OUTLINES
OP
ANCIENT HISTORY-
FOR THE USE OF
HIGH SCHOOLS AND ACADEMIES
BY /
WILLIAM C. MOREY, PH.D., D.C.L.
u
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY
OF ROCHESTER
AUTHOR OF "OUTLINES OF ROMAN HISTORY," "OUTLINES OF ROMAN LAW,*'
"OUTLINES OF GREEK HISTORY," ETC.
-.
NEW YORK : CINCINNATI : CHICAGO
AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY
COPYRIGHT, 1906, BT
WILLIAM C. MOliEY
ANCIENT HIBTOnY
w. P. 3
\
PREFACE
THIS book has been prepared to meet the wants of those
teachers who have expressed the desire for a text-book of
ancient history in a single volume, constructed on the plan of
the author's "Outlines of Greek History" and "Outlines of
Roman History." Such a text-book, of course, requires some-
thing more than the mere bringing together of separate ac-
counts of the different countries of the old world. It should
be so arranged as to indicate the historical relation of these
countries to one another, and the contributions which each has
made to the progress of mankind. The significance of each
country should be estimated by the permanent elements of
its civilization, or those elements which have survived after the
nation has passed away. The purpose of this book is, there-
fore, not simply to describe the growth of separate countries,
but to indicate in a general way the continuity of ancient his-
tory. The subject-matter contained in the author's previous
volumes has been used so far as it is available for this purpose.
The usual division of ancient history into Oriental, Greek,
and Roman, has been followed not only as the most convenient
arrangement, but as affording the means to illustrate in a sat-
isfactory way the progressive stages in the growth of ancient
civilization. The Oriental countries are described to show the
beginnings of man's industrial life and the initial stages in the
development of government, literature, art, science, and re-
ligion. The Greek world is viewed as the historical field espe-
cially distinguished for the growth of political liberty and the
development of a high intellectual and aesthetic culture. In
describing the Roman world, the attempt has been made to
keep clearly in view that which has given to Rome its distinct-
ive place in the world's history the genius for organization,
239205
PREFACE
growth of an imperial dominion, and the development of a
universal system of government and law.
It has been especially the desire of the author to reduce his-
tory to the simplest terms consistent with the importance of
the subject-matter. But it has also been his desire to develop
in the pupil's mind a scientific spirit, not only by emphasizing
the continuity of history, but by indicating the relation of
special facts to general movements, and the relation of
these general movements to the growth of the national charac-
ter and institutions, as well as the relation of each nation's
career to the general progress of mankind. Irrelevant matter
has been excluded ; and facts have been selected and arranged
with reference to their historical significance. The at-
tention of the teacher is called to the " Progressive Maps,"
which are intended to indicate in outline the most important
changes in the geographical history of the ancient world.
Each chapter is followed by a " Synopsis for Review " which
presents at a glance the order of the general and special
topics treated in the text. This is followed by a list of " Ref-
erences for Reading." The attempt has been made not to
collate an extensive bibliography, which can be of little prac-
tical value to the ordinary pupil, but rather to direct atten-
tion to certain chapters with their exact titles in books
which are readily accessible. The classified list of books in
the Appendix will give to the teacher and advanced student
further bibliographical aid.
W. C. M.
UNIVERSITY OF ROCHESTER,
ROCHESTER, N. Y.
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAOB
I. Introduction General Character of Ancient History . 7
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
II. The First Empires Early Babylonia and Egypt . 19
III. The Syrian States Phoenicia and Judea ... 41
IV. The New Semitic Empires Assyria and Later Babylonia 51
V. The Aryan Empires Media and Persia .... 61
THE GREEK WORLD
PERIOD I. THE BEGINNINGS OP GREECE (-776 B. c.)
VI. Greece, its People and Early Legends .... 75
VII. The Earliest Ages of Greece 87
PERIOD II. DEVELOPMENT OP THE GREEK CITY STATES
(776-500 B. c.)
VIII. Political Growth and Expansion of Greece . . . 102
IX. The Typical City States Sparta and Athens . . 114
X. The Beginnings of Hellenic Culture . . . .129
PERIOD III. THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY ; ITS GROWTH
AND DECLINE (500-359 B. c.)
XI. The Persian Wars Growing Power of Athens . .143
XII. The Athenian Empire ; Age of Pericles . . . .160
XIII. The Struggles for Supremacy in Greece . . . .178
XIV. The Attic Period of Hellenic Culture . . . .197
PERIOD IV. THE UNION OF GREECE AND THE ORIENT
(359-146 B. c )
XV. Macedonia and the Empire of Alexander . . . 225
XVI. The New Graeco-Oriental, or Hellenistic, Culture . . 245
5
6 CONTENTS
THE ROMAN WORLD
PERIOD I. BEGINNINGS OF THE ROMAN STATE
(753-343 B. c.)
CHAPTER PAGE
XVII. Italy and the Traditional Origin of Rome . . .259
XVIII. The Early City State Regal Rome . . . .271
XIX. The Development of the Republican Constitution . 286
PERIOD II. THE EXPANSION OP THE ROMAN REPUBLIC
(343-133 B. c.)
XX. The Consolidation of Italy 299
XXI. The Struggles with Carthage : the Punic Wars . . 315
XXII. The Conquest of the Mediterranean Lands . . .332
XXIII. Rome as a World Power 344
PERIOD III. TRANSITION PROM THE REPUBLIC TO THE
EMPIRE (133-31 B. c.)
XXIV. The Revolution under the Gracchi . . . .354
XXV. The Leadership of Marius and Sulla .... 364
XXVI. The Growth of Imperialism Pompey and Caesar . 375
XXVII. The Last Struggle for the Empire Antony and
Octavius 393
PERIOD IV. THE ROMAN WORLD UNDER THE EMPIRE
(31 B. C.-395 A. D.)
XXVIII. The Empire under Augustus 407
XXIX. The Development of the Early Empire . . .419
XXX. The Later Empire of Diocletian and Constantino . 455
XXXI. Distinctive Features of the Roman Empire . . .470
PERIOD V. THE DISSOLUTION OP THE ROMAN EMPIRE
(395-800 A. D.)
XXXII. The German Occupation of the West . . . .482
XXXIII. The Roman Empire in the East 498
XXXIV. The Growth of the Carolingiau Empire . . .508
APPENDIX A Classified List of Books on Ancient History . . 625
INDEX . . .' .587
ANCIENT HISTORY
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT
HISTORY
I. OF HISTOKY IN GENERAL
Meaning of History. We may perhaps define history in
the briefest way by saying that it is the record of human
progress. The study of history enables us to see how the
world in which we live to-day has come to be what it is. By
this study we learn that the ideas, the customs, and the institu-
tions which we possess in the present, have grown out of what
men already possessed* in the past. Hence we study the ages
which have gone before us, in order that we may understand
the age in which we live. It has been said that "to know
what man is we must know what man has been." History,
therefore, in the broadest sense of the word, deals with the
progress of mankind the successive stages of human develop-
ment. We must not think that it is chiefly a story of wars
and battles; it is rather a record of the steps by which men
have advanced from barbarism to civilization by which they
have been raised from a lower to a higher plane of existence.
Sources of Historical Knowledge. As we begin our study
of history, we may ask the question, How can we know the
past how can we find out anything about the men who lived
ages ago? We may perhaps best answer this question by first
7
8 INTRODUCTION
asking a simpler one. How, for example, do we know any-
thing about our own ancestors, whom no person now living
has ever seen? In the first place, we may have heard stories
about them, which have been handed down from generation to
generation. In the next place, we may have pictures or heir-
looms or other relics which they once possessed and which re-
veal something regarding their looks, their tastes, and their
character. Finally, we may have in our possession letters or
other documents which they themselves have written, or which
others have written about them. By such means we are able
to learn something about the persons who have lived in the
past and whom we have never seen. It is in fact by methods
quite similar to these that we get our knowledge of the past
ages of mankind. We may in a similar way group the sources
of our historical knowledge as follows:
(1) Oral traditions, or stories, myths, folklore, and legends
which have been handed down from generation to generation.
These are valuable as evidences of what people have believed;
although we cannot place much reliance upon them as evidence
of what has really happened.
(2) Material remains, or relics of the past, such as stone
and metal weapons and other implements, buildings, sculp-
tures, vases, coins, and other works of art which bear the im-
press of the character of the people that produced them.
(3) Written records, such as inscriptions, manuscripts, and
books, written either by those living at the time of the events
described, or by those living at a later period but having
knowledge of such events.
Stages of Human Progress. From the study of such sources
it has been found that mankind has passed through various
> of development from savory to barbarism, and from
barbarism to civilization. Our knowledge of tin- ejirliesl sl.-ige
of himuin progress is derived somewh:if from I nidi! ions, hut
more largely from nuttem! relies. These reveal a very prim-
itive condition, in which men evidently lived in caves or in the
GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 9
shelter of rocks and trees; in which they obtained their food
by hunting and fishing, and made their implements from
rough or polished stone. This primitive stage has been called
the Age of Savagery, or the Age of Stone.
The discovery and use of the metals such as copper, tin,
silver, gold, and iron mark a higher stage of progress. Now
men began to show greater mechanical skill, to manufacture
many new articles, both for use and for ornament, which added
to their comfort and happiness. They began to live in artifi-
cial dwellings, such as tents and hovels of wood or clay, and
to obtain their living by the domestication of animals and the
EARLY STONE IMPLEMENTS
cultivation of the soil. This stage has been called the Age of
Barbarism, or the Age of Metals including the Bronze Age
and the Iron Age.
The use of a well-defined written language may be said to
mark the dawn of civilization. From this time men have
gradually advanced in industry and commerce, in the arts and
sciences, in language and literature, in government and laws,
and in all those things which belong to the higher physical,
intellectual, and social life.
x- Divisions of General History. In studying the facts and
i movements of history, it is customary to arrange them in cer-
PROGRESSIVE
10
GENERAL CHAK.U TKIl OF ANCIENT HISTORY 11
tain divisions or periods. This is well enough, j we do not
suppose that there is any sharp dividing line which separates
one period from another. In spite of revolutions and the rise
and fall of nations, the course of history has been continuous.
The " periods " of history are not separated by gaps or breaks,
but rather are successive phases of development merging grad-
ually one into another. Bearing this in mind, we may first
arrange the general history of the world into two great divi-
sions ancient and modern. Ancient history begins with the
dawn of civilization, and traces the progress of mankind among
those nations which have now ceased to exist or at least have
ceased to contribute anything to the world's progress. , Modern
history, on the other hand, deals with the origin and growth
of those nations which still exist and are still working out
the problems of a higher world life. 1
In making this division between ancient and modern history
we must remember that these two great periods of history are
closely related to each other. Indeed, the great interest which
we have in ancient history is due to the fact that a large part
of our present ideas, customs, and institutions have descended /
to us from the peoples who flourished in ancient times.
II. THE FIELD OF ANCIENT HISTOEY
Geography and History. It is a fact familiar to us all
that men are influenced to a large extent by their surround-
ings that is, by the localities in which they are placed. One
of the conditions, therefore, of human progress is a favorable
environment. Hence the study of geography is closely related
to the study of history. We know, for example, that men are
greatly affected by the climate in which they live. Too mucli/
1 The term "mediaeval history," or the "middle ages," is often applied to
the formative period of modern nations, extending from the fall of the
Western Roman Empire in the fifth century, or from the estahlishment of
the Empire of Charlemagne in the eighth century, down to the fifteenth or
the sixteenth century.
12 INTRODUCTION
heat, or tog much cold, tends to weaken or benumb their
powers. A temperate climate is most favorable to progress.
Moreover, men are most likely to advance in those places
where they can obtain the best means of living where the
soil is most fertile, and where the earth furnishes the largest
amount of natural resources, and also where peoples can most
easily exchange their products with one another by land or by
water routes.
On the other hand, the progress of man may be obstructed
by unfavorable surroundings. A barren soil tends to keep men
V in poverty and misery. Mountain barriers often hem them in
j and narrow their lives. And so in the early periods of history,
./ especially, man is largely the creature of his environment.
But with the growth of a higher civilization he may rise above
nature, and become to a certain extent its master.
The Historical Zone of the Ancient World. It is in the
Old World that we find the first traces of civilization; and the
field of ancient history comprises those parts of Africa, Asia,
and Europe that have temperate climates and are drained by
great rivers or border upon the sea. To bring more clearly
before our minds the geographical limits of ancient history,
let us mark out on the map that strip of territory which was
best fitted for human progress and upon which the old civiliza-
tions flourished. This strip we may call " the historical zone
of the ancient world " (see colored portions of the map on page
10). Beginning at the Yellow Sea on the coast of China, let
us follow along the line of the Hoang River, then westward
along the mountain chains of the Himalayas, the Hindu-Rush,
and the Cau'casus, and finally along the banks of the Danube
and the Rhine rivers to the North Sea and the line thus
traced will mark the northern boundary of this historical zone.
Its southern boundaries are, in general . the shores of the
Indian Ocean and the deserts of Arabia and- Africa. The
lands within this zone, in respect to climate and soil, present
the conditions most favorable for human development; and
GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 13
they became in ancient times the homes of civilized peo-
ples. These peoples, however, were not equally progressive,
and they did not reach the civilized stage at the same time.
The Centers of Ancient Civilization. This strip of terri-
tory, stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic, we may sep-
arate into different areas, which formed to a certain extent
distinct, centers of civilization. Farthest to the east is China,
drained by two great rivers, the Hoang and the Yangtze. Its
remote situation and the barriers on the west formed by the
spurs of the Himalayas, combined to make this land the most
isolated of the civilized lands of the Old World. To the west
of China lies India, also drained by two great rivers, the Indus
and the Ganges, which rise among the slopes of the Himalayas
and flow in different directions to the sea. These two coun-
tries China and India stood nearly alone in ancient times,
separated from the peoples of western Asia by the wide, dry
plateau of Iran', and hence these countries did not exercise a
great influence upon the ancient world.
As we leave the Far East and pass to the West we come to
two of the most remarkable valleys of the world that formed
by the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and that formed )by the
river Nile the one pouring its waters into the Persian Gulf
and the other into the Mediterranean Sea. Both of these val-
leys were gifted with a rich alluvial soil, which favored the
early development of industry among the inhabitants. These
two centers were at first separated from each other by the in-
tervening desert of Arabia, but after a time their inhabitants
were brought into contact by way of Syria, so that the cur-
rents of their history often flowed together.
But the most important center of ancient civilization was
the Mediterranean Sea. This body of water formed the
world's greatest highway. It was taken possession of succes-
sively by the Phoenicians, the Greeks, and the Romans, and
became an important factor in the development of a wider
world commerce and a higher world culture.
14 INTRODUCTION
III. RACES AND PEOPLES OF THE OLD WORLD
Race Characteristics. The progress of mankind has been
influenced not only by geographical conditions; it has also
been influenced by the traits and qualities which peoples
have inherited from their ancestors. The physical and men-
tal peculiarities, the ideas and customs, which are trans-
mitted from age to age, have contributed much to human
progress. These inherited qualities we may call "race char-
acteristics."
There have been many attempts to find a scientific distinc-
tion among the different races of mankind. They have, for
example, been classified according to color, into the white or
Caucasian race, the black or Negro race, and the yellow or
Mongolian race. They have also been classified according to
the shape of the head, the texture of the hair, and other physi-
cal features. Science has attempted in this way to discover the
pure, or original, races of mankind. But, as a matter of fact,
the various peoples of the world have become so intermingled
that it is difficult to determine what are the pure, or original,
races, and to distinguish them from the mixed, or secondary,
races. History deals not simply with the original races, but
with the secondary -races as well. It looks upon a "race" as
any people, whether pure or mixed, having the same inherited
characteristics a common language, common customs and
institutions, which are transmitted from generation to gen-
eration, and which furnish the basis of a distinct type of
civilization.
Classification by Color and Language. The most usual
and perhaps convenient way of classifying the various peoples
of the world is to group them first by color. Thus we have
(1) the black or Negro race, (2.) the yellow or Mongolian race,
and (3) the white or Caucasian race. The black nice, which
is found chiefly in Africa, in Ausinilm. ami in ilir nrirlibor-
ing islands, stands lowest in the scale of human beings and
GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 15
has made no real contributions to the civilization of the world.
Tlu' yellow or Mongolian race, which has occupied the central
and eastern parts o*f Asia, has made some advance in the arts
of civilized life. But it early became stationary and its con-
trilmtions to human progress have been few. Of this race the
most important in ancient times were the Chinese. The most
progressive peoples of the world have belonged to the white or
Caucasian race. These peoples in ancient times occupied the
most favored lands of the Old World the valleys of the
Euphrates and the Nile, and the coasts of the Mediterranean
Sea. Ancient history is, for the most part, the record of the
progress of these peoples.
When we attempt to arrange the Caucasian peoples into
distinct groups, we find it difficult, because they came into con-
tact with one another and were often intermingled, so as to
form mixed or secondary races. It is, therefore, usual to
group these peoples, not according to their physical character-
istics, but according to their language. The study of lan-
guage, or philology, thus becomes an aid to the study of his-
tory. Peoples who speak the same language, although they
may be " mixed," are closely related to one another in their
culture and their historical development. By the study of
their different languages, we are able to group the white peo-
ples in subdivisions which are not only convenient but also
useful for historical purposes. The Caucasian race is thus
subdivided into the Hamit'ic, the Semit'ic, and the Ar'yan or
Indo-European peoples or "races," as they are sometimes
called.
The Hamitic Race. In early times, the Ham'ites probably
occupied all the northern coasts of Africa. But it was only in
Egypt, on the fertile banks of the Nile, that they found the
conditions most favorable to their development. In this re-
stricted habitat they put to the highest use the resources of
nature, and attained to a high place among the nations of
antiquity.
16 INTRODUCTION
The Semitic Peoples. The original home of the Sem'ites
was probably in Arabia. This remarkable race furnished some
of the most important historical peoples of the ancient world.
The Babylonians and the Assyrians settled in the Tigris-
Euphrates valley ; and the Hebrews and the Phoenicians found
a home on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean. From the
Phoenicians sprang the Carthaginians,, who founded a com-
mercial empire on the northern coasts of Africa. In later
times, the Arabians built up a great Mohammedan empire,
which covered the western part of Asia and the northern part of
Africa and encroached upon the southern countries of Europe.
The Aryan or Indo-European Peoples. The people that
carried ancient civilization to its highest stage were the
Aryans, or Indo-Europeans. Where was the original home
of this people is a matter of doubt perhaps in central Asia,
but quite as likely somewhere in Europe. In ancient times
they spread to the east and to the west until they extended
from the Ganges Eiver to the Atlantic Ocean. In their
progress they mingled with other peoples whom they con-
quered and absorbed. But wherever they went they preserved
the marks of their common language and of their common
primitive culture. To this people belong the Hindus of India,
the Medes and Persians of central Asia, and the Greeks and
the Romans of southern Europe. The Indo-European peoples
also include the Slavs, the Germans, and the Celts of northern
and western Europe, whose history, however, is not so im-
portant in the ancient period. 1
Phases of Ancient Culture. We have thus pointed out the
various lands in the ancient world most favorable to progress,
and the chief races and peoples which occupied these lands.
Now, as we look over the development of these various peoples,
we may distinguish three great types or phases of civilization,
1 We must not suppose that all the Indo-European, or Aryan-speaking,
peoples have descended from the same stock an opinion once held, but now
disproved by recent Investigations. It must be kept In mind thut identity
of language does not necessarily involve identity of race.
GENERAL CHARACTER OF ANCIENT HISTORY 17
namely, the Oriental, the Greek, and the Roman. 1 By study-
ing these phases of ancient culture, we shall see the successive
steps by which men emerged from barbarism and entered
upon a higher physical and intellectual existence.
In the Oriental world we shall see the beginnings of civi-
lized life the first successful efforts of man to subdue the earth
and to utilize the resources of nature; the beginnings of sci-
ence and of a well-defined written language; the first evidences
of architectural skill in the construction of great buildings;
and the first marked tendency in the direction of great em-
pires and of centralized governments.
In the Greek world we shall see a finer type of humanity:
a versatile intellect, expressed in exalted works of philosophy
and literature; a refined aesthetic taste, embodied in the most
beautiful specimens of architecture and sculpture; and a strong
love of freedom, shown in the development of democratic
institutions.
In the Roman world we shall see a more practical genius
and a more vigorous manhood; a great capacity for military
and political organization; a broad sense of civil justice, ex-
pressed in an enduring system of law; a wide cosmopolitan
spirit, capable of appropriating the ideas of other peoples in
short, a civilization which expressed the highest unity and
broadest culture of the ancient world.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. OF HISTORY IN GENERAL. Meaning- of History. Sources of
Historical Knowledge. Stages of Human Progress. Divisions of
General History.
II. THE FIELD OF ANCIENT HISTORY. Geography and History.
The Historical Zone of the Ancient World. The Centers of
Ancient Civilization.
1 These successive phases of civilization furnish the basis of our divisions
of ancient history. Other divisions, however, might be adopted. For
example, since the earliest civilization was developed by the Oriental
nations, and this was taken up by the classical nations of Greece and
Rome, whose culture was afterward transmitted to the German peoples, we
might divide ancient history into the Oriental, classical, and Germanic
periods.
18 INTRODUCTION
TIL RACES AND PEOPLES OF THE OLD WORLD. Race Character-
istics. Classification by Color and Language. The Ham i tic
Race. The Semitic Peoples. The Aryan or Indo-European Peo-
ples. Phases of Ancient Culture.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Fisher, pp. 1-16, "Introduction" (I). 1
Bourne, Ch. 5, "The Value of History" (3).
Diesterweg, Ch. 1, "Meaning- of History"; Ch. 2, "Uses of His-
tory" (3).
Ducoudray, Ancient Civilization, Ch. 1, "The Beginnings of Civ-
ilization" (1).
Hoernes, Sec. 3, "Characteristics of Human Culture" (2).
Tylor, Anthropology, Ch. 1, "Man, Ancient and Modern" (2).
Keary, Ch. 5, "The Nations of the Old World" (2).
Taylor, Ch. 1, "The Aryan Controversy" (2).
Starr, Ch. 3, "Food-Getting" (2).
Joly, Part II., "Primitive Civilization" (2).
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Art. "Geography" (for geographical
ideas of the ancients).
Rawlinson, Ancient History, pp. 24-35, "The Geography of
Asia" (1).
*The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
CHAPTER II
THE FIRST EMPIRES EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT
I. THE EARLY BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
The First Centers of Civilization. In beginning our study
of the Oriental world, we may ask, In what part of the East
did men first rise from barbarism to a civilized life in other
words, where did civilization first appear? We cannot answer*
this question with certainty. We may be quite sure, however,
that it was either in Babylonia in the lower Euphrates valley,
or in Egypt in the valley of the Nile. It has long been sup-
posed that Egypt was the oldest civilized country. But the
most recent excavations have brought to light some indications
that the people who lived in the Euphrates valley used a writ-
ten language and reached a condition which might be called
civilized, even before these results were attained by the Egyp-
tians. However this may be, these two valleys that of the Eu-
phrates and that of the Nile formed at first two distinct cen-
ters of civilization. Separated as they were by an intervening
desert, the Egyptian and Babylonian peoples took the first
steps in the direction of a more civilized life, each unaided by
the other. For a long period of time they were isolated from
each other. It was only when they had each broken through
their early boundaries and extended their conquests along the
19
EARLIEST
BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
WITH CAPITAL AT ACCAD
TiincofSaricon I.
About 88OO B.C.
SCALE OF MILES
100 200 800 400
A^ M
MEDITER R A NE A X
Siclo
SEA Ty
Babylc
First Cati
E T
EGYPTIAN EMPIRE
Time of Thuthmes III.
XVIIIth Uynasty
About 145OB.C.
SCALE OF MILE*
i5 800 800 400
EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 21
eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea that is, in Syria
that their civilizations met and were mingled together. The
first to extend their conquests to this middle land of Syria were
the Babylonians. Whether or not they were the first to emerge
from barbarism, the Babylonians, or the peoples of the Tigris-
p]uphrates valley, were the first to extend their culture to lands
beyond their own, and to obtain importance as a civilizing
people.
The Tigris-Euphrates Valley. The Tigris and Euphrates
rivers, rising in the mountains of Armenia, flow southward
and pour their united waters into the Persian Gulf. The val-
ley formed by these rivers may be divided into two parts
the southern or the lowlands, and the northern or the high-
lands. The southern part, which has received the name of
Babylonia, has its chief historical center at Bab'ylon on the
Euphrates. Its most marked features are its soft climate and
its rich alluvial soil. The northern part of the valley, called
Assyria, had its chief center first at Assur on the Tigris, and
afterward at Nin'eveh on the same river. Its climate was more
rugged than that of the south; and its land, though less fertile,
furnished large supplies of minerals and precious stones.
It was the people who found their way into the southern
part, or the lower valley, that first developed a civilized state.
It is probable that this lower valley was in very ancient times
settled by an earlier, non- Semitic race usually known as the
Acca'dians who laid the basis of the Babylonian culture. But
the territory became at last the home of a Semitic people, who
probably came from Arabia, who conquered and absorbed the
earlier peoples, taking up their customs and institutions, and
becoming the dominant race. It is this mixed people that we
call the Babylonians. The date of the earliest occupation of
this country by the Semites cannot be accurately fixed; but
it can hardly be later than 5000 B. c.
Not many years ago our knowledge of this ancient people
was derived chiefly from the Greek historian Herod'otus and
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 2
22 THE OKIK.XTAl. WOULD ,
the Chaldae'an priest Bero'sus. The accounts of these writers,
so far as the earliest history was concerned, wi'iv based upon
traditions, which were of course not very trustworthy. In re-
cent years, however, our knowledge has been greatly increased
and made more definite by the large number of excavations
made among the ruins of ancient cities. The remains of pal-
aces and temples have been brought to light, and inscriptions
have been deciphered which show the great antiquity of this
people, and reveal much regarding their history, their arts, and
their institutions.
The Early City States: Sargon I. The first light that falls
upon the Euphrates valley reveals the existence of many cities
of more or less importance, each under its own government
and ruled By its own king. 1 At a very early day the rulers of
some of these cities sought to establish something like an impe-
rial government, by bringing other cities under their power. So
far as we know the first successful attempt to create an empire
was made by Sargon L. king of Accad (or Agade), who flour-
ished in 3800 B. c. the first authentic date, it is said, in the
world's history. With Accad as his capital Sargon extended
his authority to the upper part of the Mesopotamian valley and.
as far west as the Mediterranean Sea. Other cities, like Ur and
Babylon, afterward vied with one another in taking the lead.
But the early cities of Babylonia finally (about 2300 B. c.)
passed under the foreign dominion of the E'lamites a people
who came from east of the Tigris.
Hammurabi and the Old Babylonian Empire. 2 AliliouL-h
the earliest empire of Babylonia was really established by SMI--
1 A few of these ancient cities were Slppar, Accad, Babylon, Nippur,
Tello (ancient Laerash), and Ur (see map, p. 20).
8 The old Babylonian empire is sometimes called the "ClinldM-Mu."
because it arose in the lower valley. near tlie home of the Chalda>nns. But
it Is quite certain that the Chaldeans (Kaldi) did not appear in Babylonia
until nftcr the fall of the old empire, and during the time of Hie Assyi-i.-ui
ascendancy. See (Joodspeed, History of the Babylonians Mini Assyrians,
pp. isi. 'J11, L>::<;, :;r,i ; also Philip Smith, Ancient History of the East,
p. iMii.
EAKLY BABYLONIA AND ECJYI'T 23
gon I., the most prosperous period of what is usually called
the " Old Babylonian Empire " began with Hammura'bi, one
of the greatest of ancient kings. He not only drove out the
Elamites, but he again brought the whole territory under a
single rule (about 2250 B. c.). He made the city of Babylon
his capital, and labored for the welfare of his people. He con-
structed dikes to prevent the overflow of the Euphrates, and
built a network of canals to irrigate the arid lands. The most
remarkable monument of this king is the " Code of Ham-
murabi," which has been but recently discovered, and is re-
garded as the oldest code of laws in the world. During this
most prosperous period of its history, the early Babylonian em-
pire was not devoted to the arts of war so much as to the arts
of peace. The people were more active in subduing nature
than in conquering their neighbors; and hence we find that
they made great progress in the development of a civilized
life.
The Kassite Conquest. In later years (about 1700 B. c.)
Babylonia fell under the foreign rule of the Kassites a bar-
barous people from the east of the Tigris, of a race kindred
to the Elamites. During the long period in which Babylonia
was ruled by foreign kings, it is well to notice that the civiliza-
tion already developed was not destroyed. On the contrary,
the Kassites adopted the culture which they found in the Eu-
phrates valley, and became themselves civilized. They took up
the customs of the Babylonians, their laws, their religion, their
science and arts, and preserved them for future generations-
Babylonian Industry and Art. The life and progress of
the Babylonians were greatly influenced by the country in
which they lived. Their civilization was based upon the char-
acter of their soil, which was made fertile by the waters of the
Euphrates. They were primarily a pastoral and agricultural
people, grazing their flocks and herds upon the natural pas-
tures of the valley, or raising by artificial means the grains and
fruits necessary for food. They dug canals to irrigate the out-
24: THE ORIENTAL WORLD
lying fields. In the absence of stone and timber they built
their houses of clay which became hardened in the sun. They
soon learned to manufacture bricks burned in the kiln, from
which they constructed their more important buildings. The
wool shorn from their flocks they wove into cloths and rugs.
As they extended their territory up the valley they obtained
supplies of wood, metals, and precious stones,
and from these they wrought new articles for
use as well as for ornament. There thus arose
a class of traders and merchants, who ex-
changed the native products of the lower Eu-
phrates with the products of other lands. The
Babylonians developed remarkable skill in the
working of clay and metals, and also in the carving of precious
stones which acquired the character of a fine art. This is
seen in their vases of alabaster, of terra-cotta, and of silver,
their statuettes of copper and bronze, and especially in their
fine intaglio work cut in onyx, jasper, and other precious
stones. The intaglio work was often cut upon cylinder seals,
which revolved upon a metallic axis and were used to authen-
ticate legal documents.
Babylonian Government and Laws. The government of
Babylonia centered about the king. From the time of the early
city kings to the imperial monarchy of Hammurabi we do not
find that the people had any share in the government. The
king was the source of all authority. He was supposed to de-
rive his authority from the gods. He was the one to determine
what was necessary for the welfare of the people. It was under
his direction that the wars were carried on, the public works
were constructed, the lands were irrigated, the palaces and tem-
ples were built, and the laws were administered.
Th<* character of the Babylonian laws is seen not only in the
recently discovered code of Hammurabi, which we have referred
to, but also in the lcir;il documents inscribed on brick tablets.
These show the rules relating to marriage and divorce, property
EAKLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT
25
and inheritance, partnership and loans, and also the pen-
alties for theft, assault, housebreaking, and other crimes.
The advanced character of these laws is evident from the
fact that nearly all business transac-
tions required the use of written con-
tracts.
Babylonian Writing and Litera-
ture. The writing employed by the
Babylonians was peculiar to this part
of the Orient. It is what is called
" cune'iform," because expressed in
wedge-shaped characters (from cuneus,
a wedge). The writing took this shape
because the only writing material of
the lower valley was the clay tablet,
and because the instrument used in
writing was a three-cornered stylus,
a sort of gouge, which made a
wedge-shaped mark on the surface of the moistened clay. The
cuneiform characters were probably first used by the Accadi-
ans; but they were employed by all the peoples of the middle
Orient: not only by the Babylonians, but afterward by the
Assyrians, and by the Medes and the Persians.
The clay tablets, thus inscribed with cuneiform characters,
were baked in a peculiar
way, making them almost
indestructible. Thousands
of the tablets have been
unearthed, revealing the
thought and spirit of this
ancient people. They con-
tain writings on religion
and science, history and
law, also hymns, penitential psalms, and epic poems. They
show the beliefs of the people in the form of myths and
AN INSCRIPTION IN
CUNEIFOKM
BABYLONIAN CYLINDER
(Supposed to represent " The Fall.")
26
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
BABYLONIAN GODDESS, ISHTAR
(From an Assyrian cylinder)
legends. Some of these stories bear a striking likeness to the
stories preserved in the Hebrew Scriptures such as the ac-
counts of the Garden of
Eden, the Deluge, the
Tower of Babel, and the con-
fusion of tongues.
Babylonian Religion and
Science. The Babylonians
were deeply imbued with a
religious spirit, tainted with
a large amount of supersti-
tion. Their religion was a
complicated form of nature
worship. Their supreme deities were the gods of the heaven,
the earth, and the sea (Ann, Bel, and Ea). Other objects of
worship were the sun, the moon, and the several planets.
Ishtar, who corresponded to the planet Venus, was the favorite
goddess, and was sometimes called "the Queen of Babylon."
The people believed that every object has its spirit, good or
evil, and that these spirits can be appeased only by the priests
and sorcerers through charms and magic rites. The future
life, according to their belief, is in a dark and gloomy abode,
without happiness or hope.
As the greater gods were sup-
posed to dwell in the heavens,
the temples (which were con-
structed of brick) were built in
the form of towers, with a num-
ber of receding stories, reaching
toward the sky. Upon the sum-
mit of the temple tower was an
image of the god to whom the
tempi o was dedicated. The temples were presided over by the
priests, who, on account of their supposed nearness to the gods,
were able to exercise a great influence over the people.
KAKLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 27
The science of the Babylonians was closely connected with
their religion. As the gods were supposed to preside over the
movement of the heavenly bodies., the position and motion of
these bodies were matters of deep concern. From their obser-
vations the priests developed a system of astrology, by which it
was thought that the will of the gods could be determined and
human events could be predicted. As they discovered the reg-
ular movement of the heavenly bodies, they acquired some
knowledge of astronomical science. They marked out the con-
stellations and the signs of the zodiac. They di- ^
vided the year into months, weeks, days, hours, |
minutes, and seconds. They measured the hours 3 YY
of the day by the sundial, and the hours of the
night by the water clock. In their mathematics 3 || |
they adopted the decimal notation; but they also 4 m
introduced the " sexagesimal " system, that is, the
system based on the number sixty, which we have 5 107
inherited from them in our division of the hour Y y_
and the minute into sixty parts. The accompany- TTY
ing diagram shows the Babylonian numerals from 7 W
one to ten, expressed in cuneiform characters. Be-
sides acquiring considerable knowledge of mathe- Yy
matics, this people were the first to devise a reg- 9 ^
ular system of weights and measures. Yi
The progress made by the early Babylonians 10 S
in architecture, science, and the mechanic arts ex- CUNEIFORM
ercised a great influence upon later nations. In- NUMERALS
deed, it would be difficult to overestimate the importance of
these early steps in the world's civilization.
II. ANCIENT EGYPT
The Valley of the Nile. The second great people of the
Oriental world were the Egyptians. Although far removed
from the Babylonians, and for a long time unacquainted with
28 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
them, the ancient Egyptians were not behind their distant
rivals in developing the arts of civilized life. The early prog-
ress of Egypt was due to the favorable conditions furnished by
the river Nile. What the Euphrates was to Babylonia, the
Nile was to Egypt.
The Nile is one of the longest rivers of the world; rising in
the distant lakes of central Africa, it pursues a course of about
4000 miles on its way to the sea. But the part of the valley
occupied by the Egyptian people extended only about six hun-
dred miles from the mouth of the river to the rapids called
the "first cataract," on the borders of Ethiopia. The valley
is inclosed on either side by low ranges of mountains, which
furnish stone suitable for building; and it is well to notice
that this abundant supply of stone gave to the Egyptians a
great advantage over the Babylonians, who were obliged to
use the less durable materials, clay and brick, for building.
The valley of the Nile is only about seven or eight miles in
width except at the Delta, where it spreads out into an open
plain. Not only has this valley been cut by the Nile, but its
fertility is due to the annual overflow of the river, for the cli-
mate is dry and rain rarely falls. This river is also the great
highway of Egypt, affording a ready means of communication
from one part of the country to another. The fertile soil of
Egypt was especially suitable for the raising of vegetables and
grain. Rice, oats, barley, and wheat grew there in great
abundance, so that the country became the granary of the
ancient world.
Egypt may be divided into two principal parts. (1) The
lower, or northern, part includes the extended plain about the
Delta, where the soil is most fertile, and where the earliest
civili/aiion was developed. It was here that the first empire
was established, with its center at Memphis. (2) The upper,
or southern, part includes the rest of the valley as far as the
"first cataract." This formed n second area of civilization,
with its center at Thebes. In either direction from these two
EAKLY UAP.YLONIA AND EGYPT 29
centers the banks of the Nile became dotted with a multitude
of towns and villages, each one of which was a seat of industry
and art.
The People of the Nile. As to the origin of the Egyptian
people we have very little definite knowledge, except that they
belonged for the most part to the Hamitic race. It is supposed
that in the earliest times during the Stone Age the land
was inhabited by an uncivilized black people, who were con-
quered by the Hamites coming from the lands along the south-
ern coasts of the Red Sea, either from eastern Africa or from
southwestern Arabia. It is also supposed by some writers that
the early Hamites, before coming into Egypt, were acquainted
with the primitive culture of the people living in the Tigris-
Euphrates valley. But whatever may be said regarding the
origin of the Egyptian people is very largely a matter of
conjecture.
Periods of Egyptian History. Formerly the chief sources
of our knowledge of Egypt were, first, the Greek historians,
especially Herodotus, who visited Egypt in the fifth century
B. c. ; and, second, the Egyptian priest Man'etho, who lived in
the third century B. c., and who wrote a history containing a
list of the various dynasties and kings, but whose work has
reached us only in fragments. Since the beginning of the
nineteenth century, however, a vast amount of additional in-
formation regarding Egypt has been derived from the inscrip-
tions which have been deciphered and the monuments which
have been brought to light. With these sources many attempts
have been made to reconstruct the chronological history of
Egypt. But scholars do not yet agree in regard to the dates of
the early Egyptian history. The general divisions of Egyp-
tian history and the most important dynasties may be briefly
indicated as follows:
(1) The Old Empire (about 4000-2700 B. c.) extended from
the first dynasty to the tenth inclusive, with the capital at
Memphis. The founder of the first dynasty was Me'nes, who
30
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
is supposed to be the first monarch to bring the whole country
under a single government. During the time of the old empire
the most important dynasty was the fourth, when the great
pyramids and the sphinx were built at Gizeh, and the va>t
SPHINX AND PYRAMID AT GI/KII
necropolis, or rock cemetery, was laid out at Sakka'rah, near
Memphis. The kings of the fourth dynasty are known as the
" pyramid builders," the most noted of whom was Khufu (or
Cheops).
(2) The Middle Empire (about 2700-1670 B. c.) extended
from the eleventh to the seventeenth dynasty, with the capita!
first at Thebes and afterward at Tanis. The most important
dynasty was the twelfth, when Egypt reached a high degree of
prosperity and many important public works were constructed,
like reservoirs and canals for irrigating the lands not reached
by the overflow of the Nile. This dynasty was followed by the
conquest of Egypt by foreign barbarian kings, called the
" Hvksos" or Shepherd Kings, who probably eaine from Asia.
The rule of the Shepherd Kings extended from the thirteenth
EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 31
to the seventeenth dynasty, and this was the darkest period of
Egyptian history.
(3) The New Empire (1070-525 B. c.) extended from the
eighteenth to the twenty-sixth dynasty (to the time of the Per-
sian conquest), the capital being again at Thebes and afterward
at Tanis and Sa'is. During the eighteenth dynasty Egypt recov-
ered her independence by driving out the Shepherd Kings.
Under Thothmes III. she extended her power over Ethiopia
and over Syria as far as the Euphrates and the borders of Asia
Minor. This period marks the greatest extent of the Egyptian
empire (map, p. 20). By these conquests Egypt was brought
into contact with the culture of the Euphrates valley, and de-
rived from the Babylonians a taste for the
finer mechanical arts,, for Oriental luxury, and
for a more palatial architecture. 1 During the
nineteenth dynasty, under the renowned kings
Seti I. and his son Kame'ses II., Egypt reaped
the glorious results of her previous conquests
and reached the highest stage of her civiliza-
tion. From this time Egypt began to decline.
In the twenty-fifth dynasty she was conquered
by the Ethiopians and afterward by the Assyr-
ians. In the twenty-sixth dynasty she recov- R AMESES
ered her independence under the king Psam-
met'ichus I., but after a century she was finally reduced to the
condition of a Persian province.
Egyptian Society and Government. Egypt, at the dawn
of history, had already become a united empire. There
is evidence that this first empire, under Menes, had grown
lr rhe great influence of Babylonia upon Egypt during the eighteenth
dynasty is shown in the now famous Tel-el-Amarna Tablets discovered near
the Nile in 1887 about three hundred in all, written in Babylonian char-
acters containing correspondence between the Egyptian king (Amen-
ho'tep IV., the "heretic king") and the kings of Assyria and Babylonia ;
also letters between Egyptian officials, showing that the Babylonian
was the official diplomatic language in Egypt at the time. See Goodspeed,
Babylonians and Assyrians, p. 134.
32 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
up from a union of towns and villages which were pre-
viously independent, each under its own ruler and priests.
These towns became grouped into districts, or " nomes." under
local governors; and these in turn were gradually brought
under the common authority of a king who ruled over the
whole country. The people were not equal, but were divided
into classes. The upper classes included the priests, whose of-
fice was hereditary, and the warriors, who were devoted exclu-
sively to military pursuits. The lower classes comprised the
common people, including the artisans, the farmers, and the
herdsmen. The land was generally owned by the upper classes,
and let out to the peasants, who paid their rent in the products
of the soil. Above all these classes was the king, or Pha'raoh.
who was looked upon as a divine person. He was the fountain
of all authority; and the labor, the property, and the lives of the
people were at his disposal. The king was assisted in his gov-
ernment by a body of councilors, who carried out his will.
The highest offices of the state were held by the priests, who
were exempted from all taxes and held the best parts of the
land. The government
was supported by the
army, or warrior class,
which was also exempt
K( ' YI> " ANS S()WIN(! from taxes and held
large landed estates. The great body of government officials
preyed upon the common people, who were obliged to furnish
their tribute and labor. The government of such a body of
taxgatherers and taskmasters necessarily became corrupt and
oppressive. We read of workmen, goaded by tyrannical mas-
ters, rising in revolt in the manner of a modern " strike " and
refusing to continue their work. Sometimes their tasks were
lightened, but quite as often they were made more heavy as
in the case of the Israelites in tin- time of Moses.
Egyptian Industry and Industrial Arts. The Egyptians,
like the Babylonians, were first of all an agricultural people.
EARLY BABYLONIA AM) EGYPT
33
EGYPTIAN SHOEMAKER'S SHOP
For regulating and distributing the water supply of the Nile
they built canals and reservoirs. The most remarkable of these
artificial reservoirs was .....
Lake Mceris, by which a
large outlying district
was transformed from a
desert waste into fertile
fields. After their con-
tact with the Babylo-
nians, the Egyptians acquired great skill in the industrial arts,
working in clay, stone, and glass; in wood, ivory, leather, and
the textile fabrics; in the coarser metals bronze, lead, and iron;
and in the precious metals gold and silver. They exchanged
these products with one another, by boats plying the waters of
the Nile, which became an artery of commerce. Their com-
merce with foreign countries, however, was small.
Egyptian Religion and Science. The religion of Egypt was
a strange mixture of various kinds of worship. The lowest
form of religion was animal worship, such as
was prevalent among the primitive tribes of
Africa. The crocodile, the serpent, the hawk,
the cow, the cat, a'nd many other animals were
held as sacred. For many centuries the bull
Apis was worshiped as an important god at
Memphis. This low form of worship survived
in Egypt even after the development of higher
religious ideas. Besides this animal worship
we find a complex form of nature worship.
The forces of nature were worshiped as gods,
and represented in human forms. The mix-
ture of these two forms of religion animal
worship and nature worship is seen in the
representation of the gods with human bodies and the heads of
animals. The animal features came afterward to be regarded
as simply symbolical of spiritual qualities. In the higher
SERAPIS
AMUN
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
gods, however, human heads
were joined to human bodies.
The chief object of nature
worship was the sun, the source
of light and life, whose journey
through the heavens was the
cause of day and night and an
emblem of life and death. The
sun god was worshiped under
different names at different
places as Ptah at Memphis, as
Amun-Ka at Thebes, as Osi'ris at
certain other cities. The gods
were often joined in " triads "-
PTAH
the most noted of which was that of Osiris the father, Isis the
mother, and Horus the son. With the recognition of a supreme
god, the most learned men of Egypt attained an idea which ap-
proached that of monotheism. We sometimes find in the old
records such statements as this: "Before all things which
JUDGMENT OF THE SOUL BEFORE OSIRIS
actually exist, and before all beginnings, there is one God, un-
moved in the singleness of his own Unity."
The Egyptians believed in the continued existence of the
soul after death. This belief led to tlie practice of einbaliiiiii.ir
the body of the deceased, that the mummy might be preserved
EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT
35
for the return of the spirit. The Egyptians also believed in a
system of future rewards and punishments, and that every soul
must be judged before Osiris for the deeds done in the body.
The priests of Egypt, who had charge of the religion, were also
tlic learned class. They cultivated philosophy and the various
sciences astronomy, geometry, arithmetic, and medicine
which here attained a considerable degree of development.
AN EGYPTIAN TEMPLE
Egyptian Architecture and Monuments. The religious
spirit of the Egyptians was strongly impressed upon their archi-
tecture, which consisted mainly of tombs and temples. The
buildings for the dead are seen in the rock-sepulchers cut in the
sides of the hills which flanked the Nile for example, the
extensive necropolis at Sakkarah (near Memphis). Sep-
arate monumental tombs took the form of pyramids, and
reached the most gigantic proportions at Gizeh. In these arti-
ficial mountains of stone rested the remains of kings. The
most impressive specimens of architecture are seen in the mass-
ive temples, which were often made up of a combination of
columns and sculptured walls. Noted examples of these tem-
ples were those of Luxor and Karnak and the Ramesse'um
near Thebes, the ruins of which are among the most imposing
in the world. Egyptian architecture is distinguished by sim-
plicity of general design, but especially by grandeur of propor-
tions and great elaborateness of decoration. It is also distin-
36 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
guished, in some cases, by the use of columns as a means ol
supporting the roof a feature which was afterward adopted
by the Greeks.
Egyptian Sculpture. Painting, and Music. The other arts
were also cultivated by the Egyptians. This people was prob-
ably the first to make sculpture an independent art, that is,
not joined to architecture. Some of the best of their statues
belong to a very early period. The colossal sphinx is perhaps
the most ancient example of independent sculpture existing
COLOSSAL STATUES OF RAMESES II.
in the world. But a less pretentious form of statuary grew up
in the form of portrait statues, which wore placed in the tombs
to preserve the image of the deceased. Many of these portrait
statues show a considerable degree of artistic skill. But Egyp-
tian sculpture came to lose its independent character and to be
used for the decoration of buildings. It appears in immense
figures affixed to tombs and temples, and jilsn in tin- multitude
EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 37
of bas-reliefs which adorned the walls of buildings. These
sculptured designs were almost always colored; and this addi-
tion of color to carving was probably the earliest step in the
growth of painting. The subjects of these paintings are almost
infinite in variety, from the representation of the gods to
scenes of domestic life. The Egyptians also attained some
skill in music; they possessed such instruments as the guitar,
the harp, and the pipe, and the drum and the trumpet inspired
the Egyptian soldier on his march.
Egyptian Writing and Literature. The great number of
inscriptions cut upon the buildings and monuments indicate
the peculiar character of the Egyptian writing, and one of the
ways in which records were kept. On account of these inscrip-
tions and designs the buildings are veritable books in stone.
But. they remained practically sealed books until a key was
found by which, the inscriptions could be deciphered. The
" Roset'ta stone," discovered near one of the mouths of the
Nile (1799), contained a royal decree written in three kinds of
characters, the hieroglyphic, the demotic, and the Greek. With
this key the French scholar Champollion deciphered the lan-
guage (1821), and may be said to have unlocked the treasure-
house of Egyptian learning. This line gives an example of
the hieroglyphic characters : 1
The written language of Egypt had its origin in picture
writing. The most ancient form is the hieroglyphic, made up
of pictures of things and symbols of ideas. The next form is
the hieratic, which was used by the priests for executing long
records, and hence is a more cursive, or running, form. The
final form is called the demotic because it was used by the
1 The line is read from right to left, and is translated thus : "Raising |
statue | of king of Egypt | Ptolemy eternal beloved of Ptah."
MQREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 3
38 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
people. The Egyptian writing contains not only ideographic
but also- phonetic elements, that is, the symbols represent
not only ideas but sounds, containing the germs of a phonetic
alphabet by which words could be represented. The Egyptians
did not confine their writing to stone; they also used a kind
of paper prepared from the papyrus plant. Their literature
contained many books upon science and religion; the most re-
MUMMY AND MUMMY CASE
markable of these is the so-called " Book of the Dead," which
contains descriptions of the future life.
The Influence of Egypt. Egypt held a place in the valley
of the Nile somewhat similar to that held by Babylonia in
the Tigris-Euphrates valley. They both represent the early
stages in the world's civilization, and contributed much to the
progress of later nations. But the culture of Egypt was not
at first so widely diffused as was that 'of Babylonia. Egypt,
however, formed one of the great sources of Oriental culture,
from which Europe and modern countries have received valu-
able materials. Egypt taught the world the principles of a
durable architecture. It is true that the Babylonians built
elaborate structures of brick, but these have well-nigh per-
ished, while the stone buildings of Egypt have withstood in
a wonderful manner the destructive influences of time. In-
deed, we might say that one great difference between the mate-
rial civilization of Babylonia and. that of Egypt was the fact
that one was wrought in clay and the other in stone. The
EARLY BABYLONIA AND EGYPT 39
Greeks, no doubt, derived much of their early knowledge of ar-
chitecture from the Egyptians. The Egyptians have also exer-
cised a strong intellectual iniluciuc upon the world. The
progress made by them in some of the sciences especially in
geometry and astronomy was appreciated by later nations,
and formed a basis for further scientific achievements. Tln'ir
higher religious ideas for example, their idea of a Supreme
Being and of a future life may have had some influence
upon the religion of the Hebrews and even upon that of Chris-
tian nations. We may, therefore, look upon Egypt as one of
the sources of modern thought and culture.
SYNOPSIS FOB BEVIEW
I. THE EARLY BABYLONIAN EMPIRE. The First Centers of
Civilization. The Tigris-Euphrates Valley. The Early City
States; Sargon I. Hammurabi and the Old Babylonian Em-
pire. The Kassite Conquest. Babylonian Industry and Art.
Babylonian Government and Laws. Babylonian Writing and
Literature. Babylonian Religion and Science.
II. ANCIENT EGYPT. The Valley of the Nile. The People of
the Nile. Periods of Egyptian History. Egyptian Society and
Government. Egyptian Industry and Industrial Arts. Egyptian
Religion and Science. Egyptian Architecture and Monuments.
Egyptian Sculpture, Painting-, and Music. Egyptian Writing and
Literature. The Influence of Egypt.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Murison, Babylonia, Ch. 1, "Ancient Babylonia"; Ch. 2, "United
Babylonia" (5). 1
- Egypt, Ch. 1, "Introductory"; Ch. 2, "The Ancient King-
dom"; Ch. 3, "The Middle Kingdom"; Ch. 4, "Eighteenth
Dynasty"; Ch. 12, "The Book of the Dead" (6).
Goodspeed, Introduction, Ch. 2, "Excavations in Babylonia and
Assyria"; p. 64 (Ur of the "Chaldees") ; also Index, "IV (5).
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Tenth Ed., Vol. 29, "Irrigation" (an-
cient and modern).
Rawlinson, Vol. I., pp. 67-69, 70-73, 82, 86, 279, 340, 384 (uses of
clay and brick in the Tigris-Euphrates valley) (4).
Ragozin, Chaldea, Ch. 5, "Babylonian Relic-ion" Yr>).
Ducoudray, Ch. 5, "The Monuments and Arts of Egypt" (1).
figure in narenthps's refprs to flip mirnbr of the topic in the Ap-
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
^PROGRESSIVE
PHCENICIA
AND ITS
COLONIAL EMPIRE
About 1 100-900 B.C.
X)
MEDITERRANEAN
Sidoi
Tyr
Sat
Joppaj
SYRIAN
DESERT
THE
SYRIAN STATES"
About 950 B.C.
ions of Solomon
about 1000 B.C-
PHOENICIA AND JUDEA 41
Lenormant, Vol. I., Bk. III., Ch. 5, "Civilization, Manners, and
Monuments of Egypt" (4).
Boughtou, pp. 211-250, "The New Empire XVIIIth and XlXth
Dynasties"; pp. 428-450, "The Mesopotainians" (4).
Kawlinsoii, Story of Egypt, Ch. 4, "The Pyramid Builders" (6).
Sayce, Ancient Empires, Part 1., "Egypt" (4).
.\iaspero, Egyptian Archa?ology, Ch. 5, "The Industrial Arts" (6).
Smith, P., Ch. 1, ss. 3, 8 (sources and inundations of the Nile);
Ch. 2 (authorities for the history of Egypt) ; Ch. 3, s. 9
(the sphinx); Ch. 9, "Industry, Religion, and Arts of
Egypt" (4).
Newberry and Garstang, Ch. 2, "The Archaic Period [of
Egypt]" (6).
Breasted, Ch. 3, "Earliest Egypt"; see also Index, "Obelisk" (6).
Herodotus, Bk. II., Chs. 35-99 (manners and customs of the
Egyptians); Bk. III., Chs. 147-152 (accession of Psam-
metichus) (17).
CHAPTER III
THE SYRIAN STATES PHOENICIA AND JUDEA
I. PHOENICIA AND ANCIENT COMMERCE
Phoenicia and its People. On the eastern coast of the
Mediterranean Sea was a land which, as we have seen, was
the meeting ground of the Babylonians and the Egyptians.
For the want of any other common name we call this land
Syria.' The most important peoples living here were the
Phoenicians and the Hebrews, both of whom belonged to the
Semitic race. Of these the first to reach an important
position in the Oriental world were the Phcenicians. Their
home was a narrow strip of territory bordering on the
shores of the sea, about one hundred and fifty miles long and
from ten to fifteen miles in width, and shut off from the inte-
rior of the country by the range of the Leb'anon Mountains.
Tin's country, having been conquered in succession by Baby-
lonia and Egypt, became the common heir of the two older civ-
42 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
ilizations. For example, the religion of the Phoenicians was a
form of nature worship quite similar to that of the Babylo-
nians. Their architecture was, in its main features, modeled
upon that of the Egyptians. In their mechanic arts they also
showed the same refined skill as their older neighbors. The
Phoenicians were distinguished for their glass and metal work,
their pottery, their textile fabrics, and especially for their
purple dyes, which they obtained from a sea snail that was
found along the Mediterranean coasts. Besides obtaining
many scientific ideas from Babylonia and Egypt, they are
said to have discovered the relation, between the tides of the
sea and the motions of
the moon. In their
limited territory they
had no passion for mili-
tary glory or political
dominion; they p r e-
ferred to pay tribute to
others, and pursue their
industry. Their govern-
ment was mainly a SHELLS OF THE SEA SNAIL FROM WHICH
government of separate THE PUBPLE DYE WAS MADE
cities, but sometimes these were grouped into loose confeder-
acies. Their greatest cities were Sidon and Tyre, which were
in succession the chief seats of Phoenician civilization.
Phoenician Commerce. The great distinction of this people
was their genius for trade and commerce. Uppn the sea the
Phoenicians established an empire perhaps equal in importance
to that which any other Oriental people had established upon
the land. The cedars of Lebanon furnished timber for their
ships; and with these they became the first masters of the Medi-
terranean, and the greatest commercial nation of ancient times.
Their fleets eslnMislied the first commercial intercourse be-
tween Europe, Asia, and Africa. They not only exported their
own products to other countries, but they became the common
PHOENICIA AND JUDEA 43
carriers for the known world. From India they brought ivory,
jewels, spices, and scented wood. From Arabia they brought
gold, precious stones, incense, and myrrh. From the coasts of
Ktliiopia they added to their cargoes of gold and ivory supplies
of ebony and ostrich feathers. They brought from the shores
of the Baltic yellow amber ; from Spain, silver, iron, lead, and
copper; from Africa the precious metals; and from Britain tin.
Thus the different parts of the world were brought into relation
with one another by the Phoenician mariners and merchants.
Phoenician Colonies. To aid in extending their commerce
the Phoenicians established trading posts, or colonies, in all
the countries visited by their ships
and merchants. Not only were
these established in the civilized
countries of the East for the pur-
chase and exchange of wares; they
were also established among the
uncivilized peoples of the West for
the development of the resources
of new lands. The coasts of A PHQ ^ICIAN BIREME
the Mediterranean became dotted with Phoenician colonies.
The most famous of these colonies was Carthage (founded,
about 850 B. c.), which itself established a commercial empire
on the northern coast of Africa, and which in later times came
into a bitter conflict with Rome. The colonies on the Medi-
terranean were largely mining stations, where the metals were
extracted from the earth for the use of eastern factories. By
thus coming into contact with the barbarous people on the
European coasts, the Phoenicians diffused among them a taste
for the arts of civilized life. They carried not only commodi-
ties but culture. They have on this account been called the
first " missionaries of civilization."
The Phoenician Alphabet. Perhaps the greatest gift of the
Phoenicians to the world was a true phonetic alphabet. It is
said that the Phoenicians invented their alphabetical writing as
THE OKIENTAL WORLD
a common language of commerce. Wher-
ever they sailed and carried their cargoes,
they, also carried their alphabet, which
Eenan aptly calls one of their exports."
The alphabet was, however, the result of
a long process of growth. The earliest
writing was in the form of pictures to
represent material objects, and then in
the form of symbols to represent abstract
ideas. The Egyptians made great prog-
ress by using signs to represent syllables,
and afterward to represent elementary
sounds (p. 38). This was the beginning
of alphabetic writing; but tlie signs used
by the Egyptians were very indefinite and
largely pictorial; for example, the sound
of A was represented by the picture of a
feather or by that of an eagle. It was
reserved for the Phoenicians to develop a
true phonetic alphabet, in which the chief
elementary sounds were represented by
separated and well-defined characters.
This alphabet was adopted by many peo-
ples, especially by the Greeks, who gave it
to the Romans, by whom it was given to
modern nations. Thus the Phoenicians,
by the development of commerce and the
invention of a true phonetic alphabet, and also by their diffu-
sion of Oriental culture over the Mediterranean coasts, must
be regarded as one of the most important of ancient nations.
II. JUDEA AND THE HEBREWS
The Hebrew Nation. Not far from Phoenicia in Palestine
there grew up another Semitic nation, which was in many re-
j
Old Greek. '
Old Roman.
E-5
OM
A
A
A
A
1
ft
B
B
>
c
<C
C
A
>D
D
D
-^
E
E
*
<N
F
F
C
G
fth
EH
H
H
i
I
I
I
J
7\
K
K
K
! .
I/
V L
L
W\
At
M
M
N
N
N
N
O
P
PP
P
9
9
9Q
Q
q
PR
R
R
%V
^3
^S
S
/
T
T
T
GROWTH OF THE
ALPHABET
PHOENICIA AND JUDEA 45
spects different from every other Oriental people (see map, p.
40). This was the Hebrew nation. Having no great river like
that of the Egyptians and that of the Babylonians, arid not tak-
ing to the sea like the Phoenicians, they did not attain distinc-
tion in the industrial or commercial arts. Their greatness did
not depend upon art or science, or upon their capacity for po-
litical organization. Yet they have perhaps done for civiliza-
tion as much as any other people of the East, for they became
the moral and religious teachers of the world.
Periods of Jewish History. No other ancient nation pos-
sessed so complete a record as did the Hebrews of the way in
which a people has passed from the primitive to the civilized
stage. From these records, we learn that their ancestor,
Abram, was a Babylonian, that he came (about 2000 B. c.)
from Ur, a " city of the Chaldees," that he visited Egypt, and
finally settled in Jude'a. His descendants, in the time of a
famine, took refuge in Egypt, and became subject to the Shep-
herd Kings, who assigned to them a home in lower Egypt
(Goshen). Being oppressed by a king of a subsequent dynasty,
they were delivered from their bondage by their great leader
and lawgiver, Moses, a man skilled in all the learning of
Egypt. From this time the history of the Jews may be divided
into the following periods:
(1) From Hie Exodus to the Establishment of the Monarchy
(1300-1095 B. c.). During this time the people were welded
into a nation, with a national law and a national religion,
under the statesmanship of Moses. They crossed the Jordan
under their leader Joshua, captured Jer'icho, conquered the
surrounding country in Palestine (or Canaan, as they called
it), and established a theocratic commonwealth under the rule
of officers called " judges."
(2) From the Establishment of the Monarchy to the Divi-
sion of the Kingdom (1095-975 B. c.). During this period the
nation was ruled by three distinguished kings. The first of
these was Saul, who carried on war with the neighboring tribes.
46 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
the Am'monites, the Philis'tines, and others. The second king
was David, who captured Jerusalem and made it the capital of
the kingdom, building a royal palace, with the aid of Phoeni-
cian architects. By his conquests he established an empire
extending from the Euphrates on the north to the Red Sea on
the south. The third and last king of the united monarchy
was Solomon, who gave to the kingdom an air of Oriental mag-
nificence. He built a splendid temple at Jerusalem, and
TEMPLE AT JERUSALEM (Restoration)
adorned the city with sumptuous palaces. He formed an
alliance with the kings of Tyre, and carried on an extensive
commerce with Egypt and the East. He amassed enormous
wealth and surrounded his throne with pomp and splendor.
He married an Egyptian princess, and established a luxurious
court like that of the eastern kings. But his glory was pur-
chased at the expense of justice and his nation's honor. He
laid heavy burdens upon his subjects and impoverished them.
He disregarded the laws of Moses, and the Hebrew kingdom
became practically an Oriental monarchy like that of Babylon.
PHOENICIA AND JUDEA 47
(3) From the Division of the Kingdom to the Babylonish
Captivity (975-586 B. c.). During this time the Hebrew na-
tion formed two distinct kingdoms. Ten tribes revolted and
formed the kingdom of Israel, with its capital at Sama'ria; the
remaining two tribes formed the kingdom of Judah, with its
capital at Jerusalem. The kingdom of Israel was finally con-
quered by the Assyrian king Sargon II. (722 B. c.), and the
people were removed to Nineveh, where they were " lost " as a
separate people (see p. 53). The kingdom of Judah was de-
stroyed by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar (586 B. c.),
and the inhabitants were carried away as captives to Baby-
lon (see p. 58) ; but they were afterward allowed to return
to Jerusalem (537 B. c.) as subjects of Cyrus, the Persian
king.
The Hebrew Commonwealth. Before the Hebrew nation
passed under a monarchical form of government, their society
is of special interest to us, because it was patterned upon a
pure democratic type. The Hebrew commonwealth presents
the best, and perhaps the only, example of a true democracy
among ancient civilized nations before the time of the Greeks.
The society was based upon the patriarchal family. The
father was head of the family group and priest of the family
worship. Parental, marital, and filial duties were the sacred
ties of social life. The families were grouped into tribes, each
under a patriarchal chief, a council of elders, and a general
assembly. The tribes were united into a larger federal com-
monwealth, with its judge, who was a patriarchal and military
chieftain; its san'hedrim, which was a national senate, or fed-
eral council; and its " congregation," which was a popular as-
sembly of the tribes. Each tribe retained the right of local
self-government, and all its people were equal before the law
except the slaves, who were, however, generally well treated.
The decay of the Hebrew commonwealth was due to the influx
of Oriental ideas, and to the breaking down of the primitive
customs of the Hebrew nation.
48 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
The Hebrew Religion; Monotheism. In spite of the fact
that the people and the rulers were often led astray by the
influence of foreign religious ideas, still the highest and most
distinctive feature of the Jewish civilization was the growth
of monotheism. We must judge of the real character of the
Jewish religion, not by. the practices of those who departed
from it, but by the teachings of those who were its highest ex-
pounders Moses and the prophets. In these great teachers
we find the true idea of monotheism. This is not simply the
idea of the Egyptians, that there is one god higher than other
gods; it is the idea that there is
only one Supreme God. Another
feature of the Jewish religion was
the fact that it was closely linked
|^ to morality. Religious worship and
moral duty were regarded as two
sides of a complete life. The his-
tory of the nation was a constant
struggle against false ideas of re-
ligion and false ideas of morality.
When the priests were carried away
with the idea that religion con-
sisted simply in rites and ceremo-
nies, and the kings were seeking
the pomp and luxury of the East, and the people were falling
into wickedness and idolatry, it was left to the later prophets
to become the true expounders of religion and the moral law.
The Hebrew Literature; the Bible. The idea of monothe-
ism was the inspiring idea of the Hebrew literature, as it was
of the Hebrew religion. This literature is contained in what
we call the Old Testament, and comprises (1) the Pentateuch,
or the legal books; (2) the historical books; (3) the poetical
books; and (4) the books of the prophets. In their literary
genius the Hebrews surpassed all other ()ri<-nt;il MM lions. In
the writings of their poets and prophets we find the highest
PHOENICIA AND JUDEA 49
examples of religious fervor and imaginative description. The
Psalms of David, the Book of Job, and the Prophecy of
Isaiah, considered merely as literary compositions, are unsur-
passed in the literature of any people. When we consider the
writings of the Hebrews and their religious influence upon the
civilized world, we must assign to this nation a high place
among the historical peoples of ancient times.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. PHOENICIA AND ANCIENT COMMERCE. Phoenicia and its Peo-
ple. Phoenician Commerce. Phoenician Colonies. The Phoeni-
cian Alphabet.
II. JUDEA AND THE HEBREWS. The Hebrew Nation. Periods
of Jewish History. The Hebrew Commonwealth. The Hebrew
Religion; Monotheism. The Hebrew Literature; the Bible.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Art. "Phoenicia."
Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, Ch. 18, "Phoenician Manufac-
tures" (7). 1
Lenormant, Vol. II., Bk. VI., Ch. 4, "Civilization and Influence of
the Phoenicians" (4).
Sayce, Ancient Empires, Part II., "Phoenicia" (4).
Ducoudray,'Ch. 4, "Religion and Social State of the Jews"; Ch.
5, "Phoenician Commerce" (1).
Boughton, pp. 291-344, " The Phoenicians "; pp. 393-406, "Israelitish
Institutions" (4).
Souttar, pp. 191-276, "The Hebrews"; pp. 277-306, "Phoenicia" (1).
Milman, History of the Jews, Bk. III., "The Desert" (en passant,
idolatry among- the Jews) ; Bk. VII., "The Monarchy" (with
its Oriental features) (7).
Edersheim, Ch. 12, "Sickness and Death" (sanitary features of
the Mosaic law) (7).
Josephus, Wars, Bk. VI. (siege of Jerusalem by Titus) (9).
The Bible, Numbers, Ch. 4 (the Levites and their duties);
Ezekiel, Chs. 26-28 (exaltation of Tyre).
ir The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Ap-
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
Theb
T H
MEDITERRANEAN
ARABIA
THE EAST
AhTKK THK
FALL OF As-YKIA
About 000 K.C.
SCALE OF MILES
50
CHAPTER IV
THE NEW SEMITIC EMPIRES ASSYRIA AND LATER
BABYLONIA
I. ASSYKIA, THE FlRST WORLD EMPIRE
The Rise of Assyria. We are now brought to a new period
in Oriental history, in which all the previous nations of the
East not only the Phoenicians and the Hebrews, but also the
Babylonians and the Egyptians lose their independence, and
become parts of one great world empire. ' The people who es-
tablished this empire were the Assyrians, They belonged to
the Semitic race, like the Babylonians, and dwelt in the upper
part of the Tigris-Euphrates, or Mesopotamian, valley. In the
rugged climate of the north they developed a hardy and war-
like character. The Assyrians have been compared to the Ro-
mans as a military and conquering people. They cultivated
the arts of warj having well organized bodies of infantry, cav-
alry, and war chariots.
The center of Assyrian power was at first the city of As-
sur; this was a colony of Babylonia situated on the upper
Tigris River and the seat of the worship of the god Assur. The
city obtained its independence from Babylonia, and gave the
name " Assyria " to the whole surrounding country. After a
time, the Assyrian capital was transferred from Assur to Nine-
veh (by Shalmane'ser I., 1320 B. a); and this new capital be-
came the permanent seat of the empire. The external history
of Assyria is a history of almost continual wars, resulting in
the partial success of the Assyrian arms under the first empire,
and the final triumph of the Assyrian power under the second
empire.
51
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
ASSYRIAN WAR CHARIOT
The First Assyrian Empire (1120-745 B. c.). The founder
of the first Assyrian empire was the great warrior 'king of
Nineveh, Tiglath-Pile'ser I. (1120 B. c.), who subdued the sur-
rounding cities, and
carried his arms to
the west until after
many wars he finally
reached the coasts of
the Mediterranean.
That he looked with
satisfaction upon his
own achievements is
evident from his in-
scription (now pre-
served in the British Museum), in which he calls himself " the
king of kings, the lord of lords, the ever victorious hero." The
merciless character of Assyrian war-
fare is seen in the career of another
noted king, Assur-nazir-pal (885 B. c.),
whom, in spite of his fame, we may re-
gard as one of the most cruel of con-
querors. The lands which he con-
quered, he desolated, ravaging the
fields and killing the people. In his
own words, which have come down to
us, we may read his boasting of the
pyramids he has built of human heads,
of the captives flayed alive, and of the
children burned to death. The con-
quests of these early kings were contin-
ued by Shalmaneser II. (860 B. c.),
whose deeds- are recorded on the famous " black obelisk,"
which he built. On one side of this obelisk we may
sec a procession of subjects bringing their gifts and trib-
ute to the king. The many wars of the period were intended
ASSUB-NAZIR-PAL
Relief in British Museum
ASSYRIA AND LATER BABYLONIA
53
to bring into subjection the neighboring countries especially
Babylonia to the south, and Syria to the west. But these
conquests were "not permanent, and the
first empire fell into a state of decline.
The Second Assyrian Empire (745-
606 B. c.). The failure of the first em-
pire was due to the lack of an efficient
mode of governing the subjects. When a
people were once conquered and made
tributary, they were left to themselves;
and consequently they were tempted to
rise in rebellion against the king when
he demanded further tribute. This pol-
icy was changed by a distinguished king
who is regarded as the founder of the
second Assyrian empire Tiglath-Pileser
III. (745 B. c.). This king adopted the
policy of organizing the conquered cities
into districts, or provinces, each subject
to a governor of his own appointment.
He also adopted the practice of " depor- BLACK OBELISK
tation "that is, of scattering rebellious OF SHALMANESER II.
peoples into different parts of the empire, thus preventing any
united efforts at revolt. In accordance with this practice, the
next king, Sargon II, (722 B. c.),
when he had conquered Samaria,
carried away the " Ten Tribes "
of Israel into captivity and scat-
tered them among the -towns of
Media, where they were forever
" lost " as a separate people. The
success which attended the cam-
paigns of Sargon in Israel led his
successor, the more famous King Sennach'erib (705 B. c.). to
continue these expeditions. He accordingly subdued the cities
SEAL OF SENNACHERIB
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
of Phoenicia; but his efforts against the city of Jerusalem
failed, and his armies, smitten by a pestilence, were led back
to Nineveh. The last years of this king were devoted to wars
with Babylonia, resulting finally in the total destruction of
the city of Babylon (688 B. c.). The conquests of the three
kings just mentioned resulted in bringing nearly the whole of
western Asia under the Assyrian power. The completion of
the empire was effected by the two following kings Esarhad'-
don (681 B. c.), who brought Egypt under his control, and As-
sur-bani-pal (668 B. c.), who reduced
the rebellious city of Tyre. Under
these two monarchs the Assyrian em-
pire reached its greatest extent and
its greatest glory, and became, in
fact, what we may call the first world
empire. One of the most remark-
able monuments of this period is
the Royal Library of Assur-bani-pal,
which may be regarded as the first
great library of the world. It was
gathered from various conquered
cities, a considerable part of it being
plundered from Babylon. It con-
tained about 30,000 tablets, which
have been brought to light in recent
years, and have revealed to modern
scholars the history and civilization of a people who flourished
more than twenty-five centuries ago.
Assyria the Heir of Babylonia. A great part of the civili-
zation of the Assyrians was inherited from the early Babylo-
nians. It is true that these two peoples belonged to the same
race; yet they were quite different in spirit. " The Babylo-
nians were- peaceful in disposition, #iven to agriculture, fond
of literatim-, well educated and comparatively humane in the
conduct of their wars. The Assyrians cared little for agricul-
ASSYRIAN CLAY TABLET
ASSYRIA AND LATER BABYLONIA
ture, their wars were undertaken for plunder and were con-
ducted with ferocity." Still, many of the arts of peace devel-
oped by the Babylonians were taken up by the Assyrians. The
Assyrians, for example, adopted the method of writing used by
their older neighbors, and showed something of the same taste
for literature. They acquired the same, if not superior, skill
in the mechanic arts, and adopted the same scientific ideas.
Their religion was in all essential matters the same as that of
the Babylonians; and they generally adopted the same strict
methods in their legal transactions. The' advancement which
they made upon the Babylonians was principally in the direc-
tion of a more highly developed imperial government, a more
palatial style of architecture, and a greater appreciation of
sculpture as a decorative art.
The Assyrian Governriient. The Assyrians seem to have
been the first great people to develop
a systematic government based upon
the imperial idea. The monarch was
the supreme source of all authority.
He was surrounded by a court com-
posed of officers of his household,
such as the grand vizier, the royal
cupbearer, the royal treasurer, the
captain of the guards, etc. These of-
ficers served the king and executed his
commands. The provinces of the em-
pire received a definite organization.
They were divided into two classes
those under governors, or satraps, ap-
pointed by the king, and those under
native rulers approved by the king
and subject to him. The provinces
were all alike obliged to furnish trib-
ute for the royal treasury and troops for the royal army. Ex-
cept the priestly class, the subjects of the king possessed a cer-
56
THE ORIENTAL WORLfl
tain degree of equality, there being no caste system, and no es-
tablished aristocracy. There was, however, a" class of slaves
composed of captives taken in war and of persons unable to
pay their debts.
Assyrian Architecture; Royal Palaces. The influence of
the imperial idea, and the great dignity attached to the king,
are seen in the character of the Assyrian architecture. The
most important buildings were not the temples, as in Babylo-
nia, but the royal palaces, upon which the wealth of the
empire was expended. The temple was merely accessory to
the palace, and was still built in the form of a terraced tower.
ASSYRIAN PALACE AT NINEVEH (Restoration)
But the palace assumed another form, and was built over an
extended area upon the flat surface of an artificial hill or ele-
vation overlooking a plain or river. Although this country
furnished stone suitable for building, the Assyrians continued,
like the Babylonians, to use brick for architectural purposes.
The royal palace consisted of a vast system of courts, corridors,
and galleries. In spite of the fact that the Assyrians used the
arch in sewers, the roof of the palace was generally support.-.!
by wooden beams placed upon massive brick walls. Slender
columns, made of .stone or of wood covered with incial. \\viv
often used for ornamental purposes; and these were sometimes
surmounted with capitals of artistic designs.
ASSYRIA AND LATER BABYLONIA
57
Assyrian Sculpture and Painting. The Assyrians acquired
considerable skill and proficiency in the art of sculpture. This
was chiefly employed in the way of ornamentation for the royal
palaces. The most con-
spicuous, but not the most
pleasing, examples of As-
syrian sculpture are seen in
the enormous and gro-
tesque figures which were
usually placed at the en-
trance of the palace. They
consisted of winged bulls
or lions with human heads,
symbolizing perhaps
strength, swiftness, and in-
telligence, and were sup-
posed to guard the palace from the intrusion of evil spirits.
The highest examples of Assyrian art are seen in the bas-
reliefs, cut on alabaster slabs and adorning the interior of the
royal palaces. Here are represented scenes of war and events
I
WINGED BULL WITH HUMAN HEAD
ASSYRIAN BAS-RELIEF
in the life of the king. In these sculptured reliefs are
exhibited the best specimens of ancient drawing before the
time of the Greeks. From the large number of these reliefs
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 4
58 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
we have obtained much of our knowledge of Assyrian life and
customs. The flat and strong colors often a brilliant ver-
milion which are placed upon the reliefs (as upon the Egyp-
tian bas-reliefs), show the first steps in painting, which had not
yet reached the dignity of an independent art.
II. THE LATER BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
Recovery of the Empire by Babylon. During the suprem-
acy of Assyria, Babylon remained in the position of a depend-
ent kingdom; but throughout this period she had preserved the
memory of her former greatness, and frequently revolted
against the Assyrian monarch. But in these attempts she was
doomed to failure, until she found an ally in a people living
east of the Tigris. This people was the Medes, who had them-
selves been subject to Assyria for more than a century; they
had now recovered their independence and established an em-
pire of their own. With the aid of the Medes, the Babylonians
succeeded in destroying Nineveh and overthrowing the Assyr-
ian monarchy (606 B. c.). The dominions of Assyria were di-
vided between the conquerors, Media ruling the countries to
the east of the Tigris, and Babylon the countries to the west.
Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar. In this way Babylon re-
covered her ancient power, and ruled with increased splendor.
The great king Nebu-
T >*T H HT T fc^Y ^^ chadnez'zar (605 - 561
THE NAME NEBUCHADNEZZAR IN B - C restored her fallen
CUNEIFORM cities, and made her for
a short time the center
of Eastern civilization. His dominions extended over the \ al-
ley of the Euphrates and the countries of Syria to the borders
of Egypt (see map, p. 50). The Jews who refused to respect
his authority were treated with severity. Jerusalem was taken
and sacked; and the tribes of .hxlali wore carried away into
captivity. The great king rebuilt the city of Babylon, sur-
ASSYRIA AND LATKIJ MA1VYLONIA 59
rounded it with massive walls, and adorned it with sumptuous
palaces. To rival the beauties of nature and to please his
queen, a Median princess, he built the famous " hanging gar-
dens," which were artificial hills built in the form of immense
terraces and covered with luxuriant shrubs and flowers. Dur-
ing this brief period of her later supremacy Babylon attained.
in the highest degree, all the luxury and pomp peculiar to
Oriental civilization. But Babylon the Great finally fell before
the rising power of Persia (538 B. c.), which absorbed all the
countries of western Asia.
The Assyrio-Babylonian Civilization. We have seen that
the Tigris-Euphrates valley was the seat of three successive em-
pires; but in their culture these empires may be looked upon
as presenting three successive phases of one and the same civ-
ilization. The early Babylonians had developed a form of re-
ligion, science, and art which showed the evidence of intellec-
tual growth and a certain degree of refinement. The Assyrians
took up the culture of the Babylonians, and impressed upon
it a political and imperial stamp, such as was naturally de-
rived from a great and conquering people. And this imperial
character was transferred back to Babylon with the establish-
ment of the later empire. So the culture which was finally
developed in the Mesopotamian valley was a mingling of Baby-
lonian and Assyrian elements.
From this brief review we can see that the Tigris-Euphrates
valley was one of the great centers of ancient civilization. By
its commercial and political relations its culture was extended
to the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. The religious ideas
of its people became the common property of the East; and
their notions regarding the origin of the world and the early
condition of mankind became entwined with the Hebrew ac-
count of creation. Their progress in certain branches of sci-
ence, especially in astronomy, formed a contribution to the in-
tellectual development of the ancient world Their skill in
some of the industrial arts, such as weaving and the cutting of
60 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
intaglios, has scarcely been equaled by modern nations. Their
political organization formed the basis of the later imperial
systems of the East, which were afterward transferred to Eu-
rope under the later Roman empire.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. ASSYRIA, THE FIRST WORLD EMPIRE. The Rise of Assyria.
The First Assyrian Empire. The Second Assyrian Empire.
-Assyria the Heir of Babylon. The Assyrian Government.
Assyrian Architecture; Royal Palaces. Assyrian Sculpture and
Tainting-.
II. THE LATER BABYLONIAN EMPIRE. Recovery of the Empire
by Babylon. Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar. The Assyrio-
Babylonian Civilization.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, Ch. 5, "Consolidation of the
Assyrian Empire"; Ch. 14, "Writing and Literature"; Ch. 15,
"Civilization"; pp. 18-20, "The Tel-el-Amarna Tablets" (5). 1
Ducoudray, Ch. 3, "The Babj'lonians and Assyrians" (1).
Sayce, Ancient Empires, Ch. 2, "Babylonia and Assyria" (4).
Goodspeed, Part IT., Ch. f>, "Early Conflicts of Babylonia and
Assyria"; Part III., Ch. 5, "The Assyrian Empire at its
Height"; Part IV., Ch. 2, "Nebuchadrezzar and his Suc-
cessors" (">).
Lenormant, Vol. II., pp. 417-467, "Civilization, Manners and Monu-
ments of Assyria" (4).
Boughton, pp. 493-508, " Mesopotamian Institutions and Prog-
ress" (4).
Smith, P., Ch. 17, "The Cuneiform Writing and Literature" (4).
M.ispero, Life, Ch. 16, "Assurbanipal's Library" (4).
Rawlinson, Monarchies, Vol. II., pp. 516-520, 553 (the hanging
gardens and wjills of Babylon) (4).
Joseph ns. Antiquities, Bk. X., Ch. 8 (capture of Jerusalem by
\( IHK l);nlnr//;ir); Bk. XL, Ch. 1 (return of the Hebrews
from captivity) (9).
Herodotus, i',k. L, Chs. 131-140 (Persian manners and customs);
Chs. 178-183 (description of Babylon); Chs. 190, 191 (capture
of Hiibylnn by CJTUS) (17).
The Bible, II Rings, Chs. is. 10 (Sennacherib and Hezekiah);
Daniel, Chs. 1-4 (Nebuchadnezzar and Daniel); Ch. 5 (Feast
of P.cIsli.-i/./ar).
'The flprnrp In pnrpnthosls rofors to the nnmbor of the topic In the Ap-
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
CHAPTER V
THE ARYAN EMPIRESMEDIA AND PERSIA
I. THE ARYANS AND THE MEDIAN EMPIRE
Beginnings of Aryan Civilization. We have thus far seen
the beginnings and growth of civilization among the Hamitic
people in Egypt, and also
among the Semitic people
who lived in the Tigris-Eu-
phrates valley and on the
eastern shores of the Medi-
terranean Sea. We have
noticed the rise and fall of
the great empires estab-
tablished by these peoples
the early Babylonian, the
Egyptian, the Assyrian,
and the later Babylonian.
The time has now come
when the dominion of the
Orient passes from the
Hamites and the Semites
into the hands of Aryan
peoples, who are henceforth to become the masters of the civi-
lized world.
It is true that a part of the Aryan people had already en-
tered India, had settled upon the banks of the Indus and the
Ganges, and had made some progress in civilization. These
Aryans in India were called Hindus. They had developed the
simple nature worship of their ancestors into a highly philo-
sophical religion called Brahmanism. This was followed by
61
STATUE OF THE HINDU BUDDHA
62 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
another and simpler form of religion called Buddhism,
founded by the great religious reformer Buddha. The Ar-
yan Hindus had also produced a literature in the so-called
" Vedas " and in certain epic poems which show strong feel-
ing and imagination. Finally, they had obtained some scien-
tific ideas in astronomy and mathematics, which indicate a cer-
tain degree of intellectual progress. But the Aryan Hindus,
in spite of their progress in certain directions, were still a con-
templative people, lacking the activity and vigor necessary for
great political achievements; and hence they exercised little in-
fluence upon the general progress of the East.
The Medes and the Persians. The first Aryan peoples who
became a real factor in the progress of the ancient world were
the Medes and the Persians. They were inspired with the im-
perial spirit of the East, and changed the face of the Oriental
world. These two peoples were closely related to each other,
although they found homes in different regions. They both
settled upon the western part of the great plateau of Iran,
which lies between the Indus and Tigris rivers; but the home
of the Medes was among the higher lands toward the north and
west, while that of the Persians was farther south near the
shores of the Persian Gulf. In the early periods of their his-
tory they had both struggled against the aboriginal peoples of
the plain and succeeded in establishing their dominion. Of
these two peoples, the Medes were the first to obtain promi-
nence by throwing off the yoke of the Assyrians, to whom they
had been subject. Fighting for existence against the continual
encroachments of Assyria on the west and of the barbarous
Scythians on the north, they not only maintained their na-
tional life, but developed the military strength which enabled
them to conquer their neighbors and to establish an empire.
The Median Empire; Cyaxares. The founder, and in fact
the only great rulor, of the Median empire \v;is (Vax'ares (<;>.">-
585 B. n.). He organized the scattered tribes of Die country
and completed the work begun by previous princes. His mili-
MEDIA AND PERSIA 63
tary ability is shown by the fact that he formed his army into
regular divisions, each made up of -those who were armed with
the same kind of weapons. He first drove back the barbarians
who were pressing upon his kingdom from the north, and de-
livered western Asia from these invaders. He then formed an
alliance with the king of Babylonia, as the result of which
Nineveh was destroyed and the empire of Assyria was over-
thrown (see p. 58). While Nebuchadnezzar was ruling in
splendor at Babylon, Cyaxares was extending his dominions.
He invaded Asia Minor and pushed his arms to the river
Halys, which became the dividing line between his empire and
that of Lydia (see map, p. 50). The Median empire, though
extensive in its territory, was the shortest-lived of all the great
Oriental monarchies. Its chief significance lies in the fact
that it prepared the way for the greater empire of the Persians.
II. PERSIA, THE SECOND WORLD EMPIRE
The East before the Persian Conquests. At the death of
Cyaxares in the beginning of the sixth century (585 B. c.),
there were four principal nations of the Oriental world, which
we should keep in mind if we would understand the growth of
the Persian empire (maps, pp. 50, 66). These were: (1) the
Median empire, which had been built up by the prince Cyax-
ares, and which extended to the Halys River on the west, to the
Caspian Sea on the north, to the Persian Gulf on the south,
and to an indefinite boundary line on the east toward the Indus
River; (2) the Later Babylonian empire, which, with the aid
of the Medes, had been formed from the dissolution of the
empire of Assyria, and which extended from the Tigris River
to the shores of the Mediterranean; (3) the Lydian empire,
which covered the western part of Asia Minor from the Halys
River almost to the ^Egean Sea, on the coasts of which had
grown up a number of Greek cities; and (4) Egypt, which had
recovered its independence under Psammetichus and occu-
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
pied its original territory il ttye valley of the Nile. We.
are now to see how these different countries became absorbed
into the one great world empire of Persia.
Kise of Persia under Cyjus (558-529 B. c.). Persia had
been a small province of the Median empire situated on the
Persian Gulf. About the middle! of the sixth century B. c.
a prince, whom we know as
Cyrus the Great, revolted from
Media and succeeded in redu-
cing that state to his own au-
thority. Many stories are told
about the birth and early life
of this great man; but they
are largely mythical, and need
not be rehearsed. His chief
significance for us is in the fact
that he created the most pow-
erful empire that the world
had yet seen, and established
a policy which was destined to
bring Asia into conflict with
Europe. The growth of this
empire resulted from the con-
quests made by three kings
Cyrus, its founder, and his suc-
cessors, Camby'ses and Dari'us.
Conquest of Lydia. With the overthrow of the Median em-
pire, Cyrus proceeded to extend his kingdom to the west. This
required the conquest of Babylonia west of the Tigris, and of
Lydia west of the Halys River. Lydia was especially alive to
the dangers of Persian aggression. Her energetic king, Crcesus,
who had now under his control all of Asia Minor west of the
Halys, assumed the part of defender of western Asia. He is
said to have consulted the oracle of Apollo at Delphi (p. 130),
and to have received the response that " if he crossed the Halys
BAB-RELIEF OF Cvurs
MEDIA AND PEKSIA 65
he would destroy a great empire." Not tli inking that this
might apply to his own empire 1 , as well as lo that of Cyrus, he
crossed the river, and after an indecisive battle retreated into
his own territory. Without delay Cyrus invaded Lydia and
captured Sardis. Asia Minor now became a part of the Per-
sian empire.
Conquest of Babylonia and Egypt. After the conquest of
Lydia Cyrus turned his attention to his next great rival, Baby-
lonia. With the fall of Babylon (538 B. c.), this empire also
became a part of his dominions. It is to the credit of Cyrus
that he permitted the Jews, who had been held in captivity
since the days of Nebuchadnezzar (see page 47), to return to
their home in Jerusalem. After the death of Cyrus, his son
Cambyses (529-522 B. c.) extended the Persian authority over
Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Egypt. But an army sent into Ethi-
opia perished in the sands of the desert; and an expedition
planned against Carthage failed, because the Phoenician
sailors refused to serve against their kinsfolk. The rule of
Cambyses was oppressive and often cruel, and was marked by
frequent revolts in different parts of the empire.
Conquests in Europe under Darius. The insurrections
which attended the death of Cambyses were quelled by Darius
(521-484 B. c.), who was, next to Cyrus, the greatest king of
Persia. He has a special interest for us, because he was the
first to extend the Persian authority into Europe which fact
paved the way for the subsequent invasion of Greece. The pur-
pose of Darius in entering Europe was, according to Herodo-
tus, to send an expedition against the barbarous Scythians.
So far as the Scythians were concerned, this expedition proved
a failure. But on his return to Asia, Darius left in Europe
an army which subdued Thrace and the Greek cities to the
north of the JEgean Sea, and even compelled Macedonia to
acknowledge the supremacy of the great king. The Persian
empire was thus extended into Europe to the boundary of
Greece itself.
i MAP ^o. G
GC
MEDIA AND PERSIA 07
The subsequent history of Persia was closely related to that
of Greece, which had by this time developed a distinct civiliza-
tion of its own and had become the center of a new world cul-
ture. We shall hereafter see how Persia came into conflict
with the Greek states, and how it was finally overthrown by
Alexander the Great (331 B. c.).
III. THE GOVERNMENT AND CIVILIZATION OF PERSIA
Political Organization of the Empire. In its geographical
extent Persia surpassed all the previous empires of the East.
It not only covered all the lands hitherto occupied by Assyria,
Babylonia, Media, Lydia, and Egypt, but added to them other
territory not included in these older empires. It extended from
the Indus River to the ^Egean Sea, a distance of about three
thousand miles. It comprised, in fact, the whole civilized
world except India and China in the Far East, and Greece and
Carthage in the West.
The form of government established over this vast domain
was patterned after that of the Assyrians, but strengthened
and perfected by the genius of Darius. For the purposes of
administration the territory was divided into a number of
provinces, or " satrapies," each under a provincial governor, or
satrap, appointed by the king. The provinces were divided
into districts, each under a deputy of the satrap. The prov-
inces were subject to the satraps, and the satraps were subject
to the king. The duties of the provincial subjects were to fur-
nish men for the royal army, ships for the royal navy, and
money for the royal treasury. The provinces were joined to
the capital, Susa, by military roads, the most important of
which was the great royal road from Susa to Sardis, fifteen
hundred miles long. The person of the king was exalted above
that of other men. He sat upon a throne made of gold, silver,
and ivory. His garments were of richest silk. To serve him
was the highest mark of nobility. To minister to his comfort.
THE ORIENTAL WORLD
one dignitary was chosen to carry the royal parasol, another
the royal fan, while other officers were appointed to perform
other equally honorable duties.
Persian Army and Navy.
The chief support of the royal
authority was the army drawn
from the different provinces.
When called together, it was
marshaled by nations, each with
its own costume and subject to
royal officers. The footmen were
armed with the sword, the spear,
and their favorite weapon, the
bow, in the use of which they
THE PERSIAN KING
(with attendants)
an important branch of the
army, and was very effective
when fighting upon an open
plain. The choicest part of the
Persian army was the " Ten
Thousand Immortals," so called
because their numbers were per-
petually maintained. On the sea
the Persians were able to gather
from their subjects a large num-
ber of ships, mostly triremes (ships witli three banks of oars)
armed with iron prows. With such an army and navy the Per-
sians had already conquered Asia, and hoped to conquer Greece
and Europe.
Persian Art and Literature, As the Persians were chiefly
a conquering and ruling people, they were not distinguished
for their intellectual achievements. Whatever art they pos-
sessed was mostly a mere reproduction of that of Assyria and
T.nl.vlon. Tln-ir architecture and sculpture, as seen in the
ruins at Persep'olis and other places, show no evidences of
MEDIA AND PERSIA 69
marked originality. While using an Aryan spm-h, the Persians
adopted for writing the wedge-shaped characters of their pred-
ecessors. They made no contributions to science; and for
many generations they possessed no literature worthy of notice
except the "Aves'ta," which was the Persian Bible.
Persian Religion and Morality. The most distinctive fea-
ture of the Persian civilization was its religion. The religion
of Persia was doubtless an outgrowth of a lower polytheistic
nature worship; but it seems to have reached its highest de-
RUINS OF PERSEPOLIS
velopment under the influence of Zoroas'ter. This religious
reformer is supposed to have lived in Bactria about the middle
of the seventh century B. c. Some scholars are inclined to
believe that his name stands merely for a mythical person;
while others strongly assert that " we must accept the histori-
cal reality of Zoroaster " (Sayce). He considered the powers of
nature as separated into the powers of light and the powers of
darkness the one under the control of the great god of light
(Ormuzd), who is the creator of all that is good; and the other
under the control of the god of darkness (Ah'riman)., who is the
father of all that is evil. This is a system of religion which
we call Dualism. The whole universe is looked upon as
70 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
a struggle between light and darkness, between the good and
the evil, in other words, between Onnuzd [ and Ahrimau.
