habit
of drinking wine amongst the Americans. At the hotels
here one sees no such thing, nor do they even have on the
table at meals the lager-bier which is common in the country.
The bars too seem little frequented, and to have little
variety of drinks. At some of the railway stations in Illinois
nothing was to be got to drink ; the sale was not prohibited,
but ' Murphy had been round.' There is, in fact, a strong
movement against drink, which has hitherto been much taken
by the lower classes in the shape of nips at odd times. Ap
parently this abstinence movement has had much success. I
gathered that most of the intemperance was among what I
may call the loafing population.
Among the uniformities of American ways I notice a
uniform inferiority and saltness of butter. Americans do
not seem to know bread-and-butter in our sense, and that
probably affects their character. They are, I must say, very
barbarous in their fashion of eating. They seem to order all
their little dishes at once, and keep digging first into one
•dish and then into another — mixing fish and beefsteaks, and
swallowing every concoction of vegetables together at the
From Chicago I went, by the Chicago Fort Wayne and
Pittsburgh Eailway, to Pittsburgh, crossing on the road a
portion of Indiana and the northern half of Ohio. The
railroad seemed a capital one, in excellent order, and very
smooth. After passing the flats at the bottom of Lake
Michigan we came to an undulating country, with a good
deal of wood and abundant pasture. We passed a con
siderable town called Valparaiso, the seat apparently of a
thriving woollen manufactory. Soon after the ground again
became very flat — too flat for drainage — and so continued for a
very long way; in fact, as far as a place called Crestline. The
INDIANA AND OHIO. 239
ground was very much wooded, and only partially cleared,
with a good many swamps, but no prairie-ground, except
some large, open, swampy plains. The country here evidently
suffers from too much moisture and want of drainage. I saw
large stacks of draining-tiles at the stations. Still there was
a good deal of cultivation, mixed with forest. Some of the
country seemed to resemble part of what I had seen in
Canada. There were some nice-enough looking places, and
better gardens and orchards than in Illinois. The Indian
corn an Illinois man thought not very good. There was a
good deal of wheat ; cattle pretty plentiful, sheep few. On
some of the clearings I saw many log-huts, such as I had not
yet seen in real life ; but some of the towns are improving.
They get a great deal of timber, and do a great deal of wood
work. Evidently in all this part of America there is very
great room for much further improvement. The country
drains so far as it drains at all into Lake Erie, but there is a
curious absence of running water. Crestline, where I stopped
for the night, is about the highest part of the country, and
immediately after passing it the drainage goes to the Ohio.
I found a comfortable little hotel at Crestline. I took a
walk about the town. It seemed a nice, clean country place,
with good shops, neat villa- residences, and a quiet, decent-
looking people.
In the morning I started again. Almost immediately
after leaving Crestline the ground began to undulate, and
eventually became quite hilly,- with a good many streams,
running more or less, but for the most part somewhat
sluggish. This is the character of the country till we get
towards Pittsburgh. There is always a great abundance of
natural wood, principally hard wood, ash and suchlike, but
comparatively few pines. A very large proportion of the
fields had still stumps in them, even those in the middle of
considerable towns. As we got on, however, the homesteads
improved and became better-looking than most of those
that I had seen in Illinois. Much of the route, with fine
woods scattered about, is extremely park-like, and the autumn
.foliage is very pretty ; indeed, altogether it seemed as smiling
240 MY JOURNAL.
a country as one could wish to see ; that is, for a country only
partially cleared and cultivated. I began to realise the beauty
of the American autumn foliage of which one has heard so
much. The leaves certainly turn to very bright and showy
colours, such as one never sees in Europe. I saw some very
good specimens of this kind of thing ; but in this particular
respect I am told that I am not fortunate in the season, as
there has not been the sudden change to frost which causes
the most brilliant hues.
PENNSYL VANIA.
In the latter part of this journey we entered the State
of Pennsylvania. As we came along towns and villages
became more and more populous ; in fact, the last hundred
miles or so into Pittsburgh was full of manufacturing places
forming what might be called an American Sheffield country
joined to an American Birmingham at Pittsburgh. The coun
try here becomes very hilly. We came into the valley of the
Beaver Eiver, then into that of the Ohio, then a little way up
the Alleghany river, crossing which we came into Pittsburgh.
In the train I met a talkative old Pennsylvania gentle
man, very like an Englishman in voice and manner — I think
Pennsylvanians are often so. He had just come back from
Iowa, which he thinks a good country ; but he saw there a
good many emigrants moving further West, with their
waggons, families, and household goods. He considers Penn-
sylvanian farming first-rate ; but good land there is very dear
— a man cannot make much by it. The best of the Penn-
sylvanian country is in the eastern valleys. The western
valleys are narrow and precipitous. The Pennsylvanian
people grow wheat and keep a good many cows, but he seems
to say that they do not go in very much for dairy-farming.
The most paying crop of late has been tobacco : they have
discovered that they can grow it. A very large proportion
of the well-to-do farmers in this part of the country are
Germans, called ' Dutch ' by the Americans. There are also
many Scotch-Irish; but the regular Irish are not so good.
The Germans still speak very much among themselves a local
PITTSBURGH. 241
German, different from the school German. They all under
stand German. Most of them are Protestants. Here also the
farmers generally own their own land ; but some rent, and in
that case they prefer the share system. It answers very well
with an honest man, but you are apt to be cheated. He has
had experience of this system on a farm of his own, which has
been long rented. The tenant gives him half of the corn and
hay. He knows a farmer who gives two-thirds ; but then the
proprietor supplies the seed and the working stock. In this
part of the country they have no trouble or ill-feeling about
religious questions, though Catholic priests want to prosely
tise children when they can. I also talked to a German. He
came out at the age of eighteen, and is substantially an
American. He served in the Federal army during the war,
and saved $500, also made a little money in other ways, and
now bitterly regrets that he did not put his savings into the
land. If he had he would have been safe and well off now-
As it is he seems to have lost his money. He has a good
enough place as traveller for a machinist, with $3 a day and
expenses; but, as he says, there is no knowing how long that
will last, whereas land lasts for ever. He says the Germans
work well, and have the great advantage that the women
work as well as the men, while American women will not
work. In the West, howeyer, the women are comparatively
few, and they have enough other work to do. German
emigration has been much checked recently, but many
Swedes and Norwegians come, and some people who are
called Kussiaas. I fancy these are Mnemonites.
Pittsburgh is a very smoky-looking place ; but it is
surrounded by pretty hills, on some of which are vineyards^
and altogether the scene looks a good deal like a European
Continental town, the smoke apart. My guide-book directed
me to the Union Depot Hotel, but I found it had been burnt
down in last year's riots, and I went to the Seventh Avenue
Hotel. The next day was Sunday, and it struck me that
Pittsburgh was a singularly dull and uninteresting place on
that day ; nothing seemed to be going on. The people seem
respectable enough ; but very many men of various sorts were
R
242 MY JOURNAL.
hanging about the streets in a moody kind of way. I can
easily imagine it to be the sort of place for an outbreak like
that which occurred last year. However, at present the place
is as full of women and children as other places, and one sees
wonderfully few signs of last year's destruction. The more I
walk about the place the more smoky and grimy and dull-
looking it seems to be. I observe many negroes about, many
of the women in smart Sunday dresses. The relations be
tween them and the whites appear quite good.
The next day a gentleman connected with the Pennsyl
vania Central Railway was kind enough to drive me about
the town and show me some of the sights. I now learned that
there was a special reason for the extreme dullness and want
of motion yesterday. It seems that a great Sunday-closing
movement has just broken out, an old Act of 1794 having
been put in force against the publicans, or saloon-keepers,
as they are called in America ; and they in turn have put in
force the law against everyone else. Almost all the street
cars were stopped and every sort of traffic. The saloon
keepers have established a ' Detective Association ' to deal with
Sunday-breakers, and are now the great promoters of the
closing movement, which is the great question of the day.
There used to be very many saloons and much drinking in
Pittsburgh ; but ' Murphy ' has been very active lately, and is
said to have had a great effect. He is here now. I am afraid
it seems inconsistent with what I have said in detraction of the
Pittsburgh people, but I am told that this is a very Presby
terian and Scotch-Irish place. Before the war many negroes
took refuge here, but it is said there are hardly so many of
them now as there were then.
This is a great railway centre. A very inconvenient pe
culiarity of American freedom is the great variety of railway
gauges, which gives much trouble in regard to the through
lines ; but they have got over this difficulty by a system of
hoisting the carriages off one set of wheels and putting them
on another. This is very rapidly done ; and in this way, not
withstanding change of gauge, carriages are run through for
long distances. There is a very large traffic between this
INTERIOR OF PENNSYLVANIA. 243
place and Lake Erie. Ironstone is brought in large quantities
from the Lake regions. We visited one of the largest iron
works. Mr. J , the head partner, kindly showed us over
He seemed a very business-like and English-looking sort of
man, though he had never been in England. From 2,500 to
3,000 men, of all nationalities, are employed in the works.
]V£r. J Says the Grermans are the only men who are saving ;
all the rest scatter. He thinks the riots last year were very
much due to mismanagement, and that it was a mistake
to bring in the military. ' These people think that they can
reason.' The negroes do not become skilled workmen — they
only work as labourers. Workmen's wages are very much
higher here than in England — more so in some kinds of labour
than in others. Ordinary labourers do not get so much more,
but puddling costs almost three times as much ; that, how
ever, is partly due to combinations. East of the Alleghanies
the rates are not so high. Upon the whole the wages he
pays to skilled workmen are, he says, nearly twice as high as
those in England. Capital is much dearer in America. He
himself long paid 10 per cent, upon very large sums ; now
money is cheaper. In Pennsylvania the best iron-veins are
thin, and a good deal worked out. Most of the good ore comes
from Michigan — from the country upon Lake Superior. The
advantage of Pittsburgh is the very cheap coal. They have
their own mines almost immediately adjoining the works.
Coal costs only about a dollar a ton. They do an immense
amount of rolling bars, and also manufacture nails upon an
enormous s«ale. They have some new and complicated
machines that only Americans can work. On the whole he
believes that American workmen do more than English work
men. He was very much impressed by Mr. Lothian Bell,
who had paid him a visit.
From Pittsburgh I took the train to Philadelphia. We
very soon got into pretty suburbs, clear of the smoke, and
passed through a smiling, undulating country, without any
steep inclines, wood and cultivation alternating. Further on,
as we got into the Alleghany hills, we passed through some
deep wooded gorges and up some steep inclines ; but we still
ii 2
244 MY JOURNAL.
came upon towns and villages and cultivation, and saw several
branch railways and some great iron works. Even after the
last of the steep ascents we never lost the cultivated and
inhabited country. There was nothing that could be called
mountains. At the highest point, at Cresson Springs, the
ground is nearly flat. There is here a pretty park, and the
place is a sort of sanatorium in the hot weather. It is not
very cool, but people say that at night they can always sleep
under a blanket.
The steep part of the road was going down on the other
side. There are eleven miles of a very steep incline — very
wooded and very picturesque gorges, abounding in pines and
cypresses — but there is nothing nearly so steep as on the
Indian Ghauts. At the foot of the incline at Altona there
are great railway works ; and an hour further we came to
Huntingdon, a nice rural town, where I stayed for the night.
I found that the bell was going for a Democratic political
meeting, and I went there. The proceedings were opened by
a brass band. It seems that a musical performance of that
kind is an important part of American political demonstra
tions. The people were very quiet and orderly. I heard them
saying, ' The Democrats are going to have a good meeting.'
There was not so much appearance of party feeling as there
generally is with us. The people seemed very much like
those of one of our country towns. I noticed one or two
negro boys in the meeting. They seemed quite at home,
and no one objected to their presence. The meeting was kept
waiting a considerable time, and seemed wonderfully patient.
At last the Honourable — Stinger, the member for the dis
trict, entered, and was moderately cheered. A respectable
elderly gentleman was called to the chair, and there was
then a very formal nomination of vice-presidents and secre
taries, but I could not make out that these functionaries had
anything to do. The president made a nice little speech.
Then the Honourable — Stinger came forward and made the
speech of the evening. I thought it really very good and effec
tive — well-reasoned, clear, and even independent, it seemed
to me. I think he was a lawyer by profession. His great
A DEMOCRATIC MEETING. 245
contention was that in the days of Democratic rule the
•country was prosperous, and they governed themselves in a
contented way. ' You hardly knew,' he said, ' that there was
a United States Government, except when you went to the
post-office for your letters. Under the Republican Govern
ment there is want, tramps, execution for taxes, and other
evils ; ' and he accused the Republicans of extravagance,
jobbing, scheming for office, and support of rings and mono
polies. As to the Southern difficulty, he said ' the Constitu
tional question and the rights of the negroes are settled — no
one would go back upon that ; but, thank God, the Carpet
baggers have been expelled from the South ; disturbance and
murder are stopped — the rule is given to those who care for
the rights of both races.' Military rule in the South had been
stopped by Congress refusing appropriations for the army
until the troops were withdrawn. As regards the money
question he was very vehement, and denounced both the
Greenbackers and the Silver-men. He wanted to give the
working man a real and not a sham dollar. Afterwards,
however, he somewhat inconsistently said that he would post
pone return to specie payments till times were better. He
had no objection to the silver dollar, if enough silver were put
into it to make it worth a dollar. There was no talk of the
question of protection — that goes of itself, I suppose. He
then went into State Government affairs, but I did not dis
cover that there were any burning questions except personal
ones, and upon these he was very bitter. He accused old
Simon Cameron of personal rule and all sorts of jobbing to
put his son, Don Cameron, and others of his party, into office,
with the view to raise money for election expenses. Another
man followed, whom I did not think much of — he was more
of a ranter. On the whole I should say the speakers were
more demonstrative than with us, and the people less so. There
was no opposition, and no ' heckling,' nor any vote at the end
— merely moderate applause — and then everyone went away.
The next morning I looked about the place. People were
talking very quietly. ' I know nothing of politics,' I heard
some say. None seemed strong or bitter upon the subject.
246 MY JOUKNAL.
I met a stoat American of these parts — a rough sort of man ;
but he owns much land in various parts of Minnesota, and he
wants to sell. Apparently land speculation has been some
what overdone. The Pennsylvania Central Canal runs along
side the railway here. I saw no signs of traffic upon it, but I
am told that it carries a good deal of coal. There are some
negroes about the town, but apparently none in the country.
I saw no such thing as a negro labourer on the farms. A
very important people here are the ' Dunkards,' a German
religious sect. They are about the best and most prosperous
farmers in this country, owning almost the whole of one rich
valley. They are building a fine High School here, which
they are to dedicate to the public. It will be taken over as
a common school. There is a great deal of difference of
opinion about the school system. One man denied that there
are free schools, but I found that he meant that they have to
pay taxes for them ; and he put it that if a man owns a farm
he may have to pay $20, when a man of equal means, but
who only rents a house, pays only one or two dollars. In this
town there are as many as eight churches. The principal
one is a Presbyterian church, the minister of which has
$1,700 (say 350L) and a house. Next comes the Methodist
church, the minister of which receives $1,200. The Epis
copalians are few, and unable to support a parson. In vil
lages, I am told, you will probably find only two churches,
one Presbyterian and the other Methodist.
I took a long walk out into the country, and saw a good
many farms. The land is not very good about here. There
is much woodland not reclaimed, but it is being taken up
bit by bit. Notwithstanding much emigration from this
country to the West they do not seem to suffer from want
of population. Most of the farmers hire labour more or less,
and plenty of farm-servants are to be got. Pennsylvania
seems to be a great country for raising humans. The prin
cipal crops are Indian corn, wheat, and a good many potatoes.
In all the gardens there are vines, but they do not always bear.
All the country hereabouts is at this moment suffering
very much from drought. I found that some farms belong to
PHILADELPHIA. 247
men in the town, who work them with hired labour. Some
small patches are held by men who do other work as well.
I talked to such a man who had eighteen acres of his own.
The hired servants seem decent sort of people. On the whole
I should not say that the people here are of a higher class
than the average of our rural populations. Many of the
children have bare feet, but that is probably due to the
climate. The ordinary cottages seem very good.
Groing on by railway to Philadelphia we passed through
a long narrow valley, without much population, and then
came to Harrisburgh, the political capital of the State, and
a great railway centre. The Susquehanna is a very broad,
shallow river. From Harrisburgh we passed through Lan
caster County. There the cultivation is very good indeed ;
the fields well enclosed and carefully worked. I still notice
the absence of root-crops. I find that this county has the
reputation of being very highly cultivated ; in fact, Lancaster
and Cumberland Counties of Pennsylvania are said to be the
best cultivated in America. The land looked very much
like good Scotch or English land without green crops. The
farms are small or of moderate size, the great majority
owned by the farmers. Renting, they say, seldom answers.
It was dark when we reached Philadelphia, and there
were no cabs at the station, but admirably arranged tram
way-cars, by which I reached my hotel without difficulty, the
luggage being, as is always the case in America, brought
separately by a man, who gives you a ticket for it. I put
up at the Continental Hotel — very central, but expensive.
In the* morning I looked about Philadelphia. Like all
other American cities it is very rectangular, but some of the
streets are more European-looking and better filled than any
I had yet seen in America. Chestnut and Walnut and such
like streets run between the Delaware and the Schuylkill
rivers, and at right angles to them run the numbered streets.
The Delaware is not here a very large river ; there is a tide,
but the water is fresh, it being a long way from the sea.
There is said to be not less water in the river than over the
New York Bar ; but the disadvantage is that the shallow
248 MY JOURNAL.
places are more numerous, and it takes longer to pass all of
them. Evidently the port is at some disadvantage in this
respect. Some of the larger steamers do not care to come
up. In regard to the grain trade Philadelphia is much pressed
by Baltimore ; there is great rivalry between the two places.
I went to see Independence House and several other sights.
Mr. B , a countryman of mine, to whom I had an intro
duction, was good enough to drive me about in the afternoon.
He took me through the famous Fairmount Park. A very
fine large park it is. The site of the Centennial Exhibition was
in this park, and certainly a very commanding and good site.
Beyond the park both sides of a pretty stream have been
taken up for a continuation of the drive, making it alto
gether eleven miles in length. The country here is not
hilly, but undulating and pretty.
I made the acquaintance of Mr. P , a most pleasant
old gentleman, and an excellent specimen of the best class of
Americans of the older generation ; also his son, a prosperous
lawyer, who has been much in Scotland. They took me to
see Mr. G. W. C , a very successful man, and a great
institution in Philadelphia, where he has one of the most
successful papers in America. I found him most pleasant,
and ready to assist me. The present American Minister in
London is a Philadelphia man, and is evidently very much
respected and looked up to here. The Philadelphia people
seem very sociable, and very intimate with one another, and
altogether very agreeable and kind to strangers.
In the evening I went to a political meeting of the oppo
site persuasion from that at which I had assisted at Hun
tingdon. The Governor of this State presided, a quiet,
inaudible sort of man. Then came the Governor that is to
be, who was rather dry and financial ; and after him another
orator, who gave the Eepublican view of matters very well.
As with the other side, party questions seemed to be very
much personal ones. He pitched into the Democrats for
having caused the war, which was the root of all the evils of
which they had lately complained. Now they were recovering,
and the great thing was to let well alone. If you could only
PHILADELPHIA. 249
let Congress sleep for ten years all would be right. It would
be a scandal and a shame if, after all the sufferings of the
country, the defeated Democrats were to come in again.
That would mean the victory of the South, compensation for
Southern losses, and so on. On the currency question the
Eepublicans were as strong for hard money as the other side
had been. The good dollar is the poor man's dollar. The
working man is a creditor for the value of his labour, and
wants to be paid in good money ; the bondholders are the
widows and the orphans who have invested their little all in
United States Bonds ; and German and Dutch people, who
trusted the United States while the English fitted up corsairs
to destroy our trade. (Great applause.) The Democrats
were coquetting with the Greenbackers. That would never
do. Protection might be good or bad for other people, but
it was certainly good for Pennsylvania. He accused the
Democrats of being in favour of a tariff for revenue, and said
that would be ruin to them. This meeting, like the other,
was quite quiet and orderly. There seemed to be less of row
and less enthusiasm than in one of our political meetings.
The city seems a good and flourishing one. It excels
very much in a great abundance of workmen's houses. They
are generally held by the workmen themselves on a sort of
quit-rent — what we should call ' feus ' in Scotland.
The next day Mr. B took me to see several of the
sights of Philadelphia. One very new institution here is
the Safety House ; that is, fire-proof houses, with fire-proof
receptacles, in which valuables are locked away. Anyone
who wishes thus to secure his valuables, papers, &c. takes a
little compartment, in which he puts them. I think the
Philadelphia people were rather disappointed at my saying
that it seemed a very good idea indeed, but that it had been
very long anticipated in one country — viz., China — where
almost every village possesses a safety house somewhat on
this principle. Europeans generally call them c pawn-shops,'
but they are really brick, robber-proof, and to some extent
fire-proof buildings, where the Chinese deposit their valuables,
which is the more necessary, as in "that country very few
250 MY JOURNAL.
houses are proof against fire and against thieves. As a
means, however, of providing for the safety of valuables,
securities, and other papers the improved .Pennsylvania
safety houses are very useful indeed.
I interviewed two or three of the leading railway chiefs
here. Colonel S , the President of the great Pennsylvania
system of railways, seems a shrewd elderly man. I had a
good deal of talk with him. He admits that the great dif
ficulty in regard to very successful railways in America is,
that they are so liable to the competition of opposition lines,
that they cannot expect to pay very enormous dividends ;
but, on the other hand, he says they are not afraid of most of
these oppositions. These lines cost, according to him, very
much more than they were estimated for. They do not pay
now, and very likely never will. Others say, however, that
the more recent lines are made cheaper than the old ones.
I also talked to Mr. Gr , the very sanguine President of
the Philadelphia and Reading Railway. All admit him to
be a clever man ; but his railway is in a bad way nevertheless,
and he did not seem to find many to share his sanguine
estimates. He does not admit that the Pennsylvania iron is
worked out or inferior, as I had been told, though he does
admit that the iron ore from Lake Superior is better for
some purposes. With regard to the relative merits of
American and English iron, he admits that the English
deposits in the Cleveland country are the greatest in the
world ; but then he says that English iron is full of phos
phorus, and won't make into steel. It cannot be so used
unless some new chemical means are found for purging it of
phosphorus. The American ore is free from phosphorus.
Thus they have the advantage in making steel, which will
tell the more if, in addition to steel rails, it becomes the
fashion to build steel ships, as is now expected. As it is he
says the English now make steel cheaper than the Americans,
but that is only because the quantity required is compara
tively small. If the consumption of steel in the world very
largely increases, the English have not the ore to meet the
demand. This is a great place for the manufacture of loco-
PHILADELPHIA. 251
motives and all sorts of railway machinery. There seems to
be no doubt that the Americans export locomotives to foreign
countries, which must be due to skill in the manufacture,
not to the material, which is dearer than with us. Mr. Gr
is very hot on a plan for inducing the ocean steamers to use
the anthracite coal which his railway supplies. He says
that if the furnaces were fitted for it there would be no
difficulty, and they would then find it an immense advantage,
the coal being very superior and so much cleaner. The
difficulty, it seems, is to get anthracite coal to use on these
steamers on the return voyage from England ; but he has
specimens to show that there is very good anthracite coal in
Wales which they might get. It seems that the principal
consumption of this anthracite is now in New York, Phila
delphia, and some of the other Eastern cities. There are
immense deposits of it, but the area is very limited. It
occupies an exceedingly small space on the coal-map of the
United States.
I have got the statistical atlas of the United States,
giving an immense amount of information. The Americans
go in very largely for statistics. At the same time I have
not been able to make out how they obtain accurate figures.
They have no system of compulsory agricultural returns
any more than we have. So far as I can understand their
agricultural statistics are not founded on reports from
farmers, but merely on the estimates of qualified observers
in connection with the Statistical Department in the
various par-ts of the country. Then as to the geological
and coal maps. There are no general surveys of the
United States ; that is not considered to be a function of
the general Government, but of each State; consequently
the older and more settled States are not surveyed according
to any uniform system. The best surveys are those of the
e Territories,' in which the land belonging to the United States
has been surveyed as United States property. From what
I could gather I should say that there are some inaccuracies
in the statistical maps. For instance, I could not make out
that the Illinois coal-fields are really so enormous as they
\
252 MY JOURNAL.
are there depicted — certainly coal is not so cheap in Illinois
as it is in Pennsylvania.
I understand that here joint-stock companies are not so
common as in New England, and the reason which has been
given to me is, that in Pennsylvania corporate bodies are
taxed on all their property, while private persons are taxed on
real property only, contrary to the practice of most American
States which by their Constitution are bound to levy all taxes
upon every sort of property, real and personal equally.
In the afternoon I went with Mr. P to his house,
which is within a few miles of Philadelphia, in a pretty,
undulating country — something like our Kichmond, without
the water. The Philadelphia people do not seem to have con
siderable country places, like the New Yorkers ; only villas
and moderate grounds. Mr. P 's house and family I
found extremely pleasant and agreeable. As servants they
have only quiet-looking maids, no men ; all seems very nice
and simple. The boys, according to the American fashion,
live at home and go to school. I met a Mr. M , with
whom I had some talk about agriculture. He quite agrees
with what I have before heard, that it does not pay to let
land. He says that in the German counties the women
will work in the fields — they like it, and will not be pre
vented from doing so ; but no other women do this kind of
work. Parts of New England, he says, are now much de
serted and almost returning to jungle; the people have gone
West to better land ; and the poor New England land, which
sufficed for the Pilgrim Fathers, does not pay now. Even in
Connecticut, where the land is better, he says its value is
much depreciated. He compares the Yankees (meaning
New Englanders) to Jews, who will not work with their
hands, but expect to grow rich by their heads.
It seems that Mr. McCulloch (late Financial Secretary)
has been holding forth on the deficiencies of American agri
culture, comparing it to that of the Old World as very infe
rior, and saying that agriculture is the only industry to which
science has not been properly applied in the United States.
Some of the people here speak with great contempt of
PHILADELPHIA. 253
the * shoddy ' fine ladies of the oil regions and the Western
States, but they admit that the St. Louis women are nice —
there is a dash of French blood there. The Philadelphia
people are different in style and ways both from Yankees
and New Yorkers. They think the latter loud and purse-
proud. Cincinnati, one of the pleasantest cities in the
Union, is, I am told, very German. The Germans there go
in very much for the pleasures of life according to their
ideas, musical and other. c What is money without pleasure
and comfort ? ' says the German. There is now a good deal
of society in Washington, I am told, but it is somewhat
formal, the foreign Ministers introducing formalities ; and
there are many questions of precedence and suchlike.
People here say that the New England servants are quite
different from theirs. There is more equality in New Eng
land; there they have helps rather than servants. Many
students, male and even female, go out to make a little
money by service in the hotels during the summer, which
accounts for the stories told of the waiter interposing to solve
scientific or social questions discussed at the table. In the
West there is much more difficulty about servants, and the
ladies there are said to get prematurely old on this account.
In the South people have had great reverses of fortune, and
aristocrats were obliged to serve as waiters, while blacks sat
in the Legislature and their wives rode in carriages. I gather,
however, that this only happened for a time in one or two
States.
Mr. M-— . — dwelt very much upon the risk of fever in
the Southern States, and warned me very emphatically
against it. My subsequent experience, however, did not
confirm this. I did not make out that there was much risk
of fever in most places in the South ; that is, where ' Yellow
Jack ' has not made his appearance, as is unfortunately so
much the case this year in the States of the Lower Mississippi.
In all the lower parts of the Southern States there are tracts
which are exceedingly feverish in summer ; but few white
people live there at that season ; and now that the cool
weather has come in they are quite healthy.
254 MY JOURNAL.
Next day, on returning to Philadelphia, I went with Mr.
P to see the Courts. They retain the old English forms
to a surprising degree ; even old Norman terms which we
have dropped. They have still ' Courts of Oyer and Terminer,'
and shout out the old Norman ' Oh, yes ! oh, yes ! ' Grrand
juries and all the machinery of English justice are fully
maintained, but the Judges wear no robes. Unanimity of
the jury is still insisted on. I was surprised to see the
number of Courts at work. The United States Courts, besides
dealing with breaches of the United States laws, decide
cases between citizens of different States. The defendant is
sued where he is found, and in that case the law of the forum
— that is, of the State where he is — prevails. The United
States Courts draw their juries from the locality, but from a
larger area than an ordinary jury area. The Supreme Court of
the State is only an appellate court; it has no original jurisdic
tion. In Pennsylvania there is a Court of Common Pleas for
each county ; and I think I have said that American^Counties
are very numerous. Then in each township there are justices
of the peace for the summary trial of civil and criminal
cases. These justices do not always receive salaries, but are
always entitled to fees. In this County of Philadelphia the
Court of Common Pleas consists of a Chief Justice and eight
Judges ; and in rural counties there are at least three Judges
of the Common Pleas. There are at least a hundred such
Judges in the State. I understand, however, that sometimes
laymen are elected to sit as Judges in these courts. In
Pennsylvania the pay of the Judges ranges from 600/. to
1,500£. per annum. These Judges of the Courts of Common
Pleas hold their office for ten years, but they are often re-
elected. I was surprised to find the number of jury courts
which were sitting — about eight were going on all at once in
the same set of buildings. In criminal cases not of the very
worst class the prisoner may be called as a witness on his
own side, but is not otherwise liable to examination. A man
who has pleaded guilty can be called. They have two degrees
of murder, for the first of which only the punishment is
death. The sentence may be commuted by the Governor,
PHILADELPHIA. 255
who ordinarily acts on the advice of a ' Board of Pardons,*
composed of the chief officials. The rules of extradition be
tween different States do not seem to be very well defined.
The Governor surrenders a criminal on the application of
another Governor, but he must have prima facie proof of
guilt, and may refuse, on the ground that the prisoner will
not be fairly tried by jury, or that the demand is made for
political objects. Just now there has been a polemical cor
respondence between the Governors of Massachusetts and
South Carolina on the subject of the surrender of an ex-
Governor charged with embezzlement and other offences in
his political capacity.
I went to see the proprietary Library here, which seems
a large and successful institution. I understand that they
have no free libraries in this State, and do not approve of
them. I also hear a good deal of expression of opinion that
there has been too much education. There seems somewhat
a tendency to decry the Common School system. I am, in
fact, surprised to find how much of that sort of feeling there
seems to be here ; but I believe the Common School system
was not indigenous in Pennsylvania. New England was its
native land.
On the last day of my stay here I met Mr. M , who is
a great enthusiast for the coloured races, and who has written
for me a number of letters of introduction to people and
institutions in the South. Like many of the friends of the
coloured people in these days, he has taken up the cause of
the Bed Indian, whom he and many others declare to be
exceedingly ill-used in the Territories where they still remain.
He thinks, on the whole, the negro is more improvable than
the Red Indian, because he is not too proud, and is willing
and anxious to learn ; while the red man is very proud, and
won't learn if he can help it, Also he says that the red men
insist upon the tribal tenure of land, and will not have indi
vidual property. A very important fact is, that white men
go amongst the red tribes, marry red women, and are adopted
into the tribes, and in this way the race is being crossed and
may be absorbed; whereas the whites will not intermarry
256 MY JOURNAL.
with the negroes nor even with the mulattos. He, or some
one else whom I met, laments this, for the curious reason that
in slave days these mulattos were bred from the highest and
best blood of the whites, whereas some of the white people
come from very low blood indeed.
I had a talk with old Mr. P about politics. He says
he used to vote Democrat ; but now, though he is not much of a
politician, he votes Republican, for he thinks that on the whole
it is the least dishonest side, and perhaps it is better to keep
in the people who are in, and whose maws have been a good
deal satisfied, rather than bring in a new set of cormorants.
He says the original difference between the two parties was-
the question of central power against State power, and some
very distinguished men were in this sense great Democrats ;
but now, he says, the Southern question must be settled, and
he prefers that the Republicans should settle it.
There are a great many manufacturing establishments at
Philadelphia, and a great variety of manufactures ; but I had
not time to do much in this way. I was obliged to confine
myself more especially to the things belonging to my own
trade, and to keep the rest till I returned from the South.
There are some very sociable clubs of literary and intel
lectual people here, who meet periodically at one another's
houses, and I am promised the pleasure of assisting at some
of these gatherings, if I return later in the season. Fashion
able New York was quite out of town when- 1 was there, and
Philadelphia still is so for the most part. The winter is the
time to see something of the society of American cities.
BALTIMORE.
In the afternoon I started for Baltimore. We passed
through a pleasant country, with many houses on the banks
of the river. It was dark before we reached Baltimore.
The general aspect of the place seemed to be, that in the
lower parts land and water were very much intermixed. At
Baltimore I stopped at the Mount Vernon Hotel. It is kept
on the European and not on the American plan, and seemed
BALTIMORE. 257
nice, but on experience I was a good deal disappointed with
it. They say that this European fashion does not suit
people here, and that the hotel, which was once good, is not
now well maintained.
Comparing the harbour here with that of Philadelphia
and other places, I am told that the United States Grovern-
ment undertake the charge of rivers, harbours, and works of
internal navigation. They have made some bad essays in
that line in Pennsylvania, and the system altogether leads
to a good deal of jobbing. I am inclined to prefer our own
system, under which each town and municipality undertakes
its own improvements.
I have been reading an account of the insolvency laws of
the different States, now that the general bankruptcy law of
the United States has expired. In most States a debtor can
not be released without the consent of all his creditors ; but,
on the other hand, he has very great protection in the exemp
tion from execution of his homestead and the tools of his
trade. In almost every State a man's homestead — that is, land
of a moderate value and acreage — is exempted from execution.
Late this evening Mr. K , a distinguished member of
the Society of Friends here, was kind enough to come over
and take me with him to his house, where I met some pleasant
people. Mr. K — - is a well-known philanthropist and friend
of the negro. Talking of the blacks with the people I met,
they seemed to take a hopeful view of the condition of the
negro, and are not severe upon President Hayes' conciliatory
administration. They recalled the time, less than twenty
years ago, when slaves were openly marched down to be sold
in the South ; when it was highly penal to teach slaves to
read and write ; when a very excellent freed man was im
prisoned for ten years for possessing a copy of ' Uncle Tom's
Cabin.' Now the blacks are secure in their freedom ; they
have votes ; and one party or another will sooner or later want
their votes. Much, too, is done for their education : here
the blacks are kept to separate schools, but these schools
are good. The religious position of the blacks is also very
good ; they are excellent Christians. They have taken to
S
258 MY JOURNAL.
work well. Here in Baltimore they have some branches of
industry very much to themselves, notably caulking ships and
brick-making. They have, I am told, a ship-caulking com
pany composed entirely of coloured men, and managed by
coloured men. I was sorry that in my stay here I did not
manage to see something of this company, for this is the only
case of which I have heard where black men have successfully
managed anything of the kind. They do not own much land,
I am told, but they work well on the land in the country
about here, as well as in domestic service. They form about
a fourth of the population here. I had a curious account of
their Freemason and other societies. Freemason lodges are
believed to have existed among them even in the days of
slavery, unknown to their masters. The system is said to have
been brought from the British colonies ; and the Freemasonry
among them was, I am told, made very evident during the
war.
Next morning I breakfasted with Mr. Gr , President
of the Hopkins University, a man full of information, and to
whom I owe much kindness and assistance during my stay in
Baltimore. This Hopkins University is a great recent endow
ment, and conducted on the most modern principles. They
have got over several Englishmen as teachers, including the
distinguished mathematician Professor S . I made the
acquaintance of Judge A , one of the United States
Judges, who has been much employed in the Southern States ;
and also of Mr. K , formerly a distinguished Confederate
officer, and now manager of a steamboat and railway com
pany, from both of whom I had much assistance. Again I
am told that the negroes are in a very good position in this
State, and also in Virginia and North Carolina. The best
security that they have is when there are two parties among
the whites, each of whom wants the black vote. In North
Carolina and Tennessee a great part of the country was Eepub-
lican, and during the civil war went into rebellion against the
Confederate Government. The poor whites owning no slaves
never cared for the war. But now things are much more
divided by black and white lines. The white man must now
BALTIMORE. 259
assert himself in some way as better than a black. If he
does not need the black vote he can only do so by beating
the black, and in some States he does that. My subsequent
experience, however, leads me to think that this was rather
a poetical exaggeration.
From this point Southwards — in the lower country, at any
rate, and in days before the war — the system of small indepen
dent farms was very much superseded by the plantation
system. Virginia was a country of plantations ; that is to
say, of estates cultivated by slaves. In some parts of the
country, where the crops are not valuable, some of these plan
tations are now a good deal deserted. In some of these places
the negroes can live somewhat lazily on fish and crabs, but in
most parts they now work well for their living. They can
be had as labourers on the railways for fifty cents a day, and
are very docile and good workmen. In South Carolina there
has been more of extreme reverses and more bitter feeling
between classes than in any of the States I have mentioned,
and the difficulties there are greater. Greorgia has been from
the first moderately managed, and is now in a good condition.
There have not been many complaints regarding Alabama.
Louisiana is said not to have treated the negroes harshly
before the war. Mississippi seems to have been and to be
the worst State. It is very difficult to ascertain what is
now the state of things in some of the Southern States,
because no Kepublican newspapers whatever are published
there, No one dares publish such a paper, and if he dared
he would find no one to read it, for want of education. In
many of "the counties of South Carolina almost the whole
population is black. There is still not very much education
in the South. A good deal has been done by Freedmen's
Schools established by the Northerners, and there is every
where a State system of education more or less, but it is
generally very imperfect. However, the blacks are very
anxious to learn — more so than the lower whites. The Green
back question, I am told, promises to be of great advantage
to the South, because it is one in regard to which there is
much competition for the black vote, and this brings about a
s 2
260 MY JOURNAL.
wholesome state of things. In most parts of the South the
negroes have no difficulty in getting land, if they can pay for
it ; but in some places there is a difficulty, because the whites
will not sell, thinking the possession of land a sort of patent
of nobility, to which blacks should not be admitted ; and
everywhere there is the difficulty that the negroes do not
very much save money to buy it. Many rent land on shares,
but they seldom own it. After the war their idea was, that
every man was to have from Government twenty-five acres
and a mule, but they have not yet got that. In Maryland a
good many of the blacks do save, and they now have consider
able sums in the savings bank.
I asked Judge A — - how juries are selected. He says
that by the Constitution every man is eligible to serve on a
jury, but every man is not drawn in regular roster. In fact,
fit and proper persons are selected by the proper officer, to be
put on the panel from which the juries are drawn ; and in
some of the Southern States the blacks are almost excluded
from the juries. In Philadelphia I noticed that on most of
the juries there was one coloured man. It looked as if it
was so arranged. I asked about the criminality of the
blacks. Judge A says they sometimes steal a great
deal in a small way, but they very seldom commit violent
crimes. With regard to the accusations of rape, which have
caused some very violent lynching lately, he says that in his
experience he has known many such accusations, and many
people lynched for alleged crimes of the kind, but very few
regularly put upon their trial. He himself only remembers
to have tried three such cases : in two the accused were
certainly innocent, the third was a crazy sort of man. In
South Carolina they have many prisoners, but fully nine-
tenths of them are negroes, and the State authorities are
making a great road with convict labour. It is even the
practice to let out the convicts to private persons. As
regards prison management there seems just as much com
plaint in the United States as with us. In Philadelphia it
certainly was so. They have county prisons, under county
management, and State penitentiaries, under State manage-
BALTIMORE. 261
ment. Mr. G took me to see the Hopkins University.
At present they have not spent their money in building, but
occupy a large house in the town. They teach every branch
of knowledge, including ' Sanskrit and philology,' ' Romance
languages,' ' classical languages,' 4 biology, chemistry,' &c.
The endowment amounts to about a million sterling, left,
I believe, by an Englishman long resident in the States.
I met here a Mr. A , a young man who is devoting
himself to the history of land tenure in the United States,
especially in New England. It seems that the United States
Government never claimed the land east of the Alleghanies.
There it all belonged to chartered proprietors in the South
and to townships in the North. Of the chartered estates
many were forfeited for taking the English side in the
Revolution. Connecticut was, as it were, settled by squatters,
who formed independent townships, as little separate repub
lics, and the State was formed by the union of these town
ships. The other New England States were principally
settled by associations, who divided out the land and gave
charters to townships. Now in all these States almost all
the land, whether reclaimed or not, is private property ; only
some special tracts belong to the individual States, none to
the United States. Some of the deeds constituting New
England townships reserve certain lands for common use, but
these have for the most part since been divided up. There
are still, however, some places where there is a right of
common pasture after the crops are off the ground, but as a
rule there ^are no commons. In New England the counties
were certainly a subsequent institution, formed by aggrega
tion of townships. The county is now an important area for
financial and judicial purposes, though not for purposes of
popular government. It seems more like an English union
than a county.
I have been very kindly made free of two excellent clubs
here, the Athenaeum and the Maryland, in both of which
there is very pleasant society and many material comforts.
The Washington Monument is the centre of fashionable
Baltimore. The women and girls in the street seem to me
262 MY JOURNAL.
smart and well-dressed, without being too flashy. The
country about is very well wooded ; the town is on mode
rately rising ground — not on an amphitheatre of hills, such
as I had been led to expect from the guide-book. The
Sunday-closing movement, by enforcing old laws, is going on
here also. I was told a story about the famous preacher
Mr. Beech er. He was travelling in a car upon a Sunday,
and said to the driver, ' Would it not be better for all parties
if you gave up this Sunday traffic ? ' ' Well,1 the man said,
' there is nothing I should like better, but we cannot give it
up so long as that d theatre there lasts,' pointing over
his shoulder to Mr. Beecher's church. I went to see an
Englishman resident in Baltimore. He thinks the Hopkins
University most excellent and progressive. He says that in
America there is now a strong tendency to Germanise educa
tion, and young men go to Germany very much. President
G complains that the English Universities have not
encouraged Americans. He dwells upon the religious tests
and other difficulties, and says that is why young men have
taken to the Continent of Europe rather than to England.
My English friend says that the expenses in America are
really not so much as in London, if you go the right way
about it. The people are not literary in their habits, but
still English books are very much read and appreciated. He
says that, though people in America try very hard to make
money, upon the whole the possession of money is thought
less of than with us ; a rich man is less looked up to, because
wealth is less stable and certain than with us. Reverses
are more frequent, and Americans who have been rich more
easily return to humble positions. Many of the people
whom one meets in good American society occupy positions
much humbler than would be thought compatible with asso
ciation with well-to-do people in England. Americans do
not think it necessary to make provision for their children ;
they consider that children may well provide for themselves, as
their fathers did before them. With all their chances of wealth
they are generally very ready to accept extremely moderate
salaries, provided they are permanent — that seems clear.
BALTIMORE. 263
The weather is now most charming. It has been so,
indeed, throughout my tour so far. This place is very
bright, with nice residential quarters. A peculiarity of
Baltimore, however, is that there is no system of under
ground drainage ; all the liquid runs in dirty streams
through the streets in open gutters, while the solid sewage
is carried away in carts. The system is not very agreeable
to the senses, but I am not sure that it is not much more
wholesome than our underground system.
I passed a Sunday here. This is a great church-going
place. Very many nicely-dressed people about the streets.
I notice very many well-got-up negroes and well-dressed
negresses. I still cannot make out who all these well-
dressed blacks are. They are not clerks or shopkeepers.
I understand that there are very few negro clerks or dealers.
They are not generally superior mechanics. All I can learn is
that they have certain special occupations, and that a great
many of them are waiters, keepers of eating-houses, and
so on.
I had a visit from two gentlemen of the Democratic per
suasion, Senator W— — and Mr. M , a man who has served
in important positions abroad. Their opinion is, that the
military occupation of the South enabled the Carpet-baggers
to play dreadful tricks before high heaven — to falsify the
elections, and so return the candidates of the minority. Now
things are, they say, on a fair and safe footing ; the negroes
are free and prosperous, and rights are secured to all — all
that is necessary is to leave the Southern States alone. They
say that after the war the blacks were helpless ; their old
masters did everything for them, and enabled them to cul
tivate the land upon the system of shares. The owners did
so at a loss, but they were forced into it by circumstances,
and before very long with much difficulty they succeeded in
raising 3,000,000 bales of cotton, an amount which has since
been very largely increased. The negroes felt that they could
not live without this assistance. A friendly feeling sprang up
again — in fact, it never was lost. During the first two years
after the war the system was settling down very satisfac-
264 MY JOURNAL.
torily, and all would have gone well but for the new Con
stitution forced upon the South by the victors, and worked
by the Carpet-baggers supported by the military. Now
these abuses have been terminated, things are improving, and
the negroes are becoming tolerably prosperous and well-off.
They are not kept bound to their masters by debt ; in fact,
they get very little credit. Generally the plant of the
farms, the animals, the seed, and everything else, is supplied
by the master. I am told that in Virginia and Maryland
the estates are not very large ; they are not what we should
call great estates, but really large farms of from 600 to 1,500
arable acres. The great Valley of Virginia and some of the
Western Virginian country is fine land.
The militia system of the United States is founded on
the old English militia. There are some black companies,
but not very many. In Maryland and all the States of the
South townships scarcely exist at all. The organisation is
by counties.
I took a walk with Mr. Gr to the high land overlooking
the harbour. The harbour here is in the channel of a small
river. The Chesapeake is a short distance below. It is only
a moderately good harbour, but then there are great facilities
for getting to sea ; there is not the long and difficult river
which lies between Philadelphia and the sea.
Talking of the public colleges I asked if blacks were
admitted. I was told that the question solves itself, for if
blacks were admitted the whites would not come, and
therefore it is that separate colleges have been provided for
the blacks. I have not found anyone who at all takes in
the idea of the races drawing nearer by intermarriage. All
seem to regard the blacks as a servile and inferior race.
Mr. M , whom I mentioned above, asserted that the laws of
Massachusetts and Connecticut still make mixed marriages
illegal ; and others whom I have asked have not been able to
deny the statement ; but I have not verified it yet. Mr.
G— - lived three years in San Francisco. He says that the
climate there is very superior to this. It is not nearly so
hot in summer ; there is a delicious breeze, and the ther-
WASHINGTON. 265
mometer seldom rises above 80°, while in winter snow is
very rare. There is a good deal of rain in winter, but the
Californian climate is very dry in summer. The great
Wheat Valley lies between the coast range of hills and the
great interior range. The fruit country is upon the slopes of
the higher range. Inland the summer is very hot — almost
as much so as in the Eastern cities. California, in fact, is
an immense country. It is almost as long as the tract from
Maine to Georgia on the eastern side. There are a good many
rowdy people in California, but society there is not nearly so
bad as it is sometimes represented. In San Francisco there
is pleasant society, and a great many people who go to
church and are quite civilised Christians.
The last evening I spent at Baltimore I found a very
lively and agreeable party at Mr. R 's house ; the people
rather American in their style, but very pleasant for all that.
I have picked up here a good many ideas and opinions as
regards the Southern States. It remains to be seen how far I
shall verify them when I get there.
WASHINGTON.
Next morning I started for Washington — a little more
than an hour's run from Baltimore. I hope to come back to
Washington at the time that Congress meets ; meantime I
have only gone there for two or three days on my way South.
At the Baltimore station (or depot, as the Americans always
call it) I found that the President and Mrs. Hayes were
passengers by the same train. I was fortunate enough to be
introduced to them, and travelled with them to Washington,
thus having the opportunity of a good deal of talk with the
President. He travelled without any show, like any other
passenger, but an ordinary passenger-carriage was reserved
for him and his party, and a little attention was paid to them
by the railway officials. There was no crowd and no demon
stration. Whatever may be said of the President's political
character, I think that all who come in contact with him are
agreed that he is what we should recognise in England as a
266 MY JOURNAL.
gentleman, and that his wife is very much a lady. Socially
they are certainly exceedingly well fitted to fill the position
in which they are placed. I have heard the President spoken
of as politically weak, but I am inclined to think that this
opinion comes more from the members of his own party, who
disapprove his measures of compromise, than from anyone
else. It is not for me to express an opinion on this subject,
and I should not like to retail all he said ; but this I will say,
that I have not met in America a man more pleasant to
talk to.
The Baltimore papers contained accounts of his Southern
policy, said to have been obtained from him in interviews,
and I ventured to ask whether these accounts are authentic.
He said that for the most part the statements to which I
alluded were true enough in one way, but that the accounts,
of alleged interviews were not true. The newspaper people
interview those who have come out from the President, pick
up something, put into his mouth what they think he
may probably have said, and so make up their stories.
He was reported to have said that until quite recently
there had been, under the present regime, very little violence
and outrage in the South ; and I could not help calling
his attention to some very serious outrages which had
been reported within the last week or two. He says that
my experience in that respect has been exceptionally unfor
tunate : this is election-time, and the most is made of what
occurs.
The President takes a very favourable view of the
position and prospects of the negro. He thinks the present
race of negroes are not equal to white men ; but then, ac
cording to his views, the qualities of mankind are very much
a matter of climate. Whether white or black, he thinks men
are inferior in hot climates. The American blacks have not
yet had time to develop the higher human qualities nor to
acquire much land, but he hopes they will. As showing
how improvable they are, he tells a story of a number of
blacks who, in the last century, followed the soldiers of the
Revolutionary War, when the latter got grants in Ohio, which
THE PRESIDENT. 267
is the President's own State. Eventually Ohio was declared
to be free territory, and these negroes settled down as free
men — they and their descendents have become farmers, and
good ones — they are at this day liked and respected by their
neighbours, and are in every way good and prosperous
citizens. He hopes that the Southern blacks will do likewise
in the course of two or three generations. As regards the
misconduct and outrages sometimes attributed to blacks, he
says that their character cannot be so bad as some would
now paint it ; and as proof of that he points to the fact that
during the war the Southern whites left their families and
their property, and everything that was dear to them, in
charge of and at the mercy of the blacks. Yet these blacks
never rose against their masters' families, and, as a rule,
never did any harm whatever, in spite of all the opportunities
they had during a protracted war. I have since heard this
statement repeated in the Southern States — sometimes, no
doubt, with a view to showing how good the masters had
been. But at any rate there seems to be no doubt of the
fact that the blacks, generally speaking, never did rise for
plunder and outrage till they were raised by the actual
presence of the Northern armies. This reminds me of what I
was told by Mr. M at Baltimore, when I appealed to his
experience to explain why the negroes of the United States
had settled down so easily to labour, while we had so much
trouble in Jamaica and elsewhere. He said that the United
States negroes are long domesticated, tamed, civilised,
trained to regular work, and no longer savages from Africa.
Some of the West Indian negroes are much more savage and
uncivilised and, he believes, more difficult to manage. At
some work at the Isthmus of Panama, where different classes
of blacks were working together, the Jamaica blacks were
notoriously troublesome. Also he says that the situation is
vastly different in a country where, after all, the blacks are
in the minority. There they learn to behave well ; but their
conduct may be very different when they are in the great
maj ority, with comparatively few white men. It will be remem
bered that Mr. M is a Southerner ; and my subsequent
268 MY JOURNAL.
experience of parts of the South where the negro population
is very greatly in the majority hardly bore out this view.
A gentleman who travelled with us remarked that there
is a curious clashing between the United States laws and the
laws of the particular States, especially in South Carolina,
where there has been a riotous interference with the United
States laws. United States officers have arrested the ring
leaders, upon which the local authorities have arrested the Re
publican leaders, on accusation of offences against the laws of
the State. There is, he says, a good deal of friction, not only on
account of the difficulty of executing the electoral laws in the
South, but also on account of the internal revenue laws ; and
the difficulty is increased for this reason, that, owing to pro
tection and bad trade, the customs revenue has been very
much reduced, and the United States Treasury is more and
more driven to depend upon the internal revenues.
Judge A gives almost as bad an account of the
Carpet-baggers as the democrats do. After the war, he says,
all the Union soldiers who had property, or homes, or sweet
hearts went home ; the bad ones, who had none of these ties,
remained and undertook the government of the country. It
really was necessary to take the Southern States out of such
hands.
I asked the President as to the extent to which the white
people of the Northern States had suffered during the late
bad times from want of work, remarking that I had not seen
so many signs of distress as I had expected. He said that
things are better now that people thrown out of work have been
absorbed, partly by going to agriculture, and partly because
there really has been a turn for the better in business ; but
during the worst times there was a great deal of distress even
among some of the better class of mechanics, who actually
could not get employment. I gather, however, from many
quarters that most of the people who were very conspicuous
for want of employment, and who appeared about the country
as tramps of a very troublesome and dangerous character,
were not so much honest workmen as a sort of people who,
during the times of war and high prices, were able to get
THE PRESIDENT. 269
employment of a light and easy character. In these days
people can only live by really hard work, and that is just
what the tramp class wholly object to ; consequently very
many of them have been thrown upon the country.
I had a good deal of talk with the President on the
Silver question. He says that the American production is
now greater than ever, not only on account of the discovery
of new lodes, but because people have learnt to extract the
ore so much better than they did. It is found that immense
quantities of inferior ore which had been heaped up as refuse
can now be worked so as to extract silver at a profit. Labour
is also very much cheaper than it was ; and the New South-
Pacific railway lines, going right into the heart of the
metalliferous regions, will probably open up a good deal of
new production. Altogether he thinks this year's production
will be larger than it ever has been, and that the production
will continue to be large. Mr. Hayes favours the plan of
putting more silver into the dollar — this is the way to give
honest money, without sacrificing their production of silver.
Much gold is also produced in America, yet it is a fact that
at this moment gold is coming from Europe.
I asked the President whether he shared Mr. McCulloch's
views as to the want of good farming in America. He said
there was, no doubt, something in them, but at the same
time he added (and I think very truly) that it may, under
certain circumstances, be better and more profitable to half-
farm two hundred acres than to farm very well thirty acres.
All depends upon the abundance or otherwise of land and
the circumstances of the case. As it is, he says, in parts of
Pennsylvania the farmers manure quite plentifully, and their
agriculture is as good as could be desired. He says that they
have very fine breeds of cattle in Virginia, Kentucky, and
Ohio, and that beef promises to be a very important product
and export. He mentioned a curious, and to me unexpected
fact, that the most valuable produce of the United States is
hay. After hay comes Indian corn, then cotton, then wheat
and tobacco. As regards the complaints I had heard re
specting education rates and the system of free education, he
270 MY JOURNAL.
says I must necessarily come across grumblers. The well-to-
do people, who can educate their children privately, do not
like the heavy taxes they have to pay for education ; but the
poor people would tell a different tale.
We spoke of the yellow fever now raging in the South,
and of which such terrible accounts are in all the papers. I
remarked that, though the mortality was very sad, still, used
as I had been to reckon great calamities by millions, the
total loss by yellow fever in the United States — now stated at
about 10,000 — did not seem so great in so large a population.
He admitted this to be true ; but then, he says, the yellow
fever is principally a disease of towns, and it has struck with
tremendous severity some particular places, such as Memphis
and a few other places which he named. There has not been
a great mortality in the country districts.
I remarked to Mr. Hayes that I had noticed the quietness
of American meetings, the absence of interruptions, and the
contrast in that respect to a good many meetings which I had
lately seen in England. Neither the President nor Mrs. Hayes
have ever been in Europe ; but Mr. Hayes had been in Canada,
and he said that there he had remarked that the style of
political meetings resembled what I told him of our English
meetings. The Canadians seem to have copied us in that
respect. He noticed that in Canada a great deal of noise
and interruption took place, and that some of the speakers
were unable to get a hearing.
The country between Baltimore and Washington seemed
poor and uninteresting ; in fact, they say it is one of the
poorest parts of the United States. The entrance to Washing
ton is through a poor part of the town. The Capitol is very
conspicuous ; from a distance it looks like St. Peter's at Eome.
When we get well into the town it improves very much
indeed ; very fine, wide avenues have been laid out, radiating
from central points ; and there are some fine streets. The
place was laid out by Washington himself in hjs capacity of
engineer and surveyor. It seems that he had great ideas of
the future, and a sort of mania for broad streets and mag
nificent designs. The accounts I heard of him remind me of
WASHINGTON. 271
our engineer-soldier, Lord Napier of Magdala. Washington
meant the principal part of the city to be on the side where
it is not now, but land speculators took up the land and ran
up the prices so high that people built on what he meant to
be the back part of the town ; that is now the City of Wash
ington, with the Capitol, as it were, looking away from it.
Some modern Americans grumble about the width of the
Washington streets, and say that the vastness of the place
dwarfs the buildings. I must say that I think Washington
was quite right. In this climate, where trees grow easily,
broad avenues are very effective and pleasing ; and although
the City of Washington was for upwards of half a century a
complete failure, and until a few years ago was not at all suc
cessful, it has made immense strides of late years, and now,
to my taste, is by far the best city in America. It is not
only well laid out, handsome, and clean, but it has that
which is altogether wanting in all other places in America
that I have seen, viz., good pavement. All the principal
avenues and streets are laid down with excellent asphalte
pavement ; so that instead of being the worst it is the best-
paved town in the world that I know ; that is, so far as the
principal streets go. There are a number of very fine public
buildings, many of them of superb granite and marble.
I went to the Riggs House Hotel, one of the principal.
It seems good, and is very central.
Judge A kindly took me to see some of the official
people. One of the first whose acquaintance I made was
General E- , the Commissioner of Education, a gentleman
to whose kind assistance I owed very much in my subsequent
tour. Before we got to talk of education we had some con
versation with a black preacher from the South, who came in
on business. Like the few educated blacks I have met so
far, he takes the line of saying that the negroes have scarcely
had fair play. He says there is a combination not to let
them buy land, also to keep wages unduly low. According
to him, under the system of cultivation on shares it most
frequently happens that after a season or two the cultivators
quarrel with the proprietors, and go off somewhere else ; they
272 MY JOUKNAL.
are very migratory. This man, though he calls himself a
preacher, is really a book-canvasser, and I doubt his being a
very good authority.
Coming to the question of education, I was given to
understand that a good enough education law exists in every
State, or almost in every State, but it is not properly carried
out. The excuse is that ' the Eadicals have spent all the
money,' and there is none now available. The fact of the
absence of money is in many instances but too true. Texas
seems to have some peculiar views in regard to education.
Wherever there is a large black population it seems to be
preferred by both parties that both schools and churches
should be separate, and not mixed ; only the street and rail
way cars and political meetings are common to both races.
At first a good many Northern men were opposed to eman
cipation, because they thought that the emancipated blacks
would overrun the North. As a matter of fact it has turned
out just the contrary, many of the Northern blacks having
now gone South : they prefer the climate.
General E 's opinion about the intellectual capacity
of the negroes is, that they are bright as children ; but
when you get to the higher education they want the ratio-
cinative and mathematical faculty, and are not the equals of
white men intellectually. They would thus seem to be the op
posite to the Hindoos, who have a great turn for metaphysics
and everything ratiocinative. Judge A , however, does
not agree with this view. He says that when he was a boy
he had a black class-fellow who was the best mathematician
in the class. The comparison, however, becomes very dim-
cult, since very many coloured boys are really mulattos.
I am told that in the United States army there are still
a considerable number of regular black troops — about two
thousand of them.
I talked with Judge A about protection. He is very
strong against the present system, and says that it leads to
interminable abuse. He tells a story of some interest which
went in for protection of copper, and by pressing in the
Legislature got the protection which they wanted ; but no
WASHINGTON. 273
sooner was that given than a host of other cognate interests
started up, so that in the end this one protection led to new
protection in no less than seventeen different cases. The
falling off of the customs revenue is caused not only by the
dull trade, but also by protecting to so great an extent as
to kill much of the trade. It is the fashion in America to
protect even raw materials, such as the wool which is abso
lutely necessary for the American woollen manufacture, and
which the country does not produce in sufficient quantity,
and the iron which is so necessary for cheap ships. One
protection leads to another, and so everyone is protected.
People in America have hitherto gone in for clearness — high
wages and dear living — not for cheapness ; and that is why
newsboys and other distributors charge exorbitant prices.
Evidently the Americans need some relaxation of their sys
tem, both for the sake of revenue and for the moral effect
upon the country of a little free trade.
Next day I went to see the Capitol. It is a very fine
building, but the decorations are in somewhat old-fashioned
style ; the columns are very florid, and some of the quasi-
classical paintings inside might, I venture to think, with
advantage be put into the fire. I also went through the
markets, and saw some other sights.
Our Minister at Washington very kindly gave me some
introductions. I called on Mr. Evarts, the Secretary of State
—a spare, Yankee-looking man, apparently very shrewd and
wide-awake. He has been in England and seen the world
and a good many of the men of the Old World. I gather
from his talk that the Americans would not be sorry to have
Canada if it came into their arms. Afterwards I met the
Attorney-General, who is, in fact, the Minister of Justice — a
very pleasant-looking man and dignified lawyer, whose style
and appearance would pass exceedingly well in the higher
places of Westminster Hall. He was good enough to take
me a drive in the afternoon. He tells me that American
lawyers are almost all local. There is no considerable Bar
at Washington ; and when important cases come up to the
United States Supreme Court from a distance, the lawyers
T
274 MY JOURNAL.
generally come up with them. He admits that the execution
of the United States Revenue laws causes considerable friction ;
but I afterwards found that the Eevenue officers will hardly
admit this, and point to the cheapness and ease with which
their revenue is collected. I have been much inquiring for
some compendious comparative account of the Constitutions
and laws of the different States, but I find that nothing of
the kind exists. The lawyers seem to be a superior class of
men, but very few of them know anything of the laws of any
State except their own. There is very little regular codifi
cation properly so called, only the Revised Codes, or rather
compilations, which are published from time to time in most
States. There does not seem to be very much publishing
enterprise. I found nothing corresponding to our shilling
almanacs — s Whitaker ' and the rest — with the mass of infor
mation which they contain. Last year one almanac, called
' Spofford's American Almanac,' was published, at a much
higher price, and certainly contains a good deal of informa
tion arranged in a somewhat haphazard way. If the publi
cation were continued it might be worked into the semblance
of an English almanac, but it seems doubtful whether it is
to be repeated.
In the course of our drive this afternoon we went through
a very beautiful park attached to the Military Hospital. In
this park the President has a good cottage ; it is his only
official country residence. It seems that every United States
soldier who has served for twenty years has the right to live
in the Hospital here, on payment of a very small sum.
The following day also I spent in Washington. General
E introduced me to the Secretary of the Interior, Mr.
Schurtz. He is a German, and very German-looking, but
has taken a very strong and high position in the States.
The Minister of the Interior has under him the public lands
and the Indians, as well as education, agriculture, and other
departments. Of the Indians Mr. Schurtz has no very great
opinion. He thinks they are very impracticable, and looks
to their eventual disappearance or absorption. In many
places tame Indians are settled quietly enough, but they do
WASHINGTON. 275
not improve much. The wild Indians have not a fair chance,
for white people will invade their lands, and often treat them
very unfairly. These are the Border white adventurers known
as ' Squall Whites.' I have heard of many cases in which the
Indians have been the aggressed upon.
I also made the acquaintance of General W , the
Commissioner of Public Lands, and got papers from him show
ing the American system. A man who takes up a homestead
or purchases at the low upset price must swear that he takes
it for himself, and not to sell ; but no doubt these statements
are sometimes false. In some of the further tracts large
quantities of land may be taken up; and in the country
marked ( desert ' a good deal has been done by large grantees,
who have constructed works of irrigation. Members of Con
gress sometimes manage to get Bills passed to sell certain
tracts without reserve. In Oregon and some of the pastoral
States, land not purchased is let out in large tracts on
temporary leases. I am told that the fashion in those
countries is to buy or take up as homesteads comparatively
small tracts which contain the springs, without which the
country cannot be settled, and then the holder feels pretty
secure that no one will buy the waterless land which he
holds at a cheap rate for grazing his flocks. I believe that
a good many Englishmen have in this way settled in Oregon
and taken to sheep-farming in the Australian style.
I observe that in all the public offices here, almost with
out exception, everyone has some military rank ; not only
the heads, of departments, but the very clerks are generals,
colonels, and majors ; some are doctors. I fancy this is not
only because, owing to the civil war, everyone had military
rank, but also because in many cases office has been given as
a reward for military service.
I visited the Patent Office, a very magnificent building ;
but it has suffered from fire, to which everything seems
subject in this country. The Americans are very proud of
their patent system, which they think more effective than
ours. The collection seems to be beautifully kept. I also
visited the Smithsonian Institute, founded by an Englishman
T 2
276 MY JOURNAL,
— a beautiful place, in beautiful grounds. I observe that in
this country public institutions are generally very well kept.
The natural history and other collections seemed to me to
be an agreeable contrast to some of the rickety and moth-
eaten animals of the British Museum. Also, whereas many of
our libraries are very full of trash, obtained under the system
which gives certain libraries a right to all books, the American
libraries are made up exclusively of carefully selected books,
and are generally very good indeed.
I visited the office of the Geological Survey, which is not
only an office for surveys, but has a department for ethnolo
gical and other specimens ; in fact, there is a great collection
of the curiosities of the United States, including very many
archseological remains. There are some very fine specimens
of Indian pottery, and models of Indian houses and villages.
The collection is in capital order. It is well worth another
visit. I met Dr. F •, President of the Medical and Sani
tary Society, and a great man upon anthropological subjects.
He believes the negroes to bean inferior race. As regards
the mulattos, though they are often fine and handsome, he
believes them to be a sterile race, and not likely to last.
I went to the Treasury, and was introduced to Secretary
Sherman. He was very civil and kind, and I had some talk
with him ; after which he handed me over to Mr. R , head
of the Internal Revenue Department, who told me a great
deal about Revenue affairs.
Mr. Sherman avows that he is not in favour of a silver
coinage. He keeps the coinage pretty nearly down to the
minimum of two million dollars per month which the law
equires. They can use, he says, fifty millions as small coin;
and when they go beyond that they must either limit the
issue or put more silver into the dollar, he thinks.
The Revenue officers seem confident in their internal re
venue system. No doubt there is some friction and a good
deal of smuggling ; but after all the revenue is collected at
a cost of 3 J per cent. — less, they say, than it costs to collect
the same revenue in England. Tobacco is more frequently
smuggled than spirits ; but it costs smugglers more when they
THE REVENUE SYSTEM. 277
are detected. The duty on tobacco has been raised to 24
cents (say Is.) per pound. That does not seem heavy from
our point of view, yet there is a good deal of agitation to
reduce it. Leaf-tobacco is not taxed unless it is sold ; every
man is free to consume his own production. In Ohio boys
often grow a patch for profit, and no doubt sell it to their
neighbours. The German Government have had a commis
sion of inquiry here, but they are rather disappointed. They
think the American system will hardly do for them, as they
want to tax the leaf. They do not think they will get a
sufficient revenue if they only tax the manufactured tobacco.
If we are ever driven to fresh taxation of the people in India
these inquiries of the Grerman commission would be very
useful to us, for our situation there is very much the same.
The difficulty of taxing tobacco in India is that it is so
very commonly grown, and is scarcely manufactured beyond
drying and pressing the leaf.
In the United States spirits are taxed 90 cents. ; that is,
a little more than 3s. 6d. per gallon, as against 10s. in this
country. Beer is charged one dollar per barrel of 32 gallons;
native wine is not taxed at all, except some small tax on
licenses for sale. There are taxes upon matches, patent
medicines, and a few other articles ; but these yield only
a very moderate income. In fact, the internal revenue is
almost entirely derived from spirits and tobacco. It has
gone on increasing till this last year, when there has been a
considerable decline, which is attributed to bad times. The
Revenue officers do not greatly attribute loss of spirit revenue
to 'Murphy,' but they say that the people drink less than
they formerly did, and if they drank as formerly the reve
nue would now be doubled or quadrupled. Temperance has
checked it. Mr. Sherman thinks that from a financial point
of view tea and coffee might be taxed ; but there is a strong
public feeling in favour of a free breakfast-table ; so they
cannot demand this ; but they tax sugar, and that protects
the native sugar-growers.
Of the public officers some are rather poorly paid ; but the
army is, I believe, paid higher than ours, and officers have
278 MY JOURNAL.
the advantage that the admirable education, of which I saw
something at West Point, is given to them by the State
gratis. Some, however, think that that education is too
severe and monastic — it runs too much in one groove.
This evening, returning from the unfinished Washington
Monument, I saw by far the most magnificent sunset that I
have ever seen in my life anywhere, or ever expect to see.
There was a lurid light in the clouds which I can only call
tremendous, and the reflection on the windows of the city
and the Capitol on the other side made me believe that they
were on fire. I am sure the painter who painted such a
scene would be set down as a madman.
Next day I called upon Dr. B , the Surgeon-General.
Yellow fever is, of course, the great subject of inquiry and
discussion at present, but nothing certain is arrived at re
garding its origin and propagation. I have noticed that
there are places where strict quarantine has been established^
on account of the present prevalence of the disease ; but I
gather that the quarantine rules are very local and unsettled.
I am told that in the hotter Southern States, owing to the
climate, the cattle suffer a good deal from diseases, Texan
fever and the like, quite different from our Northern cattle
diseases, and to which cattle in the North are not liable.
These diseases affect certain breeds of cattle differently from
others. In the South the short-horns are much affected,
while the Jerseys are comparatively little touched ; and the
Indian Brahminee breed, of which there are a good many in
the South, are quite free from these diseases. Some of the
States have established quarantine rules for Texan cattle.
I called on General Meyer, chief signal officer, a very
important functionary among the new centralising institutions
of the American Government. The office is, strictly speak
ing, a military one, and the General has a corps of highly-
trained men stationed all over the country, through whom
he is enabled to establish a very trustworthy Intelligence
Department ; but in reality the Signal Office is the great
Meteorological and Weather Prediction Department — the
greatest of the kind in the world, I imagine. In this office
THE WEATHER DEPARTMENT. 279
the infant science of meteorology is being worked out. The
most important result is that prediction of storms which we
have begun to appreciate. America seems to have a speciality
for sending us storms, and the warnings we receive, nominally
from the New York Herald and other papers, really come
from the Signal Office at Washington. The officers of the
department say that their predictions prove right in 80 per
cent, of the whole, and that the balance is negative ; that is
to say, they never fail to announce a storm or give warning
of a storm which is not developed somewhere ; but, to be on
the safe side, they sometimes warn places of storms which
happen to miss the particular place. However, there has
just been here a very great and rapid storm, which came
down the coast from the South, and which I have not had
occasion to mention, because it passed over Washington in
the night. It does appear that the warnings which were
given of this storm were rather too late ; and notwithstanding
what we owe to the department in England, and the civility
with which I was treated, I could not help delicately hinting
at the saying, ' Physician, heal thyself.' It seems that most
of the storms are born about the commencement of the Grulf
Stream, off the coast of Florida ; and sometimes it may
happen that, like a shell which explodes almost at the mouth
of the gun, these storms may burst in upon the States before
much warning can be given, as was, in fact, the case in this
instance. The department here claims to be establishing cer
tain laws as to the rotatory character and direction of storms.
They haver a wonderful set of self-registering instruments,
and produce daily charts of the weather all over the country,
besides periodically making up weather-charts of the whole
Northern hemisphere from observations taken at the same
time, and transmitted by telegraph.
In the late storm the fall of rain here in a very short
time exceeded three inches. The rainfall for the year is
heavier than ours ; but though well distributed it seems to fall
in heavier plumps than with us, so that there are not nearly
so many hours of rain. During the late storm some of the
crank American steamers were wrecked in the rivers and
280 MY JOURNAL.
estuaries; in fact, large numbers of craft were wrecked in
the river below this. The officers here know all about our
meteorological observations in India ; and, in fact, I find that
in all the departmental offices they have a very thorough
knowledge of what we have been doing in India, and know
well our officers and their publications. At Baltimore Mr.
G , to my surprise, turned up in his college library a
collection of languages which I made in Bengal.
I called upon General Sherman to-day, but missed him.
I had, however, a talk with two of his staff — very pleasant
gentlemen of the military persuasion. They have just been
with the General on a tour over the far-away South- Western
Territories, in which they were accompanied by a gallant
member of our House of Commons and his bride, who
must have done an amount and severity of travelling
astonishing for a lady. They described New Mexico and
Arizona as wretched Territories — Arizona, perhaps, a little
the better of the two. The only inhabitants of New Mexico
besides wild Indians are the miserable descendants of the old
Spanish colonists who were found there — and very miserable
they seemed to be. No Americans go there ; and some of the
English who have bought Spanish grants and tried to establish
sheep-farms do not seem to have been very successful. In
the far-away Western Territories the Indians cause an im
mense deal of trouble to the United States army, with the
result, in fact, that that small army is really the most hard-
worked in the world.
Mexico itself, these officers say, is a good country, but
the people are hopeless. Most of them are priestridden, and
those who have 'jumped off' the priests are brigands. They
contrast Mexico with Canada, which they highly appreciate,
giving a very favourable account of it, dwelling upon its
loyalty to the British connection. They hear very good
accounts of Manitoba. It has a splendid soil ; but there is no
wood there, and the winter is too cold for cattle. They think
that during the civil war, when it was expected that the
States would go to pieces, the English were ready to ' gobble
up ' their Northern Territories ; and the French Emperor
LAW AND LAWYERS. 281
undertook his Mexican enterprise simply that he might be
ready to take possession of the Southern States. When the
war was over, and they were ready for him with their har
dened troops, he had not a chance, and they ignominiously
expelled him without fighting. They do not seem to have
any sympathy with the Afghans, and have no objection to our
beating them. Camels, they say, have been tried in the dry
parts of America, but have been quite a failure. There is
always rain and mud at some season of the year, and the
climate disagrees with camels.
Later I met General Sherman himself, who was very kind
and civil, and gave me some introductions to his officers in
the parts of the country to which I am going. He does not
affect the style mttitaire, but is more of a good, shrewd
Yankee, like his brother, the Secretary of the Treasury. He
says they have had enough of war. The only war he would
like to undertake would be one against the Mexicans, to make
them take back New Mexico and Arizona. He talked of the
Chinese, in whom he seems to take great interest. He has a
very high opinion of the Chinese Minister who has come to
the States.
I called on the Attorney-General. In his office — and, in
fact, in most of the public offices of the United States Govern
ment — there are some female clerks. They are described as
being daughters of deceased members of Congress, or persons
having similar claims upon the country, and are said to work
very well. There are also some coloured clerks. The business
connected with what is called the Court of Claims (that is,
claims against the United States) seemed to be an important
department in the Attorney- General's office. There is no
Legislative Office for the drafting of bills — no Sir Henry
Thring. There is a Pardon Office, where all questions of par
don are considered. The Attorney-General says that the legis
lation of some of the States is rough enough, but most of the
older Legislatures are well provided with good lawyers, and
new States very much copy the legislation of old ones — choos
ing what they like best. I noticed a great mass of law-books,
bound in the regular English law-calf, in the orthodox style.
282 MY JOURNAL.
I visited the Supreme Court, sitting in the Capitol. All
the Judges seemed to sit together, forming a very large Bench.
Most of them are old men, and all elderly. They sit in a very
large fine room, with a very small audience. A Californian
case was going on — a question of title under a Spanish grant.
A young lawyer, in a white tie, but no wig or gown, was
arguing the case. He seemed to be a local Californian who
had come up about it. In the evening, dining at the British
Minister's house, I was fortunate enough to meet several of
the most distinguished public men. They all seemed to be
very strong in favour of honest money. I talked to the Chief
Justice about the usury laws which still prevail in America*
He seemed to say that though they do still exist they have
little practical effect ; they are seldom pleaded in bar of
action. If usurious interest is once paid it cannot be re
covered ; and outside the law there is a kind of merchants'
union to enforce contracts. Even in New York there are
still usury laws, limiting interest to 7 per cent. ; but the
merchants manage to defeat it. The situation of the great
city of New York is somewhat peculiar, for the rural po
pulation of the State a good deal exceeds the town popula
tion, and is decidedly rural and primitive ; so that in regard
to usury laws, restriction on the sale of spirits, and some
other matters the country farmers control all the wealth and
power of New York City. It is they who maintain the usury
laws. The spirit-licensing laws are now the subject of much
contention in New York.
The following day was my last in Washington, and after
again looking in at some of the offices I left it in the afternoon.
There is a very important Agricultural Office, where they
collect all sorts of agricultural specimens and acclimatise and
distribute new plants ; but the head of the department was
absent, and I have postponed going particularly over it till
my return.
Upon the whole my impression of Washington is that, in
spite of the large amount of home rule which prevails in the
United States, the central departments of the Government are
upon a much more complete footing, with larger and more
VIRGINIA. 283
various establishments, than anything of the kind that we
have. All these centralised departments are the creation of
the last few years.
There seems to be very great freedom for the expres
sion of political opinion, in spite of the victory of the North
in the war. Looking over the books at a bookseller's shop, I
came upon a popular school history of America in the form
of a catechism, which gave the Southern view of matters in
an extreme, I may say a violent, form. According to this
children's catechism, at the end of the war General Sherman
agreed to receive back the Southern States into the Union
unconditionally ; but this pledge on the faith on which the
Confederate army surrendered was basely repudiated and
broken. Soon after, the assassination of Mr. Lincoln excited
the passions of the Northerners, and by perfidious violence
the 14th and 15th Amendments of the Constitution were
put in. It certainly seems very liberal to allow Southern
children to be taught these things.
VIRGINIA.
Virginia is close to Washington, on the other side of the
Potomac (pronounce it Potoomac, or you will be exceed
ingly laughed at) ; but I had arranged first to visit the lower
portion of Virginia ; so I went back to Baltimore, and there
took the steamer of what is called the Bay Line. In the
steamer I was treated with great civility, at the instance of
Mr. R . - I passed the night in going down the Bay in
as great comfort as if I had been in a luxurious house. The
estuary of the Chesapeake is here called the ' Bay.' These
American steamers are certainly delightful in quiet waters ;
but the consort of this one was dreadfully mauled in the
late storm, and very nearly went to the bottom. They are
built too high for bad weather.
In the morning I landed at Old Point, or Fort Munro>
near the country town of Hampton, in Virginia. There is a
large hotel, used by sea-bathers in the summer. I had an in
troduction to General W , the commander of the fort,
284 MY JOURNAL.
where there is a large artillery school. General 1VL , of
General Sherman's Staff, most kindly took charge of me
during my visit to this neighbourhood.
I notice that I am now quite in the land of blacks, espe
cially here, where they collected in numbers during the war.
In this district they are quite in a majority. They do all the
work about the wharves, and most other work. I principally
came here to see the ' Hampton Agricultural Institute ' for
blacks. I went over it under the guidance of General Arm
strong, who has charge of it, and has made it- what it is. It
is not quite an Agricultural Institute, for it is more used to
turn out schoolmasters than anything else. The justification
for teaching them agriculture is that, as the schools are com
monly open part of the year only, there is every opportunity
for the practice of improved agriculture during the remainder
of the year. Several trades are also taught. I believe this
is the only place in the Southern States where black printers
are educated. The Institution is primarily supported by
funds subscribed in the North, but it is now largely aided by
the State of Virginia. It is not a free school, not being
looked upon as charitable. The students are expected to
pay moderate fees, and by their work to earn something to
wards their own living. Besides the negro students there
are a good many Indians, sent by the United States Govern
ment. They are Indians from the Western tribes ; and it is
intended that, after being civilised and educated, they are to
.go back, and to improve their countrymen. I was much in
terested in these Indians. They are not red, but rather yellow,
and not at all unlike some of the Indo-Chinese tribes to the
east of Bengal.
I had a good deal of talk with General Armstrong about
the negroes and about Southern politics. He is the son of a
missionary who spent many years in the Sandwich Islands,
but was a distinguished Federal soldier in the war. He
thinks that the blacks are certainly inferior to the whites in
intellect, but they are improvable. The Indians are decidedly
stronger in intellect, but much more difficult to manage.
The negroes have a passion for land ; it is their great wish to
VIRGINIA. 285
acquire it ; but they are wanting in saving qualities, pru
dence and perseverance, to enable them to do so. Those,,
however, who were the best hands in slave-times are now
acquiring land — not very much, but they are getting on. If
they are able to buy land they can get it. In some parts of
the country there is a social prejudice against selling to them :
that is, in localities where white people prevail, they do not
always like to have negroes coming among them ; but at
other places, where the population is principally negro, the
whites are very ready to sell and go elsewhere. He thinks
about one-third of the negroes are decidedly good ; one-third
may be made good by good management ; and one- third are bad.
Like most of the people I have spoken to, he has not much
opinion of the mulattos. The race is not sterile, but it de
teriorates. In most parts of the South the negroes rent land
on shares ; but the master not only finds stock, but makes
advances for food and other requirements, and at the end of
the year the negroes have very little to get. They are very
willing for education ; the great difficulty is about teachers
and that want this and other institutions are supplying.
Most of the Southern States, now that the negroes must
have votes, are really adopting the policy of educating and
civilising them. Virginia has honestly carried out the
education policy so far as her funds admit. Altogether, Re
publican that he is, he gives a favourable view of the situa
tion. Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina are decidedly
doing well ; and in South Carolina, though some Democrats
opposed Hampton, the present Governor, he is doing good.
The worst ' bulldozing ' has been in Mississippi. In Virginia
and other well-managed States, he says, people are quite will
ing to give the blacks a minority representation in the State
Legislatures, and do so. This district is represented by a
black. In short, he fully endorses the policy of the present
President, which most Kepublicans do not. The negroes, he
says, in most States, really are allowed to vote, and do ; but
whites will not submit to be ruled over by blacks, and where
that is feared they audaciously false-count. They are afraid
to excite the feelings of the North by open violence.
286 MY JOURNAL.
With the view of giving a fair trial to the negroes a
good deal of land here has been sold in small patches, which
they have bought ; and a good many private proprietors, fol
lowing this example, have done likewise, so that there is
quite a large black proprietary, owning their own patches of
land and their own cottages. The patches, however, are very
small, but are said to be large enough to grow vegetables ;
and there is so much fishing and easy living here, that the
negroes are not obliged to work very hard. An immense
quantity of vegetables is raised in this part of Virginia, to
supply the winter and spring markets of the great towns of
the North. The winter climate here is very mild ; they say
that cattle can almost always go out all the year. In the
fields about I saw turnips and Scotch kail ; and I find that
root-crops are a good deal more grown in the South than in
the North. The turnips, however, are rather poor. Green
sorghum is largely used as fodder for cattle, as well as the
leaves of the maize.
I visited the Soldiers' Home here, which seemed to me a
folly — a place where disabled volunteer soldiers are kept in
absolute idleness, with nothing whatever to do. I saw an old
soldier who had fought against us in the war of 1812, and by
his side an Englishman who, in much later days, had fought for
the United States. I notice that in all United States books and
histories, and, I may say, memories, the war of 1812 occupies
a, prominent place, while we have managed to forget it.
I looked in at the Circuit County Court, which was then
sitting. The trial is by jury. The Court seemed a decent
one, and the lawyers energetic. During the recess for dinner,
parties, Judge, lawyers, and all, seemed freely to mix and talk.
The Judge was a regular old Virginian, ruined by emancipa
tion. He says, ' Grod made niggers different from white men,
•and nobody can make them the same.'
I hear much of the Freedman's Savings Bank, which
failed with a loss of $4,000,000, which has never been
replaced ; and the loss causes much distrust among negroes
inclined to save.
General M took me back to Old Point in an outrigger
VIRGINIA. 287
kind of civilised adaptation of the outriggers one
sees at Ceylon. I think they might with great advantage
be generally adopted. They sail wonderfully, and cannot
be upset.
I crossed in the ferry-boat to Norfolk — a pretty sail. At
Norfolk I went to the Atlantic Hotel. In the evening I had
a good deal of talk with the people I met in the smoking-
room. They declare that this is the best harbour on all the
Atlantic coast, and a good many other people think so too.
It is thoroughly sheltered, close to the sea, with no bar, and
direct railway communication with the Mississippi ; so that
much cotton is shipped here, not only from the Atlantic
States but from Memphis and the Mississippi country. The
cotton is carried from Memphis for two dollars a bale, while
it costs one dollar to New Orleans by steamer, is more roughly
handled there, and costs more for the transport from New
Orleans to England. Here, too, I noticed that the cotton-
bales were very roughly handled ; and it is the same at Alex
andria, Bombay, and all cotton marts. It seems strange that
so valuable a commodity should be so much torn and scat
tered about. It seems that the people who take samples must
cut the bales and dig into them. There is dreadful wailing
over the price of cotton : it is now nine cents a pound, or less.
Wheat is also very low ; sugar is better than it was, but a
Frenchman from the South seems despondent about it. Last
year the early frosts made great havoc in the sugar-cane ;
this year's crop remains to be seen, but prices are not very
remunerative. They have lately commenced shipping from
here very fine Virginian and Kentucky cattle for the Eng
lish market. A man who sent a cargo is said to have netted
51. a head upon them ; many more are to be sent. I saw
two or three fine English cotton steamers, and pens for the
accommodation of cattle were being put up on the decks.
There is, however, a good deal of risk, especially in thus
sending the cattle upon deck. The insurance for cattle is
about 6 per cent. The retail price of beef here is about
'6d. per pound.
In the morning I took a walk about the town. I observe
288 MY JOURNAL
that here, as elsewhere, the suburban streets are pretty and
well-kept. Fig-trees grow well. There is an astonishing
trade in oysters here. Oyster-packing is one of the great
industries, and all the roads are metalled with oyster-shells.
The most successful farmers are the oyster-farmers.
In the list of churches I see here that the Episcopal
churches stand first, then the Methodists ; there is only one
Catholic church. I am told that though small in numbers
the Episcopal Church in many respects takes a good position
in the United States. They are said to have done more for
the. Indians than any other Church, and Episcopalian chap
lains seem more prominent than any other in the army.
But Americans are very liberal on this subject. In the army
the Government appoints chaplains — ministers of every sect
are eligible — the best man is selected, without reference to
the particular faith he professes ; and, strange to say, there
seem to be no quarrels or jealousy upon the subject. I could
only hear of one Catholic who had been appointed to the
army ; but, among Protestant sects, a regiment or garrison
has sometimes a chaplain of one persuasion, and sometimes
of another. At Hampton Institute the services seem to be
taken turn and turn about. I suspect that a great deal of
approximation of sects is going on in the States.
The army, I believe, is very well supplied with good
medical men ; but I am told that throughout the Union
medical degrees are very easily got, and that there is a great
want of security in regard to medical qualifications.
It is generally said by those whom I meet that in most
parts of Virginia English settlers have not been very success
ful. They have sometimes bought inferior land — they are
not very good at managing black labour, and do not under
stand tobacco farming and curing. The truth seems to be
that the land of Virginia was a good deal worked out ; much
of it is rather poor, and much of it had been improvidently
farmed in slave times. The proprietors were heavily in
debt, and would have ' burst up,' war or no war. Now things,
are on the whole rather better ; fertilisers (that is, chemical
manures) are much used. Many of the poorer whites have
VIRGINIA. 289
got land, and so have a few of the blacks. Still most people
in these parts are not particularly hard workers, and they are
only moderately prosperous. The import of food-stuffs from
the West has very much diminished the profits of farming
here, and land is worth less than it was before the war. The
only prosperous country is the fine pasture land in the west
of the State, where cattle are largely bred. Much tobacco
now comes from other States, but the tobacco manufacture
in Virginia is still very large.