Human life in the same way is regarded as a perpetual strug-
gle between good and evil; and the duty of man is to cleave to
that which is good and to shun that which is evil. Morality
was closely related to religion. The Persians believed in truth-
fulness as a high moral virtue, and despised lying and deceit.
The higher elements of the Persian religion were corrupted
under the influence of a priestly class, the Magi, who were in-
clined to worship the symbol of fire in place of the god of light,
and to regard the performance of religious rites and ceremonies
as the chief duty of life.
Historical Significance of Persia. The Persian empire rep-
resents the highest unity attained by the ancient Oriental world
before the time of Alexander the Great. Of all the great mon-
archies hitherto established the early Babylonian, the Egyp-
tian, the Assyrian, the Median, and the later Babylonian no
one except Assyria can be regarded as properly a " world em-
pire." Persia carried to a still higher stage of development the
military and political system of Assyria. Although she made
no contributions to the finer arts of life, she surpassed all her
predecessors as a conquering and ruling power. She is, on this
account, the prototype in Asia of Eome in Europe. She with-
stood the rude barbarians of the north the Scythians in
their inroads into the civilized south. She developed a more
permanent system of provincial government than had before
existed which furnished the model of that of the later Roman
empire. Her religion was perhaps the nearest approach to
Jewish monotheism of all the religions of western Asia. But
with all her achievements she represented an old and decaying
civilization, which appears in its true light when we see it
brought into contact, and placed in contrast with the new and
growing civilization of Greece.
1 The upper part of the picture on page 68 shows the aymhol of
Ormuzd, copied from the Assyrian god Assur.
MEDIA AND PEKSIA 71
IV. EEVIEW OF ORIENTAL NATIONS
The Beginnings of Civilization. In reviewing the history
of the Oriental world there are certain general facts which
should be impressed upon our minds. In the first place, we
see that it is from the Orient that the world received the rudi-
ments of its civilization. It is here that men first passed out
of the tribal state and developed a higher form of government,
by the erection of cities, kingdoms, and great empires. It is
here, also, that we see the early development of religion, which
passed from crude forms of animal or ancestral worship to a
polytheistic nature worship and finally to a monotheistic re-
ligion, like that of the Hebrews. We also find here a great
advancement in man's economic life, which began with hunting
and fishing or the tending of flocks and herds, and passed to
the cultivation of the soil, the growth of manufactures, and the
development of commerce. Moreover, the people of the Orient
gave to the world the rudiments of some of the important sci-
ences, especially astronomy and mathematics. Still further, we
see a remarkable progress made in the art of writing, which
began with the expression of ideas in the form of pictures, then
advancing to the use of symbolic signs, and at last to the
use of a phonetic alphabet such as we use to-day. Finally
these ancient peoples acquired great ability, if not taste, in the
art of building, beginning with huts made of sticks or clay,
and passing to the use of brick among the Babylonians, and
stone among the Egyptians. So thoroughly were they ac-
quainted with the principles of architecture that many of their
buildings have remained to the present time as monuments of
their skill and as permanent evidences of that early civilization
which we have inherited from the East.
The Course of Oriental History. Our review of the Orien-
tal world will enable us to distinguish certain periods, or suc-
cessive stages, which mark the course of its historical develop-
ment. We may briefly characterize these periods as follows:
72 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
(1) During the first period the rudiments of civilization ap-
peared in two separate and independent centers, Babylonia
and Egypt, each having a peculiar culture of its own, and
each being unaffected, so far as we know, by any influences de-
rived from the other (about 5000-3800 B. c.). 1
(2) The second period is the time of the Babylonian ascend-
ency, when Babylonia extended its authority to the Mediterra-
nean coast, and its culture to the lands of Syria (about 3800-
1600 B. c.).
(3) Then followed the period of the Egyptian ascendency,
when the authority of Egypt superseded that of Babylonia in
the Syrian lands and the Egyptian culture became extended
to this territory (about 1600-1100 B. c.).
(4) With the decline of the Egyptian power, we come to the
period of Syrian independence, which continued for two cen-
turies, during which time the influence of Phoenicia became
predominant over the Mediterranean coasts, and the Hebrew
kingdom reached its height under David and Solomon (about
1100-900 B. c.).
(5) This was followed by the ascendency of Assyria as the
first world empire, bringing under its control all the previously
mentioned countries of the East, Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia,
and Judea, the period of the Assyrian ascendency closing with
the independence of Egypt and the division of the remaining
territory between the short-lived empires of later Babylonia
and Media (about 900-550 B. c.).
((')) Lastly appeared the second great world empire of Persia,
which consolidated under one supreme authority all the coun-
tries of the Orient west of the Indus, comprising not only tin-
nations already noticed, but also the country of the Hittites
and Lydia in A-ia Minor (about .Vd )-:>:> 1 B. c.).
The Blending of Culture by Conquest and Commerce. In
connection with the rise and fall of the difTeivnt Oriental na-
d.it,< are mly approximate, and are substantially those adopted
by Professor Goodspeed.
REVIEW OF ORIENTAL NATIONS 73
tions it is important to notice the fact that the culture of dif-
ferent countries became blended by means of conquests. For
example, the successive conquests of Syria by Babylonia and
Egypt led to that composite form of culture which marked the
Phoenicians, preserving both Babylonian and Egyptian fea-
tures, as seen in the Syrian religion and industrial arts. So the
conquest of Egypt by Assyria did not destroy the existing civ-
ilization of Egypt, but rather brought the civilization of the
Tigris-Euphrates valley into relation with that of the valley of
the Nile. And by the extensive conquests of Persia the various
centers of culture throughout the Orient were brought into
communication with one another. Again, the civilizations of
different peoples became mingled by means of commercial in-
tercourse. Commerce tended to bring about the exchange not
only of the products, but of the ideas of various peoples. This
we have seen in the case of the Phoenicians, who became the
common carriers not only of commodities but also of culture.
Hence, by means of conquests and commerce, the different peo-
ples of the Orient were brought together; and their civilizations
became blended into a composite culture, which we may char-
acterize in general as Oriental.
Transmission of Oriental Culture to the West. The cul-
ture of the Eastern world was destined to overflow the bound-
aries of the Orient and to find its way into the Occident.
There were two principal means of communication between the
East and the West: the one was by the sea traffic of the Phoeni-
cians, the other was by the land traffic of the peoples of Asia
Minor. We can readily see how the Phoenicians, through their
commerce ai.d colonies, brought the culture of Asia to the ports
of Europe. The peoples of Asia Minor who furnished some
means of communication between the East and the West,
were the Hittites and the Lydians (map, p. 50). Concern-
ing the Hittites little is definitely known : but that they at
one time formed a powerful and influential nation, seems quite
certain. They are said to have done much for civilization by
74 THE ORIENTAL WORLD
taking up the arts and culture of Assyria, Egypt, and Phoeni-
cia, and passing them on to their western neighbors. The
Lydians lived on the western frontiers of the Orient and joined
hands with the Greeks on the /Egean Sea. It is believed that
they received much of the culture of the East, not only through
the Phoenicians, but also through their neighbors the Hittites.
If this is so, we may conclude that the peoples of Asia Minor,
as well as the Phoenicians, furnished a means for the trans-
mission of the ancient culture of the East to the West.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE ARYANS AND THE MEDIAN EMPIRE. Beginnings of
Aryan Civilization. The Medes and the Persians. The Median
Empire; Cyaxares.
II. PERSIA, THE SECOND WORLD EMPIRE. The East before the
Persian Conquests. Rise of Persia under Cyrus. Conquest of
Lydia. Conquest of Babylonia and Egypt. Conquests in
Europe under Darius.
III. THE GOVERNMENT AND CIVILIZATION OF PERSIA. Political
Organization of the Empire. Persian Army and Navy. Persian
Art and Literature. Persian Religion and Morality. Historical
Si^Tiificance of Persia.
IV. REVIEW OF ORIENTAL NATIONS. The Beginnings of Civi-
lization. The Course of Oriental History. The Blending of Cul-
ture by Conquest and Commerce. Transmission of Oriental
Culture to the West.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Ducoudray, Ch. 6, "Civilization of the Aryans, Hindoos and
Persians" (I). 1
Lenormant, Vol. II., Bk. V., "The Medes and the Persians" (4).
Benjamin, Ch. 7, "Cyrus"; Ch. 8, "From Cyrus to Darius" (8).
Van'x, Ch. 1, "Cyrus, Cambyses and Darius"; Ch. 4, "Monuments
of Persia" (8).
Clarke, Ch. 5, "Zoroaster and the Zend-Vesta" (3).
Smittar, pp. 145-190, "Medes and Persians" (1).
I'.urv. Ch. 6, "Advance of the Persians to the ^Egean" (10).
C&r, History, Bk. II., Chs. 1, 2, "The Persian Empire" (10).
Smith, P., Ch. 28, "Decline and Fall of the Persian Empire" (4).
Encyclopaedia Britannica, Art. "Hittites" (the "Forgotten Em-
pire*); \n. "Lydia" (for coinage of Lydia).
H.-rndniiis. P,k. I., Chs. 131-140 (Persian manners and customs);
Bk. IV., Chs. 1-8, 28-100 (the Scythians) (17).
'The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Ap-
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
THE GREEK WORLD
PERIOD I. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREECE (-776 B, 0.)
CHAPTER VI
GREECE, ITS ^PEOPLE AND EARLY LEGENDS
I. HELLAS, THE LAND OF THE GREEKS
Greece and the Orient. As we approach the study of
Greece we must first of all notice the close relation of this
land to the Oriental countries which we have already consid-
ered. Of the three peninsulas of Europe which project into
the Mediterranean Sea, Greece lies nearest to the East. Hence
it would naturally be the first of European countries to feel
the influence of Oriental culture and the first to develop a civ-
ilization of its own. The ^Egean Sea, which lies between its
coasts and those of Asia Minor, can be regarded not as a bar-
rier, but rather as a highway uniting the East and the West.
The numerous islands scattered over this sea aided the early
mariners to find their way across its waters; so that these
islands have been aptly called the " stepping stones " of the
^Egean. Greece was also open to the early commerce of
the Phoenicians, who had obtained a foothold upon some of the
^Egean islands. Since the culture of Babylonia and Egypt had
been taken up by Phoenicia and the countries of Asia Minor,
the drift of Oriental civilization was in the direction of the
Grecian peninsula. For these reasons we may see that Greece
MORBY'S ANCIENT HIST. 5 75
THE GKEEK WORLD
was in a certain sense the heir of the Orient, receiving in some
degree the stimulating influence of Eastern culture.
Geographical Features of Greece. The Grecian peninsula
presents a striking contrast to the great countries of the East,
with their broad plains and fertile valleys. Greece was a very
M E D I TERR A\:*N E A N SEA '
20 40 W 90
HELLAS: THE ^GEAN LANDS
Routes across the ^Egean Sea
*
.small country (smaller than the present state of Florida).
Its surface is broken by mountain ranges and small valleys,
and drained by innumerable small streams. The outlines of
the country are as irregular and diversified as its surface.
There is no other country of the world <>f the same area with
such an extensive and irregular coast line. It has been called
GREECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EAHLY LK(JKNDS 77
" the most European of European countries." It is said that
there is no point in Greece more than forty miles from the
coast. The many bays, gulfs, and inlets which indent its
shores form the navigable waters of Greece. The climate is
generally mild and temperate, but changeable with the seasons
and also quite different in different localities. The soil is
not very fertile; but under ordinary cultivation, it produced
in ancient times wheat, barley, flax, wine, and oil. The trees
vary from the pine and oak forests in the north to the lemons,
oranges, and date palms in the south.
The geographical features of Greece exercised an important
influence upon the character of the people and upon their his-
tory. The face of nature, with its brilliant skies and beau-
tiful landscapes, tended to give the people a cheerful temper
and a fine aesthetic taste. The broken relief of the country
separated the people into distinct communities, and led to the
growth of many small states and to the development of a spirit
of freedom and local independence. Moreover, the irregular
coast line furnished an opportunity for ports and harbors, and
thus promoted the commercial spirit of the people. As the
bays and gulfs lay mostly upon the eastern coast, Greece may
be said to have " faced " toward the Orient, and thus to have
been fitted by nature to receive the gifts of her more civilized
neighbors.
Divisions of Greece. To obtain a more definite idea of the
peninsula of Greece and of its most noted places, we may
glance at its principal divisions.
(1) Northern Greece is separated from the main part of Eu-
rope by the Cambu'nian Mountains. It comprised two prov-
inces, Epi'rus and Thes'saly, divided by the range of the Pin-
dus. The most famous spot in Epirus was Doclo'na, where
was located an ancient oracle of Zeus. Thessaly, to the east of
the Pindus, was a fertile plain, drained by the river Pene'us;
this stream flows through the beautiful vale of Tempe into the
Sea. To the north rises Mt. Olym'pus,* the highest
78
THE GREEK WORLD
peak in Greece (nearly 10,000 feet), upon whose summit the
gods were supposed to dwell.
(2) Central Greece comprised a number of states of varied
historical interest. Toward the west were the two provinces of
Acarna'nia and of ^Eto'lia. In the middle of central Greece
were several small provinces separated from one another by
6 10 20 30 40 50
CENTRAL GREECE AND THE PELOPONNESUS
mountain barriers. Of these Phocis claimed the highest
renown, for it contained the celebrated oracle of Apollo at
Delphi, near which rose the mount of Parnas'sus, the favorite
haunt of the Muses. In the eastern part of central Greece
were the three provinces of Boeo'tia, At'tica, and Meg'aris.
Bceoti a contained the cities of On-homVnus ;m<l Tln-hrs. one of
which was an early seat of civilization, and the other took an
GREECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EARLY LEGENDS 79
active part in later Greek politics. East of Bceotia lay the
triangular province of Attica, the most noted country of Hellas.
Its most famous point was the Acrop'olis, about which grew up
the city of Athens, the most cultivated spot of the world.
Other heights were the Pentel'icus, famous for its marble, and
Hymet'tus, noted for its honey. The soil of Attica is not well
suited for agriculture. The people of the rural districts were
therefore compelled to live mostly upon their flocks and herds,
while those near the sea engaged in commerce.
(3) Southern Greece received the name of the Peloponne'sus,
or the "Isle of Pelops." It is separated from the rest of
Greece by the Gulf of Corinth and the Saron'ic Gulf, having
as a bond of union the narrow Isthmus of Corinth. The cen-
tral country of the Peloponnesus was Arca'dia; .this was sur-
rounded by a wall of mountains, the only country of Greece
(with the exception of Doris) without a seaboard. To the
west and north of Arcadia were the three provinces of Elis,
Acha'ia, and Corin'thia. The most famous locality in these
states was Olym'pia in Elis, the seat of the " Olympian
games." Finally, to the east and south of Arcadia were also
three provinces Ar'golis, Laco'nia, and Messe'nia. Argolis
was distinguished for the prehistoric cities of Myce'nae and
Ti'ryns, and the historic city of Argos. Laconia was the home
of the Spartans, who became the ruling power of the Pelopon-
nesus, conquering Messenia and other states, and whose chief
city, Sparta, became the greatest rival of Athens.
(4) The Islands of Greece are also worthy of notice. The
largest of these was the island of Euboe'a, which stretches along
the eastern coast from Thessaly to Attica, and contained the
historic cities of Chalcis and Ere'tria. In the Saronic Gulf are
the islands of Sal'amis and ^Egi'na, the former of which gave
the name to a decisive naval battle between the Greeks and the
Persians. Off the eastern coast of the Peloponnesus was a
group of islands called the Cyc'lades (map, p. 76), the most
noted of the group being the tiny island of Delos, the seat of a
80 THE GREEK WORLD
celebrated shrine of Apollo. The most important island off
the southern coast was Crete, which was a center of the oldest
civilization of the ^Egean.
Greater Hellas. The home of the Greeks, which they called
Hellas, was not confined to the European peninsula and the
neighboring islands. It included also the western coasts of
Asia Minor. These coasts were from very early times occupied
by a Greek people, and afterward received emigrants from the
European peninsula. This part of the Greek world, which we
may call " Asiatic Greece," comprised three divisions, named
respectively from the north to the south ^Eo'lia, lo'nia, and
Doris (see map, p. 94). Besides these Asiatic lands, Hellas,
in the larger sense, came to include other lands, which we may
call " Western Greece." These comprised the eastern and
southern part of the island of Sicily, as well as certain terri-
tory in the southern part of Italy, known as " Magna GraBcia."
In fact, by the word Hellas the Greeks meant all the lands
inhabited by the Greek people the Helle'nes, as they called
themselves and these lands were continually widening with
the growth of Greek commerce and colonization.
II. THE HELLENES, THE PEOPLE OF GREECE
The Earliest Inhabitants of Greece. It would be interest-
ing to know precisely when, and how, and by whom all these
lands about the ^Egean were first settled. But this is a sub-
ject concerning which we have no very extensive or definite
knowledge. What we do know is that the dominant people
who inhabited Greece in historical times, were people who
spoke an Aryan, or Indo-European, language. But it is very
likely that, before the Aryan settlements, the ^Egean lands
were already inhabited by an older people. We have left to
us the names of some very ancient tribes which were probably
pre- Aryan. Chief aiiioni: llicse were the people whom tin 1
Greeks called the " Pelasgians," about whom much has been
GREECE, ITS I'KOI'U: AM) EAULY LEGENDS 81
written and little is known. Their name is found on both
sides of the ^Egean in Asia Minor, where they are said to
have fought on the side of the Trojans; in Attica, where they
were supposed by some to have been the ancestors of the
Athe'nian people; and in Epirus, where they possessed at Do-
dona an altar to Zeus. To this people are attributed the mass-
ive stone walls found in different parts of Greece, and often
described as " Cyclope'an."
The Coming of the Hellenes, Whatever we may think con-
cerning the primitive people of Greece, we may be confident
that the Hellenes, the
Greeks in whom we are
especially interested, and
who created the civiliza-
tion which we have in-
ANCIENT "CYCLOPEAN" WALL
herited, spoke a language
which belonged to the same family (Aryan) as that to which
our own language belongs. This people probably came into
Greece not by a sudden conquest but by " successive waves,"
becoming fused with the earlier tribes already there ; but still
they preserved their own speech and their own customs, and
developed a civilization peculiarly their own.
It is now believed by scholars that the Hellenes made
very early settlements upon both shores of the ^Egean Sea;
and that " the coast of Asia Minor is just as much ancient
Greek soil as European Greece " (Holm). If this is so, we can
readily imagine the general course of the ancient settlements.
Moving from their earlier home, wherever this may have
been, the Hellenes first came into Thrace. A part of them
then crossed the Hellespont, and, passing along the eastern
shore of the ^Egean Sea, found new homes in Asia Minor.
Another part, pushing to the west, along the northern and
western shores of the ^Egean, occupied Thessaly, Boeotia,
Attica, and other Grecian lands. At the time of their settle-
ment, the earlv Greek tribes on either side of the sea were
82 THE GREEK WOULD
scarcely advanced beyond the stage of barbarism. They wor-
shiped their ancestors and the gods of nature; chief among
these gods was Zeus, the god of the heavens. They lived upon
their flocks and herds and were beginning to acquire a knowl-
edge of agriculture, cultivating the cereals and perhaps the
vine. They fought with spears and with the bow and arrow,
and made their implements of stone, beginning perhaps to use
some of the metals. They were acquainted with the art of
navigation, certainly with the use of boats and oars; but the
use of sailing vessels was probably acquired after they settled
upon the ^Egean. With the aid of these vessels, the people of
the different shores were able to communicate with one an-
other, to occupy the intervening islands, and thus to preserve
the sense of their original kinship.
Divisions of the Hellenic People. The Greeks called them-
selves " Hellenes " because they professed to believe that they
were descended from a common ancestor, Hellen. From this
common ancestor they traced four lines of descendants, or
tribes the Achaeans, the lonians, the Dorians, and the
^Eolians. Their mythical relationship is indicated as follows:
HELLEN
XiiTiirs
1
DORUS
(Dorians)
JEOLUS
(/Eolians)
ACH^US
(AclHBana)
ION
(lonians)
The Achaeans were in very early times the leading race of the
Peloponnesus, being regarded by some as the founders of the
kingdoms of Tiryns, Mycenae, and Argos. The early home of
the lonians is placed on the northern coast of the Pelopon-
nesus, also in Megaris, Attica, and the island of Euboea. Tho
Dnrans are supposed to have occupied in very early times
the plains of Thessaly. The name yEolian was used to cover
the rest of the Hellenic people.
GKEECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EARLY UttJKNDS 83
The most important of these tribes during the historical
period were the Dorians and the lonians. The Dorians were
a simple, practical, and warlike race, represented by the
Spartans. The lonians were a versatile, enterprising, and
artistic people, represented by the Athenians. The his-
tory of these two peoples forms, in large part, the history of
Greece.
General Characteristics of the Greek People. There were
certain qualities which, though especially marked in the lo-
nians, may be said to characterize the Greek people as a whole,
and which distinguished them from the peoples of the Orient.
In the first place, they possessed a strong love of freedom,
which would brook no restraint except that which they imposed
upon themselves, and which made them independent, wide-
awake, and original. In the next place, they had a political
instinct, which resulted in the development of self-governing
communities, and which made the Greek city something far
different from the cities of the East. Moreover, they were
characterized by simplicity and moderation, which were re-
vealed not only in their art, but in their life, and which led
them to shun all forms of Oriental ostentation and extrava-
gance. Still further, they possessed great intellectual activity,
which showed itself in literary productions and philosophical
speculations. Finally, they were gifted with a fine aesthetic
sense, a taste for beauty for its own sake, which made them
the creators of a new form of art. These qualities gave to the
world a new type of culture.
III. THE EARLY LEGENDS OF GREECE
Importance of the legends. The character of the Greek
people is strikingly set forth in their early legends the myths
and stories by which they sought in a fanciful way to explain
the mysteries of nature and the origin of their own institutions.
It was principally by means of these legends that the Greeks
84 THE GREEK WORLD
attempted to reconstruct their early history. 1 The importance
which we attach to these stories will depend very much upon
our point of view. If we look at them as giving an account
of actual and well-defined events, they have of course little
historical value. But if we look at them as indicating the ideas
and beliefs of the people, they have a great deal of significance.
The nature of the early Greek mind is revealed in these tradi-
tional stories. In them we see the early fancy of a people
who afterward became the masters of imaginative thought.
Without a knowledge of these legends much of the literature
and art of a later period would be unintelligible to us.
Legends of the Founders of Cities. The Greeks surrounded
every locality, every mountain, stream, and vale with a halo of
song and story. An important group of legends referred to
the founders of cities. The foundation of Athens, for exam-
ple, was ascribed to Cecrops, regarded by some as a native of
Egypt; he is said to have introduced into Attica the arts of
civilized life, and from him the Acropolis was first called
Cecro'pia. Argos was believed to have been founded by an-
other Egyptian, named Dan'aus, who fled to Greece with his
fifty daughters, and who was elected by the people as their
king, and from whom some of the Greeks received the name of
Danai'. Thebes, in Boeotia, looked to Cadmus, a Phoenician,
as its founder; he was believed to have brought into Greece
the art of writing, and from him the citadel of Thebes received
the name of Cadme'a. The Peloponnesus was said to have
been settled by, and to have received its name frorri, Pelops, a
man from Phrygia in Asia; he became the king of Mycenae,
and was the father of A'treus, and the grandfather of A-a-
mem'non and Menela'us, chieftains in the Trojan war. Such
traditions as these show that the early Greeks had some no-
tion of their dependence upon the Kastcrn nation-.
'Many of the early myths and legends, as narrated by Homer :ind pre-
served by Me'siod (in Ills Theog'ony), were gMthered into s<>me\vb;il system-
atic form to explain the genealogy of the Hellenic tribes, their subdivisions,
and the origin of Greek cities. See Bury, History of Greece, pp. 79-84.
GREECE, ITS PEOPLE AND EARLY LEGENDS $5
BELLEROPHON AND
PEGASUS
Legends of Grecian Heroes. That the early Greeks had an
admiration of personal prowess and
valiant exploits is evident from the
legends which they wove about the
names of their great heroes. In
these fanciful stories we may see the
early materials of Grecian poetry.
In them we read of philanthropic
deeds, of superhuman courage, and
of romantic adventures. We read of
Per'seus, the slayer of the horrid
Medu'sa, whose locks were coiling
serpents, and whose looks turned
every object to stone. We read of
Beller'ophon, who slew the monster
ChimaB'ra, and captured the winged
steed Peg'asus, on whose back he
tried to ascend to heaven. We read of Minos, the king of
Crete, who rid the sea of pirates,
and gave to his subjects a code of
laws received from Zeus. We read
of The'seus, who rid the land of
robbers, and who delivered Athens
from the terrible tribute imposed
by the king of Crete a tribute
which required the periodical sac-
rifice of seven youths and seven
maidens to the monster Min'otaur.
But the greatest of Grecian heroes
was Her'acles (Her'cules) . Strange
stories were told of the " twelve
labors " of this famous giant, the
prodigious tasks imposed upon him by the king of Mycenae with
the consent of Zeus. The prototype of the Greek Heracles
may be found in Oriental countries in Egypt, in Phoenicia,
HERACLES
86 THE GREEK WORLD
and in Asia Minor. In these countries his power was related
to that of the sun. But the fancy of the Greeks turned the
sun god of the East into a national hero, and conferred upon
him a human character.
Legends of National Exploits. The legends are not only
grouped about particular places and individual heroes, but have
for their subjects national deeds, marked by courage and forti-
tude. One of these stories describes the so-called " Argo-
nautic expedition" an adventurous voyage of fifty heroes,
who set sail from Bceotia under the leadership of Jason, in the
ship A rgo, for the purpose of recovering a " golden fleece "
which had been carried away to Colchis, a far distant land on
the shores of the Euxine (map, p. 111). Another legend the
" Seven against Thebes " narrates the tragic story of (Ed'i-
pus, who unwittingly slew his own father and married his own
mother and was banished from Thebes for his crimes, after
having been made king; and whose sons quarreled for the va-
cant throne, one of them with the aid of other chieftains mak-
ing war upon his native city. But the most famous of the
legendary stories of Greece was that which described the Tro-
jan war the military expedition of the Greeks to Troy, in
order to rescue Helen, who was the beautiful wife of Menelaus,
king of Sparta, and who had been stolen away by Paris, son
of the Trojan king. The details of this story the wrath of
Achil'les, the battles of the Greeks and the Trojans, the de-
struction of Troy, and the return of the Grecian heroes
are the subject of the great epic poems ascribed to Homer. All
these legends, whether derived from a foreign source, or pro-
duced upon native soil, received the impress of the Greek
mind. They form one of the legacies from the prehistoric age,
and reveal some of the features of the early Greek character.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. HELLAS, THE LAND OF THE GREEKS. Greece and the Orient.
t-aphical Features of Greece. Divisions of Greece. Greater
Hellas.
T11K EARLIEST AGKS OF GREECE 87
II. THE HELLENES, THE PEOPLE OF GREECE. The Earliest In-
habitants of Greece. The Coining of the Hellenes. Divisions of
the Hellenic People. Characteristics of the Greek People.
III. THE EARLY LEGENDS OF GREECE. Importance of the
I. trends. Legends of the Founders of Cities. Legends of Gre-
cian Heroes. Legends of National Exploits.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Smith, Wm., "Introduction, Outlines of Grecian Geography";
Ch. I, "Earliest Inhabitants of Greece"; Ch. 2, "Grecian
Heroes" (10). '
Oman, Ch. 1, "Geography of Greece" (10).
Bury, Introduction, "Greece and the ^Egean" (10).
Cox, History, Bk. I., Ch. 1, "Physical Geography of Continental
Hellas"; Ch. 3, "Mythology and Tribal Legends of the
Greeks" (10).
Abbott, Vol. I., Ch. 1, "Hellas"; Ch. 2, "The Earliest Inhabitants";
Ch. 3, "Migrations and Legendary History" (10).
Curtius, Vol. I., Bk. I., Ch. 1, "Land and People" (10).
Grote, Part II., Ch. 16, "Grecian Myths as Understood, Felt and
Interpreted by the Greeks Themselves" (10).
Holm, Vol. 1., Ch. 1, "The Country"; Ch. 4, "The Earliest Tradi-
tional History"; Ch. 10, "Most Important Legends of
Greece" (10).
Herodotus, Bk. I., Chs. 52-58 (Pelasgians and Helleues) (17).
Thucydides, Bk. I., Chs. 2-12 (early peoples of Greece) (17).
CHAPTER VII
THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE
I. THE MYCENAEAN AGE
Recent Excavations in Hellas. Not many years ago our
knowledge of the early ages of Greece was derived almost en-
tirely from the old legends especially those contained in the
Homeric poems. These were at one time accepted as giving
real historical facts, but were afterward rejected as purely
ir The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
88 THE (J1IEEK WORLD
imaginary. But recent excavations have thrown a new light
upon these early ages, and opened a new world to the student
of Greek history. The story of these diggings among the ruins
of the old cities of the ^Egean has an almost romantic interest.
The name most closely connected with them is that of Dr.
Schliemann, the German archaBologist. It was his childlike
faith in Homer and the tale of Troy that led him to seek for
the Trojan city and the palace of Agamemnon, king of Mycenae.
The excavations made by him (beginning in 1871), together
with the work of his successors, have not only given us new
ideas regarding the poems of Homer, but have also presented
many new and difficult problems regarding the early ages of
Greece. We can do no more here than to refer briefly to the
most important of these excavations, and the relics they have
disclosed.
Hissarlik and the City of Troy. The hill of Hissar'lik, sit-
uated in Tro'as, in northern Asia Minor, was believed by Dr.
THE HILL OF HISSARLIK
Schliemann to be the site of Troy. But instead of finding here
a single city, he found the ruins of nine cities. I vim: one above
another ;m<l representing dilVerenl stages <>f human pro t L r iv-<.
The lowest city contained relics of the stone age stone axes,
THE EARLIEST AGES OF (JRKECE 89
flint knives, earthen vessels covered with rude decorations.
The second city evidently destroyed by a conflagration and
hence called the " burnt city " was surrounded by walls built
of brick and placed upon rough stone foundations. It con-
tained a palace surrounding a court. Among the ruins were
found battle-axes, spearheads, and daggers made of copper,
showing that its inhabitants belonged to what we call the " age
of bronze." There were found also articles of fine workman-
ship, showing an Eastern influence cups of silver, diadems,
bracelets, earrings made of gold, and also articles of ivory and
jade which could have come only from central Asia. This
" burnt city " was believed by Dr. Schliemann to have been
the Troy of Homer. But the later work of Dr. Dorpfeld, the
distinguished colleague of Schliemann, has shown that the
sixth city with its great circuit walls, its stately houses of
well-dressed stone, and its finely wrought vases is more likely
to be the city described in the Homeric poems.
The Citadel of Tiryns. But the most important remains of
this prehistoric age have been found, not in Asia Minor, but
in European Greece, especially in two cities of Argolis
Tiryns and Mycenae. Tiryns is the older of these, and its
walls, too, are better preserved. The citadel of Tiryns was
surrounded by massive walls. The palace consisted of a com-
plicated system of courts, halls, and corridors, suggesting an
Oriental palace rather than any building in historic Greece.
The most artistic features of the palace were alabaster friezes,
carved in rich patterns of rosettes and spirals, such as are
described in the Homeric poems (Odyssey, Bk. VIL).
The Ruins and Relics of Mycenae. The prehistoric culture
of Greece probably reached its highest development at Mycena?.
One of the most conspicuous objects here was the well-known
"lion gate" (p. 92). through which the citadel was entered,
and which had been an object of interest to the later Greeks.
The form of these rampant lions has often been compared to
similar designs in the East, especially in Assyria and Phrygia.
90 THE GREEK WORLD
Within the walls near the gate was found a circle of upright
slabs inclosing a number of graves. Those contained human
bodies and a wealth of art treasures articles of gold, silver,
copper, bronze, terra cotta, glass, ivory, and precious stones;
articles of ornament, such as diadems, pendants, and rings of ar-
tistic design; articles of use, such as bowls, pitchers, cups, ladles,
spoons, etc. These articles show a high degree of mechanical
skill and artistic taste. Some of them may have been brought
from the East, and some of them may have been the products
of native industry. Below the citadel was found another type
THE SO-CALLED "TREASURY OF ATREUS"
of sepulchers, called from their peculiar form "bee-hive
tombs," one of which the archaeologists have called the " Treas-
ury of Atreus." 1
Other Sites of Prehistoric Remains. Recent excavations
have shown that the kind of culture which existed in the pre-
historic cities of Tiryns and MycenaB prevailed in many other
parts of Greece, and in many islands of the ^Egean. At Or-
chomenus, in Boeotia, was discovered an elaborate and beauti-
1 Such structures were at first supposed to lie places where the kings
kept their treasures. The ancient writer Pnusanias mentions at My-
cenae "underground structures of Atreus and his suns win-re they kepi their
treasuries." I'.ut archa olo^'ists are now agreed that these structures were
not treasure-houpes hut tomhs. See Tsountas and Manatt, Mycenaean Age,
p. 117.
THE EARLIEST AGES OF (ilM-JX K
91
THE VAPHIO GOLD CUPS
ful ceiling said to be of a pure Egyptian pattern. At Vaphi'd
(near Sparta) were found two remarkable gold cups covered
with finely wrought relief work, and regarded by some as the
most artistic work of the prehistoric age. In Crete has been
discovered a crude and cu- ,
rious form of hieroglyph-
ic writing. But a strange
feature of these remarkable
discoveries is not the pres-
ence of writing in Crete, but
the almost total absence of
writing and inscriptions
everywhere else among a people who possessed so many of the
evidences of civilization.
Character of the Mycenaean Culture. The type of civiliza-
tion brought to light by these discoveries has been called by
some " Mycenaean," from the city in Argolis where its remains
are most conspicuous; and by others it has been called
"^Egean," from the fact that it seems to have extended over a
large part of the ^Egean basin. It is supposed to have reached
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 6
PREHISTORIC WRITING FROM CRETE
92 THE GREEK WORLD
its culmination perhaps between the years 1500 B. c. and 1200
B. c. But there is reason to believe that in its earlier stages it
may have extended back as far as 2000 B. c. ? or even to an
earlier date. Its last and declining stage was evidently closed
by the Dorian migration about 1000 B. c., when it was swept
from Greece, its memory still lingering in the minds of those
THE "LION GATE" AT MYCENAE
tribes that migrated to the coasts of Asia Minor. Regarding
the origin of this ancient culture of Greece we have no right to
speak with confidence, since scholars are by no means agreed
upon the question. We may venture the opinion that this cul-
ture with its strange mingling of crude art, of massive walls,
of palatial building. <>!' Oriental designs, and of objects show-
ing a high mechanical skill and eastern taste may have been
developed by the early people of Greece who were brought
THE EARLIEST AGES OF GREECE 93
into close commercial and intellectual' relation with the people
of the Orient. Whatever we may think of its character and
origin, we know that it exercised but slight influence upon
the classic art of Greece, but passed away, leaving scarcely
more than monuments and memories. These memories, how-
ever, furnished an inspiration to the poets and minstrels of the
Homeric age.
II. TRANSITION TO THE HOMERIC AGE
The So-called Dorian Migration. The brilliant period of
ancient Greece which we call the Mycenaean age, was evidently
brought to a close by a great movement which affected practi-
cally a large part of the Greek world. It seems quite certain
that about the year 1000 B. c. there was a general disturbance
of the population throughout Greece. This was due to the
movement of the northern tribes into the south, resulting in
the displacement of the old inhabitants and the destruction
of the old civilization. This movement is called the " Dorian
migration." It is known in the traditional history as the
" Return of the Heracli'da? " being mixed up with stories re-
garding the descendants of Heracles. Notwithstanding the
myths connected with it, it must be regarded as a real move-
ment, which affected nearly all the tribes of Greece, and which
may have extended over many generations. As a result of this
movement, we find the Dorians, who formerly occupied Thes-
saly, now the leading race of the Peloponnesus.
The Migrations to Asia Minor. The invasion of the Pelo-
ponnesus by the Dorians resulted not only in rearranging the
tribes in Greece proper, but also in bringing about a closer
union between Greece and Asia Minor. The people who had
been dispossessed of their old homes in Greece, or who were
not satisfied with their new ones, sought other settlements
across the sea. The coasts of Asia Minor, already peopled by
an ancient Greek race (p. 81), now received a new population
K"o. 6.
94
THE EAKL1EST ACJES OF (JHICKCE U5
from the European peninsula. There were, in fact, three
streams of migration from Greece to Asia Minor.
(1) One stream of migration was made up of the JEolians,
which name came to be a general term applied to all who
were not lonians or Dorians, including even the Achaeans. This
mixed people took possession of the northern part of the west-
ern coast of Asia Minor. They occupied the island of Lesbos
and founded the important city of Mytile'ne. Their settle-
ments upon the coast extended nearly as far north as the Hel-
lespont, and as far south as the river Hermus. But the settle-
ments upon the mainland had less historical importance than
those upon the island of Lesbos, where the people became noted
for their culture, especially in music and poetry.
(2) A second stream of migration comprised the lonians,
who settled upon the central part of the coast. They took a
course across the sea by way of the Cyclades, leaving on these
islands colonies of their own people. They took possession of
the islands of Chios and Samos. They occupied the coast land
from Phocae'a to Mile'tus, and the latter city became especially
noted for its commerce and its colonies.
(3) A third stream was that of the Dorians, who took a
southern course by way of Crete, where they left their colonies.
They also occupied Rhodes and Cos, and on the mainland they
established Halicarnas'sus and other less important towns.
The New Culture of Asia Minor. The invasion of the Do-
rians and the migrations to Asia Minor mark the decline
of the old Mycenaean age. But these movements also mark
the transition to a new phase of culture in Asia Minor. We
shall find that during this transitional period the cities of
Asia Minor became the chief centers of intellectual life and
activity. But the new culture of Asia Minor did not consist
in reproducing the works of Mycenaean art ; it consisted rather
in rehearsing the traditional glories of that golden age. The
bards of Ionia recounted the mythical stories of the gods, the
legends of ancient heroes, and the traditions of Troy and
96 THE GREEK WORLD
Mycenae. They accompanied their words with regular strokes
upon the lyre ; and their fanciful stories fell into rhythm and
took the form of the hexameter verse. The group of Ionian
bards in Asia Minor received the name of the " cyclic poets " ;
and the group of narrative poems which they produced is
known as the " epic cycle." These lays were descriptive in
character and inspired with an heroic spirit ; they were full of
imagination, reciting the deeds of gods and men and throwing
a halo about the past.
III. THE HOMERIC POEMS AND THE HOMERIC AGE
The Iliad and the Odyssey. From the cycle of poems that
sprang up in Asia Minor there emerged two great epics, known
as the " Il'iad " and the " Od'yssey." Being the fittest expres-
sions of the popular thought and feeling, they survived. They
are, in fact, regarded by many critics as the greatest epic poems
in the* world's literature. The Iliad is a poem of war, and the
DEPARTURE OF ACHILLES (From an ancient vase)
Odyssey is a poem of peace. The former describes the closing
scenes of the Trojan war, and revolves about the wrath of
Achilles, the warlike son of the king of Thessaly. The
leader of the Grecian nnnics WMS A,L r ;imrmn<>n. kmir of Myce-
nae, and hence we find m:mv Iniditions which reach back io
the Mycenaaan age. The Odyssey narrates events which were
THE EAKLIEST AGES OF GREECE
supposed to follow the Trojan war, especially the wanderings
of Odys'seus (Ulysses) on his return to his home.
The Homeric Question. These poems stand out promi-
nently from an otherwise dark and obscure period. They
have naturally been made the subject of the most searching in-
quiries. Was there ever such a poet as Homer? Were the
Iliad and Odyssey both produced by the same person? Was
either poem originally a single
production? Was not each one
rather a collection of separate
ballads, afterward brought to-
gether by some skillful hand?
These queries comprise the
chief points in what is called
the " Homeric question."
The ancients generally be-
lieved that the two epics were
produced by the same poet,
and that this poet was Ho-
mer. Certain critics of Alex-
andria, observing the differ-
ence between the two poems,
declared that they were pro-
duced by two different poets. Modern critics have submitted
the theory that each poem was a collection of lays, originally
distinct, but collected into a coherent form during the historical
period. This question will perhaps never be settled to the
satisfaction of every one.
Historical Value of the Homeric Poems. Whether the Iliad
and Odyssey were the product of one poet or not, they were
evidently produced in the transitional period (probably about
850 B. c.) between the prehistoric age of Tiryns and Mycenae,
and the historic age of Sparta and Athens. They are made up
largely of legends and traditions, and so far are no more
valuable than any other legends and traditions. But traditions
HOMER
98 THE GREEK WORLD
are- not necessarily false. The recently discovered relics of
the prehistoric age show how faithfully the memories of
" golden Mycenae " were preserved by the people who migrated
to Asia Minor and were expressed in the Homeric poems.
But the great historical value of these poems does not consist
merely in the narrative of traditional events and the pictures
of past glories. It consists rather in the great number of allu-
sions made to the life and customs of the early Greek people.
Homer painted the past in the colors of his own time. From
the numerous allusions made to industry and art, to society
and government,, to religion and morality, we can get a com-
prehensive view of that early culture which existed among the
prehistoric Greeks of Asia Minor, and which was bequeathed
to the Greeks of historical times. It has been forcibly said
that " while the pre-Doric art in Europe was not continued in
later times, and the later genuine Greek art followed other
paths than those of MycenaB and Orchomenus, the earliest
poetry of Asia Minor is still the truest expression of Greek life
that exists" (Holm).
The Homeric Society and Government. In the Homeric
poems we see the picture of a simple and primitive society,
such as we find among other early Aryan peoples. Its primary
element was the family, comprising the household father, the
mother, the children, and the slaves. The families were grouped
into clans, and these into tribes. The tribe was governed by a
king (bas'ileus), who performed the religious rites of the tribe,
settled disputes, and commanded the people in time of war.
He was assisted by a council (bnu'U), made up of the chiefs of
the clans. Matters of great importance, like the declaration
of war or the distribution of plunder, mi^ht be left to the
ibly (n(/'nni). which comprised all the people capable of
bearing arms. In times of war several tribes might unite
under a common chieftain; for example, in the expedition
aLMin-t Troy, the Creek tribes were united under the leadership
of Agamemnon, king of Mycenae.
THE EARLIEST AtJES OF GREECE
99
Homeric Industry and Art. We may also obtain from the
Homeric poems an idea of the degree of progress made by the
early Greeks in the art of living. They obtained their food,
not only by hunting and fishing, but also by the domestication
of animals and by the cultivation of the soil. They had the
use of at least six metals, gold, silver, iron, lead, copper, and
tin, which they obtained mostly from other lands. They
worked the metals in a simple way, and did not possess the fine
mechanical skill seen in the more ancient works of the Myce-
naean and Oriental art. The descriptions, . contained in the
poems, of princely palaces with their rich decorations and fur-
niture, are based upon the traditions of an age which had
passed away, but which had not been forgotten.
Homeric Religion and Morality. The religion of the Ho-
meric age was evidently derived
from the nature worship of
the early Aryans. The Greeks
coupled with their nature wor-
ship an elaborate and beautiful
mythology; and they saw in
their gods beings like themselves,
with human feelings and foibles,
with human likes and dis-
likes. The gods were supposed
to dwell about the top of Mt.
Olympus, where they feasted and
held their councils. They took
part in the battles of the Trojan
war, and assisted the Greeks
or the Trojans according to their preferences for either party.
At the head of the divine circle was Zeus, the god of the heav-
ens and the father of gofls and men. Around him were gath-
ered the other Olympian deities. The Olympian circle con-
sisted of the greater deities, comprising six gods and six god-
desses. The six gods were: (1) Zeus (Jupiter), the supreme
ZEUS
100
THE (JHKEK VVOKLD
god of the heavens, the king and father of mankind; (2)
Apollo, god of light and of prophecy; (3) Ares (Mars), god
of war; (4) Hermes (Mercury), the messenger of the gods, the
patron of commerce, and the master of cunning; (5) Posei'-
don (N"eptune), god of the sea; and (6) Hephces'tus (Vulcan),
god of fire. The six goddesses were : ( 1 ) Hera ( Juno) , the wife
of Zeus and the queen of
heaven ; (2) Athena
(Minerva), goddess of
wisdom, who was born
from the forehead of Zeus ;
(3) Artemis (Dian'a),
goddess of the chase; (4)
Aphrodi'te (Venus), god-
dess of love and beauty;
(5) Deme'ter (Ceres),
goddess of the harvest;
and (6) Hcstia (Vesta),
goddess of the hearth. Be-
sides these superior deities
there were a large number
of inferior gods, as well as
mythical beings, with which
the Greek imagination peo-
HERA pled the sky, the earth, and
the sea. The Greeks believed that the favor of the gods may be
obtained by prayers and sacrifices, and that their will may be
discovered by means of signs and oracles. They also believed
in a future life, where those who had found favor with the
gods would receive a place in Elys'ium, the field of the blest ;
and those who had incurred their anger would be condemn^!
to Tar'tarus, the gulf of torment. The people of Homeric
Greece were probably no better and no worse than the early
people of other countries. They lived a bright ami cheerful
life. Tn ]>e,i<-e they \V<MV hospitable lo the stranger; in war
T11K KAKUKST A<JK:~ OF (JIlKKt E 101
they wore vindictive and cruel to their fallen foes. Thi-y
a high respect for women; but they were often deceitful in
their commercial dealings and regarded piracy as an honorable
calling. Their highest motive of life was to obtain the ap-
proval of the gods.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE MYCENAEAN AGE. Kecent Excavations in Hellas. His-
sarlik and the City of Troy. The Citadel of Tiryns. The Ruins
and Relics of Mycenae. Other Sites of Prehistoric Remains.
Character of the Mycenaean Culture.
II. TRANSITION TO THE HOMERIC AGE. The So-called Dorian
Migration. The Migrations to Asia Minor. The New Culture of
Asia Minor.
III. THE HOMERIC POEMS AND THE HOMERIC AGE. The Iliad
and the Odyssey. The Homeric Question. Historical Value
of the Homeric Poems. Homeric Society and Government.
Homeric Industry and Art. Homeric Religion and Morality.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Bury, Ch. 1, "Beginnings of Greece and the Heroic Age" (10). 1
Oman, Ch. 2, 'VEgean Civilization"; Ch. 3, "The Homeric Poems
and the Greeks of the Heroic Age"; Ch. 5, "The Great Migra-
tions" (10).
Hall, Ch. 7, "Mycenae's Place in History" (13).
Schuchhardt, Ch. 1, "Life of Dr. Schliemann"; Ch. 2, "Troy";
Ch. 3, "Tiryns"; Ch. 4, "Mycenae" (13).
Smith, Wm., Ch. 3, "State of Society of the Heroic Age"; Ch. 5,
"The Poems of Homer" (10).
Abbott, Vol. I., Ch. 5, "The Homeric Poems" (10).
Grote, Part I., Ch. 21, "Grecian Epic Homeric Poems" (10).
Warr, Ch. 2, "The Homeric Poetry" (14).
Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 2, "The Homeric Age" (10).
Fowler, Ch. 3, "The Homeric Question" (15).
Freeman, Essay, "Homer and the Homeric Age" (3).
Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 13, "Civilization of the Asiatic Greek Homeric
Poetry"; Ch. 14, "Institutions and Mode of Life of the Early
Greeks, Especially as Described by Homer" (10).
Jebb, Homer, Ch. 2, "The Homeric World" (14).
Keller, Ch. 3, "Religious Ideas and Usages"; Ch. 5, "Marriage
and the Family"; Ch. 6, "Government," etc. (14).
Homer, Iliad, Bk. I. (contention of Achilles and Agamemnon);
Odyssey, Bk. VI. (the palace of Alcinoiis) (17).
See also Appendix (13) Mycenaean Age and (14) Homer and the
Homeric Age.
1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
PERIOD II, DEVELOPMENT OF THE GREEK CITY STATES
(776-500 B, 0.)
CHAPTER VIII
POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION OF GREECE
I. THE EARLY CITY STATE
Importance of the Greek Cities. We have already seen
among the early Greeks, some evidences of their political life.
The cities of the Mycenaean age were evidently ruled by kings
of the Oriental type, with their sumptuous palaces and their
subject population. Next, in the Homeric period, we have seen
a simpler form of political life, in which the government was
divided between the king, the council, and the assembly. This
form of government was very primitive in character, but from
it sprang the city states of historical Greece. It is in these city
states that we are to find the beginnings of political freedom,
and in fact the germs of modern constitutional liberty. As we
study the growth of the cities we must observe the striking con-
trast between them and the cities of the East. The Oriental
cities were governed solely by the king, or by viceroys subject
to the king ; and this resulted in the growth of autocratic and
despotic governments, in which the people had no part. In the
Greek cities, on the other hand, the people obtained a certain
share in the government; and this resulted in the growth of
institutions more or less democratic in character. Even at the
beginning of the historical period we find many centers of city
103
POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION 103
life in different parts of Greece. These cities were in a more or
less flourishing condition and could already boast of great age.
Their origin is hidden in the mists of tradition ; and we must
form our ideas of their early development chiefly hy studying
the elements of which they were composed. 1
The Elements of the City State. The early Greek state was
no doubt the result of a slow process of growth. We may trace
its gradual development from the family, the primitive ele-
ment of Greek society. The family was governed by the father,
who presided over the family worship, and controlled all its
members. The family expanded naturally into the clan, or
gens, which was essentially the larger body of family relatives,
held together by a common worship and by a common feeling
of kinship. The clan was governed by a council of the house-
hold fathers, and by a chief man selected to preside over the
common worship, to settle disputes, and to lead the people in
time of war. In times of great danger the different clans would
be induced to unite in a larger body, called a brotherhood or
" phratry." This, too, had its own chief and council, and its
armed men might be called together in an assembly to decide
on questions of war. To repel a common peril the phratries
would league themselves into a still larger body called the
" tribe," which would also have its own leader, council, and
assembly. By these successive unions was gradually developed
the tribal state such as we find in Homeric times (compare
p. 98) ; and this grew into the city state of the historical
-period. The elements which entered into the city state were
thus the family, the gens, the phratry, and the tribe.
The Government of the City State. The city was generally
formed by a union of tribes. The people sought a common
1 Among the most important of these cities were the following : in
central Greece, Athens, Eleu'sis, Platse'a, Thebes, Orchomenus, Delphi,
Naupactus ; in the northern Peloponnesus, Mycensp, Tiryns, Argos, Ne'mea,
Corinth, Sic'yon (sish'i-on), Elis, Olympia ; in the southern Peloponnesus,
Sparta, Amy'clap, Helos, Mantine'a, Te'gea, Pylos. (For the location of
these cities ?ee maps, pp. 78, 119).
104 THE GREEK WORLD
center of defense on some elevated spot like the Acropolis of
Athens which could be fortified, and to which they might
retreat in times of danger. They were held together by the
worship of some common deity, whom they regarded as their
protector. The city population comprised not simply the peo-
ple who lived within the city walls but also those who lived
in the surrounding country in fact, all those who shared in
the common city worship and were subject to the common city
government. This government in early times was patterned
after that of the tribe, and consisted of the king, the council,
and the assembly.
(1) The city king (basikus) was, like the older tribal chief,
the leader of the people in time of war, the priest of the com-
mon city religion, and the judge to settle disputes between the
citizens. He governed by no written laws, but tried to uphold
the existing customs of the people and what he supposed to be
the will of the gods.
(2) The city council (boule) was, like the council of the
tribe, made up of the leading men of the community. They
formed a sort of advisory body, which was called together
whenever the king desired. On account of their influence they
might guide or restrain the power of the king; and on account
of their superior birth or position, they came to be an aristo-
cratic class, or what we might call a body of nobles.
(3) The city assembly (agora), like the tribal assembly, was
composed of all citizens capable of bearing arms. As the state
was formed originally for the purpose of protection, and as it
thus had primarily a military character, the people were gen-
erally consulted only on questions relating to war. But as the
state acquired more and more a civil character, the assem-
bly of the people came to be a more important element in the
government.
Independence of the City States. The Greek world was
made up of a large number of these little city states, which for
the most part preserved their local independence. This was
POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION 105
due largely to the broken nature of the territory, which kept
the different communities separated from one another. It was
due also to the independent spirit of the people themselves.
The national, life of Greece thus became localized in the cities.
The spirit of patriotism consisted in the love of one's own
city; and the great achievements of the Greeks were made to
glorify the city. This spirit of independence had both a good
and a bad effect. On the one hand, it tended to foster free
institutions and the forms of local self-government. On the
other hand, it prevented the permanent union of Greece and
the development of a national state.
Amphictyonies or City Leagues. Although the Greek cities
were politically independent of one another, they sometimes
united themselves into leagues or confederacies, called "am-
phictyonies." These leagues were often formed to maintain
the worship of some common deity, or to promote common
commercial interests, or to protect the cities against a com-
mon foe. The members of these associations often professed to
believe that they were descended from some common ancestor,
and were under the protection of the same god. Sometimes
one city obtained the leadership, or " hegemony," over the rest;
but if such a leadership became oppressive, it generally pro-
voked a revolt on the part of the subject cities. In the course of
our study we shall have our attention called to a number of
these Greek confederacies, like the Amphictyon'ic League with
its center at Delphi, the Peloponnesian League under Sparta,
the Boeotian League under Thebes, the Deli an Confederacy
under Athens, and in later times the Achaean and ^Etolian
leagues organized against Macedonia.
II. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN GREECE
Tendency to Revolution. When we consider the political
organization of the Greek city states, we must not suppose that
they always remained in the simple and primitive condition
106 THE GREEK WORLD
which we have just described. Their political life, on the con-
trary, was one of continual activity and change. One form of
government succeeded another as the king, or the nobles, or
the people gained the upper hand. Although the different
cities presented a great diversity in their political life, we can
trace a general tendency in the direction of more democratic
ideas and freer institutions.
From Monarchy to Aristocracy. In the earliest times, the
king was the most prominent figure in the government. This
supremacy of the king and the royal family is what constitutes
a monarchy. When the rule of the king became oppressive,
the political power passed into the hands of the nobles. The
supremacy of such a class of influential men in the state is
what constitutes an aristocracy. If the power is restricted to
a very few persons, the government is called an oligarchy. At
an early period the political authority in the cities passed from
the hands of the king to the hands of the nobles; that is, there
was a transition from monarchy to aristocracy or oligarchy.
From Aristocracy to Tyranny. When the nobles obtained
the supreme power in the city, they were tempted to use it for
their own interests, at the expense of the people in general.
The city population thus came to be divided into two parties,
the aristocratic and democratic parties the former striving to
maintain their own power and privileges, and the latter strug-
gling to obtain an equality of rights. In the midst of these
popular discontents there appeared certain men whom the
Greeks called " tyrants." The so-called tyrant was not neces-
sarily a despotic ruler, but a man who had seized the power of
the state in an irregular way. He might be a patriot, working
for the interests of the people, or he might be a demagogue,
working for his own interests. In either case, he was an enemy
to the oligarchy, and his triumph meant the overthrow of the
jiristocratic power. The tyrants were in fact "the means of
breaking down the oligarchies in the interests of the people"
(Abbott).
POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION 10?
From Tyranny to Democracy. The one-man power was es-
tablished in many of the cities of Greece. As long as the
tyrants looked after the interests of the people, their rule was
tolerated. But whenever and wherever they became selfish,
ambitious, and oppressive, they were detested. While in some
cases the city might revert to an oligarchy, the tyranny more
often led to democracy. The so-called " age of tyrants " thus
formed, generally speaking, a period of transition to the demo-
cratic form of government; and democracy came to be more
highly developed in Greece than in any other part of the an-
cient world.
The many different states of Greece, however, were not
equally successful in obtaining a democratic government. In
some states we see the power remaining in the hands of a small
part of the people, resulting in the permanent establishment
of an aristocracy or oligarchy. Such aristocratic governments
were developed in Sparta ; in Thebes of Bceotia ; in Chalcis and
Eretria on the island of Eubcea ; and also in Corinth, Meg'ara,
and Sicyon on or near the isthmus of Corinth. In other
cities, we see the political power transferred to the great body
of citizens, resulting in the growth of a well-organized demo-
cratic state. The most important democratic cities were Ath-
ens, Argos, and Elis. Of these various cities we may look upon
Sparta and Athens as the most important, for they represented
the two extreme tendencies in the political development of
Greece the former showing the tendency toward oligarchy,
and the latter the tendency toward democracy.
III. EXPANSION OF GREECE BY COLONIZATION
Causes of Colonial Expansion. At the same time that the
cities of Hellas were working out the problem of free govern-
ment, the boundaries of the Hellenic world were widening by
the establishment of colonies. The causes leading to the colo-
nial expansion of Greece were various. In the first place, the
1C8 THE GREEK WORLD
growth of population required the formation of new settle-
ments; and these could be formed only in the unoccupied lands
which bordered upon the adjoining seas. In the next place,
the political discontent resulting from aristocratic oppression
led many people to seek greater freedom in new settlements;
hence we find a large number of colonies established by cities
subject to aristocratic rule. Finally, the growing spirit of com-
merce furnished a strong impulse to colonization. The coasts
of the ^Egean were indented with natural harbors; and the
Greeks early derived from the Phoenicians the spirit of com-
merce and shared with them the trade routes of the sea. With
the decline of the Phoenician power, the Greeks became the
leading commercial people of the East. Like the Phoenicians,
they dotted the shores of the Mediterranean with their trad-
ing posts. Greece thus became the mother of colonies, and
from the eighth to the sixth century (750-550 B. c.) the terri-
tory of Hellas was continually growing wider and wider.
Character of the Greek Colony. The Greek colony was a
community of Greek citizens transported to a new land. It
was generaljy the offshoot of a single city, although one colony
might sometimes be formed by the people of different cities.
The Greek colony carried with it the traditions, the customs,
the language, and the religion of the parent city. Wherever
it might be planted, it bore the blossoms and fruits of Greek
culture. The founding of a colony was a matter of so much
importance that it was customary to consult the oracle at Del-
phi to ascertain whether the undertaking would meet with the
divine sanction. If the response was favorable, a " founder "
was appointed to lead the colonists to their new home. The
sacred fire taken from the altar of the parent city was carried
with the colonists as a symbol of their filial devotion. Tin- in-
fant colony worshiped the same gods as the parent city. ;m<! in
every way showed the sacred reverence due from ;i <1 aim-liter to
a mother. But in its political life the colony was entirely inde-
pendent of the parent state. Though bound by filial affection,
POLITICAL GROWTH AND EXPANSION 109
it was not subject to parental authority. It formed its own gov-
ernment, made its own laws, and was expected to work out
its own destiny. 1
The Colonizing Cities. The cities of Greece were not
equally zealous in the planting of colonies. Of the chief cities,
Athens was one of the least conspicuous in this .movement.
This may have been due to the fact that she was at first more
devoted to politics than to commerce, or to the fact that her
citizens were less discontented than those of other cities.
Sparta, on account of her distance from the sea, was also not
important 'as a colonizing state. But her subjects especially
the Messenians were sometimes driven by her oppressive gov-
ernment to seek a refuge beyond her dominion. Of the cities
of Greece proper the foremost in the colonizing movement was
Chalcis, situated on the island of Eubcea. This city had a fa-
vorable seaboard. It com-
manded the copper trade
of the East, and its aris-
tocratic government was a
cause of popular discon-
tent. These facts are suf-
flcient to explain its colo- COIN OF ERETRIA
nizing spirit. Next after
Chalcis should be mentioned the neighboring city of Eretria;
and then Megara and Corinth, both of which were favorably
situated for commerce, and were often misruled by an oppress-
ive oligarchy. But the city which surpassed all others as a
colonizing center was situated not in Europe, but in Asia. This
was Miletus, the most celebrated city of Ionia. It possessed
four large harbors, and seems to have fallen heir to the com-
mercial enterprise of the Phoenicians. Miletus is said to have
been the mother of eighty colonies. Other cities of Ionia
1 This statement does not apply to the subject colonies, or "cle'ruchies,"
sent out by Athens as fc means of maintaining her influence in a foreign
land. In this case the settlers retained their political relations and rights
*s members of the parent state.
MAI? l^o.
c
JHEATER HEIJLAS
Sixth Century B.C.
Chief Seats of Colonization.
J/onians J7^ ~\sEolians and Achceana
\Dorians IT*" ^^Phoenicians
160 200 3<K) 460
East 25 from Greenwich
111
LIST OF PRINCIPAL GREEK COLONIES
The name of the parent colony is placed in parenthesis, together with
the date of settlement when known. These dates can be regarded as only
approximate, and are variously given by different authorities ; the dates
below are generally those accepted by Grote.
I. EASTERN COLONIES.
1. Northern ^Egean.
Methone (Eretria, 720 B.C.).
Mende (Eretria).
Torone (Chalcis).
Olynthus (Chalcis, 480 B.C.).
Potidaea (Corinth).
Abdera (Teos, 553 B.C.).
Maronea (Chios).
JEnos (JSolia).
2. Propontis.
Abydos (Miletus).
Lampsacus (Miletus, 650 B.C.).
Cyzicus (Miletus, 756 B.C.).
Chalcedon (Megara, 674 B.C.).
Byzantium (Megara, 657 B.C.).
Perinthus (Samos, 600 B.C.).
Sestos (JEolia).
3. Euxine or Black Sea.
(a) Southern and Eastern Coast.
He*aclea (Megara, 560 B.C.).
Sinope (Miletus, 770 B.C.).
Trapezus (Sinope).
Phasis (Miletus).
Dioscurias (Miletus).
(6) Western and Northern Coast.
Apollonia (Miletus).
Mesembria (Megara).
Odessus (Miletus).
Istrus (Miletus).
Olbia (Miletus).
Heraclea (Heraclea Pontica).
Tanais^Miletus?).
Phanagoria (Miletus).
4. Africa.
Naucratis (Miletus, 660 B.C.).
Cyrene (Thera).
Barca (Cyrene).
II. WESTERN COLONIES.
1. Adriatic Coast.
Corcyra (Corinth, 730 B.C.).
Ambracia (Corinth, 650 H.C.).
Apollonia (Corinth, 600 B.C.).
Epidamnus (Corcyra, 625
B.C.).
2. Italy.
(a) Southern Coast.
Tarentuui (Sparta, 707 B.C.).
Sybaris (Achaia, 720 B.C.).
Croton (Achaia, 710 B.C.).
Locri (Locris, 683 B.C.).
Rhegium (Chalcis, 720 B.C.).
(6) Western Coast
Cumse (Chalcis, 1050 B.C. ?).
Neapolis (Cumse).
Posidonia (Achaia).
Velia (Phocsea, 550 B.C.).
3. Sicily.
(a} Ionian Colonies.
Naxos (Chalcis, 735 B.C.).
Catana (Naxos, 729 B.C.).
Zancle (Chalcis, 728 B.C.).
Himera (Zancle, 648 B.C.).
(6) Dorian Colonies.
Syracuse (Corinth, 734 B.C.).
Gela (Rhodes, 690 B.C.).
Agrigentum (Gela, 582 B.C.).
Selinus (Megara, 630 B.C.).
4. Gaul.
Massilia (Phocsea, 697 B.C.).
Olbia (Massilia).
POLITICAL GROWTH AM) KM 'A. \SION 113
also sent out some colonies. A few colonies were established
by the . Koliun cities of the north, and a still less number by
the Dorian cities of the south of Asia Minor.
Areas of Colonization. The lands open to Greek coloniza-
tion were the unoccupied coasts of the Mediterranean and
Black seas. Some of these lands had already been held by
Phoenician colonists; but the decline of Phoenicia gave an op-
portunity to the Greeks, either to take possession of the old
Phoenician sites, or to establish new settlements. The new
lands were generally inhabited by a barbarous people; but the
native products of these lands afforded a strong inducement to
Grecian traders. There were two general areas open to coloni-
zation, which we may distinguish as the eastern and west-
ern. The eastern area comprised the northern coasts of the
^Egean Sea; the shores of the Propon'tis with its tributary
straits, the Hellespont and the Bosphorus; the extensive coast
of the Euxine or Black Sea; and also the northeastern coast of
Africa. The western area comprised the western coasts of
Illyr'icum and Epirus; the coasts of southern Italy (Magna
Graecia) and Sicily; and the seaboards of the western Mediter-
ranean, including southern Gaul, and extending along the
shores of Spain. For the most important colonies study pages
110-112.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE EARLY CITY STATE. Importance of the Greek Cities.
Elements of the City State. Government of the City State. In-
dependence of the City States. Amphictyonies or City Leagues.
II. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN GREECE. Tendency to Revolu-
tion. From Monarchy to Aristocracy. From Aristocracy to
Tyranny. From Tyranny to Democracy.
III. EXPANSION OF GREECE BY COLONIZATION. Causes of Colo-
nial Expansion. Character of the Greek Colony. The Colonizing 1
Cities. Areas of Colonization.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Cox, History, Ch. 2, "Origin and Growth of Hellenic Civiliza-
tion" (10) .*
1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topip in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the hook will be found.
MOEEY'S ANCIENT HIST. 7
114 THE GREEK WOULD
Allcroft, Vol. L, Ch. 9, "Evolution of Governments"; Ch. 10, "Age
of Tyrants" (10).
Abbott, Vol. II., Introduction, "Sketch of Constitutional His-
tory"; Ch. 11, "The Greek Colonies" (10).
Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 20, "Political Development of the Greek
States"; Ch. 21, "Greek Colonization" (10).
Whibley, Greek Oligarchies, Ch. 3, "Historical Development of
Constitution" (11).
Greenidg-e, Ch. 2, "Early Development of the Greek Constitu-
tions; Monarchy, Aristocracy, Tyranny to Constitutional
Government"; Ch. 3, "Colonization" (11).
Fowler, W. W., Ch. 2, "Genesis of the City State"; Ch. 4, "Rise
of Aristocratic Government"; Ch. 5, "Transition from Aris-
tocracy to Democracy" (11).
Oman, Ch. 9, "The Age of Colonization" (10).
Smith, Wm., Ch. 12, "History of the Greek Colonies" (10).
Curtius, Vol. I., Bk. II., Ch. 3, "The Hellenes beyond the Archi-
pelago" (10).
Bury, Ch. 2, "The Expansion of Greece"; pp. 95-102 (Sicily);
p. 115 (Naucratis); pp. 116, 117 (Gyrene) (10).
Herodotus, Bk. III., Chs. 39-56, 120-125 (Polycrates, tyrant of
Samos) (17).
CHAPTER IX
THE TYPICAL CITY STATES SPARTA AND ATHENS
I. THE ARISTOCRATIC CITY STATE, SPARTA
The Dorians and Sparta. In their conquest of the Pelopon-
nesus (p. 93), the Dorians took possession of three important
countries Argolis, Laconia, and Messenia. Their first im-
portant cities arose in Argolis; chief of them was Argos. One
of the rulers of Argos,
Phi'don by name, was es-
pecially noted as the man
who introduced a system
of weights and measures,
and who established a
Com OP PHIDOX
money. From the city of Argos as a center, the Dorians sub-
dued the neighboring towns of Corinth, Megara, and Sicyon.
CITY STATES SPA 1JT A AND ATHENS 115
But all the Dorian cities were at last overshadowed by Sparta,
a town of Laconia, which we may study as the typical city
state of the Dorian race. Situated on the Kuro'tas River, it
was at first a mere military garrison, struggling to maintain
itself against a hostile people. By degrees it gained in strength
until it became the center of the Dorian civilization. This re-
markable city owed its success
to its peculiar organization
and discipline, said to have
Invn established by Lycur'gus.
The stories which are told of
Lycurgus are largely mythical.
It is said that he reorganized,
with the approval of the Del-
phic oracle, the whole social
and political system of Sparta;
and that, having obtained from
the people a solemn oath to
make no changes in his laws
during his absence, he left the
city and never returned. With-
out attempting to criticise the LYCURGUS (So-called)
" myth of Lycurgus," which is told by Plutarch, let us review
the Spartan institutions as they existed in historical times.
Divisions of the People in Sparta. The first thing we notice
in Sparta is the division of the whole population into three
classes which had evidently resulted from the Dorian con-
quest of the Peloponnesus.
(1) The upper class consisted of the Spartans themselves,
the descendants of the Dorian conquerors. They were the free
inhabitants of the Spartan city, and were the sole possessors of
political rights and privileges. They formed a comparatively
small part of the entire population not more than ten thou-
sand men capable of bearing arms. They received the best
portions of the land; but they were forbidden themselves to
116 THE GREEK WORLD
till the soil, or to do the work of artisans or traders. Their
sole occupation was war and service to the state.
(2) The next class comprised the Perioe'ci (dwellers
around), who formed a large part of the conquered people.
They lived in the neighboring towns, farmed the lands of the
state, and engaged in manufactures and commerce. They were
personally free; but were forced to pay tribute to Sparta. They
were, moreover, called upon to serve in the Spartan army in
time of war, and were even assigned to posts of command.
(3) The lowest class were the Helots, or serfs, who tilled the
soil allotted to the citizens. They belonged to the state, and
could not be sold by their Spartan masters. They formed the
largest part of the population. They had no rights, and their
condition was wretched.
The Spartan Government. The form of the government of
Sparta was an outgrowth of the system which prevailed in the
tribal state of Homeric times. This we see in the three
branches of the early government, the kingship, the senate, and
the assembly.
(1) At the head of the state were two kings, members of
distinct royal families. The origin of this double kingship it is
difficult to determine. The kings acted as a restraint upon
each other, and this tended to weaken the royal power.
(2) A more important element of the state was the senate
(gerou'sia), composed of thirty of the leading citizens, includ-
ing the two kings. In early times the members of the senate
were no doubt the chiefs of the clans which had united to form
the state. But in historical times they were elected by the as-
sembly. They were at least sixty years of age, and held their
position for life. Originally the senators were simply the ad-
visers of the kings; but they came to be the sharers of the
royal power. They not only determined largely the policy <>f
the kin^s. hut were judges in eriminal ease-;, and prepared the
matters which came hefnre the assembly.
(3) The assembly (apel'la) consisted of all Spartan ei'i/ens
CITY STATES^SPARTA AND ATM I -NS
above thirty years of age. It not only elected the senators, but
decided upon the most important matters of state. It ratified
the laws, determined questions of war and peace, and settled
disputes regarding the royal succession. The highest power
thus rested in the body of Spartan citizens; and in this respect
the state might be called a democracy. But when we consider
the fact that the body of citizens formed but a small part of
the whole population, the government can more properly be
regarded as an aristocracy.
(4) We should not have a complete view of the Spartan con-
stitution if we failed to notice the ephors (watchers), who were
officers peculiar to Sparta. They were five in number, and
formed a kind of supervisory board. They were elected by the
assembly each year to protect the interests of the people against
the encroachments of the kings and the senate. They came in
time to be the "guardians of the constitution" and the real
rulers of the state.
Spartan Education and Discipline. The Spartans evidently
believed that the character of a nation depends upon the train-
ing of its children. If the state is to be prepared for war, the
children must be physically strong and inured to hardships
akin to those of war. The Spartan elders decided whether each
child, at birth, was sufficiently strong to be reared, or whether
he should be exposed to the wild beasts. At the age of seven
the boy was taken from his mother's care and placed in the
hands of the public trainers. From this time he was subject
to a training which was severe, and which to us seems brutal;
but to the Spartans it. seemed the necessary education for a
soldier's life. The boy was obliged to prepare his own meals;
to wear the same clothing summer and winter; to sleep on a
bed of rushes ; to be hardened by the lash that he might better
endure the hardships of the camp. To develop his physical
strength and agility, he was trained in gymnastic exercises, in
running, wrestling, and throwing the javelin.
The supervision of the state was exercised not only over the
US THE GREEK WORLD
training of the young, but over the lives of all citizens. Every
form of luxury was discouraged. The dress was simple. The
houses were humble and unadorned. Money was not lavished
upon public buildings and works of art. The temptations to a
life of luxury were withstood, especially by the institution of
public meals (syssitia) . The men were organized in companies,
and each one contributed to the common meal. They were
withdrawn from their families, and lived in public barracks.
Home life was thus destroyed in the interest of the state. The
men were carefully organized, and trained in military evolu-
tions ; the simple and severe discipline of the camp was main-
tained in peace as well as in war; and as a result of this the
Spartans came to have the most efficient army of Greece, and,
as a matter of fact, of the world at that time.
The Conquests of Sparta; the Peloponnesian League.
With such military training and discipline Sparta was able to
extend and maintain her authority over the Peloponnesus. She
first gained possession of the valley of the Eurotas, subduing
the cities of Amyclae and Helos. The territory of Cynuria was
then wrested from Argos, which brought the whole of Laconia
under Spartan authority. After two long and severe wars
each one lasting about twenty years Sparta subdued the
neighboring district of Messenia, west of the Tayg'etus moun-
tains. These conflicts are known as the " Messenian Wars,"
and belong to the most heroic period of Spartan history (about
750-650 B. c. ). Later the city of Tegea with the surrounding
territory of Arcadia was subdued. Finally, Sparta gained a
controlling influence in Elis, especially in the management of
the national games at Olympia.
All the cities of the Peloponnesus (except Argos and the
towns of Achaia) were joined in a confederacy known as the
" Peloponnesian League." Each city was allowed to retain
its local independence, but was joined to Sparta by a treaty,
in which the city agreed to furnish to Sparta a certain num-
ber of troops in time of war. Every city of the league had
CITY STATES SPAHTA AND ATHENS
119
6 10 20 30 40 50
THE PELOPONNESUS
an equal voice in a federal council, which met at Sparta and
which was supposed to regulate matters of general interest.
In this confederacy Sparta was the leader; and she exercised
her influence in striving to extend her aristocratic institutions
throughout Greece.
Position of Sparta in Greece. While there are many things
that we might criticise in the narrow government, the austere
training, and the domineering policy of Sparta, we must con-
fess that she contributed much to the future greatness of
Greece. She set an example of simplicity in life, of self-con-
trol, of patriotic devotion, of respect for existing institutions.
She showed the importance of physical education, of healthy,
strong, and symmetrical bodies; and she gave Greece an ideal
120 THE GREEK WORLD
of physical manhood which furnished an inspiration to Greek
sculpture. She also set a pattern of military organization by
which in the subsequent period of foreign invasions Greece
*ras saved from destruction. Although Sparta did not repre-
sent the highest culture of Greece, she did much to make that
highest culture possible.
II. THE DEMOCRATIC CITY STATE, ATHENS
The Ancient Monarchy of Athens. In marked contrast to
Sparta, the aristocratic and military center of the Peloponne-
sus, stood Athens, which came to be the democratic and intel-
lectual center of all Greece. As Sparta represented the Dorians,
Athens was the chief representative of the Ionian people. The
city state which grew up about Athens comprised all the towns
of Attica, which were united under a common government.
The union -of these towns was ascribed to the mythical king
Theseus. Our knowledge of this early period is based almost
entirely upon traditions; but we may be quite certain that the
earliest government of Athens was a monarchy of the Homeric
type with a king, a con noil, and an assembly.
Divisions of the People in Attica. In each of the Ionian
towns of Attica there were certain divisions of the people which
remained after the towns were united under the common
monarchy. In the first place, there were the four Ionian tribes
which bore distinct names (Geleoritcs, Hopletes, ^Egic'ores.
and Ar'gades) and which were each made up of phratries and
chins. In the next place, there were three class divisions, upon
which were based social rank and political privileges: (1) the
well-born, or nobles (Eupat'ridte) , (2) the farmers (Gmni'-
ori), and (3) the artisans (Demiurgi). Of these classes the
Eu'patrids stood nearest to the king. They were the only per-
sons who had political privileges; and from them the king
chose the members of his council. If the freemen were ever
called together in an assembly, it was only <m ran- occasions.
CITY STATES SPARTA AND ATHENS
The Growth of the Archonship : Eupatrid Rule. The first
important changes in the Athenian government were due to
the decline of the power of the king, resulting in the appoint-
ment of three archons to take his place. One was the chief
archon, after whom the year was named ; another was the war
archon (called the polemarch), who commanded the army; the
third was the king-archon, who represented the old king as
priest of the common religion. Afterward, there came to be
appointed in addition six junior archons, called by way of dis-
tinction the thesmoth'etce, or guardians of the law. The nine
archons thus gradually took the place of the old kings as the
chief rulers of the state. As these new officers were chosen
by, and from, the body of nobles, or Eupatrids, Athens came
to have a real aristocratic government. The archons were
chosen for a year; and after their term of office had expired,
they became members of the council for life. This council took
the place of the old council of the king. It was accustomed to
meet on the hill of Ares (Mars), and was hence called the
" Council of the Areop'agus." The people (farmers and arti-
sans) at this time had practically no share in the government.
The Eupatrids were the state. The political history of Athens,
from this time, is most interesting to us, because it shows the
successive changes by which the Athenian government was
transformed from an aristocracy into a democracy. It is also
interesting because it presents to us some of the most noted
men of Athens Draco, Solon, Pisis'tratus, and Clis'thenes.
The Laws of Draco (about 621 B. c.). The rule of the
nobles was often harsh and oppressive, and led to many dis-
turbances. 1 The laws of this time existed only in the form of
unwritten customs, which were practically unknown to the
common people and which the nobles could interpret as they
ir The conspiracy of Cylon which took place about this time was an
incident in these disturbances; but it has no special significance except as
beins the first attempt at a "tyranny," and as being the occasion of the
"accursing" of the family of the Alcmwon'ida?. Cylon was not assisted by
the people, and his conspiracy only indirectly led to a better state of things.
TEE GREEK WORLD
saw fit. Draco, one of the archons. was authorized to put these
laws into a written form, so that they might be known to all.
The harsh character of the laws became evident as soon as they
were published; so that it was afterward said that the laws
of Draco were " written not in ink but in blood." If Draco
made any change in the existing laws, it was a beneficial change
relating to the law of homicide. Hitherto, if a man had slain
another, whether accidentally or willfully, he might be pur-
sued and killed by the relatives of the deceased and that
without trial. But Draco made a distinction between acciden-
tal and willful homicide, and this was to be determined by a
trial before a court.
It is probable that Draco made some political changes in the
way of extending the franchise so that all Ionian tribesmen
who were wealthy enough to furnish themselves with heavy
armor received the right to vote. This tended to make wealth,
as well as blood, a basis of political rights. It is also probable
that Draco established in addition to the old council of the
Areopagus a new council of four hundred and one members,
to be elected by lot from all those who possessed the franchise. 1
The legislation and reforms of Draco did not, however, relieve
to any extent the condition of the common people, for they did
not strike at the root of the existing evils.
The Reforms of Solon (about 594 B. c.). The government
was now in the hands of the high-born Eupatrids and of those
who were rich enough to furnish heavy armor. The poorer
classes were not only excluded from the government, but were
held in a state of practical bondage to the rich. " The whole
country," says Aristotle, " was in the hands of a few persons;
and if the poor tenants failed to pay their rent, they were liable
to be reduced to slavery, and their children with them "
(Athenian Constitution, Ch. 2). Solon, who was regarded as
*On these disputed points and the apparent discrepancy between Aris-
totle's "Politics" and the "Athenian Constitution," see <:ustnv Cilhort,
Constitutional Antiquities of Sparta and Athens, Kim. 101.. 189b, pp.
xxxiii-xxxix, and p. 119, note.
CITY STATES SPARTA AND ATHENS 123
one of the seven wise men of Greece, was elected to the archon-
ship, with full authority to remedy the evils of the state. He
made three important reforms.
(1) The first of these reforms was to remove the burdens
resting upon the poorer classes.
He freed all those who had
heen sold into slavery for debt,
and called back all those who
had fled into exile to escape
the cruelty of their masters.
He canceled the old debts, and
abolished the practice of re-
ducing men to slavery on ac-
count of debt.
(2) His next reform was to
extend the franchise to the
poorer classes. There had al-
ready been established -(at
some time not exactly known)
four "census classes," in SOLON (So-called)
which the members of the Ionian tribes were arranged accord-
ing to the amount of income which persons received. These
classes had previously been used as a basis for the apportion-
ment of the taxes. Solon now used these classes as a basis for
the distribution of political rights. For example, the archons
were to be elected from the first class only; and all the inferior
officers were to be chosen from the first, second, or third class.
But all the classes including the fourth, called the T t he'tes
received the right to vote in the assembly for all officers. This
gave to the assembly a democratic character, although it was at
this time chiefly a voting or election body, having little to do
with the actual making of the laws. Solon also established a
popular court (helice'a), in which all citizens, including the
Thetes, could sit as jurors.
(3) The third important reform of Solon was the reorgani-
124 THE GREEK WORLD
zation of the council. He retained the old council of the
Areopagus, which continued to hold its dignified position as
"guardian of the constitution." But in place of the council
of four hundred and one established by Draco, he created a
new council of four hundred members one hundred members
being chosen by lot from each of the four Ionian tribes. This
council prepared the laws, which might or might not be sub-
mitted to the assembly of the people.
The reforms of Solon were guided by wisdom and modera-
tion. Although he did not destroy the aristocratic element of
the state, he did give a greater importance to the popular ele-
ment, and paved the way for a more democratic government.
The Tyranny of Pisistratus (560-527 B. c.). It is said that
Solon bound the people by an oath to observe his laws for ten
years, and then departed from the city. But during his ab-
sence bitter strifes arose among the various classes of citizens
who had different interests. These were : (1) the wealthy land-
owners, who held their estates on the lowlands, and were called
the Men of the Plain; (2) the shepherds and peasants, who
lived in the highlands, and were called the Men of the Hill ;
and (3) the merchants and traders who lived along the coast,
and were called the Men of the Shore. In the struggles be-
tween these parties, the cause of the common people was es-
poused by an able leader, Pisistratus, who seized the govern-
ment in a manner not sanctioned by law. To such a man the
Greeks gave the name of " tyrant, " whether his rule was good
or bad. Although twice expelled from the city by his enemies,
he each time recovered his power, and ruled in the interests
of the people. "His administration," says Aristotle, "was
more like a constitutional government than the rule of a
tyrant." ' He retained the political forms established by Solon,
only taking care that his own supporters should be elected to
the archonship. He advanced money to the poorer people to
aid them in obtaining a livelihood. TTo appointed local judins
in the country, so that the rights of the lower classes might be
CITY STATES SPARTA AND ATHENS
121
protected without their being obliged to come to the city for
justice. He adorned Athens with public buildings, not only
to satisfy his own love of art, but to give work to the unem-
ployed.- He was a patron of literature and collected a library
whirl i he threw open to the public. He is said to have made
the first collection of Homer's poems. uEe gathered about
him the poets and artists of Greece. )He also encouraged com-
merce and formed alliances with foreign states. He favored
in every way the worship of the gods, and instituted splendid
festivals in their honor. Although a tyrant in name, he was
one of the greatest of Athenian rulers, and began the policy
that later made Athens the literary and art center of Greece.
At the death of Pisistra-
tus the power passed into the
hands of his two sons, Hip'-
pias and Hippar'chus, 1 who
began their rule by follow-
ing their father's worthy ex-
ample. But when Hippar-
chus was killed as the result
of a private quarrel, his
brother Hippias was embit-
tered, and by his despotic
rule he made the name of
tyrant forever odious to the
Athenian people. With the
aid of the Spartans, who
were directed by the Delphic
oracle to help the Athenians,
Hippias was overthrown and
banished from the city. The
tyrannicides, Harmo'dius and Aristogi'ton, who had previously
killed Hipparchus, were hailed as the deliverers of their coun-
try, and statues of bronze were erected in their honor.
1 Called the Pisistrat' idae, or sons of Pisistratus.
THE TYRANNICIDES (Copies)
126 THE GREEK WORLD
The New Constitution of Clisthenes (508 B. c.). The man
who now appeared as the friend of the people was Clisthenes,
who had taken part in overthrowing the recent tyranny. He
was an able and far-seeing statesman, and one of the greatest
reformers that Greece ever produced. He reorganized the gov-
ernment by placing it upon a new and more democratic basis.
(1) In the first place, he made a new division of the people,
so as to include persons who were not members of the four old
Ionian tribes, such as enfranchised slaves and resident for-
eigners. To take the place of the Ionian tribes, which were
based upon blood relationship, he divided the whole territory of
Attica into ten districts, or "local tribes." Each local tribe
was made up of three smaller districts (called trittyes) one of
which was situated in or near the city, another near the shore,
and the third in the intermediate territory. The trittys was
simply a group of three or four villages or townships, which
were called demes. The deme was thus the smallest unit in the
state ; and every person enrolled in a deme was a citizen of the
Athenian state and entitled to political rights. This arrange-
ment tended not only to broaden the basis of citizenship, but
to break down the old strife between the Men of the Plain, the
Hill, and the Shore; since the members of each tribe would be
inclined to act together for their common interests.
(2) In the next place, the government was changed so as to
rest upon this new arrangement of the people. For example,
the assembly (eccle'sia) instead of being composed simply of
members of the old Ionian tribes was now made up of all the
people of Attica who were enrolled in the various demes. So
too, the councilor senate (boule) instead of consisting of four
hundred members, one hundred from onc-li of the four Ionian
irilx'S was now made to consist of five hundred members, fifiy
of whom wrro splrcird Lv lot from each of the ten new tribes. 1
'The old council of the Areopagus still remained ns a time-honored and
perfunctory branch of the government. It represented ilie conservative
spirit of Athens. l>ut pmct ic.-illy !<>st Its Importance except for a time
during the progress of the Persian wars.
CITY STATES SPARTA AND ATHENS 12?
The chief magistrates of the state continued to be the nine
archons, who were chosen by lot, not now from the upper
classes, but from candidates presented by all the denies. The
military organization was also based upon the new tribal divi-
sion, ten generals (strate'gi) being elected to command the ten
tribal regiments, and forming a war council under the pole-
march, who was still the nominal commander in chief.
(3) Clisthenes also introduced a method to protect the
state from the danger of tyranny, or the undue prominence of
a party leader. If six thousand votes were cast against any
man thought to be dangerous to the state, that man was obliged
to withdraw from the city for ten years. As these votes were
written upon pieces of earthenware (ostraca) this process was
called ostracism. Although intended as a safeguard to the
state, it was yet capable of being abused and used for partisan
purposes.
The Triumph of Democracy. From this review we can see
how the ancient monarchy of Athens was gradually trans-
formed into a well-organized democracy. The old king, who
held his office by hereditary right, was displaced by the archons,
chosen at first from the nobles, and finally from the whole body
of the people. The ancient council of elders, or war chiefs,
passed into the council of the Areopagus, which consisted of
the ex-archons, and which was supplemented by new councils,
at first, the council of four hundred and one, established
by Draco, and chosen from the wealthy classes; afterward, the
council of four hundred, established by Solon, and chosen
from the four Ionian tribes; and, finally, the council of five
hundred, established by Clisthenes, and chosen from the mem-
bers of the ten new Attic tribes. The assembly had passed
through somewhat similar changes, until it had come to be
composed of the whole body of citizens, and to hold the sov-
ereign power of the state. As Athens came to represent the
principle of democracy, she incurred the enmity of the Spar-
tans, as the chief defenders of the aristocratic principle.
128 THE GREEK WORLD
Under their king, Cleom'enes, they even invaded Attica and at-
tempted to overthrow the new Athenian constitution ; but this
effort proved a failure. With her democratic institutions
firmly established, Athens continued to grow in strength until
she became the chief city of Hellas and the champion of Greek
liberty.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE ARISTOCRATIC CITY STATE, SPARTA. The Dorians and
Sparta. Divisions of the People in Sparta. The Spartan Govern-
ment. Spartan Education and Discipline. The Conquests of
Sparta; the Peloponnesian League. Position of Sparta irj Greece.
II. THE DEMOCRATIC CITY STATE, ATHENS. The Ancient Mon-
archy of Athens. Divisions of the People in Attica. The Growth
of the Archonship; Eupatrid Rule. The Laws of Draco. The
Reforms of Solon. The Tyranny of Pisistratus. The New Con-
stitution of Clisthenes. The Triumph of Democracy.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Smith, Wm., Ch. 7, "Early History of the Peloponnesus"; Ch. 10,
"Early History of Athens" (10). 1
Bury, Ch. 3, "Growth of Sparta"; Ch. 5, "Growth of Athens" (10).
Oman, Ch. 7, "The Dorians in Peloponnesus"; Ch. 12, "Solon and
Peisistratus"; Ch. 16, "The Constitution of Cleisthenes" (10).
Cox, History, Ch. 5. "Constitution and Early History of Sparta":
Ch. 9, "Early Constitutional History of Athens"; Ch. 12, "Re-
forms of Kleisthenes" (10).
Cox, Greek Statesmen, "Solon." "Pisistratus," "Kleisthenes" (:jr>).
Abbott, Vol. I., Ch. 6, "The Spartan State"; Ch. 15, "Pisisti -at us
:md Cleisthenes" (10).
Curtius, Vol. T., Bk. IT., Ch. 1, "History of the Peloponnesus";
Ch. 2, "History of Attica" (10).
Greenidg-e, Ch. 5, "Mixed Constitutions" (11).
Gilbert, pp. 81-91, "The Lacedaemonian League" (11).
Fowler, pp. 64, 65 (war songs of Tyrtaeus) (15).
Abbott, Vol. I., pp. 212, 213, "Spartan Women" (10).
IMntareli. "Lvonrpiis," "Solon" (26).
Aristotle. Athenian Constitution, Chs. 3-21 (growth of the con-
stitution) (17).
Herodotus, Bk. T.. Chs. 29-33 (Solon and ( nrsus); Bk. VT.. Chs.
126-131 (the wooing- of Air.-iristr. the daughter of Clisthenes.
tyrant of Sievon, and mother of Clisthenes, the Athenian
statesman) (17).
lf The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the hook will le found.
CHAPTER X
THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE
I. THE GREEK KELIGION AND KELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS
General Character of Hellenic Culture. We have consid-
ered in the two previous chapters the political growth of the
Greek people during the early historical period especially as
seen in the development of their most important city states.
We have seen a growing tendency in the direction of free in-
stitutions, and of a political life far different from that which
marked the great empires and despotic governments of the
East. We shall now see that during the same period there was
also growing up a new form of culture, not only different from
that of the Oriental world but also different from that of the
Mycenaean age in Greece. It is true that the Greeks derived
many of their ideas from the East ; but it is also true that they
gave to these ideas a new expression, and added to them many
original features. To this distinctive and superior type of cul-
ture, developed by the historic Greeks, we may apply the name
" Hellenic." If we should try to describe its general character,
we might call it, for the want of a better word, humanistic
that is, based upon human nature, and pervaded by a human
sympathy. The Greeks believed in the dignity of man. They
had high ideals of human life physical, intellectual, and
aesthetic. They were especially distinguished for their refined
taste; and this refinement of taste was opposed to everything
that was excessive, extravagant, or meretricious. This Hel-
lenic spirit and type of culture came to be the possession of all
Greeks, and gave to them a common national character.
MOKBT'S ANCIENT HIST. 8 129
136 THE GREEK WORLD
Religion as an Element of Greek Culture. The most fun-
damental element of the culture of the Greeks was no doubt
their religion. The religious ideas of the common people, their
conceptions of the gods and the future life, were essentially the
same as those contained in the Homeric poems (p. 99), and
were imbued with a thoroughly Greek spirit. The stories
of the gods and goddesses were woven into a beautiful mythol-
ogy in harmony with the Greek taste. The deities were inspired
with the same feelings as were the Greeks themselves. The
Greek religion was, in fact, a reflection of the Greek charac-
ter. The religion was also the most powerful inspiration of
Greek life and thought. It influenced the acts of the warrior
and the statesman, and furnished the theme of the poet and
the sculptor. Another important feature to be noticed is the
fact that it was the strongest bond of union between the dif-
ferent branches of the Greek race. However much they might
be embittered by jealousy and war, the Greeks found in their
religion a common tie of sympathy.
The Delphic Oracle. One of the most important centers of
the religious and national life of the Greeks was tlio or::- -le
of Apollo at Delphi, situated in Phocis at the foot of Mt.
Parnassus. The Greeks looked upon Apollo as preeminently
the god of revelation, the god of li^ht, of inspiration, and of
prophecy. He had many oracles, but no other so renowned as
that at Delphi. Here was his most illustrious temple, rich
with costly gifts bestowed by his worshipers. Here his
breath was supposed to issue from a cleft in the rock, over
which stood a tripod- the seat of the Pyth'ia, or priestess,
who uttered bis will. The inspired words of the Pvthia wen-
taken down by the attendant priesK and delivered to the
people. The oracle was consulted by private persons and by
the envoys of cities from every p;irt of Hellas. Answers \\eiv
given to questions relating to religion and politics, to national
disputes, to wars, and to colonization. Although these answers
often had a double meaning and were difficult to interpret,
THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTUKE 131
still the Delphic priests were able by means of this sacred
nrju-li 1 to exercise ;i great and generally a bi'iu'lirial influence
upon the Greek people.
The Amphictyonic League. The influence of the Greek re-
ligion, as a bond of union, .is also seen in the associations of
cities called amphictyonies, which were leagues bound together
by some common interest, religious, commercial, or political
(see p. 105). The most important of these in early times was
the famous Amphictyonic League organized for the protection
of the temple of Apollo at Delphi. It was made up of twelve
states of central and northern Greece, which sent to Delphi a
number of delegates forming the Amphictyonic council. Al-
though religious in its origin, the league also had a political in-
fluence in binding the cities together under a kind of legal code.
The cities were bound, not only to protect the temple of the
god, but to respect one another's rights in time of war not to
cut off the running water which supplied a city, and not to
destroy any Amphictyonic town. The punishment inflicted
upon the Phocian towns of Crissa and Cirrha for molest-
ing the pilgrims to Delphi when these cities were razed
to the ground, in the so-called first " Sacred war " shows
the jealousy with which the league guarded the shrine of
Apollo.