From Norfolk I took rail for Petersburg, through a very
poor country. We passed through the ' Dismal Swamp,' a
capital specimen of the belt of swampy country which sur
rounds the Southern States, consisting of large tracts of
swamp, mixed with poor land covered with pines and scrub-
oaks. There was occasional cultivation, but most of it
seemed poor, and the houses were chiefly inhabited by blacks,
A good deal of Indian corn is grown, and I saw many stacks
of Virginia peas — a great cultivation in these parts. In the
train I met a very pleasant man, Mr. Y , formerly a Con
federate officer, now carrying on an insurance agency, in
which he has for his partner Mr. J , a Scotchman, of a
family whom I know. I met Mr. J at Petersburg, and
he was kind enough to show me about the place. He has
tried several parts of the world — went at one time to South
America, then came to Virginia and got a large farm. It
answered tolerably well ; but he found the life dreadfully soli
tary, and now has gone into business in the town. He still,
however, retains his estate, a considerable portion of which
he cultivates on his own account. He keeps two or three
Scotchmen as permanent servants, and they get gangs of
negroes to work by the day when they are wanted. The
negroes like working in that occasional kind of way. Part
of his land he lets out in small farms to negroes on easy
terms as regards rent, but he makes it a condition that he is
to get labour from them when he wants it. They generally
owe the rent, and let him take it out in labour. He, how
ever, does not think it a paying thing to buy land for the
purpose of renting it out. Petersburg is a pretty town, and
U
290 MY JOURNAL.
the country about is famous as the scene of great operations
during the civil war. There are immense cemeteries in the
neighbourhood, full of soldiers of both sides. There is a
famous place — a sort of hole or small crater — where a large
number of black Federal soldiers were surrounded and, I am
afraid I must almost say, massacred. Petersburg now seems
to be thriving. There is only one old ruin, and that is the
English church of the early days of the colony. It is said to
have been built of bricks brought from England, and the
walls still stand. There are large tobacco manufactories
here, and some cotton-mills. I am told that the blacks work
well for a time, but are apt to leave capriciously — in that
respect they cannot be relied on. It is also more popular
to employ whites who are in want of work. I notice that
generally most of the United States employes are blacks,
while the State and municipal employes are mostly whites.
For instance, the people who sweep the streets of Petersburg
are all whites. They seem to get very low wages. Political
contests apart, I gather that there is little bad feeling between
the white and black castes ; they seem quite civil to one
another. The different occupations are a good deal divided
between the two. Most of the agricultural labour is done by
blacks ; so that things seem to be somewhat the converse of
that which I found in States further North, where the blacks
are found in towns, and not in the country. I am told that
the Virginian gentlemen of former days sometimes struggle
on with their properties and make the best they can of
them ; sometimes go to other States, where many of them
have prospered in various enterprises ; and sometimes take to
hotel-keeping and suchlike occupations in their own country.
The hotel at Petersburg is kept by a General and ex-planter,
who stands behind the bar, and seems to be a very pleasant,
elderly landlord. They say the relations between blacks and
whites are better in Virginia than in some other States,
because in slave times the blacks were better treated, this
being a breeding State. The people who raised negroes were
kind to and careful of them ; and the only unpleasant part of
the relation was the selling off when the stock became fit for
VIRGINIA. 291
the market. However, this was done through slave-dealers,
whose avocation was held to be degrading, and with whom
the gentlemen who sold the slaves would not hold social
intercourse.
Mr. Y — — does not confirm the statement that a certain
number of seats in the State Assemblies are allowed to the
blacks by way of conciliation and minority representation.
He says that whatever seats they have they only get by hard
voting, and he admits that when the Democrats are hard put
to it they sometimes manipulate a good deal in the count
ing of votes. The negroes are in a very decided majority in
the Petersburg Congressional District ; and, besides returning
some members to the State Assembly, they have hitherto
succeeded in returning a Republican member to Congress, a
Norwegian, who seems generally admitted to be a very able
man, and who has much influence with the negroes. The
blacks have great faith in Greneral Grant, as the man who
gave them their freedom, and they go to the poll as his sup
porters. There are several companies of black militia volun
teers in this State, with their own black officers ; there is one
such company at Petersburg, said to be much better drilled
than the white companies.
Travelling to Richmond I met an old gentleman, a Demo
crat, coming back from canvassing, and had a good deal of
talk with him. He was very hot on politics, and denounces
the Norwegian as ; white without, but very black within.' He
was full of currency questions, and a hot free-trader of a kind.
His argument seems to be that if the tariff was more adjusted
for revenue, then, with the aid of the larger customs revenue so
obtained, they might get rid of the internal revenue, which he
describes as most oppressive and expensive. He says that the
present tariff kills trade ; that for every dollar paid to the
State as customs duty on woollen goods the people pay $600
to their own manufacturers ; and for every dollar paid as duty
upon cotton they pay $2,000 — all this for the benefit of two
or three Northern States, especially Pennsylvania ; and even
there, he says, the manufacturers are but a small minority
now, and nearly played out. He dwells upon the much larger
u 2
292 MY JOURNAL.
number of the agricultural population, and says they should
be favoured, and not the manufacturers. He talks good Eng
lish, and would pass as a very good committee-man with us.
I understand that Virginia is in difficulties about the
State debt, and there are various plans for adjusting it by
cutting it down. Some say that the people of the State
could pay if they liked ; but the farmers do not like heavy
taxation, especially in the present depreciated condition of
their properties. In rural parts of the country the State
and local taxes come to about 1^ per cent, on the capital
value, and then there is a poll-tax of $\± and some other
taxes. On each glass of whisky being sold a bell is struck,
marking a register, and a tax is paid to the State, besides
that to the United States. Some recent amendments have
been made in the Constitution, introducing provisions de
signed to hit the blacks. These provisions disfranchise all
who have not paid up the poll-tax, and collectors are said to
be sometimes very lax till the election is over ; moreover,
they disfranchise for life every man convicted of larceny or
other such offence, unless he is pardoned by the Governor.
The blacks are tried for these offences by local justices of the
peace, who are generally white Democrats. I think this rule
is dangerous. Flogging is very freely used in Virginia as a
punishment for larceny, the system being different from that
of the States further South, where they prefer to imprison
criminals and to hire them out at a profit.
At Richmond I went to see the Exchange Hotel, which
seemed very good.
Next day I went to see Dr. D , State Superintendent of
Education. I had a good deal of talk with him, and went with
him to see some schools, both black and white. Virginia is
divided into ninety-nine counties. After the war an attempt
was made to introduce townships, according to Northern
ideas; but that has been given up, and now counties are
divided into magisterial districts, which have not the same
organisation as townships. The great difficulty in regard to
education is caused by the embarrassed financial position of
the State. Unfortunately, the Treasury is so low that it is
VIRGINIA. 293
very difficult to get from it the educational funds deposited
there ; and then by law taxes are payable in debt coupons,
and they get more of these coupons than cash. In this State
one-fifth of the State assessment is set apart for education,
as well as a poll-tax of a dollar a head, which it is optional
with counties to increase to $1 J. Elections are very fre
quent here. In Virginia the different elections do not take
place at the same time. One year there is an election for
Congress, and another year for the State Legislature ; while
the elections for county and local officers take place at a
different period of the year.
Some think that farmers now almost overdo expenditure
upon fertilisers. These chemical fertilisers are sometimes
rather dangerous, and perhaps good farmyard manure is the
best after all. A curious feature of the law is that, in Virginia
and some other States, the manure-merchant has a privilege
or hypothec over the crops.
Dr. R — - thinks the negroes are generally inferior in in
tellect to the whites, and not capable of sustained or skilful
work ; but still they are very good within certain limits — they
are very well-disposed, and much can be made of them.
Of public free schools there are three classes — Primary,
Grammar, and Higher — but these seem to run very much
into one another when they are in the same building, as was
the case at Richmond. Almost all the masters seem to be
mistresses. They follow the old Scotch system of schooling
in the winter and farming in the summer. By the law of
this State schools must be open not less than five months,
but in Richmond they keep them open for nine. There is
no compulsory law, but children come freely to the schools.
The children of the upper classes are very well represented in
all the schools, but there are also large private schools in
Richmond. I saw one very large one. The private schools
are principally of the lower grades, where the scholars of the
public schools are of a very mixed class ; in the higher schools
there are not so many of the poor, and the upper classes go
more freely. Boys and girls are always taught together in
the same class, but they do not sit together, and they are
294 MY JOURNAL.
kept quite separate in playtime. The girls in the higher
schools seem of a superior class, and there the girls very con
siderably preponderate over the boys. Many of the boys of
that age go into offices. As a rule in the higher schools the
pupils take one foreign language — the girls generally French,
the boys Latin or German. I did not learn that much
science was taught. In the black schools I noticed some very
fair mulattos — one girl in particular, who would have been
very fair for a European, was placed among the blacks, many
of whom are very black and hideous. I hardly knew before
what an ugly race some of the blacks are.
I went to see a great tobacco factory. It is entirely con
fined to the manufacture of chewing-tobacco. By far the
greatest part of the labour is done by blacks. Tobacco
seems to be specially their vocation. Most of the foremen
are whites, and some of the work is done by white and
black men mixed. I did not see any mixture of white and
black women ; that does not seem to be allowed. Cigars, it
seems, are not made by blacks ; it is one of the skilled things
they do not do. The black labourers in the factory get
about a dollar a day for moderately skilled work, and some
times more ; they do not work very regularly — they average
about four days a week. All seem to agree that negroes
are fond of amusement ; they like to make the most of life.
They go on excursions, fishing expeditions, and so on, and
thus vary their hard work. In the tobacco factory the women
were set to sing for my benefit, and they certainly do that
very well. The tobacco-leaves are dried and packed in hogs
heads by the farmers, and in that shape they come to the
manufactories. The value very much depends on the way in
which the drying process is done by the farmers.
I was invited to go out into the country with General
W , and went with him to his place, about twenty miles
distant. There was much tree-jungle on the way, and it did not
seem to be a very fertile country. The houses were of wood,
and did not look very good. He is a great farmer, and has
some 1,600 acres under cultivation, but his is a very exceptional
case. He is a somewhat rare instance of a Virginian proprietor
VIRGINIA. 295
successfully accepting the change of circumstances, and he has
done so in a very good spirit. I rather gather, however, that
his farming does not pay particularly well. General W
employs entirely negro labour, with white foremen, one of whom
I saw on horseback watching the ploughs. The fact seems
to be that people accustomed to black labour do not get on
very well with whites, and vice versa\ and so it is that where
they were accustomed to slave labour they now employ blacks,
and do not think of introducing whites. The Southern rail
ways and other great works have been almost entirely con
structed by black labour. General W is very fond of his
black people ; most of them were born and bred on the pro
perty. He had many more before the war — perhaps 400 —
worth, he says, about $150,000, and now there are in all about
150. Eighteen are permanently employed upon this block
of 1,000 acres. Then there are the women and children, and
some men who have a little land, and work occasionally for him.
He seems to say that hereabouts the difficulty rather is for all
to get work than for employers to get labour enough. He is
clear that, so far as income is concerned, if he had got the
value of his slaves by way of compensation he would be better
off than under the slave system. The only drawback is that
formerly you had the comfort of servants whom you could
bring up to your ways and be sure of keeping, but now they do
as they like. Others, however, say that, in this view, account
is not taken of the increase of the negroes, which was the
great source of profit in former days, and much recouped the
owner for the capital sunk in slave property.
General W 's land seemed to be fine and easily workable,
but it needs manure. The principal staples are Indian corn,
wheat, and artificial grass. I gather that much of the best
land in river-bottoms and such situations is still held by
the old proprietors and farmed by negro labour ; but these
farms are generally not very profitable, and throughout
the State there is much pecuniary difficulty. In the cattle-
grazing tracts there are some really large estates. I heard of
one very large indeed. I asked what the proprietor made of
his land. The answer was, ' He lets out part of it, and turns
296 MY JOURNAL.
cattle on the rest.' In the Southern States mules are almost
always used for ploughing ; in some parts of the country oxen
are a good deal used for draught. On all sides I hear that
General W is a very excellent specimen of the fine old
Virginian proprietor ; but then he is a man of means, and
can do what most others cannot. He is a most polished and
courteous gentleman. His place, however, shows no signs
of ever having been a fine place in our sense. It is more
like a comfortable planter's or gentleman-farmer's house, and
there is no affectation of grandeur. The family seem very
English in their ideas and sympathies. General W stands
up for the character and capacity of the negroes, but he ad
mits that they are not up to managing delicate machines.
He says they are very trustworthy, and his doors never were
locked during the war ; but they sometimes lay their hands on
petty articles of food and such things. Although Gen. W
was a Confederate general he seems to be in truth now nearly
a Republican. His family appear scarcely to share his very
hopeful view of the situation. Mrs. W— — is well known to
have been the kindest of mistresses. She admits the horrors
of slavery, but now thinks things are even worse, and that the
blacks will presently be starved. Miss W— — thinks Washing
ton made a great mistake in separating from England. Very
many Virginians seem still to affect English sympathies.
General W— - says that before the war farming was a profes
sion as good as law or medicine. I gather that the proprietor-
farmers ranked with professional men, not above them. The
next day we came back to Richmond. I had some most agree
able talk with the ladies of the party, and shall always have a
very pleasant remembrance of this visit. They say that young
ladies here are much more independent than the New York
young ladies now are, the latter having begun to affect the
European fashion.
I called on Major P , an ex-Confederate officer, and
now a lawyer. He was very civil, and gave me much assistance.
He took me to call on the Governor of the State, Colonel
Holliday, a bright and highly educated man, who is, I
believe, a very successful Governor. He lost an arm in the
VIRGINIA. 297
war on the Confederate side. Like most people here, he de
fends the institution of slavery, though he cannot defend the
slave-trade between the breeding States and the consuming
States. Accepting slavery as past and gone, he is all for re
taining and making the most of the negroes, on whom he
relies as the conservative element in the country, as contrasted
with the communistic and troublesome among the white
workmen. He says the blacks are so far quite free from
trades-unionism and Communism, and they are very useful
and good labourers. They are, however, neither mentally
equal to the whites, nor will they do so much hard work in a
sustained way — not so much as the Irishmen; they will take
holidays and amuse themselves occasionally. The mulattos
he thinks are superior to the ordinary negroes ; they are free
from the odour which is a great drawback to the negroes in
domestic service.
Colonel Holliday explained that much of the State debt
had been incurred for internal improvements, which do not
pay — railways, canals, and the like. The making of such
works by the State tends to excessive ' log-rolling' in the
State Legislature, and that is the origin of the clause re
cently inserted in the Constitution of this and other States
which prohibits the making of any internal improvements by
the State. In Virginia they had no land to give to the rail
ways, and they gave large money grants by way of subsidy.
He did not seem much inclined to free trade, but rather
hoped that Virginia might increase her manufactures. He
thinks the state of the labour market is pretty satisfactory
here — people can get work, and employers can get labour.
All they want is to be let alone. He is very friendly to
England, but dwells much on the ' Cassandra ' warnings of
which we have lately heard, and especially on the great
danger to England of engaging in any European war. In
that case, he says, our commerce would be swept from the
ocean, as was that of the United States, and we shall find
the disadvantage of living in an island.
I went to see Messrs. B , bankers and merchants.
They tell me a curious fact : that before the war of a total of
298 MY JOURNAL.
Virginian exports of some $34,000,000 close on half— viz., be
tween sixteen and seventeen millions — was the value of slaves
exported. In some parts of the South slaves were a good deal
worked out, but generally the demand for slaves in the South
was caused by increase of cultivation. Sugar has now de
clined, but cotton has extended, and will extend. The
present price of nine cents is not so very bad after all ; it is
quite up to the average of the prices before the war. In those
days it has been known as low as four or five cents. They
do not think money is being lost in the cultivation of cotton,
though it is not very profitable. A good deal of money is
advanced to planters by people called factors, who seem to
fulfil the functions of the Indian Mahajan. Even if cotton
be not lucrative the people in the Southern States must grow
it ; they have no alternative. They have no other great
staple there. There has been considerable increase in the
cultivation of cotton by small white farmers in the hilly
districts, and a very great increase in Texas, a State which
seems to be going ahead very fast.
I went to see some of the great flour-mills here. Most of
the labour is black, but the really skilled work must be done
by whites. I saw a good deal of work in which black and
white men are employed indiscriminately, and are paid the
same. There are said to be no signs of jealousy between the
two races. The James Eiver is very rocky and rapid in its
course up to this point. Above Eichmond it has been canal
ised, and it is here applied to provide the great water-power
by which the mills are worked. On the opposite side is a
place called Manchester, where there are several cotton-mills.
The river is very red and muddy ; this is no doubt due to
the red soil which they have about here. This red soil ex
tends a long way through the Southern States.
Here too there was a great agricultural fair going on. I
went out to see it, but was somewhat disappointed. The
grounds seemed too large for the show. There were two most
enormous cattle, but the others did not strike me very much.
The most frequent animals were small Jersey cows, pretty
little beasts. Trotting horses were conspicuous. There seemed
VIRGINIA. 299
DO great show of fruits and vegetables. I may remark, now
that I have seen a good many of these shows, that as an agri
cultural show that which I saw at Hamilton, in Canada, was
the best of them all. I suspect that Virginia is not at all up
to the Northern States in agricultural enterprise. Coming
back from the fair I watched the ploughing going on in some
large fields. The soil seemed light. It was being largely
limed, and green crops were being ploughed in. This is very
much the practice in these parts. I waited for two ploughs
to come round, to see who the labourers were, and found that
one was held by a black man, and one by a white man.
Returning to the town, I went to inquire about books
giving information about the State laws, and got an authori
tative compilation, the ' Revised Code of Virginia,' in one
thick volume, circulated by authority of the Legislature.
In the evening Colonel , son of the distinguished hydro-
grapher, was good enough to call upon me and introduce me
to the Westmoreland Club, an excellent institution. After
wards I went to the theatre. The principal object of the
play seemed to be to satirise an American member of Con
gress, a ' lady who had been abroad,' and an English tourist.
They were very severe on the Congress-man, and attributed
to him all sorts of corruption, which caused great laughter
and applause. A ' civil rights man ' was introduced. It
seems that a civil rights man is one who is in favour of com
plete equality of blacks and whites. He tells that in New
York he patronises a ' civil rights ' barber's shop, where they
shave both blacks and whites, an idea which seemed to amuse
the audience. The English tourist was a stupid and unin
teresting person. The 'lady who had been abroad' was a
caricature of the people we see in Continental Hotels, and
she was held up to much ridicule. She was also the vehicle
for exhibiting genuine Worth's dresses, which the Virginian
ladies seemed to think a very interesting sight.
Next morning I breakfasted with Governor Holliday, and
met a party at his house. He has an official residence ; and
I noticed that convicts in chains were cleaning up the grounds
in a way that very much reminded me of the practice in
300 MY JOURNAL.
India in former days. The chain-gang is a recognised insti
tution, and you may see them working in the streets any day.
The people whom I met this morning say that General W .
and his farm are far too favourable a specimen, and that
most of the people in Virginia are not at all well off. Even
in the best parts of the State much good land is for sale for
less than the buildings alone originally cost. They think,
however, that their geographical situation in the centre of
the Union ought to enable them to retrieve their position,
and they would do so if they were not ruined by the exces
sive cheapness of produce imported from the West. They all
defend the institution of slavery without reserve, and declare
that it often happened that the masters had to work very
hard indeed, while the black labourers had a life the hap
piest, easiest, and most free from care that it is possible to
imagine. There is now an income-tax in Virginia on all
incomes, not derived from property, exceeding six hundred
dollars per annum, the first six hundred dollars being in all
cases exempt. All property is liable to the property-tax, and
this income-tax is merely to catch people who do not pay
property-tax, and who in most of the States are exempt from
direct taxation. Some people of the town say that personal
property is very fully taxed ; indeed, even more so than the
land, the land being now valued at a very low rate. It
seems that there is a good deal of evasion of the income-tax.
The assessors are elected, and dare not assess rigorously. I
talked to a member of the Virginian Legislature, which con
tains a good many men of some substance. He has both
won and lost his seat on the question of the dog-tax, which is
said to be necessary for the protection of the stock-breeders,
but is very unpopular. It is imposed in some counties, and
not in others. Many people seem to hope that local and side
questions of this kind will take people off from party divi
sions and black and white factions. I observe that there
are two or three independent candidates for Congress in this
State. I am told stories of negroes who say they will vote
for a man because he is a ' gentleman.' I learn one thing
which shocks me — that blacks are here systematically ex-
VIRGINIA. 301
eluded from the juries. This seems to be avowed, the excuse
being, ' They have got votes, and we cannot give them every
thing.' In the United States Courts blacks are put on the
juries, but not in the Virginian Courts. They say that there
are many free traders here, but free trade is not an active
question at present. The Southern States are much more
occupied with reconstruction questions. They managed ta
carry the last changes of the Virginian Constitution, which
gave the whites some advantages, under cover of disputes
with the Federal Government on greater questions.
I visited the Richmond Institute, a philanthropic estab
lishment for the education of black teachers and preachers.
It seemed to be doing very well. Mr. C , the principal,
has a high opinion of the negroes, but he admits that they
are not mathematical. He is a Northerner sent by Northern
people to carry on this work. He admits that the men of
Richmond behave very well to him, but says that the ladies
are much more bigoted.
I visited Mr. V 's establishment for extracting the
juice of meat in a pure form, without heating or cooking. I
believe that this essence has an extraordinary virtue for
invalids.
I lunched with Mr. B , and met a large party there.
They were generally pleasant people. The Virginian ladies
are very agreeable, but they denounce in very strong language
General Grant and the Abolitionists and all their works.
Mr. B is President of the National Bank here. He com
plains that, the banks are over-taxed. They could lend money
at 5 or 6 per cent., if they were not taxed, better than
they now can at 10 per cent. These National Banks are a
great question in the United States. At present a large
party denounce them, saying that they have far too favour
able terms. They are allowed to issue bank-notes on deposit
of United States securities ; so that their solvency, so far as
regards these notes, is always secured.
After dining with Major P I went with him to a
great gathering and banquet of the ' Confederate Soldiers of
Northern Virginia,' where we heard a great oration, giving
302 MY JOURNAL.
a military history of a part of the war from the Confederate
point of view.
This day concludes my stay in Virginia, and ends a
pleasant visit to Richmond. It strikes me that now I have
got into a negro country the servants are more numerous than
in the North. Their style and manners are something like
those of native servants in India. I believe in former days
the Southerners were more English in their habits than some
of the Northerners. Ladies used to ride on horseback ; now
they cannot afford many horses, and private property pre
vailed here so early that there are not the open sectional
roads that I saw in Illinois. Ladies who attempt to ride or
drive complain of the endless number of gates and want of
open country.
NORTH CAROLINA.
From Richmond I travelled to Raleigh, the political
capital of North Carolina. It is about 8^ hours' run by
rail. The country is more or less undulating. A great
deal of it seemed rather poor, with a great deal of wood-
principally pine, and some indifferent oaks and other trees.
I am told that the original pine of the Southern country
is a very good wood ; but when these trees have been once cut
the second growth, which comes up spontaneously, is gene
rally a tree of an inferior species. Most of the soil seemed
to be reddish and rather light, but a good deal of it is culti
vated ; and as we got South cotton became common. The
cotton crop is now ripe upon the ground, and picking is
going on. My general impression of the cotton I saw
was that it gives one the idea of a great extent of culti
vation, rather than of very high cultivation. I am told
that the cotton-plant grows very well in this reddish,
lightish soil ; in fact, it prefers a light soil, if it
have only a little manure. This country is rather far
North for its cultivation. The largest amount of cotton is
by no means produced from the largest plants. Some very
NORTH CAROLINA. 303
small, short plants are very heavy with cotton. There is a
great variety in the yield ; some fields seeming very heavy,
others very poor.
I noticed many very miserable huts scattered about in
an isolated way among the fields and the woods. They seem
to be mostly of one pattern, and were inhabited both by
white people and by blacks. I remarked to my fellow-
passengers on the wretchedness of these houses, and they
admitted that the cottages are certainly very poor ; but they
say in the South people are less in need of good houses, as the
climate is more favourable. I understand that these isolated
houses have been built since the war. Before the war the people
— at any rate, the blacks — used to live together in planta
tion settlements. Since the war both whites and blacks have
got land who had it not before. The two first acquaintances
I made both came into these Southern parts with the Federal
army, and stayed at the end of the war. One of them is an
Englishman ; they both seem to be on good terms with the
people with whom they are engaged in cotton-buying and
such business.
In the cotton-fields I several times noticed white people
at work, but the majority of the cotton cultivators seemed to
be black. White and black children seemed friendly enough
together, but intermarriage is prohibited. It seems, how
ever, that there has been a good deal of intermixture of
races, and many of the coloured people are not pure blacks.
I have heard it said with much truth, that since it is so
there is much ground for legalising intermarriage. The
cotton is all ginned by machinery, and what is called half-
pressed. All over the country there are ginning mills and
pressing machines, where the cotton is made up and sent to
the great ports, where it is re-pressed for export. Much of
the cotton seed is used for manure ; in fact, the seed makes
the best manure for this crop. I am told the settlers who
have come to North Carolina of late years have, in most
instances, not succeeded very well ; they were very often
cheated by land companies, and did not understand the busi-
304 MY JOURNAL.
ness ; but there are some Northern farmers who have done
very well.
There was a second class on the train chiefly occupied by
negroes, but not exclusively so. I noticed an advertisement
of a travelling agent, who wants ' 150 farmers to go to
Texas,' and offers to engage them ' either on wages or on
shares.' Both my travelling acquaintances, though in some
sense carpet-baggers themselves, speak strongly of the evils
of the carpet-bag government of the Southern States.
Kaleigh seems to be a pretty country place, with plenty
of flowers and good vegetation. I went to the Yarborough
House Hotel, which I found comfortable. Reading the local
papers in the evening, I saw that most of the seats in Con
gress for this State are contested. I did not see evidence of
any great bitterness. In the papers I noticed an account of
a local county meeting for Wayne County — not a popular
meeting, but only of the County Commissioners, who are five
in number. The subjects seemed very like those dealt with
by our Local Boards. I remarked the following : — The poor-
house and paupers ; the county gaol ; roads and bridges, and
apportionment of labour — in these States the inhabitants are
bound to work on the roads on the system which used to be
called ' Statute labour ' in Scotland — ; spirit licences ;
valuation of property ; registration of voters ; arrangement
of school districts ; appointment of a local constable on a
casual vacancy. It is mentioned that there are nine paupers
in the poor-house — four white and five coloured — and then
there is a notice of small allowances granted to out-paupers.
Later in the evening I went to a Democratic meeting,
but it was very cold, and the meeting was thinly attended.
The people were very silent and undemonstrative while the
orator exposed financial questions. He went in for an ex
tended currency, without precisely saying that he meant
greenbacks. He was against protection. He said that the
property of Massachusetts is ten times greater than that of
North Carolina, but the United States' taxation is not in the
same proportion. ' Money,' he said, ' was unjustly appre
ciated, and everything else depreciated.'
NORTH CAROLINA. 305
Next day I called on the Governor of the State, Mr.
Vance, who received me very civilly, and with him I found an
old Mr. C , of Scotch descent, and formerly a rich pro
prietor, who had at least a thousand slaves, but who now
talks as if he was terribly reduced. He said that what has
protected people in this State is the homestead law. I after
wards, however, heard that he is understood to be quite rich,
and that he does not like the homestead law, because it pro
tects debtors too much. That homestead law is certainly very
much in force here ; and Mr. C described it as saving to
a man just as much land as his neighbours choose to lay out
for him under the valuation clauses, so that, he says, creditors
have suffered more than debtors. I also made the acquaint
ance of Mr. D , one of the principal residents, also of his
son, and some other gentlemen. Messrs. D claim to hold
their land under a royal grant, and are Episcopalians, but I
understand that there are comparatively few Episcopalians
in North Carolina, which was not so aristocratic in its origin
as Virginia on the one side, and South Carolina on the other.
Different parts of the State are still held by the descendants
of the original settlers ; very few foreigners have come in of
late years. The part near the sea was principally occupied
by Englishmen, with blacks under them. Then a great part
of the low-lying country inland towards the borders of South
Carolina is occupied by a large Scotch -Highland settlement,
who, I am told, still speak Graelic. They are a hard-working
population, who never had many slaves, but worked them
selves, getting out timber and growing corn and cotton.
Materially speaking, they have not prospered exceedingly ;
but they have educated themselves, and do well on the whole.
They are said to have come after the rebellion of '45, and
among them Flora Macdonald. They are Presbyterians. In
another part of the State there is a strong colony of Scotch-
Irish. Further West there are many Germans, and much of
the mountainous country in the extreme West is occupied by
Moravians and other such settlers, who used to live a very
rough and isolated life. These people it was who, aided by
a great many deserters and others, rebelled against the Con-
x
306 MY JOURNAL.
federate Government during the war, as did many of the
people in Andrew Johnson's country in East Tennessee. In
those days they used to be called ' Bush Whackers.' They were
influenced partly by the old Whig spirit, partly by a dislike
of the war, and partly by a dislike of the compulsory service
which it was sought to impose upon them. The black popula
tion is most numerous in the low-lying lands in the eastern
part of the State. In the rest, whites are more numerous.
Before the war the most valuable property consisted of
slaves. The direct profit from their work did not suffice to
pay the interest on the capital sunk upon them, and the real
profit was in the increase of the slaves and selling them
away. Old Mr. C — - says, with evident pride in his good
management, that by feeding his slaves well and marrying
them judiciously, he used to double their number in twenty
years. After the war the people had neither money nor
stock, and were very badly off indeed. Some of the low
lands, protected by dykes which needed care and labour,
have now been flooded and disused, and in that part of the
country the negroes live by fishing, etc., and only grow a
very moderate amount of cotton and corn. It has been
found, however, of late years that the higher red land, which
was not before supposed to be good for cotton, does grow
it exceedingly well, and very much land has been brought
under cotton which was not so cultivated before, partly by
breaking up new land and partly by substituting cotton for
corn, grass, and pigs. Bacon is now brought from the West
very cheap. This change has especially taken place in the
district about Raleigh, in which very little cotton was grown
before, whereas Raleigh is now a very large cotton mart.
I am told that few large farmers succeed, though some do
more or less, chiefly those who have a knack of managing
the negroes. Generally speaking, the most successful are
the smaller farmers, who work themselves with their families.
At first these people were obliged to get advances from
factors and commission agents. Now they are getting more
independent, and would do very well if they could only get
a tolerable price for their cotton. Cotton is in these parts
NORTH CAROLINA. 307
the only crop that brings money, except tobacco, which is
cultivated to a considerable extent in one part of this State.
A good deal of the land has changed hands since the war,
and every man who has prudence can get land. Still
although some small people, both white and black, get land
of their own, much more is rented on various terms. Many
proprietors cultivate some land themselves, and rent out the
rest. Some proprietors (old Mr. C , for instance) rent out
the land in large blocks to white farmers, who pay them one-
third of the corn and one-fourth of the cotton, and these
white farmers again (who seem to be a sort of middle men)
make arrangements with the blacks ; perhaps they find the
mules, etc., and get two-thirds of the crop. Many blacks
again take farms direct from the proprietors ; and these, Mr.
C says, are the best farmers. Very often rent is paid in
the shape of a fixed quantity of cotton ; there is very seldom
a money rent. I have seen a good many cotton -fields near
the town, and talked over the system of cultivation. One
mule is sufficient, the plough being a light one. The crop
requires much ploughing, and hoeing and labour, but little
machinery. The seed is drilled in, then ploughed between
the drills, and the plants are thinned out by hoeing like our
turnips ; in fact, the cultivation a good deal reminded me
of turnip cultivation. Manure seems to be very generally
used. A bale1 an acre is a very good crop, but half or three
quarters of a bale is more common. In the lower land
further east they get more cotton to the acre, but it is
inferior in quality to the upland cotton, and the farmers
on the lowlands do not seem to be so independent. It is
most frequently necessary for the proprietor to supply
everything, and that system generally breaks down in the
end. Here a small farmer can cultivate about twenty-five
acres of cotton if he has a family to help him. By far the
greater portion of the land round Ealeigh seems to be under
cotton ; one sees large stretches of it. Besides the few
blacks who possess farms of their own, very many own houses
and small patches of land not large enough to make them
1 About 450 Ibs.
x 2
308 MY JOURNAL.
independent farmers, and these men work as lured labourers
besides cultivating their patches. I hear no complaint that
the blacks about here are idle. There is no decrease in their
numbers, but owing to their careless habits they are not now
increasing so fast as they used to, nor so fast as the whites.
The disadvantage in regard to labour in these parts is that
the female labour, which was largely available in slave times,
is now lost, as the black women will not work ; they like to
copy the whites in this respect, and the preachers have taken
the side of the women. They cook and wash and do house
hold work, but, excepting the cotton-picking at the picking
season, will seldom do field work. Those of the lower class
of whites who have no energy to rise above the position of
hired labourers are no better off than the blacks, and are not
paid higher, but by far the greater part of the hired labour
is black. In the town, labourers get nearly a dollar a day ; in
the country they are hired at eight or ten dollars a month
with a house and rations, or fifty cents a day without rations.
I hear complaints that many of the white people go West
instead of improving the lands at home ; many of the High
landers have gone west. Here also I am told that the only
complaint against the negroes is that, though generally
willing to work, they are too much inclined to take holidays
and amuse themselves. That is said to be an objection to
employing them in mills and places where regular labour
is required. They are apt to go to church meetings or to
market the produce of their little patches. They drink
more than is good for them, but I do not gather that they
are very drunken.
Good land can be bought in these parts at from five to
twelve dollars an acre, but there is much poor land to be had
for one or two dollars. In the hilly part of this State there
is no limestone, and they say that lime is necessary to make
bone and produce a good race of men or animals. At any
rate, they do not fatten cattle very much, but they raise
store cattle in the hilly parts and send them to Virginia.
Indian corn grows well. I am told that it is not considered
to be suited to a tropical climate. Even in the most
NORTH CAROLINA. 309
southerly States of the Union it is not so good as in the
central States. The rainfall here seems to be very good ; it
averages upwards of forty inches per annum, and is pretty
regular. Perhaps three-fourths of the State is still covered
with wood, and most of this might be cultivated if it were
cleared, and manure were more or less used. A good deal
of wheat is grown, but not much barley or oats.
Governor Vance, though now a Democrat, comes from the
Western hill country, and both he and Mr. C and others
whom I met seemed to be very well inclined towards the
negroes, saying that they often make the best farmers, and
generally the best labourers. The Governor says, that on
the whole the black representatives sent to the Legislature
are fairly selected ; illiterate they are, but some of them are
quite well-disposed and sensible. He instances as one of the
best a black carpenter who sits in the Legislature, and when
not so engaged works well at his trade. Most of the skilled
trades are in the hands of the whites, but there are black
carpenters, blacksmiths, and bricklayers, and the whites have
not attempted to put them down. In the last State Assembly
there were fourteen blacks, and there are still eight of them
in the State Legislature. None of the State judges are black,
but some of the county officers are. There is a black
prosecuting attorney at Raleigh, but he is not very good. In
this State blacks are allowed to sit on juries, and do to some
extent, but not very many of them. There is still a very
strong social prejudice against people with any tinge of colour,
especially among ladies, who would not for their lives sit in
the same room with a coloured man. I am told that the
last Governor was obliged to give up his receptions because
of the difficulty about the black members of the Legislature,
for if they came no whites would come. The whites have
agreed to accept the blacks for business purposes, but not for
social purposes. This State was originally entirely against
secession and war. It was formerly a very Whig State, and
although afterwards the Democrats prevailed, when the quarrel
between the North and South came North Carolina voted
entirely against secession, till Lincoln's military measures for
310 MY JOURNAL.
the coercion of the South excited the opposition of the more
moderate Southerners ; then North Carolina took the Con
federate side, and supplied a very large number of soldiers to
the Confederate army. After the war there was a good deal
of bitterness — carpet-bag rule lasted for some time, and there
were Klu-klux organizations against it ; but now things
have quieted down.
In the present election there are still some ' radical '
candidates, and some independent ones ; the result of the
election remains to be seen. In this State, also, the blacks
have two or three militia companies, but they are deterred
from forming more by the expense. In the present Congress
there is only one Eepublican from the State, a white man.
He was formerly Governor of the State, and was well liked,
but I understand that he is not to be re-elected. The blacks
have put up candidates of their own, and are likely to elect
a black man if they do not lose the seat by division among
themselves, for two blacks are opposing one another ; one of
them said to have been originally a West Indian. In the
mountain regions the white people seem now to be generally
Democrats. General Vance, the Governor's brother, is not
opposed there.
As in Virginia, there has been a recent revision of the
Constitution, modifying that imposed on the State after the
war — much more so apparently than in Virginia. The State
judges are still elected by the people, but the justices of the
peace are nominated by a committee of the Assembly, and
these j ustices elect the county commissioners, so that there
is really no popular local self-government except in towns.
However, it is said that things are fairly managed, and that
by way of compromise the committee of the Assembly appoint
some of both parties. Under this arrangement some blacks
are appointed to office. The blacks are said not to have ' the
same cohesion for purposes of public plunder as the whites.'
Up to 1830 the parties in the United States were Hamil-
tonian and Jeifersonian, otherwise, Federal and Republican.
Then they changed their names to those of Whig and Demo
crat. But at the time of the war the Whigs gave up, and the
NORTH CAROLINA. 311
present Republicans took their place, so that, in fact, the title
of Republican has changed sides ; the Jeffersonian Republicans
of former days now being represented by the Democrats, while
the successors of the Hamiltonian federals are called Re
publicans.
In North Carolina there was a property qualification for
the franchise up to 1850, and before 1855 any free blacks
possessed of property were admitted to the franchise. After
those dates blacks were excluded, and all whites were admit
ted. The system of taxation here seems very much like that
in Virginia. Besides the property tax there is an income
tax, from which the necessary expense of living, not to
exceed $\ ,000 in any case, is exempted. There is a con
siderable State debt, but no attempt is made to pay interest
upon it at present. The roads are very bad; apparently
there are no metalled roads in all the State, only the common
earth roads made by the labour of the people themselves, and
very indifferently made.
The town of Raleigh is, as usual, very scattered, with
broad streets quite unpaved, and a good deal of ornamental
ground about the houses. The population of the place is about
12,000. The Capitol is a fine building, in a commanding
situation. I noticed a very large lunatic asylum, and there
seemed to be a good many other institutions. There are
many whiskey shops, and a good many churches. The cotton
market is very busy ; the general market seems well supplied.
The most common fish in these parts are what are called sea-
trout ; but I do not think that they are our sea-trout, and
they do not seem very good. I am told that in the streams
in the hill-country there is very abundant trout-fishing.
In the evening I went out to take tea with old Mr. D
who has a very pretty place, with a very nice house, beautiful
grounds, and a most pleasant family. All the arrangements
seemed simple and unpretending, but very nice and com
fortable. I had some more talk with the Messrs. D . They
say local bodies do not borrow very much, because no one
will trust them in these days. A railway is now being made
by the State through the mountain country, principally by
312 MY JOURNAL.
convict labour. I saw in the papers that a man has been
sentenced to death for burglary, and, on enquiry, I find that
burglary is a capital offence in this State, though the capital
sentence may not be very often carried into effect in such a
case. On the other hand, corporal punishment is not used
for minor offences, as it is in Virginia. It seems to be more
profitable to imprison offenders and work them.
The next day I visited the State Agricultural and Geolo
gical Museum, established in pursuance of a law which seems
now to be the fashion in most of the States. The Agricul
tural Commissioner seems to be an active man ; he has a very
good agricultural collection, and appears to be doing his best
to improve the staples of the country. He has also some very
useful maps. This State runs a great length from east to
west, and he divides it into three belts. First, the swampy
country to the east, which is rich, but very much of it is
under water or under jungle ; when reclaimed it is very good
for rice and corn and such staples, but, owing to the disre
pair of the dykes already mentioned, much of it is in a bad
way. Then, in the centre of the State, is a country of sandy
and red soil, much of it covered with pine trees, but also
very much of it under cotton. This is, in fact, the cotton
belt. Then there is the high country in the west of the State,
•with a granite soil and an oak vegetation. There they grow
tobacco and wheat, and raise cotton. They have also a good
many minerals, and hope to have a good many more if the
country is opened out. In the far western corner of this
State is the highest mountain in all the Eastern States,
nearly 7,000 feet high, I think. The hill-country is said
to be very charming. In the Agricultural Collections in
these States I noticed, what I also noticed in the Paris
Exhibition, the absence of any collection of Indian products.
I think our Indian Agricultural Department should supply
these. I notice here specimens of the Indian Jawaree, the
Nile Dhoura, and well known in Southern Europe under I
forget what name. It is one of the most widely cultivated
food-grains in the world, but the cultivation does not seem ta
have taken root in the States. The specimens here are called
NORTH CAROLINA. 313
' Pampas- corn.' Sweet potatoes are a very great product in
the Southern States ; they grow to an enormous size, more
like mangolds. There are some good specimens of beet and
mangolds, but I understand that they are not much grown.
The turnips are very poor. Eed clover, I understand, grows
well. For fertilizers, besides using the cotton seed, they
have any quantity of good marl and phosphates from the
Charleston beds.
I visited Mr. S , the State Superintendent of Educa
tion ; he does not give a very good account of his department.
Education in former days was at a very low ebb, and it does
not seem to have been very much raised. The Constitution
requires that the schools should be kept open for at least four
months in the year, but, owing to want of funds and other
causes, it appears from the last returns that the average time
during which each school was actually open was not more
than eight weeks. But there is some private schooling, and,
perhaps, half of the grown white people can read and write.
Very many of them, however, are quite ignorant, some even
who hold good farms. The blacks were, at first, very zealous
about education, but seem to be discouraged, and not to be
so zealous now. The Education Department has the greater
part of the State poll-tax, a share of the general property
tax, and the swampy lands which still belong to the State.
There seems to have been some difficulty as to the arrange*
ments for spending the money, for the last report complains
that there was a balance unspent in several of the counties.
Besides the State schools the blacks have the benefit of a
good manyfreedmen's schools, still maintained by subscriptions
from the North. The public money for schools is equally dis
tributed between the white and black schools, per capita,
The blacks have about half as many schools as the whites.
About half of the whole number of children are upon the
school rolls, but the average attendance is only about one-
fourth. In this State the majority of the teachers are males
The Southern whites do not like to teach black children,,
and it is necessary either to get Northerners or to employ
coloured teachers.
314 MY JOURNAL.
Mr. D kindly arranged for me a little trip into the
country to see the farmers. The land generally seemed to
be the light red soil which I before mentioned, undulating
and with much wood about. Cotton is by far the principal
cultivation. I thought it certainly not so highly-cultivated
a crop as the cotton I had seen in Egypt, and the land here is
infinitely less valuable than land in Egypt ; but in many fields
there are this year very good crops, from three-quarters to
one bale per acre. I was interested in a nice little farm of
a black man, who produces in a good season almost twenty
bales of cotton. He was a frank and communicative person ;
he is totally illiterate, but seems to understand his business
as a farmer. He pays 3^ bales of cotton as rent, but
does not know how many acres lie has. His cotton crops
seemed good, though much of the land has been sown with
cotton seven years in succession. He also grows some corn
and some hay for his mule ; has no cows, but some pigs. The
owner only found materials for a very poor house, and he put it
up. He holds from year to year without a lease, and says that
as the owner will not improve his house and fences he thinks
of trying to get land of his own. Much of the land now under
crop he has himself cleared from wood, and his rent has been
increased in consequence. Evidently much of the land in
these parts has recently been reclaimed from forest. This man
has one son working with him, who gets a share of the pro
ceeds. His wife and daughters assist more or less at harvest
times. He has only one mule. He has several other sons,
for one of whom he has bought four acres of land on which
the son has established a blacksmith's shop. Another son
works as a farm-labourer at fifty cents a-day, and two others
rent farms in another part of the country. A little further
on we went over the farm of a white man. This is also
rented. The house and farm buildings seemed quite good.
The farmer was a decent man, but a brother who works with
him looks dissipated and inferior. He has a wife and family.