The Panhellenic Games. The religious institutions which
perhaps more than all others tended to promote a national
unity and a national type of culture, were the great public
games. These- were celebrated in honor of the gods; and they
show how closely religion was connected with all the phases
of human life, with art and literature, and even with athletic
sports. Chief among these games were those held every four
years at Olympia in Elis. The physical contests consisted in
running, jumping, throwing the discus or quoit, casting the
javelin, wrestling, boxing, and sometimes in chariot racing.
These games were not barbarous sports, but were subject to
strict rules, intended to promote the restraints, of discipline
132
THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 133
and the sense of honor. The competition was restricted to
Greeks of good character, well trained and unblemished by any
physical or moral taint. The reward of the victor was a wreath
of olive leaves, and high honors were paid him. The games
also furnished a field for intellectual culture. Here poets
recited their verses, painters displayed their pictures, and
men of science explained their discoveries. Olympia became
adorned with noble buildings especially the temple of Zeus.
The multitude which gathered here from every part of Hellas
carried back to their homes the feeling of a common kinship,
and the love of Greek ideals.
Other, less noted, games were the Pythian, given in honor of
Apollo near his shrine at Delphi; the Nemean, in honor of
Zeus at Nemea in Argolis; and the Isthmian, in honor of Posei-
don on the Isthmus of Corinth.
Special Religious Festivals. Besides these general celebra-
tions which belonged to the whole of
Greece, there were special festivals which
were more local in their character. These
were holiday entertainments given
in
honor of certain deities, and for the sake
of social recreation. They consisted of
processions, singing, dancing, games, and
other diversions in which the people took
part. There were a number of . these
festivals in Attica. The most important
of them were : the Panathense'a, given in
honor of Athena; the Dionys'ia, in honor
of the god of wine, Diony'sus; and the PANATHENAIC VASE
Eleusin'ia, in honor of the goddess Deme- ( th century B. c.)
ter. The last-named festival was of peculiar interest, especially
to those who had been initiated into the secret rites of this
worship. It consisted of a solemn procession in which every
one might take part, from Athens by the " sacred way " to the
city of Eleusis, the seat of the mysterious worship of the god-
134 THE GREEK WORLD
dess. The secret ceremonies and doctrines attending this wor-
ship were called the " Eleusinian mysteries," of which no one
was supposed to have any knowledge except the initiated.
II. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREEK ART
Character of Greek Art. The art of Greece, like that
of the Orient, was closely related to religion. But Greek art
was as different from Oriental art as the Greek religion was
different from the Oriental religion. The gods of Babylon,
who dwelt among the stars, could be approached only by
lofty temples, towering toward the sky. The grim religion of
Egypt produced imposing structures which were gigantic and
awe-inspiring. But the Greek religion appealed more strongly
to human sympathy and revealed a finer sense of beauty. It
produced an art which showed the marks of taste and reason,
of moderation, of symmetry, and proper proportion. Some of
the early features of Greek art were no doubt derived from
the East; but its distinctive character was due to the refined
taste of the Greeks themselves. That which we most admire
in a Greek temple or a Greek statue is that combination of
artistic qualities simplicity of design, grace of form, sym-
metry of structure, and sincerity of expression which we can
find in no earlier people.
The Greek Temple. For the highest expression of Greek
art we must look to the temple. During the historical period
we find in Greece no royal palaces like those in Assyria or
Kirypt, or even like those previously built on Greek soil at
Tiryns and Mycena?. The reverence for royalty passed away
with the growth of political freedom : ;im! so the jnvliilivinrjil
skill and taste of the Greeks were devoted almost entirely to
the service of the gods. In every city the temple was the
most beautiful and conspicuous object.
In it- dr-iun tlu Greek temple was a simple roof supported
by columns and covering a space inclosed by four walls. It
THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTUKti 135
is supposed that this design grew out of the form of a dwell-
ing house, made of wood, with a front porch. At first the
building had two columns in front (in antis), and then four
columns (prostyle); afterward it had also four columns in the
rear (amphip'rostyle), and finally the whole building was sur-
:
:i
N si:
i:
:
4 (Went)
TYPES OF THE GREEK TEMPLE
1, In antis ; 2, prostyle; 3, amphiprostyle ; 4, peristyle (the
Parthenon) ; N, naos ; O, opisthodomus ; S, statue
rounded by a colonnade (peristyle). The inclosed space in the
largest temples generally consisted of a principal part (naos
or cella), in which was placed the statue of the deity, and a
rear part (opisthod'omus) , which contained the treasures of
the temple.
Orders of Greek Architecture. As the Greeks broke away
from the conventional architecture of the Eastern peoples, they
developed styles of architecture of their own. These styles, or
orders, are distinguished chiefly by the forms of the columns
and the surmounting capitals. The earliest style was the Doric,
so called because it was supposed to have its origin among the
Dorian people of the Peloponnesus. This was the simplest and
most dignified style. The column had no distinct base, and the
capital' consisted simply of a circular band surmounted by a
square slab. This style was used mostly during this early
period, but it was always greatly admired by the Greeks. A
later style was the Ionic, in which the column was more slender
and rested upon a distinct base, and the capital was adorned
with a spiral roll, or volute. .A third style, developed still
later, was called the Corinthian, which was a mere modification
136 THE GREEK WORLD
of the Ionic the capital being somewhat more ornate and em-
bellished with designs taken from the leaves of the acanthus
plant. While the architecture of the Greeks did not reach its
highest development during this period, it yet acquired a dis-
Doric Ionic Corinthian
ORDERS OF GREEK ARCHITECTURE
tinctly Hellenic character and showed the Greek taste for sim-
pl icily and symmetry.
Early Greek Sculpture. The art of sculpture did not make
as rapid progress in this period as did architecture. In fact,
most of the examples which are left to us are crude and archaic.
We can see the first feeble efforts to break away from the stiff
and conventional forms of the East, and to give to stone the
features of life. The influence of religion is seen in the early
attempts to repieaenl lli<- u-n.Is in the form of men; hut these 1
attempt- ;m> sii^'stivt* of idols rather than statues. The credit
THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 137
of giving to statues a more lifelike appearance is ascribed to
the mythical DaBd'alus, who was said to be a native of Athens.
Schools of sculpture grew up in the cities of Samos and Chios
in Asiatic Greece; at Argos, ^Egina, and Athens, in European
Greece; and especially at Seli'nus, in Sicily. We have
preserved to us some of
the sculptured reliefs from
the temple at Selinus.
These consist of small
groups of figures represent-
ing mythological scenes, and
are carved in a very rude
fashion. But they are in-
teresting, as they show the
early way in which sculpture
was used for temple decora-
tion. Among the strongest
influences which led to the
improvement of sculpture
during this time were the encouragement given to physical
training and the custom of erecting at Olympia statues to suc-
cessful athletes. But it is not until the close of this period
that we see the sculpture beginning to acquire some of those
artistic qualities which we have noticed in the architecture.
III. THE GREEK LANGUAGE AND EARLY LITERATURE
The Greek Language. Another strong bond which united
the various branches of the Greek people was their language.
This gave them a common means of communication, and pre-
served among them the feeling of kinship. It also separated
them from the outside " barbarian " world, and contributed to
the growth of a distinct Hellenic culture. Although a branch
of the great Aryan or Indo-European family, tbe Greek early
surpassed the other languages of this group as an instrument
RELIEF FROM TEMPLE OF SELINUS
(Perseus slaying Medusa, see p. 85)
138 THE GREEK WORLD
of thought and expression. By means of this remarkable lan-
guage the Greeks produced a literature which has given them
a high place among the most civilized peoples of the world.
We can here take only a hasty glance at the growth of the lit-
erature during this formative period.
Decline of Epic Poetry. At the beginning of the period
the Greeks already possessed the " poems of Homer." These
poems pictured in matchless verse the glories of the past, and
recounted the deeds of gods and heroes. The epic was thus the
poetry of action, and as such the Homeric epic could not be
equaled. It was feebly imitated by a class of poets called the
Homer'idaB, who still sang of the legends of Troy and of myth-
ical heroes. A new and lower kind of epic was introduced by
Hesiod, who is said to have been a native of Bceotia. This kind
of epic was didactic in its character; that is, written for pur-
poses of instruction. The " Theogony " of Hesiod is a sort of
theological treatise containing a description of the gods and the
religious faith of the ancient Greeks. The " Works and Days "
is a poem of common life, describing the labors of the farmer
and interspersed with wholesome moral advice.
Transition to Lyric Poetry. With the decline of the epic,
or the poetry of action, there arose a new kind of poetry more
closely related to human thoughts and feelings. This is shown
in what are called the elegiac, the iambic, and finally the lyric
verse. The elegiac and the iambic poetry, like the older epic,
made their first appearance among the lonians. The elegy was
serious in its character, sometimes used to express feelings of
sadness, and sometimes patriotic in its appeals. The chief ele-
giac poets were Calli'nus of Ephesus, and Tyrte'us of Athens.
It is said that Tyrtaeus was sent to Sparta during the Messe-
nian wars to inspire the Spartan soldiers with an heroic spirit.
The iambic poetry, differing from the ele<jv, was the poetry of
wit and sntire. ;m<l devoted to rsiillery and invecfive. Us chief
representative \v;is VrchiTochus, M unlive <>r fh<> ishmd of
Faros. These two forms of poetry the elegiac and the iambic
THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 139
GKEEK LYKES
prepared the way for the higher and more cultivated form
of the lyric.
The JEolian Lyric Poetry. The first form of lyric poetry
appeared on the ^Eolian island of Lesbos in Asia Minor. It
consisted of songs intended to be sung by a single voice accom-
panied by the lyre. The
chief poets of yEolia were
Alcre'us, who sang of patriot-
ism and war; Sappho, who
sang of love ; and Ana'creon,
who sang of the pleasures of
life. Of these Sappho is
preeminent. To the Greeks
she was " the poetess/' as Homer was " the poet." Of the few
fragments of her work which remain to us, modern critics
can hardly express their admiration. Says one, " Of all the
illustrious artists of all literature, Sappho is the one whose
every word has a peculiar and unmistakable perfume, a seal of
absolute perfection and inimitable grace" (Symonds).
The Dorian Lyric Poetry. Another form of lyric poetry was
cultivated by the Dorians. It comprised hymns, or choruses,
to be sung by a number of voices at the public worship of the
gods, or at public festivals. The chorus, accompanied by
dances or processional marches, was not a new thing in Greece.
But it was reduced to a more regular form under the influence
of three poets Alcman, Stesich'orus, and Ari'on.
Alcman regulated the rhythmic movement of the persons
singing the chorus. The movement of the singers from right
to left before the altar, and the part of the hymn, or ode, sung
during this movement, were called the " strophe "; the move-
ment from left to right, and the corresponding part of the
hymn, were called the " antis'trophe."
Stesichorus added an after-part, sung after these movements
were completed, by the chorus when standing still, and called
the " ep'ode."
140 THE GKEEK WORLD
Arion is said to have given a special form to the chorus in
the worship of Dionysus, the wine god. The chorus of fifty
singers was arranged about the altar in the form of a circle,
and the hymns were accompanied with dancing, gestures,
and mimetic features. This choral hymn was known as the
" dith'yramb," and from it sprang the later drama.
IV. EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHY
The Early Ionic School. While the poets were singing the
praises of the gods, there arose a class of thinkers who were not
inclined to accept the old mythological stories. These men first
appeared at Miletus, an Ionian city in Asia Minor. Here they
came into contact with the scientific notions of the East ; and
these ideas furnished a kind of starting point for Greek philos-
ophy. The Egyptians and the Assyrians had made consider-
able progress in mathematics and astronomy; and their scien-
tific ideas had been taken up by the Phoenicians and the people
of Asia Minor.
The first of the Greek philosophers was Tha'les, who was
born at Miletus and was of Phoenician descent. He was first
of all a mathematician and astronomer. He is said to have
measured the height of the Egyptian pyramids by their shad-
ows and to have predicted an eclipse. As he studied the uni-
verse he was led to believe that everything has been evolved
from one substance, and that that substance was water, or
some form of moisture.
Other philosophers of Miletus were Anaxim'ines and Anaxi-
man'der the former believing that the primitive substance
was air, and the latter that it was some kind of unknown mat-
ter without definite qualities. Another philosopher appeared a
little later in the Ionian city of Eph'esus : this was Heracli'tus,
who believed that the original substance \vas ////, and that
everything is in a state of perpetual movement, or, as he said,
all things flow."
THE BEGINNINGS OF HELLENIC CULTURE 141
The Philosophy of Pythagoras. Another school of philoso-
phy was founded by Pythag'oras, who was a native of Samos, an
Ionian city of Asia Minor. He is said to have traveled in
Egypt, and perhaps in Phoenicia and in Babylon, and to have
absorbed the wisdom of these countries. At any rate, he was
called the most learned man of his time. He finally settled
at Croton in southern Italy, and his philosophy exercised a
great influence in Magna Gnecia. Pythagoras was first of all
a mathematician; and he looked at everything through mathe-
matical eyes. He saw that everything possesses number, either
one or many; and hence he reasoned that number is the prin-
ciple of everything. He was also a religious and moral
teacher, and he organized a secret fraternity, the purpose of
which was to cultivate the highest virtue among its members.
The Eleatic Philosophy. Still another school of philosophy
arose in E'lea (Ve'lia), on the western coast of Italy, called
the Eleat'ic school. This was also connected, like the others,
with Ionia in Asia Minor; since its founder, whose name
was Xenoph'anes, originally came from that part of Hellas.
This philosopher embodied his ideas in a poem " On Na-
ture." As he looked at the world, he saw that all things
are parts of one complete and harmonious whole; and hence to
express his idea in a brief form he used' this phrase, " The All
is One." He also affirmed that the one universal principle
which comprehends and controls everything else, is God. The
greatest philosopher of this school was Parmen'ides. He dis-
tinguished between the world of sense, which is only appear-
ance, and the world of reason, which is reality. If by the aid
of the reason we look below the surface of things, we shall find,
he says, an ultimate principle which does not change an abso-
lute Being, ever the same, yesterday, to-day, and forever.
Such ideas were opposed to the old mythological notions con-
tained in Homer and Hesiod, and show that the philosophy of
the Greeks was tending to elevate and purify the old religious
ideas.
142 THE GREEK WORLD
We can thus see in the Greek religion, art, literature, and
philosophy the evidences of the growing refinement, versatility,
and power of the Greek mind, which was gradually expressing
itself in a distinctive Hellenic culture, different from that of
any other ancient people. The growth of such a common cul-
ture shows that the Greeks, although broken up into many
small city states, were yet bound together in thought and feel-
ing as one great nation,' which extended from the coasts of
Asia Minor to the shores of Sicily.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE GREEK RELIGION AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS. General
Character of Hellenic Culture. Religion as an Element of Greek
Culture. The Delphic Oracle. The Amphictyonic League. The
Panhellenic Games. Special Religious Festivals.
II. THE BEGINNINGS OF GREEK ART. Character of Greek
Art. The Greek Temple. Orders of Greek Architecture. Early
Greek Sculpture.
III. THE GREEK LANGUAGE AND EARLY LITERATURE. The
Greek Language. Define of Epic Poetry. Transition to Lyric
Poetry. vEolian Lyric Poetry. Dorian Lyric Poetry.
IV. EARLY GREEK PHILOSOPHY. The Early Ionic School. The
Philosophy of Pythagoras. The Eleatic Philosophy.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Cox, History, Ch. 7, "Intellectual Education of the Greeks" (10).
Smith, Wm., Ch. 13, "History of Literature"; Ch. 14, "History of
Art" (10).
Mahaify, Survey, Ch. 3, "First Two Centuries of Historic Develop-
ment" (10).
Ciirtius, Vol. II., Bk. II., Ch. 4, "The Unity of Greece" (10).
Holm, Vol. I., Ch. 24, "Growth of Greek Philosophy, Literature
and Art in Asia Minor" (10).
Symonds, Greek Poets, Ch. 5, "The Lyric Poets" (15).
Zeller, First Period. Part I., "The Three Earliest Schools" (1.1).
Tarbell, Ch. 2, "Prehistoric Art in Greece"; Ch. 3, "Greek Archi-
tecture" (1^).
CnllitriiMii. I'.k. I.. "Origin of Greek Art" (12).
Grote, l';irl II.. Ch. 28, "Pan Hellenic Festivals" (0ft fXUMNtf, the
first Sacred war) ( 10).
Harper's Dictionary. "Oracula" (Greek oracles): "KYIiL'm" (the
religion ,f Homer and of later times): " Klensi nia" ( Klcusis
and its mysteries); "Delphi" (;m<l its priesthood) (11).
'The fljjurp In pan-iiMi. sis n-lVrs ID th<> nnmbor of tho topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of -the book will he found.
FER10D III, THE ATHENIAN ASCENDENCY; ITS GKOWTH
AND DECLINE (500-359 B, 0.)
CHAPTER XI
THE PERSIAN WARS GROWING POWER OF ATHENS
I. THE FIRST PERSIAN INVASION, UNDER DARIUS
Greece and Persia. We have thus far traced the beginnings
of the Greek political system, and the first steps in the growtli
of a common Hellenic culture. We have seen how the Greeks
broke away. from the old monarchical ideas of the East, and
laid the basis of freer and more democratic institutions. We
have also seen how they began to develop a higher intellectual
life and a finer esthetic taste than had hitherto existed among
the peoples of the Orient. With the extension of the colonies,
the influence of this new civilization was beginning to be felt
on nearly every shore of the Mediterranean in Asia Minor,
in Thrace, in southern Italy and Sicily. But now came a great
crisis in the history of the Greek people, when they were called
upon to defend their very existence. Their cities, their colonies,
their commerce, their free institutions, and their new culture
were all threatened with destruction by the encroachments of
Persia. This great world empire, having absorbed all the mon-
archies of the East, was now brought into contact with the city
states of Greece. Persia had extended her power to the shores
of the ^Egean. Her armies had already crossed the Hellespont
into Europe, and held lands extending to the very borders of
143
144
THE GREEK WORLD
SCALE OF MILES
Thessaly. 1 We are now about to witness a conflict which is
perhaps to decide the fate of the world ; it will certainly decide
the question whether Greek civilization is to survive, or
whether Europe is to become a province of the Orient.
The Asiatic Cities and the Ionian Revolt. This great
struggle between the East, represented by Persia, and the West,
represented by Greece, began with the revolt of the Greek
cities in Asia Minor. We remember that these cities grew up as
the result of the early
migrations of the Greeks
across the ^Egean Sea.
The most important of
these cities were in Ionia ;
and the most influential
of the Ionian cities was
Miletus. These cities
maintained their inde-
pendence for a long time.
But when the new empire
of Lydia arose in Asia
Minor, they passed under
the control of the Lydian
kings, the most noted of
whom was Croesus (560-
546 B. c.). Under the
Lydian rule, the Greeks
were well treated and
DE\<!=x!
~'S*J
SEAT OF THE IONIAN REVOLT
their rights respected. A great change, however, occurred
when Lydia was conquered by Persia, and the Asiatic Greeks
became subject to the Persian empire. They were now ruled
by tyrants under the control of the Persian satrap whose capi-
tal was at Sardis. The revolt against Persia began at the city
of MilHus (500 B. c.); it soon spread to the other cities of
i For the Persian conquest of Lydln, the Scythian expedition of Darius.
and his encroachment upon Europe, see pp. 64, 65.
THE PERSIAN WARS 145
Asia Minor,, and also to the Greek colonies on the coast of
Thrace.
In their extremity the cities appealed to European Greece
for assistance. Sparta refused to give any help. But Athens
voted to send a fleet of twenty ships to aid tlu'ir " kin beyond
the sea." To this was added a small squadron of five ships
sent by Eretria, a city friendly to Miletus. With this aid
the lonians captured and burned the Persian capital Sardis.
On their retreat from the city the Athenians suffered a severe
defeat; and disheartened they returned to Greece. The Asiatic
cities continued their resistance ; but on account of their rela-
tive weakness, and especially their lack of union, they could
not cope with the forces of Persia. The Persians gained a
decisive naval battle off the little island of La'de, near Miletus.
Miletus was then captured and burned; and the remaining
cities of Asia Minor were soon reduced to submission (49:>
B. c.). This revolt furnished an example of the lack of
strength that results from a too great love of liberty and the
failure to unite in a common cause.
Plans of Darius against Greece. Whether or not the Per-
sian king, Darius, had up to this time thought of conquering
Greece, he was now determined at least to punish the cities of
Athens and Eretria for interfering in the affairs of Asia. For
this purpose he organized an expedition (492 B. c.), consisting
of land and naval forces, and placed it under the command of
his son-in-law Mardo'nius. This expedition was to invade
Greece by way of the Hellespont and the coasts of Thrace and
Macedonia. But this first attempt to invade Greece was a com-
plete failure; for the fleet of Mardonius was wrecked off the
rocky point of Mt. Athos (see map, p. 152) . This failure, how-
ever, did not discourage the Persian king. He now determined
not simply to punish Athens and Eretria, but to subdue all the
cities of Greece which would not recognize his authority. To
test their loyalty, he sent his heralds among them, demanding
" earth and water " as a token of their submission. Most of
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 9
146
THE GREEK WORLD
the island states, fearing attacks from the Persian fleet, yielded
including ^Egina, off the coast of Attica. Many of the cities
of the peninsula hesitated; but Athens and Sparta stood firm,
and even treated the royal heralds with indignity. The stand
taken by these leading states was a good omen; for it showed
that Greece might yet be united in the face of a common
danger.
Persian Invasion under Datis and Artaphernes. The new
expedition of Darius was placed in the hands of a Median gen-
eral, Datis, and the king's nephew Artapher'nes. Instead of
following the previous course of Mardonius and risking another
disaster at Mt. Athos, the new generals proceeded directly
across the sea. Their fleet consisted, it is said, of six hundred
triremes. On their way they captured Naxos and reduced its
inhabitants to slavery. But
they spared Delos, the seat of
the shrine of Apollo. They soon
landed on the island of Eubcea,
and attacked the city of Ere-
tria. After a gallant defense,
the city fell by the treachery of
two of its citizens. It was
burned and its people were en-
slaved. The Persians now
crossed over to Attica to mete
out a similar punishment to
Athens. By the advice of Hip-
pi as, the banished Athenian
I y rant (p. 125) now in the
enemy's service, the Persians
MILTIADES (So-called) Innded on the shore of Attica
near the plain of Mar'athon.
Miltiades and the Battle of Marathon (!!<) n. o.). Upon
Athens now rested the chief duty of defending Greece. Sho
collected an army and sent it to meet the invaders. It was
THE PERSIAN WARS
147
BAY OF
MARATHON
led by the ten strategi, or generals, who usually comma in I IM!
the army each in his own turn. One of the generals was Mil-
ti'ades. To him it seemed necessary to attack the Persians on
the plain of Marathon. The other generals were divided in
their opinions, but finally decided to yield to the advice of
Miltiades and to give to him the chief command. A swift
runner was dispatched to Sparta with a request to that city
for aid. This aid was
promised; but it was
delayed on account of
a Spartan superstition
that an army should not
be sent away before the
time of the full moon.
The only assistance
which the Athenians re-
ceived was from the
friendly city of Plafeea,
which sent its entire B ^ TTLE OF MAR ATHON, 490 B. c.
army, a thousand fighting men, raising the total force to ten
or eleven thousand. The Greeks were drawn up in front of the
town of Marathon. Opposite them the Persians were stationed
nearer the sea and supported by their fleet. The battle line of
the Greeks was equal in length to that of the Persians ; but the
center was made weak in order to strengthen the wings. At
a given signal, the Greeks, heedless of superior numbers and
the terrible shower of arrows, rushed upon the enemy. The
battle was long and obstinate. The Persians drove back the
weak center of the Athenians and pressed forward in the
intervening space. But the strong wings of the Greek army
closed upon the enemy and routed them with great slaughter.
The Persians were pursued to their ships, and with great diffi-
culty embarked and sought refuge upon the open sea. Not
entirely discouraged, the Persians sailed directly to Athens,
hoping to find the city unguarded. But Miltiades made a
148 THE GREEK WOKLD
forced march to Athens; and the Persians, when they arrived,
found the city protected by the victorious army of Miltiades.
Foiled at every point, Datis and Artapherncs sailed with their
defeated forces back to Asia. When the full moon was passed,
the Spartan army arrived to find that Marathon had been
won.
The Athenians were entitled to look upon Marathon as their
own battlefield. The Spartans paid the highest tribute to
tlu-ir valor. The poets of Greece vied with one another in sing-
ing the praises of the dead heroes. A monumental mound was
thrown up in their honor, which remains to the present day.
Two statues were erected to Miltiades, one at Athens and the
other at Delphi. While the battle of Marathon did not end
the struggle between the East and the West, it marked an im-
portant step toward the ascendency of Athens in Greece, and
of Greece in the civilization of the world.
II. ATHENS DURING THE TEN YEARS' RESPITE (490-480 B. c.)
Democratic Progress at Athens. After the battle of Mara-
thon there was an interval of ten years before the next Persian
invasion. During this time Athens was striving to maintain
her democratic institutions, and to strengthen her power for
the next attack. As Miltiades was looked upon as a friend of
the oligarchical party, he was called upon to answer a charge
of deceiving the people. He had induced them to fit out for
him a naval expedition, which had failed. This furnished to
the popular party a pretext for condemning him; this was
done, and the hero of Marathon died in disgrace. The people
also drove into exile all the friends of Hippias. the banished
tyrant who had aided the Persians in the recent invasion. The
popular party overcame all opposition, until they held com-
pletely the reins of government. All political <|iiestioiis \\ere
now reduced to the one problem, how best to maintain and
- 1 rengthen the Athenian democracy.
THE PERSIAN WARS
149
Aristides and Themistocles. But even in the popular party
there were different views as to the best way of developing the
power of Athens. The conservative view was held by Aristi'-
des; the progressive view by Themis'tocles. Aristides was
highly esteemed by the people, so that they called him " the
Just." He had supported the democratic reforms of Olisthrnos.
and had commanded the Greek
ecu tor at Marathon. He be-
lieved that the strength of Ath-
ens depended upon preserving
the institutions and maintain-
ing the policy that had already
made her great, and that no
change would improve her con-
dition. Themistocles, on the
other hand, believed that the
state should not rest entirely
upon the past, but should pre-
pare itself for the future. The
success which Athens had al-
ready attained should not blind
her eyes to the need of new
. . * THEMISTOCLES (So-called)
achievements. These two states-
men, though differing widely in their character and views,
were equally conscientious and devoted to the interests of their
country.
The Naval Programme of Themistocles. Themistocles no
doubt saw more clearly than Aristides the need of preparing for
a new struggle with Persia. He also saw that in the coming
conflict Athens, the chief object of Persia's hatred, must
again bear the brunt of Persia's attack. Persia was both
a great military and a great naval power. Tn any future
conflict, if Sparta was to be recognized as the chief military
power of Greece, Athens should be recognized as its chief
maritime power. There was 'also another consideration in
150 THE GREEK WORLD
i'avor of the policy of Themistocles. Athens was now em-
broiled in a war with .Kgina, the neighboring island state
which had shown a sympathy with Persia. ^Egina had already
a strong fleet. The only hope of winning in this war was by
meeting ships with ships. With arguments such as these The-
mistocles enforced upon the people the need of a strong navy.
That the new naval project might be carried through without
hindrance, Aristides was ostracized ; and Themistocles became
the leader at Athens without a rival.
Athens Becomes a Maritime Power. Through the building
of a strong fleet and the construction of an adequate harbor,
Athens soon became the greatest naval power in Greece. The
fleet was built with the aid of the silver mines recently opened
at Laurium in the south of Attica. It was at first proposed
that the product of these mines, which belonged to the state,
should be divided among the citizens. But Themistocles ap-
pealed to the patriotism of the people and induced them to de-
vote the proceeds of the mines to the building of war ships. In
a short time Athens possessed a fleet of two hundred triremes,
far outnumbering that of ^Egina or of any other Greek city.
About this time perhaps earlier Themistocles also trans-
ferred the harbor of Athens from the bay of Phale'rum, which
was exposed alike to storms and to enemies, to the Pirae'us,
which was far better adapted for a naval station. This new
port was surrounded by natural defenses, but was now further
strengthened by fortifications. On account of these works
Themistocles may properly be regarded as the founder of the
maritime greatness of Athens.
The Congress of Corinth (481 B. c.). But Themistocles saw
that Athens alone, even with her new navy, could not with-
stand the power of Persia. He saw that the safety of Greece
depended upon the union of her states. At his suggestion a
congress was called at Corintli to consider the means of a
common defense. The principal continental states responded
favorably to this call except Argos and Tin-bus, who were
THE PERSIAN WAKS 151
jealous, the former of Sparta and the latter of Athens. The
Greeks in their conference at Corinth agreed to lay aside all
internal strife, and act together against the common foe. It
was decided to punish any city that should " Medize " that
is, aid the cause of Persia. It was also decided that of the
three possible lines of defense namely, the vale of Tcmpe, the
pass of Ther.mop'ylae, and the isthmus of Corinth the best
place to meet the invader was at the pass of Thermopylae. The
leadership of the new confederation of Greek states was given
to Sparta, which was already the head of the Peloponnesian
League. At no other period did Greece ever come so near to
being one nation as it did at this time under the influence of
the great Athenian statesman Themistocles. It was by his
foresight and genius that not only Athens, but Greece as well,
was made ready for the next great war with Persia.
*
III. THE SECOND PERSIAN INVASION, UNDER XERXES
Preparations and Advance of Xerxes. While the Greeks
were thus preparing to defend themselves against Persia, the
Persians were making the most formidable preparations for
their next invasion. These preparations had been begun by
Darius, but were interrupted by a revolt in Egypt and were
finally cut short by the death of the king himself. Darius was
succeeded by his son Xerxes, a man of far greater pretensions
and of far less ability than his father. Prompted to take up
the task left unfinished by Darius, he called together his nobles
and announced his purpose. " As Cyrus, Cambyses, and
Darius," he said, "have each enlarged the empire, I wish to
do the same. I propose to bridge the Hellespont and march
through Europe, and fire Athens for burning Sardis and op-
posing Datis and Artaphernes. By reducing Attica and Greece,
the sky will be the only boundary of Persia " (Herodotus,
VII., 8). Four years he spent in preparing for his great expe-
dition. Infantry, cavalry, horse transports, provisions, long
152
THE (JKEEK WORLD
ships for bridges, and war ships for battles were collected from
various Asiatic nations. Three years were spent in cutting a
channel through the isthmus of Athos, to avoid the promon-
tory near which the fleet of Mardonius had been wrecked.
After collecting his forces at Sardis, Xerxes marched to the
Hellespont. Crossing into Thrace, the army was reenforced
l^f
W 4l; v ,S%-<.^\ 4<> >%^
fei:
SO 100 loO
ROUTES OF PERSIAN INVASIONS
by the fleet, which had followed by way of the coast. Hero the
great king reviewed his immense armament,' gathered, it is
said, from forty-six different nations. I Inv were Persians clad
in corselets and armed with <_ r n- ; il l><>\vs ,-uxl slmrl javelins.
Here were Ethiopians covered with the skins of beasts and
having arrows tipped with sharp stones. II en- \\cro the sav-
ages from central Asia, and ili<- inon- civil i/.nl warriors from
A vria and Media. According 1<> llen>dnlii.- i,!i<- wlmlr army
amounted to nmiv than a million of men. The fleet consisted
THE PEJUS1AN WARS 153
of more than twelve hundred ships collected from Phoenicia,
Egypt, Ionia, Cyprus, and other maritime states. With this
prodigious armament Xerxes hoped to appall and overwhelm
the little armies and fleets of Greece. He advanced by way of
Thrace and Macedonia to the pass at Tempe, and was surprised
to find this point abandoned. He then pushed through
Thessaly and approached the pass of Thermopylae.
Battles at Thermopylae and Artemisium. It was at this
pass that the Greeks had decided to resist the Persian advance.
This was no doubt the strongest defensive point in Greece. The
pass itself was a very narrow roadway between the mountains
and the sea, and could be easily defended by a small force; it
was also protected from an attack from the sea by the long
island of Euboea, so that it could be approached from the north
only through the strait at
Artemis'ium (see map, p.
152). The defense of the
pass was intrusted to the
brave Spartan king Leon'-
idas; while the strait was
guarded by the Grecian
fleet under a Spartan ad-
miral the Athenian di-
vision being commanded PASS OF THERMOPYLAE
by Themistocles. Leonidas had with him about four thousand
men, including three hundred Spartans, whom he stationed be-
hind an old wall once built by the Phocians. That the whole
Spartan army was not hurried to the defense of this most im-
portant position, was due to a superstition similar to that
which had before delayed the arrival of the Spartan troops at
Marathon. But with his small force Leonidas determined to
hold the pass. For two days Xerxes hurled against him as large
detachments of his army as he was able but in vain. Even the
"Ten Thousand Immortals" were repulsed. Then a citizen
of Malis, who has been branded as the "Judas of Greece/'
154
THE GREEK WORLD
Ephial'tes by name, revealed to Xerxes a secret path over the
mountains, by which a force could be thrown in the rear of
the Spartan position. By this act of treachery Thermopylae
was lost. Leonidas and his Spartan band preferred death to
dishonor, and perished examples for all time of courage and
patriotic devotion.
At Artemisium the Grecian fleet was held to its duty by
the inspiring influence of Themistocles. The fleet comprised
nearly three hundred
vessels, more than
half of which were
furnished by Athens.
By persuasion, and
even by bribery,
Themistocles induced
the Spartan com-
mander to hold his
position. For three
successive days the
Greeks fought the
Persian navy. Al-
though these battles
were indecisive, they
prevented the Persians from approaching Thermopylae by the
sea. But when the news came that Thermopylae was lost, it
was useless to hold this position longer; and the fleet retired
southward to the island of Sal'amis. All central Greece was
now open to the invader.
Themistocles and the Battle of Salamis (480 B. c.). The
army of Xerxes pushed through central Greece into Attica,
I m mod Athens, and destroyed the temples on the Acropolis.
The inhabitants fled to the neighboring towns. The Persian
fleet meanwhile followed the Creeks to S;il;imis. If \\.-is here
that Theinislndes by his influence find :idn>i!ness lirou;rl)l on
the decisive battle of the war. The Peloponnesian army had
SEAT OF THE SECOND PERSIAN WAR
Route of I'ersiiin Army )
Course of Persian Fleet
THE PEESIAN WARS
155
retreated behind flu* wall thrown across ilu> Isthmus of Cor-
inth, and its leaders insisted that the fleet should retire to the
same place. But Themistocles saw the great advantage of
fighting in the narrow strait between Salamis and the Attic
shore, where only a part of the Persian fleet could be brought
into action. A council was called, and in the heat of debate
Themistocles was charged with being a " man without a coun-
try," now that Athens was lost. But he replied that with a
hundred and eighty war ships at his command he could found
a city anywhere. He threatened to withdraw his vessels and
sail to Italy if the allies saw fit to abandon their Athenian
comrades. By this threat the allies were persuaded to stand
firm and fight in the strait. But to prevent any further inde-
cision, Themistocles sent a messenger to Xerxes, giving the ad-
vice, as coming from a friend, that the Greeks must be
attacked immediately to prevent their escape. Xerxes accord-
ingly ordered up his fleet, and sent the Egyptian squadron to
the strait opposite Megarie, to prevent any escape west of
Salamis. At this juncture Aristides arrived from his retire-
ment in JEgina, and pleaded with his old rival that they should
now be rivals only in the cause of Greece. He announced that
the battle must take place at
Salamis, as all means of escape
were cut off. This showed The-
mistocles that his plans had been
successful.
The Greek fleet now held the
strait east of Salamis. The Per-
sian squadrons gathered on its
front. The Phoenicians moved
in heavy columns on the right
and the lonians on the left. The
BATTLE OF SALAMIS, 480 B. c.
great king sat upon a throne erected on the slope of Mt.
leos to watch the conflict. The details of this battle are un-
certain; but the victory of the Greeks was decisive. The
156 THE GREEK WORLD
Phoenician squadron, upon which the king chiefly relied, was
shattered. Nearly half of the Persian fleet was destroyed; and
a new glory crowned the loyal states of Greece.
Continuance of the War under Mardonius. The victory at
Salamis had broken the naval power of Persia; but the land
forces were still intact. Xerxes, however, seemed to regard
the cause of Persia as lost, and ordered a general retreat of the
army. He directed the remnants of his fleet to hasten to the
Hellespont to guard the bridges by which he might recross
into Asia, and which wore now threatened by the Greeks. But
there was one man who believed that a Persian army might
still conquer Greece. This man was Mardonius. He it was
who had failed in the first expedition under Darius, and who
had encouraged Xerxes to undertake the present invasion. In-
trusted with three hundred thousand men, Mardonius was per-
mitted to remain in Greece to retrieve the disaster at Salamis.
Before beginning his campaign the following year, Mardonius
sought the alliance of Athens against the rest of Greece. He
promised to aid the Athenians to rebuild their city and to give
them all the neighboring territory that they desired. But the
At hcnians sent back the word that " so long as the sun keeps its
course, we will never join the cause of Xerxes " (Herodotus,
VIII., 143). Attica was once more invaded, and the Athenians
were again obliged to flee for safety. Again Greece was called
upon to resist the invaders. Athens again called upon Sparta
for aid, which was furnished after the usual delay. While the
Grecian army was being collected, Mardonius retreated into
Bceotia, near PlataBa, to await the final contest.
Battles of Plataea and Mycale (479 B. c.). Against the
army of Mardonius the Greeks brought a force of about a hun-
dred thousand men under the command of the Spartan Pausa'-
nias. The Athenian division was led by Aristides. The Spar-
tan commander was evidently convinced of the superiority of
the Athenian division, lor he insisted that it should hold the
place of honor and danger against tin- <iron-vst wing of the
THE 1VKU.S1AN WAHS
157
Persian army. After fighting and maneuvering in three differ-
ent positions, the battle was finally decided near the walls
of Plataea. The Persian
army was nearly annihi-
lated. Mardonius was
killed. Another decisive
victory was thus added to
those of Salamis and
Marathon. In commemo-
ration of this victory the
assembled allies made an
offering of thanksgiving
to Zeus Eleuthe'rios (the
Deliverer), and instituted
a public festival, called
the Eleuthe'ria, to be cele- BATTLE OP PLA A ' 479 B ' "
brated once in every four years. The defensive alliance
against Persia was also renewed ; this is known as the " League
of Platea,"
On the same day, it is said, on which the battle of Plataea
was fought, the Grecian fleet, having set out from Delos,
gained a signal victory over the Persian navy on the Asiatic
coast near the promontory of Myc'ale (map, page 152). This
^ave the Ionian Greeks fresh hope that the day of their deliv-
erance was near.
The Carthaginian Attack; Battle of Himera. While the
Persians were trying in vain to conquer Greece, the Cartha-
ginians, who were in alliance with Persia, were trying to con-
quer Sicily. Carthage, we remember, was a colony of Phoeni-
cia; it had already an extensive empire in northern Africa and
held certain cities in the western part of Sicily. Carthage, like
Persia, represented the civilization of the Orient; and the strug-
gle in Sicily, as well as that in Greece, was a conflict between
Orientalism and the new culture of Europe. The largest part
of the coast of Sicily had long before been settled by Greek
158 THE GREEK WORLD
colonies, and formed a part of what we have called " Western
Greece " (which also included the Greek colonies on the south-
ern coasts of Italy). 1 The cities in Sicily had become the cen-
ters of Greek civilization, which was now exposed to the attack
of Carthage. The leading city in the defense of Western
Greece was Syracuse, now under the rule of the tyrant Gelo
(or Gelon). The decisive battle of this war took place at
Himera (480 B. c.), on the northern coast of Sicily. Here the
Carthaginians suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Gelo.
According to tradition the battle of Himera was fought on the
same day that the Greeks gained their decisive victory over
the Persians at Salamis.
The Liberation of Greece. The story of these struggles be-
tween the Greeks and their foreign enemies is of more than or-
dinary significance; for they belong to the most heroic period
of Greek history. This war against Persia and Carthage has
been aptly called "the war of liberation." It preserved
Greece and Europe from Oriental domination. It revealed to
the Greeks their own character and strength. The battles of
Marathon and ThermopylaB and Salamis and Plataa taught
them that courage and patriotism are virtues necessary to na-
tional independence. They gave to the Greek people the
consciousness of unity and showed them the importance of their
own institutions and culture. They also gave a ne<v inspira-*
tion to Greek life which was expressed in art and literature.
This new spirit is shown in the lyric poetry of Simon'ides,
who sang the praises of the dead heroes, and of Pindar,
who glorified the national institutions of the Greeks. But
more than all, this war gave to the Greeks a half century of
comparative peace in which they might devote themselves to
fulfilling their high mission in the world, unhindered by for-
eign interference.
>The Greek cities In Sicily included the Ionian colonies of Cnt'ana,
Naxos, Zancle (Messa'na), and Ilim'era ; and also the Dorian colonies of
Syracuse, Gela, Agrigen'tum, and Selinus (see map, p. 110).
THE PERSIAN WARS 159
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE FIRST PERSIAN INVASION, UNDER DARIUS. Greece and
Persia. The Asiatic Cities and the Ionian Revolt. Plans of
Darius against Greece. Persian Invasion under Datis and
Artaphernes. Miltiades and the Battle of Marathon.
II. ATHENS DURING THE TEN YEARS' RESPITE. Democratic
Progress at Athens. Aristides and Themistocles. The Naval
Programme of Themistocles. Athens Becomes a Maritime
Power. The Congress of Corinth.
III. THE SECOND PERSIAN INVASION, UNDER XERXES. Prepara-
tions and Advance of Xerxes. Battles at Thermopyla} and
Artemisium. Themistocles and the Battle of Salamis. Continu-
ance of the War under Mardonius. Battles of Plataea and
Mycale. The Carthaginian Attack; Battle of Himera. The
Liberation of Greece.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Smith, Win., Ch. 16, "The Ionic Revolt"; Ch. 17, "The Battle of
Marathon"; Ch. 18, "The Battles of Thermopylae and Ar-
temisium"; Ch. 19, "The Battle of Marathon" (10). 1
Cox, History, Part II., Ch. 5, "Invasion and Flight of Xerxes"
(10).
Greeks and Persians, Ch. 5, "The Ionian Revolt" (10).
Greek Statesmen, "Miltiades," "Aristides," "Themistocles"
(26).
Oman, Chs. 19, 20, "The Invasion of Xerxes" (10).
Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 13, "Themistocles and the Naval Pro-
gramme" (10).
Bury, Ch. 7, "The Perils of Greece" (10).
Abbott, Vol. II., Ch. 3, "The Great Invasions" (10).
Curtius, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 1, "The War of Liberation" (10).
Plutarch, "Aristides," "Themistocles" (26).
Herodotus, Bk. I., Chs. 1-38, 61-66 (reign of Cambyses) ; Bk. VII.,
Chs. 1-4 (last days of Darius); Bk. VIII., Chs. 74-95 (battle
of Salamis) (17).
JEschylus, Drama of "The Persians" (account of the battle of
Salamis) (17).
1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
CHAPTER XII
THE ATHENIAN EMPIKE; AGE OF PERICLES
I. ATHENS AND THE DELIAN COM I:DI:RACY
The New Athens under Themistocles. We have seen the
important part taken by Athens in the Persian wars. Herod-
otus tells us that in this great crisis the Athenians were the
saviors of Greece that, next to the gods, they repulsed the
invader. It is also true that they were the greatest sufferers in
the cause of Greece. Their city had been twice occupied l\
the enemy and was now a heap of ruins. The inhabitants had
been obliged to flee for safety to the neighboring islands of
Salamis and yEgina. The first need of the Athenians was now
a home. Themistocles determined that on the ruins of the
old city there should be built a new Athens, surrounded by
strong and extensive walls sufficient to protect the people in
any future war. In spite of the jealousy and opposition of the
Peloponnesian states Themistocles, by his adroitness, was able
to outwit his opponents and to accomplish his purpose.
When the walls of Athens were erected, Themistocles turned
his attention to strengthening the harbor of Athens. This
was located at the Piraeus, on the Saronic Gulf, about four
miles from the city. The fortifications begun after the first
Persian invasion were now completed; and became an impor-
tant factor in the commercial growth of Athens. There soon
grew up at the Piraeus a large commercial population mer-
chants, sailors, and resident foreigners who carried on trade.
Thus Themistocles not only created the naval power of Athrn<
and secured the triumph of Greece during the great Persian
war; but he also rescued Athens from the disasters of that
160
THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 161
war, and raised her to a position in which she might com-
mand the commerce of the sea. To him more than to any
other man, Athens was indebted for her maritime and commer-
cial supremacy; upon the foundations which he laid was built
THE PIRAEUS, THE PORT OF ATHENS (Restoration)
the Athenian empire. Although he had many faults, and was
at last driven into exile, he was yet one of the greatest of the
statesmen of Greece.
Athenian Supremacy in the -ffigean. Athens took another
step in the development of her power by getting command of
the Grecian fleet in the ^Egean Sea. The fleet was now en-
gaged in freeing the cities that had fallen under the Persian
power during the late war. As Sparta had been, since the
congress of Corinth (p. 150), the recognized leader of Greece,
the chief command of the ^Egean fleet was in the hands of a
Spartan admiral, who was no other than Pausanias, the victor
of Plata^a. The Athenian division of the fleet was under the
command of Aristides, with whom was associated Cimon, the
son of the great Miltiades. Pausanias began his work well, by
freeing part of Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean and By-
zantium in Thrace. But with the spoils of Byzantium in his
hands, Pausanias became arrogant toward the Greeks and
MOJJEY'S ANCIENT HIST. 10
162 THE GREEK WORLD
friendly toward the Persians. He even offered to ally himself
with the Persian king, and to betray to him the states of
Greece. When the officers of the fleet compared the brutal and
treacherous conduct of Pausanias with the upright character
of Aristides, they with one accord turned over the command
from the Spartan to the Athenian admiral. By thus obtaining
the chief command of the Grecian fleet, Athens acquired the
supreme control of the zEgean Sea. Sparta withdrew from the
leadership which she had held since the congress of Corinth,
and relapsed into her former position as simply the head of
the Peloponnesian League. 1
Formation of the Delian Confederacy under Aristides.
The work of freeing the cities of the J^gean was continued by
Aristides. It now seemed necessary to provide for their com-
mon defense against any future encroachments of Persia.
This was done by the organization of a confederacy under the
leadership of Athens. The chief duty of organizing the new
league fell to Aristides, the commander of the fleet. He
formed alliances with the cities, not only on the islands, but
also on the Asiatic coasts, for the, purpose of forming a union
to resist the Persian power. All members of the confederacy
were to be equal; they were to send delegates to a common con-
gress; and they were to furnish ships or money for the com-
mon cause. The confederacy was to be a perpetual union; and
no member could withdraw without the consent of the others.
The island of Delos, the seat of the shrine of Apollo, was se-
lected as the place where the common meetings were to be held,
and where the common treasury was to be established. Tin*
assessments for the treasury were intrusted to Aristides, in
whose justice all had confidence. The Confederacy of Delos
was essentially an Ionian league, under the leadership of
'The fate of Pausanlns was suited to his crime. He was recalled to
Sparta. When the evidence of his crime hecame clear and he was ahout to
be arrested, he fled for safety Into the temple of Athena. But this did not
protect him from the vengeance of the people. The door of the temple was
closed by n wall, and the traitor was starved to death.
THE ATHENIAN EMP1KE 163
Athens ; and it was an offset to the Dorian league of the Pelo-
ponnesus under the leadership of Sparta. Henceforth the
interests of Athens and of Sparta became more and more
opposed to each other; and they came to be recognized as the
two rival powers of Hellas.
Growth of Imperialism under Cimon. The work which was
begun by Aristides was completed by his colleague and suc-
cessor, Cimon. Cimon inherited the conservative spirit and
military ability of his renowned father Miltiades. His policy
comprised peace with Sparta and war with Persia. His chief
work was to enlarge and make strong the newly formed con-
federacy. He proceeded to Thrace and freed many cities on
that coast. He reduced the rocky is-
land of Scyros, where a nest of pirates
threatened the commerce of Athens;
and he planted upon it a colony of
Athenian citizens. But his greatest
military achievement was the defeat of
the land and naval forces of Persia
near the mouth of the river Eurym'-
edon in southern Asia Minor (466 B. c.;
map, p. 111). This double victory in-
CIMON (So-called) sured the freedom of the cities of Caria
Prom a gem and Lyci ^ on the Asiatic coast, and
thus added to the strength of the confederacy.
While the chief purpose of Cimon was to destroy the Persian
influence in the ^Egean, he was unfortunately compelled to
use force to hold together the confederate cities. For example,
the island of Naxos wished to withdraw from the league; but
it was besieged and reduced to submission. Again, the island
of Thasos, embittered by a quarrel with Athens, revolted ; but
it was compelled to submit by the allied fleet under Cimon.
The tendency of this policy of coercion was to change the allied
cities into subjects, and to make Athens not merely the leader
of a confederacy, but the sovereign of an empire.
164 THE GREEK WORLD
*
J ealousy between Sparta and Athens. The whole course of
events at this time was to increase the jealousy existing between
Sparta and Athens. Sparta had complained that the Athe-
nians had shown deceit and an undue spirit of independence
in fortifying their city. She was also chagrined at losing the
i-oi nmand of the fleet, and was envious of the growing power
of Athens. On the other hand, Athens charged the Spartans
with a treacherous attempt to assist the people of Thasos in
their recent revolt. It was the policy of Cimon to appease,
so far as possible, this enmity between the leading states of
Greece, and to present a united front to Persia, their common
enemy. Sparta was now suffering from the effects of a terrible
earthquake and from a revolt of her subject population, the
helots. She appealed to Athens for aid in putting down this
revolt. Cimon was in favor of giving this aid. The new
leaders of the democracy, Ephialtes and Per'icles, opposed it.
But the influence of Cimon prevailed, and the Athenian assem-
bly decided to send an army to assist the Spartans in their
distress. When the army arrived and did not succeed immedi-
ately in putting down the revolt, the Spartan? thought its
failure was due to treachery, and dismissed it insolently.
This piece of effrontery served to widen the breach between
the two states. The party of Cimon. which had favored
Sparta, lost its influence, and Cimon himself was ostracized
(461 B. c.)
II. PERICLES AND THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE
Pericles and his Policy. In the same year in which Cimon
was exiled, Ephialtes, the chief leader of the democratic party,
was assassinated. By the removal of these two party chiefs,
Pericles became the leading man in Athens.
In his character this great man united many of the best qual-
ities of his predecessors, the skillful statesmanship of The-
niMoclrs. the patriotic spirit and democratic sympathies <>!'
Aristides, the military accomplishments and imperial ambition
THE ATHENIAN EMPIEE
165
of Cimon. But he added to these the power of persuasm- <!<>-
quence, which made him the foremost orator of his day, and
gave him almost absolute con-
trol of the Athenian assembly.
His political policy was to ex-
tend and secure the imperial
power of Athens, and to make
it the foremost city of the
world. This policy included:
( 1 ) the extension of the fortifi-
cations of Athens; (2) the estab-
lishment of a land empire
over the continental states of
Greece; (3) the completion of
the maritime empire over the
cities of the ^Egean; and (4)
PERICTES ^ e wea kening of the power of
Persia, not only by protecting
the Greek cities in Asia Minor, but also by aiding the Persian
subjects in their revolts, especially in Egypt and in Cyprus.-
The Building of the Long Walls. Pericles followed the
policy of Themis-
tocles in seeking
first of all to make
Athens an impreg-
nable city. The
fortifications erect-
ed by Themistocles
about Athens and
about the Piraeus
had created two
separate centers of THE WALLS OF ATHENS*
defense. Pericles desired to unite these two places by one sys-
ir There is some question as to the exact location of the "Phaleric wall,"
and some writers even doubt that there was such a wall.
SARON-JC
166 THE GREEK WORLD
tern of defensive works, and thus to prevent Athens from being
cut off from her harbor and from the rest of the world. This
defensive system may have been begun by Cimon; but it was
completed by Pericles. One of the. new walls, the southern,
ran from the city to the Bay of Phalerum; and another, the
northern, ran to the harbor of the Piraeus. In a few years a
third and middle wall was erected near and parallel to the
northern one, the two together being known as the " Long
Walls." These formed a wide and secure avenue from the city
to the Piraeus. Athens and the Piraeus were thus united in a
single fortified area, which formed a military and naval base
of operations for the whole empire.
Athenian Attempts at a Land Empire. Pericles desired to
extend the influence of Athens upon the land as well as upon
the sea, and thus to make Athens the head of a continental as
well as a maritime league. The first step in this direction
was taken as the result of an alliance which had already been
formed by Athens with Argos and Megara. This alliance ex-
cited the jealousy of the neighboring Dorian states, Corinth and
/Egina ; a war followed, and ^Egina was reduced to the condi-
tion of a tributary state. The next step was the result of an
attempt made by Sparta to interfere in the affairs of central
Greece. This brought on a war between Athens, on the one
side, and Sparta and Boeotia, on the other. After battles at
Tan'agra (457 B. c.) and (Enoph'yta (456 B. c. ; map, p. 168),
several disaffected states either became the willing allies of
Athens, or were compelled to join the new continental league.
By these two movements the Athenian power was extended over
most of central Greece.
Completion of the Maritime Empire. While Athens was
gaining new allies on the land, she was also obtaining greater
power over her allies upon the sea. The members of the Delian
Confederacy were at first expected simply in furnish ships and
sufficient money to maintain the fleet. Soon they were in-
clined to make their contributions entirely in money, while
THK ATM KM AN KMlMliK 167
retaining their independence. Afterward the contributions
were regarded as tribute due to Athens, which Athens had
a right to collect. Again, it was at first expected that the
affairs of the confederacy were to be managed by a congress
of delegates, meeting at Delos; but the allies soon regarded
these meetings as irksome, and the political control of the con-
federacy gradually passed into the hands of Athens. Finally,
the common treasury was transferred from Delos to Athens
(about 454 B. c.). By these steps the political and financial
administration of the league became completely centralized in
Athens ; and the Delian Confederacy became transformed into
an Athenian empire. Of all the members of the original con-
federacy, only three Chios, Lesbos, and Samos were allowed
to retain their position as equal and independent allies.
Eestoration and Death of Cimon. After the empire was
finally established, Cimon, who had been recalled from his
banishment, recovered for a brief time his influence over the
Athenian assembly; and his policy of peace with Sparta and'
war with Persia again found favor with the people. A Five
Years' Truce was accordingly formed between Athens and
Sparta (450 B. c.), by which each party agreed to respect
the rights and possessions of the other. Cimon then set out
on a new expedition against Cyprus, in which island Persia
was now attempting to reestablish her authority. This ex-
pedition resulted in a decisive victory over the Persians, and
also in the death of Cimon (449 B. c.). It is said that Cimon
concluded a treaty of peace with Persia; but concerning this
there is much doubt. With the death of Cimon, Pericles re-
gained his previous position as the ruling spirit of Athens.
Failure of the Imperial Policy of Athens. The wonderful
energy which Athens displayed at this time is evident when
we consider that, within a period of thirty years, she had re-
covered all the JEgean cities lost during the Persian wars, and
had established her authority over a large part of European
Greece. But her ambitious policy to maintain an empire
ATI 1 1 ;X FAX KMIMKK
ITS GHEATKST KXTEM
About i:>0 R. C.
SCALE OF MILES
No. 8.
EXPLANATIONS.
Members and Allied States
Dependent and Tributary Statet
TRIBUTARY DISTRICTS.
f. Island District.
II. Thracian District.
III. Hellespontine District.
IV. Ionian District.
V. Carian. District.
East 26 from
Greenwic
169
TRIBUTARY STATES OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE
The following table gives a list of the tributary states that paid annu-
ally more than one talent, arranged by tributary districts :
I. Island District. JEgina, Ceos, Cythnos, Siphnos, Paros, Naxos,
Tenos, Andros, Carystus and Chalcis in Eubo3a, and Hephsestia in
Lemnos.
II. Thracian District. Peparethus, Methone, ^Enea, Potidsea, Mende,
Scione, Spartolus, Olynthus, Galepsus, Torone, Singus, Acanthus,
Abdera, Maronea, ^Enos, Thasos, Samothrace.
III. Hellespontine District. Perinthus, Selymbria, Byzantium, Chalce-
don, Cyzicus, Proconnesus, Lampsacus, Arisbe, Abydos, Tenedos.
IV. Ionian District. Myrina, Cyme, Phocaea, Clazoinenae, Erythrae,
Teos, Colophon, Ephesus, Miletus.
V. Carian District. Halicarnassus, Ceramus, Cnidus, Chersonesus in
Caria, Calynda, Phaselis, Cos, Astypalsea ; also Camirus, lalysus,
and Lindus in the island of Rhodes.
The following is a list of the above tributary, states arranged according
to the amount of their annual tribute : 30 talents, JEgina, Thasos ; i6
talents, Paros; 15 talents, Abdera, Byzantium; 12 talents, Lampsacus;
10 talents, JEnos, Chalcis, Perinthus ; 9 talents, Chalcedon, Cyme, Cyzi-
cus ; 7 talents, Erythrae ; 6f talents, Naxos ; 6 talents, Andros, Ephesus,
lalysus, Camirus, Lindus, Potidaea, Samothrace, Scione, Teos, Torone ;
5 talents, Carystus, Cos, Mende, Miletus, Selymbria ; 4 talents, Abydos,
Ceos; 3 talents, JEnea, Acanthus, Chersonesus in Caria, Hephaestia,
Cnidus, Cythnos, Methone, Peparethus, Phaselis, Proconnesus, Siphnc.?,
Tenedos, Tenos ; 2 talents, Arisbe, Olynthus, Phocaea, Singus, Sparto-
lus; i talents, Halicarnassus; i talents, Astypalaea, Galepsus, Calynda,
Ceramus, Clazomenae, Colophon, Maronea, Myrina. (Cf. Beloch, Ghrie-
chische Geschichte, Ed. 1893, L, 402.)
The whole number of tributary states was as follows : Island District,
41 ; Thracian District, 68 ; Hellespontine District, 50 ; Ionian District,
42 ; Carian District, 62 ; undetermined, 4 ; total, 267. (Cf. Boeckh,
Staatshaushaltung der Athener, Ed. 1886, IL, 362-369.)
170
THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 171
upon the land proved a failure. She was soon beset with dilli-
culties and afflicted with reverses which weakened her influence
among her continental allies. News had already come that a
fleet of two hundred vessels, sent some time before to free
! \irypt from Persia, had been annihilated (454 B. c.). Sparta
still claimed the right to interfere in the affairs of central
Greece. Boeotia opposed the effort to establish democratic gov-
ernments within her borders, and defeated the Athenians in
a battle at Corone'a (417 B. c.). The spirit of revolt ex-
tended to other cities; and one after another the Athenian land
allies renounced their allegiance. Under these depressing cir-
cumstances Pericles concluded a Thirty Years' Truce with
Sparta (445 B. c.), by which each party was restricted to its
present possessions. Athens thus lost her peninsular empire,
but retained her empire upon the sea.
The " Years of Peace " (445-431 B. c.). After the conclu-
sion of the treaty with Sparta, there followed a period of peace,
during which Pericles gained his highest distinction as a patron
of Athenian culture. Pericles was himself a man of high intel-
lectual accomplishments and of refined artistic taste. He rep-
resented in his own person and character the best qualities
of the Greek people. While he exercised his influence to
strengthen the Athenian democracy and also to maintain the
authority of Athens over her maritime empire, his most im-
portant and enduring work was the encouragement that he
gave to literature and art. It is on account of his patronage
of culture more than anything else that the period of his ad-
ministration has been called the " Age of Pericles." It was
then that Athens became the intellectual and artistic capital of
Hellas. The influence of Pericles did not cease, however, with
the termination of the years of peace, but continued, for nearly
a century, to give character to the culture of Greece. 1
1 The culture of Athens during the age of Pericles was so closely con-
nected with that which followed his death, that we shall consider them
together as forming successive phases of the "Attic period." See pp.
197-223.
172 THE GREEK WORLD
III. THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES
Character of the Athenian Democracy. It was during the
time of Pericles that the democratic constitution of Athens
reached its highest development. We have already seen the
general tendency in the direction of popular government in
the decline of the monarchy,, in the growth of the archonship,
in the extension of the franchise by Solon, and in the radical
reforms of Clisthenes. And this popular tendency had con-
tinued since the time of Clisthenes. Ephialtes had restricted
the ancient privileges of the Areopagus; and Pericles had in-
duced the people to take an active part in the exercise of their
political duties, by introducing a system of payment for public
service.
By the term " democracy," the Athenians understood a state
in which all the powers of government are exercised directly
by the citizens, and in which all citizens are equal before the
law. The Athenian idea of democracy differed from the mod-
ern idea chiefly in two ways: first, in that the Athenians had
very little notion of the modern idea of representation ; and
second, in that the number of citizens formed a comparatively
all part of the whole population.
Classes of the Population. We may get an idea of the
limited nature of the Athenian democracy by looking at the
different classes of persons residing in Attica, which formed
the territory of the Athenian city state: the slaves, the resi-
dent foreigners or "metics," and the citizens.
(1) The slaves of Attica have been estimated at about 100 r
000. They included captives taken in war and persons im-
ported from the slave markets on the Thracian an I Srviliian
coasts. They were employed in domestic and agricultural
labor, and were even allowed to work for themselves on consid-
eration of paying their master a yearly sum. The state some-
times employed slaves as policemen and dorks. Tin* slave.
however, had no political or civil rights, although he might be
THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 173
protected from the cruelty of his master, and sometimes, in
grave emergencies, might be called upon to serve in the army
or the fleet.
(2) The resident foreigners, or " metics," numbered perhaps
10,000. These persons were engaged mostly in trade, and
formed a valuable part of the population. But they had no
share in the government. They could not hold land in Attica.
They were obliged to pay a yearly tax and sometimes to serve
in the army and navy; for example, as shield-bearers or
rowers. Every resident foreigner was bound to choose a citi-
zen to represent and protect his interests.
(3) The class of citizens formed the rest of the population
of Attica. The early policy of admitting foreigners to citizen-
ship was changed by Pericles, who restricted citizenship to those
who were born of an Athenian father and an Athenian mother.
The whole number of Athenian citizens, including men,
women, and children, was at the time of Pericles in the neigh-
borhood of 120,000. Of this population the number of voters
is generally estimated as about 30,000. This comparatively
small body of persons, scattered through the local districts
that is, the tribes and denies of Attica, formed the Athenian
democracy.
The Athenian Assembly, or Ecclesia. The most important
political body in the state was the ecclesia, or general assembly
of the people. It consisted of the whole body of male citizens
above eighteen years of age. It met forty times each year on
the Pnyx a sloping hill backed by a perpendicular rook,
where was located the bema, the stone platform upon which
the orators stood to address the people. The assembly was the
ultimate source of political authority. Here any citizen could
speak and vote upon questions properly submitted by the
council. The assembly was often brought under the power
of some influential man, whose character and oratorical ability
enabled him to sway the multitude and to become the " leader
of the people," or, as Aristoph'anes puts it, " the master of the
174
THE GREEK WORLD
THE BEMA ON THE PNYX
stone in the Pnyx." Thucyd'ides describes Athens at the time
of Pericles as " a democracy ruled hy its ablest citizen."
The Athenian Council, or Boule*. Since the decline of the
Areopagus, the most important political body after the assem-
bly was the council of five hundred. The council was com-
posed of ten sections, being made up of fifty members, at
least thirty years of age, chosen annually by lot from each
of the ten local tribes. This body exercised the highest admin-
istrative and executive powers in the state. It prepared the
measures to be submitted to the assembly. It could itself
pass ordinances, provided they did not conflict with the exist-
ing laws. It had charge of the public buildings, festivals, and
religious ceremonies. It had control of the public finances.
It saw that the laws of the state were carried into execution,
and in certain exceptional cases it cxcrciscil judicial functions.
The Athenian Magistrates; the Generals. As the decline
of the Areopagus was followed by the growing importance of
THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 175
1 1 ic c-ouncil, so the decline of the archonship was attended by
the growth of the "generalship" as an executive office. The
ten strategi, or generals, came to be the most important magis-
trates in the government. On account of the fact that they
required a special kind of ability, they were elected, not by lot,
but by the vote of the assembly. The first duty of the generals
was to command the army, but to this were added other func-
tions. They had charge of the means for defending the state
the maintenance of the fortifications, the army, and the navy.
They also had charge of foreign affairs, the negotiation of
treaties, and the receiving of ambassadors. They furthermore
had the power to call extra sessions of the assembly, if in their
judgment the public interests required it.
The Athenian Courts; the Dicasteries. One of the most
peculiar features of the Athenian constitution was the organi-
zation of the courts. The old council of the Areopagus re-
tained a certain jurisdiction over some grave offenses, like mur-
der. But the great majority of judicial cases were tried by
jurors drawn from the body of citizens, and from these courts
there was no appeal. The whole jury list (helicea) was made
up of six thousand citizens, at least thirty years of age, who
each year voluntarily presented themselves before the archon
and took an oath to perform their duties faithfully. This
whole judicial body was divided into ten sections, or " dicas'-
teries," of five hundred members each leaving a thousand
supernumeraries who could be drawn upon when necessary.
The jurors serving on a single case were drawn from these
sections, and might number two hundred or more. From
the time of Pericles the jurors received a small pay for their
services. The popular character of the Athenian courts shows
the extreme democratic principles which controlled the state,
since an opportunity was given to every citizen at some time to
share in the administration of justice.
The Military System. The army, like the government, was
based upon democratic principles. Every man between the
176 THE GREEK WORLD
ages of twenty and sixty was liable to be called upon to serve
the state as a soldier. The army consisted of three branches :
(1) the heavy-armed troops, armed with the defensive equip-
ment, the shield, helmet, breastplate, and greaves, and the of-
fensive weapons, the sword and spear; (2) the light-armed
troops, who fought without the defensive armor with the
sword and spear, and sometimes with the bow and arrow ; and
(3) the cavalry, which was not much used in Greece, on ac-
count of the mountainous character of the country. The mili-
tary organization was based upon the "phalanx," a body of
from two to four thousand men, made up of divisions and sub-
divisions, each under its own officers, and usually drawn up in
eight ranks. The Greek phalanx was the most effective mili-
tary organization before the time of the Eoman legion.
The Financial System. The administration of the public
finances was in the hands of the council. The expenses of the
state were due chiefly to (1) the maintenance of religion and
the public games and festivals, (2) the payment for civil and
military services, (3) the construction and repair of public
buildings, and (4) public bounties paid to poor citizens, and
pensions to the orphans of deceased soldiers. The revenues of
the state. were derived principally from (1) the tribute laid
upon the allied cities (p. 170), (2) the rent of state property,
like the silver mines at Laurium, (3) duties on goods exported
and imported or sold in the market, and (4) the tax on resi-
dent foreigners. The state was also accustomed to receive vol-
untary contributions from patriotic citizens.
Political Parties at Athens. The growth of the Athenian
democracy, like that of every popular government, was markol
by the development of parties and of factional strife. We have
already seen, from very early times, polit ical divisions between
different portions of the people, for example, the Eupatrids
and the common people; and the men of the Hill, the Plain,
and the Shore. But from the time of Clisthenes, there had
come to be two quite well-defined political parties, the demo-
TILE ATHENIAN EMPIRE 177
cratic and the oligarchical. The democratic party was in favor
of the new constitution, with the popular changes brought
about by Clisthenes, Ephialtes, and Pericles; it was eminently
the patriotic party of Athens, opposed to foreign influences,
whether Spartan or Persian. The oligarchical party, on the
other hand, was opposed to the constitution, which had de-
prived its members of their old exclusive privileges; it was in
sympathy with the aristocratic ideas of Sparta, and did not
hesitate sometimes to take the part of Persia. Between these
two extreme parties, there was what may be called a moderate
party, less defined than the others, which did not oppose the
democratic constitution so much as it did the policy of the
democratic leaders. The strife between these parties was
allayed for a time by the overpowering influence of Pericles,
only to become more bitter, as we shall see, during and after
the Peloponnesian war.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. ATHENS AND THE DELIAN CONFEDERACY/ The New Athens
under Themistocles. Athenian Supremacy in the ^gean.
Formation of the Delian Confederacy under Aristides. Growth
of Imperialism under Cimon. Jealousy between Sparta and
Athens.
II. PERICLES AND THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE. Pericles and his
Policy. The Building- of the Long Walls. Athenian Attempts
at a Land Empire. Completion of the Maritime Empire.
Restoration and Death of Cimon. Failure of the Imperial Policy
of Athens. The "Years of Peace."
III. THE ATHENIAN CONSTITUTION UNDER PERICLES. Character
of the Athenian Democracy. Classes of the Population. The
Athenian Assembly, or Ecclesia. The Athenian Council, or
Boule. The Athenian Magistrates; the Generals. The Athenian
Courts; the Dicasteries. The Military System. The Financial
System. Political Parties at Athens.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Smith, Wm., Ch. 23, "Rise and Growth of the Athenian Em-
pire" (10) . a
Cox, History, Bk. III., Ch. 1, "The Thirty Years Truce" (10).
1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
178 THE GREEK WORLD
Allcroft, Athenian Empire, Ch. 1, "Confederacy of Delos and the
Foundation of the Athenian Empire" (10).
Oman, Ch. 22, "Origin of the Confederacy of Delos"; Ch. 23,
"Building- of the Athenian Empire"; Ch. 24, Athens at the
Height of Her Power; Ch. 25, "The Years of Peace" (10).
Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 10, "Athens under Pericles"; Ch. 11, "Con-
stitutional Development in Athens"; pp. 145-147 (ethics of
Athenian policy) (10).
Curtius, Vol. II., Uk. III., Ch. 2, "Growth and Power of Athens";
Ch. 3, "The Years of Pericles" (10).
Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 14, "Pericles to the Thirty Years Peace"; Ch.
16, "The Government, of the City" (10).
Grote, Part II., Ch. 44 (treason and death of Pausanias); Ch. 46
(constitutional and judicial changes under Pericles) (10).
Abbott, Pericles, Ch. 1, "The Alcmaeonidae"; Ch. 6, "The
Areopagus and Ephialtes"; Ch. 16, "The Athens of Pericles;
the Government" (27).
Greenidge, Ch. 6, "Democracy" (11).
Whibley, Political Parties, Ch. 1, "Athenian Constitution and
Empire" (11).
Bury, pp. 336-342 (Athens's treatment of her subject states)
(10).
Freeman, Essay, "The Athenian Democracy" (3).
Plutarch, "Cimon," "Pericles" (26).
Aristotle's Constitution, Chs. 23-27 (Ephialtes and Pericles) (17).
CHAPTER XIII
THE STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY IN GREECE
I. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (431-404 B. c.)
Causes Leading to the War. In tracing the political growth
of Greece up to this time, we have seen not only certain ele-
ments of greatness, but also certain elements of weakness in
the Greek character. We have seen that while the Greeks pos-
sessed a love of political liberty and of local independence, they
seemed incapable of forming a single national state based upon
their common interests. Only during flic brief period of ilio
Persian invasions had they been able to drop their local pride
sufficiently to unite against their common enemy. A< the dan-
ger from Persia passed away they relapsed into a condition of
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 179
strife and mutual jealousy. During the next seventy years
the Grecian states were continually at war with one another,
trying to settle the question as to who should be, or should not
be, supreme. The first struggle was an attempt to deprive
Athens of the supremacy which she now held in the Hellenic
world. The initial steps of this struggle had already been
taken when Athens had attempted to establish a land empire in
central Greece and had been balked by Sparta and other
states (see pp. 166, 171) . This struggle was now renewed in the
so-called Peloponnesian war, and continued with little inter-
ruption for twenty-seven years. We may briefly indicate the
remote causes of the war as follows: (1) the strong spirit of
local independence, and lack of a common feeling of patriotism,
which marked the whole Greek people; (2) the opposing inter-
ests of the Dorian and Ionian races the one being agricul-
tural, the other commercial; the one favoring aristocratic, the
other democratic principles; the one strong in their armies,
the other in their fleets; (3) the bitter jealousy which had long
been growing between Sparta as the head of the Peloponnesian
League and Athens as the ruler of the Delian Confederacy.
The direct cause of the war was the interference of Athens
in the affairs of Corinth, one of the members of the Pelopon-
nesian League. Of all the Peloponnesian states Corinth was
the one which had sufficient maritime interests to be a commer-
cial rival of Athens. In a quarrel which arose between Corinth
and one of her colonies Corcy'ra Athens thought that her
own interests were endangered, and took the part of Corcyra.
This led Corinth to appeal to Sparta for aid, on the ground
that Athens had broken the Thirty Years' Truce (see p. 171).
A meeting of the Peloponnesian states was called, and it was
decided to uphold the cause of Corinth and to declare war*
against Athens.
The War Policy of Pericles (431-429 B. c.). If we compare
the respective forces of the two leading states, we may see the
reason of the war policy adopted by Pericles. The Athenian
TSTo. 9.
180
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 181
army could not hope to defeat the superior land forces which
Sparta sent to invade Attica; and so the inhabitants of Attica
were called upon by Pericles to find a safe refuge within the
walls of the city, while the powerful Athenian navy was sent
to harass and ravage the coasts of the Peloponnesus. In this
way the war was conducted during the earlier years that is,
by periodical invasions of Attica by the Spartan army, and by
successive attacks upon the Peloponnesian coasts by the Athe-
nian navy. In the third year of the war Pericles died (429
B. c.), stricken down by a terrible plague which broke out in
the overcrowded city. In the death of Pericles Athens lost her
greatest statesman, at a time when she needed* him most.* No
other man whom she had ever produced expressed more fully
what was best in the Athenian character; and at this critical
moment Athens possessed no man able to fill his place. After
his death, new and less experienced leaders came forward to
guide the affairs of state. The man who aspired to the position
of Pericles was Cleon, a coarse leather-dealer, a bold dema-
gogue, and a vociferous orator. Opposed to him was Nicias
(nisli'i-as), a well-bred man, a conservative leader, but over-
cautious and devoid of energy.
Conduct of the War under Cleon. The direction of affairs
now fell to Cleon, who became the leader of the war party.
We need not attempt to follow all the many details of the war
during this second stage. Its most important events were the
following:
(1) The surrender of Platsea, a city on the borders of Boeotia
and a steadfast ally of Athens. This city was invested by the
Spartans, and after a prolonged siege of two years was forced
to surrender, and its valiant defenders were mercilessly put to
death (429 B. c.).
(2) The revolt of Mytilene on the island of Lesbos, an ally
of Athens. This revolt was excited by the oligarchical party
of Mytilene ; it was finally put down by Athens after a severe
struggle; the walls of the city were dismantled; a thousand
182 THE GREEK WORLD
of its inhabitants were put to death, and its lands were allotted
to Athenian citizens (427 B. c.).
(3) The sedition at Corcyra. This was also instigated by
an oligarchical party, and was aided by Sparta; it was marked
by the most bitter and deadly strife be-
tween the factions, but was finally sup-
pressed by Athens, and the oligarchical
party there was exterminated.
(4) The capture of Sphacte'ria and a
beleaguered army of Spartans. Sphacteria
was an island on the western coast of Mes-
senia. The neighboring height of Pylos
had been taken by the Athenian general,
SPHACTEBIA Demos'thenes, in one of his naval expedi-
tions along the coast. A Spartan army and fleet were sent to
relieve the place; the fleet was destroyed in the bay, and the
army was entrapped on the island. After some delay, the be-
leaguered Spartan soldiers numbering about three hundred-
were captured by Cleon, who had boasted in the assembly that
he could perform this feat in twenty days which he in fact
accomplished, with the aid of Demosthenes.
(5) The campaign of Bras'idas in Chalcidice. Brasidas
was the most able of the Spartan generals. As the war had
thus far been favorable to Athens, he conceived the brilliant
idea of weakening Athens by striking her allies in the north
from whom she derived her supplies. This plan was carried
sput in a successful campaign, and Athens lost most of her
Chalcid'ian allies. While Brasidas was in the north, Athens
tried to get possession of Boeotia, but was defeated in a battle
at De'lium (424 B. c.). After a year's truce, Cleon determined
to continue the war in Chalcid'ice, but suffered a severe defeat
in a battle at Amphip'olis (422 B. c.), in which both generals,
Brasidas and Cleon, were killed.
The Peace of Nicias, and its Failure. With the death of
Cleon, who was the war leader, Nicias became the lead-
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 183
ing man at Athens. Always opposed to the war, he now
negotiated with Sparta the treaty of peace which bears his
name (421 B. c.). By the terms of this treaty each party agreed
to restore the acquisitions made during the war Sparta to
give up Amphipolis and the other Chalcidian towns, and Ath-
ens to give up Pylos and the captives taken at Sphacteria. This
peace was to last for fifty years; but it proved futile, and was
followed by new combinations and intrigues among the dif-
ferent states. The failure of the Peace of Nicias was due
chiefly to the refusal of the allies of Sparta to respect it, on
the ground that they had not been consulted in making it.
Alcibiades and the Sicilian Expedition. While the conser-
vative and feeble Nicias was trying to maintain peace, there
appeared a new and resolute war leader in the person of Alcibi'-
ades one of the most brilliant and ac-
complished, yet selfish, cunning, and un-
scrupulous characters that Athens ever pro-
duced. Under his influence the Athenians
were led to join the disaffected allies of
Sparta and to invade the Peloponnesus,
where they suffered a defeat at Mantine'a
(418 B. c.). Failing in this undertaking,
Alcibiades now induced the Athenians
to conquer Melos, simply because this
was the only important island of the ^Egean not included in
the Athenian empire; the island was besieged and subdued, and
the inhabitants were either slaughtered or enslaved.
But the most dazzling scheme of Alcibiades was the proposal
to conquer Sicily. Trouble between two of the Sicilian towns
afforded a pretext for this undertaking. Influenced by the al-
luring words of the new war chief, the Athenians fitted out an
immense fleet, which sailed to Syracuse (415 B. c.), under the
command of Alcibiades himself, together with Nicias and a
third general, Lam'achus. No sooner had they reached the
shores of Sicily than an order came from Athens command-
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 11
184
THE GREEK WORLD
ing Alcibiades to return to the city to answer a charge of
sacrilege. But Alcibiades, fearing to face his accusers, now
fled to Sparta and became the open enemy of Athens. Nicias,
with his remaining colleague Lamachus, proceeded to invest
the city of Syracuse. He landed on the north and rear of the
city, stormed the heights of Epip'olaB, captured a strong posi-
tion, encircled it with a fortification, and extended his siege
lines to the south and west of the city. This was done in the
face of the Syracusans,
who had thrown up two
cross walls to resist him.
Although Lamachus was
killed, this first stage of
the war seemed successful
to the Athenians.
Acting under the ad-
vice of Alcibiades, the
Spartans now determined
to send strong reenforce-
ments to the aid of Syra-
cuse, and also to invade
Attica and, by seizing the
town of Decele'a, to
SYRACUSE AND VICINITY threaten Athens at her
very walls. They sent to
Syracuse their ablest gen-
eral, Gylip'pus, who de-
feated Nicias) and prevented the further investment of Syra-
cuse by erecting a third cross wall, which could not be taken.
Although reenforced by their greatest general, Demosthenes,
the Athenians were everywhere unsuccessful (413 B. c.). Their
fleet was destroyed in a sea fight in the harbor of Syracuse.
Their army was destroyed in a desperate attempt to retreat
by land. With their fleet and army lost and their generals,
Nicias and Demosthenes, condemned to death, this expedition
a, Athenian camp ; 6, c, first two cross
walls, which the Syracusans lost ; d,
third cross wall, which the Syracus-
ans held
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 185
proved the greatest disaster that had ever befallen the Athe-
nian state.
The Reappearance of Persia. One of the effects of the
Sicilian disaster was to bring Persia once more upon the scene
of war. It was for the interest of Persia, as well as of Sparta,
to encourage the revolt of the Athenian allies on the Asiatic
coast. These two powers were thus induced to act together for
the weakening of the Athenian empire, and the war was trans-
ferred to the coasts of Asia Minor. Alcibiades, who had
favored the alliance between Sparta and Persia, now turned
traitor to Sparta and took up his residence with the Persian
satrap at Sardis. The great ambition of Alcibiades, from this
time, was to secure his own restoration to power at Athens.
While apparently favoring Persia, he was also trying to gain
the good will of the Athenians by aiding their cause. He
therefore induced the Persian governor no longer to aid Sparta,
arguing that Persia would be the gainer if both Sparta and
Athens were worn out by warring upon each other.
The "Four Hundred " at Athens. The chief obstacle to the
ambition of Alcibiades was the present government of Athens,
which had condemned him to death. His return could evi-
dently be accomplished only by a revolution at Athens. With
the aid of the oligarchical faction this change was effected. All
power was placed in the hands of a council of four hundred,
which was constituted in an arbitrary way and which ruled
in a despotic manner. The officers of the Athenian fleet in the
^Egean Sea protested against the revolution, and claimed
themselves to represent the legal government at Athens. They
prepared to carry on the war and hoped with the aid of Alci-
biades to win Persia to their side. They deposed those of their
own number who favored the revolution; and the democracy
at Athens overthrew the Four Hundred and restored the old
constitution.
The Last Years of the War (411-404 B. c.). Having placed
Alcibiades in command of the fleet, the Athenians gained some
186 THE GREEK WORLD
notable victories. The Peloponnesian fleet, now operating in
the Propontis, was destroyed near Cyz'icus, and Chalce'don and
Byzantium on the Bosphorus were taken. But on an unfor-
tunate day, during the temporary absence of Alcibiades, the
Athenian fleet was defeated by the new Spartan admiral
Lysan'der. For this failure, the Athenians deposed Alcibiades
from his command, and he retired in disgrace to his own castle
on the Hellespont. It required two more battles to finish the war.
One of these was fought (406 B. c.) near the small islands of
Arginu'sse, between Lesbos and the mainland, where the Athe-
nians gained a victory. But this victory proved a disgrace to
Athens; for she condemned to death the generals who had
won it, on the ground that they failed to rescue their ship-
wrecked comrades a thing which, under the circumstances,
was doubtless impossible. The last battle was fought (405
B. c.) in the Hellespont near the mouth of a little river called
^Egospot'ami (" Goat's Streams "). A new Spartan fleet had
been built with the aid of Persian gold furnished by the
younger Cyrus, the new Persian governor in Asia Minor. With
this new armament Lysander captured the entire Athenian
fleet; and this event destroyed the maritime power of Athens.
Lysander followed up his victory by reducing the cities on the
Hellespont and Bosphorus. The allies fell away, and nothing
was now left for Sparta but to reduce the city of Athens itself.
The Fall of Athens (404 B. c.). In a short time Lysander
sailed into the Saronic Gulf and blockaded the Piraeus: and
the Spartan army came down from Decelea and encamped be-
fore the walls of the city. Without money, ships, allies, or
food supply, Athens refused to surrender. It was only famine
and starvation that brought the city to terms. Corinth and
Thebes demanded that the city be totally destroyed. But
Sparta refused to destroy a city that had done so much for
Greece in the past. Athens was, however, required to destroy
the Long Walls and the fortifications of the Piraus, ;m<l l<>
become a subject ally of Sparta. Accepting these conditions,
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 187
Athens opened her gates to the enemy, and the Athenian em-
pire was no more.
Thus ended the Peloponnesian war, which had lasted for
twenty-seven years, which had desolated nearly every part of
the Greek world, and which, in spite of the courage displayed,
had revealed some of the weakest and worst phases of the
Greek character political jealousy, local self-interest, deceit,
and cruelty.
II. THE SUPREMACY OF SPARTA
The Policy of Sparta in Greece. Sparta now succeeded for
a time to the empire which Athens was compelled to give up.
The cities of Greece had been called upon to revolt against
Athens in order to obtain their liberties. But they soon found
that the tyranny of Athens was light compared with the despo-
tism of Sparta. As Sparta was the patron of oligarchy, she
compelled the cities to give up their democratic governments.
A military governor, called a " harmost," was placed over most
of them; and whatever civil authority there was to be exercised,
was placed in a board of ten persons, called a " decarchy."
Under such a government the property and lives of the people
could not be safe. The imperial policy of Sparta was deter-
mined largely by the influence of Lysander, who, on account
of his recent victories, was now the leading man in the Spartan
state.
In Athens there was established a board of thirty oligarchs
who have received the name of the " Thirty Tyrants " (404-
403 B. c.). Under their leader, Crit'ias, their rule was harsh
and oppressive and resulted in anarchy and a reign of terror.
Citizens were put to death, and property was confiscated with-
out mercy. It was only by a popular revolution led by the
patriot Thrasybu'lus that the Thirty were deposed and a
democratic form of government reestablished. This was suf-
ficient to show that the imperial rule of Sparta might arouse
effective opposition in other cities also.
188
THE GREEK WORLD
Persia and the " March of the Ten Thousand" (401-400
B. c.). While Sparta was trying to establish her authority
over the cities in Greece and Asia Minor, her ally, Cyrus the
Younger, the Persian governor of Asia Minor, aspired to place
himself on the Persian throne in place of his brother, Arta-
xerx'es. He enlisted in his service about ten or twelve thousand
Asiatic Greeks, besides a large number of native troops, and
with these pushed his way through Asia Minor, Syria, and
Mesopotamia toward the Persian capital at Susa. He met
MARCH OF THE TEN THOUSAND
Artaxerxes in battle at Cunax'a, near Babylon. The Greek,
forces defeated the great army of the king; but Cyrus was
killed, and the other leaders were soon entrapped and put to
death. The Greeks chose new leaders, chief among whom was
Xen'ophon. They then retreated up the banks of the Tigris
River, harassed by the Persian army, through the snows of
Armenia, suffering from cold and hunger, and finally along
the shores of the Euxine to the friendly city of Chalcedon and
so to the yEgean Sea. This famous " March of the Ten
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 189
Thousand/' described by Xenophon in his " Anab'asis," re-
vealed the weakness of the Persian empire and the superior-
ity of the Greek soldiers, and led directly to a conflict between
Persia and Sparta.
War between Persia and Sparta (399-394 B. c.). The rebel-
lious attempt of Cyrus, assisted as it was by Greeks, aroused
the wrath of the Persian king. He therefore appointed his
faithful general, Tissapher'nes, as governor of Asia Minor,
with orders to reduce all the Grecian cities on the coast.
Sparta now regarded herself as the protector of the Greeks,
and answered their call for help. The war against Persia
which followed was carried on for six years, at first under
inferior generals, but finally under the Spartan king Agesi-
la'us. This able commander defeated Tissaphernes, recovered
the Asiatic cities, carried the war into the enemy's country,
and threaten^ to overthrow the empire itself. To relieve his
empire from the presence of the Spartan army, the Persian
monarch sent an emissary to Greece with bags of gold to stir
up a revolt among the subjects of Sparta in Europe. The
dangers at home compelled the Spartans to recall Agesilaus
from Asia, and the conquest of Persia was delayed for more
than half a century.
The Corinthian War; Peace of Antalcidas (395-387 B. c.).
When Agesilaus reached Sparta, he found a large part of
Greece united in an attempt to throw off the Spartan yoke.
Thebes, Corinth, Athens, and Argos had formed a league for
the liberation of the Hellenic states. The war which ensued is
called the " Corinthian war," because it was waged to a great
extent in the vicinity of the isthmus. Besides many engage-
ments fought on land, a decisive naval battle was fought near
Cnidus on the southwest coast of Asia Minor (394 B. c.). In
this battle the Greek allies, under the Athenian general Conon,
assisted by the Persians, practically destroyed the maritime
power of Sparta. Conon freed the cities on the Asiatic coasts
from the Spartan power, and then sailed to Athens. Under his
190 THE GREEK WORLD
direction, the fortifications of the Piraeus and the Long Walls,
which had been razed after the Peloponnesian war, were re-
built. The stress of the war was so great that Sparta appealed
to Persia to act as arbiter in the affairs of Greece; and this
resulted in the so-called Peace of Antal'cidas (387 B. c.). By
this peace the Greek cities in Asia were once more given up to
the Persian king; the islands of Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros
were given to Athens; and all the cities of Greece proper were
henceforth to be " free and independent."
Further Aggressions of Sparta (387-379 B. c.). It is true
that Sparta had by the late war lost her maritime power and
her control of the Asiatic cities. But still, by the terms of
the Peace of Antalcidas, the bonds which had united her ene-
mies were broken; and she was now free to deal with them
separately. She claimed the right to carry into execution the
terms of the* peace, and made her despotic influence felt every-
where. To offset the power of Thebes in Bceotia, Sparta
caused the city of Plataea to be rebuilt. To weaken her ene-
mies in the Peloponnesus, she razed the walls of Mantinea, the
chief city of Arcadia. In order to prevent a rival power from
growing up outside of Greece, she waged the so-called " Olyn'-
thiac war " (382-379 B. c.), which broke up the confederacy in
Chalcidice newly formed by a union of the Greek and Mace-
donian cities under the headship of Olynthus. For fear that
Thebes might rise against her while her armies were engaged
in Chalcidice, Sparta seized the Theban citadel, the Cadinea,
and placed within it a Spartan garrison. This most arrogant
piece of aggression led to the uprising of Thebes with other
states, and to the overthrow of the Spartan supremacy.
III. THE ATTEMPTED SUPREMACY OF THEBES
The Liberation of Thebes (379 B. c.). The story of the
revolution which resulted in freeing Thebes and the rest
of Greece from Spartan domination, centers about the names
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY
191
Gulf of orin
of two great Theban patriots Pelop'idas and Epaminon'-
das. Pelopidas was a Theban who had taken refuge in Ath-
ens. With a band of companions he entered his native city
in disguise, killed the
oligarchic leaders, and
with the aid of the peo-
ple forced the Spartan
garrison to withdraw
from the citadel. Thebes
was thus made free.
Under the guidance of
Epaminondas the other
cities of Bceotia gained BCEOTIA
their independence, and formed a new Boeotian confederacy to
withstand the power of Sparta. We shall now see the attempt
of Thebes to displace Sparta as leader of the Greek states
resulting in her temporary success and her final failure.
The New Confederacy of Athens (37? B. c.). Athens took
courage from the success of Thebes, and gathered together
many of her old allies in a new Athenian confederacy. She
built a new navy and regained something of her old maritime
power. She at first aided Thebes in resisting Sparta; and
then, envious of the growing power of Thebes, she formed a
treaty with Sparta. . In the midst of these jealous intrigues
and the attending conflicts, Athens proposed that a general
conference be held at Sparta for the pacification of Greece.
It was there proposed that the Peace of Antalcidas should be
renewed that all states should remain free and independent.
Athens and Thebes wished this to mean that all cities should
be free to form alliances if they chose, and thus to preserve
their newly formed leagues. But Sparta refused to accept this
meaning, although s^e wished still to retain her hold upon her
own allies. The treaty was hence signed without Sparta.
While Athens had been able to recover some of her influence,
Thebes and Sparta were now the great rival powers of Greece.
192 THE GREEK WORLD
Overthrow of the Spartan Power; Battle of Leuctra (371
B> c .) . Sparta was now alarmed at the rising power of Thebes.
She therefore sent an army into Bceotia to destroy the newly
t _ t formed confederacy, but was defeated
in the memorable battle of Leuctra.
The ruling spirit in Bceotia was
Epaminondas, the great Theban pa-
triot, whose name is one of the most
distinguished among Grecian states-
men and generals. To him is due the
new arrangement of the Grecian pha-
BATTI 37iB L C EUCTRA ' lanx which won the battle of Leuctra.
He seems to have discovered one of
the great principles of successful warfare that is, to be
stronger than the enemy at the point of contact. The old
Greek phalanx was arranged in lines eight men deep. The
Spartan army was so formed at Leuctra. Epaminondas also
arranged the main part of his line in the same way. But on
his left wing, which he intended to be the point of contact, he
arranged the phalanx in the form of an irresistible column fifty
men deep-, guarded on the extreme left by a body of cav-
alry. In this way he crushed the Spartan right wing; and the
rest of his army was pushed forward to complete the victory.
The battle of Leuctra had two important ejfects: first, it intro-
duced a new feature into ancient warfare, which was afterward
employed by the Macedonians; secondly, it overthrew the
Spartan power and insured for the time being the ascendency
of Thebes.
Temporary Supremacy of Thebes (371-362 B. c.). The
policy of Epaminondas was to make Thebes the supreme power
in Greece. He completely alienated Athens by attempting to
establish the Theban power over the Athenian allies; and he
even called upon Persia to aid him in his purpose. To extend
Theban influence into the Peloponnesus, Epaminondas invaded
this territory, and delivered the people from Spartan control.
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 193
In Arcadia, he helped the city of Mantinea to rebuild its pros-
trate walls, and gathered the Arcadian towns into an inde-
pendent union, with the new city of Megalop'olis as their
capital. In Messenia he rescued the population from their long
serfdom, and built for them a new city, Messe'ne. Sparta, fear-
ing for her safety, appealed to Athens for assistance. Athens
accordingly sent an army into the Peloponnesus to prevent the
further encroachments of Thebes.
While Thebes was thus extending her power to the south
under Epaminondas, she was also extending her power to the
north under Pelopidas. She brought Thessaly under her au-
thority, and even established influential relations with Mace-
donia. It was not long before troubles arose again in the
Peloponnesus. Epaminondas again invaded the country and
met the Spartans and their allies at Mantinea (362 B. c.),
where he gained a victory; but at this battle Epaminondas was
killed. As the Thebans, without their leader, were unable to
follow up their victory, peace was established. With the de-
cline of the Theban power, Athens was once more regarded as
the leading city of Greece.