The children go to school. He has a good deal of wood on
his land, and sells wood in the town. The family do not seem
very communicative. I have generally noticed that the
NORTH CAROLINA. 315
wives of American small farmers are not very free-spoken,
and keep in the background more than such women would in
this country. Besides this brother, the farmer has two hired
servants, one black and the other white ; they are paid the
same, and he says that the black is the best. He too pays a
rent in cotton — a fixed quantity. Further on we came upon
a farm of about forty acres, owned by a black. He had a
good house, but the land seemed rather slovenly, not so well
cultivated as the rented farm. We then visited the farm of
a considerable proprietor, who has also a business in the town.
He cultivates himself between 200 and 300 acres, of which he
has 115 acres under cotton. His old father looks after the
farm here. He follows a system of rotation of crops more or
less, but not very strictly. He sometimes grows cotton two
or three years in succession without any change. He has a
ginning mill ; a white man has charge of that. The rest of
his labourers are black. He keeps a good number of Alder-
ney cows, and raises them for sale. His land is all well
fenced.
We met many men with carts bringing in produce, some
white and some black ; they seemed very much on an equality.
On the roads of the town I saw white and black men work
ing together. I noticed that the favourite amusement with
the negro boys seems to be to drill as mock soldiers, with
sticks and flags and wooden muskets.
I visited Mr. T , head of the Shaw Institute, a college
maintained by Northern subscription to educate black
teachers. _The buildings are good, and it seems a successful
institution. Mr. T says his pupils turn out well. He
is a Bostonian, served in the war, and is now rather bitter in
his political talk. He takes a gloomy view of the prospects
of the blacks, and is much in favour of their going to Liberia.
He says there is no justice in the courts either for Northern
men or for blacks, especially since the local self-government
of places populated by blacks has been put an end to under
the revised Constitution. He also says that the blacks are
much cheated in regard to contracts and wages due to them.
In these Southern States it is considered to be enough for a
316 MY JOURNAL.
debtor to say that he has no money. I fear there is much
truth in the complaint about the frequent non-payment of
wages. Mr. T says he is quite isolated; he has no
sympathy from the people here. He has a bad opinion of
the present State Government, but a worse opinion of the
carpet-bag and negro politicians. He says the negro mem
bers of the present Assembly are rascals, as are also their
candidates for Congress. He would rather vote for a
Democrat than for any of them. He has some building
work going on ; the master-mason is a black, and two white
men are among the workmen; but this is an exceptional
case, and could not ordinarily occur. He thinks the blacks
are rather slow in intellect and deficient in enterprise, but
they are otherwise good. Many of them are very religious,
but many others have very little idea of the Christian re
ligion.
Every American State has a Secretary of State under the
G-overnment. I made the acquaintance of the Secretary
of State here. He is by birth a Mississippian, and was
editor of a Democratic paper at Wilmington, the port of
North Carolina. Journalists are not confined to their own
vocation so much as with us ; they often rise to high political
offices.
I also made the acquaintance of a gentleman of fine
presence and highly civilized manners, who seemed to be a
survivor of the higher class of proprietors. He seems to have
preserved his fine estates in South Carolina in spite of the
troubles, and he maintains a great stud of horses and other
attributes of grandeur. He offered to drive me over to South
Carolina in his four-in-hand drag, and to show me the
humours of a Carolinian election. I thought I had at last
found an opportunity of seeing one of the Southern aristocratic
establishments, and accordingly accepted his invitation with
joy ; but at the time when the final arrangements were to be
made, he did not appear ; and, on enquiry, I found that people
talked irreverently of him as ' Spanish B ,' and hinted that
he had a good many chateaux in Spain. Next morning, he
still did not turn upv «o I thought it prudent not to wait, and
NORTH CAROLINA. 317
followed out my own plans. This was the only c sell ' of the
kind I had during my tour.
I have been looking at the revised Constitution of this
State, and at the laws passed in the last biennial session of
the Legislature — that of 1876-77 ; also those of one previous
session — 1868-69. By this constitution jury trial may be
waived in civil cases, and petty misdemeanours may be tried
without jury, provided in such case there is the right of
appeal. Judges and judges' clerks are elected for eight and
four years respectively. No decree can be executed against
the State. The revenue is to be raised by a tax on all pro
perty, an income-tax, licence taxes, and a poll-tax on all
males between the ages of 21 and 50, rot exceeding in
amount the property-tax on $300, and also not exceeding
two dollars per poll for the State and county together. Three-
fourths of the poll-tax is to go to education, and one-fourth
to the support of the poor. Towns are allowed to impose
special taxes for schools, both on property and on polls. No
more money may be borrowed by the State unless a special
tax is at the same time raised and pledged to pay off the loan.
Local bodies may borrow only after a plebiscite. The educa
tion of blacks and whites is to be separate. The Assembly
may pass a compulsory education law, but has not done so
yet. The Assembly is to arm and keep up the militia.
Black companies are to be kept separate from white ones.
Property of debtors is to be exempt from execution for debt
to the extent of $500, in the case of personal property,
and homesteads to the value of $1,000. No deed for the
sale of a homestead is valid without the consent of the wife.
The session of the Legislature is limited to sixty days. Not
withstanding the shortness of the session, the mass of legisla
tion got through is marvellous. Perhaps in the two sessions
I have examined it may be larger than usual because a
Eevised Constitution had been passed shortly before each of
these sessions ; but at any rate the Statute Book shows great
activity and frequent dealing, in accordance with popular
wants, with questions we should hardly touch by legislation.
In the session of 1876-77, two hundred and nine-three public
318 MY JOURNAL.
Acts were pa?sed, besides one hundred and fourteen private
Acts. In the session of 1868-69 two hundred and eighty-three
public Acts were passed, and of these latter very many were
large and important Acts. Among the Acts of 1876-77 I
notice the following : — An Act to give effect to the new
system of county and local government by nomination
through a committee of the Assembly, as previously noticed ;
several Acts regulating judicial functions, jurisdiction,
and machinery ; consolidated revenue and school Acts ; a
valuation Act ; an election Act ; an Act establishing hypothec
in favour of landlords ; a strict Sunday-closing Act, without
any bonafide traveller or other such exemptions, except for
medical prescriptions (but I am told that the Act is a good
deal evaded) ; several Acts to prohibit altogether the sale of
liquor in certain localities, as, for instance, within two miles
of certain churches and institutions, or other similar areas ;
and one Act to enable the people of a particular locality to
decide by vote whether liquor shall be sold or not ; an Act to
regulate the employment of prisoners and the letting them
out for hire ; several Acts to enable particular counties to
levy special taxes; many Acts incorporating towns or
amending and regulating the constitution of towns; many
Acts to settle local boundaries, local drainage questions, and
the like; several Acts to relieve the people of particular
localities of any hindrance to grazing on unenclosed lands,
restraining excessive weighing charges, and the like ; a good
many Acts to relieve public officers, corporations, or indivi
duals from pecuniary or other liabilities ; (most frequently
these are to give indemnity to sheriffs, for proceedings not
directly legal) ; several Acts to incorporate railway com
panies ; principally to make small branch railways — some of
them narrow-gauge lines — and to enable counties and corpo
rations to subscribe to such railways. There is a curious
game law to prohibit the exportation of partridges or quails,
dead or alive, from counties near railways, on the ground
that they are useful for the destruction of insects. There is
very much game in this part of the country ; large bags of
partridges are got. Some of the lands are ' posted,' that is
NORTH CAROLINA. 319
preserved ; others are practically free to sportsmen. There
is another Act, supplementary to a former one, for the pro
tection of deer in certain localities.
I have talked about this legislation with a lawyer who
seems to be of the Conservative persuasion. He says that
there is a great deal too much legislation — that localities and
individuals get too much done in this way, and that there is
too much meddling. Acts of this kind are settled out of the
Legislature by bargaining and give and take, and the more
general Acts are settled by party caucus before being brought
into the Legislature. After they are brought in all Bills are
referred to committees, and after being dealt with by them
are generally carried in the Assembly without much debate.
The cldture, or as they call it, ' the previous question,' is
much used. The limitation of the session to sixty days is a
recent change — it used to be longer. The legislation is, he
says, very loose. The Eevised Code was very loosely passed.,
and both that and many of the subsequent Acts give much
trouble to the lawyers. He seems rather a pessimist upon
the subject. I have not been able quite to understand the
difference between the public and private Acts, except that
the latter are of a minor character, e.g., to incorporate small
towns and villages and Masonic Lodges and other institutions.
One is to establish a ' Camping Ground ' as a corporation ;
apparently these camping grounds are kept for religious
meetings. A good many of these Acts are about toll and
ferry dues.
I spent the Sunday here. In the morning I went to a
black church, but was not very fortunate, as there had been
some division among the congregation, and the place was
thinly attended. In the evening I found a better congrega
tion at another church. The preacher was very loud, em
phatic, and earnest, but there was not very much cohesion in
what he said ; the singing was good. I went out with Mr.
B to see a large vineyard that he has started. He makes
very fair wine, but only the native American vines succeed —
the French vines have quite failed — blight greatly affects
them and other fruit trees. This does not seem to be much
320 MY JOURNAL.
of a fruit country. Talking about cotton, I am told that it is
a very hardy plant, and does not suffer from occasional
droughts. They say that not only has the cultivation of
cotton in these parts increased in area, but that it is also
much better cultivated than it was before the war. They
now get here crops which before the war were only got in the
Mississippi Valley. In the case of rented farms it is a matter
of bargain who is to supply the manure. There are no leases
and no tenant-rights — but unfortunately the manures of
commerce do not last much more than one year. Mr. B
says the black people are very good and moderate in their
way of living. They do not eat too much meat — more affect
a vegetable diet, and are healthy in consequence ; but they
are very careless in cases of sickness, and wanting in kindness
to one another when they are ill. In the Municipality of
Ealeigh there are eleven whites and six blacks. The black
councillors do very well, says Mr. B . He himself is in
the Council, and having had occasion to differ from some of
his colleagues had the support of the blacks.
I am surprised to see how little excitement there is in
regard to the contested election which is to take place the
day after to-morrow. There are no placards, and few signs of
a struggle going on.
Next day I started for Salisbury, a place in this State
considerably to the west. The country is still undulating,
with a mixture of wood and cultivation. We came to the district
where tobacco is largely grown, and stopped some time at
Durhams, the centre of the tobacco manufacture. I had an
opportunity of going over one of the factories — in fact, one of
the largest manufactories of smoking tobacco in the United
States. They also manufacture what is called snuff, but it is
not really taken as snuff ; it is chewed. They tell me that a
fine quality of this snuff is very much used by American
ladies, who put it in their mouths on the pretext of its being
good for the teeth, but they really chew it, and so consume
large quantities. I never could get anyone to admit this
practice, but so said the manufacturers. Here also almost
all the work is done by blacks, but certain departments —
NORTH CAROLINA. 321
namely, the weighing and finishing off the packages — are ex
clusively in the hands of white men. Employers never can
trust the blacks with anything which requires careful atten
tion and accuracy.
Travelling along I noticed both black and white men in
the fields and cottages, but apparently the blacks are in the
majority. They seemed to be the main labouring population.
The country seems very raviney, and if the land is not cared
for it is apt to run out into ravines, as frequently happens
in the hands of careless tenants. I gather that it frequently
happens that when land has been over-cropped it is abandoned
to wood for a time — in all this country wherever it is let
alone wood springs up.
I stopped at the Haw Biver to see the cotton mills there.
They carry out the whole process of manufacture, from clean
ing the cotton as it comes loose from the fields to the manu
facture of the cloth and the dyeing of it, in the same not
very large establishment. The mills are worked by water
power, as is always the case in this part of the country. All
the Atlantic States have the advantage of an unlimited water
power, the country sloping from the Alleghanies to the sea
with many running streams, and being in this respect a great
contrast to most of the country west of the Alleghanies. In
the mills all the labour is white — there are no blacks em
ployed ; they are said not to be sufficiently careful. At any
rate it is not the habit to employ them. Colonel'H ,the
manager of the mill which I visited, first said that the labour
was excellent, but coming to details he found a good many
faults with his people, and said that he had just turned off
several families for irregular attendance by way of example.
I was surprised to hear that the working hours are twelve
hours a day. That system is fully enforced. The people
work from seven in the morning to half-past seven in the
evening, with only half-an-hour for dinner. This really
seems too much, and I gather that it is very doubtful whether
more is done in twelve hours than by those who work only
ten hours. This Southern master seemed to me to be more
severe with his work people than an English master could be.
Y
322 MY JOURNAL.
Perhaps he is too much of a military man. The women earn
about fifty cents a day, the men from seventy-five cents to a
dollar. The Southern mills seem to have taken, in relation
to those of the North, much the same position which the
Indian mills do to those of Lancashire. They manufacture
only the coarser qualities of goods, leaving the finer qualities
to the Northern mills. They claim that they have a better
climate in the South, with less extremes of heat and cold,
fewer short days, and less need of fuel and lights ; and they
have great advantage, they say, not only in the saving in the
carriage of cotton, but also in that they are saved the serious
expense of packing it. Their labour, too, is cheaper than
that in the North.
Here I went out to see the farm of Mr. B ,aNew Jersey
man, who has lately established a farm of six hundred acres,
principally with the object of breeding horses. The road, as
usual, I find detestable, but Mr. B • says the New Jersey
roads are good — they have a good gravel soil there. Pasture
and cattle-breeding have been somewhat neglected in these
Southern States, and he hopes to show them the way to im
prove. He has a very high opinion of the black people —
likes them as labourers, and thinks they only need to be
treated fairly and civilly to get good work out of them ; in
fact, they work as well as white men, and better : and the
only complaints against them come from those who do not
treat them fairly nor pay them regularly. He, too, says
that there is great irregularity in the payment of wages.
His only doubt is about the rising generation. He thinks
the old ex-slaves who were accustomed to work do very well,
but the children are not sufficiently under the control of their
parents, and are growing up with an indisposition to work.
He is strong on the excellence of the climate here about
800 feet above the sea. It is never so hot in summer, he
says, as in the Northern Atlantic States. The thermometer
does not usually rise above 80 degrees, and the winters are
mild and good. There seems to be no doubt that there is
a great change in the winter climate as one passes South
through Virginia into the Carolinas and Georgia.
NORTH CAROLINA. 323
I bad met in the train an old Scotchman, Mr. M ,
who has been upwards of forty years settled in this State.
He is a builder by trade, and has done much work of that
kind, but has now acquired land and settled down. He took
me to dine with a friend, Mr. H , who keeps a store at
Haw River, and who is married to a New England wife. This
lady gave us a very nicely-cooked meal, very neatly served.
Throughout the States it does seem that the New England
people are in many respects superior. Mr. M very
kindly insisted on taking me to his house at Salisbury, where
I was most comfortably accommodated. In the morning we
walked about the town, which seemed a nice rural place.
Mr. M 's wife is also a New Englander, but they are all
now thoroughly Southern in feeling, botli as to the war and
as to the question of slavery. According to Mr. M the
Northerners were the first slave-holders, and when they found
that slaves were not a profitable property in the North they
sold them South, and went in for abolition. In the war the
North Carolinian people did not go heartily with the South
till their feelings got embittered by the great destruction of
property and other ill-usages to which they were subjected
by the Northern armies. A sister of his own was burnt out
by the Federal soldiers and died from exposure. He and his
son-in-law, who is also a contractor for public works, told me
a good deal about the blacks, whom they have much em
ployed. They decidedly like them as labourers. In the
North the white men get higher wages and do more work.
There they will not allow the competition of the negro;
especially the foreigners — Irishmen being most prominent —
will not ; but the Southern climate is too hot for the Irish —
they do not care to come South ; while the Southern whites
not being anxious to work as hired labourers, do not object
to the negroes performing that function. Thus the blacks
are not bull-dosed on labour questions, and altogether get on
very well. Wages in the South are certainly a good deal
lower than in the North, and the negroes can live on much
cheaper and poorer food than the Northern whites. Most of
the Southern whites have land more or less, and many of
T 2
324 MY JOURNAL.
them employ, or hope to employ, negroes. They are always
glad to hire them when they can afford to do so. The
better and more moderate of the Southern whites certainly
wish to conciliate and utilise the negroes.
Mr. M , while speaking so well of the negroes in
other respects, dwelt very much on that which I had before
heard, their want of family affection and kindness to one
another in sickness. He tells the story of a son whom he
nursed through small-pox, and who was then set to nurse hi&
own father who had taken the disease, but deserted the
father and left him to die. There seems to be a general con
currence of assertion, that in slave times it was necessary
for the white masters and mistresses to see that the black
children were looked after and that the sick were nursed.
Now these things are much neglected.
Mr. M has a good deal of land. Part of it is farmed
by one of his sons, who is also a medical man. Part is let
to a black man on shares, and part to a white man. The
great difficulty, he says, is the tendency to let down the
land. We visited a suburb almost entirely inhabited by
blacks. Most of these people own their own house and patches
of land — some one, some two, some three, some six acres, and
they seem to get on very well. Many of them appeared to
be of mixed blood. One man was quite fair with blonde hair,
but quite woolly. Several among them are blacksmiths ; they
affect that trade a good deal.
Having occasion to send a telegram here, I noticed the
excessive charge — one dollar for eight words to New York.
I have since found that this is so in all out-of-the-way places.
The telegraphs in the United States are entirely in the hands
of monopolist private companies, and they charge just in
proportion to the absence of competition. There is no fixed
rule with reference to distance, or anything else.
This is the day of the general election. I went to see the
voting. There is a contest between two white candidates,
but one of them is an Independent and seems to be supported
by the blacks. There is little sign of excitement. The
ballot-box is kept at an open window, and the proceedings
SOUTH CAROLINA. 325
are conducted in a loose sort of way. Half a dozen people,
officials and other, are in the room behind the box. There
is no pretence of secrecy in regard to the ballot papers.
Papers with the names of the candidates are lying about.
Each voter takes one and gives it to be put into the box.
I understand they generally pride themselves on voting
openly. The blacks seem to be voting freely ; there is no
sign of intimidation. After breakfast I started for South
Carolina.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
I entered the ' Petrel ' State of South Carolina on the
day of the election, and the first station in that State that we
came to was full of people dressed in the famous red shirt,
which we also saw continually at all the stations as we came
along. In this part of the State there does not seem to be
a very serious contest ; it is only in the lower regions, where
the black population is very numerous, that there is any
doubt about the result of the elections. The constitution of
South Carolina is still that which was imposed upon it after
the war. It has not been revised, and is still of the popular
character dictated by Northern ideas. All the county and
local officers are elected ; there is no such system of nomina
tion as prevails in North Carolina. Here the elections for
Congress, for the State Assembly, and for the local offices, all
take place together, — are all entered in one ' ticket.' Mr.
Wade Hampton, the present Governor, is a moderate Demo
crat, and his re-election is not opposed on this occasion.
Where there is a serious contest it is in regard to the mem-
o
bers of Congress and State Assembly, and the local officers.
Ked shirts now seem to be only a party badge. I saw no
appearance of actual 6 bull-dosing,' but there were many
signs of election-day — many people about, a good deal of
talking and shouting and galloping about on horseback, and
some few symptoms of whisky. There were a good many
negroes about, and they did not look terrorised. There is
326 MY JOURNAL.
no need to terrorise them just here, as they have no chance —
the whites having it all their own way. A few blacks go with
the Democrats, and I saw one or two of them wearing the
red shirt. On my arrival in Columbia, the capital of the
State, io the evening, things seemed pretty quiet : the elec
tion had passed without any serious trouble.
The country between Salisbury and Columbia is still
much like what I had before seen, but it became almost
hilly. The tobacco country was left behind a long way back.
All this through which I passed to-day is principally cotton
country. Much of the cotton plant is very short and small,
but apparently very productive ; many fields are at this time
very heavy with cotton. It is quite a profitable cultivation
when an average of half a bale an acre is obtained. If some
fields yield a good deal more, there is also a good deal of
poor cultivation which does not yield more than a quarter of
a bale, or even less than that. Cotton requires much weed
ing, and if that is neglected the result is bad. On all hands
I am told tli at the cotton cultivation has greatly extended
in the upper country. It now grows right up to the ' Blue
Mountains,' as they are called. Some is cultivated by whites,
but more on land owned by whites, with the aid of black
labour.
I met in the train a Canadian barrister taking his family
to Aikin in Georgia. Some places in Georgia, and still more
in Florida, are great health resorts for northern people. In
the winter the climate there is said to be very good. This
gentleman gives a very favourable account of the state of
things in Canada. According to him they have a selection
of the best of English and American institutions. They
have free elections, and a fair representation of all classes,
but the judges and most of the higher public officers are
nominated by the Dominion Government. Xow-a-days, he
says, almost no one in Canada is favourable to annexation to
the States. The Church of England was disestablished in
1848. The clergy got life-rents of their incomes, and were
allowed to commute. The Church in Canada is now exceed
ingly well off. The proximity of the great lakes, which never
SOUTH CAROLINA. 327
freeze, makes the climate of Upper Canada milder than that
of other northern regions, but rather damp. He is altogether
against the idea of a Customs Union with the United States.
He says the manufacturing interest in Canada is not very
strong, but the people of the States are determined to ruin it
by underselling them, and that cannot be allowed.
After one has heard so much about the deplorable
state of things in South Carolina, I am struck with the good
and prosperous appearance of the country towns along the
road. Several new railways are in process of construction —
one that I saw was narrow gauge — in fact, in America narrow
gauge railways seem to be a good deal in favour for short
branches and broken ground. In spite of all their misfortunes
and of the constant complaints of want of money, people seem
to be recuperating themselves wonderfully.
At Columbia I went to the Wheeler House Hotel, the
principal in the place, a respectable hotel, but not quite up
to the mark of those I had hitherto seen. I am relieved to
find that mosquitoes have not yet made their appearance.
Next morning I found an account of the elections in the
papers. As there are no Republican papers here, one cannot
hear that side. The local papers assert that this has been
the quietest election ever known. There has been no violence,
only some attempts at fraud on the part of the blacks, which
have been promptly and properly repressed. I observe, how
ever, that it is admitted that at several places the United
States supervisor, who is entitled to be present at each
polling place, has protested against the rejection of black
votes. At one place near this some young men are said to
have done good service by putting a stop to the frauds of the
blacks. It is suggested that some black employes who voted
wrong must be dismissed. It seems to be assumed that all
the elections in this State have certainly gone in favour of
the Democrats. That was indeed a foregone conclusion.
After breakfast I went to the Capitol — there is always a
Capitol in each State — and paid my respects to Governor
Wade Hampton, to whom I had an introduction. He is
generally reputed to be a very superior man, and evidently has
328 MY JOURNAL.
great influence. Originally a Carolina man, he had also large
property in Mississippi, like a good many others of the rich
people in this part of the country ; but he was quite ruined by
the war. Cotton, being the great resource of the Southern
States, was captured or burnt by the Federal armies, and he
lost 5,000 bales. He now lives, I understand,, in a cottage in
a humble way. All his conversation gave one the idea of a
very moderate man. His private secretary and nephew, Mr.
M , however (a gentleman who kindly gave me much infor
mation), is a pessimist. He will have it that both in South
Carolina and in the Mississippi Valley cultivation has on the
whole decreased. The coast lands of this State, and the sugar
lands of Louisiana have, he says, gone to rack and ruin, and he
tells of the enormous depreciation of property in New Orleans
and on the banks of the Mississippi. He admits, however,
the extension of the cotton cultivation in the higher parts of
the State, but says that there is a great deal too much of it,
and it does not pay. Mr. Wade Hampton talks very strongly
of the misconduct and fraud of the carpet-bag Government
which was displaced last year. At one time, he says, 98 out
of 124 members of the Assembly were blacks, and there was
unlimited fraud and stealing. He gave me the report of the
committee appointed to investigate these frauds. The debt
of the State, he says, is not so very large — about seven mil
lion dollars ; he would rather pay than repudiate. Meantime,
while the matter is under the consideration of the Legislature,
the money for the interest is lodged in the Treasury. Al
though the county officers are elected, it seems that the jus
tices of the peace are nominated by the Governor, and are now
mostly Democrats, but some of the other side are nominated
also. Some blacks are put upon juries, but not many. ' We
give them more than they gave us,' says Mr. M .
The Governor speaks of the black population in terms
similar to what I had heard before. He says the better class
of whites certainly want to conserve the negro ; the lower
whites are less favourable, and will not admit them to social
equality ; but the bitterness is only political and not carried
into labour questions.
SOUTH CAROLINA. 329
I had a good deal of talk with several gentlemen in the
office, or who happened to be about the Capitol. They all
admit that the ballot at elections is an utter farce, and that
there is no pretence at secrecy. A common dodge is to
print tickets in imitation of those of the enemy, and to foist
them upon illiterate voters of the other side. More fre
quently the ballot is 'stuffed' by putting in several thin
tickets wrapt together. The rule is that if more vote tickets
are found in the box than the number of voters the excess
number is drawn out by a man blindfolded for the purpose.
He can very well distinguish the tickets of his own party;
they are generally on a different kind of paper. They gave
me one of the Democratic tickets used in the present election
for this county of Eichland. It is a piece of the thinnest
tissue paper, about a couple of inches long by an inch broad,
upon which are printed the names of the whole of the can
didates for the various offices and seats in the Legislature.
This ticket comprises the vote for the Governor, Lieutenant-
Governor, Secretary of State, State Superintendent of Edu
cation, Comptroller - General, Adjutant and Inspector-
General, State Treasurer, Attorney - General, member of
Congress for the third district, one State Senator, five
representatives of the county in the State Assembly, Local
School Commissioner, and three county Commissioners.
They say there never was an election without fraud, and
some, no doubt, there was on this occasion. A young man,
evidently one of those referred to in the newspaper para
graph which I have mentioned, says he went to a polling
place about six miles distant. The negroes were very dis
appointed in the belief that they were losing the election,
and there was much fear of their becoming violent and
smashing the ballot-boxes. Fifteen or twenty young whites
banded together for the protection of the boxes, lighted a
fire and sang songs. Presently the negroes, finding they
could do nothing, came round and joined in the songs, and
so all went well. They speak very bitterly of the indepen
dent candidates. They say more stress is laid on the election
for Congress than on those for the State Assembly, because
330 MY JOURNAL.
the next Presdential election may depend a good deal upon
the majority in Congress. The negroes are amenable to the
whites in all things except elections. In election matters
they have taken an independent line, and insist upon voting
Republican. The preachers influence them very much, and
also the negro women, who are very strong Republicans.
These women used to believe that if a Democratic governor
were elected they would not be allowed to wear veils, and
that is a privilege of freedom which they prize greatly.
My informants account, however, for their victory in the
elections by saying that they managed to influence many of
the blacks. They agreed among themselves that each man
should bring at least one negro to the poll and as many
more as possible. They suggest that many negroes, though
ostensibly voting Republican in order to deceive their wives
and preachers, really voted Democratic, their own inclination
being that way. They say the red shirt was merely a political
emblem got up in mockery of some phrase about ' bloody
shirts ' used by an Indiana senator. It never meant any
thing more serious. The Klu-klux was at one time bad, but
not so very bad ; they sometimes tarred and feathered, but
seldom murdered. In short, South Carolina is altogether
not so black as it has been painted, according to their
account.
After the labours of the election campaign the Governor
is going out hunting for two or three days, and I have not
had the opportunity of seeing very much of him, but he
has been very friendly, and has given me introductions to
the county of Beaufort, where the negroes are thickest, and
where he advises me to go if I want to see a negro county.
What they call hunting in America is not hunting in our
sense, but shooting ; either ordinary shooting, or drives for
big game. This hunting expedition turned out very dis
astrous for poor Governor Hampton. Riding to a place
where he expected the deer to pass, he was thrown in the
forest, and his leg smashed in a frightful manner. He was
entirely alone, and remained on the ground for hours before
he was discovered, though he managed to keep firing his gun
SOUTH CAROLINA. 331
to attract attention. He was long in a very precarious state.
I much hope that he has quite recovered.
Walking out in the neighbourhood of the town, I got
into conversation with a coloured man, apparently connected
with the city waterworks, and I talked to him about the
election. He says the Democrats were to win in this dis
trict : that was known, but it was done by the fraudulent
stuffing of the ballot-boxes. The Eepublicans really have
a majority of 2,500, and the coloured people have voted
steadily on the Eepublican side, but they are cheated because
they have not the control of the ballot-boxes. He too
explained the mode of stuffing the boxes and the other
dodges as I had heard them before. He says that while the
Eepublicans were in power they allowed a fair representation
of the other side, but now that the Democrats have got into
power they control all the returning officers, and take every
thing, leaving nothing for the other side. He seemed a
very sensible, intelligent man, and his story appears at least
as good as that told on the other side.
This place suffered terribly when it was taken by Sher
man's army, and it is a hotly-disputed question whether the
firing and destruction were done by Sherman's troops or
by the Confederates themselves to prevent the cotton, &c.?
falling into Sherman's hands. My black friend attributes
the injury to Columbia to the Confederates, but does not put
it in an unreasonably wicked light. The town seems now
to have very much recovered from the destruction. It has
been much rebuilt, and looks very well- Many of the best
houses were built by the carpet-bag officials. The Capitol
seems a fine building ; all the public offices are in it, as is
usually the case. There are wide grassy streets lined with
good trees, many of them magnolias and other southern
plants. The houses have pretty grounds about them, and I
notice some particularly thriving deodars. The situation of
the town is pretty, upon a considerable river. The country
about is very well wooded, and the woods are now beautifully
coloured, the autumnal tints being at their best. I notice
several varieties of fir trees. Cows graze freely about on the
332 MY JOURNAL.
grassy avenues. There are several iron works here, where
they make small engines and do other such work. It is
remarkable how the iron trade seems to be developing
throughout the States. I understand that in all these works
except one, they employ exclusively white labour. There
are no mills on the fine river here, but there is a small canal
which it is proposed to enlarge as a State work in the hope
of establishing mills. Apparently, there is not in this State
the prohibition against undertaking public works which has
recently been put into the Constitution of a good many
States.
I looked into the Penitentiary: the system seems rather
loose, and intramural labour does not pay. There were from
ten to twelve black men to one white, but they all work
together.
Lotteries are prohibited in most of the States, including
this; but I saw that the Louisana State Lottery, drawn
monthly, is everywhere largely advertised.
Mr. T , Superintendent of Education, kindly took
me out for a drive. The place seems altogether very nice,
and the climate very good. The carpet-baggers have now
almost entirely disappeared, and the best of the houses are
for sale cheap. A good many have been bought by Northern
people, who come to reside here for the sake of the climate.
Mr. T gives a tolerable account of the education in
this State, but besides the difficulty of obtaining efficient
superintendence and efficient schoolmasters, there is a very
great difficulty about money. The schoolmasters are paid by
certificates of indebtedness, and thus are heavily in arrears.
While Southerners can hardly be got to teach blacks, good
Northerners will not come on these terms, especially as they
.are only employed for a few months in the year. Such as
they are, the schools are open for three, four, or five months.
A very sad thing here is the beautiful university build
ings and college-close, like one of the best of English col
leges, but now quite given up. It seems that before the war
this University was exceedingly good and had a high repu
tation, but the funds were lost or stolen, and of late years it
SOUTH CAROLINA. 333
has been a question with the Legislature whether to provide
for the payment of debts, or to spend money on education.
The former policy prevailed, and education has been neg
lected. There is still kept up the beautiful college library,
and the fine old ex-president of the college gets a small
living as librarian. He says that the difficulty about setting
up the college again arises from this — that the people of the-
different churches have set up sectarian colleges of their owny
and are against this general college.
For want of funds the Agricultural and Survey Depart
ments, for which the Constitution provides, have not yet been
started in this State. Mr. T says that the school poll-
tax is not half collected, and the property tax is very irregu
larly collected — and what is paid is generally paid in debt-
certificates or notes of a bankrupt State Bank. By this con
stitution non-payment of taxes does not deprive of the right
of voting. The negroes are zealous to learn and are getting
on a good deal, but, like others he says they are decidedly
inferior to white men beyond a certain point. The carpet
baggers at first tried mixed schools, but even they did not
continue that long ; it was found necessary to separate them..
Some of the mulattos and free blacks were better off before-
the war than they are now. They suffered in their property
like everyone else during the war. The enfranchised slaves-
do not care for them, and none of them now are leading men.
One great difficulty about school? is that the local school
managers are continually changed at every election — even
without change of party, people often change their local
officers.
I visited Dr. C ,the Northern President of the Benedict
Institute for blacks. He seems a very fair and moderate
man. Talking of the elections, he says that the blacks saw
that the tide was going against them — they had no leaders
and no organisation, and had no funds for election purposes —
it is characteristic of them under such circumstances to show
no energy. They have caved in and allowed themselves to-
be beaten by fair means or foul.
He, too, thinks that the intellect of the blacks is inferior
334 MY JOURNAL.
to that of whites, but among the blacks there are some who
are very superior, and the mulattos are better than the
ordinary blacks. He understands that in slave times the
slaveholders used to distinguish between different races of
blacks, some being intellectually as well as physically
superior to others ; but they are now so mixed up that
the races can hardly be distinguished. I walked out with
him, and saw a large negro location. In most cases houses
and small patches of land were owned by the people them
selves, and they seemed tolerably well-to-do. Dr. C ,
however, says that they do not save much ; they are certainly
wanting in thrift and prudence, spend money as they get it,
and live from hand to mouth. We came upon a row of
very nice regular houses, and on inquiry I found that after
emancipation these houses were given to the negroes by
their late master. This master was a General P , whose
acquaintance I afterwards made. He is about the most
charming old gentleman I have yet seen in America — Eng
lish of the best kind in speech and manner. He has been
intimate with many of our most distinguished men. He
claims that, if they had been left alone emancipation would
have been brought about in a beneficial way in course
of time. As it is, there have been frightful upheavals
and great injustice in achieving that object ; but he now
hopes for the best. The negroes hereabouts have, he says,
sometimes difficulty in finding work. They cannot get
on without the white man's guidance — with that they do
very well.
I had also an opportunity of conversing with a coloured
preacher, a clever and influential man. He seems, however,
very extreme in his views. He says that during the election
there was gross intimidation, and much unfair influence, but
in spite of it all the blacks voted Eepublican as solid as ever.
Nevertheless, the boxes were stuffed and the majority stolen.
The election commissioners are all on one side, and so are
the newspapers, and they openly published violent threats.
The negroes will never get justice ; there is nothing for
them but to go to Liberia. There is an extreme party here
SOUTH CAROLINA. 335
opposed to Mr. Wade Hampton, of which General Geary is
the leader. He openly says that the blacks were made by God to
till the soil, and may do that, but they cannot be allowed to
vote and hold land, else they would be masters, and the
whites slaves. Wages are, he says, low here. In some country
parts labourers do not get more than six dollars a month,
besides rations, and that is not paid. He does not think
much of Wade Hampton. He is only a politician, and is
moderate for the sake of place. He does not deny that,
politics apart, white and black people get on together well
enough ; but the latter will never have their proper share of
power. He says juries are not fairly constituted — nine-tenths
of them are always whites. Even under the Carpet-baggers
all the Judges were white. Throughout the United States
all elections and all administrations are corrupt, and not
likely to be better — all is bad.
I have been inquiring about the tenure of land. Here,
as elsewhere, large farms seldom succeed. Most of the
whites have land, more or less. Some are good, but others
are a poor lot, uneducated and unthrifty, especially a class, of
whom there are many in the district near this, called ' Sand-
hillers.' They are said to be the descendants of assigned
convicts of former days. They have poor farms and poor
soil ; what little work they do they do themselves ; they have
no servants. They bring wood into the town for sale. I
saw a good many of them, and certainly they are a poor-
looking set. About forty per cent, of the white voters here
cannot write their names. The blacks have as yet got com
paratively little land of their own, and chiefly cultivate as
tenants on various terms, generally on the share system ; but,
as I have elsewhere noticed, they have very frequently houses
and small patches. There is now great abundance of land
for sale in this State ; but wages are very low, and, under the
Carpet-bag Government, taxation was very high, so that there
was not much chance of saving, and few have money to buy
land. The black preacher says a good many blacks have
bought land and paid for it, but have been cheated out of it,
the titles proving to be bad.
336 MY JOURNAL.
I have been talking about the Churches, asking whether
the black and white Churches go together under the same
system of Church government. It seems that most of the
churches here are Baptist, and chiefly on the congregational
system. The Methodists have a Church system, but they are
divided into North and South, and black and white Churches,
There is no general organisation common to both. The
Presbyterian black Churches, however, send delegates to the
General Presbyterian Assembly.
There seems now no doubt that the Democrats have
carried all the elections throughout this State. There has
been no sort of compromise ; they have taken everything —
Congress, State, Assembly, and all the county offices, except
ing only in Beaufort County. Those districts where the
blacks are ten to one have now returned Democrats.
I gather that the United States election supervisors were
a poor lot — often coloured men ; and they were frequently
hustled and insulted. One of them was arrested on some
frivolous pretext. According to one Northerner nothing but
United States troops at every polling- place will prevent a
strong and embittered minority from triumphing over a weak
majority. In this part of the country the Republican or
Radical party is dead for the present. The victory of the
whites is now so complete that there is certainly peace such
as there was not before.
I travelled from Columbia to Charleston through the
night in a very comfortable sleeping-car belonging to the
local railway. In the glimpses of the night I could only see
that we passed through a great deal of pine-forest. At day
light I found that there were many tall pines near the route ;
but approaching Charleston the country became more open,
with fine soil and good cultivation. Strawberries, cabbages,
sweet potatoes, and common potatoes seemed to be largely
grown. The potatoes are not yet killed by frost. I went to
the Charleston Hotel, which was comfortable. After break
fast I walked about the town. The site is flat, and the
country not striking, but the vegetation is extremely fine —
very much of a semi-tropical character. There are many
SOUTH CAROLINA. 337
orange-trees in full bearing and other fruit-trees and shrubs.
Many of the houses are extremely good, and very prettily
arranged, with gardens about them. The climate here is said
to be very good ; the hot weather is tempered by the trade-
winds and sea-breezes. In summer the thermometer rises to
about 90°, and there is little hard frost in the winter. The
magnolias and evergreen oaks are fine trees, and very
abundant.
I called on Colonel T— — , a gentleman engaged in the
cotton business, who gave me much assistance. He introduced
me to the Carolina Club, and to several gentlemen there, with
whom I had a great deal of talk. They say they had hoped
the negroes would have turned out good small cultivators and
paid rent, and that they, as owners, would have had an easy
time ; but the negro fails in that respect ; he is improvident
and careless, lets down the land, and spoils it. But Mr. S ,
a gentleman who manages a large rice estate, and lives there,
happened to come in. He gives quite a different account ; he
says that the higher part of the estate is let out to negroes
who really cultivate exceedingly well, and raise cotton much
better than he could have expected. He charges $30 to
each family, and they cultivate as much cotton and corn
as they can, he undertaking to take out half the rent in
labour, and in practice generally taking out the whole in this
shape by employing them at fifty cents a day on the rice-lands,
and setting off the wages against the rent. When I put to
the other gentlemen the contradiction which this account
seemed to imply to their views they said that these were
especially good negroes; that they came from the upper
country, where they had been mixed with whites and accus
tomed to labour. It seems that during the war there were
large migrations. Many from this part of the country went
up with the Northern armies, and many up-country negroes
came down with them. One gentleman said he had heard of
a large number of negroes from an estate in this neighbour
hood who settled up-country, and, he is told, now all own
land. It seems generally agreed that the negroes are very
good labourers, and do well when they have white men to
338 MY JOURNAL.
look over them and set them an example. The native whites
manage them better and get more work out of them than
any Northerners or foreigners. When, however, the negroes
get together in masses and out of the control and direction
of white men they are apt to go back. These gentlemen
instanced a case of some blacks on estates within their own
knowledge, who were good mechanics before the war, but now
are worth very little. There are few blacks among the higher
mechanics, but some of them earn very high wages here as
stevedores for lading ships. In the cold weather a good
many white people have come up to work here, but they do
not seem to have been very successful. Some Irish come,
but I do not gather that they are here now. Irish women,
however, much improved and civilised, one finds everywhere.
The housemaid at the hotel here is an Irishwoman, and seems
very decent and good. She came originally from Dublin,
married an American, who was killed in the war, on the Con
federate side, as was also her brother, and now she has settled
down into service.
The people I have met to-day are much interested in rice,
which is cultivated in this part of the country. It had gone
out very much. Since the war some estates have been quite
abandoned. For instance, I hear of one estate which was
worth 500,000 dollars before the war, and for which after the
war 275,000 dollars was offered and refused; it has since
wholly broken down and fallen out of cultivation, and was
bought the other day for 6,000 dollars by some gentlemen
who are trying to resuscitate it. On the other hand, a good
many estates, the owners of which were able to hold on and
keep up the cultivation, are now doing pretty well. The
truth, however, seems to be that rice is only grown in the
United States by the aid of an exorbitant protective duty,
and it is used in America only — none is exported. The
Indian rice beats it in foreign markets. People here say
they are no longer for free trade ; there is nothing like pro
tection. The jute-bagging used for rice and cotton is highly
protected. Here they have only one jute-mill, lately erected,
but they hope to have more. They are trying experiments
SOUTH CAROLINA. 339
to grow jute, and jute-seed for the purpose has lately been
distributed.
The Sea Islands, on which the long cotton grows, or used
to grow, lie along the shore in this neighbourhood and south
wards to Savannah. They are not islands out in the ocean,
but flat tracts along the shore, more or less separated from
the mainland by narrow channels. The soil is very good,
but the only culture to which it has been hitherto very spe
cially devoted was the long- staple cotton, the cultivation of
which has now greatly declined. These cotton lands form
the outermost belt next the sea ; behind them are the rice
lands, which usually lie along the rivers and fresh-water
estuaries. Behind the rice lands and the pine-belt come
the upland cotton lands. All the cotton grown in this part
of the world, except the Sea Island, is classed as upland. New
Orleans cotton is classed separately, and seems to be a better
and stronger staple. There is still more cotton shipped from
New Orleans than from Charleston or any other port. The
long cotton, or Sea Island, is a different variety of the plant
from the common cotton. It requires more careful cultiva
tion, and produces very much less cotton — generally only a
third or a fourth of the quantity that is got from a good field
of short cotton. It still fetches a very much higher price
than the short cotton, but not so high in proportion as it
did before, and in consequence comparatively little of it is
raised.
In the evening I went a little way out into the country.
There seems to be an immense cultivation of strawberries
here for the Northern markets. One sees great fields of
strawberries. There is a good drive, metalled with oyster-
shells and lined with fine magnolias, called Magnolia Avenue.
The beauty and fashion of Charleston were out for the even
ing, principally driving fast-trotting horses. I am told that
there were and still are some French mulattos in Charles
ton in a much higher position than the ordinary coloured
people — like those in a considerable position in New Orleans
— but they form an exclusive class by themselves, and are
not so well off as they were before the war, in which they lost
z 2
340 MY JOURNAL.
heavily. Altogether the ' genteel ' coloured people keep very
much to themselves.
Next morning I called on Mr. A , a gentleman who
was most kind in assisting me. He is interested in the
Phosphate Beds, and he showed me a large collection of fine
fossils found there, in excellent preservation. I also called on
the City Superintendent of Schools, who is at the same time
the Episcopalian clergyman. He lived in a poor house, and
did not seem a prosperous parson. He is a Carolina man, and
does not think much of the blacks ; but the city schools are,
he says, good. I saw many nice-looking girls and young women
going to school, with their books. The Charleston people
generally impress me favourably. The place is not what it
has been, but on the whole it is wonderfully well maintained,
and the citizens make the best of the situation.