Failure of the Grecian State System, The supremacy of
Thebes had failed to create a national state for Greece, just as
the supremacy of Sparta and that of Athens had failed before.
The Greeks had, it is true, been able to develop a city state
with local self-government, far in advance of the Oriental sys-
tem of government. But they did not possess the capacity to
organize their cities into a single state, based upon their com-
mon nationality. Their various leagues failed, because under
the predominance of one city the rights of the others were
disregarded. Athens had failed to respect the equal rights of
her allies. Sparta had ruled with despotic authority over her
subjects. With all their love of liberty springing from their
own self-interest, the Greeks failed to recognize that other es-
sential principle of good government, the respect for a higher
law based upon the common welfare.
194
THE GREEK WORLD
IV. THE SUPREMACY or SYRACUSE IN SICILY
Parallel History of Sicily and Greece. In tracing the gen-
eral course of Greek history, we have seen the growth of a
number of city states, which were agitated by political revolu-
tion, and in which tyranny, oligarchy, and democracy were
contending for mastery. We have also seen Greece, under the
leadership of Athens, delivered from the invasion of Persia.
We have, moreover, seen a tendency on the part of some one
city to lift itself into a position of supremacy over the others.
There is a general similarity between these movements in
Greece proper and those in western Hellas. In Sicily there
was a similar movement in the development of a large number
of cities disturbed by political revolution; a similar conflict
against a foreign enemy; and a similar tendency toward su-
premacy on the part of one city. But the predominant city
in Sicily was not Athens or Sparta or Thebes, but Syracuse;
and, as we have seen (p. 157), the foreign enemy of Sicily was
not Persia, but Carthage.
Dionysius the Elder, and the Younger. A few years after
the destruction of the Athenian fleet at Syracuse, the Cartha-
ginians made a new and more vigorous attempt to subdue the
island. They cap-
tured the cities of
Selinus, Himera (409
B. c.), and Agrigen-
tum (406 B. c.). In
their extremity the
Syracusans chose
Dionys'ius the Elder
as their leader in
war. and from this
OF DlONYSIUS, 379 B. C.
tyrant. He was a man of varied virtues and rices, <!' unusual
clemency to a vanquished foe, and of unwonted cruelty to his
STRUGGLES FOR SUPREMACY 195
own subjects. His great achievement was the driving back of
the Carthaginians to the western extremity of the island, and
the defense of Syracuse by an enlarged fortification, which
took in the heights of Epipolae (see map, p. 184). He also
brought under his control many of the cities of Sicily, and
then extended his Syracusan empire, as shown by the map
(p. 194), to southern Italy, and even northwestern Greece.
He adorned Syracuse with splendid buildings and works of
art, and made it the home of noted men; so that it vied with
Athens as the most cultivated city of the Greek world. He was
succeeded by his son, Dionysius the Younger, who had none
of the remarkable abilities of his father. Under his rule, the
city rapidly fell into discord and anarchy, from which it was
rescued by Timoleon.
Timoleon the Liberator. Suffering under the weak rule of
the Younger Dionysius and threatened again by the Cartha-
ginians, Syracuse appealed to the mother city of Corinth for
help. Corinth fitted out a small expedition, and appointed
Timoleon, one of her citizens, as its leader. This commander
took possession of the citadel of Syracuse. Then advancing
against the Carthaginians, he defeated them in a decisive bat-
tle. There were other cities of Sicily which were ruled by
tyrants. These tyrants he expelled, and in these cities, as in
Syracuse, he erected democratic governments. With the ex-
pulsion of the Syracusan tyrants, the cities of Magna Graecia
also recovered their independence. Thus Timoleon became the
true liberator of western Hellas. When he had accomplished
his great mission, he laid down his power and retired to private
life. Sicily remained a flourishing seat of Grecian culture,
but in its political life the island soon relapsed into the dis-
turbed condition which marked the rest of the Greek world.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE PELOPONNESTAN WAR. Causes Leading- to the War.
The War Policy of Pericles. Conduct of the War under Cleon.
The Peace of Nicias, and its Failure. Alcibiades and the
196 THE GREEK WORLD
Sicilian Expedition. The Reappearance of Persia. The "Four
Hundred" at Athens. The Last Years of the War. The Fall
of Athens.
II. THE SUPREMACY OF SPARTA. The Policy of Sparta in
Greece. Persia and the "March of the Ten Thousand". War
between Sparta and Persia. The Corinthian War; Peace of
Antalcidas. Further Aggressions of Sparta.
III. THE ATTEMPTED SUPREMACY OF THEBES. The Liberation
of Thebes. The New Confederacy of Athens. Overthrow of the
Spartan Power; Battle of Leuctra. Temporary Supremacy of
Thebes. Failure of the Grecian State System.
IV. THE SUPREMACY OF SYRACUSE IN SICILY. Parallel History
of Sicily and Greece. Dionysius the Elder, and the Younger.
Timoleon the Liberator.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Smith, Wm., Ch. 25, "Causes of the Peloponnesian War"; Ch.
40, "The Supremacy of Thebes" (10). 1
Oman, Ch. 26, "Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War and its
Causes"; Ch. 32, "Expedition of the Athenians to Syracuse";
Ch. 37, "The Greeks of the West" (10).
Bury, Ch. 11, "Decline and Downfall of the Athenian Empire";
Ch. 15, "The Syracusan Empire and the Struggle with
Carthage" (10).
Allcroft, Vol. III., Ch. 1, "Introductory" (comparison of Athens
and Sparta); Ch. 6, "Brasidas and Cleon"; Vol. IV., Ch. 6,
"Sicilian Affairs" (10).
Curtius, Vol. III., Ch. 5, "The Decelean War"; Vol. IV., Ch. 1,
"Athens under the Thirty" (10).
Sankey, Ch. 3, "Athens under the Thirty"; Ch. 9, "Peace of
Antalkidas" (10).
Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 21, "Corcyra, Potidaea and Plataea"; pp. 492-
497 (rule of the Four Hundred); pp. 526534 (rule of the
Thirty); Vol. III., pp. 8-10 (Epaminondas and Thebes); Ch.
5, "The Arrogance of Sparta" (10).
Gilbert, pp. 416-445 (first and second leagues of Athens).
Harper's Dictionary, "Exercitus" (military formations among
the Greeks) (11).
Plutarch, "Alcibiades," "Lysander," "Nicias," "Agesilaus,"
"Pelopidas," "Timoleon," "Dion" (26).
Thucydides, Bk. II., Chs. 35-46 (funeral oration of Pericles) ; Bks.
VI., VII. (account of the Sicilian expedition) (17).
'The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
CHAPTER XIV
THE ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE
I. ATHENS AS THE CENTER OF HELLENIC ART
Greek Politics and Hellenic Culture. We have been consid-
ering the political life of Greece since the time of the Persian
invasions. We have seen the various Greek states, under the
leadership of Sparta, uniting to repel a foreign enemy. We
have seen the rise and fall of a maritime empire under the con-
trol of Athens. And finally we have seen the failure of the
Greek cities to develop a true national state, on account of
their mutual jealousies and their strong spirit of local inde-
pendence. While the Greeks no doubt did a great deal toward
the development of political liberty, of local self-government,
and of democratic institutions, we must be convinced that their
greatest importance in the world's history does not rest upon
what they accomplished in their political life. The preeminent
genius of the Greeks was shown not in the sphere of politics,
but in the domain of culture not in their state-building, but
in their intellectual and artistic achievements. We should,
therefore, overlook the most essential qualities of the Greek
people, did we fail to recognize the contributions they have
made to the world in literature, in philosophy, and in art.
The Attic Period, its Character and Phases. The most re-
markable progress in the intellectual life of Greece took place
after the great Persian wars. It is true that before these wars
the Greeks were beginning to show a genius distinctly their
own in the growth of their epic and lyric poetry, and in the
early stages of a strictly Hellenic art (see pp. 129-142). But
197
198 THE GREEK WORLD
this early form of Greek culture sprang up outside of Greece
proper, in Asia Minor and in western Hellas. The Persian
wars tended to smother the intellectual life of the Asiatic
Greeks, and to arouse the intellectual spirit of Athens. This
period of intellectual activity which began with the Persian
wars and extended to the Macedonian supremacy, and in which
the culture of Greece was centered in Athens, we may call the
" Attic period." The culture of this period was characterized
by those qualities which distinguished the Greek mind from
the Oriental mind, and which found their highest embodiment
in the men of Athens. During this period we may distinguish
certain phases in the progress of this Attic spirit. It was the
most creative and vigorous in the time of the great Persian
wars and the years just following these wars ; it was the most
refined and exalted in the age of Pericles ; and it was the most
reflective and critical in the subsequent period of internal
strife. But through all these phases, it preserved its essentially
" classic " qualities simplicity and moderation, symmetry
and proportion, severe conformity to rational ideals, contempt
for all that is tawdry and meretricious. The Attic spirit
might perhaps best be characterized by the single Greek word
^Gotppocfvvrj (sophros'yne) which might be freely trans-
lated, life under the control of reason.
The City of Athens. Our chief interest in Greece must al-
ways be centered in Athens, because it was in this renowned city
that the culture of Greece found its highest expression. Let us
glance at a few of its most important topographical features.
With the Acropolis as its center, the limits of the city had
been gradually widening from the earliest times. At the time
of the Persian wars, the "old line" of the city had been
reached. With the building of the new wall of Themistocles,
the circumference of the city was enlarged to five or six miles.
During the times of Cimon and Pericles the city was still fur-
ther extended by the erection of the Long Walls so as to take
in the Piraeus (p. 1G5). To make the circuit of the city walls
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC Ct'LTtTRE
100
at this time would require a journey of perhaps twenty miles.
The chief entrance to the city was the Dip'ylon gate, to the
northwest. The city contained a number of hills, the most
important of which were the following: (1) the Acropolis, the
central pinnacle of Athens, formed of limestone rock rising
abruptly to the height of two hundred feet, with a length of
about a thousand feet upon or near which were the most im-
PLAN OF ATHENS, TIME OF PERICLES
portant buildings of the city; (2) the Pnyx, to the west, upon
which the assembly, or ecclesia, held its meetings; (3) the
Areopagus, a little to the north, where the old council of the
Areopagus held its sessions; (4) the Colo'jius, still further to
the north, upon which is located the so-called These'um, said
to be to-day the best preserved temple of Greece. Between the
hill of Colonus and the Areopagus was the Ag'ora, the public
square or market place, lined with beautiful trees and porticoes,
and the center of the political and commercial life of Athens.
MOREY'S AXCIENT HIST. 12
200
THE GREEK WORLD
The whole city was divided into certain districts, or wards, cor-
responding to the " demes " of Attica. Beyond the city walls
to the east was the Lyce'um, and to the northwest the Acad-
emy both of which were places of resort and amusement for
the Athenians. The population of Athens at the time of
Pericles is variously estimated at from 120,000 to 190,000,
including those who were slaves.
Athenian Architecture. After the destruction of the city
by the Persians, Athens was entirely rebuilt and adorned with
many structures of great architectural beauty. This work was
begun by Thernistocles and Cimon, and was carried on exten-
sively by Pericles with the aid of the tribute collected from
the ^Egean cities. The greatest work of Pericles was the
adornment of the sacred height of the Acropolis, which became
the center, not of defense, according to its original purpose,
but of religious adoration. Upon the foundations laid by
Cimon (or perhaps Themistocles) Pericles erected the magnif-
icent temple of Athena the Par'thenon. This was the most
beautiful specimen of classic architecture: ami the surpass-
ing superiority of the
Greek taste is evident
when this temple is
compared with the old
temples of the East.
The Parthenon was of
moderate size, built of
Pentelic marble, in
the Doric style iv lined
by Attic taste, and of
PLAN OF THE ACROPOLIS the most exquisite pro-
portions. The next important building on the Acropolis built
by Pericles was the Propylas'a, the entrance to the sacred hill.
In this bnildinir we s<>e for the first time the combination of the
Doric and Ionic styles, tlie outside of the building being sup-
ported by Doric columns and the inside passageway by Ionic
201
202
THE GREEK WORLD
columns. The whole effect of this great portal was beautiful
and imposing. At the time of Pericles the Propylaea was ap-
proached not by a flight of steps, but by inclined walks leading
up from the foot of the hill. Another notable building of the
Acropolis was the Erechthe'um, built near the site of an old
temple destroyed by the Persians. Its name was derived from
that of one of the ancient mythical kings of Athens, Erech'-
theus, whose worship became connected with that of Poseidon.
As this temple was intended to cover different shrines that of
Athena and that of Erechtheus-Poseidon its plan was the
most irregular of all the
temples of Greece. It is
supported by beautiful
Ionic columns; but a small
porch on the south of
the temple has for its sup-
port six carved female fig-
ures (Caryat'ides) and
hence is known as the
" Porch of the Maidens."
During this time the ar-
chitectural styles em-
ployed by the Athenians
were the Doric and the
Ionic the former being
regarded as typical of
masculine strength and
di-niiy. and the latter of
feminine refinement and
grace.
Athenian Sculpture.
It was not until after
"DISCOBOLUS" OF MYKON
the Persian wars that
the sculpture of the Greeks bognn to lose its early (rude-
ness and to acquire more artistic qualities. The first great
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE
203
sculptor of the Attic period was Myron. His best-known
statue is the " Discob'olus " (the disc-thrower), which illus-
trates not only the important place
which gymnastics held in Greek life,
but also the beneficial effect of the
national games upon the sculptor's
art by furnishing him living models
for his work. The most renowned of
all the Greek sculptors was Phid'ias,
who assisted Pericles in the adorn-
ment of the Acropolis. The sculp-
tures of Phidias were inspired by a
high religious purpose, like that
which led to the building of the Par-
thenon namely, the worship of the
goddess Athena. Her colossal statue
in bronze was erected upon the sum-
mit of the Acropolis, and her statue
in ivory and gold was placed within
the Parthenon. In trie eastern pedi-
ment * of this temple was placed a
sculptured scene representing her
birth from the forehead of Zeus ; and
in the western pediment was another group representing
her contest with Poseidon for the soil of Attica. On the
walls of the temple was a remarkable series of reliefs carved
in marble, representing the procession which on her birthday
carried her robe through the streets of Athens to her shrine
on the Acropolis. This Parthenon decoration contained a
vast variety of figures prancing horses held in check by the
steady hands of their riders, chariots occupied by armed war-
riors, beautiful maidens and dignified magistrates, a group of
Olympian deities, and many other subjects. The work of
Phidias was not confined to Athens. His statue of Zeus in
1 The " pediment " is the triangular space forming the gable of the roof.
ATHENA PARTHENOS
204
THE GREEK WORLD
the temple at Olympia was regarded by many as his master-
piece and as one of the wonders of the world.
After the time of Phidias art became less inspired with
a purely religious spirit, and acquired more of a human char-
acter. To depict the grace and beauty of the human form
seemed now the highest ideal of the artist. 4 This is seen espe-
PART OF THE PARTHENON DECORATION
daily in the work of Praxit'eles of Athens, the most eminent of
Greek sculptors after Phidias. One of the most famous statues
of Praxiteles was the Aphrodite at Cnidus, which was visrted
from all parts of Greece by its admirers. But critics have been
disposed to give the place of honor to his Hermes with the
infant Dionysus, which has come down to us in a mutilated
form. The Greeks also acquired at this time great skill in the
making of portrait statues. This is shown in the works of
Lysip'-pus of Sicyon, whose statue of the poet Soph'ocles (see
p. 209) is regarded as the finest ancient work of the kind.
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE
205
Athenian Painting. It is difficult for us to form a very
clear idea of the progress made in painting in the Periclean
age, because this art is less durable than that of sculpture.
The great painter of this period was Polygno'tus. He
was born in the island of Thasos, but came to Athens
and is said to have been made
an Athenian citizen. His most
famous works were placed upon
the walls of temples, porticoes,
and other public buildings, espe-
cially the Propylsea. His sub-
jects were mostly mythological
and historical scenes. After the
time of Pericles there was a
marked advance in the method
of painting. Hitherto colors had
been applied in flat tints with no
gradations of light and shade;
and hence the so-called paintings
were more properly colored draw-
ings. But colors were now
graded so as to produce the effect
of light and shade, which we call chiaroscuro. This method
was introduced by Apollodo'rus of Athens, but was improved
by the great painters Zeuxis and Parrha'sius. The realistic
effect of the new style of painting is illustrated by the story
often told of these rivals how Zeuxis painted a bunch of
grapes that deceived the birds, and Parrhasius a curtain that
deceived the rival painter himself.
HERMES OF PRAXITELES
II. THE THEATER AND DRAMATIC LITERATURE
The Theater of Dionysus. One of -the chief centers of the
intellectual life of Athens was the theater. This was a place
not simply for amusement,, but for instruction and for moral
206
THE GREEK WORLD
and religious inspiration. Athens had but one place where
dramatic performances were placed upon the stage the thea-
ter of Dionysus. It was situated on the southeastern slope of
the Acropolis, and was, it is said, capable of seating thirty
thousand people, or the whole voting population of Attica.
The performances took place in the open air during the fes-
tivals of Dionysus, the wine god, and consisted of tragedies,
THE THEATER OF DIONYSUS (Restoration)
comedies, satyric dramas, and choral hymns, the most impor-
tant of these being the works of the great tragedians. The
theater of the Greeks consisted of three parts, the stage, the
orchestra, and the auditorium. The stage was an elevated
platform, upon which the players performed their parts, and in
the rear of which was an architectural background used to rep-
resent or to suggest the locality where the action was supposed
to take place. The orchestra was a semicircular space in front
of the stage, set apart for the "chorus," this IMMM^ ;in essen-
tial part of the performance, consisting of singingj dancing,
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 207
and gesticulations which were intended to interpret the thought
and emotions of the play. The auditorium was the rising tiers
of seats which encircled the orchestra and were occupied by the
spectators. The central place of the orchestra and chorus in
the Greek theater can hardly be understood except by referring
to the origin of the drama itself.
Origin of the Greek Drama. We have seen that, before the
Persian wars, one of the forms of lyric poetry was the hymn,
or chorus, sung by a number of voices at public festivals in
honor of the gods (p. 139). It was this choral hymn as used
by Arion in the worship of Dionysus that became transformed
into the drama. The -words of the old chorus were accom-
panied by dancing and gesticulations, and expressed in a rude
and wild way the emotions supposed to be appropriate to the
worship of Dionysus, the wine god. But Thespis, a lyric poet
of Attica, introduced an actor who assumed different characters
and carried on a sort of dialogue with the leader of the chorus;
and this served to explain the motive of the choral hymn. This
first form of the drama, with the chorus and a single actor, was
cultivated by Phryn'ichus, who took for his subjects events in
the Persian wars. His tragedy on the " Capture of Miletus "
melted his audience to tears; but as it seemed to reproach the
Athenians for not aiding their kin beyond the sea, a fine was
imposed upon him and the play was proscribed. In a later
tragedy, however, he stirred the patriotic feeling of his audi-
ence by depicting the effect which the news of the battle of
Salamis had upon the Persian court.
^Eschylus, the Father of Tragedy. The early form of the
drama was improved by ^Es'chylus, who was born in Attica
and lived during the period of the Persian wars. He intro-
duced a second actor, so that the dialogue became the prin-
cipal feature, while the chorus was used chiefly to echo the
emotions produced by the play. The chorus still retained its
central place in the theater, while the actors were elevated to a
more conspicuous position on the stage. The chief purpose of
208
THE GREEK WORLD
the poet now was not simply to compose the lyric hymn to be
sung by the chorus, but to construct a worthy dialogue that
would depict great events and stir the feelings of the people.
It was ^Eschylus who lifted the dialogue to the plane of gen-
uine art; and on this account he may properly be called the
father of Greek tragedy. He was a man inspired with patriot-
ism and religious fervor. He had been present at the battles
of Marathon, Artemisium, Salamis, and Plataea. In what was
probably his earliest tragedy, " The Persians." he followed his
predecessor Ph^nichus in picturing the effect of the news of
Salamis upon the Persian court. The subjects of his later
2 3
MASKS USED IN TRAGEDY
tragedies were taken from the heroic myths, but infused with
deep human feeling and religious sentiment. His greatest
work was perhaps the " Prome'theus Bound," in which a god,
chained to a rock by command of Zeus, is made to suffer for
good deeds done .to men.
Sophocles, the Dramatic Artist. If ^Eschylus represented
the patriotic and heroic spirit born of the Persian war?, his
successor, Sophocles, represented the finer artistic spirit of the
age of Pericles.
He introduced the third actor upon the stage, thus giving
greater freedom to dramatic composition. He also gave less
prominence to the chorus, which he used chiefly to accompany
the dialogue and to give a moral background to the play.
Moreover, lie introduced less of the heroic and superhuman
element. ;md ln-ought his diameters into closer relation to
human life. Sophocles is said to have composed more than a
ATTIC PEKIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 209
hundred dramas, of which only seven have come down to us.
The most important of his plays are perhaps " (Edipus the
King," " (Edipus at Colonus," and the "Antig'one." These
are all based upon stories related of the mythical king of
Thebes and his family.
But these stories are told
with graphic power, and
in such a way as to illus-
trate the poet's idea of the
supremacy of fate and the
moral law, the penalty
awaiting those who disobey
that law, and the suffering
which must often be en-
dured even by those who
strive to obey it. The
character of Antigone is
one of the noblest in all
literature. She presents
the most beautiful exam-
ple of filial devotion and
of feminine courage, by
clinging to her unfortu-
nate father in his distress
and by always doing what
she believes to be her duty.
In estimating the sig-
nificance of Sophocles we
should look at him not
simply as a tragedian but
as an artist as truly an
J SOPHOCLES
artist as was .Phidias or
Praxiteles. His works, like theirs, are distinguished by pro-
portion and symmetry, by extraordinary grace and beauty of
form. In his dramas, as in the buildings and sculpture of the
210
THE GREEK WORLD
Acropolis, we see the distinctive features of the best Hellenic
taste.
Euripides, the Dramatist of the People. The last of the
great tragedians was Eurip'ides, who began to write during the
period of Pericles, but composed the most of his dramas during
the Peloponnesian war. He thus represents to a certain de-
gree the changing spirit of the age. While less of an artist
than Sophocles, he appealed
more strongly to the sympa-
thies of the people. Aristotle
called him the "most tragic of
poets." Eighteen of his plays
are still extant; and from
these we can judge of his
style and method of treating
his subjects. In his hands the
chorus became less connected
with the action of the play,
and his characters were
brought into closer relation
to common life. The ancient
FruiiMDEs legends, which JEschylus had
clothed with a sublime
pathos, and Sophocles had invested with a dignified charm,
Euripides often reduced to the level of ordinary events. Al-
though he showed a lack of reverence for the old mytho' ogy, he
was a poet of the common people, and appreciated more than
his predecessors the human element in the drama.
The Attic Comedy; Aristophanes. In its origin the Greek
comedy was closely related to tragedy; for they both sprang
from the hymns which accompanied the worship of Dionysus.
But while tragedy sprang from the graver choral songs which
accompanied the winter festival, the other phase of the drama
that is, comedy sprang from the more frolicsome songs
which attended the rural festivals in the springtime. To each
ATTIC PERIOD OK HKLLKMC <T1/ITKK
211
of them was added the dialogue; but each retained its own
character the one grave and the other gay. The comedy had
already begun to be used at the time of Pericles; but it reached
its highest development during the Peloponnesian war. The
purpose of the comedy was to excite laughter and ridicule,
and hence it shows the capacity of the Greeks for wit and
humor.
The greatest of all the comic writers of the Greeks was
Aristoph'anes, who flourished during the period of the Pelopon-
nesian war. He mingled in the political life of Athens, and
belonged to the party which was " against the government."
His comedies might give us the best picture we have of Athe-
nian life, if they contained less of caricature and satire. From
MASKS USED IN COMEDY
other sources we may learn that some of his pictures are fairly
just, while others are marked by the grossest injustice. Among
his most noted works are the " Clouds," the " Knights/' the
" Wasps/' and the " Birds." The " Clouds " is chiefly noted
for the unjust attack which it makes upon the philosopher Soc-
rates. The "Knights" describes with brilliant satire that
coarse demagogue Cleon, who, though not an admirable charac-
ter, perhaps does not merit all the abuse he received. The
" Wasps " is an amusing picture of the Athenian jury system,
in which every man is represented as trying to get a day's pay
without a day's work. The " Birds" is "a fantastic satire
upon the Athenian habit of building castles in the air, and of
indulging in extravagant dreams of conquest." With all his
ribaldry, Aristophanes was a poet of real genius, of sparkling
wit, and sometimes of exquisite beauty.
212
THE GREEK WORLD
HERODOTUS
III. PROSE LITERATURE: HISTORY AND ORATORY
Herodotus, the Father of History. In Greece, as elsewhere,
poetry precede 1 prose in the order of development. The epic,
the elegy, the lyric, the drama, had been cultivated before any
noteworthy works in prose were written. The first really great
work of prose literature in the Greek language was the history
written by Herodotus, a native of Halicar-
nassus. Herodotus was born during the
period of the Persian wars. This great con-
flict between the Greeks and the Persians
was to him the greatest of all events. It be-
came the subject of his history, and furnishes
to us our chief knowledge of that struggle.
He traveled extensively, and became ac-
quainted with the manners, institutions, and
legends of many countries. He came to
Athens when the culture of that city was at its height; and he
became a close friend of Sophocles and an ardent admirer of
Pericles. Under these influences
his history became imbued with an
Athenian spirit, and acquired the
character of an artistic literary
composition. Into his work are
skillfully woven the narrative of
historical events and the descrip-
tion of foreign countries, facts
which he himself observed as well
as stories and myths told him by
others. The critical accuracy of
Herodotus has often been ques-
tioned; but the charming qualities
of his simple and <rniphie style have always been admired.
Thucydides, the Scientific Historian. While we may re-
gard Herodotus as the father of narrative history, we must
THUCYDIDES
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 213
regard Thucydides as the creator of scientific history. His
subject was the Peloponnesian war a war in which he had
taken a subordinate part. His work is marked by calm
judgment, a love of truth, honesty, and accuracy in the
statement of facts, and a perception of the relation of cause
and effect in historical events. His style, though sometimes
obscure, is pure and forcible, and withal " classic," which
means " the absence of all that is tawdry, the absence even of
all that we call florid, a certain severity and reticence, which
are as marked in the prose of Thucydides as in the marble of
Phidias" (Mahaffy).
Xenophon, the Historical Essayist. Following in the wake
of Thucydides was the genial historical writer Xen'ophon. Al-
though he can hardly be compared with Thucydides as an
historian, he wrote in an easy and interesting manner upon
a great variety of subjects. His " Anabasis " tells the story
of the March of the Ten Thousand, in which he 'himself
took part (see p. 188). His " Hellen'ica " continues that part
of the Peloponnesian war left unfinished by Thucydides. His
" Memorabil'ia " draws a lifelike portrait of his great master,
Socrates. His " Cyropaedi'a " professes to describe the educa-
tion of Cyrus the Great, but is quite as much a description of
what the author regards as a just prince. His " (Econom'icus "
gives us an insight into the home life of the Greeks. He
wrote interesting works upon other subjects, the variety of
which might justify us in calling him an essayist as well as an
historian.
Athenian Oratory; Lysias, Isocrates, Demosthenes. That
branch of prose literature which is distinctively Greek in its
origin, is oratory. Indeed, it may be said that oratory was the
product of the democratic institutions of Athens. The greatest
orator of the age of Pericles was no doubt Pericles himself;
since by his eloquence he controlled for twenty years the Athe-
nian assembly. But his speeches have been preserved to us
only in the reports contained in the history of Thucydides.
214
THE GREEK WORLD
LVSIA!
Not only the Athenian assembly, but the Athenian courts af-
forded a field for the cultivation of eloquence, for here every
man was compelled to plead his
own cause.
Of the many Athenian orators
who attained distinction, we may
select three as the most representa-
tive Lys'ias, Isoc'rates, and De-
mosthenes (who is not to be con-
fused with the general of the same
name). Lysias was employed, like
many others, to write speeches for
those who were obliged to plead
their own cause in the courts. As
he wrote for plain men, he used a
plain, direct^ and simple style. By
writing clearly and distinctly, he became a master of vivid ;m<l
effective speech. Somewhat
different from Lysias was
Isocrates. He was primarily
a teacher of rhetoric, and
hence the orations which he
wrote but did not deliver
have more of a rhetorical fin-
ish, and are perhaps more at-
tractive in language than ef-
fective in thought. But the
greatest of all the orators of
(Jn-oce was Demosthenes, who
holds the same preeminent
place in oratory that Thucyd-
ides does in history. His life
belongs to the later part of
the Attic period, and even renehes over into the Macedonian
epoch. In the f.icc <>!' innumeraUlo obstacles lie attained the
I SOCRATES
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 215
greatest skill and power in the art of expression. He com-
bined the vivid effective speech of Lysias with the finished
periods of Isocrates; but he
possessed, more than either of
these, an earnestness of pur-
pose, a force of argument, a
power of persuasion, and an
energy of diction which have
given him a place among the
world's greatest orators. The
most celebrated of his orations
are his twelve " Philippics," in
which he appealed to his coun-
trymen to resist the encroach-
ments of Philip of Mac'edon. DEMOSTHENES
IV. THE PHILOSOPHY OF ATHENS
Anaxagoras, the First Athenian Philosopher, One of the
greatest gifts of Athens to the world -has been, no doubt, the
contributions made by her philosophical thinkers. It was not
until after the Persian wars that Athens became the philosoph-
ical center of Greece. The first thinker who belonged to what
we might call the Athenian school was Anaxag'oras. Although
born at Clazomenae in Asia Minor, he early came to Athens,
where he spent the most of his life, and numbered among his
friends Pericles and Euripides. His name marks an epoch in
the development of Greek thought, because he seems to have
been the first to recognize the controlling influence of mind
and reason in the universe. He seems to have believed that
matter is subordinate to mind that as the actions of the
human body are controlled by the human intelligence, so the
movements of the universe are controlled by a universal in-
telligence. This doctrine was opposed to the old mythology;
and as the people were jealous of their ancient beliefs,
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 13
216
THE GREEK WORLD
Anaxagoras was charged with atheism and banished from the
city.
The Sophists and Greek Dialectics. There grew up in
Athens a certain class of men known as " sophists." They
were not so much philosophers in the old sense as thinkers.
That is, they did not seek to discover the laws of the universe
so iiiiu-h as tlu 1 laws of the human mind. They sought to find
nut tlu' methods iii \vhii-li men reason and arrive at conclusions.
This study of the methods and the art of reasoning was the
essential feature of Greek " dialectics." We might therefore
properly characterize the Greek sophists as " dialecticians."
They gained their living by teaching the subjects of grammar,
rhetoric, and logic, and preparing young men for the practical
affairs of life. It was often charged against them that their
learning was more of a pretense than a reality; and it was as-
serted that their art of reasoning degenerated into mere
quibbling, or the attempt " to
make the worse appear the bet-
ter reason." But with all the
faults charged against them, they
no doubt exercised some benefi-
cial influence, both upon Greek
education and upon Greek philos-
ophy.
The Practical Philosophy of
Socrates. The name of Socra-
tes was associated with that of
the sophists. He adopted some-
of 11 ie same method of
thinj
SOCRATES
dialectics. But he believed that
the art of reasoning should be employed not as mere exer-
cise or (lis< -ipliiH-. but as a means of discovering those
practical truths which are important in the conduct of
human life. The son of a poor sculptor, with no personal
attractions, he became one of the most conspicuous figures
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE
217
in Athens. He turned the thoughts of men into new chan-
nels. He showed them how foolish it was to follow the method
of the old philosophers and to speculate about things which
cannot be known. His first maxim was, "Know thyself."
He taught men that true wisdom consists in knowing that
which is good and doing that which is right. /He taught them
the difference between justice and injustice, between virtue and
vice, between courage and cowardice. He taught them their
duties to themselves, to their fellow-men, and to God. His
long life extended beyond the period of the Peloponnesian
war. He was finally tried and condemned to death by a small
majority of his fellow-citizens,
on the charge of introducing
new gods into the state and of
corrupting the youth. Soc-
rates represented the higher
intellectual and moral life of
Greece. He_left no writings;
but his beneficial influence
upon the world has never
ceased.
The Idealistic Philosophy
of Plato. Socrates left be-
hind him many disciples who
founded new schools. But the
most distinguished of these
was Plato, the founder of the
so-called " Academic school."
He carried out still farther the method of Socrates. In order
to discover truth, he studied the ideas in the human mind,
which he believed are reflections of the ideas in the divine
mind. He believed, that our ideas are born with us, brought
into the world from our preexistent state. The divine ideas
are embodied, not only in us, but in the world; and we should
study the universe to discover these ideal principles in accord-
PLATO
218
THE GREEK WOULD
ance with which all things are governed. So, in human life,
we should conform to the ideal principles of justice and virtue;
in other words, a perfect life is a life in harmony with the di-
vine Idea. By such a method of thinking, Plato constructed a
broad system of idealistic philosophy. The writings of Plato
are in the form of dialogues, in which Socrates is often repre-
sented as the chief speaker. The dialogues are often named
after some person; for example, the " Protag'oras," which dis-
cusses the nature of virtue; the " Phaedo," which sets forth the
arguments in favor of immortality. One of the most cele-
brated of Plato's Dialogues is " The Republic," which dis-
cusses the principles which should govern the perfect state.
From the political conflicts of the time Plato stood aloof; and
hence he shows to us the
Greek mind in its purest and
most tranquil frame.
The Realistic Philosophy
of Aristotle. The course of
Greek philosophy was contin-
ued in Aristotle, who, though
born in the city of Stagi'ra
(or Stagirus) in Chalcidice,
came to Athens and became
a pupil of Plato. Although
he regarded himself as a fol-
lower of Plato, his method
differed considerably from
that of his master. If we call
Plato's philosophy idealistic,
we may call Aristotle's realistic. Instead of beginning with
ideas, Aristotle began with facts; and he tried to discover the
general laws which govern the facts of nature. He was there-
fore a man of wide observation and general learning. By <ratli-
ering and classifying a vast number of facts, he became the
founder of many sciences of Logic, which treats of the laws
ARISTOTLE (So-called)
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE 219
of thought; of Psychology, or the science of the human mind;
of Biology, or the science of living things; of Politics, or the
science of the state. He is said to have studied the constitu-
tions of many of the states of Greece; and the recently dis-
covered work on the Athenian constitution, which is attributed
to him, has added much to our knowledge of that government.
Aristotle, like Demosthenes, belongs to the later part of the
period we are now considering, and his life extended into the
Macedonian period.
V. SOCIAL LIFE AND MANNERS
Industrial Occupations. As we regard Athens as the intel-
lectual center of Greece, so we may regard its social life as
typical of that which prevailed in most of the Grecian cities.
The democratic spirit of the Athenian people was opposed to
any strict division into classes except the distinction between
freemen and slaves. All freemen were equal, having the same
rights and privileges. We may, however, group the free in-
habitants of Attica according to their industrial occupations,
or the modes in which they obtained their living. We might,
in the first place, regard " politics " as a business at Athens.
It is true that the higher officers of the state received no pay;
; but pay was given to those who served in the army and fleet, in
the council, and in the courts. The courts often swarmed with
persons who desired to make their living by receiving the small
pay given to jurors. Again, there was a class of professional
men like physicians, artists, teachers, legal advisers, some of
whom received not only fees for their services, but fixed sal-
aries paid by the state. Besides these were the commercial
classes, including the merchants, brokers, and traders, who
formed the wealthier body of the citizens. Moreover, there
was a large class of artisans, such as workers in wood, iron,
clay, glass, silver and gold, who furnished many products that
were exported to other parts of Hellas. Agricultural pursuits
220
THE GREEK WORLD
were always regarded as honorable by the Athenians, and it is
said that no one but a free citizen could own land in Attica.
The more menial kinds of labor were performed by the slaves,,
of whom there were a very large number in Attica, but whose
condition cannot be regarded as very wretched, since they gen-
INTERIOR OF A GREEK HOUSE (Restoration)
erally received humane treatment at the hands of their masters.
The worst feature of Athenian slavery was to throw a re-
proach upon manual labor, and thus degrade the poorer class
of freemen who were obliged to engage in such work.
The Athenian House, Furniture. Dress. Although the pub-
lic buildings of Athens were magnificent and expensive, the
ordinary dwelling house was in its external appearance simple
and unpretentious. It consisted of a series of rooms, surround-
ing a court which opened to the sky. The interior of the finer
houses, however, presented a dignified and artistic appearance,
with their peristyles of columns and rich decorations and fur-
niture. Chairs and couches of ornamental woodwork, artistir
ATTIC PERIOD OF HELLENIC CULTURE
221
ATHENA
lamps of bronze or terra cotta, bronze or marble statuettes, and
elegant vases of precious metal, all showed
the refinement of the Greek taste.
The Greeks also showed their simple
and refined taste in their dress, which
presented a strong contrast to the elaborate
and gaudy apparel of the Oriental peoples.
It consisted usually of two garments : first
a tunic called chiton (pron. H'fon), held
in place by clasps upon the shoulders;
and second, a broad cloak, called liima'-
tion, thrown in loose folds about the per-
son. The dress of the men and that of
the women were quite similar, although
the latter was more full and flowing.
The graceful effect of the simple female
costume may be seen in the accompanying illustrations.
Marriage and the Position of Women.
The father of the family provided for
the marriage of his children, and the
betrothal was really an engagement be-
tween the parents of the bride and
groom. Although marriage was a legal
contract, .the wedding was a sacred as
well as a festive ceremony, attended
with a sacrifice to the gods, and a ban-
quet in which the guests partook of the
wedding cake and joined in the nuptial
song.
The Athenians believed that the
proper sphere of woman was the home,
and hence she was deprived of the lib-
erty which she enjoyed in Homeric times, and even at this
time in Sparta. She was taught that politics and the turmoil
of the street should be left to men. Her domestic employ-
POLYMNIA
222
THE GREEK WORLD
ments spinning, weaving, and embroidering were not of
course conducive to high intellectual culture. She could not,
therefore, exercise the elevating social influence that is pos-
sible in modern times. But in spite of her inferior position,
the Athenians were not unappreciative of the nobler qualities
of the female character, as is seen, for example, in the " Antig-
one " of Sophocles.
Athenian Education. Education formed a very important
part of Greek life. Its aim was to develop as far as possible a
perfect physical, intellectual, and moral manhood, and to pre-
pare young men for the duties which belong to free citizens.
The Athenians were thoroughly impressed with the importance
of training the body, the mind, and the character. Gymnastics,
mental discipline, and moral inspiration were the chief fea-
tures of their educational methods. The boy was not only
taught by his teacher at school, but was constantly under the
supervision of his " pedagogue," a trusty servant who accom-
panied him to school and watched over him elsewhere. The
elementary training consisted of reading, writing, and arith-
metic. The boy com-
mitted to memory the
wise sayings of the old
poets, and copied these
proverbs upon a waxen
tablet by means of the
stylus; and his arith-
metical computations
were made with the aid
of the abacus, or count-
ing board. To this was
added music, for the cultivation of the feelings; \vhilc his sys-
tematic exercise in the gymnasium was intended to give him a
sound, symmetrical, and vigorous body. Besides this elemen-
tary discipline there was added the more advanced education
obtained from the conversation and lectures of professional
A LESSON IN THE POETS
ATTIC I'KKIOI) OK I HOLM-: NIC CULTUKIO 223
teachers, like the sophists. Such instruction was given in the
porches of the Agora, and in other public places. It included
all branches of practical and theoretical knowledge; and its aim
was to give what we should call a liberal education to make
broad-minded men and enlightened citizens.
Athenian Sociability; the Banquet and Symposium. The
Athenians were essentially a sociable people. This is seen in
their hospitality, their love of companionship, of conversation,
and of social entertainments. The open air was in many re-
spects the home of the Athenian gentleman; for in the streets
he could always find his friends, with whom he was accustomed
to pass away many hours of the day. One of the chief centers
of the social life of Athens as it was of the. political and com-
mercial life was the Agora. The Athenians also found other
places of resort and social pleasure in the gymnasia, of which
the most famous were the Lyceum and the Academy the
former situated just outside of the city to the east, and the
latter about a mile to the north. There were also clubs,
originally founded for the sake of companionship, and after-
ward acquiring a political character as well.
The chief source of social entertainment in the evening was
the banquet, with the accompanying " symposium." Reclining
on couches, the guests partook of the repast furnished by the
host, and then were regaled with dashes of oratory, sparks of
wit, rehearsals from the poets, and the music of the flute or
lyre, or perhaps amused by professional dancers, jugglers, and
contortionists. The character of the symposium of course
varied with the refinement of the guests; but it was a fair
expression of Greek social and intellectual culture.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. ATHENS AS THE CENTER OF HELLENIC ART. Greek Politics
and Hellenic Culture. The Attic Period, its Character and
Phases. The City of Athens. Athenian Architecture. Athenian
Sculpture. Athenian Painting.
224 THE GREEK WORLft
II. THE THEATER AND DRAMATIC LITERATURE. The Theater
of Dionysus. Origin of the Greek Drama. ^Eschylus, the Father
of Tragedy. Sophocles, the Dramatic Artist. Euripides, the
Dramatist of the People. The Attic Comedy; Aristophanes.
III. PROSE LITERATURE: HISTORY AND ORATORY. Herodotus,
the Father of History. Thucydides, the Scientific Historian.
Xenophon, the Historical Essayist. Athenian Oratory; Lysias,
Isocrates, Demosthenes.
IV. THE PHILOSOPHY OP ATHENS. Anaxagoras, the First
Athenian Philosopher. The Sophists and Greek Dialectics. The
Practical Philosophy of Socrates. The Idealistic Philosophy of
Plato. The Realistic Philosophy of Aristotle.
V. SOCIAL LIFE AND MANNERS. Industrial Occupations. The
Athenian House, Furniture, Dress. Marriage and the Position
of Women. Athenian Education. Athenian Sociability, the
Banquet and Symposium.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Allcroft, Vol. II., Ch. 13, "The Imperial City"; Ch. 15, "Litera-
ture" (10).'
Abbott, Pericles, Ch. 17, "The Athens of Pericles" (27).
Ducoudray, Ch. 9, "Greek Literature and Art" (1).
Smith, Wm., Ch. 34, "Athens and Athenian and Grecian Art
during the Period of her Empire"; Ch. 35, "History of Athe-
nian Literature to the End of the Peloponnesian War" (10).
Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 4, "Passage from Sporadic to Systematic
Culture" (10).
Bury, Ch. 11, 6, "The Restoration of the Temples"; 11,
"Higher Education; the Sophists" (10).
Curtius, Vol. II., pp. 592-641, "Athens the Center of Intellectual
Life" (10).
Holm, Vol. II., Ch. 20, "Athens under Pericles"; Ch. 26, "The
New Culture, Rhetoric and Sophistry"; Ch. 29. "Art and
Literature" (10).
Macaulay, Essay on History (Herodotus and Thucydides com-
pared).
Zeller, Second Period, "Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle" (15).
Guhl and Koner, 30, "The Theater" (11).
Symonds, Greek Poets, Ch. 9, "Ancient and Modern Tragedy"
(15).
Tarbell, Chs. 8, 9, Great Age of Greek Sculpture (12).
Gulick, Ch. 14, "Social Life and Entertainments" (11).
Bliimner, Ch. 4, "Marriage and Women" (11).
Mahaffy, Old Greek Life, Ch. 4, "Public Life of the Greek
Citizen" (11).
Felton, Vol. II., Second Course, "The Life of Greece" (10).
'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
PEKIOD IV, THE UNION OP GKEEOE AND THE ORIENT
(359-146 B, 0.)
CHAPTER XV
MACEDONIA AND THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER
I. THE RISE OF MACEDONIA UNDER PHILIP
The New Epoch in Greek History. We have now reached a
new and important epoch in the history of Greece and, in
fact, in the history of the ancient world. The failure of the
Greek states to develop a national government either in
the form of a permanent confederacy, or by submitting to the
leadership of one of their own number led to the final over-
throw of the very liberties which they were so anxious to pre-
serve. In striving to maintain their independence from one
another, they were compelled at last to submit to the control
of a foreign power. The supremacy which they were unwilling
to give to Athens, to Sparta, or to Thebes, they were at last
obliged to yield to Macedonia. The rise of Macedonia, and the
interference of this new power in the internal affairs of Greece,
therefore, mark a crisis in the history of the Grecian states.
But we shall see that Macedonia established her supremacy
not only over the states of Greece, but also over the countries
of western Asia; so that Greece and the Orient became united
in a common world-empire. The most important feature of
this new period, however, is not so much the establishment of
a common political authority over the countries of the ancient
225
226
THE GREEK WORLD
SCALE OF MILE
C 10 2'0
world, as the diffusion of the Greek genius among the peoples
of the East. If in earlier times the tide of Orientalism once
flowed toward the ^Egean, now the tide of Hellenism is to flow
back toward the Orient. If during the Attic period the Hel-
lenic culture tended to become centralized in Athens, now the
culture of Greece is to transcend the narrow limits of Hellas
and to become a possession for every people. The essential
feature of the coming epoch is, therefore, the union of Greece
and the Orient in a wider civilization, which we may call
" Graco-Oriental." But first let us see how this union was
accomplished, under the supremacy of Macedonia and the lead-
ership of Philip II. and Alexander the Great.
Macedonia and the Greeks. Macedonia was a country lying
to the north of Thessaly, beyond the Cambunian Mountains.
The people were re-
motely related to the
Greeks. But they
were still for the most
part in a semi-bar-
barous condition, al-
though they were
capable of becoming a
strong nation. They
were a hardy race,
and had in them the
making of good sol-
diers. In the high-
lands they were separated into many tribes, each under its
own chief. But in the lowlands, near the sea, they had
come into contact with the Greek colonies, and had begun
to be more civilized and to have something like a united gov-
ernment. At the time of the Theban supremacy, Macedonia
became so strong and threatening that Pelopidas invaded the
country, checked the ambition of its ruler, and brought back to
Thebes the young prince Philip as a hostage. This young
E PI R
MACEDONIA AT THE ACCESSION OF
I'IIII.IP II.
MACEDONIA 227
Philip, while in bondage, became versed in the civilized i\\-\<
of Greece and especially in the military system of Epaminon-
das, and thus became fitted for his future work as the king
of Macedonia.
Accession and Character of Philip II. (359 B. c.). On his
return to Macedonia Philip was appointed regent of the king-
dom at the age of twenty- three; and in a short time he had
himself proclaimed king.
He proved to be a man of
wonderful ability, versed
in the best as well as the
worst arts of statecraft.
He possessed unusual
powers of organization. THILIP II. (Coin)
He was able as a warrior,
and still more able as a wily diplomatist. He extended his
power over the mountain tribes, and pushed back the barba-
rians who were threatening the frontiers of his kingdom on
the north and west. But more than this, he gathered together
his scattered subjects into a well-organized army. This gave
to the people a common military discipline and a common
national spirit. In organizing his army, Philip adopted tho
Greek phalanx; but he strengthened it by making the line six-
teen instead of eight men deep. He armed the men with lances
twenty-one feet long, so that the front of the phalanx presented
a projecting forest of bristling spears. He also organized a fine
body of heavy-armed cavalry, made up of the best men of the
kingdom and called " companions," which formed in action the
right arm of his battle line. By his political and military skill
he was able in a few years to convert a semi-barbarous country
into a well-organized and growing kingdom.
The Aggressions of Philip upon Greece, The chief ambi-
tion of Philip was to make himself master of Greece. He
first interfered in the affairs of the Athenian colonies in Chal-
cidice, which Athens was not able to prevent, as she was at
22S THE GKEEK WORLD
the same time engaged in an unsuccessful war with some of
her allies the "Social war" (358-355 B. c.). Philip was
aided in his aggressions upon Greece by the distracted condi-
tion of the Greek states themselves,, especially in the so-called
" Sacred war " (357-346 B. c.) . This war grew out of the at-
tempt of Thebes and the Amphictyonic League to punish
Phocis for seizing lands belonging to the temple of Apollo at
Delphi. Nearly the whole of Greece was affected, either
directly or indirectly, by this war. Philip now appeared as
the ally of Thebes and the champion of Apollo. He invaded
Thessaly and made himself master of that country. Pressing
on to Thermopylae, he found this pass held by an Athenian
army. Instead of exposing his own army to slaughter, he
deemed it wiser to withdraw and to wait for a more convenient
season in which to extend his influence in. Greece.
Demosthenes and Philip. The one great man who now ap-
peared as the defender of Greece against Philip was Demos-
thenes. He had already made a reputation as an orator; and
he now assumed the role of a statesman. To arouse Greece to
a sense of her danger, he delivered the first of a series of fa-
mous orations known as " Philippics." Philip was now busy in
the north, trying to get possession of Olynthus, and to reduce
to his power the whole Chalcidian confederacy. Olynthus ap-
pealed to Athens for aid; and Demosthenes delivered his
" Olynthiac orations," to urge the people to make war upon
Philip and to save the Chalcidian city. His earnest efforts in-
duced the Athenians to declare war, but failed to save the be-
leaguered town. Olynthus fell (348 B. c.), and with it all the
Chalcidian cities, whose inhabitants, according to the ancient
custom, were either put to death or sold into slavery. The
kingdom of Philip now extended nearly to the Hellespont on
the east, and to the pass of Thermopylae on the south.
To allay the fears which had been inspired by Demosthenes,
Philip consented to a peace with Athens the Peace of Philoc'-
rates (346 B. c.) in which each party professed friendship for
MACEDONIA 229
the other and each agreed to respect the other's possessions.
Having conciliated Athens, Philip marched to Delphi, dis-
mantled the Phocian towns, scattered their inhabitants in
small villages, and received himself the two votes in the
Amphictyonic council that hitherto had belonged to Phocis.
To extend his influence in Greece, he then formed friendly al-
liances with a number of the states in the Peloponnesus.
Battle of Chaeronea; the End of Greek Freedom (338 B. c.).
But Athens was still suspicious of the designs of the Mace-
donian king. She saw that Philip was threatening to make
further aggressions in Thrace and also in central Greece.
Through the influence of Demosthenes Athens and Thebes now
joined in a final effort to crush the king. But at Chasronea, in
Bceotia (map, p. 191), Philip defeated the combined forces of
the Grecian allies, and destroyed the last opposition to his
power. This battle is generally regarded as marking the loss
of Grecian independence. But we can see that the independ-
ence of Greece had been gradually declining since the first
interference of Philip in Grecian affairs. Greece fell before
Macedonia on account of her incapacity to form a united state,
like that which Philip had created for his people.
The Congress of Corinth; Death of Philip. Philip now
proceeded to do for Greece what Greece had failed to do for
herself. He called together at Corinth a congress of all the
states. This congress is said to have been the most repre-
sentative body that the Hellenic world had ever seen Sparta
only standing aloof. The king gave to the Greeks a constitu-
tion which formed a kind of federal state. Every city was to
be free, and to manage its own affairs, and not to be subject to
any tribute. The Amphictyonic council was to be the supreme
arbiter in the settlement of disputes between the different
states. The king was to be the president, having the power
to declare war and peace. At this congress Philip also re-
vealed his greatest project, which was nothing less than the
conquest of Persia, in which Greeks and Macedonians would
230
THE GREEK WORLD
unite in avenging the wrongs done to Greece since the days of
Xerxes. The proposals of the king were accepted, and he was
appointed commander in chief of the armies which were to
invade the Persian empire. But while making plans for this
expedition, Philip was assassinated (336 B. c.), and the comple-
tion of his work was left to his son, Alexander the Great.
II. THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER
Beginning of Alexander's Career. Alexander was well
qualified to carry on the work begun by Philip. He was fitted
both by nature and b}' education for a career which in many
respects has no parallel in the world's history. From his
father he inherited an imperial
will, a keen insight into men
and things, and a genius for
military organization. From
his mother a half-barbarian
princess he inherited an im-
petuous nature, a fitful, fiery
temper, and a tendency to su-
perstition. By his great teach-
er, Aristotle, he was trained to
virtue and the love of truth, to
an exalted appreciation of
knowledge, and to a sympathy
ALEXANDER with the Hellenic spirit. From
his favorite author, Homer, he
derived a heroic inspiration, a zeal for warlike action, and a
passion to rival the deeds of Achilles. From the time tlmt lie
was a boy of twelve when, according to Plutarch. he had
tamed the fiery steed Buceph'alus to the battle of Chaeronea,
where he had led the Macedonian cavalry, he had shown that
he was horn to rule. At the age of twenty he ascended his
father's throne. His first work was to quell the spirit of re-
THE KMl'lUK OF ALEXANDKU 231
volt which seemed everywhere to show itself with the news of
his father's death. He put out of the way his possible rivals.
He entered Greece and had himself proclaimed commander in
chief, as his father had done. He punished the tribes of the
north and west which threatened the frontiers of his kingdom.
Angered by a Grecian revolt led by Thebes, he wiped that city
from the earth, sparing only the temples and the house of Iho
poet Pindar. Having pacified his kingdom in Europe, he was
ready to enter upon the conquest of Asia.
Asia Minor; Battle of the Granicus (334 B. c.). The first
country to be brought under his control was Asia Minor. He
crossed the Hellespont with a
small but well-trained army, con-
sisting of thirty thousand infan-
try and five thousand cavalry. He
first visited the plains of Troy, al-
ready hallowed in his imagination
by the tales of Homer; here he of- BATTLE QF GKANICU9
fered a sacrifice to Athena, and ^ Maeedonlan phalanx . , .
paid homage to the tomb Of lied cavalry; c, companion
. , . TT- , , ,, cavalry ; d, light infantry ;
Achilles. HlS first battle Was e , archers and javelin
fought at the river Grani'cus, a throwers
small stream flowing into the Propontis, where he practically
destroyed the whole Persian army, with but a small loss on
his own part. The victory at the Granicus was followed by
the speedy submission of the cities in Asia Minor. Alexander
then moved north to Gordium, the old capital of Phrygia,
where he quartered his army for the winter, and according to
the well-known story " cut the Gordian knot."
Syria; Battle of Issus and Siege of Tyre (333 B. c.). The
next country to be conquered was Syria. Alexander marched
from Gordium southward through the passes of the Taurus
Mountains to Tarsus; then through the city of Issus into the
open plains of Syria, where he expected to meet the armies of
the Persian king, Darius III. In the meantime, Darius had
ISTo. 1O.
233
BATTLE OF Issus
(For letters, see p. 231)
THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER
' assembled a vast horde of six hundred thousand men and
moved to the north and to the rear of Alexander's army, hop-
ing to cut off its retreat. Alexander marched back and at-
tacked Darius in his chosen posi-
tion, near Issus. After a severe
conflict, a large part of the Per-
si.m army was destroyed and the
rest put to flight. Alexander then
continued his march southward
through Sidon and reached Tyre.
At this place he met the most seri-
ous resistance that he encoun-
tered in all his campaigns. The
new city of Tyre was situated on an island about half a mile
from the coast. Having no fleet at hand, Alexander could
reach the city only by building an im-
mense mole, or causeway, through the
sea to the walls. By this stupendous
piece of work he was able to storm and
capture the city. The overtures for
peace which the Persian king now felt
disposed to offer him were scornfully
rejected.
Egypt; Founding of Alexandria
(332 B. c.). There remained only one
more province on the Mediterranean
to be secured, and that was Egypt.
The march to the south, however, was blocked at Gaza, a
strongly fortified town defended by its faithful governor. Batis.
To assault these walls Alexander performed another great feat
of engineering skill. He built a mound of earth, two hundred
and fifty feet high and twelve hundred feet broad at the base,
around the entire city. Although repulsed three times, he
finally took the town by storm. He put to death what re-
mained of the garrison, and sold the women and children into
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 14
SIEGE OF TYRE
MACEDONIANS
234: THE GREEK WORLD
slavery. The way was now open to Egypt, which wel-
comed Alexander as a deliverer. On the coast west of the
Delta, he founded the new city of Alexandria, the first and
most famous of many towns which perpetuated his name.
Thence he moved westward along the coast, and then south-
ward through the Libyan desert to the noted temple and oracle
of Zeus Aminon. Here, it is said, the oracle addressed him as
the son of Zeus and the future conqueror of the world. This
may have had some influence upon Alexander, in leading him
to claim divine honors for himself.
Central Persia; Battle of Arbela (331 B. c.). Having or-
ganized the government of Egypt, Alexander returned to Tyre
and made his preparations to pierce the heart of the Persian
empire. He crossed the Eu-
phrates River and passed
through upper Mesopotamia
beyond the Tigris. In a
broad plain near the village
of Gaugame'la, and thirty
BATTLE OP "AKBELA" miles / est * Arbe>1 *> **
came face to face with the
(For letters, see p. 231) . .
army ot the great king.
Here was to be fought the battle which was to decide the fate
of Persia. Since his defeat at Issus, Darius had gathered an
immense armament which rivaled that of Xerxes, a million
infantry, forty thousand cavalry, two hundred scythed
chariots, and fifteen elephants. To meet this host Alexander
had now an army of forty thousand infantry and seven thou-
sand cavalry. His attack began with a cavalry charge toward
the enemy's left; and this he suddenly changed and directed in
the form of a wedge against the center, where Darius himself
was urging on his troops. The frightened king fled; his army
became demoralized; while the rest of Alexander's troops
pressed forward and gained a complete victory. The battle at
: la ii Pamela usually called the "battle of Arbela" sealed
P E R S I A N S
THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 235
the doom of the empire. Alexander then moved south to
Babylon, which surrendered to him; next to Susa, which also
opened its gates; and then to Persepolis, which was taken aft.T
a feeble resistance. These three cities were'the richest in the
world; and by their capture Alexander came into possession
of immense treasures. He proclaimed himself the monarch of
Persia; but he disgraced his name by wantonly firing with his
own hand the magnificent palace at Persepolis.
The Far East; Battle of the Hydaspes (326 B. c.). Alex-
ander had now traversed the western and central provinces of
the Persian empire. There remained the far eastern provinces,
which were speedily reduced to his authority. It was during
this period that Alexander blackened his name by two of his
most infamous crimes. The one was the assassination of his
faithful general, Parme'nio, on the charge of conspiracy; the
other was the murder, in a fit of drunken frenzy, of his dearest
friend, Clitus, who had saved his life at the battle of the
Granicus. Of these dastardly crimes, it can only be said to
his credit that he bitterly repented of them.
Not satisfied with the conquest of Persia, Alexander crossed
the Indus, and proceeded through the Punjab to the river
Hydas'pes. Here, after a severe engagement, he gained a
victory over the armies of India, led by Porus, the most able
king of the Far East. Struck by the royal bearing of Porus,
Alexander made him viceroy of his new Indian province. The
Macedonian soldiers, now wearied with years of marching and
fighting, refused to go farther into unknown lands; and Alex-
ander was obliged to return. Down the Indus and then west-
ward through the sands of the desert, his army marched back
to Persepolis and Susa; while his fleet under Nearchus ex-
plored anew the ancient water route from the Indus to the Eu-
phrates. Alexander repaired to Babylon, now the capital of
his newly conquered world.
Death and Character of Alexander. On his return to Baby-
lon Alexander did not rest. He hoped to push his conquests
236
THE GREEK WORLD
into Arabia, and to give a firmer organization to his Gra3co-
Oriental empire. But in a short time he was stricken down by
a fever, and died (323 B. c.) at the age of thirty-two years and
eight months. His last words were a request that the empire
be given " to the most worthy." His body was carried to
Egypt, and was buried at Alexandria with divine honors.
What shall be thought of Alexander? This is a question
upon which there has been much difference of opinion. Some
SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXANDER (So-
have regarded him as scarcely more than a brilliant military
adventurer. Others have looked upon him as having done
more for the world's civilization than any oilier human being.
Without assuming too much couli.lcncc in our own opinion. l<-t
us look at liis chief characteristics as a man, as a soldier, and
as a statesman.
As a man Alexander possessed remarkable nalurnl endow-
ments a body of great Ix'Hiilv. jiirilitv. ;iml <in i ii':lh. ciipohlc
of extraordinary feats of endurance; a mind of transcendent
THE EMPIRE OF ALEXAiNDKU 237
genius, of restless activit}', of wonderful powers of insight, of
broad and comprehensive views, prolific in resources, and un-
erring in the adjustment of means to ends; a will power such
as is rarely given to men, irresistible and untiring; and an emo-
tional nature made up of a strange mixture of generosity and
cruelty, of self-control and self-indulgence, of cairn repose and
furious passion, capable of performing the worst of crimes,
and immediate!}'' giving way to penitence and remorse.
As a soldier he has had scarcely a peer in the world's his-
tory a born commander of men, a supreme master of strategy
and tactics, equally great in marches, sieges, and battles.
As a statesman he possessed a cosmopolitan breadth of view.
He believed that the state should not be narrowed to the limits
of a city or small tcrritoty, like that of the Greeks, but should
take in all civilized peoples. He showed his broad ideas by
favoring the mixture of races, by encouraging a wider com-
mercial intercourse, by patronizing the arts and the sciences,
by building up new cities as centers for the diffusion of Greek
civilization. He adopted, in some respects, higher methods of
government than those which had hitherto prevailed in the
East. But it rein a ins true that the great world enypire which
he carved out with the sword fell to pieces almost immediately
after his death.
III. DISSOLUTION OP ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE
The Wars of the Diadochi. The years which followed the
death of Alexander were years of intrigue and war between
his different generals, who are known in history as the " Diad'-
ochi," or the successors of Alexander. Various attempts were
made to keep the empire together. At first one of the generals,
Perdic'cas, tried to rule, and divided the provinces between
himself and the other chieftains; but they refused to recognize
his authority. Afterward another general, Antig'orius, aspired
to the position of the great king ; but he was opposed by the
ivr^jp ISPS. 11.
238
THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER 239
other generals, who were themselves getting control of various
provinces. After years of bitter strife, Antigoims was de-
feated and slain at the battle of Ipsus in Phrygia (301 B. c.) ;
and the victorious generals divided among themselves the frag-
ments of the 'empire that Alexander had established (map,
p. 238).
Kingdom of the Seleucidae; Syria. Seleucus was the gen-
eral who had already taken possession of Babylon, together
with a large part of the eastern provinces. He now received
in addition Mesopotamia, Syria, and the eastern part of Asia
Minor. He removed his capital from Babylon to An'tioch
in Syria; but in this way he also weakened his hold upon his
eastern provinces. He divided his whole territory into seventy-
two satrapies, ruled not by natives but by Greeks and Mace-
donians. The eastern provinces were intrusted to his son
Anti'oehus, who afterward succeeded to his father's throne
(280 B. c.). This extensive empire was known as Syria, or
rather the " Kingdom of the Seleu'cidae," and remained the
greatest power in Asia until the Roman conquest (64 B. c.).
Kingdom of the Ptolemies ; Egypt. Ptolemy I. (Soter) was
one of Alexander's generals who was put in possession of Egypt
directly after the death of the conqueror, and had maintained
himself there during the wars of succession. He afterward
added to his kingdom Palestine, lower Syria, and Cyprus.
Under his administration and that of his successors Egypt
rose to prosperity and greatness. The first Ptolemy organ-
ized the kingdom into provinces based upon the ancient
divisions of the country; but the civil and military authority
was placed in the hands of Greeks and Macedonians. Alexan-
dria became the great commercial emporium of the Mediter-
ranean, and the center of the world's learning. Egypt re-
mained the land of commerce and of culture until it was
absorbed by the Roman empire (30 B. c.).
Kingdoms in Asia Minor. No part of Alexander's empire
was so completely broken up after his death as was Asia Minor.
240 THE GREEK WORLD
Here, after some years, we find the new kingdoms of Per'-
gamum, Bithyn'ia, and other smaller states, as well as the
island republic of Rhodes, which included some of the cities on
the adjacent coast. Of these several states the kingdom of
Pergamum was the most important, and under- its kings Eu'-
menes I. and At'talus I. rose to a position of considerable
power and influence.
Macedonia and the Greek Federations. After the death of
Alexander the Greeks made a freslr*attempt to throw off the
power of Macedonia. This unsuccessful revolt, which is known
as the " Lamian war " (323-321 B. c.), was inspired chiefly by
Demosthenes, who after its disastrous close fled from Athens
and took his own life by poison. After the battle of Ipsus,
Macedonia fell into the hands of Cassander, who received it
as his share of Alexander's empire.
While weak successors of Cassander were trying to main-
tain their authority in Greece, there grew up two confed-
erations which were the most important factors in later Greek-
politics. In the course of time they came to include the most
important states of Greece, except Athens and Sparta. One
of these confederations was the ^EtoUan League in central
Greece. This was originally a union of warlike mountain
tribes in ^Etolia, but it gradually extended its power so as to
include a considerable number of states north of the Gulf of
Corinth, and also Elis in the Peloponnesus.
A body quite similar to the JEtolian League in its organ-
ization, but far superior in its character, was the Acha?an
League, which comprised most of the states in the Pelopon-
nesus. The power and greatness of the Aehaan league were
due to the famous leader Ara'tus, who for a time appeared
as the deliverer of Greece from Macedonian rule. In a
few years the whole Peloponnesus, except Laconia and Elis,
was combined (229 B. c.) in a single federal state the most
advanced political organization that had ever existed in
Grc<
THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER
B IRU
Constitution of the Achaean League. The Achaean League
is often referred to as the most striking example of a federal
republic existing in the ancient world ; and we should therefore
notice its principal
features. In the first
place, each city re-
tained its equality
and independence
having its own gov-
ernment, electing its
own officers, and
managing its own
local affairs. In the
next place, the gen-
eral powers of the
league were vested in
a central or
government,
consisted of
general (or
dent), and a
federal
This
(1) a
presi-
council
THE /ETOLIAN AND ACHJEAN LEAGUES,
ABOUT 229 B. c.
or cabinet of ten per-
sons who exercised
administrative pow-
ers; (2) a boule, or senate, of about one hundred and twenty
persons, which prepared measures for the assembly and man-
aged foreign affairs; and (3) an assembly of the whole people,
in which the citizens of each city possessed one vote. The
assembly passed all federal laws, and elected all federal offi-
cers. As the federal assembly was not a representative body,
and as all the citizens would- not be disposed to attend its
meetings, there was a tendency for the league, although dem-
ocratic in theory, to become aristocratic in fact, and also
for the " general " to exercise a great influence in shaping its
policy.
THE GREEK WORLD
Conflict between the Achaean League and Sparta. The
only state of the Peloponnesus which now remained outside of
the Greek federations was Sparta. Once the head of the Pelo-
ponnesian League, Sparta was now envious of the growing in-
fluence of the Achaeans. She was herself trying to recover
some of her ancient prestige. She had reformed and strength-
ened her decaying institutions through the efforts of her two
energetic kings, Agis III. and Cleomenes III. Cleomenes be-
lieved that the interests of Sparta required the breaking up
of the Achaean League. He appealed to the ^Etolians, and
with their aid waged a successful war against the Achaeans.
The cause of the Achaeans seeme'd about to be lost, when their
general Aratus-felt obliged to appeal to Macedonia for aid.
The Macedonian king, Antigonus, was quite willing to inter-
fere in this conflict, since he saw an opportunity to strengthen
his own authority in Greece. He invaded the Peloponnesus, de-
feated Cleomenes in the battle of Sella'sia (221 B. c.), and
forced Sparta into submission. But the most unwelcome result
of this so-called " Cleomenic war " was its effect upon the
Achaean League. The league was originally organized to repel
the power of Macedonia; but now, by accepting an alliance
with Macedonia, it was compelled to submit to her authority.
Macedonia and the -ffitolian League. When Macedonia had
defeated Sparta and had brought the Achaeans into subjection,
the ^Etolians were left the chief inde-
pendent power in Hellas. It was now
their turn to make an attempt to estab-
lish their supremacy in Greece. The
time seemed especially favorable on ac-
count of the recent death of the warlike
king Antigonus, and the accession of
PHIIIP V the young prince Philip V. to the Mace-
donian throne. The ^Etolians accord-
ingly invaded the Peloponnesus and made war upon the
Adia-ans. They obtained the assistance of Sparta, still smart-
THE EMJMKK OF ALEXANDER 243
ing under her recent defeat at Sellasia. In this war between
the leagues called the " Social war" (220-217 B. c.) the
young Macedonian king felt bound to protect his Achaean
allies. He therefore entered upon a series of vigorous cam-
paigns by land and sea against the ^Etolians. He was every-
where successful. ^Etolia and the whole of Greece seemed
on the point of being reduced to the condition of a Mace-
donian province, when Philip received the news that the
Romans had been defeated in a great battle by Han'nibal.
He determined to make peace with the Greeks, and to join
Hannibal against the Romans. By the terms of this peace,
called the Peace of Naupactus (217 B. c.), the two leagues
were compelled to lay down their arms and to return to the
condition in which they were at the beginning of the war
that is, the Achaeans continued to recognize the authority of
the Macedonian king; the Spartans withdrew into their own
territory of Laconia; and the ^Etolians retained their inde-
pendence.
The Intervention of Borne. During this period in which
the Grecian leagues were striving to resist the encroachments
of Macedonia, events were taking place which finally led to the
supremacy of a new foreign power in Greece. This new power
was Rome, which was beginning to make its influence felt to
the east of the Adriatic Sea. It was the interference of the
Macedonian king, Philip V., in the war between Rome and
Hannibal that led, as we shall hereafter see, to the interfer-
ence of Rome in the affairs of Macedonia and Greece. From
this time the history of Greece became a part of the history
of Rome. But before we begin to study the rise and exten-
sion of the Roman power and the development of its new
world empire which absorbed not only Macedonia and
Greece, but all the countries bordering on the Mediterranean
Sea we must first get some idea of that new culture which
the ancient world received through Alexander's conquests and
tlie work of his successors.
244 THE GREEK WORLD
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE RISE OF MACEDONIA UNDER PHILIP. The New Epoch
in Greek History. Macedonia and the Greeks. Accession and
Character of Philip II. The Aggressions of Philip upon Greece.
Demosthenes and Piiiiip. Battle of Chaeronea; the End of
Greek Freedom. The Congress of Corinth; Death of Philip.
II. THE EMPIRE OF ALEXANDER. Beginning of Alexander's
Career. Asia Minor; Battle of the Granicus. Syria; Battle of
Issus and Siege of Tyre. Egypt; Founding of Alexandria.
Central Persia; Battle of Arbela. The Far East; Battle of
the Hydaspes. Death and Character of Alexander.
III. DISSOLUTION OF ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE. The Wars of the
Diadochi. Kingdom of the Seleucidae; Syria. Kingdom of the
Ptolemies; Egypt. Kingdoms in Asia Minor. Macedonia and
the Greek Federations. Constitution of the Achaean League.
Conflict between the Achaean League and Sparta. Macedonia
and the ^Etolian League. The Intervention of Rome.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Curteis, Ch. 3, "Macedonia and Hellasat Philip's Accession" (10). 1
Oman, Ch. 42, "Philip and Demosthenes"; Ch. 43, "The End of
Grecian Freedom"; Ch. 44, "Alexander the Great" (10).
Bury, Ch. 16, "The Rise of Macedonia''; Ch. 17, "The Conquest
of Persia" (10).
Wheeler, Alexander, Ch. 12, "The Persian Empire"; Ch. 31,
"Death of Alexander" (27).
Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 8, "Alexander and His Successors" (10).
- Greek Life, Ch. 18 (Hellenism, society, literature, art) (10).
- Alexander's Empire, Ch. 8, "The Invasion of the Celts
[Gauls] and its Consequences" (10).
Schuckburgh, Ch. 22, 'VKlulian and Achaean Leagues" (10).
Cm-tins. Vol. V., Bk. VII., Ch. 3, "Athens and Philip" (10).
Holm, Vol. III., Ch. 26, "Concluding Years of Alexander's Reign";
Index, "^tolian League," "Acha an League" (10).
Dodge, Alexander, Ch. 12 (military system of Philip and Alex-
ander); Ch. 48, "The Man and the Soldier" (27).
Freeman, Essay, "Alexander the Great" (3).
Bredif, Demosthenes, Ch. 2, "Philip the Athenians" (the Athens
of Demosthenes) (27).
Plutarch, "Demosthenes," "Alexander," "Aratus," "Airis,"
"Cleomenes" (20).
Arrian, Bk. II., Chs. 18-24 (siege of Tyre); Bk. ITT., Ch. 1 (con-
quest of Egypt); Bk. IV., Ch. 8 (murder of Clitus); Bk. VIL,
Ch. 1 (Alex imlcr's plans); Chs. 8-11 (mutiny of Alexander's
armv) (17).
DemostlM-n.-s. Orations, "The First Olynthiac." "The First
Philippic" (17).
'The tiirnrc in p.-in-nt ln-sis rofcrs to Ilic number of the topic in (lie
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be fouml.
CHAPTER XVI
THE NEW GR^ECO-ORIENTAL, OR HELLENISTIC, CULTURE
I. HELLENIC AND HELLENISTIC CULTURE
Hellenic Culture in Greece. In taking a brief review of the
general culture which had its beginning in the Macedonian
period, we may first look at Greece itself, where the Hellenic
spirit was least affected by
Oriental influences. Athens
was still the center of Grecian
life and thought. Here flour-
ished the men who represented
better than elsewhere the con-
tinuance of the old Hellenic
spirit. Here Demosthenes
and ^Es'chines continued to
deliver their orations in pure
Attic Greek. Here Aristotle
continued o write his works
on philosophy and science.
Here comedy continued t o
flourish in the writings of
Menan'der; and painting sur-
vived in the famous portraits
and other works produced by Apel'les. These men represented
the old Hellenic culture a culture which had been developing
in Greece since the days of the Persian wars, but which was
destined to lose its Attic purity by contact with the thought
and spirit of the East.
245
MENANDER
246 THE GREEK WORLD
Post-Aristotelian Philosophy. One of the evidences of the
influence of the East upon the native culture of Greece is
seen in the growth of certain new schools of philosophy which
followed Aristotle. These schools were a protest, not only
against the old religious ideas of the Greeks, but also against
the foreign superstitions which were coming into Greece from
the East. The foremost of these schools were the Epicure'an
and the Stoic. The Epicurean school took its name from
Epicu'rus, who was born at Samos and had taught in the cities
of Asia Minor before he came to Athens. Epicurus tried to
rescue men from the influence of superstition and the old
mythological ideas concerning the gods. He taught that men
should be influenced, not by the fear of the gods, but by the
desire to obtain the highest happiness not the passing pleas-
ure of the hour, but the permanent happiness of a lifetime.
The Stoic philosophy, which was a higher system than the
Epicurean, was founded by Zeno. He taught at Athens in a
portico on the Agora (Sto'a Pcec'ile, or Painted Porch), from
which his school received its name. He also rejected the pre-
vailing mythological notions, and believed that the world is
governed by a Universal Eeason which is revealed in the laws
of nature. According to Zeno, men should live, not to ap-
pease the gods, but to conform to the highest " law of nature."
He also sympathized with the broader ideas of the age, and
believed that men's duties should not be limited to their own
city or even to Greece, but should extend to all mankind.
In these new schools of philosophy we may see some of the
influences of the new period the influx of Oriental supersti-
tion which these schools tried to withstand, and also the desire
to enter into the new world spirit which followed the break-
ing down of national barriers. The new philosophy taught
that every one should be, not simply a member of his own city,
but a " citizen of the world."
The Spread of Hellenism in the East. 1ut the most inter-
esting feature of this age is not so much the influence of Orien-
HELLENISTIC CULTURE 247
tal ideas upon the old culture of Greece, a> tin- diffusion of
the Hellenic culture into other purls of the world that is, the
" Hellenizing " of the Orient. This was due, not only to the
work of Alexander himself, but to the continuance of his policy
by his successors. Like him. they also planted new cities;
placed over them Greek and Macedonian governors; encouraged
Greek colonization; introduced the customs of Greek life; fa-
vored the use of the Greek language; and patronized Greek
learning and art. These new cities became new centers of
Greek civilization, and in some respects they surpassed the
older cities of Greece. The accumulated wealth of the East
was used to construct splendid works of art, fashioned upon
Greek models temples, colonnades, sculptures, market places,
gardens. In such ways as these the Greeks became the citizens
of the world, and the culture of Greece became the heritage of
other people.
Meaning of Hellenistic Culture. As we consider this great
movement by which the Greek language and civilization were
gradually extended over the East, there is one important point
which should be kept in mind. This is the fact that the
culture which had been" developed by the Greeks themselves
was considerably modified by being taken up by the people of
foreign countries. For example, the Greek language, when
spoken by a Syrian, a Jew, or an Egyptian, would not longer
remain the pure language of Sophocles or Plato, but would
acquire features foreign to the Attic tongue. So the architec-
ture and sculpture of Greece would have impressed upon them
a certain Oriental character and spirit, which would distin-.
guish them from the more refined art of Phidias and Prax-
iteles. To this Greek culture modified by Oriental influences
we apply the term " Hellenistic," to distinguish it from the
purer Greek culture of the Greeks themselves, which we call
" Hellenic." The Hellenistic culture, then, means the lan-
guage and civilization of the people of the East who adopted
the speech and culture of the Greeks. It is, in short, the
248
THE GREEK WORLD
form of Hellenism. The Greek influence ex-
tended into central Asia and as far east as the Indus; but the
chief seats of the Hellenistic culture were the countries on the
eastern shores of the Mediterranean Asia Minor, Syria, and
Egypt.
II. HELLENISTIC CULTURE IN ASIA MINOR
Pergamum as a Center of Culture. The chief seat of the
new civilization in Asia Minor was the city of Pergamum
the capital of the kingdom of the same name. The kings of
THE GREAT ALTAR AT PERGAMUM (Restoration)
this country came to be wealthy and somewhat powerful mon-
archs. They gained an enviable reputation by ending the
depredations of the Gauls a barbarian people who in the third
century invaded Greece and Asia Minor, and were finally
settled in the province of Gala'tia, in the interior of Asia
Minor. This victory over the Gauls was the heroic event in
tin- history of Pergamum, and was commemor;itr<l in ni.-my
works of art.
Architecture and Sculpture of Pergamum. Tli<> }<\u^< <>f
Pergamum adorned their capital with splendid buildings,
HELLENISTIC CULTURE 249
which rivaled the architecture of Athens. The central archi-
tectural feature of the city was a vast altar dedicated to Zeus
Soter (the Savior). This was built by Eumenes II. to com-
memorate the victory over the barbarian Gauls, and the divine
assistance then given. The altar was situated on the summit
of the acropolis, said to have been more than eight hundred
feet above the level of the sea. It was adorned with elaborate
sculptures and especially with a gigantic frieze, on which was
THE DYING GAUL
represented the battle between the gods and the barbarian
giants. This altar with its decorations was regarded as one
of the marvels of the ancient world. We have preserved to us
a valuable relic of the Pergamean art, and also of the Gallic
invasion, in the well-known copy of the Dying Gaul (usually
called the "Dying Gladiator"). This is worth our careful
study as a specimen of Hellenistic art, showing a departure
from the purest Greek models in the realistic representation
of a wounded barbarian warrior.
250
THE GKEEK WORLD
Literature and Science of Pergamum. This city was a cen-
ter not only of art, but also of learning. Although it made no
important contributions to literature, it was distinguished for
a remarkable collection of literary works a library of two
hundred thousand volumes, which rivaled the more renowned
collection at Alexandria. Books, or rather manuscripts, had
previously been written upon Egyptian papyrus. But as the
exportation of this material was prohibited by the Egyp-
tians, the kings of Pergamum adopted in its place the skins
of animals (called Pergamence chartce, from which comes our
word " parchment "). The city of Pergamum also became the
home of many scientific men, grammarians, mathematicians,
natural philosophers, and physicians, of whom many ac-
quired great renown, as
Cra'tes in philology, and
Galen in medicine.
The School of Rhodes.
Another important cen-
ter of Hellenistic culture
in Asia Minor was
Rhodes, famous for its
school of rhetoric and" its
code of maritime law.
The art of Rhodes reveals
the same Oriental influ-
ences that appeared at
Pergamum. This is seen
in the taste for colossal
figures and impressive
groups of statuary. The
famous Colossus of
Rhodes, a statue one hun-
dred and fifty feet high, was reckoned as one of the seven won-
ders of the world. The most important example of Rhodian
sculpture that remains to us is the group of Laoc'oon, a priest
LAOCOON AND HIS SONS
HELLENISTIC CULTURE
251
of Apollo, and his sons, who were destroyed by serpents sent
by Athena. The agony depicted upon the face of the priest,
HEAD OF THE APOLLO BELVEDERE
though wonderfully expressive, is far removed from the calm
repose which marks the purer Hellenic art.
Examples of Pure Hellenic Art. As we study the art of
what is called the " Hellenistic period," we should bear in mind
the fact that not all the works produced at this time show in an
equal degree the influence of Orientalism. Some works show
252
THE GftEEK WORLD
this influence to a greater, and some to a less extent. Before
we leave the shores of the zEgean, we should therefore notice
at least two examples of the art of this period which preserve
in the greatest degree the pure Hellenic spirit, and to which
is given a high rank among the statues of the world. One
of these is the Apollo Belvedere, which is now generally as-
signed to this period, although the place where it was produced
is not known. So nearly
does it approach the per-
fect Greek style, that it
has been said that in it
" we see Lysippus in the
form and Praxiteles in
the face" (Perry). The
other example of the pure
Hellenic art of this
period, and one which is
perhaps still more re-
markable, is the Aphro-
dite found on the island
of Melos, and usually
called the " Venus of
Melos/' The faces of
these two marble statues
express the Greek ideal of
perfect masculine and feminine beauty. In them we see that
grace of form and calmness of spirit which the Greeks re-
garded as essential to the purest art.
HEAD OF THE APHRODITE OF MELOS
III. HELLENISTIC CULTURE IN SYRIA
The Civilization of the Seleucidae. The Seleucidae were the
most zealous followers of Alexander in the founding of m-w
cities. These new towns, which numbered more than seventy,
became the active centers of Greek influence. They were
HELLENISTIC CULTURE 253
colonized by Greeks. In them the Greek language was spoken;
Greek methods of city government were adopted; the commer-
cial spirit of the Greeks was present; and Greek buildings were
erected. But these Greek towns, springing up by the side of
the older Asiatic cities, felt the influence of Oriental cus-
toms and ideas. The Greeks absorbed the Oriental love of
wealth and passion for luxury, and developed a form of life
which was neither purely Greek nor purely Eastern, but a
mingling of the two a composite culture in which the Orien-
tal features were improved and the Hellenic features debased.
Antioch as a Center of Culture. The city which presented
the most conspicuous type of this Grneco-Oriental or Hellen-
istic culture in Syria was Antioch, the capital of the kingdom.
The original city was founded by Seleucus I. (Nica'tor), and
named in honor of his father Antiochus. Here were gathered
the people of many nations; but the prevailing form of culture
was Greek, imbued with the Oriental taste for magnificence.
The buildings glistened with precious stones and ornaments
of gold. The broad, regular streets were lined with the most
splendid porticoes, colonnades, and statues. Beyond the walls
of the city was the cypress grove of Daphne, said to be one of
the most attractive places in the world. It contained the tree
of Daphne, into which this nymph, according to tradition, was
changed when fleeing from Apollo. The grove was reached
by a road passing through beautiful villas and gardens en-
livened with fountains and medicinal springs. It was adorned
with stately temples, baths, and places of amusement. In the
temple of Apollo was a colossal statue of that god, said
to rival the Zeus of Phidias. All this fondness for luxury
shows that the Greeks, while exercising a powerful influence
upon the East, were themselves coming under the spell of
Orientalism.
Attempt to Hellenize the Jews. The only opposition to the
Hellenizing movement in western Asia appeared in Judea.
Here the people were attached to their ancient language and
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 15
254 THE GREEK WORLD
religion. It is said that Alexander offered strong inducements
for the Jews to settle in Alexandria, where they could retain
their religion unmolested. Many of them took advantage of
this offer; but while preserving their own religion, they could
not help imbibing much of the Hellenistic spirit. In Judea
itself, however, the people succeeded in resisting these foreign
influences. It is true that the Jews in Palestine sometimes
affected the Greek culture, by learning to speak the Greek lan-
guage and adopting Greek names; but the mass of the people
clung to their Hebrew language and customs. When Palestine
passed from the control of Egypt to that of Syria, a systematic
attempt was made by the Syrian king, Antiochus IV. (Epiph'-
anes), to force upon the Jews the Greek language and customs,
including the Greek religion. This was accompanied by a
most unjust and bitter persecution. It aroused a national re-
volt, which ended only with the establishment of the inde-
pendence of the Jewish nation.
IV. HELLENISTIC CULTURE IN EGYPT
Alexandria as a Center of Culture. In Egypt we find the
most important intellectual center of the Hellenistic world.
The Ptolemies did not, like the Seleucida, attempt to bring
the whole kingdom under Greek influence by the erection of
many new cities. They rather attempted to concentrate into
a single focus the various elements of Greek culture. This
focus was the city of Alexandria, founded by the great con-
queror himself. It was first of all a commercial center, tak-
ing the place of Tyre as the important emporium of the "Mr< li-
te rranean. It came to be the most cosmopolitan city of the
world, with a population of nearly a million inhabitants, made
up of Egyptians, Greeks, Macedonians, Jews, and people from
nearly every Asiatic country. The ideas of various people
found here a common meeting place. The Ptolemies respected
the religion of the Egyptians and that of the Jews, while cling-
HELLENISTIC CULTURE 255
ing to their own Grecian gods. But these various religions
were often mingled with one. another. The god Sera'pis, for
example, was a deity in whom were united the character of the
Greek Zeus and that of the Egyptian Osiris. Though the coun-
try surrounding Alexandria was not attractive, the architec-
ture of the city united Greek taste with Oriental splendor.
There were many public buildings, such as theaters, ampin-
theaters, race courses, and sanctuaries; but the most imposing
of -these was the Serape'um, the temple of the common god
Serapis.
Museum and Library of Alexandria. Alexandria obtained
its highest renown as the home of scholars. In this city we
find blended the Greek and the Egyptian taste for philosophy
and science. The most famous work of the Ptolemies was the
establishment of the Museum and the Library. The Museum
was a collection of buildings dedicated to the Muses, and might
not inaptly be called a " University." Here were gathered the
philosophers, scholars, and students of all countries Greece,
Asia Minor, Judea, Babylon, and even India. It is said that
at one time as many as fourteen thousand students found
a home in Alexandria. In connection with the Museum were
botanical and zoological gardens, dissecting rooms, and astro-
nomical observatories. But the most famous of these buildings
was the great Alexandrian Library, containing over five hun-
dred thousand manuscripts. It was the desire of the Ptolemies
to possess an authentic copy of every existing work of Greek
literature. This library was the most extensive collection of
manuscripts in the ancient world.
The literature and Scholarship of Alexandria. The kind
of literary work done at Alexandria was less creative than
critical. The literature which was produced at this time was
mostly elegiac and lyric poetry. One poet of this period holds
the first rank among the pastoral poets of the world; this
was Theoc'ritus. Although born at Syracuse, he lived at Alex-
andria, His " Idylls," describing the beauties of nature, have
256 THE GKEEK WORLD
been admired by all people, and perhaps approach more nearly
than any other literature of this period to the pure aesthetic
spirit of the early Greeks. History also was cultivated by
Mant'tho, an Egyptian priest, who wrote the "Chronicles of
Egypt"; while the Babylonian Berosus was doing a similar
kind of work for Babylonian history. But the most thorough
literary scholarship of Alexandria was devoted to the critical
study of the ancient Greek texts. Aristar'chus may be called
the father of textual criticism and the science of grammar.
Translations of important works of literature also formed a
part of the work of these Alexandrian scholars. The most
noted of these translations was the Sep'tuagint, a Greek ver-
sion of the Jewish Scriptures.
The Alexandrian Science and Philosophy. Alexandria was
also a meeting place for Greek and Oriental science; and a great
impulse was given in the direction of a more strictly scientific
method. There are many famous names of scientists connected
with this seat of ancient learning. Euclid was the founder of
our modern geometry; Modern astronomy has grown out of
the works of Hippar'chus and Ptolemy (Claudius PtolemaBus).
Eratos'thenes was the first to give a mathematical estimate of
the size of the earth. Archime'des, a native of Syracuse, came
here to study ; he was a noted mathematician, and made bril-
liant discoveries in physical and mechanical science. In Alex-
andria, too, we see in later times a remarkable mingling of the
philosophical ideas of the world Greek idealism, Jewish
monotheism, Oriental mysticism, and afterward even Christian
theology. But the complex systems which grew up under such
names as " Neo-Platonism " and " Gnosticism," we need not
attempt to explain. For us they simply illustrate, like the
other phases of Alexandrian culture, the various ideas and
forms of thought resulting from the union of the Greek and
the Oriental world which followed the conquests of Alexander.
Influence of Greek Civilization. As we look back over the
history of Greece and its influence upon other countries we
HELLENISTIC CULTURE 257
may understand the important place which it occupied in the
growth of ancient civilization. We have seen Greece at first
the heir of the Orient, developing an early culture under for-
eign influences, which soon passed away, leaving only the
memories and monuments of the Mycenaean age. We have seen
her afterward showing a spirit of freedom and independence,
in politics, in literature, in art, in philosophy, breaking
away from the servile spirit and despotic authority of the East,
and developing in the age of Pericles a culture far superior
to that of any earlier people. We have also seen her in her
political decline and fall, still maintaining her intellectual
supremacy and scattering the fruits of her culture among the
various peoples with whom she was brought into contact. We
must, therefore, look upon the influence of Greece as one of
the most powerful factors in the civilization of the ancient
world, and we should also remember that this beneficial influ-
ence was not limited to the countries of the old world, but
has continued down to our own day. Whatever flaws we may
have discovered in the old Greek character, we should not fail
to appreciate that peculiar type of intellectual and assthetic
culture which was developed by the people of Hellas and
which forms one of the great bequests of antiquity to modern
times.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. HELLENIC AND HELLENISTIC CULTURE. Hellenic Culture in
Greece. Post-Aristotelian Philosophy. Spread of Hellenism in
the East. Meaning- of Hellenistic Culture.
II. HELLENISTIC CULTURE IN ASIA MINOR. Pergamum as a
Center of Culture. Architecture and Sculpture of Pergamum.
Literature and Science of Pergamum. The School of Rhodes.
Examples of Pure Hellenic Art.
III. HELLENISTIC CULTURE IN SYRIA. The Civilization of the
Seleucida?. Antioch as a Center of Culture. Attempt to Hellen-
ize the Jews.
IV. HELLENISTIC CULTURE IN EGYPT. Alexandria as a Center
of Culture. Museum and Library of Alexandria. The Literature
and Scholarship of Alexandria. Alexandrian Science and Philos-
ophy. Influence of Greek Civilization.
258 THE GREEK WORLD
BEFEBENCES FOB BEADING
Ducoudray, Ch. 10, "The Diffusion of the Greek Genius" (I). 1
Felton, Vol. II., pp. 275-278, "Spread of Hellenism" (10).
Mahaffy, Survey, Ch. 9, "The Hellenistic World" (10).
- Greek Life, Ch. 9, "Alexandria and its Rivals" (10).
- Alexander's Empire, Ch. 10, "The Golden Age of Hellen-
ism"; Ch. 20, "Commerce and Culture of Peigamum and
Rhodes" (10).
Holm, Vol. IV., Ch. 14, "Culture of the Greek World, 300-220
B. c." (10).
Gardner, P., Ch. 15, "Successors of Alexander and Greek civiliza-
tion" (10).
Gardner, E. A., Handbook, Ch. 5, "The Hellenistic Age" (12).
Freeman, Essay, "The Macedonian Period" (3).
Tarbell, Ch. 10, "Hellenistic Period of Greek Sculpture" (12).
Butcher, pp. 1-40, "What We Owe to the Greeks" (10).
'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
THE ROMAN WORLD
PERIOD I, BEGINNINGS OF THE ROMAN STATE
(753-343 B, 0.)
CHAPTER XVII
ITALY AND THE TKADITIONAL ORIGIN OF ROME
I. THE GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY
Transition to Roman History. In our study of the history
of the ancient world we have considered the early stages of
civilization among the peoples of the Orient, and also the
great advancement made by the Greeks in the way of intel-
lectual and esthetic culture. We are now to consider the
work performed by another people in promoting the progress
of mankind. This people was the Eomans. It was the Ro- ^
mans who supplied what was lacking in all the other great i
nations of antiquity the genius for political organization. It/
is true that we have seen great empires established in the East ;
but these empires were founded only upon conquest, and did
not incorporate their subjects as a part of the state. It is
also true that the Greeks developed a great love of liberty ; but
their love of liberty was so great as to prevent them from form-
ing a political union with a common national authority. The
Romans, on the other hand, not only conquered the most im-
portant countries of the old world; they also made of these
259
260
THE ROMAN WORLD
different countries one united people organized under a com-
mon government and a common system of law.
In our study of the history of Rome there are three things
which we should constantly keep in mind. In the first place,
we should notice the successive steps by which the Roman
territory was enlarged expanding from a small spot on the
MOUNTAINS,
RIVERS, AND
DIVISIONS OF
ITALY
Tiber, until it took
in the whole peninsula of
Italy, and finally all the coun-
tries on the Mediterranean Sea.
In the next place, we should
notice the methods by which the
various conquered peoples were gradually incorporated into the
state, and the way in which the government was modified and
strengthened to meet the wants of the growing nation.
Finally, we should notice how the ideas and customs of the
ITALY AND THE ORKilN OK Ko.YIE
conquered countries were taken up and welded together into a
new and wider civilization.