To-day I made the acquaintance of Mr. W— — , a lawyer,
who has just been elected to the State Legislature, and is a
very pleasant and well-informed man ; and also of one or two
other gentlemen. Talking over South Carolina affairs, I
gather that the principal people of this State were not so far
gone in difficulties before the war as those in Virginia. Many
of them had great plantations in Mississippi, to which they
transferred large bodies of their surplus slaves ; and at one
time they made a great deal of money, in consequence of
which they took to expensive living, keeping racehorses and
other fine things. When cotton fell in price their profits
diminished, but they looked for future improvement, arid did
not mind some debt. After that came the war and great
destruction of property, especially of cotton, the stores of
which were captured or plundered, while the whole of the
slave property was lost by emancipation. Land became a
drug in the market, and they had no means of meeting their
debts ; and so it was that many of them have now become
very poor. There seems to be no doubt that many ladies who
were once well-to-do now fill almost menial offices or take in
sewing ; and the estates and places which were finely kept
have now deteriorated, especially those in the low country,
where, since long cotton has gone down in the world, they
SOUTH CAROLINA. 341
liave not succeeded in finding other suitable staples. The
Charleston people say that if only this low country could be
restored Charleston must still flourish. The negro labour
is very good, and there is great abundance of it ; but the
negroes like regular pay, and do not care to be kept in arrears
or paid by cheques, as is too often the case. A cheque is an
order on the employer's store. If the negro is in debt it is
eet off; if not, he is kept waiting for his money, or is
obliged to take goods on the truck system.
I went to see Mr. D , a pure negro and notable charac
ter. He has been in England and in Africa, and has seen the
world. He is now a justice of the peace here — Trial Justice,
they call it. He was appointed by Wade Hampton. He
seems a very characteristic, pleasant, amusing sort of person,
and talks well. He was educated in the North. He is in
favour of Wade Hampton, who, he says, appoints black men
when they really are educated and fit. I hear he quite holds
his own as a justice.
I also made the acquaintance of E , a model Demo
cratic negro and friend of the white man. His story seemed
to me a little too much as if it had been rehearsed. He tells
very fluently how he was a slave, and bow he was educated
by his mistress ; and how after emancipation his master and
mistress, being reduced to poverty, he supported them both,
and eventually buried them both — he lays great stress upon
the burying. He stuck to the whites in bad times amid the
persecution of his own race, and now is a prosperous livery-
stable keeper, and a friend of the party in power, while his
own race have also become friendly to him.
Mr. W invited me to go over with him to his house,
on the other side of the river, in what is called Christ-Church
parish, where I should see blacks in great abundance ; and
we started together. A parish is a mere popular term for a
tract of country ; it is not now a real division, civil or
ecclesiastical. Since I have come into the land of blacks I
notice signs of the abundance of labour. Instead of having
to carry one's own bag and take care of one's self, as one has
in the North, one is constantly beset by blacks who want to
342 MY JOURNAL.
carry one's things and do all sorts of services for one. Cross
ing over, I talked with a large fruit and vegetable farmer,
who raises for the Northern markets. He employs nothing
but black labour, and finds it very good indeed ; but, again,
he has something to-say against the blacks, alleging that
they are loose and immoral in their ways, and dishonest in
small things. Women work as well as men. In this Christ-
Church parish the negroes are almost fifty to one. The
whole of this part of the country outside of the town is
almost entirely a negro country. This is part of the county
which Mr. W — — is to represent. He seems to be on ex
tremely friendly terms with the people, but frankly admits
that he cannot get them to vote for him. In the evening we
went out and saw the negro population making their pur
chases in the village. The people do not seem to be of a
high type — rather inferior, I thought, to those I had seen up-
country, but very good-natured and cheerful. They seem to
have got very much into the ways of white people, and do
their shopping much as white people do in other parts of the
world. The only difference seems to be that they are black,
and perhaps a little dirtier than the average of civilised
mankind. The storekeepers are Grermans — they seem
almost to monopolise that sort of business ; the negroes
scarcely ever rise to keep stores. Mr. W— - talks and
shakes hands with the blacks, and they reciprocate and laugh
immoderately when he tells them that he has beaten them
this election, and means to do so again. Certainly there does
not seem to be any of the bitterness which one might have
expected, after all one has heard of South Carolina, especially
considering the way in which this election has been carried.
Next day I went with Mr. W a long expedition into
the country, which is of the Sea Island character. Much of
the land is what is called 'old field ;' that is, land which was
once cultivated, but is now overgrown with wood. I am told
that after the war many Northerners came up, expecting to
make large fortunes by buying good land cheap in this part
of the country, and they began by attempting high farming,
with high-class stock and so on ; but they almost all failed
SOUTH CAROLINA. 343
and went back. The live-oaks and magnolias are really very
handsome trees, large, round, and spreading. There is still a
good deal of cotton cultivation — almost all long cotton ; short
cotton does not answer here. It seems that short cotton
tends to grow long here, while long cotton grows short up-
country. The negroes cultivate it tolerably well. We saw
one considerable planter's farm superintended, as bailiff, by
an Englishman from Birmingham. Like most improving
farmers in these days, he is trying to introduce better breeds
of cattle. We came across a good many small negro farmers.
They generally rent land, paying as much as four dollars an
acre for it, but this is on account of the vicinity of Charles
ton. Further away in the country they can get it for two
dollars an acre. It is said that the rent is very troublesome
to collect, and that this same land is sold at eight to ten
dollars an acre. We heard the usual tenant's complaints :
that though the rent is so high the proprietors do not keep
up the house and fences, &c., as they ought. Many of the
blacks, however, have their own houses and little patches of
land, renting as much more as is necessary to make up a
decent farm ; and most of them go out as labourers besides,
more or less. I understand that in most parts of the low
country the proprietors ate willing and anxious to sell plots
of land to the negroes, because that fixes them to the soil
and secures a supply of labour when it is needed. I feel
sure that this is the right policy. Here the negroes are
generally well off, when they can get employment and are
really paid. The difficulty seems, rather, to be to get em
ployment, than for employers to get hands ; but I am told
that any man who works well and steadily, and is honest, is
sure of employment. There is much complaint about their
stealing chickens and such things ; otherwise they seem to be
a good sort of people. I am again struck by the easy, laugh
ing familiarity between Mr. W and the blacks, and the
free chaff which passes about the election. One disagreeable
result, however, of the less independent character of the
negroes in these parts, and of the electioneering which has
been going on, is, that very many of them seem ready to
344 MY JOURNAL.
beg for assistance in one shape or another. On the other
hand, they are always ready to give any little assistance and
to do odd jobs whenever they are asked to do so, and are
perfectly content when a little tobacco is given them in
return. They certainly seem a remarkably easily-managed,
good-natured set of people. The next day was Sunday ; we
went out to visit a rural chapel in the woods, and found the
congregation in full and tremendous chorus of psalmody ;
one could hear them half a mile off. The whole thing was
very pleasant, I thought. Afterwards we returned to Charles
ton, and I went to a black church in the city — rather a
fine one. The preacher was as black as night — a typical
negro — and perhaps a little ridiculous in his manners ; but I
thought him a stirring and effective preacher. Every now
and then during the sermon some of the congregation
grunted out devout ejaculations in token of assent or by way
of emphasising the preacher's good points. I was greatly
disappointed, however, to find that instead of the fine, bold
singing which I had heard in the country, there was a choir
and a poor, thin imitation of civilised singing.
The following day I went to see Dr. B , the United
States postmaster, a coloured man, and said to be the best
specimen of his class in this part of the country ; in fact,
according to my informants, the only man appointed by
the Kepublicans who is not hopelessly corrupt. He seemed
a dapper, pleasant, well-educated man, and reminded me of
some of the more educated East Indians in Calcutta. He is
quite a Northerner. He admits that the blacks have not
come much to the front in any way, and that in commerce
they do not keep stores or attain any considerable position,
but he explains it all by saying that the social prejudice
against coloured people is so great that they have not a
chance. Like many of his class, he favours the idea of
Liberia, and the great Black Republic that is to be there.
I paid a visit to my namesake Mr. C , the indepen
dent Democrat, who stood for State Senator for this district,
but was defeated. He is a lawyer, and all agree that he is a
very superior man. I found him very moderate, and not at
SOUTH CAROLINA. 345
all inclined to be vituperative, although the election was bit
terly contested. He says that he represented the principle
of Conciliation against those who would not yield anything.
The election was won by simple cheating ; that is, by stuff
ing the ballot-boxes. At one polling-place not more than a
thousand voted, but there were three thousand five hundred
papers in the box. There was not much intimidation, but
only cheating.
Afterwards I went over to James Island, to see a good long-
ootton plantation, still maintained on the high farming sys
tem by Mr. H . The cotton-fields seemed really very
fine ; they are highly manured, and give a large yield to the
acre. The cost of raising it in this expensive way is, how
ever, so great that it seems doubtful whether it pays very
well. Like all who have to do with them, he speaks very
well of the blacks as labourers. He is trying experiments in
raising jute, but does not seem to know how to grow it. At
present he has it only in single rows, from which he hopes to
get seed ; but it is doubtful whether that will ripen suffi
ciently. I spent the evening at Colonel T 's ; a very nice
house and pleasant party. I had a good deal of talk with
several people, among them Capt. D , an Englishman,
who came out as a young man, fought in the war on the Con
federate side, and is now editor of the principal newspaper
here. They say that in this lower country they have always
been for conciliation, and have supported Wade Hampton in
that policy against Greary and the violent white party who
are in the upper country. They point to the unopposed
acceptance of Wade Hampton in the present election as a
proof of his success.
As a general result of all that I have been able to learn
about the elections in this part of the country, I may say
that there does not seem to be the least doubt that they were
won by the most wholesale cheating. That is avowed in the
most open way. Most people seem to praise the negroes,
and to be on very good terms with them ; but they all admit
that, while the blacks will do almost anything else for them,
when it comes to voting they cannot be influenced, and insist
346 MY JOURNAL.
on voting with their party. At one place that I visited,
where a considerable number of Eepublican votes were
recorded, an old Democratic gentleman jocularly remarked
that this had been the only honest poll in the whole district.
They say the Kepublicans made the election law to suit their
own purpose of cheating, and had arranged the electoral
districts so as to swamp the whites with black votes. Now
they are hoist with their own petard, and serve them right.
The blacks seem to have accepted their defeat as a foregone
conclusion, and therefore it is that they are quite good-
natured over it. Perhaps, too, they really have to some de
gree accepted Wade Hampton and his policy, and are not so
anxious to fight as they otherwise might be. Both parties
seem to assume as a matter of course that whichever con
trols the machinery of the elections will win the elections.
I am told that Wade Hampton generally appointed two De
mocrats and one Eadical as election commissioners ; that
the radical was always corrupt and could be bought, and that
therefore the Democrats always had it their own way. The
Democrats of Charleston have done something to conciliate
those blacks who accept the Democratic ticket. In this dis
trict seventeen members are sent up to the State Assembly,
and of these three are Democratic blacks. The county offi
cers are whites, but there are some blacks in the Charleston
municipality. For the State Assembly the Republicans adop
ted a fusion ticket, including the five best of the Democrats.
Hitherto three Congressional districts in the black part
of South Carolina have been represented by black men, and
I am told that they were all very fair specimens. The re
presentative of the Charleston district was a well-educated
negro, from the North. The Georgetown district was repre
sented by an extremely polished black gentleman, who was
formerly a very popular barber in Charleston, and is not at
all a bad sort of person. The Beaufort district has long been
represented by General S , who, while a slave, was em
ployed as a pilot, and in the war distinguished himself by
carrying off a Confederate vessel and delivering her to the
Federals. He has now great influence among his own race,
SOUTH CAROLINA. 34
and is not unpopular among white people. He behaved well
towards his former master's family and assisted them. In
spite, however, of this favourable account, there is a general
accusation that under the Carpet-bag Government all were
corrupt, both black and white. Honesty was a thing un
known.
I observe that in a great number of the elections for
county and local offices in these Southern States the oppor
tunity is taken to provide for the veterans of the Confederate
army who are not eligible for pensions. I saw several notices
of elections of one-legged and one-armed ex-soldiers to county
offices. These offices are profitable — if not paid by salaries
they have considerable fees.
Looking over the accounts of the elections in other
States, of which the papers are full, I observe that Governor
Nicholls, of Louisiana, is said to be conciliatory and to have
followed the same policy as Wade Hampton ; but there the
negroes fought more successfully than here ; and in some
cases the Democrats carried the seats in Congress only by
adopting a fusion ticket and giving the blacks a good many
county offices. There seems to be more ' bulldozing ' in
Mississippi than anywhere else. That is called ' the Mississippi
plan.' South Carolina seems to be the only State which
carried everything solidly Democratic. In all the others
there has been more or less success of Republican or inde
pendent candidates.
I have heard a good deal here about the late exodus to
Liberia, which was such a wretched failure. The upper class
of blacks do not go themselves, but preach to their country
men the advantage of going. There seems no doubt that the
unhappy people who went found themselves much worse off
than if they had stayed at home. There seems to be a much
more promising field for emigration from Mississippi and the
States in that part of the country to the back parts of Kansas
and the Territories where land is to be got free. The negroes
seem to have been less domiciled in Mississippi than they
were here, and since emancipation they have been more
migratory. They are now entitled to homesteads on the
348 MY JOURNAL.
same terms as white men; and if they can manage the
means of cultivating virgin lands in the Far West they will
•do very well.
I have been looking over some of the legislation of South
-Carolina. It does not seem very different from that which I
have noticed in other States. There is, as usual, a good deal
of legislation on small subjects, such as an Act to legitimise
.a child, and another to make an adopted child an heir. There
is a regular poor law, providing for a poor-house and out
door relief. Nothing is said of able-bodied paupers. The
relief seems to be confined to really necessitous cases. The
joad law gives the option of contributing either labour or
money for the making of roads. There is a provision for in
specting and classifying flour and some other things, the
same as I noticed at Chicago, and a limit to the rates for
grinding flour. There is a 7 per cent, usury law ; but I
understand that in practice it is almost entirely evaded.
Few people can get money here at 7 per cent, the credit is
so bad. There is a law of limited partnership for sleeping
partners, but companies seem to be only incorporated by
special Acts, of which there are many. There is not now
in South Carolina any law prohibiting the intermarriage of
white and black people.
I have had a very pleasant visit to Charleston, and have
received much kindness here. Mr. A , whom I have
already mentioned, and who has throughout given me much
assistance, has kindly arranged for me a visit to the country.
I am to go to a son-in-law of his, who has an estate in the
rice country.
Travelling in this part of the country is sometimes very
difficult, if one has to stop at places on the way, for there are
seldom more than two trains, sometimes only one, in the
course of the twenty-four hours, and they seem generally to
manage to arrive and depart in the very middle of the night.
However, by getting up very early I made a start from
Charleston. The country through which we ran seemed
mostly forest, with occasional cultivation. At Grreenpond I
was met by Mr. W , who drove me through the forest to
SOUTH CAROLINA. 349
his rice plantation, some miles off. After breakfast wg had a
long and pleasant ride over his land. He has a very large
extent of fine rice-fields. His farm is nearly a thousand
acres, and he has several neighbours who have also large
plantations ; so altogether there is in this part of the country
a rice district of which the cultivation is well maintained.
Mr. W has a very elaborate system of tidal canals for
the irrigation of the rice. The salt water is banked out, and
the fresh water is regulated by sluices, the land being irrigated
when the tides rise to the necessary level. The rice seems
large and fine, and the yield is said to be large — sometimes
as much as eighty bushels of unhusked rice to the acre ; but
the expense of the irrigation and other arrangements is
considerable. Still they would do well if it were not for
the competition of Indian rice which has been invading the
American market. The planters keep the rice-lands in their
own hands, and, beyond a little fodder for their mules, &c.,
grow little else. The higher grounds they give over to the
negroes, who cultivate corn and vegetables for themselves,
and a little cotton. In lieu of rent for the land they give
two days' labour in the week, and generally work two days
more, at fifty cents a day. In most cases they are put upon
task-work. In this part of the country the women seem to
work as freely as the men, both in the fields and in the
thrashing-mills. The negroes keep a large number of cattle
and pigs ; but Mr. W says that is a serious difficulty,
as the animals increase too much, and the proprietor is ex
pected to find grazing for them. The fence law is a great
subject of dispute in this part of the country. The question
is, whether the owner of the land is bound to fence cattle
out, or the owner of the cattle to keep them in. Each
county decides for itself, but it seems to be a burning
question. Mr. W speaks extremely well of his negroes,
and they appear to be on very good terms with him. They
have quite a respectful manner, and in this out-of-the-way
place the little negro girls curtsey like English Sunday-school
children. There has only been one strike in this neighbour
hood, but that was a bad one. The negroes struck for more
350 MY JOURNAL.
pay for harvest-work, and very violently drove away others
who wished to work. Mr. W was away, and his manager
could get no assistance from the Radical Government ; so he
was obliged to yield for that time, but he has since come
back to the old rates, and all has gone smoothly ; there has
been no more trouble. During the war the people of this
part of the country suffered very much from the destruction
of property by raiding parties from the Federal fleet ; and
after the war, when the Federal people established the
Radical rule, their feelings were apt to be hurt by their
being arrested by black soldiers, and so on. However, they
do not seem to have suffered very severely ; and now, if money
were only more plentiful, and there was a better demand for
their produce, they would do very well.
Talking of these arrests, I may mention that arrest
means very little in the United States. Under their old-
fashioned English laws every process, criminal or civil, is com
menced by arrest, followed by bail. De Tocqueville instances
this as showing how an English law favourable to the rich,
who can give bail, has prevailed even under Democratic
institutions.
Mr. W has laid out a good deal of land in lots, which
he offers to the negroes for sale. Some of them have bought,
but most have not the means. He, like others, speaks of
their immorality and want of fidelity to their spouses.
They are religious in their way, but have their own peculiar
ideas of religion, and do not appreciate some of our theology.
In this lower country, so much peopled by blacks, who
can stand the climate, the whites are generally obliged to go
away from the plantations, in the hot weather to healthier
places. In slave days the white overseers were a bad set,
and little educated. They had no accounts, there being no
money to pay, and they were mere slave-drivers. Now Mr.
W has two or three educated young men under him, and
they take it turn and turn about to stay during the unhealthy
season. He has also some property up-country, and he says
that the blacks there are more intelligent, speak better
English, and often make good farmers. On the other hand,
SOUTH CAROLINA. 351
the low country people are more simple and more easily
managed ; and it is a great advantage that the women work
here.
There is plenty of game about here. Mr. W gave
me venison of his own shooting. These Southerners
habitually eat sweet potatoes, and hominy made of Indian
corn. One sees very little of potatoes proper, called 4 Irish
potatoes.'
I enjoyed this visit very much ; and the impression left
upon my mind is, that the relations between a planter and
the negroes upon his property may well be pleasant and satis
factory. A little more money and profit only is needed to
make things go along very satisfactorily.
The following day Mr. W— - drove me to Kusaw, en
route for Beaufort. All this is quite a negro country. There
never were many whites ; and after leaving the rice planta
tions we find that most of the planters have disappeared since
the war and the decadence of long cotton. We saw nothing
but scattered negro huts. The negroes seem now never to
live in villages ; they have left the old slave lines and set up
isolated houses on their farms. At the meeting of cross-roads
you may find small stores, generally kept by Germans.
At Kusaw we went over the Phosphate Company's works.
They seem to be very active and energetic. The material
(composed of animal fossils) is dredged or dived for in the
river, and is then cleaned and crushed and prepared for
export. All the labour is black. I talked to Mr. C ,
the son of the former proprietor of all the land about here,
and now a manager of the Phosphate Company. He speaks
very highly indeed of the free negro labour, and I myself
saw the negroes working as well as any men in the world can
work. Evidently these people are not wanting in physical
capacity, and make excellent hired labourers. Mr. C
says he has tried Irishmen, but he found them no better
workmen than negroes, and very troublesome, so he got rid
of them. The blacks, however, only do the manual labour ;
they are not what is called ' responsible,' and not to be
trusted with machines or anything of that kind. There
352 MY JOURNAL.
are, however, some good black carpenters and blacksmiths,
Most of these black labourers have land of their own over
on the Islands. After doing their ploughing and sowing
they leave the women and children to hoe and weed and
come over here. They get a dollar a day, and some of the
better men a dollar and a quarter, but they seldom save.
After they have made a little money they like to go and
spend it. They drink, but not to such a degree as to in
terfere with their work. They go home and get drunk on
Saturday night, go to church on Sunday, and generally are
back at their work on Monday. He has had only one small
strike. The men stayed away on the Saturday, but came
back on the Monday. He carried on his work all through
the Radical rule, but has had no trouble on account of
political difficulties. He could always get on with the black
labourers. All that the negroes require is to get their
wages regularly paid in cash. On the day of the election
they would not stay at work. They all went off to vote at
Greenpond, which was the regular polling-place ; but when
they got there, fifteen miles off, they were told that there
would be no poll.
I was kindly sent on to Beaufort in the Phosphate Com
pany's little steamer, which took me through the river-
channels. The appearance of this flat country, in which land
and water are a good deal intermixed, reminded me very
much of the lower parts of Bengal — the tall pine-trees take
the place of the Bengal palms, looking in the distance
not unlike them. The Sea Islands are situated very like
the ' Soonderbun ' tracts. Two large islands lie between
Kusaw and Beaufort, and we threaded through the channels
separating them. Before the war these islands were filled
with large plantations of Sea Island cotton ; and here, too,
after the war, Northerners came and spent much money, but
were disappointed ; so the land is now entirely given up to
the negroes.
The steamer landed me at Beaufort. It is a remarkably
nice-looking place, with good hotels and many comforts. I
went to the Sea Island Hotel, and was comfortable there.
SOUTH CAROLINA. 353
The town seems very pleasant and cheerful, with no signs
whatever of the tyranny of black rule. It is one of the
oldest settlements in America. When it was the centre of a
slave population it was used as a summer residence by the
neighbouring planters, who had nice houses here. These
planters are described as having been very good gentleman-
farmers ; they were well educated, and were especially fond
of good libraries. In the early part of the war Beaufort was
occupied by Federal troops, and many negroes congregated
under their protection. Several of the black regiments which
were raised by the Federals were stationed here. Being so
occupied, the place escaped destruction and plunder, and
that is why it is so well preserved. It now seems pretty pros
perous, with good stores, cotton-ginning mills, phosphate
dealers, and so on ; but the old race of planters is gone or
dispersed. Many of the houses are occupied by their widows
and daughters, in a sadly impoverished condition. A good
deal of long cotton comes in, grown in a small way by
negroes, but nothing like what there was before. The great
majority of the population of the town, and almost all the
population of the surrounding country, are black ; so that the
Democrats have found it impossible to wrest this one county
from the Eadicals, who still elect the county officers and send
members to the State Assembly ; but the Democrats have
succeeded in conquering the Congressional district. The
houses are surrounded by orange-trees and pleasant vegeta
tion, but they are not so well painted and neat as they used
to be. Many of them were sold for arrears of taxes ; and a
good many of the smaller ones are occupied by blacks, who
have thus much better quarters than they usually have.
Some land in the neighbourhood is still owned by whites,
but most of it by blacks, who purchased it after the tax sales.
Everything seems in order ; there is no squatting without
title, but some of the titles are incomplete, the instalments
of purchase-money not having been made good. The blacks
cannot have a better chance than they have here, and I am
very anxious to know how they are getting on.
A very fair and moderate medical man, Dr. S , has
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354 MY JOURNAL.
kindly taken me a drive about the place and told me much,
He was in the Confederate army, lost everything in the warr
and with difficulty borrowed money to buy back, at a cheap
price, his own house, which had been sold up ; but he re
covered his profession, and now he speaks very kindly of the
blacks, and gives a very favourable account of the state of
things on the whole. The people who survived the war seem
to have got on well enough. There has been no serious
trouble or disturbance except at election times; and the
worst outrage of which I heard was that an impudent black
woman made a lady take the wall in passing. Dr. S —
drove me out among the negro farms in the neighbourhood
of the town. They are generally ten and twenty acre lots ; but
the soil here is very sandy and light, and scarcely bears any
other crops than cotton and sweet potatoes. It needs ma
nure, of which it does not get much. Some of the patches
seemed tolerably well farmed, but most indifferently ; and,
as most of the people near the town depend much upon the
work they get as hired labourers, these were hardly a fair
specimen. A little further off, where the soil is better, and the
negroes must depend more upon agriculture, I am told that
they do better. We talked to some of the small black
farmers, and a good deal to a well-spoken black woman, the
wife of one of the best of them. She keeps poultry, and
makes a profit by that. They have no children of their own,
but keep three, whom they have apparently adopted. On
the other hand, Dr. S says he believes that the blacks
now have fewer children than the whites, and often do not
want to have children. They think it a useless trouble. A
day or two ago a black woman said as much to me, adding,
' I know when I grow old they won't take care of me.' Dr.
S says, as others say, that their connubial morality is
very loose indeed. In other respects he speaks well of them.
Times are bad for all, and they can just get along ; they have
no money to spare to increase and improve their farms. No
doubt most of them are improvident. They drink a good
deal, but not enough to incapacitate them for work or to
create any serious scandal.
SOUTH CAROLINA. 355
I asked how the people of Beaufort were situated as regards
the black domination in the Government during Carpet-bag
rule ; but they do not seem to have suffered much from that.
The Judges have generally been white, and some of them
decent men. Some white men were allowed to be on the
juries, and of the county officers and justices of the peace
some were black and some white. The Mayor of the town,
or 'Intendant,' as he is called, is a white man, and so are some
of the Aldermen, but the majority of the latter are black.
There are no black militia here ; the blacks have not got
up a company, but there is a white company. In truth the
whites never have been much oppressed, except that they felt
that they were living under a corrupt Government — the taxes
were heavy and the State debt increased. The blacks now
feel that Wade Hampton has relieved them of much taxation ;
only more money is wanted to improve the situation. I asked
if, with the advantages they have had in this part of the
country, many of the blacks have raised themselves in the
world. He says there is a kind of black aristocracy here ;
but when I inquire who they are it seems to consist chiefly
of officials and two or three coloured lawyers in criminal prac
tice. No black men have become merchants, or considerable
storekeepers. There is only one very small store in the town
kept by a black, and even the small stores in the country are
kept by German Jews and suchlike people. Before the war
the blacks had one or two decent tailor's shops in a small way,
and there are still such shops ; also a small harness-maker ; and
there are some good carpenters and other tradesmen, some of
whom will undertake small contracts. The blacks own most
of the hack carriages. All their preachers are black, but no
medical men. One Northern coloured man came and tried
to practise as a doctor, but he was very extortionate, and
distrusted by his own race, and he went away.
In the evening, talking to some of the people in the hotel
about my future plans, I found that they thought Florida
was the place for a tourist to go to. That is a great
resort for people in search of a good climate in the winter.
Jacksonville and other places on the St. John's River are
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356 MY JOURNAL.
described as very charming, with a beautiful climate and a
great cultivation of oranges. The scenery is said to be quite
tropical. I have come to America for things more utilitarian
than tropical scenery, and my plans will not admit of my
going to Florida, even though I hear that in some parts of
the State there are some very good black settlements upon
the land.
Next day I went again about the town of Beaufort. I
made the acquaintance of a Mr. B , a coloured lawyer,
who came up here from New York. He seems a very amus
ing person, and has the English nomenclature very ready.
He says there are here about six white and six coloured
lawyers, the latter principally confined to criminal practice.
He complains of the quality of the justice administered.
Things have been in one extreme or the other. At one time
most of the jurors were blacks, now there are hardly blacks
enough upon the juries. He showed me round the town, and
pointed out all the good and large houses belonging to whites,
the small and inferior ones to blacks. After all, he says,
' intellect will tell.' I visited the coloured school, which
seemed to be doing pretty well. The master of one class
claims to be a reduced planter who was rich in his time.
However, most of the whites in these parts seem to have
been rich planters and still to be generals. They say that in
old times the imported slaves generally claimed to have been
kings in Africa. In the school besides the planter there was a
very nice young New England lady and two female coloured
teachers, all doing their best ; but the school has only just
reopened after a vacation of some seven months. The New
England mistress says that black children do well, but they
are not so regular in attendance as Northern children.
I called on Colonel E , a lawyer, and one of the prin
cipal residents, to whom the Governor had given me an intro
duction. He says the blacks in this neighbourhood are doing
pretty well, but they sell their cotton improvidently below its
value and buy grist when they might raise and grind it them
selves. The best specimen, however, of successful black set
tlement is, he says, in St. Helen's Island, on the other side of
SOUTH CAROLINA. 357
the river, where they have their own lots, and have had a
good deal of education given them by the Northerners, as well
as some good example. There, he thinks, they are improv
ing, getting tidier houses, and altogether rising in the world.
He admits that the black members of Congress from this State
are pretty decent men, but says those now elected by this
county for the State Assembly are very bad. He admits that
the blacks have generally conducted themselves very well
under the circumstances of recent years ; and now that the
whites have got the control of the Legislature he seems pretty
well satisfied. He spoke of the riot on the rice plantations to
which I have before alluded, and says that it certainly was a
serious riot, but was to a great degree attributable to unfair
dealings with the labourers, and paying them by cheque in
stead of cash. They are now behaving extremely well. He
takes, altogether, a favourable view of the situation. He
is said to represent Mr. Wade Hampton's views and policy.
Others, however, express doubt whether there is much real
and sincere disposition to conciliate in the Governor's
party.
I also made the acquaintance of General S , the negro
Congressman for this district, who has just been ousted in the
recent election, or rather will be ousted in consequence, for
the American arrangement in this respect is very peculiar.
In the session following the elections the old members will
still sit till March ; and unless there is an extraordinary session
the new members will not take their seats till a year hence.
General S is the hero who carried off the gun -boat
Planter from the Confederates. He is a robust, burly, dark
man, now in the prime of life, and very popular with the
blacks. After the war he became a General of the National
Guards, a Congressman, and a considerable person. He at
tributes the loss of the present election entirely to fraud
and intimidation. He denies that any considerable number
of blacks went over to the enemy. In these lower districts
there was not much actual violence at the time of the poll,
but there had been intimidation and serious obstruction to
his canvass and his meetings before the election. The
358 MY JOURNAL.
Kepublicans, he says, have an enormous majority in this and
the adjoining districts, if they only got fair play. Now, the
Democrats have elected the bitterest of their party ; there has
rarely been any compromise. They are sending two or three
black Democrats to the State Legislature from the Charles
ton district ; but that is quite an exception. As to the
remedy for the frauds which have deprived him of his seat he
says he might lodge a petition in Congress; but, if he does, he
must bear all the expense of the petition and the witnesses to
support his case, and then he would not have a chance as long
as the Democrats have the majority in Congress. He does
not seem to be supported by any party organisation in or out
of the State. He takes a favourable view of the condition of
the coloured people, and is against Liberia. Though they
have been so unfairly treated in the elections, they are the
best-natured people in the world, and bear no malice. He
complains very much of the want of justice. There were eight
hundred political murders committed by the Ku-klux and
other Democratic organisations, but not a single white has
been hanged nor a single one sent to the Penitentiary by the
States Courts — only a few imprisoned by the United States
Courts. He attributes the difficulty to the rule requiring
unanimity of the jury, which still prevails. The whites, he
says, have sworn to their clubs never to convict. As long as
there is one of them on the jury they never will. The United
States Chief Justice tried one case which was as clear as day
light, and he expressed himself as dreadfully disgusted that
the jury would not convict. General S admits that there
was very much abuse during the eight years of Eadical rule
in this State. They were led astray by bad men. He de
clares, however, that the black members now sent to the
State Assembly from this county are good men ; two of them
are well educated, and the third, though illiterate, is a good
Christian farmer. I like what I have seen of General S .
Next day I spent in an expedition to Ladies' and St. Helen's
Sea Islands, to see the negroes settled there as farmers,
and was very much pleased with what I saw. I went with
General S , the Congressman, who kindly chaperoned
SOUTH CAROLINA. 359
me, and put me in the way of seeing the people. These
islands are so far islands that they are surrounded by water-
channels. They have good soil and plenty of fresh water.
Most of the land was sold for taxes and bought by the blacks,
and a good deal of what remained as private property of the
white planters is being gradually disposed of to these same
blacks, as the owners here are very happy to sell it to them
— so that now they own the greater part of the islands, and
rent what remains, with little exception. They have thus no
planter rivals. The whites now on these islands are Northern
people, who fulfil functions which the blacks cannot yet un
dertake. Some white merchants grow and buy their cotton,
and others keep the stores necessary to supply their necessi
ties. The better class of schools are maintained by Northern
and English ladies. General S — - seems to be on very
popular and pleasant terms with the people. They all salute
him heartily, and ask him all kinds of questions, and he has
always something to say to them. On one of the islands this
was a kind of fete day — the Baptist Preachers' Convention
was being held, and the people attended in large numbers,
the women especially, in their best clothes. The whole scene
was very pleasing and cheerful. In the Convention everything
was entirely managed by the black people themselves, as much
as if no whites existed on this continent. The preachers ob
served much parliamentary form, but the Court was appa
rently an open one — the black ladies sat round and assisted.
These country people seem to have many carts and nice
ponies. Their houses are tolerable, and altogether they
seem to be comfortable. The farms seem fairly cultivated,
especially the cotton crop. The houses have all been built
since the war, and some of them show signs of decided
improvement.
I visited Miss T , the head of the Northern schools
which I have mentioned. She is a lady of independent pro
perty, who has devoted herself to this work. I had a good
deal of talk with her. She gives a very favourable account
of the negroes, and says they are generally out of debt. The
system of advances which at one time prevailed has now
360 MY JOURNAL.
ceased, and all their transactions are for cash. They even
pay in advance for any land that they rent. She lets out
some land herself, and finds that they pay punctually in this
way. Many of them to her knowledge are saving money
and buying farms for their sons. They are especially anxious
to set up their sons in this way. She and others with whom I
have talked in these islands decidedly differ from the accounts
I had heard elsewhere, and say that the blacks as a class are
kind to one another and generally ready to assist relations
and friends in distress ; but it is admitted that they are still
very loose in their connubial relations, that being a relic of
slave times, when marriage was not regarded. Miss T —
says that the blacks are temperate. Their children rather look
down upon those among them who have any white blood, and
point at them as ' Secesh ; ' that is, secession people. The
people sell their cotton and eat sweet potatoes, corn, and
bacon, importing some of these things. I had a good deal
of conversation with Mr. N , the principal cotton mer
chant in the Islands, and with one or two storekeepers. Their
accounts very much tally with that which I have already
stated. Merchants and ginners look a good deal after the
quality of the seed, and distribute it among the small farmers,
in order that the plant may not deteriorate. The cotton cul
ture gives the people employment for most of the year, and
after the crop is gathered the women have much employment
in the ginning factories. The long cotton requires much
more handling than does the short. The people are very
regular and good as regards their dealings at the stores.
Besides the superior education given by the Northern ladies,
State schools are kept up, but for want of funds are not very
efficient, and sometimes are scarcely open more than two
months in the year ; but the people do a good deal for them
selves in this way, and are getting on very well.
I was amused to see the way in which the women fell upon
General S — - on the question of the title to their lands, in
which a flaw had been alleged, which has much alarmed them.
They demanded assurances that they should not be turned
out. As to politics the blacks seem very ignorant, but very
SOUTH CAROLINA. 361
hearty upon the Eepublican side. People here deny that
there is much drinking among them ; in fact, until recently
there was no whisky-shop at all upon the Islands. The black
preachers seem to be a sort of Christian Brahmins among
them, but still they are very democratic in their arrange
ments. The people like to have a large voice in all their
religious affairs. These preachers, as I saw them gathered
together to-day, are rather a funny-looking set, with their
black faces and white ties, but they seem hearty and plea
sant. They have often other trades besides preaching.
General S pointed out one of them who is a first-rate
wheelwright.
Altogether I have much enjoyed seeing this example of
a negro ' Eyotwar ' community, who, having had a fair
chance, are really doing very well. Originally these people
were among the lowest, most ignorant, and most enslaved
class of negroes ; and they have gone through political con
vulsions and excitements which might well have unsettled
any people ; yet they are now quite settled down.
I still like General S on further acquaintance. He
is not very highly educated or brilliant, but is a thoroughly
representative man among these people, and seems to have
their unlimited confidence. He complains that the present
Government has taken away the arms from the National
Guards, of which there were two regiments in these Islands.
They were disbanded, and only the volunteer militia com
panies remain. Of these only in Charleston is there a black
company. Colonel E , however, does not admit this
statement. He says the National Guards were fairly treated,
and every chance was given to them to become efficient.
They were only disbanded because they were hopelessly in
efficient. The Government gives arms to the volunteer
companies, but they must pass muster as efficient and pro
perly clothed. General S , on the other hand, says that
the white volunteer rifle companies are really political clubs,
and that they are constantly brought together by their own
will for political purposes. In one place where he had a
political meeting he and his friends were fired at ; and this
362 MY JOURNAL.
statement seems to be confirmed by a white man of the other
party whom we met at the hotel on our return. He talked
with much gusto of the way in which the buckshot had
crashed through a heap of apples upon that occasion. The
blacks have also their clubs, but they are not of a military
or political character : they are more of the nature of friendly
societies for the support of the sick, and burial clubs. They
all attach great importance to burial. These clubs are very
much under the management of the preachers. General
S showed me one reverend gentleman who, he said,
during the election canvass was hauled up with a rope about
his neck, and barely escaped with his life.
I paid several visits before leaving the place. Mr. Gr ,
a Northern man, who deals in land, says that the negroes are
certainly buying land ; he has had many transactions with
them himself. Dr. S and Colonel E excuse the
present extreme to which the Democratic party have carried
their triumph in the elections by showing how willing they
were to compromise ; but, they say, the Kadicals would not
compromise.
There are decided mosquitoes in these parts ; not very
serious at this season, but so much so as to make mosquito-
curtains necessary. After a successful visit to Beaufort I
started in the evening for Georgia, and, after passing through
some lagoons and heavy wood, travelled far inland through
the night, leaving the coast districts behind me.
GEORGIA.
At daylight in the /norning we were passing through a
flattish country, with much cotton cultivation, and soon after
wards we reached Augusta, in Georgia. Augusta is handsomely
laid out, with broad boulevards and houses surrounded by
beautiful shrubs and trees. It must be charming in fine
weather ; but to-day, for the first time during my tour, it is
raining heavily, and I had an opportunity of appreciating
the mud of an unpaved American town. I am told, too, that
GEORGIA. 363
before the rain the place was very dusty. This is a great
•cotton mart — the centre of a large cotton-growing country.
The only complaint is, that the farmers grow cotton too
•exclusively, and do not rotate enough, or grow food enough
for themselves, but have to buy largely from the West.
Augusta is on the River Savannah, which gives an immense
water-power, the fall being rapid, the stream strong, and the
supply constant and unfailing. Advantage has been taken
of this to establish great cotton-mills, which are doing a
large and prosperous business. The stock of the mills is at
a premium. At a very large mill which I visited they make
only coarse unbleached goods, using only very low numbers
of yarn ; but at another mill close by they make finer goods,
the yarns used being, I was told, about No. 22. It is said
that, while in other parts of the States millowners are losing,
these Southern mills make large profits. Three-fourths of
the goods go to New York, as the commercial emporium.
The labour employed is entirely white, and is upon what
they call the ' family system,' which is much the same as the
English system, as opposed to the New England practice,
where the mill-girls live in great barracks. Here they have
workmen's houses near the mills, much like what one sees in
England. The manager says that the people work quite as
well as Northern mill- workers of whom he has had expe
rience. There are good schools in the town, and most of the
people are now fairly educated ; but there is no compulsory
school law, direct or indirect, and no restriction as regards
the work of children. The women earn from $3 to $5 a
week, fifty cents a day being the wages for common hands.
They are very regular and well-behaved. Some men work
well too, but they are not so good as the women. They
work eleven hours a day. By the way, I may mention that
I have met some people who speak rather in a depreciatory
way of the morals of the charming young ladies who do the
mill-work in New England factories ; but I have not visited
these latter, and cannot say whether this is a libel. No
blacks are employed in the mills here. The manager says
they are not 6 responsible.' He has not tried them — perhaps
364 MY JOURNAL.
they might do well enough under superintendence. Before
the war there were, I understand, several small mills success
fully worked by slaves. It would not be possible to work
black and white women together. The white women would
not submit to it ; they are far more intolerant than the men,
I made the acquaintance of a gentleman in the iron
mongery trade, Mr. D , who gave me much assistance.
He says he has a good many English goods. No one can
rival the English in cutlery and some other things, but the
larger machinery is made best in America. I was also intro
duced to Mr. N , a Charleston man, settled here as a
cotton-buyer. He seems to think that the negroes have
hardly so good a chance in Georgia as in South Carolina.
They are the majority of the population about here, and
most of the cotton is raised by their labour — principally on
shares and cotton-rents — but it is not a very satisfactory
system. The farming is poorly done, and the negroes are apt
to change about a good deal. There are a good many Irish
in these parts, especially in the upper parts of the country ;
but they are mostly rather a low type — people who come up
from the North in search of work. They are employed on
the streets and ditches of the town, and to a considerable
extent on the railways ; but the white men do not work
better than the blacks, and get just the same pay. This is
confirmed by gentlemen who have charge of railways and
have had experience of both classes of workmen. The
climate of Augusta is hot in summer, but mild in winter.
Mr. N took me for a drive to Somerville, an elevated
spot, with very pretty houses, and where the climate is very
good. Aikin, which I have already mentioned, is a similar
place, not very far distant. We saw some cotton grown by
white planters near the town, and had some talk with them.
The fields we saw were very productive : the yield would be
about a bale an acre. They say the cotton sometimes suffers
from drought ; but they have this advantage in this climate,
that if the first bloom is lost they get a large second bloom
later in the season, and that is the case this year. The most
productive cotton-lands are in Central and South-west Georgia
GEORGIA. 365
— principally the flatter lands, where the rivers run out from
the higher country. They say, however, that the farther
north and the higher up cotton can be made to grow, with
the aid of stimulant manures, the better its quality is. vMost
of the whites in this State own land. The poorer whites are
generally either in the upper country or in the poorer parts
of the low country.
People here will not admit what I had been told else
where, that, compared to other Southern States, Georgia is
prosperous. Things, they say, are in a bad way, and property
has much depreciated. They admit, however, that things
are better than they were ; but there is still great complaint
of want of money, in consequence of which the rate of
interest is excessive. They say that responsible men with
much property have had to give 2 per cent, per month for
loans, and have still to pay 8 or 10 per cent, per annum.
From Augusta I travelled to Atlanta, the present political
capital of Georgia. The first part of the line went for a long
way through a little-cultivated country, abounding in pines
and scrub-oaks, the cultivation being only occasional and
rather poor. This somewhat surprised me after what I had
heard of the quantity of cotton grown in this country, but it
illustrates what I had before been several times told, viz.,
that the railways very generally run along the ridges, and
that thus in travelling by railway one sees the least favour
able specimens of country. Thirty or forty miles out of
Augusta, however, cotton became very abundant, growing on
undulating ground. All the way on to Atlanta the country
was a good deal undulated and varied, with a good deal of
wood. This seems the general character of the greater part
of these Southern States ; and after all but a fraction of the
whole country is cultivated. As we got on we came to a dis
trict considerably elevated, about Barnet and Crawfordsville,
and I noticed that in this fine healthy-looking country there
was a considerable white population. A large proportion of the
cottages we passed here seemed to be inhabited by whites.
These cottages generally are very miserable-looking dwell
ings, according to our ideas, but they seemed to be full of
366 MY JOURNAL.
healthy children. There are a good many blacks also. I
understand that in the country we have been passing through
the population is about equally divided between blacks and
whites. To the south of this line are the great cotton-pro
ducing districts, where the black population prevails ; but to
the north, again, where the country rises considerably, there
is a portion of Greorgia which is quite a white man's country,
and now contains a large white population. There are, I
understand, nourishing places there, such as Athens and
Grains ville ; and quite recently that country has been im
mensely opened out by a new line of railway running from
Salisbury, in North Carolina, to Atlanta, through the higher
tracts. That country seems to have been exceedingly isolated
before it was penetrated by railways. They say that the
tobacco produced there after being packed in hogsheads was
literally rolled down to Augusta and other civilised places,
not so very long ago. I noticed many cattle as we passed
along, but they did not seem to be in very good condition. I
am told that they are rather a poor breed, and do not give
much milk ; and I can testify that they eat tough ; but great
efforts are now being made to improve them.