The Italian Peninsula. The study of Roman history prop-
erly begins with the geography of Italy ; because it was in Italy
that the Roman people had their origin, and it was here that
they began their great career. It was only when the Romans
had conquered and organized Italy that they were able to con-
quer and govern the world. The position of the Italian penin-
sula was favorable to the growth of the Roman power. It was
situated almost in the center of the Mediterranean Sea, on the
shores of which had flourished the great nations of antiquity-
Egypt, Phcenicia, Carthage, Greece, and Macedonia. By con-
quering Italy, Rome thus obtained a commanding position
among the nations of the ancient world. As the peninsula
projects southward into the Mediterranean it bends toward
the east, so that its southern coasts afforded an easy access
to the civilized peoples of Greece. The eastern shores of the
peninsula, washed by the Adriatic Sea, with few bays and
harbors, were not favorable to the early progress of the people ;
while the western coasts, bordering upon the Tyrrhenian Sea,
with their numerous indentations furnished greater opportu-
nities for commerce and a civilized life.
The Mountains and Rivers of Italy. There are two im-
portant mountain chains which belong to Italy, the Alps and
the Ap'ennines. (1) The Alps form a semicircular boundary
on the north and afford a formidable barrier against the
neighboring countries of Europe. Starting from the sea at
its western extremity, this chain stretches toward the north
for about 150 miles, when it rises in the lofty peak of Mt.
Blanc, 15,000 feet in height; and then continues its course in
an easterly direction for about 330 miles, approaching the
head of the Adriatic Sea, and disappearing along its coast. It
is crossed by several passes, through which foreign peoples
have sometimes found their way into the peninsula. (2) The
Apennines, beginning at the western extremity of the Alps,
262 THE ROMAN WORLD
extend through the whole length of the peninsula, forming the
backbone of Italy. From this main line are thrown off numer-
ous spurs and scattered peaks. Sometimes the Apennines have
furnished to Eome a kind of barrier against invaders from the
north.
The most important river of Italy is the Po, which, with
its hundred tributaries, drains the fertile valley in the north,
lying between the Alps and the Apennines. In the peninsula
proper the eastern and western slopes are drained by many
streams, the largest and most noted of which is the Tiber, flow-
ing into the Tyrrhenian Sea.
Climate and Products. The climate of Italy varies greatly,
as we pass from the north to the south. In the valley of the
Po the winters are often severe, and the air is chilled by the
neighboring snows of the Alps. In central Italy the climate
is mild and agreeable, snow being rarely seen south of the
Tiber, except on the ranges of the Apennines; while in south-
ern Italy we approach a climate almost tropical, the land
being often swept by the hot south wind, the sirocco, from the
plains of Africa.
The soil of Italy is generally fertile, especially in the plains
of the Po and the fields of Campania. The staple products in
ancient times were wheat, the olive, and the vine. For a long
time Italy took the lead of the world in the production of
olive oil and wine. The production of wheat declined when
Kome, by her conquests, came into commercial relation with
more fertile countries, such as Egypt.
The Divisions of Italy. For the purpose of convenience
and to aid us in our future study, we may divide ancient
Italy into three divisions: northern, central, and southern.
(1) Northern Italy comprised the whole continental portion
from the Alps to a line drawn along the Apeninnes from the
river Macra on the west to the Ru'bicon on the east. It con-
tained three distinct countries : Liguria toward the west, Cisal-
pine Gaul in the center, and Venetia toward the east.
ITALY AND THE ORIGIN OF ROME 263
(2) Central Italy comprised the northern part of the penin-
sula proper, that is, the territory between the line just drawn
from the Macra to the Rubicon, and another line drawn from
the Sil'arus on the west to the Frento on the east. This terri-
tory contained six countries, namely, three on the western
coast, Etruria. Latium (la'shi-um) , and Campania; and
three on the eastern coast and along the Apennines, Umbria,
Pice'num, and what we call the Sabellian country, which in-
cluded many mountain tribes, chief among which were the
Sa'bines and the Sam'nites.
(3) Southern Italy comprised the rest of the peninsula and
contained four countries, namely, two on the western coast,
Lucania and Bruttium, extending into the toe of Italy; and
two on the eastern coast, Apulia and Calabria (or lapygia),
extending into the heel of Italy.
II. THE PEOPLES OF ITALY
The Settlement of Italy. Long before Rome was founded,
every part of Italy was already peopled. Many of the peo-
ples living there came from' the north, around the head of
the Adriatic, pushing their way toward the south into dif-
ferent parts of the peninsula. Others came from Greece by
way of the sea, settling upon the southern coast. It is of
course impossible for us to say precisely how Italy was set-
tled. It is enough for us at present to know that most of the
earlier settlers spoke an Indo-European, or Aryan, language,
and that when they first appeared in Italy they were scarcely
civilized, living upon their flocks and herds and just beginning
to cultivate the soil.
The Italic Tribes. The largest part of the peninsula was
occupied by a number of tribes which made up the so-called
Italic race. We may for convenience group these tribes into
four divisions, the Latins, the Oscans, the Sabellians, and the
Umbrians.
264
THE ROMAN WORLD
(1) The Latins dwelt in central Italy, just south of the
Tiber. They lived in villages scattered abo\it Latium, tilling
their fields and tending their flocks. The village was a col-
lection of straw-thatched huts; it generally grew up about a
hill, which was fortified, and to which the villagers could
retreat in times of danger. Many of these Latin villages
or hill-towns grew into cities, which were united into a
league for mutual pro-
tection, and bound to-
gether by a common
worship (of Jupiter Lati-
aris), and by an annual
festival which they cele-
J ."f- \ ^ V o~^% Crated on the Alban
K<4fe,, '.. : "x -; <?. Mount, near which was
4 Xitt i- j ^
situated Alba Longa,
their chief city (see
map, p. 284).
(2) The scans were
the remnants of an early
Italic people which in-
THE PEOPLES OF ITALY habitod the country
stretching southward from Latium, along the western coast.
In their customs they were like the Latins, although perhaps
not so far advanced. Some authors include in this branch
the vEquians, the Her'nicans, and the Volscians, who carried
on many wars with Rome in early times.
(3) The Sabeliians embraced the most numerous and war-
like peoples of the Italic stock. They lived to the east and south
of the Latins and Oscans, extending along the ridges and slopes
of the Apennines. They were devoted not so much to farming
as to the tending of flocks and herds. They lived also by
plundi i iiiLT tlu-ir neighbors' harvests and carrying off their
neighbors' cattle. They were broken up into a great numher
of tribes, the most noted of which were the Samnites, a hardy
TYRRHENIAN
- SEA
ITALY AND THE ORIGIN OF ROME
265
race which became the great rival of the It 0111:111 people for tin-
possession of central Italy. Another Sabcllian people were
the Sabines, who were early united to Koine.
(4) The Umbrians lived to the north of the Sabellians.
They are said to have been the oldest people of Italy. But
when the Romans came into contact with them, they had
become crowded into a comparatively small territory, and
were not very important. They were broken up into small
A TEMPORARY VILLAGE OF STRAW HUTS IN MODERN ITALY
SUPPOSED TO BE LIKE AN ANCIENT LATIN VILLAGE
tribes, living in hill-towns and villages, and these were often
united into loose confederacies.
The Etruscans. Northwest of Latium dwelt the Etruscans,
in some respects the most remarkable people of early Italy.
Their origin is shrouded in mystery. In early times they
were a powerful nation, stretching from the Po to the Tiber,
and having possessions even in the plains of Campania. Their
cities were fortified, often in the strongest manner, and also
linked together in confederations. Their prosperity was
founded not only upon agriculture, but also upon commerce.
Their religion was a gloomy and weird superstition, in
266 THE ROMAN WORLD
which they thought that they could discover the will of the
gods by means of augury, that is, by watching the flight of
birds and by examining the entrails of animals. The Etrus-
cans were great builders; and their massive walls, durable
roads, well-constructed sewers, and imposing sepulchers show
the greatness of their civilization.
The Greeks in Italy. But the most civilized and cultivated
people in Italy were the Greeks, who had planted their colonies
at Taren'tum, and on the western coast as far as Naples
(Neapolis) in Campania. So completely did these coasts be-
come dotted with Greek cities, enlivened with Greek com-
merce, and influenced by Greek culture, that this part of the
peninsula received the name of Magna Graecia. The Greeks
also, as we have already seen (p. 157), held the eastern and
southern coasts of Sicily, while the Carthaginians were en-
croaching upon the western coast of the island.
The Gauls. If the Greeks in the extreme south were the
most civilized people of Italy, the Gauls or Celts, in the
extreme north, were the most barbarous. Crossing the Alps
from western Europe, they had pushed back the Etruscans
and occupied the plains of the Po; hence this region received
the name which it long held, Cisalpine Gaul. From this land
the Gauls made frequent incursions toward the south, and
were for a long time a terror to the other peoples of Italy.
III. THE EARLY LEGENDS OF ROME*
Leg-ends regarding the Founding of the City. The ancient
Romans knew as little as we do regarding the way in
which Italy was first peopled. But they fancied that
they had in their legends the true story of the settlement of
Latium and the founding of their own city. These legends
as told by the historian Livy and sung by the poet Vergil
recount the wanderings of ^ne'as with his heroic h;ni<l of
Trojan warriors after the fall of Troy; their landing upon
ITALY AND THK ORIGIN OF ROME
2(57
(Coin)
the shores of Latium; their founding of the city of Lavinium
and later of Alba Longa. These legends also tell of the
miraculous birth of the twin children Rom'ulus and Remus,
whose reputed father was Mars, the god of war; of their
being thrown into the Tiber and of their being rescued by
a wolf, near the foot of the Pal'atine hill (map, p.- 272) ;
of their desire afterward to found a new city on the spot of
their deliverance; of their quarrel, which
resulted in the death of Remus, leaving
Romulus as the surviving founder of the
city. The date of the founding of the
city, according to Roman reckoning, was
753 B. c.
Legends of the Early Kings. According
to the old legends Rome was at first a
kingdom, and the first king was Romulus. To people his
new city he opened an asylum for refugees, and he captured
wives from the neighboring Sabines. He divided the people
into tribes, curies, and clans. He formed an alliance be-
tween the Romans and the Sabines, who agreed to live peace-
fully together as cit-
izens of one town.
After a reign of
thirty-seven years
he was translated to
heaven and worshiped un-
der the name of Quiri'nus.
The second king was
Numa Pompil'ius, a
Sabine, who was elected
by the people, after an
interregnum of a year.
He was a peaceful ruler;
was said to hold communication with the gods; and was
regarded as the founder of the religious institutions of Rome,
ROMTJLTTS AND REMUS AND
THE WOLF.
208
THE ROMAN WORLD
as Romulus was regarded as the founder of the political
institutions.
During the reign of the third king, Tullus Hostil'ius, a
war was carried on with Alba Longa. The issue of this war
was decided, so the story goes, by a combat between the three
Hora'tii, champions of the Romans, and the three Curia'tii,
champions of Alba resulting in the triumph of the Romans
and the submission of Alba to the Roman power.
The fourth king, Ancus Marcius, was a Sabine, the grand-
son of Numa. He too was a man of peace, but was drawn
into a war with several of the Latin cities. Having subdued
them, he transferred their inhabitants to the Av'entine hill
(map, p. 272).
Legends of the Later Kings. The three later kings of
Rome are represented as having been Etruscans. The first of
these was Tarquin'ius Priscus, who migrated to Rome from
the Etruscan city of Tar-
quinii. He strengthened his
position as king by adopting
the royal insignia of the
Etruscans a crown of gold,
a scepter, an ivory chair, a
purple toga, etc. He car-
ried on war with the Latins
and Sabines, drained the city,
laid out the forum, and
dedicated a temple to Jupiter
on the Cap'itoline hill.
The next of the later kings
was Servius Tullius, the son
THE I:..DER BRUTUS of ft gkve womfln of the king > s
househofd. He united Rome and the Latin cities in a
league; reorganized the government, and erected a new wall
inclosing the seven hills.
The last king was Tarquinius Superbus, who ruled as a
ITALY AND THK ORIGIN OF ROME 269
'despot, and was at last driven from the throne by the elder
Brutus and his friend Collati'nus (510 B. c.)
Legends of the Early Kepublic. The legends contain many
stories relating not only to the overthrow of the kingdom but
to the early years of the republic. It is said that after the
last Tarquin was expelled, the people elected in his stead
Brutus and Collatinus to rule them for a year; that Brutus
condemned his own sons to death for conspiring to restore
the Tarquins; that the Etruscans
under a prince called- Lars Por-
sen'na (or Por'sena) lent their aid
to the Tarquins, and that their armies
were prevented from entering Rome
by the heroic defense of the wooden
bridge by Horatius Codes. It is re-
lated that the cause of the banished
king was then espoused by the Latins HORATIUS COCLES
and that their armies were defeated at
the battle of Lake Regil'lus (near Tusculum) by the aid of
the twin gods Castor and Pollux.
Significance of the Roman Legends. ^Such were some of
the stories which, embellished with' many miraculous incidents,
the Romans were proud to relate, as explaining the origin
of their city and the beginning of their institutions. Like
all other legends these stories have little value as evidence
of what actually took place. They contain many improbable
details, which were evidently based not upon fact, but upon
fancy. They refer to particular persons as the creators of
their institutions, although fhese must have been the result
of a slow process of growth. Some of the stories were bor-
rowed from the Greeks, and used by the Romans for their
own purpose. So incredible are some of these legends that
the whole body of this traditional history is sometimes set
aside as unworthy of belief or even of serious consideration.
But while their credibility may be questioned, the signifi-
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 16
270 THE ROMAN WORLD
cance of these traditions should not be overlooked. While they
may riot indicate what actually occurred, they show what the
people really believed. They show that the Romans took
pride in their political institutions, that they honored the
virtues of courage and patriotism, and that they believed their
destiny was in the hands of the gods. They continued to be
an inspiration to the Roman people in their wars, in their
political life, in their literature and art. While we may not
regard these legends as history, it is yet true that, without a
knowledge of them, there is much in Roman history that we
could not understand.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. JHE GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY. Transition to Roman History.
The Italian Peninsula. The Mountains and Rivers of Italy.
Climate and Products. The Divisions of Italy.
II. THE PEOPLES OF ITALY. The Settlement of Italy. The
Italic Tribes. The Etruscans. The Greeks in Italy. The Gauls.
III. THE EARLY LEGENDS OF ROME. Legends regarding- the
Founding of the City. Legends of the Early Kings. Legends
of the Later Kings. Legends of the Early Republic. Signifi-
cance of the Roman Legends.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Liddell, Bk. I., "Rome under the Kings" (18). >
Merivale, General History, Ch. 3, "The Earliest Legends" (18).
Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 1, "The Traditions" (18).
How and Leigh, Ch. 2, "The Peoples of Italy"; Ch. 3 (legends of
the kings) (18).
Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 5 (18).
Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. I., Ch. 9, "The Etruscans"; Ch. 10, "The
Hellenes in Italy" (18).
Livy, Bk. I. (legends of the kings) (25).
Vergil, Bk. I. (wanderings of ^Eneas) (25).
Munro, Source Book, Part I., "Italy Rome" (25).
'The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
CHAPTER XVIII
THE EARLY CITY TATE REGAL ROME
I. ORIGIN OF THE KOMAN CITY
The Site of Rome. By studying the situation of Some
itself we may perhaps get a clearer idea of the probable origin
of the city than we can obtain from the traditional stories.
The city was located on the southeast bank of the river Tiber,
about eighteen miles from the sea. To the south of this
locality was La-
tium, or the coun-
try of the Latins;
to the northeast
was the country of
the Sabines ; and
to the northwest,
across the Tiber,
was the land of
the Etruscans. The
city thus grew up
at the point of con-
tact between three LANDS ABOUT THE TlBER
different peoples, who exercised a great influence upon the
early development of the state.
If we look more closely at this locality, we shall see that it
contained a group of seven hills which could be occupied and
defended against the attack of enemies. Of these hills three lay
to the northeast the Quir'inal, the Yim'inal, and the Es'qui-
line; three lay to the south the Palatine, the Calian, and
271
?Lavinium ; .
Tusculum
M
272
THE ROMAN WORLD
THE HILLS OF ROME
the Aventine; while between these two minor groups rose
the small and rugged elevation of the Capitoline. The most
important of these hills were the Quirinal in the first group,
and the Palatine in
the second. These
hills were the best
fitted for defense,
and hence for occu-
pation by settlers.
If we compare these
two hills, it is evi-
dent that the Pala-
tine occupies the most
central and c o in -
manding position,
and its settlers, as we shall see, became the controlling people
of the seven-hilled city.
The Latin Settlement on the Palatine. So far as we know,
the first people to get a foothold upon the site of Rome were
the Latins, who formed a settlement upon and about the Pala-
tine hill. This Latin settlement was at first a small village.
It consisted of a few farmers and shepherds who were sent out
from Latium (perhaps from Alba Longa) as a sort of
outpost, both to protect the Latin
frontier and to trade with the neigh-
boring tribes. The people who formed
this settlement were called Ramnes.
They dwelt in their rude straw .huts
on the slopes of the Palatine, and on
the lower lands in the direction of the
Aventine and the Caelian. The out-
lying lands furnished the fields which
they tilled and used for pasturage. For protection against
attacks, the sides of the Palatine hill were strengthened by a
wall built of rude but solid masonry. This fortified place was
HrT-sii.\iM:i> I T I:N
THE EARLY CITY STATE
273
called Roma Quadra ta, or " Square Rome." It formed the cita-
del of the colony, into which the settlers could drive their cattle
and conduct their families when attacked by hostile neighbors.
It is interesting to know that the primitive wall of the Palatine
"WALL OF ROMULUS"
city, known as the " Wall of Romulus/' has in recent years been
uncovered, so that we can see its general character.
The Sabine Settlement on the Quirinal. Opposite the Pala-
tine settlement there grew up a settlement on the Quirinal hill.
This Quirinal settlement seems to have been an outpost or col-
ony of the Sabine people, just as the Palatine settlement was a
Latin colony. The Sabines were pushing southward from
beyond the A'nio. The settlers on the Quirinal were called
Tit'i-es; their colony formed a* second hill-town, similar in
character and nearly equal in extent, to the Palatine town.
Union of the Romans and the Sabines. The two hill-towns
which thus faced each other naturally became rivals for the
874
THE ROMAN WORLD
possession of the lands near the Tiber ; but being so nearly of
equal strength, neither could conquer the other. They there-
fore formed an alliance, were united by a permanent league,
and really became a single city or perhaps we might better
call it a double city. To celebrate this union, the intervening
space was dedicated to the two,-faced god, Janus, who watched
the approaches of both towns, and whose temple was said to
have been built by Numa. The Capitoline hill was chosen
SCALE OF FEET
THE CITY OF THE EARLY KINGS THE THREE .TRIBES
A, Roma Quadrata. B, Arx, or Citadel
Temples, Altars, etc.: 1, Jupiter Capitolinus ; 2, Janus; 3, Quirinus;
4, Vesta ; 5, Tarpeian Rock
as the common citadel. The space between the two towns
was used as a common market place (forum), and also as a
place for the common meeting of the people (comitium) . This
union of the Palatine and Quirinal towns into one community,
with a common religion and government, was an event of
great importance. It was, in fact, the first step in the process
of " incorporation " which afterward made Rome the most
powerful city of Latium, of Italy, and finally of the world;
THE EAKLY CITY STATE 275
The Third Settlement, on the Cselian. The union of the-
Romans (Kamnes) and the Sabines (Titles) was followed by
the introduction of a third people, called the Lu ceres. This
people was probably a body of Latins who had been conquered
and settled upon the Caelian hill, although they are sometimes
regarded as having been Etruscans. Whatever may havo
been their origin, it is quite certain that they soon came to be
incorporated as a part of the whole city community. The city
of the early Roman kings thus came to be made up of three
divisions, or "tribes" (tribus, a third part, from tres, three).
The evidence of this threefold origin was preserved in many
institutions of later times. The three settlements were gradu-
ally united into a single city state with ,common social, politi-
cal, and religious institutions. By this union the new city
became strong and able to compete successfully with its
neighbors.
II. THE CITY STATE OF THE EARLY KINGS
The Early Roman Society. To understand more fully the
beginnings of the Roman state, we must look at the way in
which the people were organized, that is, how they were ar-
ranged in social groups. Each tribe was made up of a num-
ber of smaller groups, called curies (curice) ; and these^ in
turn were composed of different clans (or gentes), which
themselves consisted of several families. The early Roman
society was therefore formed by the union of families, gentes,
curiae, and tribes.
(1) The family was the smallest unit of Roman society.
At its head was the household father (pater familias). His
power extended to " life and death " which is simply another
way of saying that his authority was supreme within the house-
hold. He performed the family worship about the domestic
altar, upon which the sacred fire was kept burning. The
family consisted of the mother, the sons and grandsons, the
276 THE ROMAN WORLD
unmarried daughters and granddaughters, as well as the
adopted children all of whom remained under the father's
power as long as he lived.
(2) The gens was a group of families which were related to
one another, having the same name and supposed to be
descended from a common ancestor. It was presided over
by a common chief, who performed the religious rites of the
gens, and led the people in time of war.
(3) The curia was a collection of gentes which had united
at first for their common defense, but had come to form an
organized community, with a common chief, a council of
elders, and an assembly composed of all men capable of bear-
ing arms.
(4) The tribe was composed of a number of curise which had
formed an alliance for their common protection. The tribe
had come to have a political organization a chief, who was
priest, commander in war, and judge ; a council of elders ; and
a general assembly. The communities on the Palatine and
Quirinal hills were each such a tribe, before they united to
form a common state.
The Early Roman Government. With the union of the
first two tribes, their governments were also united so as to
form a single government. For example, their two kings
were replaced by one king chosen alternately from each tribe.
Their councils and assemblies were also united so as to form
single bodies. And when the. third tribe is added, we have
a single king, a single council of three hundred members, and
a single assembly of thirty curia? (comi'tia curia' ta).
(1) The Roman -king (rex) was the chief of the whole
people. He was elected, or at least approved, by the people,
and inaugurated under the sanction of the gods. He was in
a sense the father of the whole nation their chief priest, their
commander in war, and their supreme judge. Like the father
in the household, he had the power of life and death over all
his subjects.
THE EARLY CITY STATE 277
(2) The Roman senate, or council of elders, was composed
of the chief men of the gentes, who were chosen by the king
to assist him with their advice. Upon the death of the- king
they might choose a temporary king (interrex) to act as ruler
until the regular successor was elected.
(3) The comitia curiata was the assembly of all the people
capable of bearing arms, arranged by curia?. Each curia had
a single vote, and the will of the assembly was determined by a
majority of such votes. In a certain sense the assembly was
the highest authority in the state. It elected the king and
passed a law (lex curiata de imperio) conferring upon him
his power. To it the king submitted important questions, like
those regarding peace or war. The early city state may there-
fore be described as a democratic monarchy, in which the king
derived his power from the people.
The Early Roman Religion. The Roman people were
strongly influenced by religious ideas. All powe.r, from that
of the household father to that of the king, was believed to
be sanctioned by the gods. The general character of the early
Roman religion may be seen in the nature of their deities,
their religious officers, and the religious observances.
(1) To the ancestral gods, which were worshiped in the
family and gens, were added the gods of nature, which the
Romans saw everywhere. These early deities were those which
naturally sprang from the imagination of a pastoral and agri-
cultural people, Tellus, the goddess of the earth; Saturn,
the god of sowing ; Ceres, the goddess of the harvest ; Minerva,
of olives; Flora, of flowers; Liber, the god of wine. When
the people were united into one state, they chose as their na-
tional gods, Jupiter, the god of the sky ; Mars, the god of war ;
and Quirinus, or the deified Romulus.
(2) The religious officers were appointed by the king to
maintain the national worship. To each of the three na-
tional gods was assigned a special priest, called a flamen. The
Satii watched over the shield of Mars, which was supposed
278
THE ROMAN WORLD
to have fallen from heaven. Six vestal
virgins kept always burning the fires of
Vesta, the goddess of the hearth and of
domestic happiness. The fetia'les presided
over the formalities of declaring war.
Special pontiffs, under a pontifex maximus,
THE Six VESTALS had charge of the religious festivals and
(Medallion)
ceremonies.
(3) The religious observances of the Romans consisted
chiefly of prayers, offerings,
and festivals. Their prayers
I were addressed to the gods to
, obtain divine favors, and
were often accompanied by
vows. Their offerings con-
sisted either of the fruits
of the earth, as flowers, wine,
milk, and honey; or the
sacrifice of animals, such
as oxen, sheep, and swine.
Their festivals, which were
celebrated in honor of the
gods, were very numerous
and were scattered through the different months of the year.
A ROMAN SACRIFICE
III. THE CITY STATE OF THE LATER KINGS
The Etruscan Influence. The city state of the early kings
was, as \ve ha vi' seen, extremely simple in its organization
with its king, its senate, and its general assembly. This politi-
cal organization was somewhat changed by the later kings,
who arc snpno^-d lo h;ive come from Etruria. The kini^ !'
Ktniria wiv powerful ruler?, and for a time threatened to
become tin- sovereigns of central Italy. It seems quite cer-
tain that Rome, during the later period of the kingdom,
THE EARLY CITY STATE 279
came under their control. These kings brought with them
their own insignia of royal power tho golden crown, the
ivory scepter, the ivory throne or " curule chair," the twelve
lictors, each carrying a bundle of rods (fasces) containing
an ax, the symbol of absolute power. The Etruscans also
brought with them the art of the harus'pices, or soothsayers, by
which the will of the gods was supposed to be discerned in the
heavens, as well as in the entrails of the animals slain for the
sacrifice. Moreover, the Etruscans were great builders; they
introduced the arch, which they used in sewers, and which the
Romans afterward used in other public works.
The Clients and Plebeians. To understand the political
changes made by the Etruscan kings, we must consider the
new population which was growing up at Rome. The early Ro-
man society, we remember, consisted of the old families and
gentes which had united to form the original state. But there
grew up in time a new body of persons, made up of refugees and
other immigrants, and perhaps of captives taken in war. As
these persons had at first no rights in the state, they attached
themselves to the old Roman families, and were called
"clients." The rights of such persons could be protected by
the Roman citizen whom they might choose as their " patron."
The persons who did not thus attach themselves to a Roman
citizen were in a certain sense the clients of the state, and
were protected in their rights of person and property by the
laws of the state. They had, however, no right to intermarry
with Roman citizens, and no right to a share in the govern-
ment. 1 This new population came to be known as " plebe'-
ians," as opposed to the old body of Roman citizens, who were
known as " patricians."
1 The view here given is questioned by some writers, who hold that the
plebeians, including the clients, were citizens, having the right to vote in
the assembly. Such an opinion, however, seems inconsistent with the later
historical struggles between the patricians and the plebeians, unless the
plebeians were disfranchised after the time of the kingdom and there is
no evidence of such disfranchisement.
280 THE ROMAN WORLD
The New Local Tribes. The Etruscan kings were less
desirous to preserve the old distinctions than to make the
state strong and able to defend itself from its enemies. They
found that the old army as well as the old tax-levy was
drawn from the three patrician tribes, each tribe furnishing
1000 foot soldiers and 100 horsemen. It was evident that
the state would be strengthened if the plebeians, as well as the
patricians, were called upon to serve in the army and to pay
taxes. An entirely new division of the people was therefore
made, based not upon their birth and descent, like the old
patrician tribes, but upon their domicile, that is, the place
where they lived. This change is ascribed to Servius Tullius.
He is said to have divided the whole Roman territory, city
and country, into local districts, like wards and townships.
There were four of these in the city, and sixteen in the coun-
try, the former being called "city tribes" (iribus urbance),
and the latter "rural tribes" (tribus
rusticce). All persons, whether patri-
cians or plebeians, who had settled homes
(assidvi), were enrolled in these new
"local tribes," and were made subject
to military service and the tribal tax
(tributum) .
The New Military Organization. The
next step ascribed to Servius was the
reorganization of the Roman army, so
that it should include all persons who
resided in the Roman territory and were
enrolled in the new local tribes. First
came the cavalry (eq'uites), made up of
SOI.DIKK WITH FULL young wealthy citizens, and arranged in
ARMOR eighteen centuries, or companies of 100
men each. Next came the infantry (ped'ites), which com-
lri-'(l all the rest of the men capable of bearing arms. Tn
ancient times every man was obliged to furnish his own
THE EARLY CITY STATE
weapons. Now as all the people could not afford to obtain
the heavier armor, they were subdivided into "classes" accord-
ing to their wealth, and according to the armor it was supposed
they could afford to furnish. There were five of these classes,
each containing a certain number of centuries one half of
which were made up of the younger men (iuniores) and held
for active service, and the other half made up of the older men
(senior es) and held as reserves. By this arrangement, in
place of the old army of 3300 men, provision was now made
for an army of nearly 20,000 men, which probably comprised
the whole population of Rome capable of bearing arms. 1
The New Assembly, Comitia Centuriata. This arrangement
of the people was first intended for a purely military purpose ;
but it soon came to have a political character also. There was
every reason why the important questions relating to war,
which had heretofore been left to the old body of armed citi-
zens, should now be left to the new body of armed citizens.
As a matter of fact, in the course of time the new fighting body
became a new voting body ; and there thus arose a new assem-
bly called the assembly of the centuries (comitia centuriata).
But this new assembly did not lose its original military char-
acter. For example, it was called together, not by the voice of
the lictors, like the old assembly, but by the sound of the
trumpet. Again, it did not meet in the Forum, where the old
assembly met, but in the Field of Mars (Campus Martins},
outside of the city. It also voted by centuries, that is, by mili-
tary companies. After a time the comitia centuriata acquired
1 We may perhaps get a clearer idea of this new military arrangement
by the following table :
I.
II.
fantry (Pedites)
1st class (40 iuniores, 40 seniores)
80 centuries.
2d " (10 " 10 ) .
20
3d " (10 " 10 ) .
20
4th (10 " 10 ) .
20
5th " (10 " 10 ) .
20
Musicians, Carpenters, Substitutes
15
Total .
193 centuries.
382
THE ROMAN WORLD
the character of a real political and legislative body, of greater
importance than the old comitia curiata.
Growth of the City. These changes in the state show the
influence of the Etruscan kings, who evidently broke away
1000 2000 3000
THE CITY OF THE LATER KINGS WALLS OF SERVIUS
The four Servian regions: I., Suburana ; II., Palatina ; III., Esquilina ;
IV., Collina.
The chief gates of Rome: a, Collina ; 6, Viralnalis ; c, Esquilina; rf,
Querquetulana ; e, Capena ; f, Ratumena.
The chief buildings, etc.: 1, Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus ; 2, Janus:
3, Quirinus ; 4, Vesta ; 5, Saturn ; 6, Diana ; 7, Circus Maximus ; 8, Cloaca
Maxima ; 9, Vicus Tuscus.
from the narrow ideas o f the old patrician aristocracy. Their
influence is also seen in the more durable temples and other
buildings which were constructed during the later kingdom
the temple to Jupiter or the Capitoline hill, the one to Diana
on the Aventine, and the one to Saturn al the foot of the
Capitoline; the Circus Maximus laid out between the Pala-
THE EARLY CITY STATE 283
tine and the Aventine for the amusement of the people; the
Cloa'ca Maxima, or the great drain which ran under the
Forum and emptied into the Tiber; and the new Servian
wall by which the seven hills were encircled by a single forti-
fication. The memory of this Etruscan influence was pre-
served in the name of the "Tuscan Street" (vicus Tuscus)
which was laid out near the Forum.
Conquests in Latium. While Koine was thus becoming
strong, and her people were becoming more united and better
organized, she was al^o gaining power over the neighboring
lands. The people with whom she first came into contact were
the Latins. A number of Latin towns were conquered or
otherwise brought under her power, and some of the con-
quered territory was added to the Roman domain (ager Roma-
nus). She also pushed her conquests across the Anio into the
Sabine country, and across the Tiber into Etruria. So that
before the fall of the kingdom, Eome had begun to be a con-
quering power.
Review of the Roman Kingdom. By the end of the period
of the Inter kings, Rome had come to be a strong city, and
was growing into something like a new nation, with a kind of
national policy. If we should sum up this policy in two
words, these words would be expansion and incorporation. By
" expansion " we mean the extension of Roman power over the
neighboring territory, whether by conquest or by alliance. By
" incorporation " we mean the taking of subject people into
the political body. For example, Rome had first incorporated
the Sabine settlement on the Quirinal ; then the Latin settle-
ment on the Crelian ; and finally the plebeian class, which had
grown up by the side of the patrician class. By pursuing
this kind of policy, Rome had come to be, at the end of the
kingdom, a compact and quite well-organized city state with a
considerable territory of her own (ager Romanus) about the
lower part of the river Tiber, and having a control over the
cities of Latium.
MAP No.
Falerii
Sutrium'
Caere.,
*Nomentum
FideiUEf ^*f o;ia | Sacer
Pedum
' Pr&neste
fc y-
Lavlnj
iTusculum /
?' H E R N
Sigula
ROMAN DOMINION
At the End of the Kingdom
B.C. 510
I__J Roman domain(ager Rotnanus)
F~~] Subject territory in Latium
SCALE OF MILES
5 i5 i5 2s 5>
284
THE EARLY CITY STATK
SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW
I. ORIGIN OF THE ROMAN CITY. The Site of Koine. The Latin
Settlement of the Palatine. The Sabine Settlement of the Quiri-
nal. Union of the Romans and the Sabines. The Third Settle-
ment, on the Caelian.
II. THE CITY STATE OF THE EARLY KINGS. The Early Roman
Society. The Early Roman Government. The Early Roman
Religion.
III. THE CITY STATE OF THE LATER KINGS, The Etruscan In-
fluence. The Clients and Plebeians. The New Local Tribes. The
New Military Organi/ation. The New Assembly. Growth of the
City. Conquests in Latium. Review of the Roman Kingdom.
REFERENCES FOR R*EADING
Schuckburgh, Ch. 5, "The Regal Period" (18). 1
Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 2, "Origin of the City and Commonwealth";
Ch. 3, "Rome under the Kings" (18).
How and Leigh, Ch. 4, "The Regal Period" (18).
Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 9, " People of the Regal Period" (18).
Abbott, Ch. 1, "Rome under the Kings"; Ch. 2, "Monarchical In-
stitutions" (22).
Granrud, First Period, Ch. 1, "Original Constitution of Rome";
Ch. 2, "Later Royal Constitution" (22).
Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. L, Ch. 4, "Beginnings of Rome"; Ch. 5,
"Original Constitution of Rome"; Ch. 6, "The Non-Burgesses
and the Reformed Constitution" (18).
Abridged, Ch. 3, "Rome's Original Constitution"; Ch. -4,
"Reforms of Servius Tullius" (18).
Greenidge, Public Life, Ch. 1, "Earliest Constitution of Rome";
pp. 9-33 (the Roman family) (22).
Parker, Ch. 2, "Roma Quadrata"; Ch. 5, "The City of the Seven
Hills" (20).
Mnnro, Source Book, Part II., "Religion" (25).
J The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
CHAPTER XIX
FHE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLICAN CONSTITUTION
I. THE EARLY EEPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT
The Two Consuls. When the kingdom came to an end, the
power of the kings was put into the hands of two consuls (at
first called prcetors), elected by the people. The consular
power, though derived from the old kingly power, was yet dif-
ferent from it in many respects. In the first place, the power
of the king had been a lifelong power; but the power of the
consuls was limited to one year. Again, the royal power had
been held by one person ; but the consular power was held by
two persons, so that each was a restraint upon the other.
Moreover, the power of the king had been absolute, that is, H
had extended to life and death over all citizens at all times ; the
power of the consuls, on the other hand, was limited, since
they could not exercise the power of life and death, except out-
side of the city and over the army in the field. The consuls
retained the old insignia of the king; but when in the city,
the ax was withdrawn from the fasces. In this way the chief
authority which was placed in the hands of the consuls was
shorn of its worst features. It must also be noted that the
priestly power of the king was not given to the consuls, but
to a special officer, called king of the sacrifices (rex sacroriim) ;
and the management of the finances was put in charge of two
qucestors elected by the people.
The Dictatorship. The Romans were wise enough to see
that in times of great danger the power of the consuls might
not be strong enough to protect the state. To meet such an
emergency a dictator was appointed, who was a sort of tempo-
DEVELOPMENT OV THE REPUBLIC
287
rary king. He had entire control of the city and the army.
He was even given the power of life and death over citizens;
and his lictors (attendants) retained
the ax in the fasces. But this extraor-
dinary power could be held for only
six months, after which time the
dictator could be held responsible for
his acts while in office. With the
dictator there was generally appointed
another officer, who was second in
authority, called the master of horse;
but over him, as over every one else,
the dictator was supreme.
The New Senators. When the con-
suls were elected, it is said that one of
their first acts was to fill up the senate
to the number of three hundred mem-
bers. The last king had practically
ruled without the senate, and he had
no reason to fill the vacancies when they occurred. But the
new consuls wished the help of the senate, and therefore de-
sired to keep its numbers complete. The new senators who
were enrolled were called conscripti; and the whole body of
senators became known as patres conscripti.
The Popular Assemblies. With the establishment of the
republic, the two assemblies with which we are already ac-
quainted, the comitia curiata and the comitia centuriata, both
remained. But the former lost a great deal of its old power,
which became transferred to the latter. The assembly of the
centuries was thus the body in which the people generally
expressed their will. Here they elected the officers, and passed
the most important laws. It was this assembly which became
the chief legislative body during the early republic.
The Laws of Valerius Poplicola. It is said that after the
death of Brutus, his colleague Valerius (who had succeeded
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 17
LICTORS
288 THE ROMAN WORLD
Collatinus) did not call an assembly to elect another consul.
This aroused the fear that Valerius wished to make himself
king. But it was soon found that instead of aiming to be
king, he was preparing a set of laws which would prevent any
one from becoming king, and would also protect the people
from the arbitrary power of their magistrates. One of these
laws declared that any person who assumed the chief power
without the people's consent should be condemned as a traitor.
Another law granted to every citizen the right of an appeal to
the people, in case he was condemned for a capital crime.
These laws, known as the Valerian laws, may be called the
"first charter of Roman liberty," because they protected the
people from the exercise of arbitrary power. So highly
honored was Valerius that he was surnamed Poplic'ola, or
the People's Friend.
II. THE STRUGGLE FOR ECONOMIC RIGHTS
Relation of the Patricians to the Plebeians. The patricians
and plebeians had united in their efforts to drive out the kings ;
but when the struggle against the kingship was ended, the
chief fruits of the victory fell to the patricians. The plebe-
ians could, it is true, still vote in the comitia centuriata ; but
they could not hold any of the new offices, nor could they sit
in the senate. Rome became a republic, but it was an
aristocratic, and not a democratic republic; that is, the chief
power rested not in the whole people, but in a particular class.
The plebeians might perhaps have submitted to the govern-
ment of the patricians, if it had not been exercised in a selfish
and oppressive manner. But the patrician rule proved to
be as despotic as that of the kings; and a long and fierce
struggle ensued between the two orders.
Economic Distress of the Plebeians. The sorest burden
which now rested upon the plebeians was the harsh law of
debt. Having lost their property by the misfortunes of war,
DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC
they were obliged to borrow money of the rich patricians ; and
they were thus reduced to the condition of a debtor class. But
a debtor in the early days of Rome was especially wretched.
If he could not pay his debt, he was liable to be arrested,
thrown into a dungeon, and made the slave of his creditor.
His lot was chains, stripes, and slavery.
Another cause which kept the plebeians in a state of poverty
was the unjust distribution of the public land (ager publicus)
which had been acquired in war. This land properly belonged
to all the people, and
might have been used to
relieve the distress of the
poor. But the govern-
ment was in the hands of
the patricians, and they
disposed of this land
for their own benefit; ROMAN FARMEB
they allowed it to be "occupied," at a nominal rent, by mem-
bers of their own order. As long as the land remained
public, it could not be sold by the occupants ; but the longer
the rich patricians retained the occupation of this land, the
more they would look upon it as their own property, and
ignore the fact that it belonged to the whole Eoman people.
Thus the common people were deprived of their just share
of the land which they had helped to conquer.
First Secession of the Plebeians. It was the hard law of
debt which first drove the plebeians to revolt. As there was
no legal way to redress their wrongs, they decided that they
would no longer serve in the army, but leave the patricians to
fight their own battles. They therefore deserted their general,
marched in full array to a hill beyond the Anio, which they
called the Sacred Mount (Mons Sacer), and proposed to form
an independent city (494 B. c.). The patricians saw that
the loss of the plebeian army would be the destruction of
Rome. They were therefore compelled to agree that the debts
290 THE ROMAN WORLD
of all insolvent persons should be canceled, and that those
imprisoned on account of debt should be released.
The Tribunes of the People. But the most important result
of this first secession was the creation of a new office, that of
tribune of the people. In order to protect the plebeians from
any further oppressive acts on the part of the patrician magis-
trates, it was agreed to appoint two tribunes from among the
plebeians themselves. These new officers were given the power
to "veto" that is, to forbid the act of any magistrate
wlm-h l>oro unjustly upon any citizen. In order that the
tribunes might exercise their authority without hindrance,
their persons were made " inviolable " which means that they
could not be arrested, and that any one who interfered with
them in the exercise of their lawful duty could be put to
death. There were also appointed two plebeian cediles, to take
charge of the public buildings and to perform police duty.
The Plebeian Assembly; the Comitia Tributa. The meet-
ings which the plebeians had occasionally held before this
time now assumed the character of a permanent assembly
(concilium plebis). This assembly could be called together
by the tribunes, and was permitted to elect its own officers, the
tribunes and a?diles.
We find soon after this that the plebeian assembly was re-
organized upon a " tribal " basis, and was made to comprise all
the people living in the different " local tribes " both patri-
cians and plebeians. This newly organized assembly was gen-
erally called the comitia iribu'ia, and in it the plebeians, being
more numerous, were able to exercise a great deal of influence. 1
The Agrarian Proposal of Spurius Cassius. The second
'The relation of the concilium plebis to the comlHa tributa is a subject
concerning which there has heen much dispute, on account of the Indefinite
references made to them by the ancient writers. The various views are
(1) that they were identical ; (1!) that they were distinct, and so remained ;
and (3) that the concilium plebis was at first a purely plebeian assembly,
which was hitci- tr.-msforniod into the cnniHin tritnitn, composed ,of all
plebeians and patricians living in the tribal districts.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC 291
great cause of complaint was, as we have seen, the unjust
distribution of the public land. To remove this injustice was
the effort of the consul Spurius Cassius. He it was who pro-
posed the first "agrarian law," that is, a law intended to reform
the division of the public land (486 B. c.). It was not his
purpose to take away any private land which legally belonged
to the patricians ; but to make a more just distribution of the
land which properly belonged to the whole state. The passage
of this law was prevented by the patricians; and its author
was charged with treason and condemned to death.
III. THE STRUGGLE FOR EQUAL LAWS
The Demand for a Written Code. The plebeians were at a
great disadvantage during all this time, because the law was
administered solely by the patricians, who kept the knowledge
of it to themselves, and who regarded it as a precious legacy
from their ancestors, too sacred to be shared with the low-born
plebeians. The laws had never been written down or pub-
lished. The patricians could therefore administer them as
they saw fit. Accordingly one of the tribunes, Gaius Teren-
tilius Harsa, proposed that a commission be appointed to
codify the law and to publish it to the whole people. This
proposal, though both fair and just, was bitterly opposed by
the patricians, and was followed by ten years of strife and
dissension. It was finally agreed that a commission of ten
men, called " decemvirs," should be appointed to draw up the
law, and that this law should be published and be binding
upon patricians and plebeians alike. It was also agreed that
the commissioners should all be patricians; and that they
should have entire control of the government while compiling
the laws. Thus for a time the patricians were to give up their
consuls and quaestors, and the plebeians were to give up their
tribunes and aediles. Both parties were to cease their quarrel-
ing and await the work of the decemvirs.
292 THE ROMAN WORLD
The Decemvirs and the XII. Tables (450 B. c.). The first
body of commissioners, or the First Decem'virate, entered
upon the work assigned to it, gathered together the law which
had hitherto been kept secret, and inscribed it on ten tables
of brass. These tables were erected in the Forum, where they
could be seen by every one, and were declared binding on all
the people. At the close of the year, a Second Decemvirate
was appointed to complete the code, and two more tables were
added. This whole body of law was called the Twelve Tables,
and formed the basis of the most remarkable system of law
that the world has ever seen. There was nothing strange,
however, in the XII. Tables themselves. They contained
nothing especially new. The old law of debt remained as it
was, and the distinction between patricians and plebeians was
not destroyed. The XII. Tables were important because they
put the law before the eyes of the people; and plebeians, as
well as patricians, could know what were their rights.
The Second Secession and Overthrow of the Decemvirate.
While the decemvirs were engaged in codifying the laws, the
old republican officers were temporarily suspended. It was
expected that the decemvirs would lay aside their exceptional
authority when their work was accomplished. But it seems
that the second body of decemvirs refused to resign, and
'threatened to establish a permanent despotic government in
place of the old consulate. It is said that the leader of this
movement was Appius Claudius. 1 However this may be, the
people, fearing that their liberties were in danger, once more
seceded from the city. The Roman state seemed again on
the point of ruin, and the decemvirs were forced to resign.
The old government was restored, with newly elected con-
1 With this movement Is connected the traditional story of Virginia :
that she was the henutiful daughter of n plehelan soldier and was killed liy
her father to prevent her from falling Into the hands of Appius Claudius.
Some authorities, however, are Inclined to believe tliai Appius Claudius
was really tl"- friend of the people, and that this story was Invented by
the patricians to bring his name Into dishonor.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE KEPUBLIC 293
suls friendly to the plebeians. These were Lucius Valerius
and Marcus Horatius.
The Valerio-Horatian Laws (448 B. c.). The second seces-
sion of the plebeians resulted not only in the overthrow of the
decemvirate and the restoration of the consulate; it resulted
also in the passage of certain important laws, which received
the name of the new consuls :
(1) The right of appeal in capital cases (p. 288) was re-
affirmed, and this applied to plebeians as well as patricians.
(2) The power of .the plebeian tribunes was sanctioned by
the declaration that he who raised his hand against them
should be accursed.
(3) The authority of the plebeian assembly was made clear
by the provision that its acts should be binding upon the whole
people patricians as well as plebeians. This provision, with
the changes made in its organization (p. 290), made the
comitia tribute a real legislative body for the whole state.
These laws made definite and clear the constitutional rights
of the people, and secured to them the privileges they had al-
ready obtained. They may be called " the second charter of
Eoman liberty" (for the first charter, see p. 288).
The Right of Intermarriage. The XII. Tables had pre-
served the old customary law prohibiting intermarriage be-
tween patricians and plebeians. But soon after the overthrow
of the decemvirate this was superseded by a new law (lex
Canuleia, 445 B. c.) which granted the right of intermarriage
between the two orders. This insured their social and civil
equality, and paved the way for their political equality, and
finally their union into a harmonious people.
IV. THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL EQUALITY
Progress of the Plebeians. In order that we may keep
in mind a little more clearly just what progress the plebeians
had made up to this time, and what they still demanded, let us
294 THE ROMAN WORLD
look for a moment at the following table, which contains a
list of the general rights possessed by a full Koman citizen :
The rights of
citizenship <
(civitas)
Public rights c Right of holding office (hon-
(iura pub- I ores),
lica). [ Right of voting (suffragium) .
f Right of intermarriage (conn-
Private rights j
(iura p r i - -i .~. , ,
I Right of property and con-
[ tract (commercium).
The plebeians already possessed the lowest right, the com-
mercium; they could hold property and carry on trade just
like any other Koman citizens. They had just now obtained
the conubium, or the right of contracting a legal marriage
with a patrician. They had also the suffragium, or the right
of voting in the assemblies of the centuries and of the tribes.
As regards the honores, or the right of holding office, they
could be elected to the lower offices, that is, could be chosen
tribunes of the people and aediles; but could not be elected
to the higher offices, that is, could not be chosen consuls and
quaestors. What the plebeians now wanted was a share in the
higher offices, especially in the consulship.
The Consular Tribunes (444 B. c.). Instead of allowing
the plebeians a direct share in the consulship, the patricians
agreed to the appointment of certain new officers, who should
have the same power but not the same honor as the consuls,
and who could be elected from either the patrician .or the
plebeian class. These new officers were called " military trib-
unes with consular power," sometimes known as consular
tribunes. It was provided, however, that the senate might
in any given year determine whether consuls or consular
tribunes should be elected. As a matter of fact, the son a to
for many years after this time decided in favor of the election
of consuls. But later, as the plebeians grew in political in-
fluence, the election of consular tribunes became the rule.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE KKITKL1C 295
The Censorship and the New Quaestors. As the patricians
saw that the plebeians were growing stronger, they resorted
to a new plan to keep as much power as possible in their own
hands. To do this, they created another new office, the censor-
ship (443 B. c.), and transferred to the two censors some of the
most important powers hitherto exercised by the consuls. The
censors were to draw up the census, that is, to make an esti-
mate of every man's property, to assign each man to a proper
class in the centuries, whether he belonged to the equites or the
pedites, and to designate who was entitled to sit in the senate.
The new censors were to be elected every five years, from the
patrician class. But to offset this advantage, the patricians
agreed that there should be two new qua3stors (421 B. c.), to
be elected from the plebeians.
The Licinian Legislation (367 B. c.). For many years
after the creation of the offices just mentioned the Koman
people were engaged in war with their foreign enemies dur-
ing which time occurred the siege and capture of the Etrus-
can city of Ve'ii (405-396 B. c.) and the destruction of Rome
by the Gauls (390 B. c.). These wars resulted not only in
distracting the attention of the people from constitutional
questions, but also in reducing the lower classes again to a
condition of poverty and distress. This brought economic
questions again to the front. The new reformers were called
upon not simply to continue the work in the direction of
political equality, but to devise some methods to relieve their
fellow-citizens impoverished by the recent wars. 1 The cause
of the people was at last taken up by two able leaders, the
tribunes C. Licin'ius Stolo and L. Sextius. 2 These men
brought forward the following proposals :
lf rhe first attempt to relieve the distress of the poor is said to have
been made by Marcus Manlius, who had defended the Capitol at the time
of the Gallic invasion. But like a previous reformer, Spurius Cassius
(see p. 201), he was charged with treason and put to death.
2 The abbreviations for the most common Latin proper names are the
following : C. for Gaius ; Cn. for Gnseus ; L. for Lucius ; M. for Marcus ;
P. for Publius ; Q. for Quintus ; ,Sp. for Spurius ; T. for Titus.
296 THE ROMAN WORLD
(1) To relieve debtors, it was proposed to apply the inter-
est already paid on a debt to the reduction of the principal
and to allow three years in which to pay the rest of the
debt.
(2) To improve the condition of the poorer citizens, it was
provided that the occupation of the public lands should be
open to all ; that no person should be allowed to hold more than
five hundred jug era (about 300 acres) ; and that the number
of slaves on any estate should be limited, so that free laborers
should have an opportunity to work for wages.
(3) To settle the political strife between the classes it was
proposed that the consular tribunes should be done away with,
and that consuls only should henceforth be elected, one of
whom must be a plebeian.
After some years of strife these proposals became laws ; and
one of their authors, L. Sextius, was elected the first plebeian
consul. On account of the importance of this body of laws
we may call it " the third charter of Koman liberty."
Final Equalization of the Orders. When the Licinian laws
were finally passed, their economic provisions were soon for-
gotten, but the political struggle for the offices still con-
tinued. With the loss of the consulate, the patricians suc-
ceeded in taking away its judicial power and conferring it
upon a new officer called the pra?tor (367 B. c.), who had to be
a patrician. It was also provided that there should be two patri-
cian aediles (called curule sediles) to offset the plebeian rediles.
But it was not many years before all the offices retained by
the patricians were opened to the plebeians, and political
equality was fully established between the two orders. 1 The
old Roman aristocracy based upon blood no longer possessed
any political distinction. The union of patricians and plebe-
*The distinction between the plebeian and the curule irdlleshlp gradually
passed away. The dictatorship was opened to tin- pl<>i>'i;uis in :?."><; . r. ;
the censorship in :?r1 B. c. ; jind the pratorship in '.W7 B. c. The In-
l'p"ii|ctii li-jis'.itivc pmvcr of the comitia tributa was confirmed by the
Horicnwinn law In 286 B. C.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC 297
ians into one compact body of citizens was a great step in tho
growth of that principle of incorporation which finally HUM It;
the Romans the strongest people and gave them the best-organ-
ized government of the ancient world.
Summary of the Republican Constitution. Following is a
brief outline of the constitution of the Roman republic:
I. THE SENATE three hundred members, chosen by the censor,
having 1 control of the religion and the finances, of the
provinces and of foreign affairs, and generally the approval
of laws submitted to the assemblies (auctoritas patrum).
II. THE POPULAR ASSEMBLIES.
1. The Comitia Curiata assembly of the curies, with, gen-
erally speaking 1 , no power except formally to confer the
imperiutn.
2. The Comitia Centuriata assembly of the centuries, presided
over by an officer having" the imperium (consul, praetor, or
dictator); having- the power to elect the consuls, censors,
and praetors, to declare war, to act upon laws submitted to
it, and to decide on appeals in capital cases.
3. The Comitia Tributa assembly of the tribes, presided over
by a tribune, or other high magistrate; having power to
elect the curule aediles and quaestors and to pass laws sub-
mitted to it.
4. The Concilium Plebis originally an assembly of the plebe-
ians only; having power to elect the tribunes and plebeian
aediles and to pass laws at first for the plebeians and after-
ward for the whole people. The relation of this assembly
to the comitia tributa is not clear (p. 290, note).
III. THE MAGISTRATES.
1. The 'Curule Magistrates.
(1) The Consuls two, presided alternately over the
senate, proposed laws to the assemblies, and com-
manded the armies.
(2) The Dictator one, having supreme administrative
power for not more than six months; appointed by the
consul when directed by the senate; assisted by the
Master of Horse (Magister Equitum).
(3) The Praetor at first one, prwtor urbanus, with judicial
authority in cases between citizens; afterward a sec-
ond, pr&tor peregrinus, to judge between foreigners or
between citizens and foreigners.
(4) The Censors two, with power to make the census,
assess the property, classify the people, revise the
senatorial list, and supervise the public morals.
(5) The Curule JEdiles two, having charge of the public
works and the public records.
298 THE ROMAN WORLD
2. The Non-Curule Magistrates.
(1) The Plebeian ^Ediles two, having 1 powers like the
curule aediles.
(2) The Plebeian Tribunes two, afterward ten, with
power of veto and intercession.
(3) The Quaestors two, afterward eight, having charge
of the treasury and public accounts.
All these magistrates were elected annually, except (1) the
censors, who were elected every five years to hold office for a year
and a half, and (2) the dictator, who was appointed only as
occasion required.
SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW
I. THE EARLY REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT. The Two Consuls.
The Dictatorship. The New Senators. The Popular Assem-
blies. The Laws of Valerius Poplicola.
II. THE STRUGGLE FOR ECONOMIC RIGHTS. Relation of the
Patricians to the Plebeians. Economic Distress of the Plebeians.
First Secession of the Plebeians. The Tribunes of the Peo-
ple. The Plebeian Assembly; the Comitia Tributa. The Agrarian
Proposal of Spurius Cassius.
III. THE STRUGGLE FOR EQUAL LAWS. The Demand for a
Written Code. The Decemvirs and the XII. Tables. The Second
Secession and Overthrow of the Decemvirate. The Valerio-
Horatian Laws. The Right of Intermarriage.
IV. THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL EQUALITY. Progress of the
Plebeians. The Consular Tribunes. The Censorship and the
New Quaestors. The Licinian Legislation. Final Equalization of
the Orders. Summary of the Republican Constitution.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Schuckburgh, Ch. 8, "Constitutional History from 509 to 390
B. c." (18). 1
Pelham, Bk. I., Ch. 1, "The Foundation of the Republic and the
Struggle between the Orders" (18).
How and Leigh, Ch. 5, "Institutions of the New Republic"; Ch. 12,
"The Licinian Laws and the Equalization of the Orders" (18).
Taylor, Chs. 3-5, "Struggle between the Orders" (22).
Ihne, Early Rome, Ch. 13, "Tribunes of the People" (18).
Granrud, Second Period, "The Equalization of the Orders" (22).
Greenidge, Public Life, Ch. 2, "Growth of the Republican Con-
stitution" (22).
Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. II., Ch. 1, "Changes of the Constitution";
Ch. 2, "The Tribunate of the Plebs"; Ch. 3, "Equalization of
the Orders" (18).
Livy, Bk. II., Chs. 27-33 (first secession of the plebeians); Bk. III.,
Chs. 33-34 (the decemvirate) (25).
Plutarch, "Publicola" (:.'.).
'Tho fiKuro In p.-irr-nt ti.-sis rofors to the number of the topic in the
\vln-nj a fuller title of the book will be found.
PERIOD II, THE EXPANSION OF THE EOMAN KEPUBLIO
(343-133 B. 0.)
CHAPTER XX
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY
I. CONQUEST OF THE ITALIAN PENINSULA
Character of the New Period. We have traced the steps by
which the early Roman state was gradually developed by the
union of the hill settlements on the Tiber, and by the incorpo-
ration of the plebeians into the body politic. We are now to
trace the steps by which this early city state was gradually
enlarged until it took in the whole of Italy and a large part
of the " Mediterranean coasts. The next period is, therefore,
largely a period of wars and conquests. But it is also a period
in which Borne learned new lessons of government and law,
and in which she came into contact with more civilized peoples
and became herself more civilized.
The Early Wars of Rome. Previous to the beginning of
this period of conquest, Home had already been surrounded
by enemies, who looked with envy upon her growing power and
with whom she was obliged either to make treaties or to wage
wars. Nearest to the^city were the Latins, who had asserted
their independence at the time when the kingship was abol-
ished. On the eastern and southern borders of Latium were
che ^Equians, the Hernicans, and the Volscians (map, p. 284).
Through a treaty of alliance, which was formed by Sp. Cassius
299
300 THE ROMAN WORLD
with the Latins and Hernicans, Rome was able to wage success-
ful wars with the ^Equians and the Volscians. 1 But the most
important of these early wars were those in which the city of
Yeii was captured from the Etruscans, and in which the city
of Rome was destroyed by the Gauls.
(1) Veii was situated northwest of the Tiber and was the
strongest city of the Etruscans. In order to recover the terri-
tory north of the Tiber which they had held under the Etrus-
can kings and which they had lost with the overthrow of the
kingdom, the Romans laid siege to this city. The siege lasted
for nearly ten years (405-396 B. c.). Veii was finally cap-
tured by the dictator Camillus, and furnished to the Romans
a strong foothold in Etruria.
(2) Shortly after the capture of Veii, Italy was invaded
by the Gauls who had settled in the valley of the Po and from
whom this territory was called Cisalpine Gaul. The Romans
met these fierce invaders near the little river Allia, about eleven
miles north of the city, and suffered a terrible defeat. The
Gauls pressed on, and captured and burned the city (390 B. c.).
Only the Capitol was saved, which was defended by Marcus
Manlius. After the retreat of the Gauls, the Romans quickly
rebuilt their city. The neighboring peoples again made war
on Rome, but the city succeeded in recovering most of its
former possessions. By the year 343 B. c., the Roman territory
included not only the greater part of Latium, but also lands
in the Volscian country and in southern Etruria.
The First Samnite War (343-341 B. c.). In extending their
territory to the south, the Romans now came into contact with
'The history of the Volscian wars Is made Interesting by the story of
foriola'nus, which tells us that this young patrician incurred the hatred of
the common people, fled to the Volscians, and led an army against his native
city; that his mother and his wife went to the Volscian camp :m<l pleaded
with him to cease his wars: and that Rome was thus saved. The memory
of the .Kqulan wars Is preserved in the story of the Roman patriot cin-
rinna'tiiH, who was called from his country home to rescue tin- Roman
army from adetile win-re it was surrounded l>.\ the .Kipiians .-Mid threatened
With destruction : ami who with ^rent speed and skill conquered the
army and returned the next evening to Home in triumph.
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 301
the Samnites, the most warlike people of central Italy. Some
of the Samnite tribes had already moved from their mountain
home and settled in Campania, having taken possession of the
old Etruscan city of Cap'ua and the Greek city of Cumse (map,
p. 302). The Samnites of Campania soon became refined by
their contact with the higher culture of the Greeks and Etrus-
cans, and lost all sympathy with their kinsmen of the moun-
tains. This separation led to quarrels between the older Sam-
nites and the Campanians, and the latter appealed to Eome for
protection. In answer to this appeal Eome, with the support
of her Latin allies, invaded Campania, and after two cam-
paigns drove out the Samnites. As a result of this war Rome
assumed the position of protector of the Campanian cities,
which were thus brought under her power.
The Great Latin War (340-338 B. c.). Rome was next
compelled to face a danger which threatened her position in
Latium. Her Latin allies, who had fought with her in the late
war, demanded an equal share in the Roman government and in
the spoils of conquest. This demand was refused; and the
spirit of revolt spread not only throughout the cities of Latium,
but among the newly conquered cities of Campania. The
Roman people, being now well united and organized, carried
on a vigorous and successful war against the insurgents. A
decisive battle was fought near Mt. Vesuvius, where, according
to tradition, the consul Decius Mus secured a victory at the
cost of his own life. The Latin confederacy was finally broken
up; all connection between the cities was destroyed; and each
town was made subject directly to Rome. This policy of isola-
tion prevented the cities from uniting with one another and
secured the supremacy of the Roman authority.
The Second Samnite War (326-304 B. c.). After a few
years of peace the Romans and the Samnites became embroiled
in another war, which led to a struggle for supremacy in cen-
tral Italy. This war was brought on by the attempt of the
Samnites to garrison one of the Campanian cities (Palasop'olis)
302
THE ROMAN WORLD
in spite of the protest of Eome. At the beginning of the war
Palaeopolis was besieged and captured by the consul Publilius
Philo, who was kept in command beyond the term of his office,
and was hence the first to receive the title of " proconsul."
The Romans formed alliances with the Apulians and Lucani-
ans, and took possession of the strong city of Luce'ria in
Apulia. But they soon suffered a most terrible defeat at the
Caudine Forks (321 B. c.). Here their army was entrapped
\ADRIATIC SEA
iJP^ If, . ..Cult
cP
SCALE OF MILES
To 25 5 5i So
T- \=.-^- --' x --s
&t
^p L u c X N "' A
CENTRAL ITALY THE SAMNITE WARS
in a mountain pass, and the commanding consuls were obliged
to surrender and sign a treaty of peace. The Eoman senate,
however, refused to ratify this treaty, and the war continued.
The Samnites were now joined by the Etruscans, who wished
to recover the lost portions of their own territory. The series
of disasters which now followed the Roman arms was at last
repaired by the great hero of the \\ 11-. FaMns Maxinius Rullia'-
nus, who defeated the Etruscans at Lako Vadimo'nis. The
Samnites were again driven out of Campania, and followed into
their own territory, where their capital city. lUtvia'nuni. was
captured. As a result of this war the Rcrnans reestablished
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY
303
and strengthened their authority in Campania and Etruria,
and restricted the Samnites to their original boundaries in
Samnium.
The Third Samnite War (298-290 B. c.). The peace which
followed the second Samnite war proved to be nothing more
than a truce. The question of supremacy in central Italy was
yet to be decided. The Samnites were determined to bring to
their aid other nations of Italy the Lucanians on the south,
and the Etruscans, Umbrians, and Gauls on the north and
by such a coalition to overthrow the Roman power. The at-
tempt of the Samnites to get control of Lucania led to a dec-
laration of war by Rome. The Samnites placed three armies in
the field one to defend Samnium, one to invade Campania,
and the third to
march into Etruria.
This last army was
expected to join with
the Etruscans, the
Umbrians, and the
Gauls and to attack
Rome from the
north. The Roman
forces marched into
Etruria under Fa-
bius Maximus Rul-
lianus, who had won
the battle at Lake
Vadimonis, and
Decius Mus, the son of the hero who sacrificed himself in the
battle of Mt. Vesuvius. The Etruscans and Umbrians were
soon scattered; and the Samnites and Gauls retreated across
the Apennines to Senti'num. Here was fought the decisive
battle (295 B. c.). The Roman victory was due, according to
tradition, to the heroic efforts of Decius, who, following the
example of his father, sacrificed himself in order to maintain
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 18
SCALE OF MILES
6 to 20 30 40 50
WAR IN ETRURIA
304
THE ROMAN WORLD
the Roman lines. This battle was followed by the dispersion
of the Gauls, and, after a few years of hopeless resistance, by
the submission of the Samnites. Rome thus became the ruling
power of the peninsula from Cisalpine Gaul on the north to
Magna Grsecia on the south.
War with Tarentum and Pyrrhus (280-275 B. c.). The
most important of the Greek cities in southern Italy was Ta-
rentum. This city was alarmed at the rapid progress made by
the Romans along the southern coasts. The appearance of a
Roman squadron in the bay of Ta-
rentum contrary to an existing
treaty angered the inhabitants of
the cit^y, who attacked the intruding
vessels, killed the admiral, and de-
stroyed a number of the ships. A
Roman embassy sent to Tarentum
to demand satisfaction was in-
sulted. These acts led to a declara-
tion of war by the Romans. Taren-
tum then turned to Greece for help,
and called upon Pyrrhus, the king
of Epirus. Pyrrhus was the most
able general that had appeared since
the death of Alexander the Great.
He hoped to rival the work of Alex-
ander by building up an empire in
the West. He was, therefore, ready
to respond to the call of Tarentum,
and soon landed in Italy with an army of twenty-five thousand
men and twenty elephants. .
The first battle between the Roman and the Greek soldiers
took place at Heracle'a, not far from Tarentum (280 B. c.);
and it was here that the Roman army first came into contact
with the Macedonian phalanx. The Romans were defeated,
owing chiefly to the panic caused by the elephants which
PYRRHUS
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY
305
Pyrrhus had brought with him. The victory of Pyrrhus was
attended with great loss to his own army; and he sent his am-
bassador, Cin'eas, to Rome, asking for terms of peace. But the
Roman senate, under the influence of the blind old sensor
Appius Claudius, refused to make peace with an enemy on
A D R I A TIC
SEA
TYRRHENIAN
MAGNA GR/ECJA THE WAR WITH PYRRHUS
Italian soil. Pyrrhus then gathered to his support the peoples
of southern Italy, including the Samnites; he marched into
Apulia, and at Asculum again defeated the Roman army (279
B. c.). Discouraged by the great losses incurred in these two
" Pyrrhic victories," he crossed over into Sicily, hoping to gain
greater renown by rescuing his Greek kinsmen from the
306 THE KOMAN WORLD
Carthaginian power. Although at first successful, he failed
to receive the expected support from the Greek cities. He re-
turned to Italy, marched north into Samnium, and suffered a
severe defeat at the hands of the Roman consul Curius Denta'-
tus (275 B. c.). He then withdrew from Italy, and in a short
time Tarentum fell into the hands of the Romans (272 B. c.).
Within the next few years the spirit of revolt which lingered in
certain parts of Italy was suppressed ; and the Roman authority
was completely established from the Rubicon to the Sicilian
strait.
II. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF ITALY
The Roman Policy of Government. To understand how
Rome conquered the peoples of Italy is less important than to
understand how she governed these peoples after they were
conquered. From the time that she broke up the Latin league
until she brought Italy under her control, she was gradually
developing that remarkable capacity for political organization
which finally made her the greatest governing power of the
ancient world. We must not suppose that she had from the
first a completely formed policy of government. On the con-
trary, this policy was growing with her growth, and becoming
more clearly defined with her increasing dominion. So far
as we are able to define her general method of governing we
might say that it included three important features: (1) isola-
tion, or the separation of the subject communities from one an-
other so as to prevent the possibility of united resistance: (2)
local government, or the granting to each community the ri^rhi
to manage its own local affairs so far as this was consistent
with Roman supremacy; (3) gradual incorporation, or the con-
ferring upon different communities, to a greater or less extent,
of the rights of citizenship.
The Sovereign and Subject Communities. If we would
comprehend tli" political system which grew up in Italy, we
must keep clearly in mind the distinction between the peonle
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 307
who made up the sovereign body of the state, and the people
who made up the subject communities of Italy. Just as in
early times we saw two distinct bodies, the patrician body,
which ruled the state, and the plebeian body, which was sub-
ject to the state ; so now we shall see, on the one hand, a ruling
body of citizens, who lived in and outside the city upon the
Roman domain (ager Romanus), and on the other hand, a sub-
ject body of people, living in towns and cities throughout the
rest of Italy. In other words, we shall see a part of the ter-
ritory and people incorporated into the state, and another part
still unincorporated the one a sovereign community, and the
other comprising a number of subject communities.
The Roman State ; Ager Komanus. The sovereign commu-
nity, which made up the Eoman state proper, comprised the
people who lived upon the Roman domain (ager Romanus).
In other words, the Roman domain, or ager Romanus, was that
part of the territory in whieh the people were incorporated into
the state, and received the rights as well as the burdens of citi-
zenship. This domain land, or incorporated territory, had
been gradually growing while the conquest of Italy was going
on. It now included, speaking generally, the most of Latium,
northern Campania, southern Etruria, the Sabine country,
Picenum, and a part of Umbria. There were a few towns
within this area, like Tibur and PraBiies'te. which were not in-
corporated, and hence not a part of the domain land, but re-
tained the position of subject allies. The ager Romanus in-
cluded the local tribes, as well as the Roman colonies and the
municipia.
The Thirty-three Tribes. The local tribes (p. 280) had
now increased in number to thirty-three. They included four
urban tribes, that is, the wards of the city, and twenty-nine
rural tribes, which were like townships in the country. All
the persons who lived in these tribal districts and were en-
rolled, formed a part of the sovereign body of the Roman
people; that is, they had not only the private rights, but the
308 THE ROMAN WORLD
public rights of Roman citizens, having a share in the govern-
ment, in the holding of office, in the election of magistrates,
and in the making of the laws. 1
The Koman Colonies. The early colonies which Rome sent
out were allowed to retain all their rights of citizenship, being
permitted even to come to Rome at any time to vote and help
make the laws. These colonies of Roman citizens thus formed
a part of the sovereign state; and their territory, wherever it
might be situated, was regarded as a part of the ager Romanus.
Such Roman colonies were the maritime garrisons along the
seacoast, the most important of which were situated on the
shores of Latium and of adjoining lands.
The Roman Municipia. Certain conquered towns were in-
corporated into the state, and yet were allowed to retain their
rights of local government. They accepted the sovereignty of
Rome and their inhabitants received the rights of Roman
citizens. In some cases the inhabitants received the full rights
of citizenship, including the public rights, being permitted to
be enrolled and to vote with the local tribes. In other
cases, they received only the private rights (civitas sine suf-
fragio), being permitted to trade and to intermarry with
Roman citizens, and made subject to all the burdens of Ro-
man citizens, but not allowed to take part in the govern-
ment. Under certain circumstances a town, as a penalty,
might be deprived of its local government and placed under a
prefect in which case it would be called a " prefecture." 2
The Subject Communities. Over against this sovereign
body of citizens, living upon the ager Tlomanm and made up of
1 The number of the tribes was afterward increased to thirty-five, which
was the maximum number.
2 Tb.ere were very few towns that were reduced to the condition of
prefectures. The majority of towns, however, within the Roman domain
were regarded as munlcipia, either of the first or of the second class. The
loyalty of a municipal town would be stimulated, on the one hand, by the
hope of attaining to the first class, or of remaining there; or, on HIP other
hand, by the fear of being reduced to a prefecture. The Roman "munici-
pality" as a self-governing community incorporated into the state, was one
of the most advanced features of the Roman system of government.
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 309
the local tribes, the Roman colonies, and the municipia,were the
subject communities scattered throughout the length and breadth
of the peninsula. The inhabitants of this territory had no
share in the Roman government. Neither could they declare
war, make peace, form alliances, or coin money, without the
consent of Rome. Although they might have many privileges
given to them, and might govern themselves in their own cities,
they formed no part of the sovereign body of the Roman people.
They comprised the Latin colonies and the Italian allies.
The Latin Colonies were the military garrisons which Rome
sent out to hold in subjection a conquered city or territory.
They were generally made up of veteran soldiers, or sometimes
of poor Roman citizens, who were placed upon the conquered
land and who ruled the conquered people. But such garrisons
did not retain the full rights of citizens. They lost the politi-
cal rights, and generally the conubium, but retained the com-
mercium. These colonies carried with them the Latin lan-
guage and the Roman spirit, and were thus means of extending
Roman institutions. 1
The Italian Allies. The largest part of the subject commu-
nities comprised the Italian cities which were conquered and
left free to govern themselves, but which were bound to Rome by
a special treaty. They were obliged to recognize the sovereign
power of Rome. They were not subject to the land tax which
fell upon Roman citizens, but were obliged to furnish troops
for the Roman army in times of war. These cities of Italy,
thus held in subjection to Rome by a special treaty, were
known as federated cities (civitates fwderatce), or simply as
allies (socii)', they formed the most important part of the
Italian population not incorporated into the Roman state. 2
1 Important Latin colonies were Lucerla and Venusla In Apulia, Beneven-
tum in Samnium, Psestum in Lucania, Hadria in Picenum, and Arim'inum
in Umbria (maps, pp. 302,^03, 305).
2 This organization of Italy continued substantially until the Social war
(90 B. c.). For the territorial divisions of Italy under this system see map,
page 308.
310
THE ROMAN WORLD
III. THE MILITARY SYSTEM
The Roman Army. The conquest of Italy was due, in great
measure, to the efficiency of the Roman army. The strength
of the Roman government, too, depended upon the army,
which was the real support of the civil power. By their con-
quests the Romans became a nation of warriors. Every citizen
between the ages of seventeen and forty-five was obliged to
SOLDIERS AND THEIR BOOTY
serve in the army when the public service required it. In
early times the wars lasted only for a short period, and con-
sisted in ravaging the fields of the enemy ; and the soldier's re-
ward was the booty which he was able to capture. But after
the siege of Veii, the term of service became longer, and it be-
came necessary to give to the soldiers regular pay. This pay,
with the prospect of plunder and of a share in the allotment of
conquered land, furnished a strong motive to render faithful
service.
Divisions of the Army. Tn case of war it was custom-
ary to raise four legions, two for each consul. Each legion
contained thirty maniples, or companies, of lie;i\ v-iirnied
troops, twenty maniples consisting of one hundred and
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY 311
twenty men each, and ten maniples of sixty men each, mak-
ing in all three thousand heavy-armed troops. There were also
twelve hundred light-armed troops, not organized in maniples.
The whole number of men in a legion was therefore forty-two
hundred. To each legion was usually joined a body of cavalry,
numbering three hundred men. After the reduction of Latium
and Italy, the allied cities were also obliged to furnish a certain
number of men, according to the terms of the treaty.
Order of Battle. In ancient times the Romans fought in
the manner of the Greek phalanx, in a solid square. This ar-
rangement was well suited to withstand an attack on a level
plain, but it was not adapted to aggressive warfare. About
the time of Camillus, the Romans introduced the more open
order of " maniples." When drawn up in order of battle, the
legion was arranged in three lines: first, the hastati, made up
of young men; second, the priricipes, composed of the more
experienced soldiers; and, third, the triarii, which comprised
the veterans, capable of supporting the other two lines. Each
line was composed of ten maniples, those of the first two lines
consisting of one hundred and twenty men each, and those of
the third line consisting of sixty men each; the maniples, or
companies, in each line were so arranged that they were op-
posite the spaces in the next line, as follows:
1. Hastati
2. Principes
3. Triarii -
This arrangement enabled the companies in front to retreat
into the spaces in the rear, or the companies in the rear to
advance to the spaces in front. Behind the third lino usually
fought the light-armed and less experienced soldiers (rorarii
and accensi). Each maniple carried its own ensign; and the
legion carried a standard surmounted with a silver eagle.
Armor and Weapons. The defensive armor of all the three
lines was alike a coat of mail for the breast, a brass helmet
for the head, greaves for the legs, and a large oblong shield
312
THE ROMAN WORLD
carried upon the left arm. For offensive weapons, each man
carried a short sword, which could be used for cutting or
thrusting. The soldiers in the first two lines each had also two
javelins, to be hurled at the enemy before coming into close
quarters; and those of the third line each had a long lance,
which could be used for piercing. It was with such arms as
these that the Koman soldiers conquered Italy.
Military Rewards and Honors. The Romans encouraged
the soldiers with rewards for their bravery. These were be-
stowed by the general in the
presence of the whole army.
The highest individual reward
was the " civic crown," made
of oak leaves, given to him
who had saved the life of a
fellow-citizen on the battle-
field. Other suitable rewards,
such as golden crowns, ban-
ners of different colors, and
ornaments, were bestowed for
singular bravery. The high-
est military honor which the
Roman state could bestow was a " triumph " a solemn pro-
cession, decreed by the senate, in which the victorious general,
with his army, marched through the city to the Capitol, bear-
ing in his train the trophies of war.
Military Koads. An important part of the military system
of Rome was the network of military roads by which her armies
and munitions of war could be sent into every part of Italy.
The first military road was the Appian Way (via Appia), built
by Appius Claudius during the Samnite wars. It connected
Rome with Capua, and was afterward extended to Beneventum
and Venusia, and finally as far as Brundisium. This fur-
nished a model for the roads which were subsequently laid out
to other points in Italy. Although we read of roads in Persia
ROMAN STANDARDS
THE CONSOLIDATION OF ITALY
313
(p. 67) and in other ancient countries, the Romans were prob-
ably the first people to reduce road-making to an art. They
spared no labor and expense to make these highways straight,
smooth, and durable. The roads were laid out upon the most
direct and level course from city to city, without regard to
natural obstacles, piercing mountains and spanning morasses
APPIAN WAY
and rivers. The surface of the road was a pavement con-
structed of polygonal slabs of hard rock, nicely fitted together ;
and this was supported by strata of stones and gravel laid in
cement to the depth of two feet or more, and having a width
of about fifteen feet. So durable were these highways that the
remains of many of them exist to the present day. After a
time they came to be used by the Romans not merely for the
movement of troops, but as pathways of trade and also as
lines of communication, or post-roads. The Roman r.oads
were thus a means of binding together the different parts of
314 THE ROMAN WOULD
the Roman state, securing the dominion of Rome and extend-
ing her civilization.
SYNOPSIS FOE- BEVIEW
I. CONQUEST OF THE ITALIAN PENINSULA. Character of the New
Period. The Early Wars of Rome. The First Samnite War.
The Great Latin War. The Second Samnite War. The Third
Samnite War. The War with Tarentum and Pyrrhus.
II. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF ITALY. The Roman Policy of
Government. The Sovereign and Subject Communities. The
Roman State; Agcr flowzanws. The Thirty-three Tribes. The
Roman Colonies. The Roman Munidpia. The Subject Commu-
nities. The Latin Colonies. The Italian Allies.
III. THE MILITARY SYSTEM. The Roman Army. Divisions of
the Army. Order of Battle. Armor and Weapons. Military Re-
wards and Honors. Military Roads.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Liddell, Ch. 27, "Final Reduction and Settlement of Italy" (18). 1
Pelhara, Bk. II., Ch. 2, "The Conquest of Italy" (18).
How and Leigh, Ch. 13, "Subjugation of Latium and Campania";
Ch. 16, "War with Tarentum and Pyrrhus" (18).
Merivale, General History, Ch. 16, "Summary of Roman Institu-
tions" (18).
Ihne, History, Third Book, Ch. 17, "The Conquest of Italy" (18).
Mommsen, Vol. I., Bk. II., Ch. 7, "Struggle between Pyrrhus and
Rome and Union of Italy" (18).
Taylor, Ch. 6, "Rome and Italy" (22).
Granrud, pp. 98-101, "Conquest and Organization of Central and
Southern Italy" (22).
Seignobos, Ch. 7, "The Roman Army" (18).
Smith, Dictionary, "Colonia" (the Roman colonial system);
"Vise" (Roman road-making) ; "Exercitus" (the Roman
army) (19).
Munro, Source Book, Part IV., "The Constitution of the Re-
public" (25).
Livy, Bk. IX., Chs. 1-6 (battle of Caudine Pass) (25).
'The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a iuller title of the book will be found.
CHAPTER XXI
THE STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE; THE PUNIC WARS
I. THE FIRST PUNIC WAR (264-241 B. c.)
Home and Carthage. The first foreign power with which
Rome came in contact, outside of Italy, was Carthage. This
city was originally a colony of Tyre, and had come to be the
capital of a great commercial empire on the northern coast of
Africa. Carthage brought into the western Mediterranean the
ideas and civilization which the Phoenicians had developed in
the East. Her power
was based upon trade and
commercial supremacy.
She had brought under
her control the trading
colonies of northern
Africa and many of the CARTHAOJNIAN C OI N
Greek cities of Sicily.
Rome and Carthage were thus each striving to get control of
the cities of western Hellas; and they soon became rivals for
the possession of the countries bordering upon the western
Mediterranean Sea.
In comparing these two great rivals of the West, we might
say that they were nearly equal in strength and resources.
Carthage had greater wealth, but Rome had a better organiza-
tion. Carthage had a more powerful navy, but Rome had a
more efficient army. Carthage had more brilliant leaders,
while Rome had a more steadfast body of citizens. The main
strength of Carthage rested in her wealth and commercial re-
315
TVT^T* ^Co. 13.
316
STRUGGLES WITU CARTHAGE
317
sources, while that of Rome <!> | tended upon the character of
her people and her well-organized political system. The great-
ness of the Carthaginians was shown in their successes, while
the greatness of the Romans was most fully revealed in the
dark hours of trial and disaster.
Outbreak of the War in Sicily (264 B. c.). The first con-
flict between Rome and Carthage, which is known as the first
10 20 30 40 50
SICILY THE FIRST PUNIC WAR
Punic 1 war, began in Sicily; and really came to be a contest
for the possession of that island. Sicily was at this time di-
vided between three powers. (1) Carthage held all the western
part of the island, with the important cities of Agrigentum
on the south, Panormus on the north, and Lilybgeum at the
extreme point. (2) The southeastern part of the island was'
under the control of the king of Syracuse, who ruled not only
this city, but also some of the neighboring towns. (3) The
northeastern corner of the island was in the possession of a
body of Campanian soldiers who, after serving the king of
Syracuse, had treacherously seized the city of Messana.
These Campanian mercenaries, who called themselves Mam'-
ertines, or Sons of Mars, murdered the inhabitants and ravaged
the surrounding country. The king of Syracuse attacked them,
J So called because the Latin word for Carthaginian is Punicus.
318
THE ROMAN WORLD
laid siege to their city, and reduced- them to such an extremity
that they called upon Kome for help. The Roman senate hes-
itated to help these robbers against Syracuse, which was a
friendly power. But when the question was left to the assem-
bly, the people decided to help the Mamertines, because they
rightly feared that Carthage would be called upon if they re-
fused. The Roman army that was sent to Messana found a
Carthaginian force already on the ground; but it defeated
both the Carthaginians and the Syracusans, and the war
quickly developed into a struggle to drive the Carthaginians
out of Sicily. Town after town fell before the Roman army ;
and in the second year of the war, the important city of Agri-
gentum was captured, after a siege
of seven months (262 B. c.).
The New Roman Navy; the Vic
tory at Mylse (260 B. c.). When
the enemy's fleet appeared off the
coasts of Sicily, the Romans saw
that Carthage, to be overcome, must
be met upon the sea as well as upon
the land. Taking as a model a
Carthaginian vessel which had been
wrecked on the Italian shore, they
constructed, it is said, a hundred
vessels like it in sixty days. In the
meantime their soldiers were trained
into sailors by practicing the art of
rowing upon rude benches built upon
the land and arranged like the banks
of a real vessel. The Romans knew
that their soldiers were better than
the Carthaginians in a hand-to-hand
encounter. To maintain this ad-
vantage, they provided their ships with drawbridges which
could be used in boarding the enemy's vessels. Thus equipped
COLUMN OF DUILIUS
STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 319
with a fleet, Home ventured upon the sea as a rival of the first
naval power of the world. The new navy was placed under
command of the consul Duil'ius, who gained a decisive victory
off the northern coast of Sicily near Myla\ The Romans thus
had fought and won their first great battle upon the sea.
Duilius was given a magnificent triumph, and to commemorate
the victory a column was erected in the Forum, adorned with
the beaks of the captured vessels (Colum'na Rostra ta).
Invasion of Africa by Regulus (256 B. c.). Elated by this
success, the Romans felt prepared to carry the war into Africa.
With a still larger fleet, they defeated the Carthaginian squad-
ron which attempted to bar their way on the southern coast
of Sicily, off the promontory of Ec'nomus. Two legions, under
L. Manlius Vulso and Reg'ulus, landed on the coast of Africa
east of Carthage, and laid waste the country. So easily was
this accomplished that the Romans decided that one consul,
with his army, would be enough to finish
the work in Africa. Vulso was therefore
recalled, and Regulus remained. The Car-
thaginians attempted in vain to make
peace. They then placed their army in
the hands of a Spartan soldier named
Xanthip'pus. This general defeated the
Roman legions with great slaughter, and REGULUS (Coin)
made Regulus a prisoner. A fleet was then
sent from Italy to rescue the survivors, but this fleet on its
return was wrecked in a storm. Thus ingloriously closed the
war in Africa.
Progress of the War in Sicily (255-241 B. c.). For several
years after this, the war languished in Sicily. The long series
of Roman disasters was relieved by the capture of Panormus
on the northern coast, which was soon followed by a second'
victory over the Carthaginians, at the same place. It is said
that the Carthaginians, after this second defeat, desired
an exchange of prisoners, and sent Regulus to the Roman sen-
320 THE ROMAN WORLD
ate to advocate their cause, under the promise that he would
return if unsuccessful. But Regulus, it is said, persuaded the
senate not to accept the offer of the Carthaginians; and then,
in spite of the tears and entreaties of his friends, went back
to Carthage. Whether this story is true or not, it illustrates
the honor and patriotism of the true Roman.
After the Roman victories at Panormus, the Carthaginians
were pushed into the extreme western part of the island. The
Romans then laid siege to Lilybaeum, the stronghold of the
Carthaginian power. Failing to capture this place, the Roman
consul, P. Claudius, determined to destroy the enemy's fleet
lying near Drep'anum; but he was defeated with the loss of
over ninety ships. The superstitious Romans believed that
this defeat was due to the fact that Claudius had impiously
disregarded the auguries; when the sacred chickens had re-
fused to eat, he had in a fit of passion thrown them into the
sea. The consul was recalled by the senate, and a dictator
was appointed in his place. After the loss of other fleets by
storms, and after fruitless campaigns against the great Car-
thaginian soldier, Hamil'car Barca, the Roman cause seemed
a failure.
Victory at the Agates Islands (241 B. c.). It is in the
midst of such discouraging times as these that we are able to
sco the strong elements of the Roman character patriotism,
fortitude, and steadfast perseverance. With a loss of one-sixth
of their population and a vast amount of treasure, they still
persisted in the attempt to conquer Sicily. Wealthy citizens
advanced their money to build a new fleet. In this way two
hundred ships were built and placed under the consul C. Luta-
tius Cat'ulus. A decisive victory was gained at the ^Ega'tes
I >I Minis, off the western extremity of Sicily. The Carthagini-
ans wore unprepared for the terrible defeat which they suf-
feivd. ;uid were obliged to sue for peace. They wen- obliged to
Lrive up Si -ilv: release all the Roman prisoners without ran-
som; Mnd I.MV to the Unmans :t.->oo fjilrnts (about $ l.oon.ono).
STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 321
within ten years. Thus ended the first Punic war, which had
lasted for twenty- three years. During this time Koine had
shown her ability to fight upon the sea, and had fairly entered
the lists as one of the great powers of the world. But this first
contest with Carthage, severe as it was, was merely a prepara-
tion for the more terrible struggle which was yet to come.
II. EVENTS BETWEEN THE FIRST AND SECOND PUNIC WARS
(241-218 B. c.)
Sicily, the First Roman Province. In the interval between
the first and second Punic wars, both Eome and Carthage
sought to strengthen and consolidate their power. They knew
that the question of supremacy was not yet decided, and that
sooner or later another contest was sure to come. Home found
herself in possession of a new territory outside of Italy, which
had to be organized. She had already three kinds of territory:
(1) the Roman domain (ager Romanus), where the people
were, generally speaking, full citizens; (2) the Latin colonies,
in which the people had a part of the rights of citizens;
and (3) the Italian land, in which the people were not citizens,
but were half independent, having their own governments, but
being bound to Rome as allies in war. In Sicily a new system
was introduced. The land was generally confiscated, and the
inhabitants were obliged to pay a heavy tribute. The whole
island except Syracuse, which remained independent was
governed by a pnetor sent from Rome. By this arrangement
Sicily became a " province " which is another name for a
conquered territory outside of Italy, under the control of a
Roman governor.
Annexation of Sardinia and Corsica (239 B. c.). Besides
Sicily, there were in the Mediterranean two other islands which
seemed by nature to belong to Italy. These were Sardinia and
Corsica. While Carthage was engaged in Africa in suppress-
ing a revolt of its own mercenaries, who did not receive their
MOKBY'S ANCIENT HIST. 19
322 THE ROMAN WORLD
pay after the late war, Rome saw a favorable opportunity to
get possession of Sardinia. Carthage protested against such an
act; and Rome replied by demanding the cession of the island,
and also the payment of a fine of 1,200 talents (about $1,500,-
000). Carthage was obliged to submit to this unjust demand;
but she determined to avenge herself in the future. As Sar-
dinia came to her so easily, Rome proceeded to take Corsica
also, and the two islands were erected into a second Roman
province. Rome thus obtained possession of the three great
islands of the western Mediterranean.
Suppression of the Illyrian Pirates (229 B. c.). The atten-
tion of Rome was soon directed to the eastern coast of the
Adriatic Sea. An appeal came from the cities of Greece
the JEtolian and Achaean leagues for protection against
the pirates of the Adriatic. These pirates were the people
of Illyricum, who made their living by plundering the ships
and ravaging the coasts of their Greek neighbors. With a
fleet of two hundred ships, Rome cleared the Adriatic Sea
of the pirates. She then took the Greek cities on the coast
under her protection ; Rome thus obtained a foothold upon the
eastern shores of the Adriatic, which brought her into friendly
relations with Greece, and afterward into hostile relations with
Macedonia.
Conquest of Cisalpine Gaul (225-222 B. c.). As Rome
began to be drawn into foreign wars, she became aware that
her position at home could not be secure so long as the northern
part of Italy remained unconquered. The Alps formed the
natural boundary of Italy; and to this boundary she felt
obliged to extend her power. She planted colonies upon the
Gallic frontier, and in these towns made a large assignment
of lands to her own citizens. The Gauls resented this as an
encroachment upon their territory; they appealed to arms, in-
vaded Etruria, and threatened Rome. The invaders were de-
feated and driven back, and the war was continued in the val-
ley of the Po until the whole of Cisalpine Gaul was finally
STKI <;<;u-:s wrni CARTHAGE
subdued. The conquered territory was secured by new colonies,
and Koine was practically suprcnu; to the Alps. Her people
were made more devoted to her by the share which they re-
ceived in the new land. Her dominions were now so well
organized, and her authority so secure, that she felt prepared
for another contest with Carthage.
III. THE SECOND PUNK; WAR (218-201 B. c.)
Extension of the Carthaginian Power in Spain. The sec-
ond Punic war was to decide the fate of Koine, and perhaps
of Europe. Its real cause was the growing rivalry between the
two great powers that were now struggling for supremacy in
the western Mediterranean. But it was directly brought about
by the rapid growth of the Carthaginian dominion in Spain.
While Kome was adding to her strength by the conquest of
Cisalpine Gaul and the reduction of the islands in the sea,
Carthage was building up a great empire in the Spanish pen-
insula. Here she expected to raise new
armies, with which to invade Italy.
This was the policy of Hamilcar Barca,
her greatest citizen and soldier. The
work was begun by Hamilcar himself,
and then continued by his son-in-law,
Has'drubal, who founded the city of
New Carthage as the capital of the new
province. Carthage continued the work
of conquering the southern part of
Spain, without infringing upon the
rights of Kome, until Hasdrubal died.
Then Hannibal, the young son of the
great Hamilear, and the idol of the
army, was chosen as commander. This young Carthaginian,
who had in his boyhood sworn an eternal hostility to Kome,
now felt that his mission was come. He marched from New
HANNIBAL
324
THE ROMAN WORLD
Carthage and proceeded to attack Saguntum, the ally of Rome;
and after a siege of eight months, captured it. This led to a
declaration of war by Rome.
Hannibal's Invasion of Italy; his Early Victories. Even
at the beginning of the war Hannibal showed his great genius
SPAIN HANNIBAL'S ROUTE
as a soldier. The Romans formed an excellent plan to send
two armies into the enemy's country one into Africa under
Sempronius, and the other into Spain under P. Cornelius
Scipio (sipio). But Hannibal,, with the instinct of a true
soldier, saw that Carthage would be safe if Italy were invaded
Mini Koine threatened. Leaving his brother Hasdrubal to pro-
tect Spain, he crossed the Pyrenees with fifty thousand infan-
try, nine thousand cavalry, and a number of elephants. With-
out delay he pushed on to the river Rhone; outflanked the
barbarians who were trying to oppose his passage; and crossed
the river above, just as the Roman army (which had expected
to meet him in Spain) had reached Massilia (Marseilles).
STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE
325
When the Roman commander, P. Cornelius Scipio, found that
he had been outgeneraled by Hannibal, he sent his brother
Cn. Scipio on to Spain with the main army, and returned
himself to Cisalpine Gaul, expecting to destroy the Cartha-
SECOND PUNIC
WAR HAN-
NIBAL'S ROUTE
ginian if he should
venture to come into
Italy. Hannibal in the
meantime pressed on. In
spite of innumerable difficul-
ties and dangers he crossed the
Alps and descended into the valley of
thePo.
He first defeated the Roman cavalry on the north of the Po,
near the little stream Tici'nus. He then moved south of the
Po, and on the banks of the Trebia gained a victory over the
Roman army commanded by Scipio and Sempronius the lat-
ter having been recalled from the intended expedition into
Africa. Hannibal then pushed through the marshes of Etru-
ria, and placed himself between a new Roman army and the
326 THE ROMAN WORLD
Roman capital; and on the shores of Lake Trasume'nus he
entrapped and practically annihilated the whole Roman army.
Battle of Cannae (216 B. c.). The- frightful disaster at Lake
Trasumenus led to the appointment of a dictator, Q. Fabius
Maximus, who on account of his cautious policy was called
" Cuncta'tor," or the Delayer. New armies were raised and
the city was put into a state of defense. The Romans soon
grew tired of the cautious and indecisive movements of Fa-
bius; and two new consuls were elected to take his place,
who were expected to pursue a more vigorous policy. These
were Terentius Varro and ^Emilius Paullus. Hannibal's army
was now in Apulia, near the little town of Cannae on the Au'-
fidus River. To this place the consuls led their new forces, con-
sisting of eighty thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry
the largest army that the Romans had, up to that time, ever
gathered on a single battlefield. Hannibal's army consisted of
forty thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry. As this was
Hannibal's greatest battle, we may learn something of his won-
derful skill by looking at its plan.
The Romans drew up their heavy infantry in solid columns,
facing to the south, to attack the center of Hannibal's line.
In front of the heavy-armed troops were the light-armed sol-
diers, to act as skirmishers. On the Roman right, near the
river, were two thousand of the Roman cavalry, and on the left
wing were four thousand cavalry of the allies. With their
army thus arranged, the Romans hoped to defeat Hannibal.
But Hannibal laid his plan not simply to defeat the Roman
army, but to draw it into such a position that it could be en-
tirely destro} r ed. He therefore placed his weakest troops, the
Spanish and Gallic infantry, in the center opposite the heavy
infantry of the Romans, and pushed them forward in the form
of a crescent, with the expectation that they would be driven
back and pursued by the Romans. On either Hank he placed
his heavy infantry of African troops, his b<st and most trusted
soldiers, drawn back in long, solid columns, so that they could
STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE
327
fall upon the Romans when the center had been driven in.
On his left wing, next to the river, were placed four thousand
Spanish and Gallic cavalry, and on the right wing his superb
body of six thousand Nu-
midian cavalry, which
was to swing around and
attack the Roman army in
the rear, when it had be-
come engaged with the
African troops upon the
right and left.
The description of this
plan is almost a descrip-
tion of the battle itself.
When the Romans had
pressed back the weak
?n
H
'a-
center of Hannibal's line, BATTLE OF
they found themselves
ingulfed in the midst of the Carthaginian forces. Attacked on
all sides, the Roman army became a confused mass of strug-
gling men, and the battle became a butchery. The army was
annihilated ; seventy thousand Roman soldiers are said to have
been slain, among whom were eighty senators and the consul
^E-milius. The small remnant of survivors fled to the neigh-
boring towns, and Varro, with seventy horsemen, took refuge
in Venusia. This was the most terrible day that Rome had
seen since the destruction of the city by the Gauls, nearly two
centuries before. Every house in Rome was in mourning.
Dismay and Fortitude of the Romans. During the period
which followed the battle of Cannae, the Roman character was
put to its severest test. The people feared the worst. Every-
thing seemed turning against them. The Apulians, the
Lucanians, the Samnites, and the Bruttians revolted. Capua,
the most important city in Italy, after Rome, opened her gates
to Hannibal; and Tarentum, which held a Roman garrison,
328 THE EOMAN WORLD
was betrayed into his hands. Syracuse transferred her alle-
giance from Rome to Carthage, and many other cities in Sicily
threatened to revolt. Philip V., the king of Macedonia, also
made an alliance with Hannibal (see p. 243), and threatened to
invade Italy to assist him. In the face of all these discourage-
ments, the Roman people, supported by the faithful Latin
towns and colonies, remained firm; and with fixed resolution
determined to prosecute the war with greater vigor than ever
before.
It was not long before the tide began to turn, and the
energetic efforts of the Romans began to be rewarded. Syra-
cuse was recaptured (212 B. c.) by the praetor Marcellus, at
that time the governor of the province of Sicily. Capua also
was retaken (211 B. c.), in spite of the efforts of Hannibal to
draw away the Roman army from besieging that city, by
marching to the gates of Rome. Moreover, Tarentum was re-
captured (209 B. c.) by Fabius Cunctator, his last service in
the field. Besides, the Romans, by forming an alliance with
the cities of Greece, were able to prevent the Macedonian king
from invading Italy.
Battle of the Metaurus (207 B. c.). While Hannibal had
been engaged in Italy, Hasdrubal had been kept in Spain by
the vigorous campaign which the Romans had conducted in
that peninsula under the two Scipios. Upon the death of
these generals, the young Publius Cornelius Scipio was sent
to Spain and earned a great name by his victories. But Has-
dnibal was determined to go to the rescue of his 1 brother in
Italy. He followed Hannibal's path over the Alps into the
valley of the Po. Hannibal had moved into Apulia, where he
was awaiting news from Hasdrubal. There were now two
enemies in Italy, instead of one. One Roman army under
Claudius \<TO was therefore sent to oppose Hannibal in
Apulia: and another army under Livius Salina'tor was aen1
to meet Hasdrubal, who had just crossed the river Metau'rus,
in Umbria.
STKHJULKS WITH CARTHAGE
It was necessarv that llasdrubal should be crushed before
Hannibal was informed of his arrival in Italy. The consul
Claudius Nero therefore left his main army in Apulia, and
with eight thousand picked soldiers hurried to the aid of his
colleague in Umbria. The battle which took place at the
Metaurus was decisive, and really determined the issue of
tiie second Punic war. The army of Hasdrubal was entirely
destroyed, and he himself was slain. The first news which
Hannibal received of this disaster was from the lifeless lips of
his own brother, whose head was thrown by the Romans into
the Carthaginian camp. Hannibal saw that the death of his
brother was the doom of Carthage; and he sadly exclaimed,
" Carthage, I see thy fate ! " Hannibal retired into Brut-
tium; and the Roman
consuls received the first
triumph that had been
given since the beginning
of this disastrous war.
Publius Scipio Afri-
canus. Of all the men
produced by Rome dur-
ing the Punic wars, Pub-
lius Cornelius Scipio (aft-
erward called Africa'nus)
came the nearest to be-
ing a military genius.
From boyhood he had,
like Hannibal, served in
the army. At the death
of his father and un-
cle, he had been in-
trusted with the conduct of the war in Spain. With great
ability he had defeated the armies which opposed him, and
had regained the entire peninsula, after it had been almost
With his conquest of New Carthage and Gades (see map,
PUBLIUS SCIPTO AFRICANUS
SI V 143 TVLAJJ? No. IUL.
STRUGGLES WITH CARTHAGE 331
p. 324), Spain was brought under the Roman power. On his
return to Rome, Scipio was unanimously elected to the con-
sulship. He then proposed his scheme for closing the war.
This plan was to keep Hannibal shut up in the Bruttian penin-
sula, and to carry the war into Africa. This plan received the
support of the people; and Scipio proceeded to carry it into
execution. When her armies in Africa were defeated, Car-
thage felt compelled to recall Hannibal from Italy.
Battle of Zama, and End of the War (201 B. c.). The final
battle of the war was fought (202 B. c.) near Zama (see map,
p. 324). Irvthis battle Hannibal was defeated, and the Car-
thaginian army was annihilated. It is said that twenty thou-
sand men were slain, and as many more taken prisoners. The
great war was now ended, and Scipio imposed the terms of
peace (201 B. c.). These terms were as follows: (1) Carthage
was to give up the whole of Spain and all the islands between
Africa and Italy; (2) Carthage was to pay an annual tribute
of 200 talents (about $250,000) for fifty years ; (3) Carthage
agreed not to wage any war without the consent of Rome.
Rome was thus recognized as the mistress of the western
Mediterranean. Carthage, although not reduced to a prov-
ince, became a dependent state. Syracuse was added to the
province of Sicily, and the territory of Spain was divided into
two provinces, Hither and Farther Spain, each under a Roman
governor. Rome had, moreover, been brought into hostile re-
lations with Macedonia, which paved the way for her con-
quests in the East.
SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW
T. THE FIRST PITNIC WAR. Rome and Carthage. Outbreak of
the War in Sicily. The New Roman Navy; Victory at Mylse.
Invasion of Africa by Reg-ulns. Progress of the War in Sicily.
Victory at the ^Egates Islands.
II. EVENTS BETWEEN -THE FIRST AND SECOND PUNIC WARS.
Sicily, the First Roman Province. Annexation of Sardinia and
Corsica. Suppression of the Illyrian Pirates. Conquest of Cis-
alpine Gaul.
332 THE ROMAN WORLD
III. THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. Extension of the Carthaginian
Power in Spain. Hannibal's Invasion of Italy; his Early Vic-
tories. Battle of Cannae. Dismay and Fortitude of the Ro-
mans. Battle of the Metaurus. Publius Scipio Africanus. Bat-
tle of Zama, and End of the War.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Pelham, Bk. III., Ch. 1, "Rome and Carthage" (18). 1
Schuckburgh, Ch. 17, "Rome and Carthage" (18).
Liddell, Ch. 28, "Events Leading to the First Punic War" (18).
How and Leigh, Ch. 20, "Hamilcar and Hannibal"; Index, "Scipio,
P. Cornelius Africanus" (18).
Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 1, "Carthage" (18).
Munro, Source Book, Part IV., "The Punic Wars" (25).
Plutarch, "Marcellus," "Fabius" (26).
Polybius, Bk. L, Chs.-22, 23 (the victory of Duilius); Chs. 49-51
(defeat at Drepana); Ch. 59 (the fleet built by private sub-
scription); Ch. 62 (treaty at end of the first Punic war); Ch.
88 (annexation of Sardinia); Bk. VI., Chs. 19-42 (the Ro-
man army); Bk. VIII., Chs. 5-9, 37 (siege of Syracuse by
Marcellus) (25).
Livy, Bk. XXL, Chs. 6-15 (siege of Saguntum); Chs. 32-38 (Han-
nibal's passage of the Alps); Bk. XXIL, Chs. 4-7 (battle of
Lake Trasumenus); Chs. 44-52 (battle of Canna?); Bk. XXX.,
Ch. 43 (treaty at the end of the second Punic war) (25).
CHAPTER XXII
THE CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS
I. THE WARS WITH MACEDONIA AND SYRIA
Relation of Rome to the East. For some years after the
close of the second Punic war, the attention of Homo was
directed almost entirely toward the East. We remember that
after the death of Alexander the Great his empire had been
split up into various kingdoms (p. 239). The most important
of these kingdoms were Egypt in Africa, Syria in Asia, and
Macedonia in Europe. Besides these three u r iv;ii kingdoms
'The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In th
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 333
there were also several smaller states, among thorn Pergamum
and Rhodes on the coasts of Asia Minor; and also the ^Etolian
and Achaean leagues in Greece. The relations of Home to these
various states were quite different. With Egypt she had
formed a friendly alliance and was receiving from that coun-
try her most important supplies of grain. With Syria Eome
was not now ready to come into open conflict; although that
state was on friendly terms with her greatest enemy, Hannibal,
and was threatening the possessions of her most important
ally, Egypt. But against Macedonia the Roman people cher-
ished the most bitter hatred, on account of the aid which her
king, Philip V., extended to Carthage during the second Punic
war. Toward the smaller states above mentioned Rome en-
tertained a friendly feeling, and assumed the position of their
protector. With no evident desire at first to conquer these
various countries, Rome was constantly called upon to inter-
fere in their disputes ; until she became the arbiter and finally
the mistress of the East.
The First Macedonian War (215-206 B. c.). It was the in-
discreet alliance of Philip V. of Macedonia with Hannibal, dur-
ing the second Punic war, which we have already noticed, that
brought about the first conflict between Rome and Macedonia.
But Rome was then so fully occupied with her struggle with
Carthage that all she desired to do was simply to prevent
Philip from making his threatened invasion of Italy. Rome
therefore sent a small force across the Adriatic, made friends
with the ^Etolians, and kept Philip occupied at home. The
Macedonian king was thus prevented from sending any force
into Italy. The ^Etolians, not satisfied with the support given
to them by Rome, soon made peace with Philip ; and the Ro-
mans themselves, who were about to invade Africa, were also
willing to conclude a treaty of peace with him. Thus closed
what is generally called the first Macedonian war, which was
really nothing more than a diversion to prevent Philip from
giving aid to Hannibal after the battle of Cannae.
334
THE ROMAN WORLD
The Second Macedonian War (200-197 B. c.). When the
second Punic war was fairly ended, Rome felt free to deal with
Philip of Macedonia, and to take a firm hand in settling the af-
fairs of the East. Philip had annoyed her, not only by making
an alliance with Hannibal, but afterward by sending a force to
assist him at the battle of Zama. And now the ambitious
20 w CD 90 100
SEAT OF THE MACEDONIAN .AND SYRIAN WARS
schemes of Philip were not at all to her liking. For instance,
he made an agreement with Antiochus III. of Syria to cut up
the possessions of Egypt, a country which was friendly to
Rome. He was also overrunning the coasts of the ^Egean Sea,
and was threatening Pergamum and Rhodes, as well as the
cities of Greece. When appeal came to Rome for protection,
she espoused the cause of the small states, and declared war
nirninst Macedonia. The great hero of this war was T.
Quinctius Flamini'nus; and the decisive battle was fought
CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 335
(197 B. c.) near a hill in Thessaly called Cynosceph'alae (Dog's
Heads). Here Philip was completely defeated, and his army
was destroyed. Macedonia was thus humbled, and there was
now no power in Europe which could successfully dispute the
supremacy of Rome.
The Liberation of Greece (196 B. c.). To complete her
work in eastern Europe, and to justify her position as de-
fender of the Greek cities, Rome
withdrew her garrisons and an-
nounced the independence of
Greece. This was proclaimed by
Flamininus at the Isthmian
games, amid wild enthusiasm and
unbounded expressions of grati-
tude. Rome was hailed as " the
nation which, at its own expense,
with its own labor, and at its
own risk, waged war for the lib-
erty of others, and which had
crossed the sea that justice, right,
and law should everywhere have
xxxiii, 33).
War with Antiochus of Syria (192-189 B. c.). The cities
of Greece generally seemed contented with their treatment at
the hands of the Romans -except the members of the ^Etolian
League. This restless people desired to be free from the pro-
tection of Rome, and appealed for aid to the king of Syria,
Antiochus III. In response to this appeal the Syrian king
landed in Greece with a small army of 10,000. He was speed-
ily defeated and driven into Asia Minor. The Roman armies
followed him, and fought their first battle upon Asiatic soil at
Magnesia (190 B. c.) which proved a decisive victory. The
Romans fought under the command of Lucius Scipio, who was
accompanied and aided by his famous brother Africanus.
Much of the territory conquered from Antiochus was turned
ROMAN HERALD
sovereign sway" (Livy,
336 THE ROMAN WOKLD
over to Pergamum and Rhodes. The free states of Asia Minor
were left independent under the protection of Rome. The
Romans then subdued the revolted ^to-
lians and pacified the cities of Greece.
One of the conditions of the peace with
Antiochus was the surrender of Hannibal,
who had actively aided the king in the late
war. But Hannibal fled from Syria; and
being pursued by the Romans, this great
ANTIOCHUS III. soldier and enemy of Rome took his own
(Coin) . J
life by poison.
The Third Macedonian War (171-168 B. c.). Macedonia
had been an ally of Rome during the late war with Antiochus;
and at its close Philip was disappointed that he had not re-
ceived some share of the conquered lands. But it was Rome's
policy to strengthen the weak, and to weaken the strong. At
the death of Philip V. his son Perseus came to the throne of
Macedonia. This young king determined to throw off the
dictation of Rome, to reestablish the independence of his own
kingdom, and to champion the rights of the Greek cities
against the interference of Rome. The ambitious schemes of
Perseus led to another war between Rome and Macedonia.
After three unsuccessful campaigns, the Roman armies under
^Emilius Paullus (son of the consul slain at Cannae) gained
a decisive victory near Pydna (168 B. c.). Here the Mace-
donian phalanx fought its last great battle; and tjie Roman
legions gave a new evidence of their superior strengfc. Mace-
donia was now broken up into four separate districts, which
were to be governed by their own officers, but which were for-
bidden to have any relations with one another.
All the chief men of Greece who had given any aid tcxthe
Macedonian king were transport^ to Italy, where they cotiM
not stir up a revolt in their native country. Among the
Achaean captives was the historian Polyb'ius, who ow gath-
ered the materials of his great work on Roman history.
CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 337
II. REDUCTION OF THE ROMAN CONQUESTS
Change of the Roman Policy. We sometimes think that
Rome started out upon her great career of conquest with a
definite purpose to subdue the world, and with clear ideas as
to how it should be governed. But nothing could be farther
from the truth. She had been drawn on from one war to an-
other, often against her own will. When she first crossed the
narrow strait into Sicily at the beginning of the first Punic
war, she little thought that in a hundred years her armies
would be fighting in Asia; and when in earlier times she was
compelled to find some way of keeping peace and order in
Latium, she could not have known that she would, sooner or
later, be compelled to devise a way to preserve the peace and
order of the world. But Rome was ever growing and ever
learning. She learned how to conquer before she learned how
to govern. It was only after the third Macedonian war that
Rome became convinced that her method of governing the
conquered lands was not strong enough to preserve peace and
maintain her own authority. She had heretofore left the con-
quered states to a certain extent free and independent. But
now, either excited by jealousy or irritated by the intrigues and
disturbances of the conquered peoples, she was determined to
reduce them to a more complete state of submission.
Reduction of Macedonia and Illyricum. She was espe-
cially convinced of the need of a new policy by the continued
troubles in Macedonia. The experiment which she had tried,
of cutting up the kingdom into four separate states, had not
been entirely successful. To add to the disturbances, there ap-
peared a man who called himself Philip, and who pretended to
be the son of Perseus. He incited the people to revolt, and
even defeated the Romans in a battle; but he was himself soon
defeated and made a prisoner. The time had now come for
Rome to adopt her new policy in respect to Macedonia. The
previous divisions of the kingdom (p. 336) were abolished,
338
THE ROMAN WORLD
and each city or community was made directly responsible to
a governor sent from Rome. By this new arrangement, Mace-
donia became a Roman province (146 B. c.).^.
About this time perhaps a little earlier the king of Illyri-
cum was accused of favoring the cause of Macedonia, and of
RUINS AT CORINTH
having formed a secret alliance with Perseus. The country
was hence invaded by a Roman army; its king was deposed
and a Roman governor appointed in his place. Thus Macedo-
nia and Illyricum became the first two Roman provinces east
of the Adriatic Sea.
Destruction of Corinth and Reduction of Greece. The
Achaean League, the capital city of which was Corinth, was
now the only important independent state in tho I Mimic
peninsula. This league was trying to exercise authority over
CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 339
all the cities of the Peloponnesus. But Sparta resisted, and
appealed to Rome for protection. The commissioners sent by
Home to settle this difficulty were grossly insulted by the
Achaean assembly sitting at Corinth. The Homans were now
determined to break up the league. Corinth was ruthlessly
destroyed (146 B. c.), and its art treasures were sent to Rome.
The commander of the Roman army at this time was Mum-
mius, a boorish man. The story is told that Mumrnius warned
the sailors that if they destroyed or injured any of the Greek
statues or pictures on their voyage " they must replace them
with others of equal value." The destruction of Corinth was
a barharous act of war, such as no civilized nation has ever
approved. Rome now applied to Greece her policy of isola-
tion, and forbade all confederations among the cities. A few
cities Athens, Sparta, and Sicyon were allowed to retain
their freedom, while the rest of the cities were placed under
the authority of the Roman governor of Macedonia. In later
times Greece became a separate province, called Acha'ia.
The Third Punic War and Reduction of Africa. Another
example ofj:hft severe policy whinh T?nmp wns now adopting
is seen in the destruction of Carthage. This city had been
growing in prosperity since the second Punic war, and seemed
to be exciting the envy, if not the fear, of Rome. The bit-
ter jealousy of Rome was expressed by Cato the Censor, who
ended every speech in the senate with the words " Carthage
must be destroyed." Rome waited for a pretext to destroy the
prosperity of her old and hated rival. This they soon found in
the fact that Carthage had taken up arms against the neigh-
boring kingdom of Numidia, which was an ally of Rome.
Rome interfered and demanded that Carthage must, to insure
peace, give up three hundred of her youths as hostages; then,
that she must give up her arms and munitions of war; finally,
that the city of Carthage itself must be abandoned. With this
last unjust demand the Carthaginians refused to comply.
Whereupon Rome invaded Africa with an army under Scipio
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 20
340
THE ROMAN WORLD
^Emilia'nus the nephew of the great Africanus who had pre-
viously defeated the Carthaginians at Zama. History records
no more heroic defense than that offered by the Carthaginians
to the Roman armies. At last Carthage fell, and by command
of the senate the city was consigned to the flames and its sur-
viving inhabitants were carried away as captives. The de-
struction of Carthage took place in the same year (146 B. c.)
in which Corinth was destroyed. The terrible punishment in-
SITE OF CARTHAGE
flicted upon these two cities in Greece and Africa was an evi-
dence of Rome's grim policy to be absolutely supreme every-
where. Like Macedonia, the territory of Carthage, called
"Africa/' was reduced to the form of a province under a
Roman governor, residing at Utica. It soon became a Roman-
ized country. Its commerce passed into the hands of Roman
merchants ; the Roman manners and customs were introduced ;
and the Latin language became the language of the people.
Revolt and Subjugation of Spain. While the Romans were
engaged in creating the new provinces of Macedonia and
Africa, they were called upon to maintain their authority in
the old provinces of Spain and S.cily. We remember that,
CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 341
after the second Punic war, Spain was divided into two prov-
inces, each under a Roman governor (see p. 331). But the
Roman authority was not well established in Spain, except
upon tin* eastern coast. The tribes in the interior and on the
western coast were nearly always in a state of revolt. The
must rebellious of these tribes were the Lusitanians in the
west, in what is now Portugal; and the Celtiberians (see map,
p. 324) in the interior, south of the Ibe'rus River. In their
efforts to subdue these barbarous peoples, the Romans were
themselves too often led to adopt the barbarous methods of
deceit and treachery.
The war against the Lusitanians was disgraced by the
treacherous conduct of the Roman general, Galba, and dis-
tinguished by the heroic deeds of the young Lusitanian leader,
Viria'thus. But after nine years of resistance this tribe was
obliged to submit to the Roman authority (138 B. c.).
The war against the Celtiberians centered about their chief
stronghold, Numantia, a town south of the head waters of the
Iberus. The defense of Numantia, like that of Carthage, was
heroic and desperate. Its fate was also like that of Carthage.
It was compelled to surrender (133 B. c.) to the same Scipio
^Emilianus. Its people were sold jnto slavery, and the town
itself was blotted from the earth.
The Servile War in Sicily. WKile Spain was being paci-
fied, a more terrible war broke out in the province of Sicily.
This was an insurrection of the slaves of the island. One of
the worst results of the Roman conquests was the growth of the
slave system. Immense number? of the captives taken in war
were thrown upon the market. One .hundred and fifty thou-
sand slaves had been sold by JEmilius Paullus; fifty thousand
captives had been sent home from Carthage. Italy and Sicily
swarmed with a servile population. It was in Sicily that this
system bore its first terrible fruit. Maltreated by their mas-
ters, the slaves rose in rebellion under a leader, called Eunus,
who defied the Roman power for three years. Nearly two hun-
IPIROGKRICSSI V E
:N"o. 15.
343
CONQUEST OF THE MEDITERRANEAN LANDS 343
dred thousand insurgents gathered about his standard. Four
Roman armies were defeated and Rome herself was thrown
into consternation. After the most desperate resistance, the
rebellion was' finally quelled and the island was pacified
(132 B. c.).
Pergamum, the First Asiatic Province. This long period
of war and conquest, by which Home finally obtained the proud
position of mistress of the Mediterranean, was closed by the
almost peaceful acquisition of
a new province. The little
kingdom of Pergamum, in
Asia Minor, had maintained,
for the most part, a friendly
relation to Rome. When the
last king, Attalus III., died
(133 B. c.), having no legal
heirs, he bequeathed his king-
dom to the Roman people.
This newly acquired territory
was organized as a province
under the name of " Asia."
The smaller states of Asia
Minor, and Egvpt, still re-
, . ., . ROME MISTRESS OF THE WORLD
tamed their peaceful and sub-
ordinate relation as dependencies. The supreme authority
of Rome, at home and abroad, was now firmly established.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE WARS WITH MACEDONIA AND SYRIA. Relation of Rome
to the. East. The First Macedonian War. The Second Mace-
donian War. The Liberation of Greece. War with Antiochus of
Syria. The Third Macedonian War.
II. REDUCTION OF THE ROMAN CONQUESTS. Change of the Ro-
man Policy. Reduction of Macedonia and Tllyricum. Destruc-
tion of Corinth and Reduction of Greece. The Third Punic War
and Reduction of Africa. Revolt and Subjugation of Spain. The
Servile War in Sicily. Pergamum, the First Asiatic Province.
344 THE ROMAN WORLD
REFERENCES FOR READING
Pelham, Bk. III., Ch. 2, "Rome and the East" (18). l
How. and Leigh, Chs. 23-27, "Fifty Years of Conquest"; pp. 25!!-
261 (the eastern states and their rulers) (18).
Li.ldell, Bk. V., "Rome and the Conquest of the World" (18).
"Schuc'kburg-h, Ch. 33, "Wars in Spain" (18).
Monimsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 8, "The Eastern States and the
Second Macedonian War" (18).
Ihne, History, Vol. III., Bk. V., Ch. 4, "Fall of Macedonia and
Greece" (18).
Plutarch, "Flamininns" (26).
Livy, Bk. XXXIII., Chs. 32, 33 (the liberation of Greece) (25).
CHAPTER XXIII
ROME AS A WORLD POWER
I. THE CONQUESTS AND THE GOVERNMENT
Effects of the Conquests. By her conquest of the Mediter-
ranean lands Borne had Womp a grpat world pnwpr We may
well wonder what would be the effect of these conquests upon
the character of the Roman people, upon their government, and
upon their civilization. Many of these effects were no doubt
very bad. By their conquests the Romans came to be ambi-
tious, to love power for its own sake, and to be oppressive to
their conquered subjects. By plundering foreign countries,
they also came to be avaricious, to love wealth more than honor,
to indulge in luxury, and to despise the simplicity of their
fathers. But still it was the conquests that made Rome the
great power that she was. By bringing foreign nations under
her swav^ghe was obliged to control them, and to create a sys-
tem of law by which they could be governed. In spite of all
its faults, her government was the most successful that had
*The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
ROME AS A WORLD POWER 345
ever existed up to this time. It was the way in which Home
secured her conquests that showed the real character of the
Koman people. The chief effect of the conquests was to trans-
form Rome from the greatest conquering people of the world, '
to the greatest governing people of the world. ^
The New Nobility. During the whole period that we are
now studying, the Roman government was a republic. But
it would hardly be correct to think of Rome at any time as a
democratic republic. AVhen the old kingdom was overthrown,
the new^jyp 11 ^'^ 11 p r overnment passed into the hands of the
patrician class. And when the political distinction between
patricians and plebeians was broken down, there was soon
developed a new aristocracy, made up of the richest and most
influential men of both orders, which got control of the gov-
ernment. This new nobility was not based upon birth, like
the old patriciate, but upon office-holding: and it was only the
superior or so-called curule offices those of consul, dictator,
praetor, and curule aedile that conferred distinction. All those
who could boast of an ancestor that had held such an office were
regarded as nobles (nobiles); and their superior distinction con-
sisted in the right to set up in their home the ancestral image
(jus imaginis). It is true that any full Roman citizen had the
legal right to be elected to a curule office; but, as a matter of
fact, the noble families were able by their wealth to influence
the elections so as practically to retain these offices in their own
hands.
The Nobility and the Senate. But it was not simply the
holding of the curule offices that gave to the new nobility
'their great political power. It was the fact that the curule
offices opened the way to the senate. The members of the
senate were chosen by the censor, who was obliged to place
upon his list, first of all, those who had held a curule office.
On this account, the nobles had the first claim to a seat in
the senate; and, consequently, they came to form the great
body of its members. When a person was once chosen senator
346 THE ROMAN WORLD
he remained a senator for life, unless disgraced for gross mis-
conduct. In this way the nobles gained possession of the
senate, which became, in fact, the most permanent and power-
ful branch of the Roman government. It managed the fi-
nances of the state; controlled the erection of public works;
directed the foreign policy; administered the provinces; de-
termined largely the character of legislation ; and was, in fact,
the real sovereign of the Roman state.
The Decline of the Assemblies. As the power of the senate
increased, that of the popular assemblies declined. The old
patrician assembly of the curies (comitia curiata) had long
since been reduced to a mere shadow. But the other two assem-
blies that' of the centuries and that of the tribes still held
an important place as legislative bodies. But there were two
reasons why they declined in influence. The first reason was
their ujjwieldv character. As they grew in size and could only \
say Yes or Wo to the questions submitted to them, they were^
made subject to the influence of demagogues, and lost their iny
dependent position. The second reason for their decline was
the growing custom of first submitting to the ?enate the pro- \
posals which were to be passed upon by them. So that, as long /
as the senate was so influential in the state, the popular assem-7
blies were weak and inefficient.
II. ROME AND THE PROVINCES
Organization of the Provinces. The most important fea-
ture of the new Roman government was the organization of the
provinces. There were now eight of these provinces: (1)
Sicily, acquired as the result of the first Punic war; (2) Sar-
dinia and Corsica, obtained during the interval between the
first and second Punic wars ; (3) Hither Spain and (4) Farther
Spain, acquired in the second Punic war; (f>) Illyricum, re-
duced after tho tliird Macedonian war; (6) Macedonia (towhich
Achaia was attached), reduced with the destruction of Corinth;
ROME AS A WOULD I'OWHIl
347
(7) Africa, organized after the third Punic war; and (8) Asia,
bequeathed by Attalus III., the last king of Pergamum.
The method of organizing these provinces was in some re-
spects similar to that which had been adopted for governing
the cities in Italy. Borne saw
clearly that to control these newly
conquered cities and communities,
they must, like the cities of Italy,
be isolated, that is, separated en-
tirely from one another, so that
they could not combine in any
jeffort to resist her authority.
j Every city was made directly re-
j sponsible to Rome. The great
\ difference between the Italian
and the provincial town was the
fact that the chief burden of the
Italian town was to furnish mili-
tary aid soldiers and ships;
while that of the provincial town
was to furnish tribute money and grain. Another difference
was that Italian land was generally free from taxes, while
provincial land was subject to tribute.
The Provincial Governor. A province might be defined as
a group of conquered cities, outside of Italy, under the control
of a governor sent from Rome. At first these governors were
praetors, who were elected by the people. Afterward they were
propraetors or proconsuls that is, persons who had already
served as praetors or consuls at Rome. The governor held his
office for one year; and during this time was the supreme mili-
tary and civil ruler of the province. He was commander in chief
of the army, and was expected to preserve his territory from
internal disorders and from foreign invasion. He controlled the
collection of the taxes, with the aid of the quaestor, who kept
the accounts. He also administered justice between the provin-
THE CAPTIVE PROVINCE
348 THE ROMAN WORLD
cials of different cities. Although the governor was responsi-
ble to the senate, the welfare or misery of the provincials de-
pended largely upon his own disposition and will.
The Towns of the Province. All the towns of the province
were subject to Rome: but it was Rome's policy not to treat
them all in exactly the same way. Like the cities of Italy,
they were graded according to their merit. Some were favored,
like Gades and Athens, and were treated as allied towns
(civitates fcederatce); others, like Utica, were free from tribute
(immune*); but the great majority of them were considered as
tributary (stipendiaries). But all these towns alike possessed
local self-government, so far as this was consistent with the
supremacy of Rome; that is, they retained their own laws, as-
semblies, and magistrates.
The Administration of Justice. In civil matters, the citi-
zens of every town were judged by their own magistrates. But
when a dispute arose between citizens of different towns, it
was the duty of the governor to judge between them. At the
beginning of his term of office, he generally issued an edict,
setting forth the rules upon which he would decide such dif-
ferences. Each succeeding governor reissued the rules of his
predecessor, with the additions which he saw fit to make. In
this way there grew up a body of common law which applied
to the whole province and was intended to afford justice in
cases not reached by the existing town laws. The people of
the province were thus united under a common judicial system,
and their rights were protected in their dealings with one
another.
The Collection of Taxes. The Roman revenue was mainly
derived from the new provinces. But instead of raising these
taxes directly through her own officers, Rome let out the busi-
ness of collecting the revenue to a set of money dealers, called
publica'ni. These persons agreed to pay into the treasury a
certain sum for tin- ri^lit of collecting taxes in a certain prov-
ince. Whatever they collected above this sum, they appropri-
ROME AS A WORLD TOWER 349
ated to themselves. This rude mode of collecting taxes, called
" farming " the revenues, was unworthy of a great state like
Rome, and was the chief cause of the oppression of the provin-
cials. The governors, it is true, had the power of protecting the
people from being plundered. But as they themselves re-
ceived no pay for their services, except what they could get out
of the provinces, they were too busy in making their own for-
tunes to watch closely the methods of the tax-gatherers.
III. THE NEW CIVILIZATION
Foreign Influences; Hellenism. When we think of the con-
quests of Rome, we usually think of the battles which she
fought, of the armies which she defeated, and the lands which
she subdued. But these were not the only conquests which she
made. She appropriated not only foreign lands, but also for-
eign ideas. While she was plundering foreign temples, she was
obtaining new ideas of religion and art. The educated and
civilized people whom she captured in war and of whom she
made slaves, often became the teachers of her children and the
writers of her books. In such ways as these Rome came under
the influence of foreign ideas. The most powerful of these
foreign influences was that of Greece. The conquest of Greece
led to the introduction of Hellenism into Rome. We might
say that when Greece was conquered by Rome, Rome was civi-
lized by Greece. These foreign influences were seen in her new
ideas of religion and philosophy, in her literature, her art, and
her manners.
The Roman Religion. As Rome came into contact with
other people, we pan see how her religion was affected by for-
eign influences. The worship of the family remained much
the same; but the religion of the state became consider-
ably changed. It is said that the entire Greek Olympus was
introduced into Italy. The Romans adopted the Greek ideas
and stories regarding the gods; and their worship became more
350 THE KOMAN WORLD
showy and elaborate. Even some of the superstitious and fan-
tastic rites of Asia found their way into Rome. These changes
did not improve the religion. On the contrary, they made it
more corrupt. The Roman religion, by absorbing the various
ideas of other people, became a world-wide and composite form
TEMPLES OF LOYALTY, JUNO, AND HOPE
One of the redeeming features of the Roman re-
ligion was the worship of exalted qualities, like Honor and
Virtue; for example, alongside of the temple to Juno, temples
were also erected to Loyalty and Hope.
Koman Philosophy. The more educated Romans lost their
interest in religion, and betook themselves to the study of
Greek philosophy. They studied the nature of the gods and
the moral duties of men. In this way the Greek ideas of
philosophy found their way into Rome. Some of these ideas,
like those of the Stoics, were elevating, and tended to preserve
the simplicity and strength of the old Roman character. But
other ideas, like those of the Epicureans, seemed to justify a
life of pleasure and luxury.
Roman Literature. Before the Romans came into contact
with the Creeks, they did not have anything which can prop-
er! v he called a literature. They had, it is true, eerlain
crude verses and ballads; but it was the Greeks wjio first
ROME AS A WORLD POWER 351
taught them how to write. It was not until the close of the
first Punic war, when the Greek influence became strong, that
we begin to find the names of any Latin authors. The first
author, Androni'cus, who is said to have been a Greek slave,
wrote a Latin poem in imitation of Homer. Then came
Na3vius, who combined a Greek taste with a Roman spirit, and
who wrote a poem on the first Punic war; and after him,
Ennius, who taught Greek to the Romans, and wrote a great
poem on the history of Rome, called the " Annals." The
Greek influence is also seen in Plautus and Terence, the
greatest writers of Roman comedy; and in Fabius Pictor, who
wrote a history of Rome, in the Greek language.
Roman Art. As the Romans were a practical people, their
earliest art was shown in their buildings. From the Etruscans
they had learned to use the arch and to build strong and mass-
ive structures. But the more refined features of art they ob-
tained from the Greeks. While the Romans could never hope
to acquire the pure aesthetic spirit of the Greeks, they were in-
spired with a passion for collecting Greek works of art, and
for adorning their buildings with Greek ornaments. They
imitated the Greek models and professed to admire the Greek
taste ; they came to be, in fact, the preservers of Greek art.
Koman Manners and Morals. It is difficult for us to think
of a nation of warriors as a nation of refined people. The bru-
talities of war seem inconsistent with the finer arts of living.
But as the Romans obtained wealth from their wars, they af-
fected the refinement of their more cultivated neighbors. Some
men, like Scipio Africanus, looked with favor upon the intro-
duction of Greek ideas and manners; but others, like Cato the
Censor, were bitterly opposed to it. When the Romans lost the
simplicity of the earlier times, they came to indulge in luxuries
and to be lovers of pomp and show. They loaded their tables
with rich services of plate; they ransacked the land and the
sea for delicacies with which to please their palates. Roman
culture was often more artificial than real. The survival of the
352
THE ROMAN WORLD
barbarous spirit of the Romans in the midst of their professed
refinement is seen in their amusements, especially the gladiato-
rial shows, in which men were forced to fight with wild beasts
and with one another to entertain the people.
In conclusion, we may say that by their conquests the Ro-
mans became a great and, in a certain sense, a civilized people,
THE GLADIATOR
who appropriated and preserved many of the best elements of
the ancient world. They began to show a genius for political
organization far superior to that hitherto shown by any other
nation, and to develop a progressive system of law based upon
broader ideas of justice. But still they came to be selfish,
ambitious, and avaricious, and failed to acquire the genuine
taste and generous spirit which belong to the highest type of
human culture.
ROME AS A WORLD POWER 353
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE CONQUESTS AND THE GOVERNMENT. Effects of the Con-
quests. The New Nobility. The Nobility and the Senate. The
Decline of the Assemblies.
II. ROME AND THE PROVINCES. Organization of the Provinces.
The Provincial (iovernor. The Towns of the Province. The
Administration of Justice. The Collection of Taxes.
III. THE NEW CIVILIZATION. Foreign Influences; Hellenism.
The Roman Religion. Roman Philosophy. Roman Literature.
Roman Art. Roman Manners and Morals.
REFERENCES FOR BEADING
Pelham, Bk. III., Ch. 3, "The Roman State and People" (18).
How and Leigh, Chs. 28-30, "Internal History" (266-146 B. c.) (18).
Merivale, General History, Chs. 26, 27, "Rome after the Con-
quests" (18).
Liddell, Chs. 49, 50, "Rome at the Close of the Conquests" (18).
Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 11, "The Government and the
Governed"; pp. 470-491 (the new Hellenism and introduc-
tion of foreign luxuries); pp. 500-518 (the Roman drama) (18).
Abbott, Ch. 5, "The Supremacy of the Nobilitas" (22).
Harper's Classical Dictionary, "Provincia," "Stipendium," "Pub-
licani," "Vectigalia" (19).
Granrud, Third Period, "The Supremacy of the Senate" (22).
Taylor, pp. 212-234 (the supremacy of the senate) (22).
Arnold, Ch. 1, "What a Province Was"; Ch. 2, "Period of the
Republic"; Ch. 6, "Towns in the Provinces" (22).
Friedlander, pp. 21-30 (the classes in the towns); pp. 30-43 (the
finances in the towns) (19).
Seignobos, Ch. 11, "The Results of Conquest"; Ch. 12, "Social
and Political Transformation" (18).
Munro, Source Book, Part VII., "Results of Foreign Wars" (25).
Plutarch, "Cato the Censor" (26).
ir The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
PERIOD III, TRANSITION PROM THE REPUBLIC TO THE
EMPIRE (133-31 B, 0.)
CHAPTER XXIV
THE REVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI
I. CAUSES OF CIVIL DISCONTENT
General Decay of Patriotism. We have seen some of the
more direct results of the wars and conquests of Rome in the
extension of her authority over foreign lands and in making
her a world power, in the changes brought about in the govern-
ment, and in the introduction of new elements of civilization.
But if we look a little deeper into Roman society we shall see
that her conquests also brought with them many evils, which
resulted in civil strife, and finally in the overthrow of the re-
public. One great evil which now began to show itself was the
decay of patriotism among the Roman people. While the wars
may have been looked upon by some as a means to glorify the
Roman state, they were regarded by many as affording an op-
portunity to appropriate the spoils of conquest. The men who
conducted these wars and who ruled the conquered land, were
often more anxious to benefit and enrich themselves than to
promote the public good. Those who were intrusted with offi-
cial duties became more devoted to their own interests than to
the common interests of the whole people.
Class Distinctions. We may find some special causes of civil
discontent in the wide separation between the different classes
354
REVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 355
of Roman society, each having its own distinct interests.
These different classes may be arranged as follows:
(1) First and above all others were the aristocratic classes.
These consisted of (a) the senatorial order men who kept con-
trol of the higher offices, who furnished the members of the
senate, and who really ruled the state; and (b) the equestrian
order men who were called equites, or knights, on account of
their great wealth, who formed the moneyed class, the capital-
ists of Rome, and who. made their fortunes by all sorts of spec-
ulation, especially by gathering the taxes in the provinces.
(2) Next below the aristocratic classes came the body of
poorer Roman citizens. These comprised (a) the great mass
of the city population the poor artisans and paupers, who
formed a rabble and the materials of a mob, and who lived upon
public charity and the bribes of office-seekers, and were amused
by public shows given by the state or by rich citizens; and (b)
the poor country farmers living upon the Roman domain the
peasants, many of whom had been deprived of their lands by
rich creditors or by the avaricious policy of the government.
(3) Outside of the Roman domain were the non-citizen
classes. These included (a) the Latin colonists, who were set-
tled upon conquered lands in Italy, who had practically no po-
litical rights, and who were in very much the same social condi-
tion as the Roman peasants; (b) the Italian allies, who had been
subdued by Rome in early times, and had been given none of
the rights of citizenship; and (c) the provincials, outside of
Italy, some of them favored by being left free from taxation,
but the mass of them subject to the Roman tribute, and all of
them excluded from the rights and privileges of citizens.
(4) Finally, if we go to the very bottom of the Roman pop-
ulation, we find the slaves, having none of the rights of citizens
or of men. The house slaves were treated with some consider-
ation; but the field slaves were treated wretchedly, chained in
gangs by day and confined in dungeons by night.
Economic Conditions. Never was the economic condition of
356 THE ROMAN WORLD
the Roman people more deplorable than it was after the period
of the great conquests. Not only had the population of Italy
been depleted by the wars, but there were several causes which
tended to keep the people in a state of poverty and distress.
Among these were:
(1) The unequal distribution of wealth. Rome had ac-
quired great riches as the result of her wars; but this wealth
was appropriated by the moneyed class the speculators and
contractors. The desire to make money and to accumulate
wealth became a passion among this class. But the poorer
classes received no benefit from this increase of wealth ; so that
the rich were actually becoming richer, and the poor poorer.
(2) The growth of large estates. The public lands of Italy
passed into the hands of a comparatively few landlords. The
Licinian laws, enacted more than two centuries before (p. 296),
had become a dead letter; and the small farms had practically
disappeared. The growth of large estates thus benefited one
class of the people at the expense of the rest. The evils of such
a system were afterward pointed out by Pliny, who said that it
was the large estates which ruined Italy.
(3) The decay of agriculture and of the peasant class. The
lands of Italy ceased for the most part to be tilled, since the
large estates were turned into cattle ranches and sheep pastures.
The raising of grain ceased to be profitable, as agricultural
products could be obtained more cheaply from Egypt and the
provinces. The absorption of the small farms and the decline
of agriculture led to the decay of the peasant class. The small
farmers were driven into the army; and if they returned from
the field, they flocked to Rome to reenforce the city rabble.
(4) The evils of slave labor. The great increase in the num-
ber of slaves brought into Italy from the conquered lands not
only tended to degrade the condition of the slaves themselves,
but also to render it unprofitable to employ the free laborers.
In addition to the loss of their lands and the inability to ob-
tain capital, the common people were thus deprived of the
REVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 357
value of their labor; and hence they lost the last means of ob-
taining an honest living.
Political Evils. There were also political reasons for the
discontent which prevailed among the Roman people and which
was destined to break forth in riot and revolution. For exam-
ple, we may mention:
(1) The .sr///N// rule of the senate. The absorption of politi-
cal power by the senate made this body responsible for the evils
of the state, so far as these evils could be remediedjj y ^legisla-
tion^ Butjthe senate was a body of oligarchs, rulmg the people
for itstrwrr benefit. Its policy seemed to be to benefit the aris-
tocratic classes only, having little concern for the welfare of
the great body of Roman citizens and subjects.
(2) The practical disfranchisement of the people. With the
growing power of the senate, the popular assemblies, as we
have seen (p. 346), were less and less important as organs of
legislation. This means that the political rights which the
people legally possessed had little real significance. Their elec-
tions were controlled by demagogues and influenced by bribery;
and they could pass upon no laws which were not submitted to
them. By thus being deprived of an effective voice in the
government, it is hardly too much to say that the people were
practically disfranchised.
(3) The abandonment of the policy of incorporation. We
know how the early state had become strong by the incorpora-
tion of its subjects. But this .policy had been abandoned after
the introduction of the "plebeians. With the conquest of Italy
ancfthe provinces millions of new subjects had been brought
under .the Roman authority, but not admitted to the Roman
state. The new subjects in Italy that is, the Latin colonists
and the Italian allies were now desirous of being admitted to
political rights; although it is difficult for us to see how their
condition would have been improved without some radical re-
forms in the government.
(4) The oppression of the provinces. The inhabitants of the
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 21
358 THE ROMAN WORLD
provinces were especially the victims of Roman misrule. On ac-
count of the wretched system of taxation the provincials held
their property at the disposal of the tax-gatherer. The prop-
erty that was left by the tax-gatherer was often seized by the
1 governor of the province to add to his spoils of office. It is very
seldom that we hear of the governor being called to account for
his acts of oppression.
From the enumeration of the evils in the Roman state we
need not wonder at the prevailing discontent and the disposi-
tion to revolt against the existing government. The people,
after a time, became divided into two principal parties: the
aristocratic party (optima tes), or those who supported the pol-
icy of the senate; and the popular party (popula'res), or those
who sought to bring about reform. The conflicts between these
factions resulted in revolution, in civil wars, and finally in the
overthrow of the republic.
II. THE REFORMS OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS
Character of Tiberius Gracchus. The first serious attempt
to remedy the existing evils was made by Tibe'rius Sempronius
Gracchus. He was the elder of two brothers who sacrificed
their lives in efforts to benefit their fellow-citizens. Their
mother was the noble-minded Cornelia, the daughter of the
great Scipio Africanus. Tiberius when a young man had served
in the Spanish army under Scipio /Emilianus, the distin-
guished Roman who conquered Carthage and Numantia. It is
said that when Tiberius Gracchus passed through Etruria, on
his way to and from Spain, he was shocked to see the fertile
fields cultivated by gangs of slaves, while thousands of five
citizens were living in idleness and poverty. He was a man of
refined nature and a deep sense of justice, and he determined
to do \\-liMt he could to remedy these evils.
His Agrarian Laws. Tiberius Gracchus was elected irihune
and be<:;iM his work of reform in 133 B. C. He believed llmt
REVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 359
the wretched condition of the Koman people was due chiefly to
the unequal division of the public land, and especially to the
failure to enforce the Licir.ian laws. He therefore proposed
to revive these laws; to limit the holding of public land to
five hundred iugcra (about three hundred acres) for each per-
son; to pay the present holders for any improvements they had
inado; and then to rent the land thus taken up to the poorer
THE GRACCHI
class of citizens. This seemed fair enough; for the state was
the real owner of the public land, and could do what it wished
with its own. But the rich landlords, who had held possession
of this land for so many years, looked upon the measure as the
same thing as taking away their own property ; and there im-
mediately arose a fierce conflict between the old senatorial
party and the followers of Tiberius.
3 GO THE ROMAN WORLD
His Illegal Action. Tiberius determined to pass his law in
the assembly, without the approval of the senate. The senate,
on the other hand, was equally determined that the law should
not be passed. Accordingly, the senators induced one of the
tribunes, whose name was M. Octa'vius, to put his u veto " upon
the passage of the law. This act of Octavius was entirely legal,
for he did what the law gave him the right to do. Tiberius, on
the other hand, in order to qutdo his opponent, had recourse to
a high-handed measure. Instead of waiting a year for the elec-
tion of new tribunes who might be devoted to the people's
cause, he called upon the people to deprive Octavius of his of-
fice. \ This, was an illegal act, because there was no law which
authorized such a proceeding. But the people did as Tiberius
desired, and Octavius was deposed. The law of Tiberius was
then passed in the assembly of the tribes, and three commis-
sioners were chosen to carry it into effect.
Fall of Tiberius Gracchus. The law of Tiberius and the
method which he had used to pass it increased the bitter-
ness between the aristocratic party and the popular party.
Contrary to law Tiberius announced himself as a candidate for
reelection. The day appointed for the election came. Two
tribes had already voted for the reelection of Tiberius, when a
band of senators appeared in the Forum, headed by Scipio
Nasi'ca, armed with sticks and clubs; and in the riot which
ensued Tiberius Gracchus and three hundred of his followers
were slain. This was the first blood shed in the civil wars of
Rome. The killing of a tribune by the senators was as much
an illegal act as was the deposition of Octavius. Both parties
had disregarded the law, and the revolution was begun.
III. THE REFORMS OP GAIUS GRACCHUS
The Rise of Gains Gracchus. After the deatli of Tiberius
his law was for a timo carried into execution. Th>> commis-
sioners proceeded with their work of redividing the land.
;
REVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 361
But the people were for a time without a real leader.
cause of reform was then taken up by Gaius Gracchus, the
brother of Tiberius, and the conflict was renewed. Gaius was
in many respects an abler man than Tiberius. No more sin-
cere and patriotic, he was yet a broader statesman and took a
wider view of the situation. He did not confine his attention
simply to relieving the poor citizens. He believed that to
rescue Rome from her troubles, it was necessary to weaken the
power of the senate, whose selfish and avaricious policy had
brought on these troubles. He also believed that the Latins
and the Italians should be protected, as well as the poor Roman
citizens.
His Efforts to Benefit the People. When Gaius Gracchus
obtained the position of tribune (133 E. c.) his influence for a
time was all-powerful. He was eloquent and persuasive, and
practically had the control of the government. From his
various laws we may select those which were the most impor-
tant, and which best show his general policy. First of all, he
tried to help the people by a law which was really the most
mischievous of all his measures. This was his famous "corn
law." It was intended to benefit the poor population in the
city, which was at that time troublesome and not easy to con-
trol. The law provided that any Roman citizen could receive
grain from the public storehouses for a certain price less than
its cost. Gaius may not have known what evil effect this law
was destined to produce. But it insured his popularity with
the lower classes. He then renewed the agrarian laws of
his brother; and also provided for sending out colonies of
poor citizens into different parts of Italy, and even into the
provinces.
His Effort to Weaken the Senate. But Gaius believed
that such measures as these would afford only temporary re-
lief, as long as the senate retained its great power. It was, of
course, impossible to overthrow the senate. But it was possi-
ble to take from it some of the powers which it possessed.
362 THE ROMAN WORLD
From the senators had hitherto been selected the jurors
(iu'dices} before whom were tried cases of extortion and other
crimes. /By a law Gaius took away from the senate this right
to furnish jurors in criminal cases, and gave it to the equites,
that is, the wealthy class outside of the senate. This gave to
the equites a more important political position, and drew them
over to the support of Gains, and thus tended to split the aris-
tocratic classes in two. The senate was thus deprived not only
of its right to furnish jurors, but also of the support of the
wealthy men who had previously been friendly to it. This was
a great triumph for the popular party ; and Gaius looked for-
ward to another victory.
His Effort to Enfranchise the Italians. When he was re-
elected to the tribunate Gaius Gracchus came forward with his
grand scheme of extending the Roman franchise to the people
of Italy. This was the wisest of all his measures, but the one
which cost him his popularity and influence. It aroused the
jealousy of the poorer citizens, who did not wish to share their
rights with foreigners. The senators took advantage of the
unpopularity of Gaius, and now posed as the friends of the
people. They induced one of the tribunes, by the name of
Drusus, to play the part of a demagogue. Drusus proposed
to found twelve new colonies at once, each with three thou-
sand Roman citizens, and thus to put all the reforms of Gaius
Gracchus into the shade. The people were deceived by this
stratagem, and the attempt of Gaius to enfranchise the Italians
was defeated.
His Failure and Death. Gaius did not succeed, as he de-
sired, in being elected tribune for the third time. A great
part of the people soon abandoned him, and the ascendency of
the senate was again restored. It was not long before a new
law was passed which prevented any further distribution of
the public land (lex Thoria). Gaius failed to bring about the
reforms which he attempted; but lie ni;i\ In- regarded as hav-
ing accomplished tlnvc things which remained after his death:
REVOLUTION UNDER THE GRACCHI 3G3
(1) the elevation of the equestrian order; (2) the establish-
ment of the Roman poor law, or the system of grain largesses;
and (3) the extension of the colonial system to the provinces.
He lost his life in a tumult in which three thousand citizens
were slain (121 B. c.).
Thus' in a similar way perished the two Gracchi, who had
attempted to rescue the Roman people from the evils of a cor-
rupt government. Their efforts at agrarian reform did not pro-
duce any lasting effect; but they pointed out the dangers of
the state, and drew the issues upon which their successors con-
tinued the conflict. Their career forms the first phase in the
great civil conflict at Rome.
SYNOPSIS FOR REVIEW
I. CAUSES OF CIVIL DISCONTENT. General Decay of Patriot-
ism. Class Distinctions. Economic Conditions. Political Evils.
II. THE REFORMS OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS. Character of Tibe-
rius Gracchus. His Agrarian Laws. His Illegal Action. Fall of
Tiberius Gracchus.
III. THE REFORMS OF GAIUS GRACCHUS. The Rise of Gaius
Gracchus. His Efforts to Benefit the People. His Effort to
Weaken the Senate. His Effort to Enfranchise the Italians.
His Failure and Death.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Pelham, Bk. IV., Ch. 1, "From the Gracchi to Sulla" (18). *
Beesly, Ch. 1, "Antecedents of the Revolution" (18).
Ihne, History, Vol. IV., Bk. VII., Ch. 1, "Political and Economical
Conditions"; Ch. 3, "Scipio ^Emilianus" (18).
How and Leigh, Ch. 33, "Internal Affairs and Tiberius Grac-
chus"; Ch. 34, "Gaius Gracchus" (18).
Taylor, Ch. 9, "The Reformers" (22).
Mommsen, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 12, "Management of Land" (18).
- Abridged, Ch. 20, "Reforms of the Gracchi" (18).
Harper's Classical Dictionary, "Agrariae Leges," "Equites" (19).
Smith, Dictionary, "Servus, 22" (the position of slaves) (19).
Plutarch, "Tiberius Gracchus," "Gaius Gracchus" (26).
J The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the Ap-
pendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
CHAPTER XXV
THE LEADERSHIP OF MAEIUS AND SULLA
I. THE KISE OF MARIUS
The Rule of the Restoration. The Gracchi had failed.
The senate and the aristocracy were too strongly intrenched
to be overthrown by the tribunes, even though supported by the
popular assembly. Hence with the death of these reformers
the senate was restored to its previous position as the chief
ruling body of the state. The government became more cor-
rupt than ever before. The senators ruled to enrich themselves,
while the real interests of the people were forgotten. On the
other hand, the people had no capable leaders, and their cause
for a time seemed lost. It is true that the people had learned
something from the revolutionary attempts of the Gracchi.
They had learned that they could pass laws, even without the
approval of the senate; and that they could obstruct, if they
could not overthrow, the policy of the nobles. The next issues
between the people and the aristocracy were upon questions
not of domestic, but of foreign policy. But unfortunately,
when questions of war became mixed up with questions of poli-
tics, it came to pass that both parties were led to seek the sup-
port of the army.
The War with Jugurtha (111-105 B. c.). It was a border
war in Africa that gave the people their first opportunity to
interfere with the foreign policy of the senate. The kingdom
of Numidia was an ally of "Rome. It was now disturbed by the
attempt of ;i usurper, named Jugur'tha, to get control of the
kingdom. The senators undertook to settle this question; but
364
MARIUS AND SULLA
365
they were evidently more influenced by Jugurtha's gold than
by any sense of justice. Jugurtha bought the Roman commis-
sioners sent to Africa to investigate the condition of affairs.
He then bought the consul sent by the senate to conduct the
war against him; and when he was summoned to Rome to
testify against the guilty parties, he bribed a tribune to veto
the proceeding. The . indignation of the people became so
great that the senate was forced to send an able commander,
the consul Csecil'ius Metel'lus, to conduct the war in Africa.
But as the people became conscious of their power, they deter-
mined to join issue with the senate upon the appointment of
a new commander. Metellus was an aristocrat; and when his
term of office had expired
the people elected as con-
sul his lieutenant, Gains
Ma'riua, a man of humble
origin, but_an able sol-
^dier_^Iarius was as-
signed to the command;
he soon defeated Jugur-
tha, brought him in
chains to Rome, and be-
came the people's hero.
War with the Cimbri
and Teutones (113-101
B.C.). Italy was now
threatened by a barbarian
invasion, which called to
mind the terrible days when the Gauls had invaded Italy and
destroyed Rome. The present invaders were the Cimbri and
Teutones, from the borders of Germany. These fierce people
had pushed down into southern Gaul and had overrun the new
province o Narbonensis (established 120 B. c.). Already the
Roman armies had been defeated; and in one battle, at Arausio
(107 B. c.), sixty thousand Romans are said to have perished.
SEAT OF THE CIMBRIC WAR
366
THE ROMAN WORLD
The people were inclined to believe that these misfortunes were
due to aristocratic mismanagement; and hence they called upon
Marius to save Rome from the impending danger. Marius was
repeatedly elected to the consulship, and was kept in command
of the army until he had destroyed the barbarians. He gained
one great victory over the Teutones at Aquas Sextiae in south-
ern Gaul (102 B. c.); and ano'ther over, the Cimbri at Vercellae
in northern Italy (101 B. c.). Marius was now saluted as the
" savior of Rome," and received a magnificent triumph.
Marius and the Popular Party. On account of his humble
origin Marius wasby nature in sympathy with the cause of the
people. During his mili-
Tary career, he had al-
ready broken down the
class distinctions in the
army, and had placed
the rich and the poor, the
Romans and the Italians,
side by side in the ranks.
The popular leadcrsjigw
sought, fho support ^of
his_great name and his
military prestige^in their
war against the senate.
The chief leaders of the
popular party, since the
death of the Gracchi,
were Saturnisms and
Glaujeia men of no great
political ability. Marius now joined these leaders, and was
again elected to the consulship the sixth time he had held
that office. Saturninus was elected tribune and proposed a new
set of laws: (1) to reduce the price of grain; (2) to distribute
the land in Transalpine Gaul among the poor citizens and the
Italians; and (3) to open colonies in the provinces for the veter-
MARIUS (So-called)
MARIUS AND SULLA 367
.ans of Marius. These laws were passed in spite of the violent
opposition of the senate; and the cause of the people for the
moment seemed victorious. Saturninus then proposed his own
reelection as tribune, and attempted to overawe the assembly by
an armed force. A riot followed; and the senate called upon
Marius, as consul, to put down the insurrection and save the
republic. He reluctantly obeyed, and in the ensuing conflict
his colleagues Saturninus and Glaucia were killed. Marius
himself showed no capacity as a party leader. He fell into dis-
repute and retired from Rome. The senate again assumed the
reins of government; and this first attempt to support the
people's cause by the aid of a military commander proved a
failure.
II. THE EIVALRY OF MARIUS AND SULLA
The Social War, and the Incorporation of Italy (90-88
B. c.). For a brief time after the retirement of Marius, the
politics of the capital were overshadowed by a new danger
which threatened the very existence of the Roman state. This
was the revolt of the Italian allies. The Italians had long been
clamoring for the rights of citizenship. Their cause was first
espoused by a well-meaning but impracticable man, the tribune
M. Livius Drusus (the son of the Drusus who had opposed
Gaius Gracchus). But the failure of Drusus to accomplish
anything in their favor drove them into open war. This war
of the allies (socii) is known as the " Social war." Its purpose
was to found a new Italian state, " Italica," with its capital at
Corfin'ium. The parties at Rome ceased from their quarreling
and united to preserve the republic. Even Marius returned to
serve as a legate in the Roman army. A hundred thousand
men took the field against an equal number raised by the allies.
In the first year the war was unfavorable to Rome. Ifi the
second year (89 B. c.) new preparations were made and new
commanders were appointed. Marius, on account of his age,
THE KOMAN WORLD
was not continued in his command; while L. Cornelius Sulla,
who was once a subordinate of Marius, was made chief com-
mander in Campania. Tl^jrcea^-eredit of bringing thiswar
to a close was due to Sulla and another commander named
Ppmpe'ms Strabo. The first Italian capital, Corfinium, was
taken by Pompeius; and the second capital, Bovianum, was
ITAL.Y
Before the Social War
B.C. 90
(AFTKK BELOCH)
1 | Ager Romania
11 Latin Culoniti
captured by Sulla (88 B. c.). The Social war was thus ended;
but it had been a great affliction to Italy. It is roughly esti-
mated that three hundred thousand men, Romans and Italians,
lost their lives in this struggle.
Although Rome was victorious in the field, the Italians ob-
tained what they had demanded before the war br^iii. ih;ii is.
the rights of Roman citizenship. The Romans granted the
MARIUS AND SULLA
360
franchise (1) to all Latins and Italians who had remained loyal
during the war (lex lulia, 90 B. c.); and (2) to every Italian
who should be enrolled by the prater within sixty days of the
passage of the law (lex Plautia Papiria, 89 B. c.). Every per-
son to whom these provisions applied was now a Roman citizen.
The policy of incorporation, which had been discontinued for
so long a time, was thus revived. The greater part of Italy was
joined to the ager Romanus; and Italy and Home became prac-
tically one nation.
The Elevation of Sulla. One important result of the Social
war was to bring Sulla into prominence, and thus to give to the
aristocratic party a military leader a
leader perhaps quite equal to Marius as
a Soldier n pnrl far anpprinr fr> Viim a<; a
politician. War was not a new occu-
pation for Sulla. In the campaign
against Jugurtha he had served as a
lieutenant of Marius. In the Cimbric
war he had displayed great courage and
ability. And now he had become the
most conspicuous commander in the
Italian war. As a result of his bril-
liant exploits, he was elected to the con-
sulship. The senate also recognized
him as the ablest general of the time,
when it now appointed him to conduct
a war in the East against the great
enemy of Rome, Mithrida'tes, king of
Pontus, who was now encroaching upon the Roman territory
in Asia Minor and Greece.
Attempt of Marius to displace Sulla ; the Sulpician Laws.
Marius had watched with envy the growing farnp r>f ftn11a dur-
rnpr and after fhp iSo p1 ' a1 wa r His whole nature was now in-
flamed with revenge and the desire to displace and destroy
his hated rival. To regain his influence with the people, he
SULLA (So-called)
370 THE ROMAN WORLD
reentered pom^syya^joig^i^ himself to the popular leader,
the tribune P.NSulpicius Rufusr. Sulla had scarcely left Rome,
when Marius and Sulpicius embodied their scheme in the so-
called " Sulpician laws." Besides some measures intended to
humor the people and to weaken the senate, these laws con-
tained a provision giving to Marius instead of Sulla the com-
mand of the Mithridatic war. This last law reversed the de-
cree of the senate which had already given the command to
Sulla. The__SuIpickiUawD thua made a direst issuaj^ween
the people and th^ ^npte- a^rl fhia pnlifinal igqnp.hpnarnp also
a personal issue between Marius and Sulla. The laws were
passed with the usual riotous proceedings; and two messengers
were sent to Sulla with the order that he turn over his com-
mand to Marius.
Sulla's Occupation of Rome and Departure for the East.
Sulla had not yet left Italy. His legions were still encamped
in Campania. He appealed to them to support the honor and
authority of their commander. They responded to his appeal,
and Sulla at the head of his troops marched to Rome. ' For
the first time the Roman legions fought in the streets of the
capital, and a question of politics was settled by the army.
Marius and Sulpicius were driven from the city, and Sulla for
the time was supreme. He called together the senate, and
caused the leaders of the popular party to be declared outlaws.
He then annulled the laws passed by Sulpicuis, and gave the
senate the power hereafter to approve or reject all laws before
they should be submitted to the people. With the army at his
back Sulla could do what he pleased. When he had placed the
government securely in the hands of the senate, as he thought,
he left Rome for the purpose of conducting the war against
Mithridates in the East,
The Marian Massacres; China's Despotic Rule. During
the absence of Sulla Rome passed through a reign of terror.
The popular party, now under the leadership of L. Cornelius
Cinna, sought to regain control of the government. But in an
MARIUS AND SULLA 371
armed conflict, in which ten thousand citizens are said to have
lost their lives, Cinna was defeated and driven from the city.
Cinna then, following the example of his enemy Sulla, ap-
pealed to the army for support. At the same time Marius, who
had fled to Africa, returned with a body of Numidian cavalry.
Uniting their forces, Marius and Cinna marched to Rome and
took possession of the city. Then began that scene of carnage
which is known as the " Marian massacres/' in which the ene-
mies of Marius were everywhere cut down without mercy. The
man who had once been saluted as the " savior of Rome " for-
ever blackened his name by the most revolting deeds of a
despot. This spasm of slaughter lasted for five days. Marius
and Cinna then declared themselves to be consuls. But Marius
held this, his seventh consulship, only a brief time, when he
died the " horror of Rome." Cinna continued to rule with
absolute power. He declared himself consul each year, and
named his own colleague. His incapacity is shown by the fact
that during the three years of his supremacy he did nothing to
strengthen the people's cause, of which he professed to be the
leader. At last hearing that Sulla was about to return from
the East, he led an army to prevent his landing in Italy; but
he was killed in a mutiny of his own soldiers.
III. THE TRIUMPH AND DICTATORSHIP OF SULLA
Sulla and the First Mithridatic War (88-84 B. c.). While
Rome was thus suffering from the massacres of Marius and the
despotic rule of Cinna, Sulla was gathering fresh glories in the
East. When he landed in Gre<rf h^f^imd th" "aptem prov-
inces in a wretched__state. Mithridates, the king of Pontus
(see map, p. 342), had extended his power over a large part
of Asia Minor. He had overrun the Roman province of Asia.
He had induced the Greek cities on the coast, which had been
brought under the Roman power, to revolt and join his cause.
He had massacred over eighty thousand Italians living on the
THE ROMAN WORLD
Asiatic coast. He had also sent his armies into Macedonia and
Greece, and many of the cities there, including Athens, had de-
clared in his favor. The Roman power in the East seemed
well-nigh broken. It was at this time that Sulla showed his
greatest ability as a soldier. He drove back the armies of
Mithridates, besieged Athens, and reduced it. He destroyed an
army at Chaeronea (86
B. c. ; see map, p. 334),
and another at Orchom-
enus (85 B. c.). Within
four years he reestab-
lished the Eoman power,
and compelled Mithri-
LOIN OF ATHENS
dates to sign a treaty of
peace. He then returned to Italy to find his own party over-
thrown and himself an outlaw.
Sulla's War with the Marian Party. Sulla landed in Italy
(83 B. ^QjEJth a viH^rifmr nrmy of f n Tty thniTiinri r 1 men. He
had restored the power of Rome against her enemies abroad;
he now set to work to restore her authority against her enemies
at home. He looked upon the"pDpa-lar .party as a revolutionary
faction, ruling with no sanction of law or justice. Its leaders
since the death of Cinna were Cn. Papirius Carbo, the younger
Marius, and Q. Sertorius. The landing of Sulla in Italy with-
out disbanding his army was the signal for civil war. Southern
Italy declared in his favor, and many prominent men looked
to him as the deliverer of Rome. The choicest of his new
allies was the son of Pompeius Strabo, then a young man of
twenty-three, but whose future fame, as Pompey the Great, was
destined to equal that of Sulla himself. Sulla marched to
Campania and routed the forces of one consul, while troops of
the other consul deserted to him in a body. He then attacked
tho young Marius in Latium, defeated him, and shut him up
in the town <>| l ) i;i > neste(see map, p. 302). Northern Italy was
at the same time held in check by Pompey. A desperate bat-
MARIUS AND SULLA 373
tie was fought at Clusium, in Etruriu (scu map, p. 303), in
which Sulla and Pompey defeated the army of Carbo. At last
an army of Samnites which had joined the Marian cause was
cut to pieces at the Colline gate (see map, p. 282) under tin-
very walls of Rome. Sulla showed what might be expected of
him when he ordered six thousand Samnite prisoners to be mas-
sacred in cold blood.
The Sullan Proscriptions. With Italy at his feet and a vic-
torious army at his ha^k, Sulla, the champion of the senate.
wag now the supreme ruler of Rome. Before entering upon
the work of reconstructing the government, he determined first
of all to complete the work of destroying his enemies. It is
sometimes said that Sulla was not a man of vindictive nature.
Let us see what he did. He first outlawed all civil and mili-
tary officers who had taken part in the revolution against him,
and offered a reward of two talents (about $2,500) to the mur-
derer of any of these men. He then posted a list (proscriptio)
containing the names of those citizens whom he wished to have
killed. He placed eighty names on the first list, two hundred
and twenty more on the second, as many more on the third, and
so on until nearly five thousand citizens had been put to death
in Rome. If the proscriptions of Sulla were not inspired by
the mad fury of revenge which led to the Marian massacres,
they were yet prompted by the cool and merciless policy of a
tyrant.
The Sullan Constitution. When Sulla had destroyed his
enemies, not only in Rome but throughout Italy, he turned to
the work of reconstructing the government in the interests of
the senate and aristocracy. Not relying upon the tribune's
power which had been used by the Gracchi, nor upon the con-
sular power which Marius had repeatedly held, he had himself
appointed " perpetual dictator." This made him the absolute
ruler of the state. As a support to his power he planted his
veterans in military colonies in different parts of Italy, where
they could be called upon in case of emerg'ency. He then
374 THE ROMAN WORLD
proceeded to frame his new constitution, the most important
provisions of which were the following:
(1) He restored the senate to its previous position as the
chief ruling body of the state, granting to it the right to initi-
ate all legislation; and he united the senatorial and equestrian
orders by appointing many equites to the senate.
(2) He weakened the power of the people by taking away
from the comitia tributa the power of making laws, trans-
ferring this power to the comitia ccnturiata, which was con-
trolled by wealth, but which could not pass any law without
the previous approval of .the senate.
(3) He reduced the power of the tribune to the mere right
of "intercession," or the protection of a citizen from official
injustice, forbidding the tribune from proposing laws, and pro-
viding that no tribune could afterward be elected to any curule
office.
(4) He reenacted the old law of succession to office, whereby
no person could hold the same office a second time within a
period of ten years.
(5) He restricted the power of the consul to matters of civil
administration, so that no consul could command the army
until the expiration of his term.
(6) He organized a system of permanent criminal courts
(qucestiones perpetnce), and restored the jury list to the senate,
as it had been before the days of the Gracchi.
The general tendency of Sulla's legislation was to annul all
the principal changes which had grown out of the revolutionary
attempts of the popular party and its leaders, and thus to rees-
tablish the government upon its old aristocratic basis.
After a reign of three years Sulla resigned his office as
dictator. He retired to his country home on the bay of Naples,
and died in a few months, before he could know of the fate of
his constitution. Upon his monument wen 1 inscribed the
words: " No friend ever did him a kindness, and no enemy a
wrong, without Being fully repaid."
POMI'KY AM) ( .KSAR
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE RISE OF MARIUS. The Rule of the Restoration. The
War with ,Jugurthu.--\Y;u- with the Ciinlu-i and Teutones.
M;irius ;ii, (I thr Popular 1'arty.
II. THE RIVALRY OF MARIUS AND SULLA. The Social \\-.\v,
and tlu> Incorporation of Italy. The Elevation of Sulla.
Attempt of Marius to Displace Sulla; the Sulpician Laws.
Sulla's Occupation of Rome and Departure for the East. The
Marian Massacres; Cinna's Despotic Rule.
III. THE THUMIMI AND DICTATORSHIP OF SULLA. Sulla a inl-
ine First Mitln idatic War. Sulla's War with the Marian Party.
The Sullan Proscriptions. The Sullan Constitution.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Pelham, Bk. IV., Ch. 2, "From the Gracchi to Sulla" (18). 1
How and Leigh, Ch. 39, "The Social War"; Ch. 44, "The Sullan
Constitution" (18).
Merivale, Gen. Hist., Ch. 32, "Rivalry of Marius and Sulla" (18).
Taylor, Ch. 11, "China and Sulla" (22).
Beesly, Ch. 4, "War with Jugurtha"; Ch. 15, "Sulla's Reactionary
Measures" (18).
Schuckburgh, Ch. 38, "Mithridates in Asia and Greece" (18).
Mommsen, Vol. III., Bk. IV., Ch. 10, "The Sullan Constitution";
pp. 458-470 (character of Sulla) (18).
- (Abridged), Ch. 22, "Marius as a Revolutionist" (18).
Ihne, History, Vol. V., Bk. VII., Ch. 8, "The Jugurthine War";
Ch. 14, "The Social War" (18).
Freeman, Essay on "Sulla" (3).
Plutarch, "Marius," "Sulla" (26).
CHAPTER XXVI
THE GROWTH OF IMPERIALISM POMPEY AND CJESAR
I. THE RISE OF POMPEY AND CRASSUS
Y
The Drift of Roman Politics. From what we have seen of
the political conflicts going on at Rome since the first appear-
ance of the Gracchi, we might infer that no important re-
sults had heen accomplished. The constitution of Sulla was
1 The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 22
376 THE ROMAN WORLD
evidently intended to put the government back where it was
before the revolution began. The efforts of the people to
overthrow the power of the senate and the aristocracy seem to
have come to nothing. The chiefs of the popular party had
shown no great capacity for leadership, and had often degen-
erated into mere demagogues. But in spite of all these
discouragements, there were two facts which seemed to show
the drift of Roman politics. In the first place, there had been
a growing tendencvin the direction of the nTuvman power.
This is shown in the tribunate of the Gracchi, in the successive
consulships of Marius, in the absolute rule of Cinna, and in the
dictatorship of Sulla. In other words, the Eoman state was
drifting toward monarchy. In the second place, the deter-
mined spirit of the people showed^ that theone-manjjower
could not be permanently established upon an aristocratic basis
like that of &ulla. The Roman people would evidently be
satisfiedonly^with a form of monarchy or imperialism which
recognized the welfare of the whole Eoman state. We are now
to trace how such a form of imperialism came to be established.
The Three Revolts: Lepidus, Sertorius, Spartacus. Sulla
had hardly passed away when signs of discontent everywhere
appeared. The evidence of this discontent is seen in three im-
portant revolts which took place at this time the revolt of
Lep'idus, the rebellion of Sertorius, and the insurrection led by
Spar'tacus.
(1) The first attempt to oppose the new constitution was
made by the consul Lepidus, a vain and petulant man who
aspired to be chief of the popular party, but who proved to be
an incompetent leader, like many of his predecessors. He pro-
posed to restore the tribunate, and to overthrow the whole Sul-
lan regime. Failing in this, he raised an armed force, as Sulla
and Cinna had done before him, to carry out his views. The
senate placed in command of the army Pompey, one of Sulla's
lieutenants. Pompey defeated Lepidus; and this feeble at-
tempt at revolution failed (77 B. o.).
POMPEY AND CVESAlt 377
(2) A more serious attempt at revolution was made by
Sertorius, a popular leader who had escaped to Spain during
the Sullan proscriptions. Here he espoused the cause of the
provincials, and attempted to establish in Spain an independ-
ent republic. This rebellion had been begun before the death
of Sulla ; it continued for some years afterward, and presented
a serious problem for the senate. Sertorius was himself a man
of noble character, and also a very able soldier. After he had
defeated three Roman generals, Pompey was appointed procon-
sul, and was sent with a large army to put dowfi this rebellion.
The war under Pompey was successfully carried on ; but it was
only after Sertorius had been treacherously slain by one of his
own followers that the province was finally pacified (72 B. c.).
(3) Before the war in Spain was ended, the senate was called
upon to meet a still more formidable danger in Italy. This
was the revolt of the gladiators, under their renowned leader
Spartacus. The gladiators
were captives trained to
fight one another in the
arena for the amusement of
the Roman populace. Sev-
enty of these desperate men
escaped from the training
school at Capua, and gath-
ROMAN GLADIATORS
ered about them a motley
horde of a hundred thousand slaves and outlaws. They defeated
four Roman armies, and threatened to devastate the whole of
Italy. In the absence of Pompey the senate selected Crassus
a wealthy aristocrat who had served as a soldier under Sulla
to put down this fearful insurrection. Spartacus was finally
defeated (71 B. c.). A small remnant of his band fled to the
north and fell in with Pompey on his return from Spain, and
was destroyed. By this stroke of luck Pompey had the assur-
ance to claim that, in addition to closing the war with Spain,
he had also finished the war with the gladiators.
378
THE ROMAN WORLD
The Consulship of Pompey and Crassus (70 B.C.). The
senate had thus succeeded in maintaining its authority and
putting down three attempts at revolution, with the aid
of Pompey and Crassus.
These generals now
claimed the consulship
as a reward for their
service. But according
to the Sullan laws they
were not yet eligible to
this office; and the senate
was committed to the
Sullan regime. Finding
no hope of support from
the senate, the two gen-
erals turned to the pop-
ular party. In return
for the consulship they
agreed to carry out the
schemes of this party and
annul the laws of Sulla.
As a result of this 1 jar-
gain Pompey and Crassus joined hands, broke with the sci
ate, became supporters of the democratic cause, and were
elected to the consulship.
Overthrow of the Sullan Constitution. True to their
agreement, Pompey and Crassus proceeded, with the support
of the people, to overthrow the constitution which Sulla ex-
pected would be lasting. The old power was given back to the
tribunes. The legislative power was restored to the assembly,
which now could pass laws without the approval of the senate.
The exclusive right to furnish jurors in criminal cases was
taken away from the senate. Also the power of tin- censors to
revise the list of the senators, which Sulla had abolished, was
restored; and as a result of thi>. si \ty-f our senators were e\-
HEAD OF THE STATUE OF POMPEY
(So-called)
POMPEY AND C^SAR 379
pelled from the senate. By these measures the Sullan regime
was j>ruct it-ally dcslrovnl. and lln 1 supremacy of the senate
taken away. This was, in fact, the most decisive victory won
by the popular party since the beginning of the revolution. It
was also achieved without an armed conflict, simply by winning
to the democratic cause the support of the two successful
generals.
The Military Supremacy of Pompey, Since the death of
Sulla, the senators had taken comparatively little interest in
the eastern provinces except as a source of wealth to them-
selves and to their supporters. -As a result of this weak policy,
the East was falling into a condition nearly as wretched as' its
condition before the campaigns of Sulla. The seas were in-
fested with pirates, who cut off the grain supplies from Egypt;
and the king of Pontus was still a menace to the Roman
provinces. The people now determined to take into their own
hands the management of eastern affairs. By two laws they
raised their new leader, Pompey, to a position never before held
by a Roman citizen except perhaps by Sulla.
(1) The Gabinian law (67 B. c.). To rid the sea of the
pirates (who made their home in Cilicia and Crete) a law was
proposed by the tribune Gabinius, giving to Pompey for three
years supreme control over the Mediterranean Sea and its
coasts for fifty miles inland. This law was passed, and Pompey
was placed in command of a large fleet and army. Within
ninety days he had swept the seas and cleared the coasts, and
the Mediterranean was once more open to Roman commerce.
(2) ThtManilian law (66 B. c.). In the next year a law
was proposed by the tribune Manilius and supported by Rome's
greatest orator, Cicero, giving to Pompey the entire control of
the East until the tedious and desultory war now in progress
against Mithridates should be brought to an end. The war
had recently been conducted by Lucullus, a wealthy aristo-
cratic general, who was charged with prolonging the war to
enrich himself. Pompey now received the command. He de-
380
THE ROMAN WORLD
feated Mithridates and drove him out of his kingdom. He then
invaded Syria and took possession of that country. He entered
Judea, and after a severe struggle succeeded in capturing Jeru-
salem (63 B. c.). All the eastern coasts of the Mediterranean
were brought under his control. He organized the conquered
territory into new Roman provinces, and planted, it is said,
thirty-nine new cities. Pompey was now looked upon as the
most successful of Roman generals, and worthy of the title
" the Great," once conferred upon him by Sulla.
II. THE COALITION OF POMPEY, C^SAR, AND CRASSUS
The Kise of Julius Caesar. During the absence of Pompey
in the East the politics of the capital were in a confused and
uncertain state. The
senate was striving to
maintain its old dignity,
even though it could not
exercise its old authority.
The popular party was
under the professed
leadership of Crassus,
who jiad^ JLQ ajnli tyjis &
poJ^tjjQiaiii and who was
influential chiefly on ac-
count of his wealth. The
party had, in fact, won
what laurels it had
gained, through the mili-
tary prestige of Pompey.
But even in the case of
C.KSAR (Naples) _ ., , .
Pompey it was uncertain
how much confidence could be placed in ;i man who had already
broken with the senate. In the mean^irtfe, a new leader was
coming to the front a leader who was destined to become the
l" AND C^ESAK 381
greatest statesman of Rome, and to perform a work which no
one else was able to accomplish. This man was Julius-Caesar.
He was ;i nephew of Marius and the son-in-law of Cinna.
He was, therefore, from the first well disposed toward the
popular rause. He had favored the restoration of the tribu-
nate, and had supported the Manilian law. He had also tried
to procure the franchise for the Latin colonies beyond the Po;
and he had, while curule aedile, won the plaudits of the popu-
lace by the splendor of his games. Caesar saw that the people's
cause was in the ascendency; and he aspired to become its
leader, and to place himself at the head of the Roman state.
This was a noble ambition on the part of Caesar to identify
his own success with that of his fellow-citizens. But his ambi-
tion was checked for a brief time by the suspicion that he was
implicated in the conspiracy of Cat'iline a movement which
aroused in the minds of all good citizens the most intense
indignation.
Cicero and the Catilinian Conspiracy. Catiline was a man
of the stripe of Cinna. He professed to represent the cause of
the people. He was like Cinna in not caring so much for the
real interests of the people as for his own aggrandizement, and
also in being perfectly unscrupulous as to the methods by which
he attained his ends. That he was at first looked upon as a
legitimate party leader is evident from the fact that he was
supported for the consulship by Caesar and Crassus. But he
proved to be a demagogue and a desperado. He came to be
feared by all the best citizens of Rome. He was hence de-
feated at the elections by the senatorial party, under the lead
of Cicero. After a second failure to obtain the consulship,
Catiline's true character was revealed. He adopted the desper-
ate methods which had proved temporarily successful in the
days of Marius and Cinna. He determined to raise an army
from all the lawless and discontented classes of Italy, to march
upon Rome, seize the city, and destroy his enemies. This
nefarious plan was discovered by Cicero, who had been elected
382
THE ROMAN WORLD
consul. Catiline's army was defeated in Etruria. Catiline
himself was killed in battle, and five of his fellow-conspirators
were condemned to death by the senate; and Cicero put the
judgment into execution
(62 B. c.). Cicero had
already done good serv-
ice to the republic by
his impeachment o f
Verres, the corrupt gov-
ernor of Sicily; and
now he was hailed as
the "Father of his
Country." The senate re-
garded the suppression
of the conspiracy as an
aristocratic victory; and
the popular leaders, al-
though denying all con-
nection with the conspir-
acy, fell into disrepute.
Formation of the "First Triumvirate" (60 B.C.). The
senate now supposed that the time had come to assert its own
authority. The only leaders of the people who seemed strong
enough to oppose the senatorial policy were Pompey and Caesar.
The senate, therefore, determined first to humiliate Pompey,
and next to embarrass Caesar. In the first place, when Pompey
returned from his victories, he expected that his arrangements
in the East would be confirmed by the senate, and that his
veterans would be rewarded with grants of land. Tin 1 senate
refused to do either. In the next place, when Caesar returned
from Spain to which province he had been sent as propraetor
and where he had won a military reputation he wished to re-
ceive a triumph and to be elected to the consulship. The sen-
ate decided that he could not receive a triumph while in the
city, and could not be elected to the consulship while "utsid.
POMPEY AND CJESAU .383
the city. Caesar accordingly waived the triumph and entered
the city. Here he found Pompey chafing against the senate; \
and the two generals agreed to unite in opposing the senatorial
party. By its blundering policy, the senate had thus driven the
two chieftains into a coalition, to which the wealthy Crassus;
was admitted. This coalition is usually called the " First;
Triumvirate." It was composed of the most successful soldier,
the most able statesman, and the richest capitalist of Rome.
These men united to advance their own interests in opposition
to the senate. They were also, to all appearances at least, in
sympathy with the popular party; and their success would no
doubt advance the cause of the people.
V The Consulship of Caesar (59 B. c.). According to the
terms of the agreement Caesax was elected to the consulship.
On his election Caesar went faithfully to work to fulfill his
obligations to Pompey, and to pass laws to strengthen the
cause of the triumvirs. (1) He secured a law confirming all the
acts of Pompey in the East. (2) He had passed an agrarian-
law which not only provided for the veterans of Pompey, but \
which also gave estates in Campania to the needy citizens of
Rome. (3) He then obtained a- law remitting one third of the
price which the capitalists had agreed to pay for collecting the
taxes in Asia. (4) Finally, a bill was passed by which he him-
self was assigned to the provinces of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyri-
cum, to which Transalpine Gaul was added. By these laws
Pompey was satisfied; the people were pleased; the capitalists
were reconciled; and Caesar himself was secured in a military
command.
But before leaving for his provinces, Caesar desired still fur-
ther to cripple the power of the senate, by depriving it of its
chief leaders. These were Cicero and Cato the Younger
Cicero, who had restored the prestige of the senate by crushing
the Catilinian conspiracy; and Cato, who was the grandsori
of Cato the Censor, and who was now the most conservative
of the senatorial party, Cesar's tool in this work was the
384: THE KOMAN WORLD
tribune Clodius, a radical and unscrupulous politician, but a
devoted friend of Ca3sar. Through his influence, Cicero was
banished on the charge of having put to death the Catilinian
conspirators without giving them a regular trial. Cato was
sent on a mission to Cyprus, where he would be removed
from the politics of the capital. With such an arrangement
of the affairs at Rome, Caesar departed with his legions to
Gaul.
Renewal of the Triumvirate at Lucca (56 B. c.). If Cassar
made a mistake, it was in putting such a man as Clodius in
charge of his interests at Rome. Clodius was by nature an ad-
venturer and a demagogue ; and by his rash acts he came near
breaking up the triumvirate. He allied himself with the
rabble of Rome; he paraded the streets with bands of armed
ruffians, and the capital was threatened with mob rule. Pom-
pey as well as the senate became disgusted with the regime of
Clodius. They united their influence and obtained the recall
of Cicero from his exile. At the same time Cato returned
from his absence in Cyprus. With the return of the old sena-
torial leaders, and the disaffection of Pompey, it looked as
though the senate would once more regain its power, and the
triumvirate would go to pieces.
But the watchful eye of Caesar detected these symptoms of
discontent, and a conference of the leaders took place at Lucca,
a town in northern Italy (see map, p. 303), where a new ar-
rangement was brought about. Caesar was now to be given an
additional term of five years in Gaul, and to be elected consul
at the end of that time; Pompey and Crassus were now to re-
ceive the consulship; and at the close of their term of office
Pompey was to have the provinces of Spain and Africa, and the
money-loving Crassus was to receive the rich province of Syria.
In this way they would divide the world among them. The
terms of the agreement were apparently satisfactory to the
parties concerned. Caesar now felt that matters at Rome
were safe, at least until he could complete his work in
POMPEY AND (LESAR
385
Gaul and fortify his own power with a devoted and invincible
army.
Caesar and the Conquest of Gaul (58-51 B. c. ) .Within
eight years Caesar brought under his power all the territory
bounded by the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Atlantic
THE PROVINCE OF GAUL
Ocean, or about what corresponds to the modern countries of
France, Belgium, and Holland. He at first conquered the
Helve'tii, a tribe lying on the outskirts of his own province of
Narbonensis. He then met and drove back a great invasion of
Germans, who, under a prince called Ariovis'tus, had crossed
the Rhine, and threatened to overrun the whole of Gaul. He
then pushed into the northern parts of Gaul, and conquered
the Nervii and the neighboring tribes. He overcame the
386 THE ROMAN WORLD
Ven'eti on the Atlantic coast, and conquered Aquitania. lie
also made two invasions into Britain (55, 54 B. c.), crossed the
Rhine into Germany, and revealed to the Roman soldiers coun-
tries they had never seen before. After once subduing the
various tribes of Gaul, he was finally called upon to suppress a
general insurrection, led by a powerful leader called Vercin-
get'orix. The conquest of Gaul was then completed.
A large part of the population had been either slain in war
or reduced to slavery. The new territory was pacified by be-
stowing honors upon the Gallic chiefs, and self-government
upon the surviving tribes. The Roman legions were distrib-
uted through the territory; but Caesar established no military
colonies like those of Sulla. The Roman arts and manners
were encouraged; and Gaul was brought within the pale of
civilization.
III. THE SUPREMACY OF CAESAR
Dissolution of the Triumvirate. While Caesar was absent
in Gaul, the ties which bound the three leaders together were
becoming weaker and weaker. The position of Crassus tended
somewhat, as long as he was alive, to allay the growing sus-
picion between the two great rivals. But after Crassus de-
parted for the East to take control of his province in Syria, he
invaded Parthia, was badly defeated, lost the Roman stand-
ards, and was himself killed (53 B. c.). The death of Crassus
practically dissolved the triumvirate; or we might rather say,
it reduced the triumvirate to a duumvirate. But the relation
between the two leaders was now no longer one of friendly sup-
port, but one of mutual distrust.
,L Alliance of Pompey with the Senate. "Pompcy was not
only drawing away from Caesar; he was also coming into closer
relations with the senate, which frit tlic need of sonic strong
military support. The city was distracted by continual
fignts between the armed bands of Clod ins. Hie
POMPEY AND G3SSAII
387
and those of T. Annius Milo, who professed to he defending
the cause of the senate. In one of these broils Clodius was
killed. His excited followers made his death the occasion of
riotous proceedings. His
body was burned in the
Forum by the wild mob,
and the senate house was
destroyed by fire. In the
anarchy which followed,
the senate felt obliged to
confer some extraordi-
nary power upon Pom-
pey. On the proposal of
Cairo, he was appointed
" consul without a col-
league." Under this
unusual title Pompey re-
stored order to the state,
and was looked upon as
" the savior of society."
He became more and
more closely bound to the cause of the senate; and the senate
recognized its obligations to him by prolonging his command
in Spain for five years.
Rupture between the Senate and Caesar. It was a part of
the agreement made at the conference of Lucca, we remember
(p. 384), that Caesar was to receive the consulship at the close
of his command in Gaul. He naturally wished to retain the
control of his army until he had been elected to his new office.
The senate was determined that he should not, but should
present himself at Rome as a private citizen before his election.
Caesar well knew that he would be helpless as a private citizen
in the presence of the enemies who were seeking to destroy
him. Cato had already declared that he would prosecute him
as soon as he ceased to be proconsul in Gaul. Caesar promised,
CATO THE" YOUNGER
388 THE ROMAN WORLD
however, to give up his province and his army, if Pompey
would do the same; but Pompey refused. The senate then
called upon Caesar to give up two of his legions, on the plea
that they were needed in the Parthian war. The legions were
given up; but instead of being sent to the East they were sta-
tioned in Campania. Upon further demands, Caesar agreed to
give up eight legions of his army if he were allowed to retain
two legions in Cisalpine Gaul until the time of his election.
This the senate refused; and demanded that he must give up
his province and his whole army by a certain day, or be de-
clared a public enemy. The senate had offered him humiliation
or war. He chose war, and crossed the Rubicon (49 B. c.),
the stream which separated his province of Cisalpine Gaul from
Italy.
Civil War between Pompey and Caesar. The contest was
now reduced to a struggle between Pompey, the champion of
the senate, and Caesar,- the champion of the people. Caesar
knew the value of time ; at the instant when he decided upon
war, he invaded Italy with a single legion. Pompey, unpre-
pared for such a sudden move and not relying upon the two
legions which the senate had taken from Caesar, was obliged to
withdraw to Brundisium (see map, p. 305). Besieged in this
place by Caesar, he skillfully withdrew his forces to Greece,
and left Caesar master of Italy.
The campaigns of Caesar against Pompey and his supporters
may be summed up as follows: (1) He dispatched his Gallic
legions across the Pyrenees into Spain (49 B. c.) and destroyed
the armies of Pompey's lieutenants. (2) He crossed the Adri-
atic Sea into Greece; was defeated at Dyrra'chiurn (map, p.