I made the acquaintance in the train of Mr. Stephens, a
Senator of this State, going up to the Legislature, which is
now in session, and had a good deal of talk with him. He
is a nephew of the well-known Alexander Stephens, the Vice-
President and brains of the Confederacy, who is himself a
Greorgian, from this part of the country. His accounts of the
country and people tally pretty well with what I have before
heard. He repeats and emphasises the complaint about
scarcity of money. The State, he says, is very far from
prosperous, and in consequence the fields, very many of which
are a good deal exhausted from long cotton cultivation, are
not sufficiently manured nor cultivated so well as they should
be. He says that comparatively few blacks own land ; they
do not save money to buy it. On the contrary, they are
generally obliged to get advances to carry them through the
season in the cultivation of their small farms. By law the
proprietor has a lien on the crops for his rent and advances;
GEORGIA. 367
and when the accounts are settled at the end of the season
the black farmers are often behind and have nothing to get ;
and then next year they either go on in the same way or
go off somewhere else. I have since, however, met men who
declare that they have kept their old slaves on their land,
except, perhaps, that just at first most of them may have
gone off for a year or two to prove their independence,
and then returned and settled down. The common rent is
two bales of cotton — that is, about 900 Ibs. — for as much
land as a mule can work. The whites in this part of the
country generally have land of their own, and work fairly
well. Near Mr. Stephens' there is an old settlement of Ca
tholic Irish, who are now good farmers. The cattle do not
suffer from want of grass ; there is plenty of it ; and Mr.
Stephens does not doubt that the breed will be improved. He
explained to me about the grass which is prevalent here
what interested me much, namely, that it is really the East
Indian grass known in that country as ' Dhoop grass ;' that is,
sun-grass. I had already noticed in the Southern States that
the grass reminded me very much of what I had seen in
India, and it seems there is no doubt that it is an importation.
It was introduced from India into the Bermudas, and from
Bermuda into the States, whence it is called Bermuda grass.
It is considered to be first-rate fodder, and is only too
plentiful ; that is to say, it is not easily kept out of the culti
vated fields. It does not injure wheat, as it is kept down
by the cold until the wheat is up ; but the cotton being sown
later, it is very troublesome to that crop, and necessitates
much weeding. At first, when it spread over the country,
as it did very rapidly, it created quite a panic, and much
depreciated the value of the cotton-lands, but now people
have discovered that it is so good a grass that they are glad
to have it.
I asked Mr. Stephens about Georgian politics. He says
that after the war for a time they were allowed to manage their
own affairs; then the Constitution of 1868 was forced upon
them by the Federal Government, and for a short period the
Republicans were in power in the State, but apparently by no
368 MY JOURNAL.
means an irreconcilable Republican party. The Governor
of those days was a Northern man, who had been settled in
Georgia before the war, was ' a good rebel ' during the war,
and generally liked. In 1870 the Democrats again got the
majority, and kept it — so much so that they have now almost
everything throughout the State. There are now only two
blacks and five or six Republicans in the Legislature, but
there are many Independent Democrats. He talks as if the
blacks are not politically irreconcilable, as in South Carolina,
but amenable to influence and money ; they can be managed
well enough, if only a little money is available. The Indepen
dents have not established a separate policy ; they have only
stood in opposition to the Caucus system of the party. He
showed me a speech of Dr. F , one of the Independents
just elected to Congress, setting forth the principles upon
which he stood as being distinctly Democratic. Dr. F ,
however, seems to be decidedly ' greenbacky.' He is very
strong in favour of silver, but he is also for a ' sufficient but
not excessive paper issue,' so as to bring up values and save
debtors. I suspect the Independents in these parts are certainly
in the main Greenbackers. Apparently they have generally
got the Republican vote. One Independent is, however, de
scribed as a ' Bourbon Democrat.' Bourbons are the high
handed party, who would like to act as the Bourbons did.
Mr. Alexander Stephens still lives, in poor health, as has
always been the case, but his intellect is as bright as ever,
and he is a member of Congress for the district of Georgia in
which he resides. He is, in fact, practically an Independent,
though he accepted the Caucus nomination. He is now
entirely for a moderate and conciliatory policy. He is also
very strong for silver, and would have both an unlimited
coinage of that metal and the issue of silver certificates.
I am told by some people that a strong repudiation feel
ing is growing up both in the South and in some parts of the
North. By the Constitution of the United States, States
cannot repudiate their debts, but they can refuse to make
any appropriation to pay the interest.
Georgia has just had a new Constitution, with a good
GEORGIA. 369
many changes, and the present Assembly has recently met
for the first time under this new Constitution. Mr. Stephens
says, however, that the changes are not of an important
political character. I asked him about the homestead law
protecting the debtor, and he gave me an account which
interested me much. Under the old law of this State the
homestead up to fifty acres of land, with the necessary imple
ments and provisions, were absolutely protected from execu
tion for debt, and the right could not be waived ; so that no
mortgage or anything else took away this privilege. Under
the Constitution of 1868 the homestead privilege was ex
tended to the value of #2,000 realty or $1,000 personalty.
It was hoped in this way to save the indebted Georgians
from their creditors, but the Supreme Court of the United
States declared that this provision was contrary to the
United States Constitution so far as it purported to have
retroactive effect ; and so the Georgians, finding that it had
no effect to save them from past debts, and took away their
credit for the future, have reduced the amount under the
recent changes. The right can now be waived, and so small
proprietors are enabled to mortgage their property and raise
money upon it.
Atlanta is in an elevated region, about 1,100 ft. above
the sea. It is now a great railway centre and a prosperous
place ; but, as I am to remain here some days, I am dis
appointed to find that it is not at all a pretty or nice town ;
very inferior in amenities to all the other Southern towns I
have seen. It is, in fact, a new brick-built town, with no
trees in the streets, but abundant mud, for there is now a
good deal of rain. As in all American towns, there are some
nice enough villa suburbs, but there is no river or open
ground near. The principal hotel, the Kimball, is crammed
full, and I had difficulty in getting in. It is a fine large
establishment, with a great hall in the centre, which is
immensely crowded. I have here realised for the first time
what American spitting is. It really requires some nerve to
walk across the hall. This is about the busiest season of the
year for the cotton traffic and mercantile business generally,
B B
370 MY JOURNAL.
besides that the Legislature is in session. I understand that
the climate of this elevated region is very good. At present,
on account of clouds and rain, it is rather warm and muggy
for the season of the year.
The next day I went to the Houses of the Legislature in
the Capitol, and was very civilly treated. I was voted the
floor of both Houses. Access to the floor seems to be pretty
free to a good many people, to say nothing of the ample
galleries, where there were on this occasion but few specta
tors. I spent most of my time to-day in the Senate, which
is comparatively a small body; but I looked into the
Assembly also. The debates seemed to be of an ordinary,
commonplace character. In the early part of the session a
good deal of the business is formal, very many of the bills
being brought in, read a first and second time, without
much debate, and referred to committees. Evidently all the
forms of these American Legislatures were originally derived
from our Parliament. They have, however, much need of
brevity, for in this State the Legislature sits biennially, and
is limited to a session of forty days unless it is continued by
a two-thirds vote. They consequently from time to time
limit the speakers by a vote of the House; generally the
limit is ten minutes in the Assembly and half an hour in the
Senate ; but often by a simple vote it is reduced to five
minutes or extended. Then they have and frequently use
* the previous question,' or cloture. They certainly get
through a great deal of business — far more, J am told, than
does Congress. It seems to be tolerably well done, though
sometimes rather hastily. About half the Senate and one-
third of the Assembly or House are lawyers, and very many
of them are ambitious of drawing bills, so there is no difficulty
on that score. At present there are no regular parties, the
Democrats having it all their own way. Evidently, however,
the Independents are very largely represented ; in the late
elections they have got nearly half of the seats in Congress
for Georgia. They are not united in any pronounced policy
as regards the blacks, but lay themselves out for black votes,
and there is thus a division with regard to the blacks which
GEORGIA. 371
has a wholesome effect. I liked the style of the men I saw.
Many of the Senate appeared to be superior men, and the
representatives in the Assembly seem to be a decent-looking
set — only an exceptional man here and there had his legs on
the table. I am told that nearly every man in the Senate is
a speaker. The Americans certainly go in for oratory more
than we do. Their style is peculiar. They have a way of
emphasising the last word of every sentence and the last
sentence of every subject. However, on every-day subjects
the speakers I heard bringing on motions or discussing them
seemed to be reasonably brief and not excessively loud. The
halls are large, and the acoustics not very good ; so that,
besides not being accustomed to our quiet English ways, it
would be difficult for a man to make himself heard, amid the
buzz of a good many people moving about the floor, without
speaking pretty loud. Conspicuous among those moving about
were the candidates for the Judgeships of the Superior Courts,
who are to be elected in a day or two, and who were going
from member to member soliciting votes. 'Lobbying' is
strictly forbidden by a special article of the Constitution, but
that provision is certainly not observed, unless, indeed, it be
considered that canvassing within the House is not ' lobby
ing.' It is the habit of American Legislatures to have a
roll-call upon many occasions. Members are not allowed to
absent themselves so easily as with us. To-day there was a
roll-call at the commencement of business in the Senate, but
it was dispensed with in the Assembly by a motion. Prayers
were said by a chaplain, who happened to be an Episcopalian,
but the duty is taken, turn and turn about, by the ministers
of various denominations. The pay of the legislators is not
high, and has lately been reduced. It is only a daily allow
ance while the session lasts, and hardly covers expenses ;
so there is no temptation to do much legislation on that
ground.
Afterwards I was introduced to Mr. Colquitt, the present
Governor. He puts it that everything in Georgia is done by
the representatives of the people, not by the people them
selves. That, I take it, is the great difference between the
B n 2
372 MY JOURNAL.
Southern system and that of the North, where the popular
township is the basis and original unit of the political sys
tem. The Grovernor and others whom I met, and who have
had experience of Congress as well as of local Legislatures,
say that the latter work better and give more satisfaction
than does Congress ; but a Senator who heard this view inter
posed with the caution, ' You must look inside, here and else
where, in regard to legislation : there is too much of " Tickle
me, and I'll tickle you." ' It seems that at this moment there
is a secret committee sitting on some large disbursements
in regard to which imputations have been made against the
Governor.
At the hotel I met a planter of extreme Democratic
views, strongly opposed to Independents and all other defec
tors from the party. He thinks niggers are only made to
be slaves. They work well when compelled, but will do
nothing without compulsion. He has himself a farm of
500 acres, and no man has worked harder than he has ; but
he cannot make a living — with the price of cotton so much
down and wages not down the cultivation is a dead loss,
and he is disgusted with the world. Between us, however,
we made out the moral to be that a farm so large as his does
not pay, especially when the owner does not like niggers.
He is now dividing it up. Part he has given to his sons,
and part he is selling. He admits that men with small
farms, who work themselves and can look well after two or
three nigger servants, may live.
In the evening I walked out into the country and saw
some of the country people. I interviewed a small black
farmer who has a farm of twelve acres, in the midst of the
woods. He was a slave. After emancipation the owners of
this land, who were relations of his former mistress, allowed
him to squat and clear this patch, on the understanding that
he was to pay rent when he could. Presently the land was
sold, and the new owner makes him pay four dollars an acre
— a heavy rent ; but he does not seem to complain, as the land
is near the town. He has eight acres in cotton, and expected
to have got three or four bales or more ; but there has been
GEORGIA. 373
much drought this year, and he has little more than two
bales. One bale I saw screwed up and ready for market, but
he is keeping it back for a better price. He gets along
pretty well ; but many others are worse off, wages being
low and employment precarious- He explains, however, that
what he calls low wages is fifty cents a day, or sometimes
sixty or seventy cents, when work can be got. He is a
strong Kepublican in his politics, but says that many of his
fellow-blacks are won over to the other side. Altogether,
though quite uneducated, he seemed to be a good and in
telligent specimen.
Next day I made the acquaintance of Mr. 0 , the
Superintendent of State Schools, a thorough old Southerner,
who literally ' never set foot on free soil ' till his own State
was made free ; and to this day he has never been in the
Northern States. He is now, however, very zealous in favour
of progress and education. I went to hear a lecture given
by him in the evening. He says he began by being strongly
against education, but now finds it is the only way of dealing
with the people under present circumstances, and he only
wants money to carry it out. The State has behaved very
handsomely in maintaining a black college, where 200 young
negroes receive what he thinks only rather too high an edu
cation. The educated blacks look to be politicians, preachers,
and teachers. The effect is not unlike the higher education
in India, the only difference being that there the educated
natives look to being lawyers, while here they look to be
politicians. Mr. 0 maintains that, imperfect as they
are, the ordinary country schools are doing much good —
three months' schooling is better than nothing : the seed is
being sown. In most of the large towns and one or two
counties, they have a superior system, and keep the schools
open much longer. A man in Mr. 0 's position is not at all
situated like one of our inspectors of schools. He is a political
office-holder as much as one of our Ministers, and his lecture
was, in fact, a political speech of a departmental character.
He appealed especially for funds for his department. He
and others want to introduce a special drink-tax, such as
374 MY JOURNAL.
that called in Virginia the 'Moffat tax,' which, he says,
would yield a large sum ; and he is also very strong for a dog-
tax, to go in aid of education. For an out-and-out Southern
man he seems extremely reasonable. He says, with hosts of
other Southerners, he considers the war is ended, and they
do not want to renew it, but want to make the best of the
existing situation.
Another day I spent principally in the House of Repre
sentatives. The galleries were very well filled, many ladies
being there, and on one side many blacks. The interest is
principally on account of the election of the United States
Senator, which is to take place this day, although there is no
opposition. The proceedings were of an ordinary kind, but
a fair debate of some length arose, in which the speaking
was brief and to the point. The House was quite patient,
but at last the ' previous question ' was moved and the pro
ceedings brought to a close. The members seemed generally
very quiet ; there was little ' Hear, hearing ; ' and when at
last a hit was made it was recognised by stamping and ap
plause such as we have at public meetings. The members
generally were respectable-looking and well-dressed ; only a
few were in rural-farmer sort of clothes. I noticed nothing
very American except a good deal of spitting. In debate
there was a little less strictness than in our own Houses of
Parliament — more interruption and questions put by one
speaker to another — but still parliamentary form was suffi
ciently maintained to remove the proceedings from any
imputation of a parish-vestry character. The business
seemed to be well got through in a simple and dignified way.
When the time came for the election of the Senator the two
Houses came together in joint session. There was then a
roll-call, and each member rose in his place and gave his
vote. There is no ballot in this election.
I was introdued to an ex -member of Congress, Mr. P .
He comes from the extreme north-east of this State — the
hilly country, where the gold-mines are worked. It seems
that all the north of Georgia was acquired from the Indians
when they were moved beyond the Mississippi in the present
GEORGIA. 375
century. Their lands were purchased by the State of Georgia
and divided up in forty-acre lots ; and thus it is that small
white farmers owning their own lands are very numerous in
that part of the country. Now there are no lands belong
ing to the State except irreclaimable swamps. Some of the
mines are now to a considerable extent worked by convict
labour. It seems that a very large number of blacks are sent
to prison, and that they are generally hired out. In slave
times little was thought of petty pickings — such as taking a
turnip from a field — but now such things are very severely
punished. I asked Mr. P about the jury system. He
admits that few blacks are put upon juries, except in the
United States Courts, but he declares that the blacks prefer
white jurors and generally challenge those of their own race,
because the latter are bloodily inclined, and are always for
hanging culprits. They do not like poor whites, and prefer
those who have owned slaves — the latter generally have a
sympathy for the blacks. Mr. P says that the forms and
style of the Legislature here very much resemble Congress,
and the rules are much the same. In the session of 1868-9
there were two sides, much as there are in Congress. The
whites at first expelled the blacks from the Legislature,
alleging that they were not eligible to sit there ; but the
blacks were restored by the authority of Congress. In spite,
however, of some struggles at this period, this State did not
suffer much from Republican rule. The men in power were
capable men, and the best men of the State lent a hand.
Some people seem to think that the Constitution of 1868
was better than the new one which has just been inaugurated.
There being no townships in this State, the counties are
divided into militia and education districts. The militia
districts are an old institution, and they are used as a con
venient arrangement for other purposes also. As in other
States, many special local bills are passed by the State
Legislature, such as bills to authorise a particular county
to raise a special education tax, or to deal with the ' fence
question ; ' to stop the sale of liquor in particular places, or to
give the inhabitants the option of doing so. I have been
376 MY JOURNAL.
inquiring regarding the liquor laws prevailing here ; they are
somewhat complicated, but I make them out to be as follows : —
First, the United States levy an excise duty on all spirits, and
also a quarterly duty for licenses to sell ; but for retail sale
a man must also get a license from the State of Georgia.
These licenses are given by the Probate Judge or Judge-
Ordinary, who as a rule gives them to every person of good
character and who can give sufficient security for his
conduct. For this local license another license fee is levied,
which goes to the funds of the county. The Legislature may,
and often does, grant to corporate towns authority to levy
these license fees on their own account, and they generally
charge much higher rates in the town than in the country.
For instance, the local license tax for liquor-shops in this
part of the country is $25 in rural places, but $300 in
Atlanta. In places where the sale of liquor is prohibited by
law every kind of sale is prohibited. There is no exception
in favour of wine merchants or grocers ; but private persons
are not prevented from importing their own liquors from
distilleries in other parts cf the country.
I visited Colonel P , a gentleman to whom I had an
introduction, and who is a very old institution here. His
family had much property in Pennsylvania, but he came up
here a long time ago, and acquired land which had been
bought from the Indians ; he was, in fact, one of the first
settlers in Atlanta. He says that large tracts of land situate
in central Pennsylvania, by which his family expected to
make their fortunes, were eventually sold for a dollar an
acre, the people having gone West, not caring to cultivate the
poorer lands in that part of the country. During the war
Colonel P did a large business in blockade-running, for
which he had facilities in being President of one or two
Southern railways, and he seems to have made much money
in that way. Besides much property and a large model farm
in this State he has a ' ranch ' in New Mexico, looked after by
one of his sons. Altogether he seems to have been a great
speculator and enterpriser. He is evidently now a thorough
Southerner in feeling. He thinks the negro first-rate to
GEORGIA. 377
' shovel dirt,' a function for which he was made, but no good
for much else. He must be ' kept in his place,' as it is the
fashion to say in Georgia. In accordance with the common
opinion here, he says that the cultivation of cotton has been
overdone, and the soil exhausted by over-cropping. Many
people are now emigrating to Texas ; and, besides the white
people who go there, a good many unattached blacks have
been carried off to the South- Western States by people who
have embarked in enterprises in that direction. He, like
others, says that the attempt to carry on large farms in this
part of the country has not been successful. They are now
being divided up, but the division is arrived at more by the
partition of estates among the members of families than by
selling to negroes. This is a healthy country, and the popu
lation increases. The Southern gentlemen now work much
better than they did. According to some, however, the
whites work only because they must ; and the negroes work
too, although they had rather not. Colonel P says the
negroes are not fitted to hold farms. The renting system
leads to deterioration of the land. A negro lets it run out,
and only cultivates the best part. People are going back
from this renting system, and prefer moderate-sized farms of
their own, upon which they can employ two or more negroes
and look after them well. He talks with horror of the im
morality of the negroes, and is altogether pessimist upon this
subject. He and others are strong on the badness of the
free and independent young negroes who have grown up since
the war. The old ones have some virtues ; but you cannot
strike them now, and similarly they cannot and do not strike
and discipline their children, who are growing up unbroken
and uncontrolled. It does seem as if there was some ground
for apprehension on this score.
Colonel P took me to see some great iron- works. All
seemed to be agreed that for manual labour, in this climate
at any rate, the blacks are better than the whites, and in the
works here the ordinary labour is exclusively done by black
men. They would not have white men if they could get
them. If the negro is kept in his place and is made to work
378 MY JOURNAL.
he does very well, but he is not fit to rise higher ; he has no
'judgment,' and does not make a skilled mechanic. The
Georgian who is head of the office at these works takes
entirely the same view as Colonel P , or goes even farther.
According to him the negro is unthrifty to the last degree,
drinks and dances, is dishonest and immoral. He says he
knows South Carolina, and is sure that the negroes who have
farms on the Islands there cultivate them miserably. They
have only some garden-patches ; few of them go to the
phosphate works regularly. They labour only for a few days
at a time when they are driven to it by the necessity to get a
little money. That is the other side of the shield. On the
other hand, an Ohio man, who superintends the iron manu
facture, tells quite a different story. He says that there are
instances here of negroes developing much mechanical skill
and conducting themselves very well. He has one who is a
very superior mechanic, but he is kept working under an
inferior white. He doubts if the negroes will be allowed
to rise. There are no regular trades unions against them,
but there is a general view that the negro must be kept in
his 'place. No doubt most of them are somewhat wanting in
judgment. According to the Georgian the negroes cannot
see straight. As carpenters they always will fit their work
crooked. The Ohio man, however, says that a good many
are not only quite good workmen, but also thrifty and dis
posed to save, and have by saving come to own their own
houses and a little land ; but he says that they are frequently
ousted on questions of title. There are many pettifogging
lawyers about always ready to get up a case, civil or criminal,
against a negro. The blacks are sent to the chain-gang very
readily ; when men are wanted for the chain-gang they are
always got. He concurs, however, to some extent with what
I had been told about the indiscipline of the younger negroes.
He has some who have been to prison, and the chain-gang
discipline certainly improves them. He prefers to take a
young man who has served for a time in the chain-gang.
In the evening at the hotel I had some talk with Geor
gians of the upper class, with the general result that their
GEORGIA. 379
opinions are unfavourable to the negroes, who are, they say, of
an extremely migratory disposition. They wander about too
much. If a man is discharged he does not care ; he steals till
he gets another job. A farmer sitting by, however, interposed
to say that in the last three or four years they have much
improved. He says he has a good deal given up the cultiva
tion of cotton, going in for other things, and finds that with
a moderate number of negro hands he can do very well.
People here do not seem to have adopted the South Carolina
plan of fixing the negroes by selling them small patches of
land. Judge C , a sensible man who has a considerable
estate, seems from what he says to get on pretty well with the
negroes upon it. He likes the share plan, provided that he
keeps the management and direction entirely in his own hands,
and pays the cultivators their share of the crops, instead of
their paying him. Some of them do very well. They have
a house and small enclosure of land for vegetables and provi
sions for themselves, and then, with a mule supplied by him,
a man will cultivate perhaps forty acres, half in corn and
half in cotton. He gives them half of the corn and one-third
of the cotton for themselves, or the value of it.
I have been looking over some of the statistics of Georgia
and South Carolina with reference to the coloured population,
but I fancy they are not very reliable, and they are not made
out on a uniform plan, so as fully to admit of comparison. In
South Carolina they have had a census of their own subse
quent to the United States census, and claim a population
exceeding that arrived at by the United States in 1870 by
some two hundred thousand. According to their census there
are in South Carolina, in round numbers, 350,000 whites and
575,000 blacks. In Georgia there has been no recent census.
The United States census of 1870 gives 639,000 whites and
545,000 blacks. People here say that after emancipation
there was a very great mortality among the blacks, especially
among the women and children, yet this statement is hardly
reconcilable with the census returns. The Georgia census of
1860 gave 465,000 blacks, which number was increased to
545,000 in 1870. The increase now must be more rapid,
380 MY JOURNAL.
there being no special mortality, except, perhaps, to some
degree, from want of sufficient care of infants. The number
of tax-polls according to the last return is — whites, 126,985 ;
blacks, 83,900 ; but I understand that the full number of tax-
polls has not yet been got at. The numbers have been in
creasing a great deal. The blacks pay taxes upon 501,000
acres out of upwards of thirty-seven millions of acres, but
that includes all land, cultivated and waste. Of a total of
6,804,437 acres of 'improved land ' the returns give 176,915
acres as cultivated by blacks as proprietors.
Reading the local papers next morning I observe that
they do not report the debates of the Legislature ; they only
give the proceedings, with the briefest notice of each speech.
To-day I again visited the office of the Comptroller-
General and that of the Superintendent of the Geological and
Agricultural Departments. The Comptroller-General is the
head of the Department of Revenue. There is no income-
tax in Georgia, only the usual property-tax, also the poll-tax
for education, and a special tax on lawyers, doctors, dentists,
and billiard-keepers, in the nature of a license fee. The
counties collect a pedlers' tax, which seems to be principally
in the interest of the storekeepers. In towns there are
special taxes under the Acts of Incorporation. In Atlanta
they tax storekeepers on the amount of sales. The question
of the drink-tax, on the Virginian model, and of the dog-tax,
is now being raised in the Legislature.
At the Agricultural Department the general lie of the
country was explained to me. A great deal of Georgia is
elevated, and from the higher lands the country slopes down
wards. The old-established towns are generally situated
where the rivers run out into the low country at the head of
the navigation, where are also the principal cotton-lands.
Lower still come the pine-barrens and swamps, and then the
Sea Islands. The broad pine-belt extends not only through
the States which I have visited, but round through Alabama
and Mississippi and well into Texas. The Superintendent
states, what I had been before told, that in the lower country
all the best lands had come into the possession of the rich
GEORGIA. 381
slave-owners, while the poorer whites are principally found
on the inferior lands ; that is, the pine-barrens, which, he says,
are not really bad land. There is a sandy surface something
like that in Prussia, but clay underlies the surface, and that
holds fertilisers well. Georgia was certainly much more
democratic in its origin than Virginia or South Carolina.
When a great part of the State, especially all the upper part,
was acquired by successive purchases from the Indians, the
land of Georgia belonging to the State itself not to the United
States, each new acquisition was marked out in parcels and
apportioned by lot to the people of the State. Many of
these lots were not occupied, and were purchased for a song
by the richer people. To this clay, in fact, many of the lots
have not been occupied, and the purchasers do not know
where they are. These are what are called ' wild lands ; ' and
there is a ' Wild Land ' Office, the business of which is to find
out these uncultivated lands and to tax them — for hitherto
they have not been properly taxed. Before the war there
was in this State an extreme jealousy of interlopers. So far
from encouraging new immigrants, the Georgians wished to
keep them out and to keep all the lands for themselves. All
this is now changed — they are delighted to sell their lands
when they can find purchasers, and new-comers are exceed
ingly welcome.
We are now having rain, which, I am told, is not unusual
in November, and is generally followed by a week of clear
frost. That is the hog-killing season. From the middle of
December to the middle of February there is generally quite
a rainy season — only a little snow coming at the last. In
spring they generally have good showers, and in the early
summer there are frequent thunder-showers. There is gene
rally heavy rain in August and a dry autumn.
The present Legislature is much bent on economy. They
not only want to reduce the number of Circuit Judges — a ques
tion which I heard debated — but also do not like the cost of the
Agricultural and Geological Departments. The farmers espe
cially object to the Agricultural Department as useless.
I had again a good deal of talk with several men. They
382 MY JOURNAL.
all stoutly maintain that Georgia deserves credit as having
set an example to other States in the treatment of the negro.
After the war, instead of refusing to take any part in affairs,
as the white leaders of some States did, they accepted the
situation, sent their best men to the Convention that was then
held, and managed to get things arranged, so that they did
not fare very badly. After one legislative term, in which
parties were pretty equally balanced, they got the complete
control. Since then their policy has been justice to and
improvement of the negro. One statement took me quite by
surprise, and I have not been able to verify it. They assert
that at this moment there are more drilled negro militia than
there are of whites. They say that from the first they
thought they could manage the blacks best by drilling, dis
ciplining, and trusting them ; that the militia is far better
than the secret clubs, and that they know well they can take
the arms from the blacks when they wish to do so.
I notice that there is in the papers to-day the report of
an official committee upon the militia. They want to have
it regularly organised, with pecuniary assistance from the
State, a Georgian flag, and several other ambitious things.
That looks as if those who framed the report wished to go
very far in the way of State independence. I have been
looking over the report of the Adjutant- General of South
Carolina regarding the withdrawal of arms from the Black
National Guards. He says that arms were issued indis
criminately to the people, and it was necessary to take them
away from those who were not qualified to use them. He also
complains that under an Act of 1874 companies called Eifle
Clubs have been organised, which are not part of the military
establishment of the State, and which interfere with the due
organisation of the National Guards. He suggests confining
the National Guards to the great cities, as is, he says, the
case in other States.
The gentlemen to whom I have been talking dwell much
on what they have done for the education of the blacks.
When pressed as to what else they have done for them they
rather deal in generalities, talking of their good and con-
GEORGIA. 383
dilatory treatment. They say the blacks are now quite
content and willingly go with the whites. They would be
all right but for the interference of carpet-baggers, and,
above all, of the c New England school marmsS These they
declare to be the pest of the world, putting false ideas of
equality into the heads of the blacks, especially the black
women, whom all agree in describing as the most trouble
some of the race. Some time ago, they say, a black woman
would only accept the place of cook in the character of a
lady-help. Now that they have got rid of the Northerners, a
black woman will conduct herself as an ordinary cook. They
admit that they have done nothing special to settle the
negroes on land, as has been done in South Carolina. They
had not thought of the advantage of fixing them down ;
but they declare that they are quite ready to sell land to
them if they will only be thrifty and save money for the
purpose, as some in fact do. But they say that the blacks
like society, their wives like dress and dances and shows, and
being free to do as they liked they sought to obtain these
advantages of freedom in the towns. Now many have gone
back to the country. They have as much land as could be
expected in so short a time. I could not, however, obtain
any explanation of the fact shown by the statistics, that
there has been scarcely any increase in the negro ownership
of land in the last two or three years. It must be a long
time, they say, before the negroes generally hold land.
Gradually they may acquire it, but for the present most of
them must be tenants or labourers. I have not been able to
carry the question further than that. I had been told that
in one county there was a Granger's League — a combination
not to sell land to negroes — and that the negroes thereupon
check-mated the land-owners by themselves making a league
to leave that county. My friends deny any knowledge of the
Grangers' League, but they admit to have heard of the black
league in Houston County. They admit that very many
whites have disgraced themselves by failing to pay wages-
earned by the black labourers. That has been a general
complaint everywhere, but things, they say, are in that
384 MY JOURNAL.
respect not so bad in Georgia as in several other States.
They tell stories of the childish character of the negro — but
he works well. There is no better worker when he is at it,
only he is always liable to the temptation to sit up at night
to dance and frolic. He is given to spout ridiculously in
church, and to steal and lie, and he is very bad in love mat
ters. He is very stupid in his crime, and is always found
out, and so it is that he always gets into the penitentiary
when the police would never detect a white man.
I confess I am more and more suspicious about the
criminal justice of these southern states. In Georgia there
is no regular penitentiary at all, but an organised system of
letting out the prisoners for profit. Some people here have
got up a company for the purpose of hiring convicts. They
pay $25,000 a year besides all expenses of food and keep, so
that the money is clear profit to the state. The lessees work
the prisoners both on estates and in mines, and apparently
maintain severe discipline in their own way, and make a
good thing of it. Colonel P , who is not very mealy-
mouthed, admits that he left the concern because he could
not stand the inhumanity of it. Another partner in the
concern talked with great glee of the money he had made
out of the convicts. This does seem simply a return to
another form of slavery.
Here, too, I am told that there is a greater separation
of the white and black castes than there was before the war.
Now there is complete separation in churches and schools.
It was a black member who moved and carried in the legis
lature that the two classes of schools should be for ever
separate. The separation is the doing of the blacks. They
do not like association on terms of inferiority.
A man to whom I talked to-day says that cotton, can only
be profitably cultivated by blacks. It is their habit and edu
cation to cultivate cotton and it gives them constant employ
ment all the year round in a way which the white men do
not like. The southern white man feels the necessity of
labour now and does labour, but he is better at raising corn
and such things than cotton.
GEORGIA. 385
I had a good deal of talk with Governor Browne, a very
shrewd and remarkable man. He is a self-made man, but
was Governor of Georgia for eight years down to the close of
the war. He seems to have been engaged in blockade-run
ning, and to have made a good deal of money in that way;
and since the war, like all the great men in this country, he
is president of railways and mining companies. He is evi
dently very much respected and still quite sustains his repu
tation of being a very long-headed man. He has been a
great deal over the States, has had properties and specula
tions in many other states besides his own. I talked to him
about the condition of some of the Southern States which I
have not visited. He says that Alabama soon got the
government into its own hands, though not quite so soon as
Georgia, and is now pretty quiet and peaceful, though suffer
ing from the low price of cotton ; for that is a very great
cotton state. Both Mississippi and Louisiana have had
troubles like those of South Carolina. The feeling between
blacks and whites seems to be worse in Mississippi than in
any other state. In Mississippi the best cotton grows on the
ridge of highish land near the river ; behind that there are
impracticable swamps, and back beyond that again comes
higher land on which cotton is raised throughout the whole
length of the state. In Louisiana sugar is doing better than
it was, but owing to the liability to frost it is cultivated at a
great disadvantage as compared to Cuba. The great trouble
of the Southern States is the debt, most of which was con
tracted to promote railways. Governor Browne says that the
coloured French Creoles of Louisiana, or at any rate the
higher class among them, took part with the whites, and
having lost their property are now generally Democratic.
He does not know that any prominent men among them
have attempted to become the political leaders of the blacks.
They still prefer the white man, and in the New Orleans
country the latter to some extent recognise them and admit
them to their society to some degree.
In the evening I took tea with Colonel P and his
family. Though he is, I believe, a rich man, he lives in a
C C
386 MY JOURNAL.
very simple style, as does everyone here. All the governors
of these states seem to be really poor men who now live in
cottages, but they are also men of some family and consider
ation in their states. Colonel P is full of stories of the
way in which money was made in the war by blockade-run
ning and suchlike business, especially by those who had
command of the railways. The sharpest people among the
Southerners seem to have gone in for blockade-running, which
they found much more profitable than fighting. As to the
war, Colonel P says that at first the Southerners put a
splendid set of men into the field — they had long been pre
paring for it — but almost all those were killed or disabled,
and then, what with inferior men and pressed men, their
armies were not at all what they had been. As the war went
on, the Southern armies became much worse while the
Northern armies became much better. As long as they had
only to fight in front, they did very well, but their position
was much altered when the Federals got possession of the
line of the Mississippi. Then came Sherman's march and
much destruction of cotton, which the Federals made con
traband and seized, while the Confederates burnt it to prevent
it from falling into the hands of the other party. There was
thus much suffering in the Southern states and a great want
of many luxuries, such as coffee and sugar. Under these
circumstances half of Lee's men deserted and came to look
after their families, and so at last the South turned out to be
an empty shell.
Colonel P says that in these parts no one drinks tea
— coffee is universally drunk, generally with sugar and with
out milk.
In the evening I went to hear General Gordon, the newly
elected senator, who gave an address. He was very eloquent
and successful, but I thought too much in the style of an
energetic preacher. I understand now where the negro
preachers get their style. Greneral Gordon's discourse was
principally a very strong attack upon the Independents.
He seemed to advocate extreme views — ' a solid South,' and so
on. They had got State after State, and now South Carolina
GEORGIA. 387
too, and they would not go back. Shame to those who broke
their own ranks. After the meeting I fraternised with
several legislators at the Kimball, and had two or three invi
tations to ' take a drink.' All were very civil and cordial and
inclined to talk of England as their model. That seems
quite the fashion here. I met a man who is canvassing for a
judgeship, and who has, he said, been up till one or two in
the morning for several nights in succession at that work.
The next day I went to the election of judges by the
combined Houses in joint session. It is done in the same
way as the election of senator and is a dignified enough kind
of proceeding, each member rising as his name is called and
giving his vote. The salary of a judge is $2,500 (say 5001.}
a year, and there is tremendous canvassing for the place.
They say this canvassing is absolutely necessary ; the greatest
lawyer in the United States would not be elected if he did
not work hard for it. So much is this so, under the present
system, that many people say that they prefer the former
plan when the Governor nominated with the consent of the
Legislature, or even when the judges were elected by the
people who are too numerous to be canvassed. There were
very hot contests for the judgeships and inferior offices, but
when the election was over I heard everyone say that the
man he worked for had been elected.
I visited the editor of the small weekly Independent
paper published here, or as some call it the republican paper.
He did not speak at all bitterly. When Governor Bullock
was elected as a republican there was a good deal of ' bull
dozing ' on the part of the Democrats, but now things have
settled down. The principal fault of Grovernor Bullock was
that he was elected by the black vote. The general opinion
seems to be that there was no truth in the charges on account
of which he was driven away. There is still a little bull
dozing and a good deal of influence bribery and whisky used
to back the regular Democratic candidates. The blacks are
always ready to vote for any man who goes against the regu
lar Democratic ticket. This gentleman, however, joins in
the general statement that Georgia treats the blacks fairly
c c 2
388 MY JOURNAL.
well. If willing to vote Democratic they will be well enough
treated. He says it is true that the blacks have been armed
and encouraged to take their part as militiamen. Fair jus
tice is given to them in the courts ; there is a disposition to
treat them as not very responsible children. In the last
sessions one white man was convicted of murder when two
blacks were acquitted. The blacks are treated more fairly
in the settlement of their accounts at the end of the year in
Georgia than in other states. In lower Georgia there is still
some unfairness, and in some other states the blacks are cer
tainly very unfairly treated in this matter. They are so
improvident that they must get advances to support them
during the cultivating season, and both storekeepers and
landowners ' stick it on ' to them terribly when the account
is made out at the end of the season.
I had a call from Mr. \V , a Scotch-Irishman settled
here. He was bred a cotton-spinner, and emigrated when
cotton-spinning came to an end in Ireland. He had mills here
before the war, since which time he has acquired large landed
property. Before the war he employed in his mills negroes
and negresses along with some free whites. That was not an
uncommon practice, and they did very well ; but since eman
cipation the blacks have not been employed in the mills. He
also took me to see a friend, another Scotch-Irishman, who
came out with nothing, and now has a large dry-goods store,
and seems a prosperous man. Atlanta is a new place, and
there are a great many self-made men in it. This gentle
man, though not very long out, fought on the Confederate
side in the war. He showed me his goods ; most of them are
of American make, but many of them English. The mills in
these parts, he says, make capital woollen goods for common
use. Georgian wool is used, but it is not well cleaned, and
the finer woollen goods come from England. They make a
capital kind of mixed goods which are very largely used, and
are quite cheap. No doubt the best woollen clothes are ex
cessively dear in this country, but he declares the Americans
will beat us in cottons. The ( domestics ' made in the North
are far better than the same class of goods from England-
GEORGIA. 389
He says that the enormous progress of American manufac
tures in the last ten years is patent and astonishing. The
Americans are extremely ready to invent or imitate, and
he thinks English manufactures are doomed to decline.
Southern white labour is as cheap and good as any labour of
the kind in the world. The white mill-workers are a good
class of people, and very often own their own houses, or if not
the mill-owners take much care in providing houses and com
forts for them.
Mr. W does not farm himself but manages his land
entirely by letting it out. He has both black and white
tenants. One black man, a respectable Methodist elder, runs
ten ploughs ; yet he is not very provident. He is always
liable for a heavy account for advances during the year, and
does not seem to save. Some blacks, however, are provident ;
they generally pay their rent quite well, there is no
serious difficulty about that. The ginning mills are all
rented out as well as the land. In this way he gets fair
interest for his money with some trouble. In some respects
he might prefer the blacks to white tenants, but they are very
migratory. That is the universal complaint. They do not
like to stay long anywhere. However, Mr. W does not
find that they let the land down badly. They are bound to
repair the fences, &c., and they do it. He finds, however,
that he has too much land, and he thinks of selling. He
has another large estate in the Sea Island country, which he
took for a bad debt, but now he gets nothing from it. Some
negroes squat on it, and cultivate patches, and fish. He might
get some rent from them, but it would not be enough to
repay the trouble and cost of collection. I think Georgian
landowners might well try to locate these blacks as has been
done in the Beaufort country. Mr. W , however, hopes to
make his low country estate into a cattle farm.
To-day I noticed a very large number of small farmers
bringing cotton to market in their waggons. Most of them
were v^hites, driving themselves, and evidently quite labouring
men. They had one or two blacks with them, but not very
many. There were also a few black farmers. The blacks
390 MY JOURNAL.
whom I questioned were mostly tenants upon the share
system. They appeared to me rather a low class, and their
answers to my questions quite tallied with the accounts I had
had of their migratory habits. They generally had not re
mained very long in one place. The white farmers seemed
good-looking men, but poorly clad. They looked like poor
Irish farmers. They came in covered waggons, in which
they live and sleep, and some of them had their wives and
children with them in the waggons. I am told a good many
people from these parts have gone to Texas, both white and
black ; some of them have come back again.
I receive a good many visits from people who have seen
my name in the newspapers. Altogether there is a general
disposition to treat me civilly and to lionise me in a small
way here. As they say, an English traveller and M.P.
is rare up here.
This evening I had a talk with a nice gentleman-like
elderly man, member for Athens and a strong Independent.
He gave me the views of that party in opposition to those of
General Gordon. He explains the evils of the caucus system.
Generally everything is settled by half-a-dozen jobbers, and
without any reference to the electors at large. If need be he
says let us have a primary election, but there are many objec
tions to it. It has no law or check of any kind, and should
only be resorted to to decide between Democrats when a
Eadical stands, and the seat is in danger. That not being
the case in Georgia the caucus system is totally uncalled for,
and is a mere abuse to give power to jobbers. Therefore it
is that there has been a successful uprising of the people
against it. Moreover, the system, he says, is a gross breach
of faith with the black voters, who are excluded from the
caucus. He says the Independents get a fair proportion of
the black votes, but not by any means all, as the other party
pay largely for votes and otherwise coerce and influence the
voters. He dwells on the heaviness of taxation in conse
quence of the debts of the State and the need of economy ;
but when I asked him for particulars regarding the heaviness
of taxation he seemed to refer rather to municipal than to
GEORGIA. 391
general taxation. It is very much what I have heard in other
quarters. Here the State tax is 40 cents in the 100 dols. of
capital value besides 10 cents to form a sinking fund to get
rid of the debt. The county taxation is not heavy, but
there is heavy taxation in the towns, often amounting to
$2-50 per cent, on capital value. I cannot quite make
out how the value of personal property is got at — in that
respect the tax is certainly much evaded. As is the case
with us, rich men often live in fine villa houses outside the
towns, and so escape the town taxation. Under the present
constitution new laws and appropriations, and elections by
the Legislature require an absolute majority of the whole
House to be present and vote for the measure.
They say that the position of United States Senator
is generally preferred to that of Governor of a State.
General Gordon gives a reception this evening in the form
of a great wine party to the members of the Legislature.
I am told that in Washington and Philadelphia and some
other great cities it is common enough to have men's
receptions of this kind, from which ladies are excluded.
They have fine suppers and wines, and everything that is
brilliant.
The next day I started by rail for Calhoun, about eighty
miles north of Atlanta. I am surprised by the goodness of
the country, and the large extent of cultivation. I am told
that cultivation extends a long way on either side of the line,
especially along the course of the rivers. There is also much
forest, as is the case in all this country. There is very little
rise after leaving Atlanta, the highest point is not more than
1,200 feet above the sea. This railway line is very largely
advertised as the ' Great Kenesaw Eoute,' which takes its
name from the Kenesaw Mountain ; and on the pictorial
advertisements the Kenesaw Mountain is very magnificent
indeed ; but when I came to see the reality it turned out to
be a very moderate hill— perhaps 500 feet above the surround
ing country. We crossed several rivers, which now run to
wards Mobile and the Gulf of Mexico. As we got on, the
level of the country became lower, and several of these rivers
392 MY JOURNAL.
are navigable, especially for a considerable distance upwards.