.334), and then in the decisive battle at Pharsa'lus (48 B. c.)
defeated Pompey, who fled to Egypt and was treacherously
slain by an Egyptian soldier. (3) He entered Egypt to quell
a civil war between the young Egyptian prince, Ptolemy, and
his sister, Cleopa'tra; defeated the army of Ptolemy, and
placed Cleopatra on the Egyptian throne. (4) On his re-
POMPEY AND
389
turn to Italy by way of Asia Minor, he defeated (at Zela, 47
B. c. ; map, p. 394) Phar'naces, the king of Pontus and son of
the great Mithridates, who was trying to stir up a revolt in the
eastern provinces, sending to the senate the famous dispatch,
re Veni, vidi, vici." ( 5 ) He passed over into Africa, and at the
battle of Thapsus (46 B. c.) defeated the senatorial forces led
by Cato, who committed suicide after the battle. (6) At the
battle of Munda in Spain (45 B. c.) he crushed the last at-
tempt at resistance, led by the sons of Pompey.
Caesar's Triumphs and Titles. When Caesar returned to
Rome, he came not as the servant of the senate, but as master
of 'the world. He crowned his victories by four splendid tri-
umphs, one for Gaul, one for Egypt, one for Pontus. and one
for Africa. He made no reference to th civil war; and no
citizens were led among his cap-
tives. His victory was attended
by no massacres, no proscriptions,
no confiscations. He was as gener-
ous in peace as he had been
relentless in war. CaBsar was
great enough to forgive his ene-
mies. A general amnesty was pro-
claimed; and friend and foe were
treated alike. During the period
of his rule (49-44 B. c.) he exer-
cised his power under various
titles. He was consul, dictator,
controller of public morals (prce-
fectus morum), tribune, pontifex
maximus, and chief of the senate
(princeps senatus). He thus
gathered up in his own person the
powers which had been scattered among the various republican
officers. The name of " impera'tor," with which the soldiers
had been accustomed to salute a victorious general, was now
JULIUS C^SAR (Capitol)
390 THE ROMAN WORLD
made an official title, and prefixed to his name. In Caesar
was thus embodied the one-man power which had heen grow-
ing up during the civil wars.
Caesar's Legislation. The only man of the Roman republic
who can well be compared with Caesar is Sulla. They both ob-
tained an imperial position in the Roman state. They were
also both able politicians and constructive statesmen. But a
wide gulf separates the constitution of Sulla from the legisla-
tion of Caesar. The one was based upon the narrow interests
of a selfish aristocratic class; the other rested upon the com-
mon interests of the Roman people. In the light of this whole
period which we are now studying, we may say that the con-
stitution of Sulla was an obstacle to the general drift of popu-
lar reform; while the legislation of Caesar brought to a success-
ful issue the beneficent movement begun by the Gracchi. Let
us make a brief summary of what Caesar did during his brief
career as political ruler:
(1) He took away the aristocratic character of the senate by
raising the number of its members to nine hundred, including
representative men from all classes in Italy and the provinces.
(2) He extended the right of citizenship to the people be-
yond the Po and to many communities in Gaul and Spain.
(3) He opened colonies in the provinces, by which 80,000
landless citizens in Italy were provided with homes.
(4) He revived the municipal life of Italy, and reorganized
the municipal system so as to make it apply equally to Italy
and the provinces.
(5) He changed the oppressive system of taxation in the
provinces by dispensing with the avaricious tax-gatherer and
permitting each town to collect its own fixed share of the tax.
(6) He reenacted the old Licinian law which provided for a
certain number of free laborers on every estate.
(7) He passed a bankruptcy law which relieved debtors from
their obligations by relinquishing their entire estates to their
creditors thus doing away with imprisonment for debt.
POMPEY AND CAESAR 391
(8) He reduced the number of poor receiving state aid from
320,000 to 150,000, and afforded means of employment by en-
couraging public works.
(9) He also reformed the calendar, which has remained sub-
stantially as he fixed it, to the present day; and he provided
for a regular census which should apply not only to Rome but
to every Roman community.
Besides these acts it was his purpose also to codify the Ro-
man law; to provide for the founding of public libraries; to
improve the architecture of the city; to drain the Pontine
Marshes for the improvement of the public health; to 'cut a
channel through the Isthmus of Corinth; and to extend the
empire to its natural limits, the Euphrates, the Danube, and
the Rhine. These acts and projects illustrate the compre-
hensive mind of Caesar. They show that the one-man power
which he established had for its object the highest welfare of
the whole Roman state.
The Assassination of Caesar. If Caesar failed in anything,
it was in not adjusting himself sufficiently to the conservative
spirit of the time. There were still living at Rome men who
were blindly attached to the old republican forms. To them
the reforms of Caesar looked like a work of destruction, rather
than a work of creation. They saw in his projects a scheme
for reviving the kingship. It was said that when Caesar was
offered a crown he looked at it wistfully; and that he had se-
lected his nephew Octavius as his royal heir.
The men who hated Caesar, and who conspired to kill him,
were men who had themselves received special favors from him.
The leading conspirators, M. Brutus and C. Cassius, had both
served in Pompey's army, and had been pardoned by Caesar
and promoted to offices under his government. Joined by some
fifty other conspirators, these men formed a plot to kill Caesar
in the senate house. The story of his assassination has been
told by Plutarch and made immortal by Shakespeare'. When
the appointed day came, the Ides of March (March 15, 44
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 23
392 THE ROMAN WORLD
B. c.), Caesar was struck down by the daggers of his treacherous
friends, and he fell at the foot of Pompey's statue. It has been
said that the murder of Caesar was the most senseless act that
the Romans ever committed. His death deprived Rome of the
greatest man she ever produced. But the work of the con-
spirators did not destroy the work of Caesar.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE RISE OF POMPEY AND CRASSUS. The Drift of Roman
Politics. The Three Revolts: Lepidus, Sertorius, Spartacus.
The Consulship of Pompey and Crassus. Overthrow of the
Sullan Constitution. The Military Supremacy of Pompey.
II. THE COALITION OF POMPEY, C^SAB, AND CRASSUS. The
Rise of Julius Caesar. Cicero and the Catilinian Conspiracy.
Formation of the "First Triumvirate." The Consulship of
Caesar. Renewal of the Triumvirate at Lucca. Caesar and the
Conquest of Gaul.
III. THE SUPREMACY OF C.^SAR. Dissolution of the Triumvirate.
Alliance of Pompey with the Senate. Rupture between the
Senate and Caesar. Civil War between Pompey and Caesar.
Caesar's Triumphs and Titles. Caesar's Legislation. The Assas-
sination of Caesar.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Liddell, Ch. 72, "Revolutionary Attempts of Lepidus, Sertorius,
Spartacus'* (18). *
Schuckburgh, Ch. 42, "Pompey in the East" (18).
How and Leigh, Ch. 47, "Cicero and Catiline"; Ch. 49, "The
Conquest of Gaul" (18).
Merivale, General History, Ch. 40, "The First Triumvirate" (18).
Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 1, "The Dictatorship of Julius" (18).
Mommsen, Vol. IV., Bk. V., Ch. 11, "The Old Republic and the
New Monarchy" (18).
- (Abridged), Ch. 35, "Joint Rule of Pompey and Caesar" (18).
Taylor, Ch. 15, "Caesar" (22).
Abbott, Ch. 6, "Struggle between the Democracy and the
Nobilitas" (22).
Granrud, Fourth Period, Ch. 7, "The Rule of Caesar" (22).
Shakespeare, "Julius Caesar."
Forsyth, Cicero, pp. 319-330 (character of Cicero) (27).
Oman, Seven Great Statesmen, Ch. 5, "Sulla"; Ch. 8, "Pompey";
Ch. 9, "Caesar" (26).
Froude, Caesar, Ch. 11, "Conspiracy of Catiline"; Ch. 28, "Char-
acter of Caesar" (27).
'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 393
Fowler, Caesar, Ch. 7, "Caesar's First Consulship"; Ch. 18,
"Caesar's Use of Absolute Power" (27).
Dodge, Caesar, Ch. 24, "Caesar's Army" (27).
Munro, Source Book, Part V1IL, "Last Century of the Republic"
(25).
Plutarch, "Sertorius," "Lucullus," "Pompey," "Crassus," "Cato
the Younger," "Caesar," "Cicero" (26).
CHAPTER XXVII
THE LAST STRUGGLE FOR THE EMPIRE ANTONY AND
OCTAVIUS
I. THE RISE OF ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS
The Confusion after Caesar's Death. ^We need not be sur-
prised that the death of Caesar was followed by confusion and
dismay. His murderers considered themselves as " liberators "
of the republic. But their rash act gave to Rome another
period of strife and civil war. They had killed Caesar; but
they had provided for no one to take his place. If they
thought that the senate would be restored to its old position
they were grievously mistaken. The only leading man of the
senate who had survived the last civil war was Cicero; but
Cicero with all his learning and eloquence could not take the
place of Caesar. Soon there appeared new actors upon the
scene, men struggling for the supreme power in the state M.
Anto'nius (An' tony), the friend of Caesar and his fellow-con-
sul; C. Octavius, his adopted son and heir; M. ^Emilius Lepi-
dus, his master of horse; Sextus Pompeius, his previous enemy
and the son of his greatest rival; Awhile Cicero still raised his
voice in defense of what he regarded as his country's freedom.
The Elevation of Antony. The man who had stood near-
est to Caesar was Antony, his fellow-consul. He claimed that it
was his duty to carry out the purpose of his murdered chief.
He got possession of Caesar's will a,nd treasures, and influenced
16.
394
ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS
395
iln 1 senate to confirm all of Caesar's acts. He called upon (he
people to rise up and avenge the death of their greatest friend.
The liberators were obliged to flee from the city. They has-
tened to the provinces
to which they had pre-
viously been assigned by
Caesar Cassius to Syria,
Marcus Brutus to Mace-
donia, and Decimus Bru-
tus to Cisalpine Gaul.
The Appearance of
Octavius. The only per-
son who could well dis-
pute the claims of An-
tony was Octavius a
young man of nineteen,
who was Caesar's grand-
nephew and adopted heir.
This young man assumed
his adopted name Gaius
Julius Caesar Octavia'nus
and disputed with Antony the right to act as Cesar's repre-
sentative. By his great generosity he won the favor of the
people, who called him by the magic name of Caesar. He now
began to show that adroit skill for which he was afterward
noted. His first purpose was to weaken Antony, who had de-
prived him of his inheritance. He therefore saw fit to unite
his cause with that of the senate, which was already opposed
to the ambitious schemes of Antony. By this piece of diplo-
macy Octavius gained the influence of Cicero, the leader of the
senatorial party.
Cicero's Attack upon Antony. The hostility between
Cicero and Antony grew to be bitter and relentless; and they
were pitted against each other on the floor of the senate. But
in a war of words Antony was no match for Cicero. By a
ANTONY
396
THE ROMAN WORLD
series of famous speeches known as the " Philippics," the popu-
larity of Antony was crushed; and he retired from Eome to
seek for victory upon other fields. He claimed Cisalpine Gaul
as his province. But this province was still held by Decimus
Brutus, one of the liberators, to whom the senate looked for
military support.
AVhen Antony attempted to gain possession of this territory,
Cicero thought he saw an opportunity to use Octavius in the
interests of the senate.
Accordingly Antony was
declared a public enemy;
Octavius was made a
senator with the rank of
consul, and was author-
ized to conduct the war
against Antony. In this
war the so-called war of
Mu'tina (44-43 B. c.)
Octavius was successful.
As a reward for his vic-
tory he demanded of the
senate that he receive a
triumph and the consul-
ship. Cicero and the sen-
ate had intended Decimus
Brutus for this office, and
the request of Octavius was refused. But the young heir,
then twenty years of age, following the example of Caesar, en-
forced his claim with the sword; he took possession of the
city, and obtained his election to the consulship. Octavius
thus became the ruling man in Rome.
Formation of the Second Triumvirate (43 B. c.). The
senate had lost the support of Octavius by opposing his elec-
tion to the consulship. The young leader now sought to secure
his position by reconciling his previous enemy, Antony. An-
THE YOUNG OCTAVIUS
ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 397
tony was supported by Lepidus, who had an army in Transal-
pine Gaul. A coalition was formed between these three leaders
Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus usually called the " Second
Triumvirate." Unlike the First Triumvirate, this was sanc-
tioned by a law of the tribal assembly. The leaders agreed to
oppose the senate, to divide among themselves the western
provinces, and then to make war upon the chief liberators,
Brutus and Cassius, who held possession of the eastern prov-
inces. They assumed a dictatorial power for five years, with
the right of appointing all magistrates. Their decrees were
to have the force of law without the approval of either the
senate or the people.
It is to the eternal disgrace of these men who professed to
espouse the cause of Caesar, that they abandoned the humane
policy of their great exemplar, and returned to the infamous
policy of Marius and Sulla. Antony especially desired a pro-
scription, as he was surrounded by thousands of personal
enemies, chief among whom was Cicero, the author of the
" Philippics." It is said that three hundred senators and two
thousand equites were outlawed and their property was con-
fiscated; besides, a large number of persons were slain. The
most distinguished victim of this horrible work was Cicero.
When the old man was warned of his danger and urged to flee,
he replied, " Let me die in my fatherland, which I have so
often saved."
War against the Liberators; Battle of Philippi (42 B. c.).
Having murdered their enemies at home, the triumvirs were
now prepared to crush their enemies abroad. There were three
of these enemies whom they were obliged to meet Brutus and
Cassius, who had united their forces in the East; and Sextus
Pompeius, who had got possession of the island of Sicily, and
had under his command a powerful fleet. While Lepidus re-
mained at Rome, Antony and Octavius invaded Greece to meet
the two liberators, Brutus and Cassius. The hostile forces met
near Philip'pi (42 B. c.), a town in Macedonia on the north-
398
THE ROMAN WORLD
PhilippU
em coast of the ^Egean Sea (see map, p, 334). Octavius was
opposed to Brutus, and Antony to Cassius. Octavius was
driven back by Brutus,
while Antony, more fortu-
nate, drove back the wing
commanded by Cassius.
As Cassius saw his flying
legions, he thought that
all was lost, and stabbed
himself with the same
dagger, it is said, with
which he struck CaBsar.
This left Brutus in sole
command of the oppos-
ing army; but he also
was defeated in a second
battle, and, following the
BATTLE OF PHILIPPI
example of Cassius, com-
mitted suicide. By the battle at Philippi the last opposition
to the triumvirs was destroyed.
N
8 E
II. CIVIL WAR BETWEEN ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS
New Division of the Provinces. The Eoman world was
now under the power .of Antony, Octavius, and Lepidus, who
proceeded to a redivision of the provinces. But Lepidus was
too weak to receive much consideration. Antony was to take
control of the eastern provinces, and to push the Roman con-
quests if possible into Parthia. Octavius was to preserve the
peace of Italy and the western provinces, and to destroy the
fleet of Sextus Pompeius, which was interfering with Roman
commerce and threatening to cut off the grain supplies of Italy.
Lepidus had to be satisfied with the small province of Africa.
Octavius in the West. Octavius proceeded to secure his
position in the West by means of force and craft. He first
ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 399
put down an insurrection incited by the partisans of Antony.
The young conqueror won the affections of the people, and
tried to show them that peace and prosperity could come only
through his influence. Next, with the help of his friend and
able general, Agrip'pa, and with the aid of a hundred ships
lent him by Antony, Octavius destroyed the forces of Sextus
Pompeius. The defeated general fled to the East, and was
killed by the soldiers of Antony.
Octavius was then called upon to deal with a treacherous
friend. This was the weak and ambitious Lepidus, who with
twenty legions fancied that he could defeat Octavius and be-
come the chief man of Rome. But Octavius did not think the
emergency grave enough to declare war. He defeated Lepidus
without a battle. Unarmed and almost unattended he entered
his rival's camp, and made an eloquent appeal to the soldiers.
The whole army of Lepidus deserted to Octavius. Lepidus
was deposed from his position as triumvir, but was generously
allowed to retain the office of pontifex maximus. By the use
of force and diplomacy Octavius thus baffled all his foes in the
West, and he and Antony were now the
undisputed rulers of the Roman world.
Antony in the East. While every-
thing in the West was turning in
favor of Octavius, all things in the
East were also contributing to his suc-
cess. But this was due not only to his
own skill but to the weakness and
folly of Antony. Octavius had tried
to cement the league of the triumvirs
by giving his sister Octavia to Antony CLEOPATRA
in marriage. But Antony soon grew
tired of Octavia, and became fascinated by Cleopatra, the
" Serpent of the Nile." He aspired to the position of an Orien-
tal monarch. He divided the Roman provinces with Cleopatra,
who was called " the queen of kings." The Roman people
400 THE ROMAN WORLD
were shocked when he desired his disgraceful acts to be con-
firmed by the senate. They could not help contrasting this
weak and infatuated slave of Cleopatra with their own Octa-
vius, the strong and prudent governor of the West. While
Octavius was growing in popularity, Antony was thus becom-
ing more and more an object of detestation.
Rupture between Antony and Octavius. The strong feel-
ing at Rome against Antony, Octavius was able to use to his
own advantage. The people suspected Antony of treasonable
designs, as they saw his military preparations, which might
be used to enthrone himself as king of the East, or to install
Cleopatra as queen of Rome. All doubt as to Antony's real
character and purpose was settled when his will was found and
published. In it he had made the sons of Cleopatra his heirs,
and ordered his own body to be buried at Alexandria beside
that of the Egyptian queen. This was looked upon as an insult
to the majesty of Rome. The citizens were aroused. They
demanded that war be declared against the hated triumvir.
Octavius suggested that it would be more wise to declare war
against Cleopatra than against Antony and the deluded citizens
who had espoused his cause. Thus what was really a civil war
between Octavius and Antony assumed the appearance of a for-
eign war between Rome and Egypt. But Antony well under-
stood against whom the war was directed ; and he replied by
publicly divorcing Octavia, and accepting his real position as
the public enemy of Rome.
Battle of Actium (31 B. c.). When war was declared, An-
tony and Cleopatra united their forces against Rome. Antony
gathered together an immense army and occupied the western
coasts of Greece, where he could either threaten Italy or resist
the approach of Octavius. His main army was posted at
Actium (see map, p. 334), south of the strait leading into the
Gulf of Ambracia. His fleet was for the most part moored
within the gulf. Octavius, with the aid of his trustod general
Agrippa, succeeded in transporting an army to the coast of
ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS
401
BATTLE OF ACTIUM
Epirus, and took up a position north of the strait and opposite
the land forces of Antony. His fleet was stationed outside of
the strait to await the approach of the enemy's vessels. An-
tony, on the advice of his ablest officers, desired that the battle
should be waged with the land forces. But Cleopatra, proud
of her navy, insisted that it should be fought on the sea. The
contest was therefore de-
cided by a naval battle.
As the fleet of Antony
emerged from the strait,
it was immediately at-
tacked by Octavius and
Agrippa. But scarcely
had the battle begun
when Cleopatra with her
squadron withdrew from
the line, and was quickly
followed by Antony. Their sailors fought on until their fleet
was destroyed. The battle of Actium closed the political ca-
reer of Antony, and left Octavius the sole master of the Ro-
man world.
Before returning to Rome Octavius restored order to the
eastern provinces, and followed the fugitives to Egypt. An-
tony, defeated and ruined, committed suicide; and Cleopatra
followed his example rather than be led a captive in a Roman
triumph. Together this wretched pair were laid in the mauso-
leum of the Ptolemies. Egypt was annexed as a provinc'e of
the new empire (30 B. c.). Octavius returned to Rome (29
B. c.), where he was given a triple triumph for Dalmatia
(part of Illyricum, where he had won some previous victories),
for Actium, and for Egypt. The temple of Janus the doors
of which were always left open in time of war was now- closed
for the first time since' the second Punic war; and the Romans,
tired of civil strife and bloodshed, looked upon the triumph of
Octavius as the dawn of a new era of peace and prosperity.
402 THE ROMAN WORLD
III. REVIEW OF THE PERIOD OF THE CIVIL WARS
Political Progress at Rome. There is no period of Roman
history more eventful or instructive than that which we have
just considered extending from the time of the Gracchi to
the triumph of Octavius. If we look merely at the surface of
events, it may perhaps seem to be hardly more than a period of
strife, of turmoil, of revolution, and of civil war. But if we
compare the wretched condition of things which Tiberius
Gracchus first sought to remedy, with the new system which
Julius Ca3sar established and Octavius sought to make perma-
nent, we must Conclude that it was during this time that the
Roman people were working out the greatest political problems
of their history. In the midst of the greatest discouragements,
and often under incompetent leaders, they continued to fight
for justice, until they at last found a chieftain capable of de-
fending their interests. The people learned that they could not
secure their rights by means of unwieldy assemblies, which
were often ruled by ambitious demagogues and they had not
discovered the modern principle of representation. If they
could not obtain a government by the people, they could at
least obtain a government for the people, under the control of
an efficient magistrate devoted to their interests. With our ad-
vanced political ideas and experience, we may not believe that
Roman imperialism is the best form of government; it was
yet the highest and most successful form of government devel-
oped in the ancient world. By such a government, the Roman
people secured political equality, and perhaps as much political
freedom as was possible without representative institutions.
Improvement of the Roman Law. It was also during this
time that the Romans were developing that remarkable sys-
tem of law which surpassed that of any other ancient people.
The Imsis of this la\v \v;is Hit- XII. Tnhles. Ill curlier limes,
tin- pati-irians oiilv possessed leir;il rights: but these rights
came to be extended to the plebeians, and with every enlarge-
ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS 403
ment of the Roman state there had been an extension of civil
rights. As to his civil rights. <>\vry free person was a Roman
citizen, a Latin, or a foreigner. A Roman citizen had both the
conubium and the commercium that is, he had, first, the
rights growing out of the family organization, such as the pa-
ternal power and inheritance, and, second, the rights growing
out of commercial transactions, such as property and contract.
A Latin had only the commercium; l while the foreigners (in-
cluding the Italian allies) had at first no rights under the Ro-
man law. During this time, however, the rights of citizens
and of Latins were continually being extended. But more than
this, the rights of all foreigners in Italy came to be protected
by a special praetor (prcetor peregrinus). Under this new
praetor there was gradually developed a new body of law, called
the jus gentium, a law common to the nations of Italy which
applied to those whose rights were not protected by the old
XII. Tables. After the "Social war" all the inhabitants
of Italy were admitted to the full rights of citizenship; and
the jus gentium came to be extended so as to apply to all
provincials whose rights could not otherwise be secured. In
this way, the Romans developed a system of law by which
every free person in the Roman world could have his civil
rights protected, in some way or other, in a court of justice.
Advancement in Literature. Another evidence of the
progress of the Romans during the period of the civil wars is
seen in their literature. It was at this time that the influence
of Hellenism became very marked, and that under this influ-
ence Rome began to produce writers whose names belong to the
literature of the world. Caesar wrote his " Commentaries on
the Gallic War," which is a fine specimen of clear historical
narrative. Sallust wrote a history of the Jugurthine war and
an account of the conspiracy of Catiline, which give us graphic
and vigorous descriptions of these events. Lucre'tius wrote a
Thls applies to the later Latinitas, after this franchise was extended
beyond th limits of Latium to the Latin colonies throughout Italy.
404
THE ROMAN WORLD
great poem " On the Nature of Things," which expounds the
Epicurean theory of the universe and reveals powers of de-
scription and imagination rarely equaled by any other poet,
ancient or modern. Catullus wrote lyric poems of exquisite
grace and beauty. Cicero was the most learned and prolific
writer of the age ; his orations, letters, rhetorical and philosoph-
ical essays furnish the best models of classic style, and have
given him a place among the great prose writers of the world.
Progress in Architecture. That the Romans were also im-
proving in their culture and taste is shown by the new and
splendid buildings which were erected during this period.
While some public build-
ings were destroyed by
the riots in the city, they
were replaced by finer
and more durable struc-
tures. Many new tem-
ples were built temples
to Hercules, to Minerva,
to Fortune, to Concord,
to Honor and Virtue.
There were new basilicas,
or halls of justice, the
most notable being the
Basilica Julia, which was
commenced by 'Julius
Caesar. A new forum, the
Forum Julii, was also
laid out by Caesar, and a new theater was constructed by Pom-
pey. The great national temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, which
was burned during the civil war of Marius and Sulla, was re-
stored with great magnificence by Sulla, who adorned it with
the columns of the temple of the Olympian Zeus brought from
.\:ln-n>. It \V,H iuriM'_ r ilii- period thai ibe triumphal arches
were first erected, and became a distinctive feature of Roman
TEMPLE OF FORTUNE
ANTONY AND OCTAV1US
405
architecture. With the exception of the use of the arch, the
general features of Ifoinan architecture show the strong influ-
ence of Greek ideas especially in the construction of temples,
and in the use of columns, which the Komans generally sur-
mounted with the Corinthian capitals (p. 136).
Roman Education. The influence of Hellenism is also seen
in the increasing attention which the Komans paid to educa-
tion. Roman education, like that of the Greeks, was intended
to develop all the mental powers, and to train the young
man for public life. Children
both boys and girls began to attend
school at six or seven years of age.
The elementary studies were reading,
writing, and arithmetic. The chil-
dren were taught to write from a
copy set upon their tablets, and to
cipher by means of the counting
board (abacus) and counters (cal-
culi}. The higher education com-
prised what were called the liberal
arts (artes liberales), including the
Latin and Greek languages, composi-
tion and oratory, and mental and
moral philosophy. An important part of education consisted
in public recitals and declamations which were intended to
train young men for the forum, and were often held in the
temples.
Decay of Religion and Morals. While the Romans, during
tin's period, showed many evidences of progress in their laws,
their literature, and their art, they were evidently declining in
their religious and moral sense. Their religion was diluted
more and more with Oriental superstitions and degrading cere-
monies. In their moral life they were suffering from the ef-
fects of their conquests, which had brought wealth and the
passion for luxury and display. Ambition and avarice tended
BOY WITH CALCULATING
BOARD
406 THE ROMAN WORLD
to corrupt the life of the Eoman people. The only remedy
for this condition of religious and moral decay was found in
the philosophy of the Greeks, which, however, appealed only
to the more educated classes.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE RISE OF ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS. The Confusion after
Caesar's Death. The Elevation of Antony. The Appearance of
Octavius. Cicero's Attack upon Antony. Formation of the
Second Triumvirate. War against the Liberators; Battle of
Philippi.
II. CIVIL WAR BETWEEN ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS. New Division
of the Provinces. Octavius in the West. Antony in the East.
Rupture between Antony and Octavius. Battle of Actium.
III. REVIEW OF THE PERIOD OF THE CIVIL WARS. Political
Progress at Rome. Improvement of the Roman Law. Advance-
ment in Literature. Progress in Architecture. Roman Educa-
tion. Decay of Religion and Morals.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Merivale, General History, Ch. 48, "Octavius and Antony" (18). *
- Empire, Vol. III., Ch. 25, "Cicero and the Philippics"; pp.
274,275 (character of Antony) (18).
Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 2, "Provisional Government of the Trium-
virate" (18).
Taylor, Ch. 16, "The Struggle for the Crown" (22).
Abbott, Ch. 7, "The Period of Transition" (22).
Smith, Wm., Smaller History, Chs. 36, 37, "From the Death of
Caesar ... to the Battle of Actium" (18).
Seeley, Essay, "The Great Roman Revolution" (18).
Morey, Roman Law, pp. 72-78, "Improvement of the Roman
Law" (22).
Shakespeare, "Antony and Cleopatra."
Collins, Cicero, Ch. 9, "Cicero's Correspondence'* (27).
Plutarch, "Antony," "Brutus" (26).
ir The figure in pnrenthesls refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fulier title of the book will be found.
PERIOD IV. THE ROMAN WORLD OTDER THE EMPIRE
(31 B, 0-395 A. D,)
CHAPTER XXVIII
THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS (31 B. c. 14 A. D.)
I. THE NEW IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT
The Policy of Augustus. There was no other man so well
fitted to put the new monarchy into an attractive form as Octa-
vius, whom we may now call by his official title of Augustus.
We have been accustomed to think of this man as merely a
shrewd politician. But when we contrast the distracted con-
dition of Rome during the last hundred years with the peace
and prosperity which he brought with him, we shall be inclined
to look upon him as a wise and successful statesman. His
whole policy was a policy of conciliation. He wished to wipe
out the hatreds of the civil war. He regarded himself as the
chief of no party, but as the head of the whole state. He tried
to reconcile the conservative and the progressive men of his
time. All the cherished forms of the republic he therefore pre-
served; and he exercised his powers under titles which were
not hateful to the senate or the people.
Titles and Powers of Augustus. Soon after returning to
Rome, Augustus resigned the powers which he had hitherto
exercised, giving " back the commonwealth into the hands of
the senate and the people" (27 B. c.). The first official title
which he then received was the surname Augustus, bestowed
407
408
THE ROMAN WORLD
by the senate in recognition of his dignity and his services to
the state. He then received the proconsular power (imperium
proconsulare) over all the frontier provinces, or those which re-
quired the presence of an army. He had also conferred upon
himself the tribunician
power (tribunicia potestas),
by which he became the
protector of the people. He
moreover was made pontifex
maximus, and received the
title of Pater Patrice. Al-
though Augustus did not re-
ceive the permanent titles
of consul and censor, he
occasionally assumed, or had
temporarily assigned t o
himself, the duties of these
offices. He still retained the
title of Imperator, which
gave him the command of
the army. But the title
which Augustus chose to indicate his real position was that
of Princeps Civilatis, or " the first citizen of the state." The
new " prince " thus desired to be looked upon as a magistrate
rather than a monarch a citizen who had received a trust
rather than a ruler governing in his 'own name.
Augustus and the Senate. Augustus showed his concilia-
tory policy in fixing the position which the senate was to as-
sume in the new government. He did not adopt fully the plan
either of Sulla or of Julius Caesar; but reconciled as far as pos-
sible their different ideas. lie restored to the senate the dig-
nity which it had in the time of Sulla. He did this by exclud-
ing ilx 1 provincials and freedmen whom Caesar had introduced
into it, and by reducing its number from nine hundred to six
hundred members. But still he did not confer upon it the
THE EMPEROR AUGUSTUS
THK UMPIRE UNDKIJ .\r<;rsTUS
great legislative power which Sulla intended it should have;
lie rather made it a kind of advisory body, accord in, ir to I 'a-sar's
idea. In theory the senate was to assist the emperor in mat-
ters of legislation, and hence the new government is sometimes
called a " dyarchy "; but in fact the senate was simply to ap-
prove the proposals which the emperor submitted to it.
The Assemblies of the People. Augustus did not formally
take away from the popular assemblies their legislative power,
but occasionally submitted to them laws for their approval.
This was, however, hardly more than a discreet concession to
custom. The people in their present unwieldy assemblies, the
emperor did not regard as able to decide upon important mat- *
ters of state. Their duties were therefore practically restricted ',
to the election of the magistrates, whose names he usually pre- /
sented to them.
The Bepublican Magistrates. In accordance with his gen-
eral policy Augustus did not interfere with the old republican
offices, but allowed them to remain as undisturbed as possible.
The consuls, praetors, quaestors, and other officers continued to
be elected just as they had been before. But the emperor did
not generally use these magistrates to carry out the details of
his administration. This was performed by other officers
appointed by himself. The position of the old republican j
magistrates was rather one of honor than one of executive
responsibility.
The Imperial Army. While the emperor knew that his
power must have some military support, he was careful not to
make the army a burden to the people. He therefore, reduced
the number of legions from fifty to twenty-five. As each
legion contained not more than six thousand men, the whole
army did not exceed one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers.
These legions were distributed through the frontier provinces;
the inner provinces and Italy were thus not burdened by the
quartering of troops. To support the imperial authority at
home, and to maintain public order, Augustus organized a
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 24
410
THE ROMAN WORLD
body of nine thousand men called the " praetorian guard,"
which force was stationed at different points outside of Rome.
II. THE IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION
The Administration of Rome. The whole empire may be
regarded as made up of three parts Rome, Italy, and the
provinces. We are now to look at
the improvements which Augustus
made in these three spheres of
administration. We have read
enough of the distracted condition
of the Roman city during the last
hundred years to see the need of
some improvement. Augustus met
this need by creating certain new
officers to keep the city under bet-
ter control. He established a city
police under the charge of a chief
(jtnrfcctus urbi), to preserve order
and prevent the scenes of violence
which had been of such frequent
occurrence. He created a fire and
detective department under the charge of another chief (prce-
fectus vigilum), to have jurisdiction over all incendiaries,
burglars, and other night-prowlers. He placed the grain sup-
ply under a regular officer (prcefectus annonce) who was to
superintend the transportation of grain from Egypt, and was
held responsible for its proper distribution. Moreover, he
broke up the " secret clubs " which had been hotbeds of dis-
order, and substituted in their place more orderly societies un-
der the supervision of the government. For administrative
purposes the city was divided into fourteen districts, or wards.
By these arrangements, life and property became more secure,
and the populace became more orderly and law-abiding.
PRAETORIAN GUARDS
TillO KMIMKI*: IM)K11 AUGUSTUS
411
The Administration of Italy. Italy Was now extended to
the Alps, the province of Cisalpine Gaul having lately been
joined to the peninsula. The whole of Italy was divided by
ROME UNDER AUGUSTUS
The "Regions" of Augustus: I., Porta Capena ; II., Caelimontium ; III., Isis
et Serapis ; IV., Templum Pacis ; V., Esquila? ; VI., Alta Semita ; VII.,
Via Lata ; VIII., Forum Romanuin ; IX., Circus Flaminius ; X., Pala-
tium; XI., Circus Maximus ; XII., Piscina Publica ; XIII., Aventinus ;
XIV., Trans Tiberim.
Chief Buildings: 3, Arx ; 2, Capitolium ; 3, Forum Romanum ; 4, Basilica
Julia; 5, Curia (senate house) ; 6, Forum of Julius; 7, Forum of Augus-
tus ; 8, Palace of the Caesars : 9, Forum Boarium ; 10, Cloaca Maxima ;
11, Circus Flaminius: 12, Portico of Pompey ; 13, Theater of Pompey ;
14, Saepta Julia (voting booths) ; 15, Baths of Agrippa ; 16, Pantheon;
17, Solarium (obelisk) ; 18, Mausoleum of Augustus; 19, Circus Maxi-
mus ; 20, Tomb of Scipio ; 21, Temple of Mars.
Augustus into eleven "regions," or administrative districts.
In order to maintain the splendid system of roads which had
oeen constructed during the republican period, the emperor
appointed a superintendent of highways (curator viarum) to
keep them in repair. He also established a post system by
4:12 THE ROMAN WORLD
which the different "parts of the peninsula could be kept in
communication with one another. He suppressed brigandage
by establishing military patrols in the dangerous districts. It
was his policy to encourage everywhere the growth of a healthy
and vigorous municipal life. To relieve the poverty of Italy
he continued the plan of Julius Caesar in sending out colonies
into the provinces, where there were better opportunities to
make a living.
The Administration of the Provinces. During the reign of
Augustus the number of provinces was increased by taking in
the outlying territory south of the Rhine and the Danube. The
new frontier provinces were Rhaetia, Nor'icum, Pannonia, and
Mcesia. The provinces were not only increased in number, but
were thoroughly reorganized. They were first divided into two
groups, the senatorial, or those which remained under the
control of the senate; and the imperial, or those which passed
under the control of the emperor. The latter were generally on
the frontiers, and required the presence of an army and a mili-
tary governor. The_governgrs of the imperial provinces were
lieutenants (lega'ti] of the emperor. Appointed by him, and
strictly responsible to him, they were no longer permitted to
prey upon their subjects, but were obliged to rule in the name
of the emperor, and for the welfare of the people. The sena-
torial provinces, on the other hand, were still under the con-
trol of proconsuls and proprietors appointed by the senate. But
the condition of these provinces was also greatly improved.
The establishment of the new government thus proved to be
great benefit to the provincials. Their property became more
secure, their commerce revived, their cities became prosperous,
and their lives were made more tolerable.
The Finances of the Empire. With the division of the
provinces, the administration of Hie finances was also divided
between the senate and the emperor. The revenues of the
senatorial provinces went into the treasury of the senate, or
tli' (ITU riii in .- while those of the imperial provinces passed into
THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS 413
the treasury of the emperor, or the fiscus. The old wretched
system of farming the revenues, which had disgraced the re-
public and impoverished the provincials, was reformed. The
collection of the taxes in the senatorial as well as the imperial
provinces was placed in the charge of imperial officers. It was
not long before the cities themselves were allowed to raise by
their own officers the taxes due to the Roman government. Au-
gustus also laid the foundation of a sound financial system by
making careful estimates of the revenues and expenditures of
the state; and by raising and expending the public money in
the most economical and least burdensome manner.
The Frontiers of the Empire. By the wars of Augustus,
the boundaries of the empire were extended, generally speak-
ing, to the Rhine and the Danube on the north, to the Atlantic
Ocean on the west, to the desert of Africa on the south, and
nearly to the Euphrates on tho east. The only two great fron-
tier nations which threatened to disturb the peace of Rome
wore the Parthians on the east and the Germans on the north.
The Parthians still retained the standards lost by Crassus; but
Augustus by his skillful diplomacy was able to recover them
without a battle. He abandoned, however, all design of con-
quering that Eastern people. But his eyes looked longingly to
the country of the Germans. He invaded their territory; and
after a temporary success his general, Varus, was slain and
three Roman legions were utterly destroyed by the great Ger-
man chieftain, Arminius, in the Teutoburg forest (9 A. D.).
The attempt to conquer Germany thus proved a failure. The
frontiers remained for many years where they were fixed by
Augustus; and he advised his successors to govern well the ter-
ritory which he left to them rather than to increase its limits.
III. THE AGE or AUGUSTUS
The Advisers of Augustus. The remarkable prosperity
that attended the reign of Augustus has caused this age to be
414
THE ROMAN WORLD
called by his name. The glory of this period is largely due
to the wise policy of Augustus himself; but in his work he
was greatly assisted by two men whose names are closely linked
to his own. These men were Agrippa and Maece'nas.
Agrippa had been from boyhood one of the most intimate
friends of Augustus, and during the trying times of the later
republic had constantly aided him by his counsel and his sword.
The victories of Augustus before and after he came to power
were largely due to this
able general. By his ar-
tistic ability Agrippa also
contributed much to the
architectural splendor of
Rome.
The man who shared
with Agrippa the favor
and confidence of Augus-
tus was Maecenas, a wise
statesman and patron of
literature. It was by
the advice of Macenas
that many of the impor-
tant reforms of Augustus
were adopted and carried
out. But the greatest
honor is due to Maecenas
for encouraging those men whose writings made this period
one of the "golden ages" of the world's literature. It was
chiefly the encouragement given to architecture and literature
which made the reign of Augustus an epoch in civilization.
Encouragement to Architecture. It is said that Augustus
boasted that he " found Rome of brick and left it of marble."
He restored many of the temples and <>tli"i buildings which
had either fallen into decay or been destroyed during the riots
of the civil war. On the Palatine hill he began the constmc-
M^ECENAS
THE EMPIRE UNDER AUGUSTUS
415
tion of the great imperial palace, which became the magnif-
icent home of the Caesars. He built a new temple of Vesta,
where the sacred fire of the city was kept burning. He erected
a new temple to Apollo, to which was attached a library of
Greek and Latin authors; also temples to Jupiter Tonans and
to the divine Julius. One of the noblest and most useful
THE PANTHEON (Restoration)
of the public works of the emperor was the new Forum of
Augustus, near the old Roman Forum and the Forum of Julius.
In this new forum was erected the temple of Mars the Aven-
ger (Mars Ultor), which Augustus built to commemorate the
war by which he had avenged the death of Caesar. We must
not forget to notice the massive Pantheon, the temple of all
the gods, which is to-day the best preserved monument of the
Augustan period. This was built by Agrippa, in the early part
of Augustus's reign (27 B. c.), but was altered to the form
shown above by the emperor Ha'drian (second century A. D.).
Patronage of Literature. But more splendid and enduring
than these temples of marble were the works of literature which
this age produced. At this time was written Vergil's " JEneid"
416
THE ROMAN WORLD
which is one of the greatest epic poems of the world. It was
then that the " Odes " of Horace were composed, the grace
and rhythm of which are unsurpassed. Then, too, were writ-
ten the elegies of Tibul'lus, Proper'tius, and Ov'id. Greatest
among the prose writers of this time was Livy, whose " pic-
tured pages" tell of the miraculous origin of Rome, and her
great achievements in war and in peace. During this time also
flourished certain Greek writers whose works are famous.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus wrote a book on the antiquities of
Rome, and tried to reconcile his countrymen to the Roman
sway. Strabo, the geographer, described the subject lands of
Rome in the Augustan age. The whole literature of this period
was inspired with a growing spirit of patriotism and an appre-
ciation of Rome as the great ruler of the world.
Religious and Social Reforms. With his encouragement of
art and literature Augustus also tried to improve the religious
and moral condition of the people. The old religion was fall-
ing into decay. With the restoration of the old temples, he
hoped to bring the people
back to the worship of the
ancient gods. The worship
of Juno, which had been
neglected, was restored, and
assigned to the care of his
wife, Livia, as the represent-
ative of the matrons of
Rome. Augustus tried to
purify the Roman religion
by discouraging the intro-
duction of the foreign dei-
ties whose worship was cor-
rupt. He believed that even
a great Roman had better be
worshiped than the degenerate gods and goddesses of Syria
and Egypt; and so the divine Julius was added to the number
LIVIA, WIFE OF AUGUSTUS
THE EMPIRE UM)i:it At (JUSTUS 417
of the Roman gods. He did not favor the Jewish religion;
and Christianity had not yet been pivm-hnl a I Koine.
With the attempt to restore the old Roman religion, he also
wished to revive the old morality and simple life of the past.
He himself disdained luxurious living and foreign fashions.
fir tried to improve the lax customs which prevailed in respect
to marriage and divorce, and to restrain the vices which were
destroying the population of Rome. But it is difficult to say
whether these laudable attempts of Augustus produced any
real results upon either the religious or the moral life of the
Roman people.
Death and Character of Augustus. Augustus lived to the
age of seventy-five; and his reign covered a period of forty-five
years. During this time he had been performing " the difficult
part of ruling without appearing to rule, of being at once the
autocrat of the civilized world and the first citizen of a free
commonwealth." His last words are said to have been, " Have
I not played my part well ? " But it is not necessary for us to
suppose that Augustus was a mere actor. The part which he
had to perform in restoring peace to the world was a great and
difficult task. In the midst of conflicting views which had
distracted the republic for a century, he was called upon to per-
form a work of reconciliation. And it is doubtful whether any
political leader ever performed such a work with greater suc-
cess. When he became the supreme ruler of Rome he was fully
equal to the place, and brought order out of confusion. He
was content with the substance of power and indifferent to its
form. Not so great as Julius Caesar, he was yet more success-
ful. He was one of the greatest examples of what we may call
the " conservative reformer," a man who accomplishes the work
of regeneration without destroying existing institutions.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE NEW IMPERIAL GOVERNMENT. The Policy of Augustus.
Titles and Powers of Augustus. Augustus and the Senate.
TVTAF N*o.
418
DEVELOPMENT OF T1IK KAIJLY HMI'IUU 419
The Assemblies of the People. The Republican Magistrates.
The Imperial Army.
II. THE IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION. The Administration of
Home. The Administration of Italy. The Administration of the
Provinces. The Finance's of the Empire. The Frontiers of the
Empire.
III. THE AGE OF AUGUSTUS. The Advisers of Augustus.- Kn-
eouragement to Architecture. Patronage of Literature. Re-
ligious and Social Reforms. Death and Character of Augustus.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Capes, Early Empire, Ch. 1, "Augustus" (18). 1
Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 2, "Foundation of the Principate" (18).
Bury, Roman Empire, Ch. 2, "The Principate"; Chs. (>, 7, "Provin-
cial Administration"; Ch. 10, "Rome under Augustus; His
Buildings"; Ch. 11, "Literature of the Augustan Age" (18).
Taylor, Ch. 18, "The Princeps and the Government" (22).
Abbott, Ch. 12, "The Establishment of the Empire" (22).
Merivale, General History, Ch. 51, "The Government as Organized
by Augustus" (18).
- Empire, Vol. III., Ch. 31, "The Imperial Authority"; Ch. "3,
"The Imperial Administration"; Vol. IV., Ch. 34, "Organiza-
tion of the Provinces by Augustus" (18).
Lanciani, Ruins, pp. 138-144, 302-307 (Augustus as a builder) (20).
Greenidge, Public Life, Ch. 10, "The Principate"; Ch. 11, "Italy
and the Provinces under the Empire"; pp. 440-444 (the wor-
ship of the emperor) (22).
Schuckburgh, Augustus, pp. 265-293 (character of Augustus)
(27).
Translations and Reprints, Vol. IV., No. 1, "Monumentum Ancy-
ranum" (Deeds of Augustus) (25).
CHAPTER XXIX
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE
I. THE JULIAN EMPERORS (14-69 A. D.)
Tiberius and Caligula. We shall now see that the imperial
system established by Augustus was put to a severe test by the
character of the men who immediately followed him. These
'The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
THE ROMAN WORLD
rulers were related to the family of Julius and Augustus ; but
they had neither the great ability of Julius nor the adroit
skill of Augustus. Of the first two of these emperors Ti-
berius and Calig'ula the one is usually characterized as a
tyrant, and the other as a maniac.
Tiberius (14-37 A. D.) was the adopted stepson of Augustus.
He was an able general, and had had considerable experience
as an administrator. But in his personal character he pre-
sented a striking contrast to his
predecessor. Instead of being gen-
erous and conciliatory like Au-
gustus, he was sour and suspicious,
and often severe and cruel in his
treatment of others. He was, on
this account, a very unpopular
ruler. Even at his accession, the
Roman legions on the Ehine and
Danube were not disposed to ac-
cept his authority. But under the
loyal generals especially German'-
icus, the nephew of Tiberius they
became reconciled and made suc-
cessful campaigns against the
frontier nations. It is true that Tiberius tried to follow in
general the policy of Augustus; but surrounded, as he was,
by those whom he could not trust, he sought to strengthen
his position by severe and tyrannical methods. His admin-
istration was at first vigorous, and the people prospered. He
maintained the frontier, and managed the finances with skill
and economy; and he also protected the provinces from the
rapacity of the governors. But his life at Rome was embit-
tered by court jealousies and intrigues. He retired at last
to the island of Capri in the bay of Naples, leaving the con-
trol of affairs to his favorite adviser Seja'nus, the commander
of the praetorian guards. Sejanus proved to be a more cruel
TIBERIUS
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE
421
and unscrupulous despot than Tiberius; and the last part
of this reign was to a large extent filled with his wickedness
and crimes.
Tiberius made no provision for a successor. The senate,
therefore, chose as emperor a young favorite of the army, Gaius
Caesar, the son of the famous general Germanicus, who was
a descendant of Augustus. Gaius
(37-41 A. n.) is usually known as
Caligula (" Little Boots"), a nick-
name given to him, when a boy, by
the soldiers. After a brief period,
in which he showed his respect for
the senate and the people, his
mind, already diseased, gave way;
and he indulged in all the wild
freaks of an insane person. Many
strange stories are told of this de-
lirious young man, which should
perhaps excite our pity quite as
much as our condemnation. His
brief reign of four years has little political significance, except
as showing that the empire could endure even with a mad
prince on the throne.
Claudius and Nero. Of the two remaining princes of the
Julian line Claudius and Nero one is generally known as a
moral weakling, and the other as a moral monster. Claudius
(41-54 A. D.) was the brother of Germanicus, and was pro-
claimed by the soldiers. Although the senate did not consider
him as a fit person to rule, still the choice of the soldiers was
ratified. The Roman nobles were disgusted with the new em-
peror, because he received the advice of freedmen and provin-
cials. But as a matter of fact these freedmen were often edu-
cated Greeks, and proved to be wise counselors and skilled
administrators. Although Claudius was personally a weak
and timid man, he held before him the example of Augustus.
CALIGULA
422
THE ROMAN WORLD
CLAUDIUS
He maintained the purity of the senate. He extended the
franchise to outlying communities. He abandoned the tyran-
nical methods of Tiberius.
He constructed many public
works which benefited the peo-
ple; and he looked after the
interests of the provinces. We
may look upon Claudius per-
sonally as a weakling; but his
reign was marked by prudence
and a wise regard for the in-
terests of his subjects.
Claudius was followed by a
ruler whose career proved to
be as disgraceful as that of
Caligula, and far more crimi-
nal. This ruler was Nero (54-68), a grandson of Germanicus.
He was proclaimed by the soldiers and accepted by the senate.
The early part of the reign was full of hope and promise.
During this time he was under the
influence of the wise philosopher
Sen'eca, and the able commander
of the prastorian guards, Burrhus.
After five years of beneficent rule
(the quinquennium Neronis) the
young prince threw aside his
counselors, and abandoned himself
not to a diseased mind, like Calig-
ula, but to his own depraved na-
ture. Then followed a career of
wickedness, debauchery, extortion,
and atrocious cruelty which it
is not necessary to describe, but
which has rendered the name of this prince a synonym of all
that is vicious in human nature and despicable in a ruler.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 423
The Emperor and the Empire. If we would get a correct
idea of the Roman world under the Julian line, we must dis-
tinguish between the character of the emperors and the condi-
tion of the empire. When we consider the severe and tyran-
nical methods of Tiberius, the wild vagaries of Caligula, the
weakness and timidity of Claudius, and the cruelty and wicked-
ness of Nero, we can find little to admire in the personal
character of these princes. But when we turn from the princes
themselves to the world over which they professed to rule, we
find that the empire itself was little affected by their pecul-
iarities. While the palace and the capital may have presented
scenes of intrigue and bloodshed, the world in general was
peaceful and prosperous. This condition of things was no
doubt due to the thoroughness of the work done by the great
founders of the empire, Julius and Augustus. The imperial
system, which had for its purpose the welfare of the people,
was not overthrown. The empire prospered in spite of the
emperors. But it should be said that when the emperors or
their advisers seriously considered the needs of the empire at
all, they generally followed the policy of Augustus; and when
they were oblivious of these needs, the world moved peacefully
on without their aid.
Monarchical Tendencies. So far as there were any actual
changes made in the government, they tended to strengthen
the monarchical power. Such changes were made chiefly by
Tiberius. In the first place, this emperor took away from the
assemblies the power of electing the magistrates, and trans-
ferred this power to the senate ; so that the people could now
neither make their own laws nor choose their own officers. In
the next place, Tiberius changed the existing law of treason
(lex maiestatis) , so -that it applied not only to offenses against
the state, but to offenses against the emperor himself; and to
carry out this law he instituted a class of informers or detect-
ives (deJatores) to spy out the enemies of the prince. More-
over, to give a stronger military support to his authority, Ti-
424 THE ROMAN WORLD
berius gathered together into a single camp near Rome the
praetorian guard, which had hitherto been scattered over Italy.
Finally, there was growing up during the Julian period an
imperial council, made up of persons selected by the emperor,
whom he could consult in preference to the senate. These
changes were intended to strengthen the power of the prince,
and to weaken the powers of the senate and the people. It
should be noticed, however, in this connection, that the law
of high treason and the practice of " delation," established by
Tiberius, were discouraged especially by Claudius, and also
by the other emperors during the sane periods of their
administration.
Condition of the Provinces. Although we must see a great
deal in the early imperial system of which we in our day do
not approve, still the establishment of the empire was a great
benefit to the Roman provinces. The provincials, speaking
generally, suffered no longer from the oppression and extor-
tion which existed under the old republic. They were no
longer plundered to support an avaricious class of nobles at
Rome. Even Tiberius, who was tyrannical in many respects,
was especially anxious concerning the welfare of the provinces. (
Claudius, also, was generous in extending the rights of citi-
zenship. It is true that the public or political right involved in
the civitas had now no special importance ; but it is also true
that the private or civil rights were still a valuable possession
for Roman subjects. During this time, also, the provinces
were extended (by the emperor Claudius) so as to include
Thrace, Lycia in Asia Minor, Mauretania in Africa, and the
southern part of Britain.
Public Works. The encouragement given to public works
by Augustus was continued by his successors, especially by
Claudius. This emperor constructed the Claudian aqueduct,
which brought water to the city of Rome from a distance of
forty-five miles. He also built a new harbor the Portus
Romanus at the mouth of the Tiber near Ostia. To improve
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY KMl'lKi: 425
the agriculture of certain districts in central Italy he con-
structed a great tunnel to drain the Fucine lake a work
which required the labor of thirty thousand men for eleven
years. During the reign of Nero, a great fire occurred at
Rome, which consumed a large part of the city. This resulted
RUINS OF THE CLAUDIAN AQUEDUCT
in the rebuilding of the city on a more magnificent scale, with
wider streets and more splendid edifices.
The Christians at Rome. The burning of Rome was
charged by Nero upon the Christians, in order, as Tacitus
says, to remove the burden of suspicion from himself. This
is the first time that the Christians are noticed by the Roman
historians. The new religion had appeared in Judea about
half a century before this time, and had made rapid progress
in the eastern provinces. As the Romans were generally toler-
ant of all religions, there was at first no opposition to the
spread of Christianity. There was now a large community
of Christians at Rome, made up of converted Jews and other
persons from the lower classes. They were despised by the
upper classes ; and the fire at Rome furnished the occasion of
the first persecution. The innocent disciples of the new re-
426
THE 110MAN \\OULD
ligion were subjected by Xoro to the most revolting tortures
which alone should make the name of this emperor execrated
by the human race.
II. THE FLAVIAN- EMPERORS (69-96 A. D.)
The Disputed Succession. With the death of Nero the
Julian line, which traced its descent from Julius and Augus-
tus, became extinct. We may now discover one great defect of
the imperial system that is, the lack of any definite law of
succession. In theory, the selection of a new emperor rested
with the senate, with which
he was supposed to share his
power. But, in fact, it de-
pended upon the army, upon
which his power rested for sup-
port. Since the time of Tibe-
rius, the choice of the prince
had been assumed by the praeto-
rian guards. But now the pro-
vincial armies also claimed the
right to name the emperor's
successor; so that it seemed
evident, as Tacitus says, "that
a prince could be made else-
where than at Rome." But it
was not so clear which of the armies had the greatest right
to make this choice. Hence we find different claimants
for the throne Galba supported by the Spanish soldiers, ;unl
soon afterwards Otho, supported by the praetorian guards,
Vitellius by the troops on the I* hi in-, and Vespa'sian by the
army in Syria. These disputed claims led to a war of suc-
ii. which lasted about a year the first civil war which
had occiirn-d within -i century, or since the battle of Actiuin.
After the other claimants had ruled in succession for brief
GALBA
DEVELOPMENT OF THE KA1ILY EMPIRE 427
Irnns, Vespasian was finally victorious and made; liis position
secure,
Vespasian and Titus. With Vespasian (Flavins Vespasi-
anus; 69-79 A. D.) began a new line of emperors, known as
the Flavian line; this consisted of Vespasian himself and his
two sons, Titus and Domitian (do-mish'i-an) . The rule of
Vespasian and that of his older son Titus were so nearly alike
and were so closely related to each other as to form almost
one continuous reign. Vespasian did not belong to any of the
old Roman families, but was born in one of the outlying towns
of Italy, and might be called a man of the people. He proved
to be an able, upright, and effi-
cient prince, and his judicious
rule brought in a new era of
prosperity for the empire. He re-
stored Rome from the disorder re-
sulting from the recent civil war.
By his economy he rescued the
treasury from the bankrupt con-
dition into which it had been
plunged by his predecessors. He
constructed new buildings for the
capital, the most important of
, . , VESPASIAN
which was the great Colosseum,
or Flavian Amphitheater. He appointed good governors for
the provinces, and extended the Latin right to the people of
Spain. The only important disturbances during his rule were
the 'revolt of Civilis, the governor of Gaul, which was speedily
put down, and an unfortunate rebellion of the Jews, which
resulted in the destruction of Jerusalem.
Titus (79-81 A. D.) had already been associated with Ves-
pasian in the government, so that the change to the new reign
was scarcely noticeable. The new prince ruled but a short
time. But during this brief period he followed the benevolent
policy of his father, and won from the people the title of " the
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 25
428
THE ROMAN WORLD
TITUS
Delight of Mankind." The story is told of him that one eve-
ning he recalled the fact that he had granted no favor to any
one since the morning, and in
regret exclaimed to his friends,
" I have lost a day." But the
short reign of Titus, delightful
as it was, was marked by two
great calamities. One was a
very destructive fire which
swept over the city; and the
other was a terrible eruption
of Mt. Vesuvius, which de-
stroyed the cities of Pompe'ii
and Hercula'neum.
The Tyranny of Domitian.
The happy period begun by
Vespasian and Titus was interrupted by the exceptional tyr-
anny of Domitian (87-96 A. D.). The reign of this prince
stands out by itself as a dark
blot upon an era of general hap-
piness and prosperity. Instead
of following in the footsteps of
his father and elder brother, he
seems to have taken for his mod-
els Tiberius and Nero. Morose
and severe by nature, he became
cruel and tyrannical. He re-
vived the almost obsolete law of
Tiberius regarding treason, re-
stored the wretched practice of
delation, and resorted to extor-
tions and confiscations. He per-
secuted the Jews and the Chris-
tians. Like Tiberius, he was suspicious of those about him and
lived in perpetual fear of assassination. His fears were finally
DOMITIAN
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 429
realized, and he was murdered by a freedman of the palace.
The most important event of his reign was the extension of the
Roman power in Britain under the able governor and general
Agric'ola which event paved the way for the advance of civ-
ilization in that province.
Classes of Roman Society. If we now look at the condition
of society under the Flavian emperors, we shall notice that
certain changes had taken place since the time of the republic.
The general tendency of the imperial system was to create a
greater degree of equality among the various classes. The
wide distinctions which existed under the republic were break-
ing down, and the social grades were merging together. This
will appear by considering the different classes of the Roman
people :
(1) At the top of the social scale were the emperor and the
imperial household. Although the position of the emperor
was becoming more and more exalted, it was also becoming
recognized that the position could be held by a man of humble
origin, as in the case of Vespasian. Nearest the emperor were
the so-called " friends of CaBsar," who made up his household
and the coterie of his selected guests. These persons were
chosen from all classes and were often freedmen and provin-
cials, whose honored position depended solely upon the favor
of the prince.
(2) Next were the aristocratic classes, who still formed a
sort of nobility the senators and equites. But the senatorial
order was not now restricted, as formerly, to certain favored
Roman families. On the contrary, the senators were selected
by the emperor on account of their wealth, ability, or influ-
ence, and were chosen from persons from every part of the
empire Rome, Italy, and the provinces. The equestrian or-
der, also, was becoming less and less an exclusive body, and
admission to it was a gift of the prince. It had no important
political privileges, although it came to be customary for the
emperor to select his officials from its members.
430 THE ROMAN WORLD
(3) The great body of the common people consisted of the
professional classes, the lawyers, teachers, writers, physicians;
the commercial classes, the merchants, bankers, traders; the
artisan classes, the smiths, weavers, fullers, bakers, etc.; and
the agricultural classes, the farmers and free laborers. So
far as their strictly civil rights were concerned that is, the
rights of person, of property, of inheritance, of contract, and
of suing in a court of justice all these people were on a plane
of practical equality with the upper classes.
(4) The slaves were, of course, at the bottom of the social
scale, and were deprived of civil rights. But their condition
was better than in the time of the republic. They were treated
with more respect ; their lives were protected ; and there were
increased facilities for manumission.
Domestic Life; Houses, Food, Dress. To obtain a general
idea of the life of the Eoman people under the empire, we
may first look at the Eoman citizen in his own home, where he
ruled as the head of his household. The Romans were now
beginning to look upon the family more as a legal than as a
religious institution. The formal ceremonies which in ancient
times had usually accompanied marriage were often dispensed
with; and the relation between husband and wife was looked
upon as a mere civil contract, which might be entered into
and broken by mutual consent. Divorces became common,
and the general morals of society were corrupted. The home,
especially in the city, did not present the simple domestic life
of the ancients, but was affected by the general passion for
luxury and fondness for display. This is seen in the structure
of the houses, the preparation of the food, and even in the
character of the dress.
(1) The Eoman houses were no longer the simple structures
of the early republic, but were modeled after the most elab-
orate houses of the later Creeks, which had begun to sln\v the
cllVci nf an Oriental taste. The excavations among the ruins
of Pompeii have given us much knowledge of this domestic
DEVELOPMENT OF TIIK KAULY RMPIRE
431
architecture. The principal room was the large reception
room (atrium), entered from the street by a vestibule; it was
supported by marble columns, and paved with mosaic ; it was
lavishly decorated with ivory, gold, and precious stones, and
adorned with statues of bronze and marble. On either side
of the atrium were the library and the picture gallery, besides
rooms for conversation. Leading to the rear was the peristyle,
ROMAN HOUSE, SHOWING THE ATRIUM IN THE FOREGROUND
or open court, containing a garden and fountain, and sur-
rounded by rows of columns. Beyond the peristyle were the
dining room, the dormitories, the bathrooms, the kitchen,
and the larder. The furniture was elaborate and expensive
carved tables and chairs of valuable woods, besides cabinets
in which silver vessels were displayed.
(2) In the elaborate preparation of their food and in their
costly banquets the Romans showed great fondness for display.
Not satisfied with the simple meals of their ancestors, they
vied with one another in obtaining the rarest delicacies from
432 THE ROMAN WORLD
Italy and other parts of the world. Fortunes were spent upon
single feasts ; and gluttony was reduced to what was supposed
to be a fine art.
(3) In very ancient times the Romans wore but a single
garment, the tunic, made of wool. Afterward, the men
adopted the toga, a loose garment thrown in ample folds
about the person ; and the women began to wear the stola, pat-
terned after the Greek robe, together with the palla, or shawl,
large enough to cover the whole figure. During the later re-
public and under the empire, the dress of the Romans became
more expensive, being made of the richer materials of linen
and silk imported from the East, and more elaborately
trimmed ; and a growing taste for expensive jewelry and other
personal ornaments was developed among the Roman women.
Social Life and Amusements. The social enjoyment of the
Romans was in some respects like that of the Greeks, being
found chiefly outside of the home. The Forum was to Rome
what the Agora was to Athens, a center of public and social
life. But the ordinary Roman had not the Greek taste for
intellectual companionship; he rather sought his chief recre-
ation in the baths and in the crowds of the circus, the theater,
and the amphitheater.
(1) In their baths the Romans of the empire showed their
growing appreciation of the luxuries of life. The private
baths of the dwelling house no longer satisfied their needs.
Public baths (thermce) on an enormous scale were built by
the emperors. These contained a large number of rooms, sup-
ported by columns of granite or marble, paved with mosaic,
and adorned with works of art. They included not only bath-
ing rooms, but gymnasia for exercising, gardens for lounging.
galleries of statues and paintings, libraries for reading, and
halls for conversation. The baths became centers of social
life, where the rich and the poor, the emperor and the slave,
met together showing the democratic spirit of the life under
the empire.
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 433
(2) The circus afforded a greater attraction for the people
in general. The most important circus of Rome was the
Circus Maximus. It was an inclosure about two thousand feet
long and six hundred feet wide. Within it were arranged
seats for different classes of citizens, a separate box being
reserved for the imperial family. The games consisted chiefly
RUINS OF THE FLAVIAN AMPHITHEATER
of chariot races. The excitement was due to the reckless driv-
ing of the charioteers, each striving to win by upsetting his
competitors. There were also athletic sports; running, leap-
ing, boxing, wrestling, throwing the quoit, and hurling the
javelin. Sometimes sham battles and sea fights took place.
(3) The Romans were not very much addicted to the thea-
ter, there being only three principal structures of this kind at
Rome, those of Pompey, Marcellus, and Balbus (pp. 468, 469).
The theater was derived from the Greeks and was built in the
form of a semicircle, the seats being apportioned, as in the
case of the circus, to different classes of persons. The shows
consisted largely of dramatic exhibitions, of mimes, panto-
mimes, and dancing.
(4) The most popular and characteristic amusements of
the Romans were the sports of the amphitheater. This build-
434 THE ROMAN WORLD
ing was in the form of a double theater, forming an entire
circle or ellipse. Such structures were built in different cities
of the empire, but none equaled the colossal building of Ves-
pasian, known as the Colosseum. The sports of the amphi-
theater were chiefly gladiatorial shows and the combats of
wild beasts. The amusements of the Eomans were largely
sensational, and appealed to the tastes of the populace. Their
influence was almost always bad, and tended to degrade the
morals of the people.
Life in the Towns; Pompeii and the Graffiti. When we
attempt to get an idea of the life in the various towns scat-
tered over the empire, we find it difficult on account of the few
references made to this life by the ancient writers. We may
say in general, however, that the cities of the eastern provinces
remained to a great extent under the Grace-Oriental influ-
ence which followed the conquest of Alexander; while the cities
of the western provinces became more thoroughly Romanized.
These western towns may, therefore, be regarded as reflections
in miniature of the capital city on the Tiber.
The uncovered ruins of Pompeii enable us to judge some-
what of the life in a Roman town. Here we find the remains
of a city of small dimensions, of narrow streets, of houses of
moderate size, but containing many features which we see in
Rome itself forums, theater, temples, as well as a basilica
and an amphitheater. These monuments indicate a life quite
similar to that of the metropolis. In some of the houses
like the " House of Pansa " we see the same taste for luxury,
as is evident in the mosaic work, paintings, and other works
of art. We also find some remarkable evidences of the ordi-
nary life of the townsmen in the graffiti, .or writings left upon
the walls of buildings, some of which hardly rise above the
dignity of rude scribblings. These are most numerous upon
the buildings in those places most frequented by the crowd.
Then* nro advertisements of public shows, memoranda of sales,
cookery receipts, personal lampoons, sentimental love effu-
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMIMKK 435
sions, and hundreds of similar records of the ordinary life
and thoughts of this ancient people.
Provincial Life, Travel, and Correspondence. The general
features that we see in Pompeii were no doubt repeated in the
various towns throughout the provinces, especially in the West.
There was evidently the same tendency in the cities of Gaul,
Spain, and Africa to imitate the culture of the central city,
to adopt the Eoman language, art, and manners. But there
were certain special features of provincial life which are
worthy of notice.
With the overthrow of the old system of official despotism
that prevailed under the republic, there was a growing inter-
est in public affairs on the part of the people. Each town
vied with other towns in the improvement of the public works.
The growing public spirit is shown in the buildings erected
not only by the town itself, but by the generous contributions
of wealthy private citizens.
The relations between the people of the provinces were also
becoming closer by the improvement in the means of com-
munication. The empire became covered with a network of
roads, which were now used not merely for the transportation
of armies, but for purposes of travel and correspondence.
The Appian Way, originally built by Appius Claudius (p.
312), was reconstructed during this period, and was the model
for the other highways of the empire. The Romans traveled
for business and for pleasure; and by some persons traveling
by land or by sea was regarded as a part of one's education.
It was a mark of culture to have spent some time in Greece,
Asia Minor, or Egypt. Many of the Roman highways were
used as post-roads, over which-letters might be sent by means
of private runners or by government couriers. Foot-runners
were accustomed to make a distance of twenty-five miles a
day; while a mounted courier, with his relay of horses, might
cover a hundred miles in the same time. The postal system
of Rome, although hardly to be compared with that of
436 THE ROMAN WORLD
modern times, afforded a useful means for the transmission of
official dispatches and for the correspondence between private
persons.
Industry and Commerce. The industrial life of Rome still
suffered from the introduction of slave labor which followed
the great wars of conquest during the republican period.
Practically all the agricultural and manufacturing labor was
performed by slaves. This led to the degradation of these
forms of industry. Hence Italy ceased to produce the com-
modities that she needed; and this in turn led to the necessity
of importing from the provinces a large part of the grains
and manufactured products necessary for consumption. Com-
merce, therefore, continued to be the most important industry
during the imperial period. The mercantile pursuits those
of the merchant, the importer, the banker, the capitalist
were the most honored occupations. Rome carried on an ex-
t'-iisive commerce with all parts of the world. From Spain
she imported lumber, wool, linen, and silver ore; from Africa
and Egypt, grains and fruit; from Greece, wines. From the
seaboard of the eastern Mediterranean she received the lux-
uries of the Orient the perfumes of Arabia, the spices, ivory,
and precious stones of India, and the silks of China. There
were three great commercial routes from the Far East the
first by way of the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea to Alex-
andria ; the second by way of the Persian Gulf, the Euphrates
River, and the Syrian desert to Antioch; and the third by way
of the Caspian Sea, the Volga, and the Don to Olbia on the
Black Sea (map, p. 439).
III. THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS (96-180 A.D.)
Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian. With the death of Domitian
the empire came back into the hands of wise and beneficent
rulers. The period of prosperity which began with Vespnsinn.
was now continued for nearly a century. These rulers are
DKYKLor.MK.NT ()!' Till': KAMA KMI'IUH
43?
known as " the five good emperors '' ; and when we consider
their uprightness of character, their political ability, and their
uniform regard for the welfare of their subjects, we prob-
ably cannot find in the history of the world a like series of
sovereigns, ruling with equal success for the same length of
time. The first of these rulers was Nerva ( 1)0-1)8 A. D.),
whose mildness and tolerance contrasted strongly wilb i In-
severe qualities of Domitian. Nerva was chosen neither
by the praetorians nor by the legions, but by the senate
which fact indicates that the
empire was returning to the
normal political system estab-
lished by Augustus. Within
his brief reign, he could do lit-
tle except to remedy the wrongs
of his predecessor. He forbade
the prosecutions for high trea-
son and the practice of dela-
tion; he recalled the exiles of
Domitian, and relieved the peo-
ple of some oppressive taxes.
In the words of Tacitus, " He
blended things once irreconcil-
able, princely power and liberty" (principatum ac liberta-
tem). To prevent any disturbance at his death, he associated
Trajan with himself in the government.
Trajan (98-117 A. D.) has the great distinction of being the
first emperor who was not a native either of Eome or of Italy.
He was a Spaniard by birth; and this fact shows that the
dividing line between Roman and provincial was becoming
effaced. Trajan was one of the greatest of the Roman sover-
eigns. He was a brave soldier, a wise statesman, and an able
administrator. He had something of the conciliatory spirit of
Augustus, and preserved the forms of the republic, while main-
taining the authority of the emperor. He restored to the
NERVA
ROMAN DOMINIONS
At the Death of Trajan
A.D. 117
The greatest extent of tin- F.in|iin-
SCALE OF MILES
tP TVT A T> TVo IR.
439
A LIST OF THE CHIEF ROMAN PROVINCES
WITH THE DATES OF THEIR ACQUISITION OR ORGANIZATION
I. EUROPEAN PROVINCES
1. Western.
Spain (B.C. 205-19).
Gaul (B.C. 120-17).
Britain (A.D. 43-84).
2. Central.
Rhaetia et Vindelicia (B.C. 15).
Noricum (B.C. 15).
I'aniionia (A.D. 10).
3. Eastern.
Illyricum (B.C. 107-:>0).
Macedonia (B.C. 146).
Achaia (B.C. 146).
Mcesia (B.C. 29).
Thrace (A.D. 46).
Dacia (A.D. 107).
II. AFRICAN PROVINCES
Africa proper (B.C. 146).
Cyrenaica and Crete (B.C. 74,
63).
Numidia (B.C. 46).
Egypt (B.C. 30).
Mauretauia (A.D. 42).
III. ASIATIC PROVINCES
1. In Asia Minor.
Asia proper (B.C. 133).
Bithynia et Pontus (B.C.
74, 65).
Cilicia (B.C. 67).
Galatia (B.C. 25).
Pamphylia et Lycia (B.C. 25,
A.D. 43).
Cappadocia (A.D. 17).
"2. In Southwestern Asia.
Syria (B.C. 64).
Judea (B.C. 63-A.D. 70).
Arabia Petrsea (A.D. 105).
Armenia (A.D. 114).
Mesopotamia (A.D. 115).
Assyria (A.D. 115).
IV. ISLAND PROVINCES
Sicily (B.C. 241).
Sardinia et Corsica (B.C. 238).
Cyprus (B.C. 58).
Total, 32.
NOTK. Many of these chief provinces were subdivided into smaller prov-
inces, each under a separate governor making the total number of provincial
governors more than one hundred. For a complete list of the Roman prov-
inces in A.D. 117, see Leighton, p. xxix.
440
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE
441
TRAJAN
people the right of electing the magistrates, which had been
taken away by Tiberius. He respected the rights of the sen-
ate, and gave to it liberty of
speech. He was also a liberal pa-
tron of literature and art. While
Trajan followed, in the main the
policy of Augustus, he departed
from this policy in one particular.
He did not restrict the frontiers
within the limits that Augustus
had intended. Under him the
Eomans became once more a con-
quering people. This warlike em-
peror pushed his conquests across
the Danube and acquired the
new province of Dacia. He also
extended his arms into Asia, and
as a result of a war with the Parthians brought into subjection
Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. It was during the reign
of Trajan that the Roman empire
reached its greatest extent.
The next emperor, Hadrian (117-
138 A. D.), was proclaimed by the
prs&torians. But Hadrian did not re-
gard this as a constitutional act, and
requested to be formally elected by
the senate. In some respects he was
similar to Trajan, with the same
statesmanlike ability, and the same
desire for the welfare of his subjects.
But he differed from Trajan in
thinking that the greatness of Eome
did not depend upon military glory.
He therefore voluntarily gave up the extensive conquests which
Trajan had made in the East, and once more made the Eu~
HADRIAN
442
THE ROMAN WOULD
phrates the frontier of the empire. In this regard he returned
to the policy of Augustus, which was to improve the empire
rather than to enlarge it. Hadrian showed, if possible, a
stronger sympathy with the provinces than any of his prede-
cessors. To become acquainted with their condition and to
advance their interests, he spent a large part of his time in
visiting them; and he is hence sometimes called "the Trav-
eler." Of his long reign of twenty-one years he spent nearly
two thirds outside of Italy. He made his temporary residence
in the chief cities of the, empire in York, Athens, Antioch,
and Alexandria where he was continually looking after the
welfare of his people. Hadrian also looked well to the de-
fenses of the empire, especially against the German tribes on
the north. He not only established military garrisons along
the line of frontier rivers, the Danube and the Rhine, but also
is said to have erected a fortification connecting the head
waters of these rivers. The most durable evidence of his de-
fensive policy is seen in the ex-
tensive wall built on the north-
ern frontier of the province of
Britain, the remains of which
exist at the present day.
Antoninus Pius and Marcus
Aurelius. The two emperors
that followed Hadrian belonged
to the family of the An'tonines,
and were among the purest and
most upright characters that we
find in Roman history. Antoni'-
nus Pius (138-161 A. D.) was
a senator from the province of
Gaul, whom Hadrian had recommended to the senate for
election to the principate. As a man and a sovereign his life
was inspired with the highest moral principles. As a private
citizen he was simple and temperate in his habits; and as ar
ANTONINUS Pius
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE
11:)
emperor he was the same. His exalted character was reflected
in his beneficent reign. Although not so great a statesman
as Hadrian, he was yet more honored and beloved by his sub-
jects. His reign of twenty-three years is usually known as
the "uneventful reign," because there were no wars and
calamities to mar the peaceful course of events. But while
devoid of startling incidents, the reign of Antoninus was of
great importance, because of the purifying influence which
the emperor exercised upon law and legislation, and because
it marked the beginning of the golden age of Roman juris-
prudence. )
Marcus Aurelius (161-180 A. D.), who came to the throne
at the death of Antoninus, was in his personal character one
of thejnost remarkable men of
antiquity. He was a philosopher
as well as an emperor; and his
" Meditations " a book on the
conduct of life has been highly
esteemed as a moral text-book by
all subsequent generations. But
with all his personal worth, his
reign was a period of misfortunes.
It was now that Rome was af-
flicted with a deadly plague and
famine, the most terrible in her
history. In addition to this, the
barbarians from the north the
Quadi and Marcomanni were
trying to break through the frontiers on the upper Rhine, and
threatening to overrun the provinces. But the emperor met
these dangers with courage and patience; and he died at his
post of duty while resisting the enemies of Rome. The only
blot upon the memory of this noble prince is the fact that he
was led to persecute the Christians, whom he regarded as a
turbulent sect and whom the people superstitiously believed
MABCUS AURELIUS
444 THE ROMAN WORLD
were the cause of their calamities. This act was thus a great
mistake made by a conscientious man.
The Culmination of the Empire. The death of Marcus
Aurelius closed the most prosperous period of Roman history
and the culmination of the empire. When one looks at the
general condition of the Eoman world it will not be difficult
to see that the fall of the Roman republic and the establish-
ment of the empire were not an evil, but a great benefit to the
Roman people. In place of a century of civil wars and discord
which closed the republic, we see more than two centuries of
internal peace and tranquillity. Instead of an oppressive and
avaricious treatment of the provincials, we see- a treatment
which is with few exceptions mild and generous. Instead of a
government controlled by a proud and selfish oligarchy, we
see a government controlled, generally speaking, by a wise and
patriotic prince. From the accession of Augustus to the death
of Marcus Aurelius (31 B. c. to 180 A. D.), a period of two
hundred and eleven years, only three emperors who held
power for any length of time Tiberius, Nero, and Domitian
are known as tyrants ; and their cruelty was confined almost
entirely to the city, and to their own personal enemies. The
establishment of the empire, we must therefore believe, marked
a stage of progress and not of decline in the history of the
Roman people. The Roman world reached its highest stage of
development in the age of the Antonines, and the period has
been called by Gibbon the happiest in the history of mankind.
The Imperial Government and Administration. It was
during this period that the imperial government of Rome
furnished the highest example that the world has ever seen of
what we may call a " paternal autocracy " that is, a govern-
ment in the hands of a single ruler, but exercised solely for
the benefit of the people. In this respect the ideals of Julius
and Augustus seem to have been completely realized. There
was stilJ a certain deference paid to the constitutional forms
of the republic ; but this deference to the past did not interfere
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 445
t
with the emperor's present authority. The senate was treated
with respect; but its members, being chosen by the emperor,
were of course submissive to his will, and there was no occa-
sion to protest against an authority which received the un-
qualified support of the people. 1
An effort was now made by the emperors to give to the
administrative system a more complete organization. For
example, the body of advisers which had been occasionally
consulted by the previous emperors was organized by Hadrian
into a permanent council (consilium principis) ; and he in-
cluded among its members some of the most eminent jurists.
This emperor also gave a more complete organization to the
civil service that is, the body of administrative officers who
executed the imperial will. Hitherto, the emperor had relied
upon his own private dependents freedmen and even slaves
to conduct his official business. But Hadrian organized a dig-
nified body of officers drawn from the equites to preside over
the departments of administration.
The Provincial and Municipal Systems, The general or-
ganization of the provinces remained very much as it had been
established by Augustus. There were still the two classes
the senatorial provinces governed by proconsuls and propraB-
tors appointed by the senate; and the imperial provinces,
governed by the legati, or emperor's lieutenants. But this
distinction was now more formal than real, since the emperor
exercised nearly the same supervision over the former as over
the latter. We have a good example of the scrupulous care
which the emperor exercised over the provinces in the corre-
spondence between Trajan and Pliny the Younger, governor
of Bithynia. The questions submitted by the governor and
1 It is hardly proper to call the Roman empire at this time a " constitu-
tional monarchy," as we understand that phrase ; since the emperor's
power, properly speaking, was not restricted by any legal limitations. His
sovereignty was not shared or restrained by any other body in the state.
The "dyarchy," which to a great extent was a fiction under Augustus, was
still more a fiction under his successors.
446 THE ROM AX AYOftLD
llir answers given by the emperor deal with many matters
relating to the welfare of the province.
The province was, in fact, a collection of towns or cities;
and the political freedom of the provincials depended upon
the status of the towns in which the}' lived. These towns were
not all alike. While they generally had their own govern-
ment and chose their own officers, their relations to Rome
were quite various. The different kinds of towns and their
relative numbers in the provinces we may judge from Pliny's
enumeration of the towns of Baet'ica, a province in Spain.
Here were nine colonies, eight municipia, twenty-nine Latin
towns, six free towns, three federate towns, and one hundred
and twenty tributary towns. The colonies were generally set-
tlements of soldiers or poor citizens sent out from Italy and
retaining full Roman rights. The municipia were native
towns which had received the same rights. The Latin towns
were those which received the partial rights of citizenship
(commercium) . The free towns were the native cities which
were exempted from all burdens. The federate towns were
related to Rome by a special treaty. The tributary towns,
which comprised the great mass of provincial cities, were sub-
ject to the Roman tribute or tax, which might be paid in
money or in produce. The town had generally for its own
government a municipal council (curia or or do decurionum).
composed of the landed aristocracy (cur idles) and presided
over by two magistrates (duumviri). The tendency of all
towns in the West was to conform to this model.
Literature of the Early Empire. The influence of the
early emperors upon the intellectual life of Rome may be seen
in the literature. The literary period which followed the
brilliant age of Augustus has sometimes been called the " Sil-
ver Age." The despotic rule of the Julian emperors was not
favorable to letters. Two names of that period, however,
stand out with some prominence, those of Seneca and Liican.
Seneca was a distinguished Stoic philosopher and wrote in-
.DEYi:i.oi>Mi:\v OF TIIK KAULV KM PI RE 447
structive essays upon moral subjects; Lucan wrote a lengthy
epic poem describing the civil war between Pompey and CaBsar.
Under the patronage of the Flavian emperors occurred -a lit-
erary revival, which was marked by at least two distinguished
writers, Pliny the Elder and Quintilian. Pliny, the most
learned man of the day, wrote an extensive work on Natural
History; while Quintilian, a native of Spain, was the author
of an exhaustive treatise on Oratory. The revival which began
under the Flavians culminated in the more vigorous literature
of the time of the good emperors. During this time appeared
two of the most distinguished of Roman writers Tacitus,
perhaps the greatest of Roman historians, and Ju' venal, the
greatest of Roman satirists. Besides these may be mentioned
Pliny the Younger, the writer of epistles, and Suetonius, the
biographer of the " Twelve Caasars." .
Roman. Architecture. It was during the period of the five
good emperors, especially under Trajan and Hadrian, that
the architecture of Rome reached its highest development.
Roman architecture was still modeled after that of the Greeks,
but the Romans continued to use their skill for more prac-
tical purposes, and expressed in a remarkable manner the
ideas of massive strength and imposing dignity. By their
splendid works they have taken rank among the world's great-
est builders. We have already noticed the progress made in
the age of Augustus. This progress was continued by his
successors, and by the time of Hadrian Rome had become a
city of magnificent public buildings. The architectural center
of the city was the Roman Forum, with the additional Forums
of Julius, Augustus, Vespasian, Nerva, and Trajan (see map,
p. 468) . Here were the buildings in which the gods were wor-
shiped, the laws were enacted, and justice was administered.
The most conspicuous buildings which would attract the eyes
of one standing in the Forum were the splendid temples of
Jupiter and Juno upon the Capitoline hill. Although it is true
that the Romans obtained their chief ideas of architectural
MOREY'S AXCIEXT HIST. 26
448
THE ROMAN WORLD
beauty from the Greeks, it is a question whether Athens, even
in the time of Pericles, could have presented such a scene of
imposing grandeur as did Rome in the time of Trajan and
Hadrian, with its forums, temples, aqueducts, basilicas, pal-
MAUSOLEUM OF HADRIAN (Castle of St. Angelo)
aces, porticoes, amphitheaters, theaters, circuses, baths, col-
umns, triumphal arches, and tombs.
Roman Philosophy. As the Romans were essentially a
practical people, they had little taste for pure philosophy.
They adopted, however, some of the philosophical systems of
the Greeks, and paid special attention to the practical or moral
side of these systems. Their philosophy was largely the phi-
losophy of life. The two systems which were most popular
with them were Epicureanism and Stoicism. The Epicureans
believed that happiness was the great end of life. But the
high idea of happiness advocated by the Greek philosophers
DEVELOPMENT OF TIIK KAIJLV KMI'IRE 449
became degraded into the selfish idea of pleasure, which could
easily excuse almost any form of indulgence. In Rome we
see this idea of life exercising its influence especially upon
the wealthy and indolent classes. The Stoics, on the other
hand, believed that the end of life is to live according to the
highest law of our nature. This doctrine tended to make
strong and upright characters. It could not well have a
degrading influence; so we find some of the noblest men of
Rome adhering to its tenets such men as Cato, Cicero, Sen-
eca, and Marcus Aurelius. But the study of philosophy was
restricted mainly to the educated classes, and had little influ-
ence upon the common people. The lower classes still retained
their old religious notions, or else were gradually accepting
the new teachings of Christianity.
Roman Jurisprudence. The most ^distinctive product of
Roman civilization was the Roman law ; and this too reached
its highest development under the empire. The Romans had
come to believe that law was based upon principles of
equality and justice. The rights of all free persons citizens,
Latins, and provincials were now fully recognized and pro-
tected by the Roman courts. This law had been growing and
broadening with the growth and extension of the Roman
power. It was now scattered in a vast number of decisions
and edicts made by the Roman praetors and the provincial
governors, as well as by the emperor himself. Hadrian di-
rected one of his jurists Salvius Julia'nus to make a collec-
tion of these laws, so that there could be a single code for the
whole empire. This collection was called the Perpetual Edict
(E dictum Perpetuum). But more than this, the Roman jur-
ists were beginning to feel the influence of the Stoic philos-
ophy and to recognize the truth of the high moral precepts
laid down by such emperors as Antoninus Pius. They were
led to believe that law is a science founded upon the principles
of justice, and that the law of the state must be so interpreted
as to conform to these principles.
450
T11K 1IOMAN WOULD
IV. DECLINE OF THE EARLY EMPIRE (180-284 A. D.)
The Period of Military Despotism. The great defect of
the imperial government was the fact that its power iv>ir<|
upon a military basis. It is true that most of the emperors
were popular and loved by their subjects. But back of llu-ir
power was the army, which now more than ever before as-
serted its claims to the government, and by its usurpation
brought the empire to the verge of ruin. This period, ex-
tending from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the accession
of Diocle'tian (180-284 A. D.), has therefore been called " the
period of military despotism." It was a time when the em-
perors were set up by the soldiers, and generally cut down by
their swords. During this period of one hundred and four
years, the imperial title was held by twenty-nine different
rulers, 1 some few of whom were able and high-minded men,
but a large number of whom were weak and despicable. Some
of them held their places for only a few months. The history
of this time contains for the most part only the records of a
declining government. There are few events of importance,
except those which illustrate the tyranny of the army and the
general tendency toward decay and disintegration.
Septimius Severus (193-211 A. D.). The reign of Septimius
Severus is noted for the re-forming of the praetorian guards.
which Augustus had organized and Tiberius had encamped
near the city. In place of the old body of nine thousand sol-
diers Septimius organized a Roman garrison of forty thousand
troops selected from the best soldiers of the legions. This was
'The following table shows the names of these emperors and the dates of
their accession :
Coni'modus ....
1'. r'tinax . . . - -
A.D. 180
- r.tt
" \'M
" 193
" 211
- 217
" 21 S
" 236
ftordia'nnB I. I
GordiamiB II.
I'uj.ir'nuH Maxim
Ball>i'iins
(im-diaim- III
I'hilip'iniB . .
1 > 1-1 ii
. . A.D. 237
us}.. ^
. " % ,M<
2-19
Gallie'nus .... A
Claudius II
\urelian
I,. 2rtl
' 283
Jiiliaui.
S.-|.tiiniu- S-Vi
Caracal la -
Oeta ( '
Mai-ri'miH .
'.llllv .
Alex an
Maximi'nuB .
MTUB!
rns .
Tacitus
Floria'niiK ....
1'rnlniK
Cams
Cari'nus 1
Niiiin-ria'nUB)
(Sail. is ....
.Kniilia'iiUM. .
Valerian
. " 233
DEVELOPMENT OF THE EARLY EMPIRE 451
intended to give a stronger military support to the govern-
ment ; but in fact it gave to the army a more powerful influ-
ence in the appointment of the emperors.
Edict of Caracalla (211 A. D.). The Roman franchise,
which had been gradually extended by the previous emperors,
was now conferred upon all i In-
free inhabitants of the Roman
world. This important act NVMS
done by Caracalla, whose motive,
however, was not above reproach.
The edict was issued to increase
the revenue by extending the in-
heritance tax, which had hereto-
fore rested only upon citizens.
Notwithstanding the avaricious ||J
motive of the emperor, this was ^vT
in the line of earlier reforms and
_. . .. CARACALLA
effaced the last distinction be-
tween Romans and provincials. The name of Caracalla is in-
famous, not only for his cruel proscriptions, but especially for
his murder of Papinian, one of the greatest of the Roman
jurists, who refused to defend his crimes.
Elagabalus and Alexander Severus. We need not dwell
upon the different reigns of the dreary period extending from
Caracalla to Claudius IT. ; and we shall notice only two
princes, who represented the most extreme types of the Roman
character. The one was Elagabalus (218-222 A. D.), the most
repulsive of the emperors, who took his name from the sun-
god worshiped in the East, and who became a devotee of the
grossest superstitions and a monster of wickedness. The other
was Alexander Severus (222-235 A. D.), a prince of the purest
and most blameless life. He loved the true and the good of
all times. It is said that he set up in his private chapel the
ii r es of those whom he regarded as the greatest teachers of
nkind, including Abraham and Jesus Christ. He selected
452
THE ROMAN WORLD
as his advisers the famous jurists, Ulpian and Paullus. The
most important event of his reign was the successful resist-
ance made to the Persians, who had just established a new
monarchy (that of the Sassan'idas) on the ruins of the Par-
thian empire.
Foreign Dangers of the Empire. Ever since the time of
Augustus it had been the policy of the emperors to maintain
the frontiers on the Rhine, the
Danube, and the Euphrates.
This policy had been generally
carried out with success until
the middle of the third centu-
ry, when the outside nations be-
gan to break over these bound-
aries. There were several of
these foreign peoples that were
now encroaching upon the Ro-
man territory. On the lower
Rhine near the North Sea were
a number of barbarous German
tribes, united under the general
name of Franks. On the upper Rhine in the vicinity of the
Alps were various tribes gathered together under the name
of Alemanni (all men). Across the Danube and on the north-
ern shores of the Black Sea was the great nation of the Goths,
which came to be the terror of Rome. On the east beyond
the Euphrates was the new Persian monarchy (that of the
Sassanidae), which was now laying claim to all the Roman
provinces in Asia. Under a succession of emperors whose
names we need not remember, the Romans were engaged in
wars with these various peoples not now wars for the sake of
con<|inst Mini .irlory as in the time of the republic, but wars of 1
defense .-mil for the sake of existence.
The Silent Invasions; the Coloni. The continual pressi <
of the outside peoples especially the Germans on the north
ALEXANDER SEVERUS
DEVELOPMENT OF TI1K KAULY KMI'MMO 453
led' tlie emperors to adopt a conciliatory policy, and to grant
to these barbarians peaceful settlements within the provinces.
Sometimes whole tribes were allowed to settle upon lands as-
signed to them. Not only the Roman territory but the army
and offices of the state were opened to Germans who were will-
ing to become Roman subjects. The most able of the bar-
barian chiefs were even made Roman generals. This gradual
infiltration of the barbarian population is sometimes called
the "silent invasions." A part of the new population was
treated in a manner new to them. Instead of being sold as
slaves, like captives in war, they were given over to large
landed proprietors, and attached to the estates as permanent
tenants. This class of persons were called colo'ni, and were
really serfs attached to the soil. The great body of coloni was
made up not only of barbarian immigrants, but of manumitted
slaves, and even of Roman freemen who could not support
themselves. They formed a large part of the later population
in the provinces.
Partial Recovery of the Empire (268-284 A. D.). Under
the leadership of five able rulers, the so-called Illyrian em-
perors Claudius II., Aurelian, Tacitus, Probus, and Carus
the empire recovered somewhat from the disasters of the pre-
ceding years. Claudius II. defeated the Goths who had crossed
the Danube. Aurelian (270-275 A. D.) built a new and more
extensive wall about the city of Rome, restored the Roman
authority in the East, and destroyed the city of Palmy 'ra,
which had been made the seat of an independent kingdom,
ruled by the famous Queen Zenobia. The successful efforts
of these emperors showed that the empire could still be pre-
served, if properly organized and administered. The events
of the third century made it quite clear that if the empire
was to continue, and the provinces were to be held together,
there must be some radical change in the imperial govern-
ment. The decline of the early empire thus paved the way
for a new form of imperialism.
454 THE ROMAN WORLD
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE JULIAN EMPERORS. Tiberius and Caligula. Claudius
and Nero. The Emperor and the Empire. Monarchical Tenden-
cies. Condition of the Provinces. Public Works. The Chris-
tians at Rome.
II. THE FLAVIAN EMPERORS. The Disputed Succession. Ves-
pasian and Titus. The Tyranny of Domitian. Classes of Roman
Society. Domestic Life: Houses, Food, Dress. Social Life and
Amusements. Life in the Towns; Pompeii and the Graffiti.
Provincial Life, Travel, and Correspondence. Industry and
Trade.
III. THE FIVE GOOD EMPERORS. Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian.
Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. The Culmination of the
Empire. The Imperial Government and Administration. The
Provincial and Municipal Systems. Literature of the Early Em-
pire. Roman Architecture. Roman Philosophy. Roman Juris-
prudence.