It is also hoped to make them navigable downwards, so that
we are in a much less sloping country than that which drains
towards the Atlantic, and there is complaint of want of
water-power for saw-mills and other machinery. The culti
vation is various ; there is a good deal of cotton, but also a
good deal of corn and wheat. They say anything will grow
here, but no one thing grows so well as it does somewhere
else. I went to pay a visit at a farm of Colonel P— — 's,
near Calhoun, now occupied by his son, Mr. R. P ; and I
was very hospitably entertained by young Mr. P and his
wife, a pleasant young lady from Philadelphia. Mr. P
himself was at school in England, and they both seem very nice
and refined people. As usual, they live in a very simple way,
and have not many servants. American ladies, who live in
the country, manage to do a great deal themselves without
detracting from their dress and demeanour. There is a stock
farm here, of which old Colonel P — - is very proud. There
was a Jersey bull, said to be splendid, some rather thin Jersey
cows, a good many Merino sheep, and a large flock of Angora
goats. They grow tolerable turnips, and Mr. P— - has a
successful field of lucerne. There is a great deal of game
about here. I saw many of the small American partridges,
sometimes called quails. They sit capitally to dogs, rise
in regular coveys like partridges, but fly more like quails.
There are also some rabbits about, which looked not unlike
English rabbits, running with cocked tails, showing the
white. There are many wild turkeys in this country ; they
are, however, very shy birds, keep in the woods, and are seldom
seen. Tame turkeys are very abundant in these Southern
States, and poultry in general is abundant and good. Much
of it is kept by small farmers, and is a great assistance to
them.
I drove out a good way into the country, over varied sort
of ground — some fertile bottoms, and a good deal of higher
land. The lower and richer land is principally given to
cereals. It does not do well for cotton. The cotton-plant
grows large and strong, but is not productive there ; whereas
GEORGIA. 393
in the higher red lands the plant is small, but is often
covered with cotton from top to bottom. The lower lands
generally belong to the larger proprietors. Wherever there
are large proprietors there were slaves, and there are now
black labourers. Most of the work in the upper country is
done by the whites themselves. I saw some good specimens
of people of this class. Most of them own their own land,
but some rent, and some go as labourers, getting $8 or $10
a month, and rations. I liked the look of these people.
They are decidedly fair with no tinge of swarthiness. Many
of them have Scotch names — Campbell, Mclntyre, Macinroy,
and so on ; but they did not know their origin. They came
up from the Carolinas and Virginia, and did not emigrate
direct to this part of the country. Most of them live in
miserable houses, but some of the houses are quite good.
Even some considerable proprietors live in poor log-houses.
It is said that some of these people hold on to too much
land when they had better sell ; and if a purchaser comes
they ask too much. Some of the smaller tenants live in
places unfit for an Irishman, with no windows, and showing
much daylight between the logs. I never saw such poor
places, except Irish turf huts. I asked one man about it.
' Yes,' he said, laughing ; ' you cannot call it a house, but as
we have so much air inside we do not catch cold when we go
out/ This man was a poor labourer, and he had half-a-dozen
nice-looking children in his wretched one-roomed hut. The
children, however, looked very well. These people seemed
altogether a fair-spoken and quiet laborious population.
From the higher parts of the ground that I visited, I saw
a high range of hills standing out very distinct to the north
east. It seems as if the main Alleghanies come to a sudden
end near this. We met many farmers with bullock- waggons
coming down from the upper country. They do not grow
cotton there, and scarcely ever had any negroes. They grow
better corn and wheat than in the lower land, and much
better apples ; and would get on well enough if it were not
for the United States whisky-blockade, of which they much
complain, as interfering with their industry in that article.
394 MY JOURNAL.
In the lower grounds I came upon a few negro farmers, but
they were only renters ; none of them owned land. One man
had got some uncleared woodland on a three years' lease, the
arrangement being that he should pay nothing for that time,
but after that should pay a rent. There is much good timber
in all this country. It is a limestone country about here, but
the hills above are sandstone. Mr. P— - thinks that the
small farmers make a living without working so hard for it
as the English labourer. Even during the civil war, though
cut off from all external commerce, they got on pretty well,
raising their own necessaries, and being independent of all
outside. They themselves admit that the smaller farmers
still get on well enough, so far as living is concerned. They
raise enough for themselves, and their women weave their
clothes ; they have few wants beyond these.
People here complain that the pretended free-schools are
a farce. They are very poor schools, and not enough of them.
In any case, the parents are obliged to pay at least half of
the cost. I asked if the preachers came expensive, and was
told that some take a salary, some do not. One Baptist
minister runs a fine farm and preaches for nothing.
After completing a very pleasant visit to Mr. P 's
farm, I started in the morning to go on to Dalton, in the
north-west part of Georgia, towards Tennessee, where the
watershed changes towards the Mississippi. I saw much
timber-trade going on upon the rivers and the railways.
There were some very fine walnut logs, much white oak, and
also pine and other wood. It is feared that the good timber
near the railway will soon be exhausted, but there is plenty
of it a little farther off. There are no signs of anything like
a mountain pass ; the road runs through an easy country.
There is, in fact, a great gap between the hills.
At Dalton I had a beautiful day, and utilised it by
taking a long walk into the country, where I saw much of
the southern white people, visiting a good many of their
farms. I also came across some blacks. The whites seemed
to be a pleasant-looking people, though they had still the
appearance of being poor. Most of them own land, but some
GEORGIA. 395
rent, and some go out as labourers. A few of them hire one
or two blacks as labourers. They say the blacks are not so-
good workers as the whites, and they will only take them at
cheaper rates. These blacks work very well when they are
sharply looked after, but they will waste time whenever they
get the chance. I looked over the log-cabin of a small white
farmer, and it was about the lowest thing of the kind I have
seen. On account of the want of water-power and the
scarcity of saw-mills, most of the cabins here are built of
very rough logs, and very imperfectly boarded within. This
one had no window, but very many casual openings in the
wall, and even in the roof. It consisted of one room, with
a light shed attached to it behind, which was used for cook
ing, etc. The farmer was away, but I found his wife, a very
nice-looking young woman, with a baby and a boy of twelve,
an orphan whom they seem to have adopted. He could read
print, he said, but not write. The woman did not seem to
realise that the house was particularly bad. Her husband is
only a renter, but he built this hut himself two years ago.
She had a loom, and was weaving. She says she makes her
husband's and her own every-day clothes, but they have to
buy Sunday clothes and some other things. There was also
a spinning-wheel, as is generally the case here. She says
she spins some thread when it is wanted, but they buy most
of the thread. I was inclined to pity her primitive inno
cence and ignorance, and tried to draw her out by asking
her questions on subjects in respect to which I was not very
much at home. At last she burst out with a smile, ' Whoy,
it seem that you do'ant know nothink.' I felt that she had
the best of it on her own subjects.
Within reach of the railway there are a good many
blacks, but I understand that the few there were in the
higher parts of the country have left it. I talked to an old
black man who occupied one of a cluster of very poor huts.
He said that his former mistress had given some of her ex-
slaves five acres each of woodland, to clear and hold rent-free
for life. It certainly seems that, in these older States at any
rate, the relations between the former masters and the blacks
396 MY JOURNAL.
are often not unkindly, and the masters sometimes do things
of this kind. My old friend says he got on well enough
when he could work, but now he is past work, and seems
rather doubtful of the advantages of freedom. However, he
and the others seem to form a sort of little community in
the woods. The able-bodied men cultivate, the women raise
chickens and take in washing ; and one way and another
they manage to get along. On the road I met a very intel
ligent and plucky-looking black bringing in his produce to
market in his waggon — principally peas. His family were
with him. He has two mules, and seems well-to-do. He
rents land on a four years' clearing lease, and when that is up
he hopes to buy land for himself. 'Don't you think that is
best ? ' he says. These blacks seem to talk and put questions
in a more simple way than the whites. This man says he
found the main fences, but himself put up his house and the
cross fences. He will get no compensation for his improve
ments when he goes ; he must leave all those behind. This
is, perhaps, the reason why the huts are so bad. His sons
are growing up and marrying, and have farms of their own.
He himself has re-married with a widow with four children.
As he pleasantly remarks, his sons are going off into the
world, and he must have some one to work for.
In the afternoon I went up a hill to see the country.
There is evidently a complete break in the hills here. A
flat tract stretches over into the valley of the Tennessee
River. The Alleghanies proper terminate to the east, but a
fresh set of hills, not so high, commence again on the west,
and one of them is ' look-out mountain ' over Chattanooga,
where the famous battle was fought. The hilly ridge, I
understand, runs westward, through Northern Alabama.
At Dalton I saw a party of very tidy, well-set-up-looking
blacks playing base-ball, in a very vigorous way, with one or
two whites mixed with them. The bowler, at any rate, was,
to all appearance, a white man, as were several of those
sitting and looking on. Altogether at this place I thought
I saw more of fraternisation between blacks and whites than
in most places.
THE RETURN JOURNEY. 397
Chattanooga is not far off in Tennessee. I got a Chatta
nooga paper, and have been reading it with reference to
Tennessee politics. It seems that in Chattanooga the Repub
licans have a majority, but the town politics appear more to
depend upon local and personal questions. At Memphis it
seems that an Independent was elected district attorney. He
has appointed a coloured man as his deputy. This has
created a great sensation, and the orthodox Democrats point
to it as showing that the Independents are nothing but
traitors in disguise. Altogether I gather that Tennessee is a
country in which there is a considerable mixture of parties,
It is by no means wholly Democratic and anti-black. East
Tennessee, in fact, is a white man's country.
Dalton is quite a country place, but there are neverthe
less one or two very tolerable hotels, at one of which I was
very well treated, and had good food. The ' vin du pays' of this
country seems to be buttermilk ; everyone drinks it at meals.
THE RETURN JOURNEY.
I had hoped, if possible, to get as far as New Orleans, and
thence back by the valley of the Mississippi, but the outburst
of yellow fever this year has been unprecedently severe, and
on account of the lateness of the frosts it continued far
beyond expectation. The country is scarcely yet free from it,
and the places which have suffered from it are quite dis
organised. Even Chattanooga, near this, has suffered very
greatly, and things have not yet returned to their usual con
dition. I had therefore given up the idea of making that
tour, and resolved to use the rest of my time to dip into
Tennessee and West Virginia, and spend a few days in Wash
ington, Philadelphia, and New York. Here, however, I saw
in the papers that Parliament was summoned for the discus
sion of subjects interesting to me, and finding that the train
in which I had taken my passage to Knoxville, in Upper
Tennessee, was going on to Washington, I took a sleeping-
berth, and continued my journey. This line runs on the
western slope of the Alleghanies. From the glimpses I got in
the night I saw no signs of a mountainous region. At dawn.
398 MY JOURNAL.
we had entered Virginia, but we were in a projecting angle
of the State west of the watershed, and geographically a part
of the Kentucky country which it adjoins. Here I at once
saw we were in a great grazing country. The land was un
dulating and to some degree hilly, fenced off into large grass
parks. The grass at this season is short, but seems close
natural grass. Some of the higher parts looked like good
sheep walks, and there were a good many sheep, but many more
cattle, which at this time of the year were principally in
the lower pastures ; I saw many herds of large fine well-bred
looking cattle, shorthorns and the like ; also many good
horses. There was a good deal of wood in parts, but most
of the grass land was clean and free from stumps or weeds.
There was a hard frost this morning, and a little snow on the
higher parts of the road, but the weather was bright and
clear and became warmer in the middle of the day. Some corn
is grown in this country, but it is mostly in grass. The same
style of country continued as we ran on, passing over several
ridges and crossing several streams, but we came to nothing
very precipitous or difficult all the way to the highest point
crossing the Alleghanies. We then passed through a
valley skirted by high hills down to the Virginia 'Pied
mont ' country, as it is called, on the eastern slope of the
range. There seemed to be a decided change as soon as
we crossed the watershed — redder soil, much more cultiva
tion of wheat and corn, less pasture — and what there is
seems to be more made up of artificial grass. We kept
on through the Piedmont country pretty near the hills,
and much accented, and so continued till dark. In the even
ing the country seemed to be getting flatter. The hills are a
good deal cleared in parts, but there is still a great deal of
wood upon them. There were some good grazing grounds,
and a good many cattle and horses on this eastern slope, but
it is not so much a grazing country as that to the west. This
country looks at the worst now, the grass being brown, the
trees without leaves, and the fields ploughed up, but I dare
say in the spring it merits the encomiums which the Virgin
ians are in the habit of bestowing upon it. Throughout the
THE RETURN JOURNEY. 399
route to-day the houses of the white inhabitants seemed
better than those I had previously seen. They gave one
the idea of pretty well-to-do farmers, and there were a good
many houses which seemed quite up to the pretensions of
small squireens, or gentleman-farmers. All along the route I
noticed more blacks than I had expected to see in this higher
country. Probably the vicinity of the railway accounts for
that ; but even away from the railway stations there seemed
to be a good many black families, living in huts as miserable
as those I had seen farther South. Probably the blacks are
mere labourers and dependents.
The eating at the stations where we stopped for meals
seemed always very tolerable, and I noticed that in this
country there is good fresh butter. I cannot understand why
they cannot have it in the civilised North. Even at Wash
ington in the best hotels and everywhere else they have nasty
salt butter ; and at New York one or two people seem only
recently to have made quite a discovery by making good
fresh butter, which they can sell at a dollar a pound, for
it is a rarity.
I slept at Washington, and spent most of the next day
there. The weather was lovely, and the place bright and
lively-looking. People are evidently beginning to assemble
for the ensuing meeting of Congress, and one sees many smart,
well-dressed women in the streets. The trees, however, have
lost their leaves, which takes off from the beauty which I
noticed in the place a few weeks ago.
I went to the Treasury, where they kindly gave me the
official papers on the silver question. It seems clear that up
to 1873 silver was a complete legal tender, and that anyone
might bring silver to be coined and get silver certificates at
once. I went again to see my friend General E , of the
Educational Department, and met at his office a New Hamp
shire member of Congress, who seemed shocked at the idea
that I was going to take my Southern experiences as a spe
cimen of the United States. He insists that the Northern
States are very different. There, he says, the township
system is in full force — that is, in New England — the people
400 MY JOURNAL.
at large frequently meet together in Township Assembly to
vote for school and other arrangements, and to control the ex
penditure. Certainly I feel I have still to do New England,
if I live and have another opportunity of visiting the States.
I visited the Agricultural Department, and saw General
D , the head of it, who is very enthusiastic over his work,
though somehow there seem to be a good many scoffers about
the Department. They have a capital collection of all sorts
of produce, and are now making great efforts to introduce
useful plants and new products. General D hopes to
acclimatise the bamboo. He is trying the Japanese variety,
which stands frost. There seems no doubt that the tea-plant
thrives in the Southern States ; but people have not really
learnt how to manufacture tea. The Liberian coffee is a
variety of the coffee-plant, which, it seems, unlike the Arabian
plant, will stand an ordinar}7 tropical climate, and bears well,
even down to the level of the sea, within the tropics. It struck
me that in India we ought to take advantage of the expe
rience of the United States — for instance, to obtain improved
varieties of Indian corn and other plants.
There was again a very good sunset to-day. Washington
seems to have a specialty for sunsets.
In the evening I took passage in the sleeping-cars for
New York. The Pullman was a good deal crowded, and a
crowded Pullman is decidedly not comfortable. I met a
great traveller who had spent twenty-eight nights in the cars
during the last six weeks, and he confirms what I had sus
pected, that under such circumstances as we had this night it
is a mistake to secure a lower berth. The upper berths, for
those who can climb up, are much more airy and comfortable.
This gentleman is a resident of the city of Mexico, which, he
says, is a place of 250,000 inhabitants, and quite civilised.
We reached New York in the morning. I again went to
the Windsor. There are now a great many winter residents
there, but the place is quite quiet. The weather in New
York is not yet good winter weather. They have had it
unusually warm for the season, and it is now raw and rainy.
I called on Mr. P , a gentleman to whom I owe much
THE RETURN JOURNEY. 401
kindness, and went with him to the business part of the
city — ' down town,' as they call it. Here I had some talk
with several good financial authorities on American railways.
Their tone about them is generally unfavourable — the moral
of the very safe men is that no shares are safe. They say
that the capital value of the lines is generally in the books at
a much higher figure than that at which they could now be
made, and that the only safe things are the first bonds of the
very best lines. These lines, they say, are at least worth the
amount of the first bonds. According to them if the shares
of a railway are above par then you may with tolerable pru
dence buy the first bonds, and that is all. The bonds are
liable to be paid off after a certain time, but some of them
run for as long as thirty years, and, as they say, that is much
farther than anyone looks forward in this country.
In the evening I dined with Mr. 0 , and met Gene
ral B a name well known in the war. He is a New
Englander, from Rhode Island. He says that though, no
doubt, as I had before been told, land in New England had
fallen much in value, and some of it had gone out of culti
vation, there has been quite recently considerable signs of
improvement in New England farming prospects, and a rise
again in the value of the land, in consequence of many people
who have been driven from commerce in the bad times having
come back to the land. He, too, says that many Irish have
bought land in New England, and they do not do badly. He
gives the same account as I had heard before of the good
working of the New England township system. He says
there are not usually any commons, only village greens ; but
he knows some instances of considerable common pastures
which were originally reserved. One or two still remain ;
others have been divided up or sold by a vote of the town
ship. It seems clear that in America commons are quite
exceptional, and not the habit of the country.
The people whom I meet here dwell much on the effect
of the Southern election practices, and the attempt to make a
solid South, in producing a solid North on the other side of
the question.
D D
402 MY JOURNAL.
Mr. 0 , who has had much experience of the States
on the Mississippi, gives an account of them which tallies
pretty well with what I had already learned. He says the
relations between the whites and blacks are ordinarily good
enough, and they would get on sufficiently well together if it
were not for political difficulties, which" in Mississippi and
Louisiana are considerable. The blacks make capital la
bourers. His experience is that on Southern railways he
gets more work done for sixty cents than for a dollar in the
North. He has had much railway experience in several
States in which he has had occasion to get Bills passed and
various measures sanctioned. I asked him about the honesty
of the local Legislatures. He says some new States have
been rather bad, but that for some years in the States through
which his lines passed they have not been approached for
money. The effect of the provision in the Illinois Consti
tution against special legislation in favour of corporations
has really been considerable. The law is carried out in prac
tice. People who want privileges can only get them under
the general laws applicable to all. I have not yet looked up
the particulars as to the way in which these things are
managed in Illinois and other States ; but in Georgia, where
they have a provision of the same kind, I understand that the
general laws for the granting of charters and the like having
been passed, people who want them apply to the Courts which
adjudicate the question. Mr. 0— - says there is still more
planting on a large scale in Mississippi and the adjoining
countries than in the Atlantic States, and he instances people
who, he says, are there doing well, cultivating on a large scale
with hired negro labour. The lands near the river in Missis
sippi are very fertile and good, and there is a large popu
lation ; but in the central part of the State, where the
railways run, the land is inferior, and the population scat
tered. In Louisiana the good sugar-cane lands are in the
extreme south, and outside of the swamp and forest belt —
apparently in a tract corresponding in situation to the Sea
Islands of the Atlantic coast. Mr. 0 is very enthusi
astic, and determined to make the railway connecting North
THE RETURN JOURNEY. 403
and South, in the Valley of the Mississippi, pa}7. He has
great faith in the necessity of a North and South traffic.
Food-stuffs must necessarily come from North to South, and
sugar, fruit, and other things, from South to North. Below
Cairo the traffic is principally by river, but then it is an
enormous traffic ; they would be content if they got one-
tenth of it on the railway.
The next day I visited some of the sights of New York
with Mr. 0 . "We went to the ' Fulton' market, one of
the principal markets in New York, where the supply of
game, poultry, &c., for ' Thanksgiving Day,' which is to come
off to-morrow, is enormous, and the variety exceedingly
great. The c Thanksgiving Day ' was a New England insti
tution, to commemorate the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers.
It gradually extended to the neighbouring States, and to
those of the North- West ; and after the war President Lincoln
made it a national holiday, though I daresay the Southerners
heartily wish that the Pilgrim Fathers had gone to the bot
tom of the sea before they ever landed at all. However, now
6 Thanksgiving Day ' seems to be the great family feast of
the year. In the market there was a very great quantity of
American game. Wild turkeys are quite common, and im
mense, large, fine birds they are. The quail (whether they
are quail or partridge) are in immense profusion. I also
found in this market English pheasants, grouse, and hares,
imported from Europe. They also import here the common
white European grapes which we see on our fruit-stalls. We
lunched at a famous restaurant in the market. Ladies fre
quently go there alone. That is not contrary to custom here.
A dish of rabbit was specially recommended, and I tried the
American rabbit. There is generally a prejudice against
eating it. Most people of the higher class will not eat rab
bit, though they eat squirrels. Rabbits, however, are for
sale everywhere. I did not think my rabbit particularly
good. It is not very like one of our own. The flesh seemed
to be darker and softer.
In the evening I dined with Mr. P , and met some
pleasant people. We had a good deal of talk about New
D D 2
404 MY JOURNAL.
York politics. Mr. Cooper, a man of the highest position
and character, whose acquaintance I had the pleasure of
making, is Mayor-elect of New York. It is a very great
step in advance to have a man of his character in the place*
He is a bright and clever man, of large independent means,
and above all suspicion of jobbery and corruption. The tax
ation of New York is certainly heavy. At present the tax
for city and county purposes is two dollars and seventy
cents upon capital value. The port charges are also heavy.
Heavy taxation and charges do a great deal to drive trade to
other ports. Real property is said to be fully assessed ; in
fact, they say that since the shrinkage of values it is more
than fully assessed. The heavy taxation is the cause of the
high rents. Rents are higher here than in London, but then
the owner pays the taxes, not the occupier. Personal pro
perty is taxed ; nominally at any rate ; but I have not yet
been able to get anything reliable regarding the assessment
of personal property ; how it is really made and how far it is
evaded. I understand a man is not required to make a re
turn of his personal property unless he chooses. He is
assessed at the amount at which he is estimated by the
assessor, and if he objects he has to prove that the assessment
is wrong. I gather that in truth a comparatively small amount
of personal property is assessed in New York. I understand
that practically a man with more houses or offices than one
may elect where he will be taxed upon property which is not
local. For instance, a man with a large property in foreign
Funds might keep his securities in a place where taxation
is light, and be taxed upon them there, supposing that in
reality he is taxed upon them at all. It might, in fact, be
economical to keep a country house for the deposit of his se
curities. Perhaps, however, there is not much personal pro
perty of this kind. United States bonds are exempt from
taxation, and railways are taxed before the dividends are
paid.
In New York politics it is the Catholic element which
causes most of the difficulties — that is felt more in New York
City than anywhere else. The bad pavement of the streets and
THE RETURN JOURNEY. 405
many other evils are attributed to the excessive corruption
which has distinguished the Administration of the city. Here
also there seem to be quite as many complaints against the
prisons as with us. They say that many rogues spend most
-of their lives in prison. The New York papers seem to be now
very generally writing against the liquor laws of 1857, which
were, in fact, imposed upon the city by the three million
country people of the State, and are much more restrictive
than the city people like. There is a Sunday-closing law,
and an attempt to confine the sale of liquor to bond fide
hotels with a certain number of beds, and so on. But in
this respect the law is quite evaded- -two or three beds are
set up in public-houses as a mere make-believe
I have not had time to see anything of New York winter
society or of the fashionable people. I do not see so many
signs of wealth as I had expected to see in this famous city,
nor do I observe so many smart and elegantly dressed ladies
in the streets as I had rather expected to find, after all one
has heard of the dressy elegance of the American ladies. But
then the weather is unfavourable, and perhaps American
ladies are not so much given to walking as ours are. How
ever, as New England remains to be seen another day, so
also I hope to see something more of New York and Phila
delphia, and the country parts of these States, if I return to
America. Meantime, before I turned back I had completed
the object for which I was so anxious— to see something of
the relations between whites and blacks in the Southern
States ; and having done that and completed a visit which I
have much enjoyed, I am now content to conclude it, and to
trust to the chance of seeing more another day.
In the morning I embarked early in the Republic, a
steamer of the White Star line, not so large as the Ger
manic, but still a fine vessel. While the steamer was hauling
out for the start I was interviewed by a reporter of the ' New
York Herald ' regarding Afghanistan. We soon got off and
were fairly on the homeward voyage. There are few passengers
at this season of the year, and scarcely one of these American.
This is not the season when Americans visit Europe.
406 MY JOURNAL.
I have been talking with some gentlemen on board about
the beef trade. It seems that, dead or living, it costs about
a penny a pound to send beef to England. The live cattle
are as yet almost all brought over on deck. They are nailed
up in tight narrow pens, in which they stand and cannot lie
down. They are said to gain flesh on board if the weather is
good, but in bad weather they are sometimes almost all lost.
They are knocked about, and it becomes necessary to throw
them over. Vessels are now being constructed to carry cattle
under cover. As regards dead meat they can carry about
sixty tons of meat in a 300-ton chamber, specially fitted for
the purpose. They bring over whole sides, hung up in the
chamber — not the choice pieces only. They seal up this
chamber and refrigerate it. On the return voyage the cham
ber is opened and the space used for any other cargo.
On the voyage home the vessels go south of the New
foundland Banks, running due east for the first thousand
miles, after which they turn north-east. The first four days
we had good weather, and we should have had it all the way
at this season. It is commonly said that at this season
of the year the voyage home is ' down hill ; ' but as ill luck
would have it we had to encounter a strong easterly gale,
which much retarded us, and caused the loss of a whole day.
The voyage to Queens town occupied upwards of nine days.
407
STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
I HATE been looking over some of the past and present
Constitutions of some of the States, as set forth in the
6 Charters and Constitutions of the United States,' by Poor,
in two large volumes.
MASSACHUSETTS.
Under the original Massachusetts Constitution of 1780
there was to be complete religious toleration ; but all
townships were bound to keep up Protestant ministers of
religion. There was equality among Protestant sects ; for
though every man was bound to pay a church-tax, he might
pay to the minister of his own sect, if there were any in the
township ; if not, then to the common minister. People
were bound to attend church, and in some of the New
England States church membership was necessary to the
exercise of the franchise. The original franchise-law in
Massachusetts required a property qualification of 3£. per
annum. The c select men ' of towns and all representatives
and officials were bound to make oath of belief in the Chris
tian religion.
By an amendment passed in 1822 the suffrage was given
to all adult males who have resided and paid taxes, and the
oath of office was altered so as to exclude the declaration of
religious belief.
In 1833 the obligation to support Protestant ministers
was abolished, and henceforth every Christian sect was at
liberty to elect their own ministers, and to do as they like.
By an amendment passed in 1857 the franchise is re
stricted to those who can read in the English language and
write their names, and that is the still existing rule.
The Constitution of Massachusetts has not been materially
408 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
changed since the war. All hereditary privileges are for
bidden. Liberty of the press, the free right of all citizens to
the possession of arms, and the free right of assembly are
guaranteed. The Legislature consists of a Senate of 40, and
a House of Kepresentatives of 240 members, both elected by
the people. The Governor has a veto, unless overruled
by a two- thirds vote in each House. Office-holders are not
allowed to sit in the Legislature. The Executive power is
vested in an elected Governor and an Executive Council of
eight persons whose advice is necessary for the doing of
certain things. Judges and other judicial officers are ap
pointed by the Governor and Council. The Judges are to
hold during good behaviour, unless it is otherwise prescribed
by law. The Justices of the Peace are appointed for seven
years, and are eligible for reappointment. The University
of Harvard is established and endowed by the Constitution,
and there is a general provision enjoining the encouragement
of education. No moneys raised for education are to be
given to any particular religious sect.
VIRGINIA.
Every edition of the Constitution of Virginia, including the
last now in force, commences with the old recital of grievances
on account of ' the detestable and insupportable tyranny ' of
George III., who had sought to destroy the liberties of the
people in many ways, and among others c by prompting our
negroes to rise in arms among us — those very negroes whom
by an inhuman use of his negative he had refused us per
mission to exclude by law ; by endeavouring to bring on the
inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages,'
and so on.
Then comes the Bill of Rights, consisting of seventeen
articles adopted in 1776 and five more added since the civil
war. Most of the State Constitutions seem to retain the
Bill of Rights, in a more or less modernised form, as a sort of
inner kernel of the Constitution. Here is the present Vir-
VIRGINIA. 409
ginian Bill of Rights, which retains the old articles and
language. The modern portions are printed in italics : —
BILL OF EIGHTS.
A Declaration of Rights, made by the Representatives of the good
people of Virginia, assembled in full and free Convention, which
rights do pertain to them and their posterity, as the basis and
foundation of government.
1. That all men are by nature equally free and independent,
and have certain inherent rights, of which, when they enter into a
state of society, they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest
their posterity ; namely, the enjoyment of life and liberty, with
the means of acquiring and possessing property, and pursuing and
obtaining happiness and safety.
2. That this State shall ever remain a member of the United
States of America, and that the people thereof are part of the
American nation, and that all attempts, from whatever source or
upon whatever pretext, to dissolve said Union or to sever said
nation, are unauthorised, and ought to be resisted with the whole
power of the State.
3. That the Constitution of the United States, and laws of Con
gress passed in pursuance thereof, constitute the supreme law of
the land, to which paramount allegiance and obedience are due
from every citizen, anything in the Constitution, ordinances, or laws
of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.
4. That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from,
the people ; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and
at all times amenable to them.
5. That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the
common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or
community ; of all the various modes and forms of government,
that is best which is capable of producing the greatest degree of
happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the
danger of maladministration ; and that when any government shall
be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of
the community hath an indubitable, inalienable, and indefeasible
right to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such a manner as shall be
judged most conducive to the public weal.
6. That no man, or set of men, are entitled to exclusive or
separate emoluments or privileges from the community but in
consideration of public services ; which, not being descendible,
410 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge to be
hereditary.
7. That the legislative, executive, and judicial powers should
be separate and distinct; and that the members thereof may
be restrained from oppression, by feeling and participating the
burthens of the people, they should, at fixed periods, be reduced
to a private station, return into that body from which they were
originally taken, and the vacancies be supplied by frequent, certain,
and regular elections, in which all or any part of the former
members to be again eligible or ineligible, as the laws shall direct.
8. That all elections ought to be free, and that all men, having
sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and
attachment to, the community, have the right of suffrage, and
cannot be taxed or deprived of their property for public uses,
without their own consent, or that of their representatives so
elected, nor bound by any law to which they have not in like
manner assented for the public good.
9. That all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws,
by any authority, without consent of the representatives of the
people, is injurious to their rights and not to be exercised.
10. That, in all capital or criminal prosecutions, a man hath a
right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be con
fronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence in his
favour, and to a speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage,
without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty ; nor
can he be compelled to give evidence against himself ; that no man
be deprived of his liberty, except by the law of the land or the
judgment of his peers.
1 1 . That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive
fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted.
12. That general wan-ants, whereby an officer or messenger
may be commanded to search suspected places without evidence of
a fact committed, or to seize any person or persons not named, or
whose offence is not particularly described and supported by evi
dence, are grievous and oppressive, and ought not to be granted.
13. That in controversies respecting property, and in suits
between man and man, the trial by jury is preferable to any
other, and ought to be held sacred.
14. That the freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks
of liberty, and can never be restrained but by despotic govern
ments, and any citizen may speak, write, and publish his senti
ments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty.
VIRGINIA. 411
15. That a well-regulated militia, composed of the body of the
people trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defence of
a free state ; that standing armies, in time of peace, should be
avoided as dangerous to liberty, and that in all cases the military
should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the
civil power.
16. That the people have a right to uniform government ; andr
therefore, that no government separate from, or independent of,
the Government of Virginia ought to be erected or established
within the limits thereof.
17. That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can
be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice,
moderation, temperance, and virtue, and by a frequent recurrence
to fundamental principles.
18. That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator,
and the manner of discharging it, can ba directed only by reason
and conviction, not by force or violence ; and, therefore, all men
are equally entitled to the free exercise of religion according to
the dictates of conscience ; and that it is the mutual duty of all
to practise Christian forbearance, love, and charity towards each
other.
19. That neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as
lawful imprisonment may constitute suc/i} shall exist within this
State.
20. That all citizens of the State are hereby declared to possess
equal civil and political rights and public privileges.
21. The rights enumerated in this Bill of Rights shall not be
construed to limit other rights of the people not therein expressed.
The declaration of the political rights and privileges of the
inhabitants of this State is hereby declared to be a part of the Con
stitution of this Commomvealth, and shall not be violated on any
pretence whatever.
Up to 1850 the franchise was confined to whites, with a
property qualification. In 1850 the property qualification
was given up, and all adult white males obtained the fran
chise. By provisions added in the same year no emanci
pated negroes were permitted to remain in the State ; or, if
they did, they were liable to be again reduced to slavery.
The Legislature was for ever forbidden to emancipate any
slave, or the descendant of any slave ; and it was empowered
412 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
to restrict by law the power of individuals to emancipate
slaves.
By the post- War Constitution, put in force in 1870, all
disqualifications of negroes are swept away — the franchise is
given to all classes, without any property or other qualifica
tion. But there is in this and other Southern States a pro
vision disqualifying all persons convicted of fighting a duel
from voting or holding office ; besides the disqualification to
vote of all persons convicted of felony or petit larceny. The
Governor and Lieutenant- Governor are elected by the people
for four years ; but the Secretary of the Commonwealth,
Treasurer, and Auditor are elected by joint vote of the two
Houses. The Senators and Delegates (members of the Lower
House) are elected for four and two years respectively. The
Legislature meets once in two years, and remains in session
not more than ninety days, unless it is extended, by a three-
fifths vote, for not more than thirty days longer. That is
the utmost limit.
The Judges are elected by joint vote of the Houses of the
Legislature for twelve, eight, and six years, according to the
class of Judge. The county and city officers, i.e. Sheriff,
Mayor, Attorney for the Commonwealth, County Clerk,
County Treasurer, and so many County Commissioners of Re
venue as may be provided by law, are elected by the people
for four or six years ; and all city, town, and village officers
not specially provided for are to be similarly elected. Coun
ties are divided into magisterial districts, each of which is to
have three justices of the peace, a constable, and an overseer
of the poor, elected for two years. There is now a regular
provision for education. Each magisterial district is divided
into school districts. The Legislature is required to provide
a uniform system of free public schools, to be complete by
the year 1876, and is authorised to make such laws as shall
not permit parents and guardians to allow their children to
grow up in ignorance and vagrancy. There is to be a literary
fund, made up of the proceeds of all forfeited or waste lands,
a capitation tax, and an annual tax on all property, of not
less than one, or more than five, mils, in the dollar (that is,
on the capital value).
ILLINOIS. 413
The militia consists of all able-bodied men; but only
volunteer corps are classed as 'active militia,' the rest as
' reserved militia.'
Taxation is to be equally imposed on all property, and a
tax may be imposed on incomes in excess of $600, and on
licenses for the sale of ardent spirits, theatrical and circus
companies, menageries and other shows, itinerant pedlers,
commission merchants, brokers, and on all other business
which cannot be reached by the ad valorem system. All
public charitable, religious, and educational property may
be exempted from the property-tax.
A curious instance of the way in which minor matters
are sometimes mixed up with greater ones in these Consti
tutions is a provision that no tax shall be imposed on any
citizen for the privilege of taking oysters, but the sale of
oysters may be taxed.
No debt shall be incurred by the State except to meet
casual deficits, to redeem previous liabilities, to repress in
surrection, or to defend the State in time of war (rather
wide and elastic provisions) ; and every debt incurred must
be accompanied by provision for a sinking fund.
Payment of debts incurred by the usurping authorities-
during the war is strictly forbidden. The credit of the State-
is not to be granted to any person or corporation. The
State is not to subscribe to any company, nor to be a party
to any work of internal improvement, nor to engage in carry
ing on any such work.
The homestead privilege extends to the value of $2,OOQ
of real or personal property, but this shall not interfere with
sale of the property in virtue of a mortgage. The Legis
lature is to pass laws regarding the setting apart and holding
homesteads in future.
ILLINOIS.
The Constitution of Illinois is supposed to be a model of
modern wisdom. Some distinguished Englishmen have, I
believe, taken part in moulding it to its present shape, and
much philosophy and learning have been bestowed on it.
414 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
Under the original Constitution of 1818 every adult
white male had the suffrage, but blacks were excluded both
from the suffrage and from the militia.
Under the amended Constitution of 1848 the Legislature
was authorised to make laws to prohibit persons of colour
from immigrating into the State.
It was not till 1870 that all colour distinctions were
abolished.
By the original Constitution, sect. 16 of every township
(that is, one mile square) was set apart for education, and
a whole township was granted for the support of a seminary
of higher learning. The United States also agreed to set
apart for education 5 per cent, of the price of all public
lands sold within the limits of the State.
The present Constitution is that of 1870. It is rather
long, but I append all the essential parts of it, omitting
only those which are not of general interest and importance.
It may, I think, be of interest to my readers to see the most
improved form of an American State Constitution. It com
mences with a Bill of Rights, laying down general principles
in a modernised form ; but as in their general effect these
are not radically different from the Virginian Bill of Rights,
which I have already given, I omit this part of the Illinois
Constitution. For the rest I leave it to speak for itself: —
CONSTITUTION OF 1870.
Adopted in Convention May 13, 1870; ratified by the people
July 2, 1870; in force August 8, 1870.
PREAMBLE. — We, the people of the State of Illinois — grateful to
Almighty God for the civil, political, and religions liberty which He
hath so long permitted us to enjoy, and looking to Him for a bless
ing upon our endeavours to secure and transmit the same unim
paired to succeeding generations — in order to form a more perfect
government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide
for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure
the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and
establish this Constitution for the State of Illinois.
ILLINOIS. 415
ARTICLE III.
DISTRIBUTION OF POWERS.
The powers of the government of this state are divided into
three distinct departments — the legislative, executive, and judicial ;
and no person, or collection of persons, being one of these depart
ments, shall exercise any power properly belonging to either of the
others, except as hereinafter expressly directed or permitted.
ARTICLE IV.
LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT.
§ 1. The legislative power shall be vested in a general assembly,
which shall consist of a senate and house of representatives, both to
be elected by the people.
ELECTION.
§ 2. An election for members of the general assembly shall be
held on the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November, in
the year of our Lord 1870, and every two years thereafter, in
each county, at such places therein as may be provided by law.
When vacancies occur in either house, the governor, or person
exercising the powers of governor, shall issue writs of election to
fill such vacancies.
ELIGIBILITY.
§ 3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained
the age of twenty-five years, or a representative who shall not have
attained the age of twenty-one years. No person shall be a senator
or a representative who shall not be a citizen of the United States,
and who shall not have been for five years a resident of this state,
and for two years next preceding his election a resident within the
territory forming the district from which he is elected. No judge
or clerk of any court, secretary of state, attorney general, state's
attorney, recorder, sheriff, or collector of public revenue, member
of either house of congress, or person holding any lucrative office
under the United States or this state, or any foreign government,
shall have a seat in the general assembly : Provided, that appoint
ments in the militia, and the offices of notary public and justice of
the peace, shall not be considered lucrative. Nor shall any person,
416 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
holding any office of honour or profit under any foreign govern
ment, or under the government of the United States (except post
masters whose annual compensation does not exceed the sum of
$300), hold any office of honour or profit under the authority of this
state.
§ 4. No person who has been, or hereafter shall be, convicted
of bribery, perjury, or other infamous crime, nor any person who
has been or may be a collector or holder of public moneys, who-
shall not have accounted for and paid over, according to law, all
such moneys due from him, shall be eligible to the general
assembly, or to any office of profit or trust in this state.
APPORTIONMENT — SENATORIAL.
§ 6. The general assembly shall apportion the state every ten
years, beginning with the year 1871, by dividing the population of
the state, as ascertained by the federal census, by the number 51,
and the quotient shall be the ratio of representation in the senate.
The state shall be divided into 51 senatorial districts, each of which
shall elect one senator, whose term of office shall be four years.
The senators elected in the year of our Lord 1872, in districts
bearing odd numbers, shall vacate their offices at the end of two
years, and those elected in districts bearing even numbers, at the
end of four years ; and vacancies occurring by the expiration of
term, shall be filled by the election of senators for the full term.
Senatorial districts shall be formed of contiguous and compact
territory, bounded by county lines, and contain, as nearly as
practicable, an equal number of inhabitants ; but no district shall
contain less than four-fifths of the senatorial ratio. Counties con
taining not less than the ratio and three-fourths, may be divided
into separate districts, and shall be entitled to two senators, and to
one additional senator for each number of inhabitants equal to the
ratio contained by such counties in excess of twice the number of
said ratio.
MINORITY REPRESENTATION.
§§7 and 8. The house of representatives shall consist of three
times the number of the members of the senate, and the term of
office shall be two years. Three representatives shall be elected in
each senatorial district at the general election iri the year of our
Lord 1872, and every two years thereafter. In all elections of
representatives aforesaid, each qualified voter may cast as many
votes for one candidate as there are representatives to be elected, or
ILLINOIS. 417
may distribute the same, or equal parts thereof, among the candi
dates, as he shall see fit ; and the candidates highest in votes shall
be declared elected.
TIME OF MEETING AND GENERAL RULES.
§ 9. The sessions of the general assembly shall commence
at twelve o'clock noon, on the Wednesday next after the first
Monday in January, in the year next ensuing the election of
members thereof, and at no other time, unless as provided by this
constitution. A majority of the members elected to each house
shall constitute a quorum. Each house shall determine the rules
of its proceedings, and be the judge of the election returns and
qualifications of its members ; shall choose its own officers ; and the
senate shall choose a temporary president to preside when the
lieutenant-governor shall not attend as president or shall act as
governor. The secretary of state shall call the house of repre
sentatives to order at the opening of each new assembly, and preside
over it until a temporary presiding officer thereof shall have been
chosen and shall have taken his seat. No member shall be expelled
by either house except by a vote of two-thirds of all the members
elected to that house, and no member shall be twice expelled for
the same offence. Each house may punish, by imprisonment, any
person not a member, who shall be guilty of disrespect to the house
by disorderly or contemptuous behaviour in its presence. But no
such imprisonment shall extend beyond twenty-four hours at one
time, unless the person shall persist in such disorderly or contemp
tuous behaviour.
§ 10. The doors of each house, and of committees of the whole,
shall be kept open, except in such cases as, in the opinion of the
house, require secrecy. Neither house shall, without the consent
of the other, adjourn for more than two days, or to any other place
than that in which the two houses shall be sitting. Each house
shall keep a journal of its proceedings, which shall be published. In
the senate at the request of two members, and in the house at the
request of five members, the yeas and nays shall be taken on any
question, and entered upon the journal. Any two members of
either house shall have liberty to dissent from and protest, in
respectful language, against any act or resolution which they think
injurious to the public or to any individual, and have the reasons
of their dissent entered upon the journals.
E E
418 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
STYLE OF LAWS AND PASSAGE OF BILLS.
§ 11. The style of the laws of this state shall be: " Be it
enacted by the People of the State of Illinois, represented in
the General Assembly."
§ 12. Bills may originate in either house, but may be altered,
amended or rejected by the other ; and on the final passage of all
bills, the vote shall be by yeas and nays, upon each bill separately,
and shall be entered upon the journal; and no bill shall become a
law without the concurrence of a majority of the members elected
to each house.
§ 13. Every bill shall be read at large on three different days,
in each house ; and the bill and all amendments thereto shall be
printed before the vote is taken on its final passage ; and every bill,
having passed both houses, shall be signed by the speakers thereof.
No act hereafter passed shall embrace more than one subject, and
that shall be expressed in the title. But if any subject shall be
embraced in an act which shall not be expressed in the title, such
act shall be void only as to so much thereof as shall not be so ex
pressed ; and no law shall be revived or amended by reference to
its title only, but the law revived, or the section amended, shall be
inserted at length in the new act. And no act of the general
assembly shall take effect until the first day of July next after its
passage, unless, in case of emergency (which emergency shall be
expressed in the preamble or body of the act), the general assembly
shall, by a vote of two-thirds of all the members elected to each
house, otherwise direct.
DISABILITIES.
§ 15. No person elected to the general assembly shall receive
any civil appointment within this state from the governor, the
governor and senate, or from the general assembly, during the
term for which he shall have been elected ; and all such appoint
ments, and all votes given for any such members for any such office
or appointment, shall be void ; nor shall any member of the general
assembly be interested, either directly or indirectly, in any contract
with the state, or any county thereof, authorised by any law passed
during the term for which he shall have been elected, or within
one year after the expiration thereof.
rUBLIC MONEYS AND APPKOPKIATIONS.
§ 16. The general assembly shall make no appropriation of
money out of the treasury in any private law. Bills making appro-
ILLINOIS. 419
priations for the pay of members and officers of the general assembly,
and for the salaries of the officers of the government, shall contain
no provision on any other subject.
§ 17. No money shall be drawn from the treasury except in
pursuance of an appropriation made by law, and on the presenta
tion of a warrant issued by the auditor thereon ; and no money
shall be diverted from any appropriation made for any purpose, or
taken from any fund whatever, either by joint or separate resolu
tion. The auditor shall, within sixty days after the adjournment
of each session of the general assembly, prepare and publish a full
statement of all money expended at such session, specifying the
amount of each item, and to whom and for what paid.
§ 18. Each general assembly shall provide for all the appropria
tions necessary for the ordinary and contingent expenses of the
government until the expiration of the first fiscal quarter after the
adjournment of the next regular session, the aggregate amount of
which shall not be increased without a vote of two-thirds of the
members elected to each house, nor exceed the amount of revenue
authorised by law to be raised in such time ; and all appropria
tions, general or special, requiring money to be paid out of the state
treasury, from funds belonging to the state, shall end with such
fiscal quarter : Provided, the state may, to meet casual deficits or
failures in revenues, contract debts, never to exceed in the aggre
gate $250,000 ; and moneys thus borrowed shall be applied to the
purpose for which they were obtained, or to pay the debt thus
created, and to no other purpose ; and no other debt, except for
the purpose of repelling invasion, suppressing insurrection, or
defending the state in war (for payment of which the faith of the
state shall be pledged), shall be contracted, unless the law authoris
ing the same shall, at a general election, have been submitted to
the people, and have received a majority of the votes cast for mem
bers of the general assembly at such election. The general assembly
shall provide for the publication of said law for three months at'
least before the vote of the people shall be taken upon the same ;
and provision shall be made, at the time, for the payment of the
interest annually, as it shall accrue, by a tax levied for the purpose
or from other sources of revenue ; which law, providing for the
payment of such interest, by such tax, shall be irrepealable until
such debt be paid : And, provided, further, that the law levying
the tax shall be submitted to the people with the law authorising
the debt to be contracted.
§ 19. The general assembly shall never grant or authorise
420 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
extra compensation, fee or allowance to any public officer, agent,
servant or contractor, after service has been rendered or a contract
made, nor authorise the payment of any claim, or part thereof,
hereafter created against the state under any agreement or contract
made without express authority of law ; and all such unauthorised
agreements or contracts shall be null and void : Provided, the
general assembly may make appropriations for expenditures in
curred in suppressing insurrection or repelling invasion.
§ 20. The state shall never pay, assume or become responsible
for the debts or liabilities of, or in any manner give, loan, or ex
tend its credit to or in aid of any public or other corporation,
association, or individual.
PAY OF MEMBERS.
§ 21. The members of the general assembly shall receive for
their services the sum of $5 per day, during the first session held
under this constitution, and 10 cents for each mile necessarily
travelled in going to and returning from the seat of government,
to be computed by the auditor of public accounts ; and thereafter
such compensation as shall be prescribed by law, and no other
allowance or emolument, directly or indirectly, for any purpose
whatever, except the sum of $50 per session to each member,
which shall be in full for postage, stationery, newspapers and all
other incidental expenses and perquisites; but no change shall be
made in the compensation of members of the general assembly
during the term for which they may have been elected. The pay
and mileage allowed to each member of the general assembly shall
be certified by the speaker of their respective houses, and entered
on the journals and published at the close of each session.
SPECIAL LEGISLATION PROHIBITED.
§ 22. The general assembly shall not pass local or special laws
in any of the following enumerated cases, that is to say : for —
Granting divorces ;
Changing the names of persons or places ;
Laying out, opening, altering and working roads or highways ;
Vacating roads, town plats, streets, alleys and public grounds ;
Locating or changing county seats ;
Regulating county and township affairs ;
Regulating the practice in courts of justice;
Regulating the jurisdiction and duties of justices of the peace,
police magistrates and constables ;
ILLINOIS. 421
Providing for changes of venue in civil and criminal cases ;
Incorporating cities, towns or villages, or changing or amend
ing the charter of any town, city or village ;
Providing for the election of members of the board of super
visors in townships, incorporated towns or cities ;
Summoning and impanelling grand or petit j uries ;
Providing for the management of common schools ;
Regulating the rate of interest on money ;
The opening and conducting of any election, or designating the
place of voting ;
The sale or mortgage of real estate belonging to minors or
others under disability ;
The protection of game or fish ;
Chartering or licensing ferries or toll bridges ;
Remitting fines, penalties or forfeitures ;
Creating, increasing or decreasing fees, percentage or allowances
of public officers, during the term for which said officers are elected
or appointed ;
Changing the law of descent ;
Granting to any corporation, association or individual the right
to lay down railroad tracks, or amending existing charters for such
purpose ;
Granting to any corporation, association or individual any spe
cial or exclusive privilege, immunity or franchise whatever.
In all other cases where a general law can be made applicable,
no special law shall be enacted.
§ 23. The general assembly shall have no power to release or
extinguish, in whole or in part, the indebtedness, liability or
obligation of any corporation or individual to this state or to any
municipal corporation therein.
IMPEACHMENT.
§ 24. The house of representatives shall have the sole power
of impeachment ; but a majority of all the members elected must
concur therein. All impeachments shall be tried by the senate ;
and when sitting for that purpose, the senators shall be upon oath,
or affirmation, to do justice according to law and evidence. When
the governor of the state is tried, the chief justice shall preside.
No person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds
of the senators elected. But judgment, in such cases, shall not
extend further than removal from office, and disqualification to
hold any office of honour, profit or trust under the government j)f
422 STATE -CONSTITUTIONS.
this state. The party, whether convicted or acquitted, shall,
nevertheless, be liable to prosecution, trial, judgment and punish
ment according to law.
MISCELLANEOUS.
§ 26. The state of Illinois shall never be made defendant in
any court of law or equity.
§ 27. The general assembly shall have no power to authorise
lotteries or gift enterprises for any purpose, and shall pass laws
to prohibit the sale of lottery or gift enterprise tickets in this
state.
§ 28. No law shall be passed which shall operate to extend
the term of any public officer after his election or appointment.
§ 29. It shall be the duty of the general assembly to pass such
laws as may be necessary for the protection of operative miners, by
providing for ventilation, when the same may be required, and the
construction of escapement-shafts, or such other appliances as may
secure safety in all coal mines, and to provide for the enforcement
of said laws by such penalties and punishments as may be deemed
proper.
§ 30. The general assembly may provide for establishing and
opening roads and cartways, connected with a public road, for pri
vate and public use.
§ 31. The general assembly may pass laws permitting the
owners or occupants of lands to construct drains and ditches,
for agricultural and sanitary purposes, across the lands of others.
§ 32. The general assembly shall pass liberal homestead and
exemption laws.
ARTICLE V.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT.
§ 1. The executive department shall consist of a governor,
lieutenant-governor, secretary of state, auditor of public accounts,
treasurer, superintendent of public instruction, and attorney-general,
who shall, each, with the exception of the treasurer, hold his office
for the term of four years from the second Monday of January
next after his election, and until his successor is elected and quali
fied. They shall, except the lieutenant-governor, reside at the
seat of government during their term of office, and keep the public
records, books and papers there, and shall perform such duties as
may be prescribed by law.
ILLINOIS. 42
n
§ 2. The treasurer shall hold his office for the term of two
years, and until his successor is elected and qualified, and shall be
ineligible to said office for two years next after the end of the term
for which he was elected. He may be required by the governor
to give reasonable additional security, and in default of so doing
his office shall be deemed vacant.
ELECTION.
§ 3. An election for governor, lieutenant-governor, secretary of
state, auditor of public accounts, and attorney-general, shall be
held on the Tuesday next after the first Monday of November, in
the year of our Lord 1872, and every four years thereafter; for
superintendent of public instruction, on the Tuesday next after the
first Monday of November, in the year 1870, and every four years
thereafter ; and for treasurer on the day last above mentioned, and
every two years thereafter, at such places and in such manner as
may be prescribed by law.
ELIGIBILITY.
§ 5. No person shall be eligible to the office of governor, or
lieutenant-governor, who shall not have attained the age of thirty
years, and been, for five years next preceding his election, a citizen
of the United States and of this state. Neither the governor,
lieutenant-gOA^ernor, auditor of public accounts, secretary of state,
superintendent of public instruction nor attorney-general shall be
eligible to any other office during the period for which he shall
have been elected.
GOVERNOR.
§ 6. The supreme executive power shall be vested in the
governor, who shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed.
§ 7. The governor, shall, at the commencement of each session,
and at the close of his term of office, give to the general assembly
information, by message, of the condition of the state, and shall
recommend such measures as he shall deem expedient. He shall
account to the general assembly, and accompany his message with
a statement of all moneys received and paid out by him from any
funds subject to his order, with vouchers, and at the commence
ment of each regular session, present estimates of the amount of
money required to be raised by taxation for all purposes.
§ 8. The governor may, on extraordinary occasions, convene
the general assembly, by proclamation, stating therein the purpose
424 STAT3 CONSTITUTIONS.
for which they are convened ; and the general assembly shall enter
upon no business except that for which they were called together.
§ 9. In case of a disagreement between the two houses, with
respect to the time of adjournment, the governor may, on the same
being certified to him, by the house first moving the adjournment,
adjourn the general assembly to such time as he thinks proper, not
beyond the first day of the next regular session.
§ 10. The governor shall nominate, and by and with the
advice and consent of the senate (a majority of all the senators
selected concurring, by yeas and nays), appoint all officers whose
offices are established by this constitution, or which may be created
by law, and whose appointment or election is not otherwise pro
vided for ; and no such officer shall be appointed or elected by the
general assembly.
§ 11. In case of a vacancy, during the recess of the senate, in
any office which is not elective, the governor shall make a tem
porary appointment until the next meeting of the senate, when he
shall nominate some person to fill such office ; and any person so
nominated, who is confirmed by the senate (a majority of all the
senators elected concurring by yeas and nays), shall hold his office
during the remainder of the term, and until his successor shall be
appointed and qualified. No person, after being rejected by the
senate, shall be again nominated for the same office at the same
session, unless at the request of the senate, or be appointed to the
same office during the recess of the general assembly.
§ 12. The governor shall have power to remove any officer
whom he may appoint, in case of incompetency, neglect of duty,
or malfeasance in office ; and he may declare his. office vacant, and
fill the same as is herein provided in other cas^s of vacancy.
§ 13. The governor shall have power to grant reprieves, com
mutations and pardons, after conviction, for all offences, subject to
such regulations as may ba provided by law relative to the manner
of applying therefor.
§ 14. The governor shall be Commander-in-chief of the military
and naval forces of the state (except when they shall be called
into the service of the United States), and may call out tiie same
to execute the laws, suppress insurrection, and repel invasion.
§ 15. The governor, and all civil officers of this state, shall be
liable to impeachment for any misdemeanour in office.
YETO.
§ 16. Every bill passed by the general assembly shall, before
it becomes a law, be presented to the governor. If he approve, he
ILLINOIS. 425
shall sign it, and thereupon it shall become a law ; but if he do
not approve, he shall return it, with his objections, to the house
in which it shall have originated, which house shall enter the ob
jections at large upon its journal, and proceed to reconsider the
bill. If, then, two-thirds of the members elected agree to pass the
same, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house,
by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-
thirds of the members elected to that house, it shall become a law,
notwithstanding the objections of the governor. But in all such
cases the vote of each house shall be determined by yeas and nays,
to be entered on the journal. Any bill which shall not be returned
by the governor within ten da.ys (Sundays excepted) after it shall
have been presented to him, shall become a law in like manner
as if he had signed it, unless the general assembly shall, by their
adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall be filed,
with his objections, in the office of the secretary of state, within
ten days after such adjournment, or become a law.
LIEUTENANT-GOYERNOR.
§ 18. The lieutenant-governor shall be president of the senate,
and shall vote only when the senate is equally divided. The senate
shall choose a president, pro tempore, to preside in case of the
absence or impeachment of the lieutenant-governor, or when he
shall hold the office of governor.
OTHER STATE OFFICERS.
§ 20. An account shall be kept by the officers of the executive
department, and of all the public institutions of the state, of all
moneys received or disbursed by them, severally, from all sources,
and for every service performed, and a semi-annual report thereof
be made to the governor, under oath ; and any officer who makes a
false report shall be guilty of perjury, and punished accordingly.
§ 21. The officers of the executive department, and of all the
public institutions of the state, shall, at least ten days preceding
each regular session of the general assembly, severally report to the
governor, who shall transmit such reports to the general assembly,
together with the reports of the judges of the supreme court of the
defects in the constitution and laws • and the governor may at any
time require information in writing, under oath, from the officers of
the executive department, and all officers and managers of state in
stitutions, upon any subject relating to the condition, management
and expenses of their respective offices.
426 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
FEES AND SALARIES.
§ 23. The officers named in this article shall receive for their
services a salary to be established by law, which shall not be in
creased or diminished during their official terms, and they shall not,
after the expiration of the terms of those in office at the adoption
of this constitution, receive to their own use any fees, costs, per
quisites of office, or other compensation. And all fees that may
hereafter be payable by law for any service performed by any officer
provided for in this article of the constitution, shall be paid in ad
vance into the stat3 treasury.
ARTICLE VI.
JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT.
§ 1. The judicial powers, except as in this article is otherwise
provided, shall be vested in one supreme court, circuit courts,
county courts, justices of the peace, police magistrates, and in such
courts as may be created by law in and for cities and incorporated
towns.
SUPREME COURT.
§ 2. The supreme court shall consist of seven judges, and shall
have original jurisdiction in cases relating to the revenue, in man
damus and habeas corpus, and appellate jurisdiction in all other
cases. One of said judges shall be chief justice ; four shall con
stitute a quorum, and the concurrence of four shall be necessary to
every decision.
§ 3. No person shall be eligible to the office of judge of the
supreme court unless he shall be at least thirty years of age, and a
citizen of the United States, nor unless he shall have resided in this
state five years next preceding his election, and be a resident of the
district in which he shall be elected.
§ 6. At the time of voting on the adoption of this constitution,
one judge of the supreme court shall be elected by the electors
thereof, in each of said districts numbered two, three, six and
seven, who shall hold his office for the term of nine years, from the
first Monday of June, in the year of our Lord 1870.' The term of
office of judges of the supreme court, elected after the adoption of
this constitution, shall be nine years ; and on the first Monday of
June of the year in which the term of any of the judges in office at
ILLINOIS. 427
the adoption of this constitution, or of the judges then elected, shall
expire, and every nine years thereafter, there shall be an election
for the successor or successors of such judges, in the respective dis
tricts wherein the term of such judges shall expire. The chief
justice shall continue to act as such until the expiration of the term
for which he was elected, after which the judges shall choose one
of their number chief justice.
§ 7. From and after the adoption of this constitution, the
judges of (the supreme court shall each receive a salary of $4,000
per annum, payable quarterly, until otherwise provided by law.
And after said salaries shall be fixed by law, the salaries of the
judges in office shall not be increased or diminished during the
terms for which said judges shall have been elected.
CIRCUIT COURTS.
§ 12. The circuit courts shall have original jurisdiction of all
causes in law and equity, and such appellate jurisdiction as is or
may be provided by law, and shall hold two or more terms each
year in every county. The terms of office of judges of circuit
courts shall be six years.
§ 14. The general assembly shall provide for the times of
holding court in each county, which shall not be changed, except
by the general assembly next preceding the general election for
judges of said courts ; but additional terms may be provided for in
any county. The election for judges of the circuit courts shall be
held on the first Monday in June, in the year of our Lord 1873,
and every six years thereafter.
§ 16. From and after the adoption of this constitution, judges
of the circuit courts shall receive a salary of $3,000 per annum,
payable quarterly, until otherwise provided by law. And after
their salaries shall be fixed by law, they shall not be increased or
diminished during the terms for which said judges shall be, respec
tively, elected ; and from and after the adoption of this constitu
tion, no judge of the supreme or circuit court shall receive any
other compensation, perquisite or benefit, in any form whatsoever,
nor perform any other than judicial duties to which may belong
any emoluments.
§ 17. No person shall be eligible to the oflice of judge of the
circuit or any inferior court, or to membership in the ' board of
county commissioners,' unless he shall be at least twenty-five years
of age, and a citizen of the United States, nor unless he shall have
resided in this state five years next preceding his election, and be a
428 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
resident of the circuit, county, city, cities or incorporated town in
which he shall be elected.
COUNTY COURTS.
§ 18. There shall be elected iii and for each county, one county
judge and one clerk of the county court, whose terms of office shall
be four years. But the general assembly may create districts of
two or more contiguous counties, in each of which shall be elected
one judge, who shall take the place of, and exercise the powers and
jurisdiction of county judges in such districts. County courts shall
be courts of record, and shall have original jurisdiction in all mat
ters of probate, settlement of estates of deceased persons, appoint
ment of guardians and conservators, and settlements of their
accounts, in all matters relating to apprentices, and in proceedings
for the collection of taxes and assessments, and such other jurisdic
tion as may be provided for by general law.
§ 19. Appeals and writs of error shall be allowed from final
determinations of county courts, as may be provided by law.
PROBATE COURTS.
§ 20. The general assembly may provide for the establishment
of a probate court in each county having a population of over
50,000, and for the election of a judge thereof, whose term of
office shall be the same as that of the county judge, and who shall
be elected at the same time and in the same manner. Said courts,
when established, shall have original jurisdiction of all probate
matters, the settlement of estates of deceased persons, the appoint
ment of guardians and conservators, and settlement of their
accounts ; in all matters relating to apprentices, and in cases of
the sales of real estate of deceased persons for the payment of
debts.
JUSTICES OF THE PEACE AND CONSTABLES.
§ 21. Justices of the peace, police magistrates, and constables
shall be elected in and for such districts as are, or may be, pro
vided by law, and the jurisdiction of such justices of the peace and
police magistrates shall be uniform.
STATE'S ATTORNEYS.
§ 22. At the election for members of the general assembly in
the year of our Lord 1872, and every four years 'thereafter, there
shall be elected a state's attorney in and for each county, in lieu of
the state's attorneys now provided by law, whose term of office
shall be four years.
ILLINOIS. 429
GENERAL PROVISIONS.
§ 29. All judicial officers shall be commissioned by the
governor. All laws relating to courts shall be general, and of
uniform operation ; and the organisation, jurisdiction, powers, pro
ceedings and practice of all courts, of the same class or grade, so
far as regulated by law, and the force and effect of the process,
judgments and decrees of such courts, severally, shall be uniform.
§ 30. The general assembly may, for cause entered on the
journals, upon clue notice and opportunity of defence, remove from
office any judge, upon concurrence of three-fourths of all the mem
bers elected, of each house. All other officers in this article
mentioned shall be removed from office on prosecution and final
conviction for misdemeanour in office.
ARTICLE VII.
SUFFRAGE.
§ 1. Every person having resided in this state one year, in the
county ninety days, and in the election district thirty days next
preceding any election therein, who was an elector in this state on
the first day of April, in the year of our Lord 1848, or obtained a
certificate of naturalisation before any court of record in this state
prior to the first day of January, in the year of our Lord 1870, or
who shall be a male citizen of the United States, above the age of
twenty-one years, shall ba entitled to vote at such election.
§ 2. A.ll votes shall be by ballot.
§ 3. Electors shall, in all cases except treason, felony, or breach
of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at
elections, and in going to and returning from the same. And no
elector shall "be obliged to do military duty on the days of election,
except in time of war or public danger.
§ 4. No elector shall be deemed to have lost his residence in
this state by reason of his absence on business of the United States,
or of this state, or in the military or naval service of the United
States.
§ 5. No soldier, seaman or marine in the army or navy of the
United States shall be deemed a resident of this state in conse
quence of being stationed therein.
§ 6. No person shall be elected or appointed to any office in
this state, civil or military, who is not a citizen of the United
430 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
States, and who shall not have resided in this state one year next
preceding the election or appointment.
§ 7. The general assembly shall pass laws excluding from the
right of suffrage persons convicted of infamous crimes.
ARTICLE VIII.
EDUCATION.
§ 1. The general assembly shall provide a thorough and efficient
system of free schools, whereby all children of this state may
receive a good common school education.
§ 2. All lands, moneys, or other property, donated, granted or
received for school, college, seminary or university purposes, and
the proceeds thereof, shall be faithfully applied to the objects for
which such gifts or grants were made.
§ 3. Neither the general assembly nor any county, city, town,
township, school district, or other public corporation, shall ever
make any appropriation or pay from any public fund whatever,
anything in aid of any church or sectarian purpose, or to help
support or sustain any school, academy, seminary, college, uni
versity, or other literary or scientific institution, controlled by any
church or sectarian denomination whatever ; nor shall any grant or
donation of land, money, or other personal property ever be made
by the state or any such public corporation, to any church, or for
any sectarian purpose.
§ 4. No teacher, state, county, township or district school
officer shall be interested in the sale, proceeds or profits of any
book, apparatus or furniture used or to be used in any school in
this state, with which such officer or teacher may be connected,
under such penalties as may be provided by the general assembly.
§ 5. There may be a county superintendent of schools in each
county, whose qualifications, powers, duties, compensation, and
time and manner of election, and term of office, shall be prescribed
by law.
ARTICLE IX.
REVENUE.
§ 1. The general assembly shall provide such revenue as may
be needful by levying a tax, by valuation, so that every person and
corporation shall pay a tax in proportion to the value of his, her or
its property — such value to be ascertained by some person or per-
ILLINOIS. 431
sons, to be elected or appointed in such manner as the general
assembly shall direct, and not otherwise ; but the general assembly
shall have power to tax pedlers, auctioneers, brokers, hawkers,
merchants, commission merchants, showmen, jugglers, innkeepers,
grocery keepers, liquor dealers, toll bridges, ferries, insurance,
telegraph and express interests or business, venders of patents, and
persons or corporations owning or using franchises and privileges,
in such manner as it shall from time to time direct by general law,
uniform as to the class upon which it operates.
§ 2. The specification of the objects and subjects of taxation
shall not deprive the general assembly of the power to require
other subjects or objects to be taxed in such manner as may be
consistent with the principles of taxation fixed in this constitution .
§ 3. The property of the state, counties, and other municipal
corporations, both real and personal, and such other property as
may be used exclusively for agricultural and horticultural societies,
for school, religious, cemetery and charitable purposes, may be
exempted from taxation ; but such exemption shall be only by
general law. In the assessment of real estate incumbered by
public easement, any depreciation occasioned by such easement may
be deducted in the valuation of such property.
§ 6. The general assembly shall have no power to release or
discharge any county, city, township, town or district whatever,
or the inhabitants thereof, or the property therein, from their or
its proportionate share of taxes to be levied for state purposes, nor
shall commutation for such taxes be authorised in any form what
soever.
§ 7. All taxes levied for state purposes shall be paid into the-
state treasury.
§ 8. County authorities shall never assess taxes, the aggregate
of which shall exceed 75 cents per $100 valuation, except for the
payment of indebtedness existing at the adoption of this constitu
tion, unless authorised by a vote of the people of the county.
§ 9. The general assembly may vest the corporate authorities
of cities, towns and villages, with power to make local improve
ments by special assessment, or by special taxation of contiguous
property, or otherwise. For all other corporate purposes, all
municipal corporations may be vested with authority to assess and
collect taxes ; but such taxes shall be uniform in respect to per
sons and property, within the jurisdiction of the body imposing
the same.
§ 10. The general assembly shall not impos3 taxes upon
432 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
municipal corporations, or the inhabitants or property thereof, for
corporate purposes, but shall require that all the taxable property
within the limits of municipal corporations shall be taxed for the
payment of debts contracted under authority of law, such taxes to
be uniform in respect to persons and property, within the jurisdic
tion of the body imposing the same. Private property shall not be
liable to be taken or sold for the payment of the corporate debts of
a municipal corporation.
§ 12. No county, city, township, school district, or other
municipal corporation, shall be allowed to become indebted in any
manner, or for any purpose, to an amount, including existing in
debtedness, in the aggregate exceeding five per centum on the value
of the taxable property therein, to be ascertained by the last assess
ment for state and county taxes, previous to the incurring of such
indebtedness. Any county, city, school district, or other municipal
corporation, incurring any indebtedness as aforesaid, shall before,
or at the time of doing so, provide for the collection of a direct
annual tax sufficient to pay the interest on such debt as it falls due,
and also to pay and discharge the principal thereof within twenty
years from the time of contracting the same. This section shall
not be construed to prevent any county, city, township, school
district, or other municipal corporation, from issuing their bonds
in compliance with any vote of the people which may have been
had prior to the adoption of this constitution in pursuance of any
law providing therefor.
ARTICLE X.
COUNTIES.
§ 1 . No new county shall be formed or established by the
general assembly, which will reduce the county or counties, or
either of them, from which it shall be taken, to less contents than
400 square miles ; nor shall any county be formed of less contents :
nor shall any line thereof pass within less than ten miles of any
county seat of the county or counties proposed to be divided.
§ 2. No county shall be divided, or have any part stricken
therefrom, without submitting the question to a vote of the people
of the county, nor unless a majority of all the legal voters of the
county, voting on the question, shall vote for the same.
§ 3. There shall be no territory stricken from any county,
unless a majority of the voters living in such territory shall peti
tion for such division ; and no territory shall be added to any
ILLINOIS. 433
county without the consent of the majority of the voters of the
county to which it is proposed to be added. But the portion so
stricken off and added to another county, or formed in whole or in
part into a new county, shall be holden for, and obliged to pay its
proportion of the indebtedness of the county from which it has
been taken.
COUNTY GOVERNMENT.
§ 5. The general assembly shall provide, by general law, for
township organisation, under which any county may organise
whenever a majority of the legal voters of such county, voting at
any general election, shall so determine ; and whenever any county
shall adopt township organisation, so much of this constitution as
provides for the management of the fiscal concerns of the said
county by the board of county commissioners, may be dispensed
with, and the affairs of said county may be transacted in such
manner as the general assembly may provide. And in any county
that shall have adopted a township organisation, the question of
continuing the same may be submitted to a vote of the electors of
said county, at a general election, in the manner that now is or may
be provided by law ; and if a majority of all the votes cast upon
that question shall be against township organisation, then such
organisation shall cease in said county ; and all laws in force in
relation to counties not having township organisation, shall imme-
mediately take effect and be in force in such county. No two
townships shall have the same name, and the day of holding the
annual township meeting shall be uniform throughout the state.
§ 6. At the first election of county judges under this constitu
tion, there shall be elected in each of the counties in this state, not
under township organisation, three officers, who shall be styled
* The board of county commissioners,' who shall hold sessions for
the transaction of county business as shall be provided by law.
One of said commissioners shall hold his office for one year, one
for two years, and one for three years, to be determined by lot ;
and every year thereafter one such officer shall be elected in each
of the said counties for the term of three years.
COUNTY OFFICERS AND THEIR COMPENSATION.
§ 8. In each county there shall be elected the following county
officers : County judge, sheriff, county clerk, clerk of the circuit
court, (who may be ex-ojficio recorder of deeds, except in counties
having 60,000 and more inhabitants, in which counties a recorder
F F
434 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
of deeds shall be elected at the general election in the year of our
Lord 1872,) treasurer, surveyor and coroner, each of whom shall
enter upon the duties of his office, respectively, on the first Mon
day of December after their election ; and they shall hold their
respective offices for the term of four years, except the treasurer,
sheriff and coroner, who shall hold their offices for two years, and
until their successors shall be elected and qualified.
§ 9. The clerks of all the courts of record, the treasurer, sheriff,
coroner and recorder of deeds of Cook coiinty, shall receive as their
only compensation for their services, sal aides to be fixed by law,
which shall in no case be as much as the lawful compensation of a
judge of the circuit court of said county, and shall be paid, respec
tively, only out of the fees of the office actually collected. All fees,
perquisites and emoluments (above the amount of said salaries)
shall be paid into the county treasury. The number of the
deputies and assistants of such officers shall be determined by rule
of the circuit court, to be entered of record, and their compensation
shall be determined by the county board.
§ 10. The county board, except as provided in section 9 of
this article, shall fix the compensation of all county officers, with
the amount of their necessary clerk hire, stationery, fuel and other
expenses, and in all cases where fees are provided for, said compen
sation shall be paid only out of, and shall in no instance exceed,
the fees annually collected; they shall not allow either of them
more per annum than $1,500, in counties not exceeding 20,000
inhabitants ; $2,000 in counties containing 20,000 and not ex
ceeding 30,000 inhabitants ; $2,500 in counties containing 30,000
and not exceeding 50,000 inhabitants ; $3,000 in counties contain
ing 50,000 and not exceeding 70,000 inhabitants; $3,500 in
counties containing 70,000 and not exceeding 100,000 inhabi
tants; and $4,000 in counties containing over 100,000 and not
exceeding 250,000 inhabitants ; and not more than $1,000 addi
tional compensation for each additional 100,000 inhabitants:
Provided, that the compensation of no officer shall be increased or
diminished during his term of office. All fees or allowances by
them received, in excess of their said compensation, shall be paid
into the county treasury.
§ 11. The fees of township officers, and of each class of county
officers, shall be uniform in the class of counties 'to which they
respectively belong. The compensation herein provided for shall
apply only to officers hereafter elected, but all fees established
by special laws shall cease at the adoption of this constitution, and
ILLINOIS. 435
such officers shall receive only such fees as are provided by general
law.
§ 12. All laws fixing the fees of state, county and township
officers, shall terminate with the terms, respectively, of those who
may be in office at the meeting of the first general assembly after
the adoption of this constitution ; and the general assembly shall,
by general law, uniform in its operation, provide for and regulate
the fees of said officers and their successors, so as to reduce the
same to a reasonable compensation for services actually rendered.
But the general assembly may, by general law, classify the counties
by population into not more than three classes, and regulate the
fees according to class. This article shall not be construed as
depriving the general assembly of the power to reduce the fees of
existing officers.
§ 13. Every person who is elected or appointed to any office
in this state, who shall be paid in whole or in part by fees, shall
be required by law to make a semi-annual report, under oath, to
some officer, to be designated by law, of all his fees and emolu
ments.
ARTICLE XL
CORPORATIONS.
§ 1. No corporation shall be created by special laws, or its
charter extended, changed or amended, except those for charitable,
educational, penal or reformatory purposes, which are to be and
remain under the patronage and control of the state, but the
general assembly shall provide, by general laws, for the organisa
tion of all corporations hereafter to be created.
§ 2. All existing charters or grants of special or exclusive pri
vileges, under which organisation shall not have taken place, or
which shall not have been in operation within ten days from the
time this constitution takes effect, shall thereafter have no validity
or effect whatever.
§ 3. The general assembly shall provide, by law, that in all
elections for directors or managers of incorporated companies, every
stockholder shall have the right to vote, in person or by proxy, for
the number of shares of stock owned by him, for as many persons
as there are directors or managers to be elected, or to cumulate
said shares, and give one candidate as many votes as the number
of directors multiplied by the number of his shares of stock shall
equal, or to distribute them on the same principle among as many
V F 2
436 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
candidates as he shall think fit ; and such directors or managers
shall not be elected in any other manner.
§ 4. No law shall be passed by the general assembly granting
the right to construct and operate a street railroad within any city,
town or incorporated village, without requiring the consent of the
local authorities having the control of the street or highway pro
posed to be occupied by such street railroad.
BANKS.
§ 5. No state bank shall hereafter be created, nor shall the
state own or be liable for any stock in any corporation or joint
stock company or association for banking purposes, now created, or
to be hereafter created. No act of the general assembly authorising or
creating corporations or associations with banking powers, whether
of issue, deposit or discount, nor amendments thereto, shall go into
effect or in any manner be in force unless the same shall be sub
mitted to a vote of the people at the general election next succeeding
the passage of the same, and be approved by a majority of all the
votes cast at such election for or against such law.
§ 6. Every stockholder in a banking corporation or institution
shall be individually responsible and liable to its creditors, over and
above the amount of stock by him or her held, to an amount equal
to his or her respective shares so held, for all its liabilities accruing
while he or she remains such stockholder.
§ 7. The suspension of specie payments by banking institutions,
on their circulation, created by the laws of this state, shall never
be permitted or sanctioned. Every banking association now, or
which may hereafter be organised under the laws of this state, shall
make and publish a full and accurate quarterly statement of its
affairs, (which shall be certified to, under oath, by one or more of
its officers,) as may be provided by law.
§ 8. If a general banking law shall be enacted, it shall provide
for the registry and countersigning, by an officer of state, of all
bills or paper credit, designed to circulate as money, and require
security, to the full amount thereof, to be deposited with the state
treasurer, in United States or Illinois state stocks, to be rated at
10 per cent, below their par value ; and in case of a depreciation of
said stocks to the amount of 10 per cent, below par, the bank or
banks owning said stocks shall be required to make up said defi
ciency by depositing additional stocks. And said law shall also
provide for the recording of the names of all stockholders in such
corporations, the amount of stock held by each, the time of any
transfer thereof, and to whom such transfer is made.
ILLINOIS. 437
RAILROADS.
§ 9. Every railroad corporation organised or doing business in
this state, under the laws or authority thereof, shall have and
maintain a public office or place in this state for the transaction of
its business, where transfers of stock shall be made, and in which
shall be kept, for public inspection, books, in which shall be re
corded the amount of capital stock subscribed, and by whom ; the
names of the owners of its stock, and the amounts owned by them
respectively; the amount of stock paid in, and by whom; the
transfer of said stock ; the amount of its assets and liabilities, and
the names and place of residence of its officers. The directors of
every railroad corporation shall, annually, make a report, under
oath, to the auditor of public accounts, or some officer to be desig
nated by law, of all their acts and doings, which report shall include
such matters relating to railroads as may be prescribed by law.
And the general assembly shall pass laws enforcing by suitable
penalties the provisions of this section.
§ 10. The rolling stock, and all other movable property be
longing to any railroad company or corporation in this state, shall
be considered personal property, and shall be liable to execution
and sale in the same manner as the personal property of indi
viduals, and the general assembly shall pass no law exempting
any such property from execution and sale.
§ 11. No railroad corporation shall consolidate its stock, pro
perty or franchises with any other railroad corporation owning a
parallel or competing line ; and in no case shall any consolidation
take place, except upon public notice given, of at least sixty days,
to all stockholders, in such manner as may be provided by law.
A majority of the directors of any railroad corporation, now incor
porated or hereafter to be incorporated by the laws of this state,
shall be citizens and residents of this state.
§ 12. Railways heretofore constructed, or that may hereafter
be constructed in this state, are hereby declared public highways,
and shall be free to all persons for the transportation of their per
sons and property thereon, under such regulations as may be pre
scribed by law. And the general assembly shall, from time to
time, pass laws establishing reasonable maximum rates of charges
for the transportation of passengers and freight on the different
railroads in this state.
§ 13. No railroad corporation shall issue any stock or bonds,
438 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
except for money, labour or property actually received, and applied
to the purposes for which such corporation was created ; and all
stock dividends, and other fictitious increase of the capital stock
or indebtedness of any such corporation, shall be void. The capital
stock of no railroad corporation shall be increased for any purpose,
except upon giving sixty days' public notice, in such manner as
may be provided by law.
§ 14. The exercise of the power, and the right of eminent
domain, shall never be so construed or abridged as to prevent the
taking, by the general assembly, of the property and franchises of
incorporated companies already organised, and subjecting them to
the public necessity the same as of individuals. The right of trial
by jury shall be held inviolate in all trials of claims for compensa
tion, when, in the exercise of the said right of eminent domain,
any incorporated company shall be interested either for or against
the exercise of said right.
§ 15. The general assembly shall pass laws to correct abuses
and prevent unjust discrimination and extortion in the rates of
freight and passenger tariffs on the different railroads in this state,
and enforce such laws by adequate penalties, to the extent, if
necessary for that purpose, of forfeiture of their property and
franchises.
ARTICLE XII.
MILITIA.
§ 1. The militia of the state of Illinois shall consist of all able-
bodied male persons, resident in the state, between the ages of
eighteen and forty-five, except such persons as now are, or here
after may be, exempted by the laws of the United States, or of
this state.
§ 2. The general assembly, in providing for the organisation,
equipment and discipline of the militia, shall conform as nearly as
practicable to the regulations for the government of the armies of
the United States.
§ 3. All militia officers shall be commissioned by the governor,
and may hold their commissions for such time as the general
assembly may provide.
§ 4. The militia shall in all cases, except treason, felony, or
breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attend
ance at musters and elections, and in going to and returning from
the same.
ILLINOIS. 439
§ 5. The military records, banners and relics of the state,
shall be preserved as an enduring memorial of the patriotism
and valour of Illinois, and it shall be the duty of the general
assembly to provide, by law, for the safe keeping of the same.
§ 6. No person having conscientious scruples against bearing
arms shall be compelled to do militia duty in time of peace : Pro
vided, such person shall pay an equivalent for such exemption.
ARTICLE XIII.
WAREHOUSES.
§ 1. All elevators or storehouses where grain or other pro
perty is stored for a compensation, whether the property stored be
kept separate or not, are declared to be public warehouses.
§ 2. The owner, lessee or manager of each and every public
warehouse situated in any town or city of not less than 100,000
inhabitants, shall make weekly statements under oath, before some
officer to be designated by law, and keep the same posted in some
conspicuous place in the office of such warehouse, and shall also file
a copy for public examination in such place as shall be designated
by law, which statement shall correctly set forth the amount and
grade of each and every kind of grain in such warehouse, together
with such other property as may be stored therein, and what ware
house receipts have been issued, and are, at the time of making-
such statement, outstanding therefor ; and shall, on the copy
posted in the warehouse, note daily such changes as may be made
in the quantity and grade of grain in such warehouse ; and the
different grades of grain shipped in separate lots shall not be mixed
with inferior or superior grades without the consent of the owner
or consignee thereof.
§ 3. The owners of property stored in any warehouse, or
holder of a receipt for the same, shall always be at liberty to
examine such property stored, and all the books and records of the
warehouse in regard to such property.
§ 4. All railroad companies and other common carriers on
railroads shall weigh or measure grain at points where it is
shipped, and receipt for the full amount, and shall be responsible
for the delivery of such amount to the owner or consignee thereof,
at the place of destination.
§ 5. All railroad companies receiving and transporting grain
in bulk or otherwise, shall deliver the same to any consignee there-
440 STATE CONSTITUTIONS.
of, or any elevator or public warehouse to which it may be con
signed, provided such consignee or the elevator or public warehouse
can be reached by any track owned, leased or used, or which can
be used, by such railroad companies ; and all railroad companies
shall permit connections to be made with their track, so that any
such consignee, and any public warehouse, coal bank or coal yard,
may be reached by the cars on said railroad.
§ 6. It shall be the duty of the general assembly to pass all
necessary laws to prevent the issue of false and fraudulent ware
house receipts, and to give full effect to this article of the constitu
tion, which shall be liberally construed so as to protect producers
and shippers. And the enumeration of the remedies herein named
shall not be construed to deny to the general assembly the power
to prescribe by law such other and further remedies as may be
found expedient, or to deprive any person of existing common law
remedies.
§ 7. The general assembly shall pass laws for the inspection of
grain, for the protection of producers, shippers and receivers of
grain and produce.
ARTICLE XIV.
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION.
§ 1 . Whenever two-thirds of the members of each house of the
general assembly shall, by a vote entered upon the journals thereof,
concur that a convention is necessary to revise, alter or amend the
constitution, the question shall be submitted to the electors at the
next general election. If a majority voting at the election vote
for a convention, the general assembly shall, at the next session,
provide for a convention, to consist of double the number of mem
bers of the senate, to be elected in the same manner, at the same
places, and in the same districts. The general assembly shall,
in the act calling the convention, designate the day, hour and
place of its meeting, fix the pay of its members and officers, and
provide for the payment of the same, together with expenses
necessarily incurred by the convention in the performance of its
duties. Before proceeding, the members shall take an oath to
support the constitution of the United States, and of the state of
Illinios, and to faithfully discharge their duties as members of the
convention. The qualification of member shall be the same as
that of members of the senate, and vacancies occurring shall be
ILLINOIS. 441
filled in the manner provided for filling vacancies in the general
assembly. Said convention shall meet within three months after
such election, and prepare such revision, alteration or amendments
of the constitution as shall be deemed necessary, which shall be
submitted to the electors for their ratification or rejection, at an
election appointed by the convention for that purpose, not less than
two nor more than six months after the adjournment thereof;
and unless so submitted and approved by a majority of the electors
voting at the election, no such revision, alterations and amend
ments shall take effect.
§ 2. Amendments to this constitution may be proposed in
either house of the general assembly, and if the same shall be voted
for by two-thirds of all the members elected to each of the two
houses, such proposed amendments, together with the yeas and
nays of each house thereon, shall be entered in full on their respec
tive journals ; and said amendments shall be submitted to the
electors of this state for adoption or rejection, at the next election
of members of the general assembly, in such manner as may be
prescribed by law. The proposed amendments shall be published
in full at least three months preceding the election, and if a
majority of the electors voting at said election shall vote for the
proposed amendments, they shall become a part of this constitution.
But the general assembly shall have no power to propose amend
ments to more than one article of this constitution at the same
session, nor to the same article oftener than once in four years.
SEPARATE SECTIONS.
MUNICIPAL SUBSCRIPTIONS TO RAILROADS OR PRIVATE
CORPORATIONS.
No county, city, town, township or other municipality, shall
ever become subscriber to the capital stock of any railroad or
private corporation, or make donation to or loan its credit in aid
of such corporation : Provided, however, that the adoption of this
article shall not be construed as affecting the right of any such
municipality to make such subscriptions where the same have
been authorised, under existing laws, by a vote of the people of
such municipalities prior to such adoption.
THE END.
LONDON : PRINTED BY
SPOTTISTVOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE
AXD PARLIAMENT STREET
\
V
May, 1879.
CHATTO & WINDUS'S
Ht'at of
4iV
ON BOOKS AND BOOK-BUYERS.
BY JOHN RUSKIN.
"/ say we have despised literature ; what do we, as a nation, care
about books? Hoiv much do you think we spend altogether on our
libraries, public or private, as compared with what we spend on our
horses ? If a man spends lavishly on his library, you call him mad
— a bibliomaniac. But yoti never call one a horse-maniac, though men
ruin themselves every day by their horses, and you do not hear of people
ruining themselves by their books. Or, to go lower still, how much do
you think the contents of the book-shelves of the United Kingdom, public
and private, would fetch, as compared with the contents of its wine-
cellars ? What position would its expenditure on literature take as com
pared with its expenditure on luxurious eating? We talk of food for
the mind, as of food for the body : now, a good book contains such food
inexhaustible : it is provision for life, and for the best part of us ; yet
how long most people would look at the best book before they would give
the price of a large turbot for it! Though there have been men who
have pinched their stomachs and bared their backs to buy a book, whose
libraries were cheaper to them, I think, in the end, than most men's
dinners are. We are few of us put to such a trial, and more the pity ;
for, indeed, a precious thing is all the more precious to us if it has been
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