IV. DECLINE OF THE EARLY EMPIRE. The Period of Military
Despotism. Septimius Severns. Edict of Caracalla. Elagabalus
a in I Alexander Severus. Foreign Dangers of the Empire. The
Silent Invasions; the Coloni. Partial Recovery of the Empire.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Pelham, Bk. V., Ch. 4, "The Julian Line"; Bk. VI., Ch. 1, "The
Flavians and the Antonines"; Ch. 2, "The Empire in the T.hird
Century" (18). 1
Gibbon, Chs. 1-3 (the Roman empire from Augustus to Marcus
Aurelius); Ch. 8 (the new Persian empire); Ch. 11 (the wall
of Aurelian; the conquest of Palmyra) (18).
Abbott, Ch. 13, "From Tiberius to Nero"; Ch. 14, "The Flavian
Emperors" (22).
Bury, Roman Empire, Ch. 30, "The Roman World under the Em-
pire"; Ch. 31, "Roman Life and Manners"; pp. 366-373 (the
destruction of Jerusalem); pp. 438-448 (correspondence be-
tween Trajan and Pliny the Younger) (18).
Capes, Early Empire, Ch. 14, "Life in the Provinces"; Ch. 1 ",
Slate of Trade" (18).
- Antonines, Ch. 6, "Attitude of the Imperial Government to-
ward Christians"; Ch. 9, "Administrative Forms of the Im-
perial <M\ eminent" (18).
Thomas, Ch. 1, "At Pompeii"; pp. 28-41 (the ftraffiti); Ch. 4, "The
Baths and the Games"; Ch. 5 (gifts, peculiar customs of the
Romans); Ch. 8, "Country Life": |>|>. I'.M)-:JUO (country houses);
Ch. 9, "Schools and Books" (education): Ch. 14, "A Typical
Roman of tin- Kmpirr. IMiny the Younger" (19).
Mau.Ch. 32, "Tli.- I'omprian Mmisr": Ch. 56, "The Graffiti" (20).
The fitfiirp in puronthosls refers to the number of the topic in the
. where a fuller title of the book will be found.
THE LATKi; KMI'IRE 455
Preston and Dodge, II., "The House and Every Day Life"; IV.,
"Food and Clothing" (19).
Inge, Ch. 6, "Grades of Society''; Ch. 9, "Amusements"; Ch. 10,
"Luxury" (19).
Dill, Roman Society from Nero, Bk. I., Ch. 2, "Municipal Life";
Bk. IV., Ch. 1, "The Religion of Mithra" (19).
Merivale, Empire, Vol. IV., Ch. 39, "Unity of the Empire"; Ch. 41,
"Life in Rome"; Vol. VII., pp. 58-62 (the eruption of Vesu-
vius) (18).
Boissier, Rome and Pompeii, Ch. 1, "The Forums"; Ch. 3, "The
Catacombs"; Ch. 4, "Hadrian's Villa'* (at Tivoli) (20).
Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations, pp. 310-319 (the Forum of
Trajan).
Midleton, Vol. I., pp. 343-345 (the arch of Septimius Severus) ; Vol.
II., Ch. 12, "Walls of Aurelianus" (20).
Farrar, Seekers after God, "Marcus Aurelius."
Munro, Source Book, Part XL, "Roman Life and Society" (25).
Tacitus, Annals, Bk. XV., Chs. 38-43 (the burning of Rome); Ch.
44 (persecution of the Christians under Nero) (25).
Suetonius, The Twelve Caesars (26).
CHAPTER XXX
THE LATER EMPIRE OF DIOCLETIAN AND CONSTANT INE
I. THE GOVERNMENT OF DIOCLETIAN (284-305 A. D.)
The New Imperialism. It has been said that the early
empire of Augustus and his successors was an absolute mon-
archy disguised by republican forms. This is in general quite
true. But the old republican forms had for a long time been
losing their hold, and at the time of Diocletian they were ready
to be thrown away entirely. By the reforms of Diocletian and
Constantine there was established a new form of imperialism
an absolute monarchy divested of republican forms. Some of
their ideas of reform no doubt came from the new Persian
monarchy,, which was now the greatest rival of Eome. In this
powerful monarchy the Romans saw certain elements of
strength which they could use in giving new vigor to their own
456
THE ROMAN WORLD
government. By adopting these Oriental ideas, the Roman
empire may be said to have become Orientalized.
Diocletian and his Policy. The first step in the direction
of the new imperialism was made by Diocletian. Born of an
obscure family in Dal-
matia (part of Illyri-
cum), he had risen by his
own efforts to the high
position of commander of
the Roman army in the
East. It was here that
he was proclaimed em-
peror by his soldiers. He
overcame all opposition,
assumed the imperial
power, and made his resi-
dence not at Rome, but in
Nicomedia, a town in
Asia Minor. His whole
policy was to give dignity
and strength to the impe-
rial authority. He made
of himself an Oriental monarch. He assumed the diadem of
the East. He wore gorgeous robes of silk and gold such as
were worn by Eastern rulers. He compelled his subjects to
salute him with low prostrations, and to treat him not as a citi-
zen, but as a superior being. In this way he hoped to make
the imperial office respected by the people and the army. The
emperor was to be the sole source of power, and as such was to
be venerated and obeyed.
The "Augusti" and "Caesars." Diocletian saw that it was
difficult for one man alone to manage all the affairs of a great
empire. It was sufficient for one man to rule over the East,
and to repel the Persians. It needed another to take care of 1 1n-
West and to drive back the German invaders. He therefore
DIOCLETIAN
THE LATER EMPIRE 457
associated with him his trusted friend and companion m arms,
Maximian. But he was soon convinced that even this division
of power was not sufficient. To each of the chief rulers, who
received the title of Augustus, he assigned an assistant, who
received the title of Ccesar. The two CaBsars were Gale'rius and
Constan'tius ; and they were to be regarded as the sons and
successors of the chief rulers, the Augusti. Each Caesar was to
recognize the authority of his chief ; and all were to be subject
to the supreme authority of Diocletian himself. The Roman
world was divided among the four rulers as follows:
THE EAST THE WEST
DIOCLETIAN GALERIUS MAXIMIAN CONSTANTIUS
(Augustus) (Caesar) (Augustus) (Caesar)
Thrace, Macedonia, Noricum, Pannonia, Italy and Spain, Gaul,
Asia, and Egypt. and Moesia. Africa. and Britain.
The Last Persecution of the Christians. In the latter part
of his reign Diocletian was induced to issue an edict of perse-
cution against the Christians. It is said that he was led to per-
form this infamous act by his assistant Galerius, who had al-
ways been hostile to the new religion, and who filled the em-
peror's mind with stories of seditions and conspiracies. An
order was issued that all churches should be demolished, that
the sacred Scriptures should be burned, that all Christians
should be dismissed from public office, and that those who
secretly met for public worship should be punished with death.
The persecution raged most fiercely in the provinces subject to
Galerius; and it has been suggested that the persecution should
be known by his name rather than by the name of Diocletian.
Effects of Diocletian's Policy. The general result of the
new policy of Diocletian was to give to the empire a strong and
efficient government. The dangers which threatened the state
were met with firmness and vigor. A revolt in Egypt was
458
THE ROMAN WORLD
quelled, and the frontiers were successfully defended against
the Persians and the barbarians. Public works were con-
structed, among which were the great Baths of Diocletian at
Rome. After a successful reign of twenty-one years Diocletian
voluntarily gave up his power, either on account of ill health,
or else to see how his new system would work without his su-
pervision. He retired to his native province of Dalmatia, and
spent the rest of his days in his new palace at Salo'na on the
shores of the Adriatic.
II. THE REIGN OF CONSTANTINE (313-337 A. D.)
Accession and Policy of Constantine. Even before the
death of Diocletian, rivalries sprang up which led to civil war.
By a succession of victories Con'stantine established his supe-
riority and became the
sole and undisputed ruler
of the empire. He was a
man of wider views than
Diocletian, and had even
a greater genius for or-
ganization. The work
which Diocletian began,
Constantine completed.
He in fact gave to Ro-
man imperialism the final
form which it preserved
as long as the empire ex-
isted, and the form in
which it exerci-c<l its
great influence upon the
modern governments.
We should remember that
it was not so much the early imperialism of Augustus as the
later iMiprrijilisin of Constantine which reappeared in the em-
CONSTANTINE
Till: LATKi; KM I '1 1IH 459
pires of modern Europe. This fact will enable us to understand
the greatness of Constantino as a statesman and a political re-
former. His policy was to centralize all power in the hands of
the chief ruler; to surround his person with an elaborate court
system and an imposing ceremonial; and to make all officers,
civil and military, responsible to the head of the empire.
Conversion of Constantine. Constantino is generally
known as the "first Christian emperor." The story of his
miraculous conversion is told by his biographer, Euse'bius. It
is said that while marching against his rival Maxentius, lie
beheld in the heavens the luminous sign of the cross, inscribed
with the words, " By this sign conquer." As a result of this
vision, he accepted the Christian religion ; he adopted the
cross as his battle standard; and from this time he ascribed
his victories to God, and not to himself. The truth of this
story has been doubted by some historians ; but that Constan-
tine looked upon Christianity in an entirely different light
from his predecessors, and that he was an avowed friend of the
Christian church, cannot be denied. His mother, Hel'ena, was
a Christian, and his father, Constantius, had opposed the per-
secutions of Diocletian and Galerius. He had himself, while
he was ruler in only the West, issued an edict of toleration
(313 A. D.) to the Christians in his own provinces.
Adoption of Christianity. Constantine was therefore pre-
pared, when he became the sole emperor, to reverse the policy
of Diocletian and to recognize Christianity as the state reli-
gion. How far Constantine himself was a sincere Christian it
is not for us to say; but no one can doubt that the adoption of
Christianity was an act inspired by political wisdom. A large
part of the empire was already Christian, and the recognition
of the new religion gave stability to the new government. Con-
stantine, however, in accepting Christianity as the state reli-
gion, did not go to the extreme of trying to uproot paganism.
The pagan worship wa still tolerated, and it was not until
many years after this time that it was proscribed by the Chris-
MAT* ^o. 19.
THE LATKii KMI'IUH 461
tian emperors. For the purpose of settling the disputes be-
tween the different Christian sects, Constantino called (325
A. D.) a large council of the clergy at Nice (Niccea, in Asia
Minor), which decided what should thereafter be regarded as
the orthodox belief. 1
The New Provincial System. Another important reform
of Constantino was the reorganization of the Koman territory
in a most systematic manner. This was based upon Diocle-
tian's division, but was much more complete and thorough.
The whole empire was first divided into four great parts, called
" prefectures," each under a praetorian prefect subject to the
emperor. Each prefecture was then subdivided into dioceses,
each under a diocesan governor, called a vicar, subject to the
praetorian prefect. Each diocese was further subdivided into
provinces, each under a provincial governor called a consular,
president, duke, or count. Each province was made up of cities
and towns, under their own municipal governments. The new
divisions of the empire may be indicated as follows:
(1) The Prefecture of the East containing the five dio-
ceses of the East, Egypt, Asia, Pontus, and Thrace.
(2) The Prefecture of Illyricum containing the two dio-
ceses of Dacia and Macedonia.
(3) The Prefecture of Italy containing the three dioceses
of Italy, Illyricum, and Africa.
(4) The Prefecture of Gaul containing the three dioceses
of Spain, Gaul, and Britain.
The New Military Organization. Scarcely less important
than the new provincial system was the new military organiza-
tion. One of the chief defects of the early empire was the im-
proper position which the army occupied in the state. This de-
fect is seen in two ways. In the first place, the army was not
subordinate to the civil authority. We have seen how the
1 This was the doctrine regarding the nature of the Son held by
Athanasius, as opposed to the doctrine which was held by Arius and
condemned as a heresy, receiving the name of "Arianism."
462
THE ROMAN WORLD
praetorian guards really became supreme, and brought about
that wretched condition of things, a military despotism. In
the next place, the military power was not separated from the
civil power. In the early empire, every governor of a province
had not only civil authority, but he also had command of an
army, so that he could resist the central government if he were
so disposed. But Constantine changed all this. He abolished
ARCH OF CONSTANTINE
the Roman garrison or praetorian guard. He gave to the terri-
torial governors only a civil authority; and the whole army was
organized under distinct officers, and made completely subject
to the central power of the empire. This change tended to pre-
vent, on the one hand, a military despotism; and, on the other
hand, the revolt of local governors.
The military ability of Constantine cannot be questioned.
In commemoration of his early victories, the senate erectcvl in
the city of Rome a splendid triumphal arch, which stands to-
day as one of the finest specimens of this kind of architecture.
THE LATER EMPIRE 4G3
The New Capital, Constantinople. One very important act
of Constantino was to break away from the traditions of the
old empire by establishing a now capital. The old city of Rome
was filled with the memories of paganism and the relics of the
republic. It was the desire of Constantino to give the empire
a new center of power, which should be favorably situated for
working out his new plans, and also for defending the Roman
territory. He selected for this purpose the site of the old
Greek colony, Byzantium, on the confines of Europe and Asia.
This site was favorable alike for defense, for commerce, and
for the maintenance of an Oriental system of government.
Constantine laid out the city on an extensive scale, and adorned
it with new buildings and works of art. The new capital was
called the city of Constantine, or Constantinople.
The New Court Organization. Constantine believed with
Diocletian that one of the defects of the old empire was the
fact that the person of the emperor was not sufficiently re-
spected. He therefore not only adopted the diadem and the
elaborate robes of the Asiatic monarchs, as Diocletian had done,
but reorganized the court on a thoroughly Eastern model. An
Oriental court consisted of a large retinue of officials, who sur-
rounded the monarch, who paid obeisance to him and served
him, and who were raised to the rank of nobles by this service.
All the powers of the monarch were exercised through these
court officials.
These Oriental features were now adopted by the Eoman
emperor. The chief officers of the court comprised the grand
chamberlain, who had charge of the imperial palace; the chan-
cellor, who had the supervision of the court officials and re-
ceived foreign ambassadors; the quasstor, who drew up and
issued the imperial edicts ; the treasurer-general, who had con-
trol of the public revenues ; the master of the privy purse, who
managed the emperor's private estate; and the two commanders
of the bodyguard. The imperial court of Constantine fur-
nished the model of the royal courts of modern times.
464 THE ROMAN WORLD
Effect of Constantino's Reforms. If we should take no
account of the effects of Constantine's reforms upon the lib-
erties of the Roman people, we might say that his government
was an improvement upon that of Augustus. It gave new
strength ito the empire, and enabled it to resist foreign inva-
sions. The empire was preserved for several generations longer
in the West, and for more than a thousand years longer in
the East. But the expenses necessary to maintain such a
system, with its elaborate court and its vast number of officials,
was great. The taxes were oppressive. The members of every
city council (curiales) were held responsible for the raising of
the revenues. The people were burdened and lost their interest
in the state. Constantine also, like Augustus, failed to make
a proper provision for his successor. At his death (337 A. D.)
his three sons divided the empire between them, and this divi-
sion gave rise to another period of quarrels and civil strife.
III. THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE (337-395)
Attempt to Restore Paganism. The first event of grave
importance after the reign of Constantine was the attempt of
the Emperor Julian (3GO-363 A. D.) to restore the old pagan
religion, for which attempt he has been called " the Apostate."
Julian was in many respects a man of ability and energy. He
repelled the Alemanni who had crossed the Rhine, and made
a vigorous campaign against the Persians. But he was by con-
viction a pagan, and in the straggle between Christianity and
paganism he took the part of the ancient faith. He tried to
undo the work of Constantine by bringing back paganism to its
old position. He did not realize that Christianity was the re-
ligion of the future, and was presumptuous in his belief that
he could accomplish that in which Marcus Aurelius and Diocle-
tian had failed. He may not have expected to uproot the new
religion onlm-ly; but he hoped to deprive it of the impor-
tant privileges which it had already acquired. The religious
THE LATKK KM I' IKK
461
changes which IK- was 'able to effect in his brief reign were re-
versed by his successor Jovian (363-364 A. D.), and Christianity
afterward remained undisturbed as the religion of the empire.
Eevolt of the Goths. After the death of Jovian the empire
was divided between Valentinian and his younger brother Va-
lens, the former ruling in the
West, and the latter in the East.
Valentinian died (375 A. D.),
leaving his sons in control of the
West, while Valens continued to
rule in the East (till 378). It
was during this latter period
that a great event occurred
which forewarned the empire of
its final doom. This event was
the irruption of the Huns into
Europe. This savage race,
emerging from the steppes of
Asia, pressed upon the Goths
and drove them from their
homes into the Roman territory.
It was now necessary for the Romans either to resist the whole
Gothic nation, which numbered a million people, or else to re-
ceive them as friends and give them settlements within the em-
pire. The latter course seemed the wiser, and they were ad-
mitted as allies, and given new homes south of the Danube, in
Mcesia and Thrace. But they were soon provoked by the ill-
treatment of the Roman officials, and rose in revolt, defeating
the Roman army in a battle at Adriano'ple (378 A. D.), in
which Valens himself was slain.
Theodosius and the Final Division of the Empire (379-
395). Theodo'sius I. succeeded Valens as emperor of the East.
He was a man of great vigor and military ability, although his
reign was stained with acts of violence and injustice. He con-
tinued the policy of admitting the barbarians into the empire,
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 27
466
THE ROMAN WORLD
but converted them into useful and loyal subjects. From their
number he reenforced the ranks of the imperial armies, and
jealously guarded them from injustice. When a garrison of
Gothic soldiers was once mobbed in Thessaloni'ca, he resorted
to a punishment as revengeful as that of Marius and as cruel
as that of Sulla. He gathered the people of this city into the
circus to the number of seven thousand, and caused them to be
massacred by a body of Gothic soldiers (390 A. D.). For this
inhuman act he was compelled to do penance by St. Ambrose,
the bishop of Milan which
fact shows how powerful the
Church had become at this
time, to compel an emperor to
obey its mandates. Theodosius
was himself an ardent and or-
thodox Christian, and went so
1 ^aS HB^L- ^ ar as to be intolerant of the
I I \ pagan religion, and even of the
Christian heretics. In spite of
his shortcomings he was an
able monarch, and has received
the name of " Theodosius the
Great." He conquered his
rivals and reunited for a brief
time the whole Roman world
under a single ruler. But at his death (395 A. D.), he divided
the empire between his two sons, Arca'dius and Hono'rius, the
former receiving the East, and the latter the West.
The death of Theodosius in 395 marks an important epoch,
not only in the history of the Roman empire but in the history
of European civilization. From this time the two parts of the
empire the Kjist and the West became more and more sep-
arated from each other, until they became at last hvo distinct
worlds, having different destinies. The eastern part main-
tained itself for about a thousand years with its capital at Con-
THEODOSTUS
Statue at Barletta, Italy
THE LATER EMPIRE 467
stantinople, until it was finally conquered by the Turks (1453
A. D.). The western part was soon overrun and conquered by
the German invaders, who brought with them new blood and
new ideas, and furnished the elements of a new civilization.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE GOVERNMENT OF DIOCLETIAN. The New Imperialism.
Diocletian and his Policy. The "Aug-usti" and "Caesars." The
Last Persecution of the Christians. Effects of Diocletian's Policy.
II. THE REIGN OF CONSTANTINE. Accession and Policy of Con-
stantine. Conversion of Constantine. Adoption of Christianity.
The New Provincial System. The New Military Organization.
The New Capital, Constantinople. The New Court Organization.
Effect of Constantine's Reforms.
III. THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. Attempt to Restore
Paganism. Revolt of the Goths. Theodosius and the Final Di-
vision of the Empire.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Pelham, Bk. VII., Ch. 1, "From the Accession of Diocletian to
the Death of Theodosius" (18). l
Merivale, General History, Ch. 70, "The Epoch of Diocletian";
Ch. 73, "Reign of Julian" (18).
Gibbon, Ch. 17, "Foundation of Constantinople"; Ch. 23, "The
Religion of Julian" (18).
Stanley, Lect. 6, "The Emperor Constantine"; Lect. 2, "The
Council of Nicaea" (21).
Milman, History of Christianity, Ch. 3, "Foundation of Constan-
tinople" (21).
Seeley, Essay, "The Later Empire" (18).
Seig-nobos, Ch. 24, "Christianity" (18).
Munro, Souro^-Hook, Part X., "Christiaaity^and Stoicism" (25).
ir rhe figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
I. FORVMS
ROME
Under the Later Emperors
i.
9. Julius
3. Augustus
4. Nerva
: \V,,,H.sian
6. Trajan
II. TEMPLES
7. Jupiter Capltollnii
8. Qulrinus
9. Minerva
10. Pantheon
11. Trajan
12. Hope
13. Fortune
14. Ceres
15. Diana
16. Honor and Virtue
IT. Divine Claudius
18. Venus and Rome
III. BATHS
So! Alexan'rlna.
SI. Titus
99. Trajan
S3. ConsUntlne
It MMlMM
95. Caracalla
IT. THEATERS
9. Pompey
97. Bait,
98. Marcellas
T. AMPHITHEATERS
9. Flavian (Coloseum)
80. MUlUry
VIII. BASILICAS
37. Julia
38. Constantino
39. Ulpian
40.
IX. PLACES OF ASSEM-
BLY
41. SlteoftheComltinm
42. Curia, or Senate
43. S?pta JulialVoting)
X. ARCHES
44. Titus
45. Constantino
-if.. Septlmlus Severoa
XI. COLUMNS
47. Trajan
48. Antonlno
I '.i. M;.r
XII. TOMBS
50. Augustus
51. Hadrian
62. Sclplo
XIII. CAMPS
53. Pretorlaa
54. Agrlppa
XIT. MISCELLANEOUS
55. Arz
56. Palace of the Ceaara
67. Emporium
408
PortaJ>ecumanc(i
Ziburtina
a Appia
CHAPTER XXXI
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
I. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF ROME
Unity of the Ancient World. Before we consider the fate
of the Roman empire, and the changes that resulted from the
barbarian invasions, let us take a brief review of the most dis t
tinguishing features of the Roman empire. The first thing
that we notice is the fact fliat Rome brought under her author-
it)' a great part of the civilized world. The great nations which
had flourished on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea Car-
thage, Macedonia, Greece, the nations of Asia Minor, Phoenicia,
Judea, and Egypt all became parts of one universal empire.
The ideas and customs, the art and institutions of these coun-
tries were taken up, and notwithstanding their many dif-
ferences were welded together into what was practically one
civilization. The more barbarous peoples, also, which she
conquered like those of Spain, Gaul, and Britain were
transformed by her civilizing influence. Rome thus accom-
plished a result never before attained, to the same extent, by
any other ancient people the establishment of a world-unity
in government, law, and religion.
The Roman Municipal System. No nation before the Ro-
mans had shown such a genius for political organization, or
had developed a system of government so well suited to main-
tain an authority over a wide territory. In looking at this
political system we find that its fundamental clement was the
city. The Roman empire was. in fact, a collection of cities.
The government which was established was a government over
470
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE KMI'IUE 471
cities. Rome succeeded in giving to her cities not only local
self-government, but also, in great measure, a uniform organ-
ization, patterned after that of the central city. Each city
had its senate, or council (curia), something like that of Home
itself; its body of magistrates (duumviri, and other officers),
like the magistrates of the old republic; and in later times,
its defender of the people (defensor populi), like the old plebe-
ian tribune. The cities throughout the empire may thus be re-
garded as reflections of the central city of Rome ; and they were
bound to it by bonds of sympathy as well as by political ties.
The Roman Provincial System. The next feature of the
political organization was the provincial system, by which the
cities were bound together under a common authority. This
system was developed by the Romans, and passed through suc-
irssive stages. In the first place, -under theire^blic we see a
number of cities in a certain tof^^^J^mped together and
placed under the fluthorit^oF^^overnQr (proprcetor or procon-
sul) having civufei^rnjitary power, and also a quaestor, hav-
ing charge of the finances both officers being under the super-
vision of the senate. In the next place, under the early empire
this senatorial supervision which was still retained in what
were called the " senatorial provinces " was supplemented by
the direct supervision of the emperor over other provinces,
called " imperial provinces." In the latter case the province
was governed by a military commander (legatus) appointed by
the emperor, and accompanied by a financial officer (procura-
tor). Finally, under the later empire, the military authority
was taken away from the governor ; the whole territory of the
empire was arranged in divisions and subdivisions (prefectures,
dioceses, and provinces) each under a civil governor (prefect,
vicar, or praeses) each governor being subject to his immediate
superior, and all being finally responsible to the emperor him-
self. The army was placed under a distinct set of imperial
officers. By this arrangement the central authority was main-
tained throughout the whole Roman domain. For purposes
472 THE ROMAN WORLD
of administration over a large territory, it was perhaps the
most effective system ever devised.
The Roman Imperial Idea. The Roman empire found its
highest unity in the person of the emperor. The cities and
the various territorial governments were all bound together
under his supreme authority. We must keep in mind the fact
that the Roman idea of imperialism was different from the old
Oriental idea of monarchy. The Oriental idea was that the
monarch was the representative of divine authority on earth.
It was essentially theocratic. The Roman idea, on the other
hand, was that the emperor was the representative of the state,
the supreme magistrate of the people. It was, in a certain
sense, democratic. We are able to see this by tracing the growth
of the imperial idea. The imperium of the early kings was a
delegated power, derived from the people and sanctioned by a
special law (lex de imperio). When the ancient king exercised
his power in a despotic way, he was driven out of the city ; and
the imperium was conferred upon several magistrates. Again,
when the republican magistrates exercised this power selfishly in
the interests of the aristocracy, the people revolted and placed
the imperium once more in the hands of a single magistrate.
And they did not rest until they found a ruler who could
be regarded as the representative of the whole people. Such
representatives they found in Julius Caesar and Augustus.
The emperor was looked upon as the first man of the state
(princeps civitatis, not merely princeps senatus) . His author-
ity was based upon the imperium and the tribunician power;
that is, he was regarded as both the supreme magistrate and
the defender of the people. The imperial idea found ii> hi^hr-i
expression in the rule of tho Antonines. This idea was, it i-
true, somewhat modified by the Oriental influence under Dio
cletian and Constantino. But still the distinctive idea of R>
man imperialism was this, that the emperor ]><>rsonifi<><l the
authority of the state; and upon this idea was based the maxim,
" the will of the prince has the force of law."
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 473
II. THE LEGAL SYSTEM OF KOME
Universality of the Roman Law. The greatest addition
which the Romans made to the civilization of the ancient world
was no doubt their system of law. This does not mean, of
course, that the Romans were the first people who ever had
laws. Every ancient people possessed a certain body of laws.
Even among the early Babylonians we have seen the evidence
of legal customs relating to property and contracts, as well as
the remains of written documents by which legal transactions
were performed. The Egyptians, the Jews, and the Greeks pos-
sessed their own national laws. But, the Bomans were the
first to develop a universal system of law, applicable not only
to all the people of the empire, but to all times and places.
With every enlargement of the Roman state, there was an ex-
pansion of their system of law. The expansion of the law was
at first, no doubt, due merely to political and commercial ex-
pediency; but it afterward recognized the rights of man as man
and the principles of natural justice, and this gave it the char-
acter of a universal system.
Extension of the Franchise. One of the methods by which
the Roman law was broadened was by the extension of the fran-
chise, or the rights of citizenship. We have seen that the civil
rights of citizenship comprised: (1) the commercium, or the
rights growing out of trade (as the rights of property and con-
tract); (2) the conubium, or the right growing out of domestic
relations (as the paternal power and the right of inheritance).
These rights were at first restricted to the original Roman citi-
zens. The extension of the franchise began by granting the
commercium to outsiders 'first to the plebeians, then to the
Latins, and then under the name of the " Latin right " to the
people of Italy and the provinces. The granting of the conu-
bium followed, as the exclusive spirit of the Romans passed
away, until finally the full rights of citizenship were given to
all the free inhabitants of the Roman world. This gradual
474 THE KOMAN WOKLD
extension of the franchise shows that the fundamental policy of
Kome was not conquest, but incorporation. The conquered
people became not mere Roman subjects, but Roman citizens,
sharing in all the privileges granted by the Roman law.
The Jus Gentium. Another and more important way in
which the Roman law was broadened, was by the development
of a new body of legal principles, which grew up by the side
of the old law. The old law was called the jus civile, and was
based upon the XII. Tables. Being an old law it was narrow,
and soon became antiquated; it did not meet the needs of a
growing community. Besides, this old law applied only to Ro-
man citizens, and did not protect any persons before they had
received the franchise. Now in early times before the exten-
sion of the franchise, there were many persons in Italy who
were not yet citizens, but were subject-foreigners (peregrini).
The Romans were obliged to trade with these foreigners; and
hence disputes would arise between the Romans and such for-
eigners, or between the foreigners living in different cities
which disputes could not be settled by the old Roman law.
To settle such disputes the Romans appointed a new praetor
(prcetor peregrinus); and this praetor was allowed to decide such
cases in the way that seemed most fair and just, without refer-
ence to the old law. In the provinces, also, the governors were
allowed to settle similar disputes. From the various decisions
of the " foreign praetors " and provincial governors, there grew
up an extensive body of legal principles, broader and more
equitable than the old law. This new body of law was called
the jus gentium; and it formed a great part of Roman juris-
prudence, far more important in fact than the old jus civile.
Scientific Nature of the Roman Law. By the extension of
the old law and especially by the development of the new law,
every free inhabitant of the Roman world could secure his
civil rights in a court of justice. These influences made the
li'uMum law tin- hnuidesl system of jurisprudence lh;ii (he world
1 1 ;i( I \vt een, I'.m there was another influence at work which
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 475
gave to the law a truly scientific character. This was the influ-
ence of the Roman jurists. These men wrote treatises upon the
law, and explained its real meaning. They gathered together
i he vast mass of legal rules, and reduced them to a system.
Being schooled in the principles of the Stoic philosophy, they
believed that law was founded upon natural justice and the
universal rights of man. By reducing the law to a system and
by discovering general principles that should govern it, they
gave to it the character of a science. These men like Gaius,
Ulpian, Paullus, Modesti'nus, and Papinian represent the
highest genius of the Roman people. By their writings they
built up a noble system of jurisprudence, suited not only to the
\v; nits of the Roman empire, but to the needs of those nations
which grew up after the Roman empire passed away.
III. CHRISTIANITY AND THE IMPERIAL CHURCH
The Spread of Christianity. The Roman empire came to
be one, not only in government and law, but also in religion ;
and this religion was Christianity. But it was a long time
after its first appearance in the remote province of Judea that
Christianity was accepted as the religion of the Roman world.
The ancient Romans had already a religion of their own. This
had grown out of an early ancestor worship and a polytheistic
nature worship. With the extension of their power over other \
peoples, the Romans became tolerant of foreign religions; and
had even accepted many of the features of these foreign sys-
tems. They accepted the Greek notions regarding the nature
of the gods; and adopted some of the elements of the Syrian
and Egyptian religions. The only spot in the empire where a
pure monotheism existed, was in Judea; but even here the
spiritual idea of religion had come to be obscured by an ex-
cessive attention to external forms and ceremonies.
Christianity arose from Judaism; but it emphasized the fact
that true religion consists in a spiritual life, based upon love
476 THE KOMAN WOKLD
to God and love to man. The new religion spread from Judea
to Syria, to the cities of Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece,
and finally to all the provinces of the empire. The early
progress of Christianity was in the face of opposition and per-
secutions. These persecutions were excused on the ground of
political necessity. But in spite of all apologies, the cruel and
revolting barbarities which accompanied them must always re-
main a dark blot upon the history of the empire. The new
religion could not be destroyed; it continued to spread, and to
exercise its humanizing influence upon all the phases of Roman
life. After Christianity became practically the religion of the
Roman people, it was, as we have already noticed, accepted as
the religion of the state (p. 459).
Growth of the Church Organization. With the spread of
Christianity throughout the provinces there grew up an eccle-
siastical organization, patterned somewhat upon the organiza-
tion of the empire. For example, in the town we Mi id the
parish church presided over by the parish priest. A number of
parish churches were grouped together into a diocese and
governed by a bishop. A number of dioceses were united into
a province under a higher church officer, called a metropolitan
or archbishop. In the East a few of the metropolitans like
those of Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria rose above
the other bishops in dignity and authority, and became recog-
nized as " patriarchs." In the West the bishop of Rome exer-
cised even greater authority, and was recognized as the chief
bishop. In this way there grew up in the church territorial
divisions and subdivisions, and gradations of authority, simi-
lar to those that existed in the empire. And so it came
about that while the Roman empire was becoming Christian T
ized, Rome came to be recognized as the head and center of
( 'liristianity.
Development of an Ecclesiastical Culture. As the dumb
;ic(juiiv<l M distinct nr<j;mi/;it ion of its own. modrlrd ; tft"r that
<>f tin- empire, so it acquired a distinct culture of its own, de-
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF TIIIO KMIMIHO
477
rived to a certain extent from that of the empire. In the liist
place, its architecture was borrowed from Rome. The early
churches were modeled after the Roman basilica tin- hall of
justice or court house. But when the basilica was consecrated
as a Christian church, it acquired a sacred character that dis-
tinguished it from the secular building. In the next place, the
INTERIOR OF THE BASILICA OF TRAJAN (Restoration)
language of the church was the language of the empire. This
language was in the eastern provinces principally Greek, and
in the western provinces Latin; so that the eastern churches"
used the Greek language in their literature and ritual, while
the western churches used the Latin language. Moreover, the
thought of the church was greatly influenced by the modes|of
thinking which prevailed in different parts of the empire. The
Greek mind was essentially speculative and philosophical; and
478 THE ROMAN WORLD
so the eastern or Greek churches busied themselves in discuss-
ing difficult questions regarding the nature of the Father and
the Son and their relations to each other. On the other hand,
the Roman mind was more practical and legal, and so the
western or Latin churches were more concerned with questions
relating to the divine government and the relations of man to
that government.
By such means the church acquired an art, a literature, and
a philosophy which, though derived in a certain sense from the
empire, came to be distinctly ecclesiastical. The highest culture
of the church is seen in the writings of " the Fathers." Among
the Greek Fathers were Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria,
who formulated the orthodox creed; and Chrysostom, patri-
arch of Constantinople, the most eloquent preacher of his age.
Chief among the Latin Fathers were Jerome, who first trans-
lated the Scriptures into Latin (the Vulgate) ; and Augustine,
bishop of Hippo in Africa, who wrote the " City of God."
IV. WEAKNESS OF THE EMPIRE
Defects of the Imperial System. With all the strength
which the empire acquired by its centralized government, its
universal law, and its organized church, it yet contained certain
elements of weakness which led to its final dissolution. One of
these elements of weakness may be found in the defects of the
imperial system itself. The purpose of the empire was to
create a government which would insure the welfare of the
people. This purpose had, to a great extent, been realized in
the policy of the best of the emperors. Still the imperial gov-
ernment, even in its highest form, was scarcely more than a
beneficent paternalism in which every! liin.ir was done for the
peopl<-. Mm] Die people could do nothing for themselves./ The
people had no share in making Hie laws or in cirri ing the of-
ficers of the state, and tli-y lost all interest in public affairs.
The government of the empire, then, was defective because
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF THE EMPIRE 479
it had no democratic basis.) It might be a government for
the people; but it could not be a government by the people.
In fact, democratic institutions were practically impossible
because (1) all the people of such an extensive territory could
not assemble in one place; and (2) the Romans had not dis-
covered the modern principle of " representation."
Burdens of Taxation. Another element of weakness may
be found in the grinding system of taxation which existed in
the later empire. The old abuses which prevailed in the re-
public had been corrected by the reforms of Augustus and his
successors. But the later empire, with its Orientalized form
of government and its elaborate system of bureaus and officials,
required a vast amount of money to support it. This money
had to be raised from the people. The duty of collecting the
taxes rested upon the curiahs, that is, the governing class in
the cities, which consisted of those holding a certain amount
of land. If the curiaJes could not collect the money from the
lower classes, they were obliged to furnish it from their own
fortunes. They could not evade this responsibility. They
could not abandon their position for that of the law or the
clergy or the army; nor could they quit the city without the
permission of the provincial governor. They became prac-
tically an hereditary class, upon which rested largely the finan-
cial weight of the empire. The heavy exactions laid upon the
people for the support of the government tended to the im-
poverishment of the empire.
Degradation of the Peasantry. Still another cause of the
weakness of the later empire was the degradation of the free
agricultural classes, or the small landowners and the free la-
borers. The condition of the slaves, it is true, was consider-
ably improved during the later period. They were better pro-
tected by the law, and they obtained their freedom more easily
than before. But even when freed they were obliged to obtain
their living by settling upon the estates of the great landlords,
who granted them a little plot of ground on condition of man-
480 THE ROMAN WORLD
ual labor or a certain amount of produce. Here they lived
from one generation to another; and by being attached to the
soil they became serfs, or coloni. This movement was no doubt
beneficial to the slave population. But the burdens resting
upon the small landowner and the free laborer compelled them
also to occupy this servile condition. The lifting up of the
slaves was thus accompanied by the lowering of the free peas-
ant classes. In this way a large part of the Roman people was
reduced practically to the condition of serfdom. And this class
of serfs, or coloni, was augmented by the settlement of bar-
bariims within the limits of the empire.
Decay of the Population. Still further, the native popula-
tion of the empire was continually decreasing in numbers. The
vitality of the Roman people was becoming exhausted. The
upper classes were worn out by a life of luxury and indolence.
Tin- lower classes were exhausted by a constant struggle for
existence under unfavorable conditions. Famines, plagues, and
wars had decimated the population. The armies, notwith-
standing their excellent organization, could not be replenished
by vi^m-uus native soldiers. Domestic life, too, had lost much
of. its sanctity ; and, as a consequence, the empire, lost one of
the conditions of national growth and prosperity. 'Human life
itself was often held in light esteem. All these causes led to the
depopulation and exhaustion of the later empire. It has been
aptly said that Rome " perished for want of men."
Pressure of the Barbarians. With such elements of in-
ternal weakness we cannot wonder that the Roman world fell a
prey to the barbarians from the north. The pressure of these
barbarians was met sometimes by a policy of active resistance,
and sometimes by a policy of passive submission. We have al-
p-ad y seen how they were admitted within the boundaries of
tin- empire, receiving permanent settlements, sometimes ab-
sorhed into the armies and even into the iroveniment (p. !">:'>).
This "infiltration" of a foreign p<>;ml it i<>n into the empire
tended not only to dilute the life of the Roman people, but
DISTINCTIVE FEATURES OF Till; IvMI'IKE 481
also to efface the boundaries between the Roman and the bar-
barian world. As a result of all this, the subsequent history
of the empire is closely related to the history of the barbarians
who found their way into the Roman provinces.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF ROME. Unity of the Ancient
World. The Roman Municipal System. The Roman Provincial
System. The Roman Imperial Idea.
II. THE LEGAL SYSTEM OF ROME. Universality of the Roman
Law. Extension of the Franchise. The Jus Gentium. The
Scientific Nature of the Roman Law.
III. CHRISTIANITY AND THE IMPERIAL CHURCH. The Spread of
Christianity. Growth of the Church Organization. Development
of an Ecclesiastical Culture.
IV. WEAKNESS OF THE EMPIRE. Defects of the Imperial Sys-
tem. Burdens of Taxation. Degradation of the Peasantry.
Decay of the Population. Pressure of the Barbarians.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Curteis, Ch. 1, "Administrative and Legal Unity"; Ch. 2, "The
Christian Church in the First Four Centuries" (24). l
Merivale, General History, Ch. 80, "Reflections upon the History
of Rome" (18).
- Empire, Vol. VII., pp. 479-496, "Symptoms of Decline in the
Empire" (18).
Bury, Students' Empire, Ch. 3, "The Roman World under the
Empire."
- Later Empire, Vol. I., Ch. 1, "Christianity and Paganism";
Ch. 2, "Influence of Christianity on Society" (the early
church); Ch. 3, "Disintegration of the Empire" (24).
Milman, History of Christianity. Bk. IV., Ch. 1, "The Roman
Empire under Christianity" (21).
Shahan, Beginnings of Christianity (21).
Healy, Valerian Persecutions (21).
Hodgkin, Vol. II., Ch. 9, "Causes of the Fall of the Western
Empire" (24).
Seeley, Essay, "Proximate Causes of the Fall of the Roman Em-
pire" (18).
Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire,
Bk. II., Ch. 2, '"Decay of the Middle Class" (society in the
fourth century) (19).
Translations and Reprints, Vol. IV., No. 1, "The Early Christian
Persecutions" (25),
1P The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
PERIOD V, THE DISSOLUTION OF THE EOMAN EMPIEE
(395-800 A, D.)
CHAPTER XXXII
THE GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST
I. THE GERMAN^ AND THEIR INSTITUTIONS
The Barbarian World. We are now prepared to see how
the Roman empire, which had played such an important part
in the history of the ancient world, was broken up, and how
it became the foundation of a new society and of new states.
We shall see the western provinces conquered by the German
tribes, and transformed into new kingdoms. We shall see the
imperial power still preserved in the East, but passing into a
state of decline. We shall also see the imperial title revived in
one of the German kingdoms, resulting in the establishment
of what was practically a new Roman empire in the West.
This breaking up of the old empire and the transformation
of Europe were due largely to the encroachments of the bar-
barian world upon the Roman world. For our purpose we may
group the peoples of this outside barbarian world into three
great branches: (1) the Germanic or Teutonic peoples, on the
north of the Rhine and the Danube; (2) the Slavic or Slavonian
peoples, in the central part of what is now European Russia;
and (3) the peoples in the ceninil ,-iinl western p;irt> of Asia,
whom we call, for want of a better name, Scythians or Tura-
Tlie most barbarous of these peoples were the Tura-
482
GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 483
nians, of which the Huns were the most warlike and aggressive.
The Slavs weiv more peaceful and at this time did not make
any important incursions into the empire. The Germans were
nearest to the Roman borders, and also approached most nearly
to the civilized stage. They comprised many tribes the Goths,
the Vandals, the Alemanni, the Burgundians, the Lombards,
the Franks, the Saxons, and others of less importance. It was
these Germans who now made the first inroads into the empire,
' and whose characteristics are the most important for us to
consider.
German Characteristics. Our knowledge of the early Ger-
mans is derived mostly from Ca?sar and Tacitus. They are
described by these writers as a vigorous and warlike race, of
gigantic stature, with fierce blue eyes and long yellow hair, sim-
ple in their social and political life, and inspired with the
spirit of liberty and independence. They differed from the
more civilized Romans in their manners and customs, in their
political organization, their laws, and their religion. They
were, in fact, in that primitive stage of progress in which the
Romans, as well as the Greeks, were at the beginning of the
historical period. Their most striking characteristics were
their love of liberty and their spirit of personal loyalty.
Tacitus tells us that their chiefs ruled by persuasion rather
than by authority. The chief was wont to surround himself
with a following (comitatus) of young men, who voluntarily at-
tached themselves to him, and shared in his dangers and glory.
The German Political System. The unit of the German
political society was not the city, as in the case of the Romans,
but the village community (mark,, or pagus). The Germans,
had been a nomadic people living by war and the chase,
re now beginning to settle down to an agricultural life. The
most primitive form of agricultural life is the village commu-
nity which is simply a collection of families, settled upon a
piece of land, and organized into a little body politic. The
land upon which the people settled was, for the most part, held
484 THE ROMAN WORLD
in common upon it every one could pasture 1 -ks and
herds. Tin- arable land was divided into strips allotted
earh year to the householders for cultivation. r \ id upon
which the house and garden were situated, was assigned per-
manently to each family. Thus we have three kinds of land
the common or waste land, the arable land, and the house land.
The village community was governed by an assembly com-
posed of all freemen capable of bearing arms; and hence the
village was a pure democracy. It was presided over by a head-
man, or village chief (gerefa, or reeve), who was chosen by the
people and who led them to war. A group of villages formed
a " hundred," which also had its democratic assembly and its
chief. A collection of hundreds made the tribe; and the tribe
was also governed by an assembly and a war chief. The polit-
ical system of the Germans was thus democratic in character,
and presented a striking contrast to the imperial system of
Borne.
The German Judicial System. Among primitive barbarians
it is customary for injuries to be atoned for either (1) by
private redress, in which each one takes the law into his own
hands, or (2) by blood revenge, in which a family obtains re-
dress for an injury done to its members. But the Germans had
advanced beyond this primitive stage, and the person charged
with a crime was allowed a trial before the chief and the whole
assembly, or before a number of persons selected to try the case.
Tin- guilt or innocence of the culprit was usually determined
in 'one of three ways: (1) by " compurgation," which required
ili-it a certain number of persons, called " compurgators," he
found who would swear that they believed the accused, when
he asserted his innocence; (2) by ordeal, which required that
the accused should undergo some dangerous test, like handling
reel-hot iron, from which, if he escaped uninjured, he was
judged to be innocent; or (3) by combat, or a fight between the
contesting partis, or their champions. The penalty inflicted
upon the<riiilty party was usually a money com pensat ion. called
(JKIIMAX OCCUPATION OK TI1K \YKST 485
weregild, which varied according to the rank of the injured
[in son. The crimes which prevailed among the Germans were
chiefly of the character of personal injuries; since the rights
relating to property and contracts were scarcely yet recognized.
The simple laws of the Germans thus showed a marked differ-
ence from the highly developed jurisprudence of the Romans.
Conversion of the Germans. The early German religion
was similar to the primitive worship of the early Greeks and
Romans a polytheistic nature worship. They worshiped Tu-
isco, Wodin (Odin), Thor, and Freya names still preserved
in the English names of the days of the week, Tuesday,
Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. Their idea of immortality
was based upon what they regarded as most enjoyable in human
life. Their heaven was the " Valhalla/' the hall of the slain,
where valiant heroes shared in the banquets of the gods. But
it is especially important for us to notice that many of the
German tribes were converted to Christianity before they made
their final settlements in the Roman territory. When the fol-
lowers of Arius were banished from the Roman empire as
heretics, after the Council of Nice (p. 461), many of them be-
came missionaries to the barbarians. The most distinguished
of these missionaries was TJTfilas, " the apostle to the Goths."
By his efforts the Gothic nation was converted to the Arian
form of Christianity; and his translation of the Bible into their
language was the first German version of the Scriptures. From
the Goths Christianity spread among the neighboring tribes,
the Burgundians and the Vandals. The acceptance by the
Germans of a religion which was fundamentally the same as
that of the Romans was one of the causes which finally led to
the fusion of the Romans and the Germans into one society.
II. THE GREAT INVASIONS
Nature of the Invasions. Tf we recall what we have al-
ready learned, we may realize that the pressure of the northern
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 28
486 THE ROMAN WORLD
barbarians upon the south was not a new thing in the history of
the ancient world. In fact, it represents a long continued and
almost constant struggle. We have seen, in early times, the
Scythians pressing down upon the Medes and Persians (p. 62).
We have seen the Gauls invading Macedonia and Greece (p.
248), and also, about the same time, invading Italy and de-
stroying Rome (p. 300). We have seen the Cimbri and Teu-
tones threatening the Roman republic in the days of Marius
(p. 365) ; and the Quadi and Marcomanni harassing the em-
pire during the reign of Marcus Aurelius (p. 443). We have
seen the frontiers broken in during the decline of the early em-
pire (p. 452), and the Goths obtaining a foothold in the prov-
inces during the reign of Valens (p. 465). These events show
that from the earliest times the barbarian north had been a
constant menace to the civilized south. The invasions were,
in their nature, a struggle for the possession of the earth or
at least for the lands most favorable for human existence. As
long as the Roman empire preserved its original strength, it
was able to maintain itself in this struggle for existence. But
when its resources were exhausted, its frontiers gave way to the
barbarian pressure. These invasions were not of the nature
of mere military expeditions; they were rather the migration
of nations in the search of new settlements. The most im-
portant of the great invasions which now took place were those
of the Visigoths under Al'aric, the Huns under At'tila, and the
Vandals under Gen'seric.
Invasion of the Visigoths under Alaric. The Gothic na-
tion was divided into two parts, the Visigoths or West Goths,
and the ( )strogoths or East Goths. The Visigoths were now set-
tled in the Roman territory south of the Danube, and were
subject to the Eastern emperor. Under their great leader,
Alaric, they revolted (395 A. D.) against the Roman authority;
they invaded Macedonia and Greece, and threatened to dev-
astate the whole peninsula. The Eastern emperor, Arcadius,
in order to relieve his own territory, pacified the (Jothie leader
GKKMAN OCCUPATION OK T11H VVKST 487
by granting to him Illyricum and making him master general
oi' the province. Not entirely satisfied with this territory, Al-
aric soon invaded Italy, and ravaged the plains of the Po. But
IK- was defeated at Pollentia (403 A. D.) by the great Vandal
soldier, Stil'icho, who was now enlisted in the service of the
Western emperor, Honorius. The generalship of Stilicho was
also shown in checking an invasion made by a host of Vandals,
Burgundians, and Sue'vi, under the lead of Radagai'sus (406
A. D.). Italy seemed safe as long as Stilicho lived; but he was
unfortunately put to death to satisfy the jealousy of his un-
grateful master, Honorius (408 A. D.).
With Stilicho dead, Italy was practically defenseless. Alaric
at the head of the Visigoths immediately invaded the penin-
sula, and marched to Home. He was induced to spare the city
only by the payment of an enormous ransom. "But the barba-
rian chief was not satisfied with the payment of money. He was
in search of lands upon which to settle his people. Honorius
refused to grant his demand, and after fruitless negotiations
with the emperor, Alaric determined to enforce it by the sword.
He took the city of Rome and sacked it (410 A. D.). For three
days the city was given up to plunder. He then overran south-
ern Italy and made himself master of the peninsula. He soon
died, and his successor, Adolphus (Ataulf), was induced to find
in southern Gaul and Spain the lands which Alaric had sought
in Italy.
Invasion of the Huns under Attila. The next great inva-
sion of the Western Empire was made by the Huns under
Attila. This savage people from Asia had already gained a
foothold in eastern Europe north of the Danube. Under their
great chieftain, Attila, who has been called " the Scourge of
God," they invaded Gaul and devastated the provinces; they
laid siege to the city of Orleans, but were finally defeated by
the Roman general Aetius, with the aid of the Visigoths. The
battle was fought near Chalons (451 A. D.), and has been called
one of the great decisive battles of the world, because it re-
488 . THE ROMAN WORLD
lieved Europe from the danger of Scythian domination. Attila
later invaded Italy, but retired without attacking Rome.
Notwithstanding the brilliant service which Aetius had ren-
dered, he was made the victim of court intrigue, and was mur-
dered by his jealous prince, Valentinian III. The fate of
Aetius, like that of Stilicho before him, shows the wretched
condition into which the imperial government had fallen.
Invasion of the Vandals under Genseric. The Vandals
who had fought under Radagaisus had, upon the death of that
leader, retreated into Spain, and had finally crossed over into
Africa, where they had erected a kingdom under their chief
Genseric (Gaiseric). They captured the Roman city of Car-
thage and made it their capital ; and they soon obtained control
of the western Mediterranean. On the pretext of settling a
quarrel at Rome, Genseric landed his army at the port of Ostia,
took possession of the city of Rome, and for fourteen days
made it the subject of pillage (455 A. D.). By this act of
Genseric, the city lost its treasures and many of its works of
art, and the word " vandalism " came to be a term of odious
meaning.
Fall of the Empire in the West (476 A. D.). By these and
other barbarian conquests, the authority of the Western em-
peror was now limited to Italy, together with a small part of
northwestern Gaul, which still remained under the Roman
governor Sya'grius. The emperors themselves were weak and
incapable of ruling. The real power was exercised by others.
The imperial administration at Rome was, for a time, in the
hands of Placid'ia, sister of Honorius and daughter of Theodo-
sius the Great. With the death of Stilicho and Aetius. the
command of the Roman armies fell to Ric'imer, who is known
as the " kingmaker. " since he set up and deposed emperors at
his will. Then followed On-stes. who was once the secretary of
the barbarian chief Attila, and who now eo-inuamled the bar-
barian auxiliaries in Italy. He received the title of Roman
"patrician" and attempted to mle alter the manner of Kiri-
CKIJMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 489
mer. He placed upon the throne his son, Romulus Augustulus,
a boy six years of age, whose reign has no significance, except
that he was the last of the Western emperors. His brief reign
was brought to an end by a revolt on the part of the barbarian
mercenaries, who demanded one third of the lands of Italy.
The young prince, Augustulus, was deposed by Odoa'cer, chief
of the Her'uli (476 A. D.). Word was sent to the Eastern ruler
that there was no longer any need of a separate emperor in
l he West. Odoacer accordingly received the title of patrician
and ruled over Italy as the vicar of the Eastern emperor. The
West was thus deprived of the imperial title; and this event is
sometimes called the " fall of the Western Roman empire."
III. THE NEW GERMANIC KINGDOMS
In Italy, the Heruli and Ostrogoths. The West was now
theoretically united to the East; but as the result of the inva-
sions it became, in fact, the seat of new Germanic kingdoms,
which were practically independent of the Eastern emperor.
In order to realize the great changes which were now taking
place in western Europe, let us locate on the map (p. 490) the
new kingdoms established by the German invaders. Odoacer,
the king of the Heruli, continued to rule over Italy for seventeen
years (476-493 A. D.). Although a barbarian he respected the
forms of the Rdman government. Although an Arian he did
not disturb the orthodox church. The brief dominion of the
Heruli was cut short by the conquest of Italy by the Ostrogoths
under Theod'oric.
The Ostrogoths, following their old kinsmen the Visigoths,
had settled south of the Danube, and had become allies of the
Eastern emperor. Their chief was Theodoric, who had been
brought up as a hostage at Constantinople, and had become fa-
miliar with the customs and institutions of the Romans. To
satisfy the demands of his people for better lands, Theodoric
obtained from the emperor the authority to take possession of
No.
490
GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST
491
Italy. After a brief war lie became master of the peninsula,
and founded the new kingdom of the Ostrogoths (493-552
A. D.). lie acknowledged a nominal allegiance to the emperor
at Constantinople; but, in fact, he ruled as an independent sov-
ereign. He proved to be a great statesman and civilizer, and
may well be regarded as the greatest of the barbarian kings. He
restored Italy to a prosperous condition, such as it had not seen
TOMB OF THEODOBIC AT RAVENNA
since the days of the Antonines. He drained the marshes, re-
paired the highways, restored the old monuments, and built
splendid edifices. His ambition was to infuse a new Teutonic
vigor into the old civilization of Eome to preserve the old in-
stitutions, while he gave to them a new spirit. He compiled the
Roman law (the Edictum Theodorici) for the benefit of his
Roman subjects; and, although an Arian, he respected the
rights of the orthodox church. He also patronized learning.
The chief ornaments of his reign were Boe'thius, who wrote the
492 THE ROMAN WORLD
" Consolations of Philosophy " ; and his private secretary, Cas-
siodo'rus, who wrote a " History of the Goths " (now preserved
only in an abridged form). The last years of Theodoric were
disturbed by intrigues and by acts unworthy of a great prince.
At his death (527 A. D.), his enemies succeeded in having his
ashes scattered ; but his tomb at Ravenna remains as a monu-
ment of his greatness.
In Spain, the Suevi and Visigoths. The peninsula of
Spain became the seat of two Germanic kingdoms that of the
Suevi and that of the Visigoths. The Suevi had taken part
in the great invasion under Radagaisus (p. 487). After the de-
feat of that barbarian leader by Stilicho, they had found a
refuge in Spain, where they founded a kingdom in the north-
western part of the peninsula (409-585 A. D.). They had little
influence upon the history of Spain, as they were absorbed into
the greater kingdom of the Visigoths.
The Visigoths were led into Spain from Italy by Adolphus,
the successor of Alaric (p. 487). Their kingdom lasted for
many years (419-711 A. D.), and at one time extended over the
entire Spanish peninsula and into southern Gaul as far as the
river Loire. .Like many other barbarian chiefs, the Visigothic
kings -had great respect for the Roman institutions which they
found among the conquered people. How much their first;
king, Adolphus, was under the influence of Rome we may judge
from his own statement, in which he says that while he wished
at first to destroy the Roman name, he was convinced that 1o
maintain the Gothic state it was necessary to preserve the Ro-
man institutions. The Visigothic kings respected the rights of
their Roman subjects. While one king (Euric) drew up the
barbarian laws for the Gothic people, another king (Alaric
II.) drv\v up the Roman laws for the Roman people. The
tendency in Spain was to preserve the equality of the Romans
mid tin- Goths under the common authority of the king,
who ruled more like a Roman emperor than like a barbarian
chieftain.
GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 493
In Gaul, the Burgundians and Franks. In passing to the
province of Gaul, we find the southeastern part, along the val-
ley of the Rhone, occupied by the kingdom of the Burgundians
(410-534 A. D.). Here, as in Italy and Spain, there was a dis-
position on the part of the kings to place the Roman and the
German people on a plane of equality. For example, one Bur-
gundian king (Gundibald) codified the barbarian laws of his
own people; and another king (Sigismund) drew up a collection
of the Roman law for his Roman subjects. The Burgundians
were regarded as a brave people; and their heroic exploits are
sung in the Niebelung en-lied, the great epic poem of the Ger-
man race. Their kingdom was continued until it was absorbed
by that of the Franks.
The most important of all the new German kingdoms was
the Frankish monarchy, the first dynasty of which was called
the Merovingian (486-752 A. D.). The founder of this dynasty
was I'lovis (Clodwig, Clodovech), the chief of the Salian
Franks or that part of the Frankish nation that moved across
the Rhine. This great chieftain, after defeating Syagrius (see
p. 488) at the battle of Soissons (486 A. D. ; map, p. 516), soon
overcame the neighboring tribes in Gaul, the Alemanni in
the northeast, the Burgundians in the southeast, and the Visi-
goths in the southwest, and thus brought the whole of Gaul
under his authority. He recognized a sort of allegiance to the
Eastern emperor by accepting the title of " consul." During
his reign and that of his successors the Roman people were re-
spected, their cities were preserved, their language and laws
remained untouched; and many of the Romans were even se-
lected to assist the Frankish king in his government.
One of the most noteworthy facts in the reign of Clovis was
his conversion to the orthodox form of Christianity, which
followed his victory over the Alemanni. The king became the
protector of the church, and the church became a support
of the king. The death of Clovis was followed by many divi-
sions and reunions of the kingdom; but the policy which he
494
THE UOMAX WOULD
adopted led to the blending of Roman ideas of law with the
German ideas of liberty, and to an alliance between the church
and the state which afterward made the Frankish monarchy
tin- strongest political power in western Europe, as we shall
hereafter see.
In Britain, the Anglo-Saxons. The German conquest of
Britain resulted from a series of migrations, beginning at the
middle of the fifth_centurv ^449 A. D.) and extending over a
period of a hundred and
fifty years. The people
whom we generally call
the . " Anglo-Saxons " in-
cluded the Jutes, who
settled in Kent; the Sax-
ons, who settled in Sus-
sex, Wessex, and Essex;
and the Angles, who set-
tled in East Anglia, Mer-
cia, and Northumber-
land.- These settlements,
which grew into* as many
kingdoms, are often spo-
ken of as the " Anglo-
Saxon Heptarchy." Al-
though the province of
Britain had previously
been made a seat of Roman civilization, many of the remains
of which exist at the present day, the Teutonic institutions be-
came thoroughly transplanted to English soil; and the German
ideas of personal liberty and of local self-government became
more firmly fixed there than in any other country of Europe.
But still it would be a mistake to suppose that the Roman in-
fluence \\.i- mtiivly destroyed. The Roman eilies slill re-
Muiined Mini preserved some of the municipal institutions of
the empire. \Vln-n ihe Roman missionary. Augustine, was sent
Ax<!i.o-s..\xox HEPTABCUY
CJEKMAX OCCUI'ATIOX OK THK \\KST
to Britain, and the Anglo-Saxons were converted to Chris-
tianity, the church became organized on a Eoman basis, and
attained a sort of national unity, even before the Saxon king-
doms themselves were united. The Christian clergy, who \\civ
imbued with Roman ideas, became the advisers of the Saxon
kings, and gave them lessons in the art of government and po-
litical administration.
When we speak of the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons by
Augustine, we must not forget that Christianity had already
heen established in Britain during the Roman period. When
tlu 1 island was invaded by the pagan Germans, the Celtic Chris-
tians took refuge in Scotland and Ireland. The early British,
or Celtic, church was thus preserved in these places, and had
a strong seat in the island of lo'na. The rivalry between the
Christian Celts and the missionaries from Eome was finally
settled by an agreement to unite under an archbishop appointed
by the Pope. The man selected was Theodore of Tarsus, who
organized the Anglo-Saxon church upon a Roman model.
IV. THE ROMANO-GERMANIC SOCIETY
Fusion of the Romans and Germans. The society which
grew up in the new barbarian kingdoms was partly Roman and
partly German. The two. peoples lived side by side in the same
territory the one in the old municipalities, and the other, gen-
erally speaking, in the rural districts in villages or upon great
estates. Being thus brought together under the samo authority,
they were necessarily influenced by each other. Their institu-
tions, although diverse in origin and different in character,
were modified by their mutual contact, resulting in a political
system which possessed both Roman and German elements.
One of the chief results of the invasions, therefore, was the
fusion of the two peoples, the mingling to a great extent of
their political and social institutions, their languages, and to a
certain degree their systems of law.
496 THE ROMAN WORLD
The German Kingship. The chiefs of the new kingdoms
became kings with something of an imperial dignity and au-
thority. They assumed the imperial insignia the crown, the
imperial scepter, and the purple robe. They surrounded them-
selves with household officers, like an imperial court. They
governed their territory in a manner similar to that of an impe-
rial province. Thus the royal power, by appropriating the old
imperial idea of Rome, gradually became more absolute than
among the primitive German people.
The New German Nobility. A new nobility also sprang
up, which included both a German and a Roman element. It
depended primarily upon the German principle of the comita-
tus (p. 483), or the personal relation between the chief and his
followers. Those who were closely related to the king were his
companions, and shared something of his dignity. Besides this
personal nobility, there was what might be called an official
nobility, made up of the military chiefs, or dukes (duces), and
the territorial governors, or counts (comites). Persons were
admitted to this. privileged class, whether they were Germans or
Romans; and this fact tended to break down the distinction be-
'tween the two peoples.
The Common Freemen. The growth of the new kingship
and the new nobility tended to degrade the condition of the
common freemen. The pure democratic institutions of the
primitive Germans became somewhat modified. In the old
German society, before the invasions, all the freemen had been
accustomed to meet together in their assemblies, and had had a
real share in the government. It is true that after the inva-
sions the kings sometimes called the people together; but the
national assemblies were more often made up of the nobles than
of the common freemen. Moreover, the freemen who were ex-
cluded from the nobility, were obliged to live upon tho soil : ;m<l
many of them gradually descended to the condition of the old
Roman roloni, or serfs.
The Christian Church. During the period of the invasions
GERMAN OCCUPATION OF THE WEST 497
the church was growing in authority and influence. By its
efficient oruani/ntion, it was able to maintain its power, while
the rest of society was breaking up and becoming reorganized.
The clergy formed the most intelligent and influential class
in the community. They not only exercised a great influence
over the people, but became the advisers of the kings, and, to
a large extent, shaped their laws and administration. More-
over, the church, by bringing within its communion and under
its authority both the German and the Roman population, be-
came a powerful agency in fusing the two peoples together and
breaking down their race prejudices. Finally, the division of
the church between the Arians and the orthodox gradually
passed away by the triumph of the orthodox faith. On this
account the church came to be united, and formed the greatest
single power in western Europe.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE GERMANS AND THEIR INSTITUTIONS. The Barbarian
World. German Characteristics. The German Political System.
The German Judicial System. Conversion of the Germans.
II. THE GREAT INVASIONS. Nature of the Invasions. Invasion
of the Visigoths under Alaric. Invasion of the Huns under
Attila. Invasion of the Vandals under Genseric. Fall of the
Empire in the West.
III. THE XEW GERMANIC KINGDOMS. In Italy, the Heruli and
Ostrogoths. In Spain, the Suevi and Visigoths. In Gaul, the
Burgundians and Franks. In Britain, the Anglo-Saxons.
IV. THE ROMANO-GERMANIC SOCIETY. Fusion of the Romans
and Germans. The German Kingship. The New German Nobil-
ity. The Common Freemen. The Christian Church.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Emerton, Ch. 2, "The Two Races"; Ch. 3, "Breaking of the
Frontiers"; Ch. 8, "Germanic Ideas of Law" (the Salic law)
(24). 1
Curteis, Ch. 6, "Alaric and the Visigoths"; Ch. 7, "Genseric and
the Vandals"; Ch. 8, "Attila and the Huns"; Ch. 9, "The
Change of Government" (24).
Thatcher and Schwill. Ch. 4, "The Migration of Nations" (24).
ir The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
498 THE ROMAN WORLD
Adams, Ch. 3, "Additions of Christianity"; Ch. 4, "The German
Conquest and Fall of Rome" (24).
Milman, Latin Christianity, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 2, "Conversion
of the Teutonic Races" (Saint Columban; Saint Boniface) ; Ch.
3, "Theodoric the Ostrogoth" (21).
Hunt, History of the English Church (21).
Robinson, Ch. 3, "The German Invasions and Break-up of the
Roman Empire" (24).
Oman, Dark Ages, Ch. 2, "Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths";
Ch. 8, "The Visigoths in Spain" (24).
Bemont and Monod, Ch. 7, "Institutions in Gaul after the In-
vasions" (24).
Translations and Reprints, Vol. VI., No. 3, "The Early Ger-
mans" (25).
Robinson, Readings, Vol. I., pp. 52-55 (conversion of Clovis as told
by Gregory of Tours) (25).
CHAPTER XXXIII
THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST
I. RECOVERY OF THE EMPIRE BY JUSTINIAN
The Eastern Empire before Justinian. While the Roman
and the Teuton were uniting to build up a new society in the
West, the old Roman Empire still continued in the East. The
emperor at Constantinople still claimed to be the rightful ruler
of the whole Roman world, and had succeeded in gaining the
nominal allegiance of most of the German kings; but his real
authority was confined to the provinces east of the Adriatic. It
is true that the East was relieved of such invasions as had de-
stroyed the Western provinces. Still the government at Con-
stantinople was very weak, often in the hands of incapable
men and under the influence of intriguing women. The capi-
tal and the other cities of the empire were distracted by
political dissensions and religious discord. Not till we cmne
to the reign of Justinian do we see anything like a revival of
the old Roman spirit.
THE !{OMAN KMIMIII-: IN TIIK KAST
490
The Reign of Justinian (.V,i;-:>(;:> A. D. ).- Jusi inian was
the most famous ruler of the K;i-tern Umpire; and his t|<v<ls
;ire recorded by Proco'pius, the most eminent historian of that
period. A barhnrian by birth, Justinian came to Constantino-
ple while vet a Yoiinu: man, and there received an excellent edu-
*i
CHURCH OF ST. SOPHIA AT CONSTANTINOPLE
cation. He married the famous dancer Theodo'ra, who after-
ward became an orthodox Christian, and who at times aided
the emperor by her keen intellect and her vigorous spirit. In
spite of many stories which detract from the personal character
of Justinian, his reign was, after that of Constantine, the most
brilliant in the history of the East. He constructed many pub-
lie buildings, chief among which was the Church of St. Sophia,
dedicated to Wisdom. During his reign the culture of the silk-
worm was introduced into Europe, the eggs being stealthily
brought from China, it is said, by being concealed in a hollow
staff. But the greatest renown of Justinian rests upon his
partial recovery of the western provinces, and his codification
of the Roman law.
Recovery of Africa from the Vandals (534 A. D.). The
great desire of Justinian was to restore the grandeur of the
JMAJP No.
DD
500
Till-: KOMA.N UMPIRE IN THE KAST 501
old Roman empire. To accomplish this, it was necessary not
only to maintain the frontiers against the hostile Persians in
the East, but also to recover the provinces in the West from the
hands of the barbarian kings. The.jnQst hated and aggres-
sive of the barbarians were the Vandals in Africa. They had
swept the Mediterranean with their fleets, and had even threat-
ened Constantinople. Unlike other tribes that had accepted
Arian Christianity, the Vandals were intolerant in religion,
and persecuted the members of the orthodox church. To rescue
this province Justinian placed his greatest general, Belisa'rius,
in command of a naval expedition to Africa. After a cam-
paign of three months, the Vandals were conquered. Africa
was restored to the empire, and placed under an " exarch," or
governor, appointed by the emperor.
Recovery of Italy from the Ostrogoths (535-552 A. D.).
Justinian soon found a pretext for invading Italy. But the
conquest of the Ostrogoths proved a more serious undertaking
than that of the Vandals. Belisarius was dispatched with an
expedition to Sicily (535 A. D.). After the conquest of that
island, Naples and, Rome were taken. But Belisarius was him-
self shut up in the Roman capital and besieged for a year by
the Gothic armies. When the siege was finally raised, he pur-
sued the Goths to Ravenna, and compelled the surrender of
that city. In the midst of his victories, he was recalled to Con-
stantinople and sent against the Persians. In the meantime
the Ostrogoths recovered Rome and a large part of the Italian
peninsula. Belisarius was a second time sent into Italy. He
succeeded in recapturing Rome; but he was feebly supported
by the emperor and again recalled to Constantinople. The
final conquest of Italy was left to another general, Narses.
With the fall of the Ostrogothic kingdom, Narses was ap-
pointed exarch, with his capital at Ravenna. By these con-
quests in Africa and Italy to which the southern part of
Spain was added the authority of the empire was reestab-
lished over a large part of the western provinces.
502 THE ROMAN WORLD
The Codification of the Roman Law. To the transient
fame which resulted from the wars of Justinian was added the
more permanent glory which came from his compilation of
the Roman law. The emperor appointed the famous lawyer
Tribo'nian, with the aid of a commission of jurists, to collect
the laws of the empire. These consisted of the imperial " con-
stitutions " that is, the laws issued by the emperors and the
writings of the jurists. The newly codified body of the civil
law was called the Corpus Juris Civilis, and consisted of four
parts. (1) The Code was a collection of the imperial constitu-
tions, issued since the time of Theodosius who had already
made a collection of the previous constitutions. (2) The'ZK-
gesty or Pandects, comprised extracts from the writings of
thirty-nine of the greatest Roman jurists including Gaius,
Ulpian, Paullus, Modestinus, and Papinian. It was the boast
of the commission that three million lines had been reduced to
one hundred and fifty thousand. (3) The Institutes was a text-
book, containing the general principles of the law and intended
for the use of students. (4) The Novels contained the later
laws of Justinian issued after the publication of the Code.
This compilation was perhaps the greatest .legacy of Rome to
the modern world. " It was in this form," as Savigny says,
"that the Roman law became the common law of Europe."
II. BARBARIAN ENCROACHMENTS UPON THE EMPIRE
Conquest of Italy by the Lombards (568 A. D.). (The em-
pire, which had recovered so much of its former greatness dur-
ing the reign of Justinian, was after his death again exposed
to barbarian incursions A The first great disaster was the loss of
Italy, which had just been recovered by Belisarius and Narses.
It is said that Narses now the exarch at Ravenna was ill-
treated by the authorities at Constantinople; and that he, in
revenge, invited the Lombards to conic lo 11,-ily. The Lomlunls
had already settled in Pannonia. Under their leader, Al'boin,
THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST
503
they descended into the valley of the Po, and afterward overran,
nearly the whole of Italy. The principal seat of their power
was in the north, their capital being at Pavia. In the south
they established a number of duchies like that of Spole'tum
and that of Beneventum. The Eastern Empire was able, how-
ever, to hold the territory about Ravenna and about Rome;
and this territory remained under the authority of the exarch
ITALY
Under the Lombards
7th Century
| [Lombards
I \Eaatern Empire
DUCHY OF
Beneventui
BENEVENTUM*
SCALE OF MILES
'50
100
150
of Ravenna and of the Eastern Empire. The Lombards were
oppressive and cruel. Unlike the Ostrogoths, they had little
respect for the Roman people or for Roman institutions. They
had adopted the Arian form of Christianity ; but they were in-
tolerant and were open enemies of the orthodox church. The
Lombard rule marks the lowest point that Italy reached during
the barbarian invasions.
501 THE ROMAN WORLD
Slavic Settlements in the Eastern Provinces, The invasion
of the Lombards was the beginning of a new period of en-
croachments upon the Eastern Empire. We saw some time
ago that the early Germans had been pushed forward upon the
frontiers by the pressure of the Huns from Asia (p. 465). So
now the Slavic peoples were being pressed forward by other
Asiatic tribes, the Avars and Bulgarians. The Slavs were thus
brought into somewhat the same relation to the East as the
Germans had been to the West. They did not, however, suc-
ceed in overthrowing the empire in the East, -as the Germans
had practically done in the West. But still there came to be
established at least four new barbarian states south of the Dan-
ube. These were Servia, Croatia, Carinthia, and Bulgaria.
The first three of these were founded by the Slavs; the last was
founded by the Bulgarians, originally a " Turanian " people,
who, however, having mixed with the Slavs, adopted the lan-
guage and customs of the latter, and became themselves prac-
tically a Slavic people.
Heraclius and the Declining Empire. The loss of these
territories in Italy and on the Danube was a painful evidence
of the weakness of the government at Constantinople. The
Persians also renewed their wars and overran the provinces in
the East. They took possession of Egypt and Syria, invaded
Asia Minor, and their armies encamped within sight of Con-
stantinople. From this dangerous condition the empire was
temporarily rescued by the heroic efforts of Heracli'us (610-641
A. D.), an emperor whose warlike deeds remind us of Justinian.
He boldly attacked the enemy, rescued Asia Minor and Kirypt
and carried the war into the Persian territory. But the vigor-
ous reign of Heraclius was hardly more than a parenthesis in
the general movement toward decay and degeneracy. The
Eastern Empire continued to exist for more th;in eight hun-
ilivtl vears ami to render some service in civili/ation. Tt pro-
I Knrope from the Micn>ac!imeiii> <>!' Asiatic peoples, and
preserved tli- fruit.- !' ancient learning to modern times.
THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST 505
III. THE MOHAMMEDAN ATTACK
Mohammed and his Religion. While the empire was strug-
gling to defend itself against IVrsia, there appeared in Asia a
new power which was to prove a more formidable enemy than
Persia, and a new religion which was destined to be a rival
of Christianity itself. This new religious power sprang up in
A rabia, of which little had been previously known. Its founder
and leader was Moliammed. It is not necessary for us to re-
count the many stories which are told regarding his life his
early vocation as a merchant, his miraculous visions, his call
to preach, his flight from his native city Mecca (from which
date, G22 A. D., begins the Mohammedan era), his failure as a
simple prophet, and his use of the sword as a tool of religious
conquest. It is enough for us to keep in mind the fact that he
welded together a disunited people, proclaimed a new religion
to bis 1'el low-men, and founded a new empire in the East.
The religion of Mohammed, it has been said, was com-
pounded of an eternal truth and a novel fiction. It may be
summed up in the words, " There is only one God, and Mo-
hammed is his prophet." It was a protest against the poly-
theistic and idolatrous tendencies of the East. It was also the
assertion of the prophetic character of a man who extended re-
ligion by means of the sword, and sought to exalt himself by
imposing upon the world the choice between the Koran, 1
tribute, or death.
Mohammedan Conquests in the East and West. The con-
quests begun by Mohammed were carried on by his successors,
the " caliphs," as they were called. Of these the greatest war-
rior, and the real founder of the Arabian supremacy in the East,
was Omar. This caliph united all the people of Arabia under
his banner, and entered upon a remarkable career of conquest.
He defeated Heraclius, as that emperor was returning from a
1 The Koran is the Bible of the Mohammedans ; they believe it to
have been divinely revealed to the prophet, and accept it as the final
authority in civil as well as religious law.
506
THE ROMAN WORLD
MOSQUE OF OMAR, JERUSALEM
victorious campaign against Persia; he wrested Syria and Pal-
estine from the empire, and erected an Arabian mosque at
Jerusalem on the site of Solomon's Temple. He then defeated
the Persians and overthrew the dynasty of the Sassanida3. He
invaded Egypt, and.
after besieging Alex-
andria for fourteen
months, became mas-
ter of that country.
With this beginning
under Omar, the Ara-
bians continued t o
push their conquests,
under other caliphs, in
northern Africa to the
Atlantic. They then
crossed into Spain and destroyed the kingdom of the Visi-
goths (711 A. D.), leaving only a small Christian kingdom
(Astu'ria) in the extreme north. They invaded Gaul and
threatened to overrun all the countries of western Europe, and
even to destroy Christianity itself. From this disastrous fate
Christian Europe was rescued by the Franks under Charles
M artel' at the famous battle near Tours, which may well bo
called one of the decisive battles of the world. In a single cen-
tury, from the death of Mohammed (632 A. D.) to the battle of
Tours (732 A. D.), the Arabians, or Saracens, had established an
empire extending from the Indus River to the Atlantic Ocean.
Dismemberment of the Caliphate. By the middle of ill--
eighth century the Mohammedan power had reached its great-
est extent under the dynasty called the Ommi'ads, who made
their capital at Damascus. From this time the caliphate grad-
ually fell to pieces. The Ommiads were overthrown by a new
dynasty, called the Ahbas'sids, who removed their capital far-
ther oast, to tin- >hores of the Tigris at Bagdad. One of the
Ommiads, named Abd-er-Hah'man, escaped and fled to Spain,
Till: HOMAN EMPIRE IN THE EAST 507
where he established an independent caliphate, with its capital
at (Jor'dova. 11 was not lonu lie tore another independent
caliphate arose in Africa, with its capital at Cairo, under the
rule of the Fat'iraites, who traced their descent from Fa'tima,
the daughter of Mohammed. In spite of these and subsequent
divisions, the Mohammedan religion continued to prevail over
these countries.
Mohammedan Civilization. By their conquests the Mo-
hammedans came into contact with the higher civilizations of
Persia and the Eastern Empire. While western Europe was
under the shadow of the German invasions, and the Eastern
Empire was going into decline, Bagdad and Cordova, and other
Mohammedan cities, became the centers of learning and cul-
ture. The Arabians studied philosophy, cultivated mathe-
matics, and excelled in medicine. They obtained their chief
ideas of architecture from the cities of the Eastern Empire;
but they developed a new and beautiful style of ornamentation,
called " arabesque," which is made up of lines and curves, and
dispenses with the forms of living beings. The Arabians were
not very original; but they took up much of the culture of the
East and afterward transmitted it to the peoples of western
Europe.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. RECOVERY OF THE EMPIRE BY JUSTINIAN. The Eastern Em-
pire before Justinian. The Reign of Justinian. Recovery of
Africa from the Vandals. Recovery of Italy from the Ostro-
goths. Codification of the Roman Law.
II. BARBARIAN ENCROACHMENTS UPON THE EMPIRE. Conquest
of Italy by the Lombards. Slavic Settlements in the Eastern
Provinces. Heraclius and the Declining Empire.
III. THE MOHAMMEDAN ATTACK. Mohammed and his Re-
ligion. Mohammedan Conquests in the East and West. Dis-
memberment of the Caliphate. Mohammedan Civilization.
REFERENCES FOR READING
Seignobos, Ch. 30, "The Eastern Roman Empire"; Ch. 31, "Mo-
hammed and Mohammedanism" (18). 1
l The figure in parenthesis refers to the number of the topic in the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 29
508 THE ROMAN WORLD
Bemont and Monod, Ch. 8, "The Roman Empire in the East";
Ch. 11, "The Arabian Empire" (24).
Duruy, Ch. 4, "The Greek Empire"; Bk. II., "The Arab In-
vasion" (24).
Curteis, Ch. 10, "The Emperor Justinian"; Ch. 11, "The Empire
in Relation to the Barbarians of the East" (24).
Gibbon, Ch. 40, "The Reign of Justinian"; Ch. 41 (career of Beli-
sarius); Chs. 50-52 (extension of the Mohammedan power);
Ch. 51 (Saracen conquest of Spain) ; Ch. 52 (siege of Constan-
tinople) (18).
Stanley, Lect. 8, "Mahometanism in its Relation to the Eastern
Church" (21).
Milman, Latin Christianity, Bk. TIL, Ch. 4, "Justinian" (21).
Morey, Roman Law, pp. 158-163, "The Final Codification by
Justinian" (22).
Smith, R. B., Lect. 3, "Mohammedanism" (teachings of the
Koran) (24).
CHAPTER XXXIV
THE GROWTH OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE
I. THE PAPACY AND THE LATIN CHURCH
The Growth of the Papacy. We have thus seen the break-
ing up and decline of the old Eoman empire resulting (1)
from the German occupation of the West, and (2) the en-
croachments made upon the East by the Slavs, by the Per-
sians, and finally by the Mohammedans. We are now prepared
to look at the events which led to the progress and consolida-
tion of western Europe. We shall see an alliance formed
between the two strongest powers of the West the papacy and
the Franks. We shall then see the founding of a new Frank i-h
dynasty, called the Carolingian ; and the revival of the* Roman
empire under the Carolingian rulers. Our attention must
first be directed to that power which was most influential in
bringing about these results namely, the papacy, the chief
authority in the Latin church.
GROWTH OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE 509
The bishop of Rome or the " Pope " (papa, father) as he
was now called had been acquiring new power and dignity
during the whole period of the invasions. This was due to a
number of causes, which we may briefly enumerate as fol-
lows: (1) the belief that the Roman bishop was the lineal suc-
cessor of Saint Peter; (2) the
prestige of Rome as (lie previous
capital of the world; (3) the rec-
ognition of the Roman church as
the "mother church" in the West;
(1) the custom of appealing to the
Roman bishop upon moral and ec-
clesiastical questions; and (5) the
personal influence of three great
' . . PAPAL EMBLEMS
bishops Innocent I., Leo I., and
Gregory I. whose ability as statesmen and whose vigorous
policy gave to the bishop of Rome a commanding position
throughout the Christian world.
The Schism of the East and the West : the Iconoclastic Con-
troversy. Although the bishop of Rome had come to be recog-
nized as superior to other bishops, the Eastern emperor as-
sumed to exercise an authority over him, as he did over the
ecclesiastical officers in the East. The distinction, however,
between the Western or Latin churches, on the one hand, and
the Eastern or Greek churches on the other, was so deeply
rooted as to lead to their final separation. The most conspicu-
ous cause of this schism between the East and the West was
the famous " iconoclastic controversy." The emperor Leo III.
(the Isaurian) had issued an edict (726 A. D.) forbidding the
use of images, pictures, or other representations of Christ and
the saints in the churches, and commanding the destruction
of such symbols. As the emperor claimed that his authority
was superior to that of any ecclesiastic bishop, patriarch, or
Pope he intended this edict to apply to the Western as well
as to the Eastern churches. The Pope, Gregory II., however,
510 THE ROMAN WORLD
refused to recognize the authority of this edict, and proclaimed
that all persons would be excommunicated who ventured to
obey it. By this act the Pope proved his independence of the
Eastern emperor. The controversy regarding " iconoclasm "
(image-breaking) raged fiercely throughout the church. As
a result of this and of other causes the Latin church was
able to preserve its freedom from imperial dictation, and to
maintain its independent organization, under the supremacy
of the bishop of Rome; while the Greek church was content
to fall under the headship of the emperor at Constantinople.
Western Monasticism. The influence of the Latin church,
as well as the authority of the Pope, was promoted by the
establishment of monasticism in the West. This form of se-
cluded religious life had long prevailed in the East, where its
devotees had led a solitary and contemplative existence. When
transplanted to the W T est, monasticism assumed a more practi-
cal and philanthropic character. Under the rule of Saint
Benedict, who established a monastery at Monte Cassino in
Italy (529 A. D.), it became a prominent feature of the West-
ern church. The " rule of Saint Benedict " required the tak-
ing of three vows poverty, chastity, and obedience. It also re-
quired the performance of three daily duties prayer, study,
and manual labor. The monastic system spread throughout
the countries of Europe, and exercised an important influence,
not only in strengthening the church, but also in improving
the condition of society. By encouraging manual labor, the
monks restored the waste lands in different countries, and gave
a new dignity to agricultural pursuits. By their copying <>i
manuscripts, they preserved from destruction many works of
ancient literature, and encouraged learning and scholarship.
By their hospitality, they .furnished a refuge for the weak, the
sick, and the distressed, and presented to the world examples
of Christian cliarilv.
The Papal Missions. The influence of tlir Latin church
was also extended by the encouragement ri\vn by the Popes to
GROWTH OF TI1K CAUOU.MJIAN KAll'IKi: 511
missionary \\ork. \\ e bave already seen how Augustine was
sent (by Pope Gregory I.) to IJrilain (o rescue that island from
paganism and to bring it under the authority of the church
(p. ID4). The Irish monk and missionary, Saint Colinnban.
was sent to the countries about the upper Rhine, where bis
work was continued by his disciple, Saint Gall, the founder
of one of the great monasteries in central Europe. But the
greatest of the papal missionaries was Saint Boniface, who
was sent by the Pope as the " apostle to the Germans." His
work resulted not only in the conversion of many German
tribes, but also in the reform of the Frankish church and in
bringing 1 it more completely under the papal authority. In
tb is work he received the aid of Charles Martel, who had now
come to be looked upon as the champion of Christendom and
the faithful supporter of the Pope.
The Popes and the Lombards. The people of western
Europe who seemed to have the least respect for the dignity
and authority of the Pope were bis nearest neighbors, the
Lombards. The Lombard kings desired to unite the whole of
Italy under their own power. This would require, in the first
place, the conquest of the Exarchate of Ravenna, which was
still subject to the Eastern emperor. It would require, in the
next place, the occupation of the city of Rome, the seat of the
papal power. If this were accomplished, the Pope would be
obliged to submit to the authority of the Lombard king a
master more oppressive than the emperor whose authority the
Pope had denied. In the face of such a warlike people as
the Lombards, the Pope was practically helpless, unless he
could find some military support. He could not well appeal
to the Eastern emperor from whom he wished to be free. The
only people of Europe who could give him the necessary aid
were the Franks the people who had already saved Chris-
tendom by their victory over the Mohammedans (p. 506). The
Pope, Gregory III., therefore, first turned for help to Charles
Martel, the hero of the battle of Tours ; but this great general
512 THE ROMAN WORLD
died before the desired aid could be given. This appeal of the
Pope for military assistance against the Lombards was an
important step, which finally led to the alliance of the Franks
and the papacy an event of great significance in the history
of Europe.
II. THE ALLIANCE OF THE FRANKS AND THE PAPACY
The Frankish Monarchy; Mayors of the Palace. We may
ask why the Pope called for help upon Charles Martel and
not upon the Frankish king. The fact is that the Frankish
kings had (t-ascd to possess any real authority: the governing
}>o\\vr had passed into the hands of an officer of the king's
household, called the " mayor of the palace." It is true that
the early kings like Clovis, the founder of the Merovingian
dynasty, and Dagobert, who consolidated the Frankish power
were able rulers; but from the time of Dagobert, the crown
was worn by feeble men, who reigned but did not rule. It was
said by an old writer, " There was nothing left for the king
to do but to be content with his flowing hair and long beard,
and to sit on the throne and play the ruler" (Eginhard).
The later Merovingian kings are hence known as faineant (do-
nothing) kings. But in spite of the weakness of these so-
called kings, the Frankish monarchy found able rulers in the
mayors of the palace. These officers had succeeded in making
the Franks the strongest nation of Europe. (Charles Martel
was mayor of the palace when he defeated the Mohammedans
at Tours; and it was to him as the real representative of tho
Frankish people, as well as the defender of Christendom, that
the Pope now appealed for help against the Lombards. )
Pepin the Short and the New Dynasty. At his death
Charles Martel was succeeded by his two sons, jone of whom
soon retired to a monastery. This left the other son, Pepin
(or Pippin) surnamcd th<> Short (h Rrrf), as the sole mayor
of the palace. Pepin was not disposed to exercise the real
GliOWTH OF THE CAKOLlNdlAN KMl'IKIO 513
power of king without also having the title of king. He
needed only some moral support to depose his feeble sovereign
(Childeric III.), an d to reign in his stead. He therefore
appealed to the 1'opr as the supreme arbiter of moral ques-
tions. The Pope (Zacharias) replied, "It seems better that
he who has the power in the state should be king, and should
be called king rather than he who is falsely so called." With
this sanction Pepin deposed the last Merovingian, assumed the
royal title, and was raised on a shield, according to the Ger-
man custom. He was also anointed with the holy oil, accord-
ing to the Jewish custom, by Saint Boniface, now archbishop
of Mainz. This ceremony was intended to give a religious
sanction to the royal power, and to indicate that the king
reigns " by the grace of God." In this way was established
a new line of Prankish kings, called the Carolingian (or Car-
lovingian) dynasty (752 A. D.). The effect of this revolution
was to cement more closely the alliance of the Franks with
the papacy, and to give to the Popes the military support
which they desired.
Pepin's Defeat of the Lombards. The Pope could now urge
upon Pepin his duty to protect the church from the encroach-
ments of the Lombards. Under their king, Aistulf, the Lom-
bards had already conquered the Exarchate of Ravenna, over-
run the central part of Italy, and were laying siege to the
city of Rome. The Pope (now Stephen II.) fled to Gaul and
besought the new Frankish king to come to his aid, at the
same time anointing and crowning the king in person, thus
emphasizing the papal sanction of the king's title. Pepin was
quick to respond. He crossed the Alps with his army, marched
to Rome, relieved the city, and thinking that his work was
accomplished, returned to Gaul. On his departure from Italy,
the Lombards again besieged Rome with a larger force than
before. A second time the Pope appealed to the Frankish
king; and a second time Pepin led his army into Italy. The
king was now determined to make a more thorough settlement
514 THE HUMAN WUKLD
of the Italian trouble. He not only raised the siege of Rome,
but drove the Lombards from all the territory they had re-
cently captured, and extorted from their king a promise to
respect thereafter the rights of the church.
The "Donation of Pepin" and the Temporal Power of the
Popes. The question now arose as to what should be done
with the territory rescued from the hands of the Lombards.
This territory was claimed by the Eastern emperor as his right-
ful possession. But Pepin replied to this demand that his
expedition into Italy was not made in the interests of the
emperor, but in the interests of the church; that he himself
had no desire for these lands, and that they should be given
to the Pope. The whole territory comprising the Exarchate
of Ravenna, the Pentap'olis, and the Duchy of Rome (map,
p. 503) was therefore turned over to the church as the " pat-
rimony of St. Peter" (756 A. D.). This gift is called the
" Donation of Pepin/' and it laid the foundation of the tem-
poral power of the Popes. (From this time the Pope became
a temporal sovereign in Italy, exercising a political as well as
an ecclesiastical authority.) But quite as important was the
fact that it established more firmly the alliance between the
Franks and the papacy, by which each was bound to assist
the other in their respective spheres of authority.
III. THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
The Consolidation of Central Europe. The movements
which we have already considered namely, the growth of
the papacy as the chief power in the Latin church, and the
alliance of the Popes with the Frankish monarchy resulted
finally in the establishment of a Romano-Germanic empire
under the Carolingian rulers. The founder <>!' I his empire was
Charles the (iivat. who was the son of Pepin. ami who i> iren-
erally known as Charlemagne. Charlemagne was no! only
the greatest man <>!' his a .ire. but one of the irivai men of his-
GROWTH OF Till: ( AKOLIXr.TAN EMPIRE 515
tory. After the death of Pcpin (768 A. D.) he ruled for a
short time with his brother Carloman; but at the death of
Carloman he became the sole ruler of the Frankish nation.
He proved himself to be a born king and statesman. He was
a man of gigantic stature, of imposing presence, and of broad
ideas. His ambition was to consolidate the peoples of central
Europe into one great Christian state, and to lift them to a
higher plane of civilization.
A considerable part of his reign was occupied with wars
with outlying peoples, and with efforts to organize them under
his authority and to bring
them under the influence
of the church. We can
only briefly refer to these
wars: (1) He invaded
the kingdom of the Lom-
bards, to settle another
quarrel between this peo-
ple and the Popes ; he
conquered their territory,
and was himself crowned THE IRQN CRQWN OF THF LoMBARDS
with the " iron crown of
the Lombards," 1 thus annexing this kingdom to his own. (2)
He invaded northern Spain to free the Christians from the
yoke of the Saracens (Mohammedans). On his retreat the
rear guard of his army was attacked in the pass of Eonces-
valles, where the heroic warrior Roland was killed; put this
disaster did not prevent Charlemagne from annexing the
northern part of Spain, which he did under the name of the
"Spanish March." (3) He made war upon the barbarous
'This famous crown takes its name from a small fillet of iron within
the broad band of gold and jewels which protects it. The piece of iron is
said to have been wrought from a nail taken from the true cross, and to
have been owned by Constantine and Pope Gregory the Great before it
passed into the hands of the Lombard kings. The crown was afterward
used by Charlemagne and Napoleon. It is now in the church of Monza, a
town in northern Italy.
JSTo. S3.
516
GROWTH OF TIM: < AKOU.NCIAN KMIMUK
517
nations on the eastern frontier the Avars and Bavarians; he
drove hack the Avars, and added to hi< territory Bavaria. Un-
seat of the Bavarians, who had hitherto remained independent.
(I) He made many expeditions against the Saxons on the
north of the Kliine.
who long resisted
his power, but who
were finally reduced
to his authority and
brought under the
influence of Chris-
tianity. By these
conquests the do-
minions of Charle-
magne were ex-
tended over a large
part of central Eu-
rope, and included
the following chief
provinces: Saxony
and Frisia, Austra-
sia and Neustria,
Burgundy and
Aquitaine, Lom-
bardy (northern Italy) and Bavaria, together with the Spanish
March on the south, and the Avaric March on the east. This
extensive dominion seemed to need only the sanction of the
Pope to make it in name, as well as in fact, an empire.
Coronation of Charlemagne as Roman Emperor (800 A. D.).
At this time the imperial title at Constantinople was held
by a woman the empress Irene whose authority was not
recognized in the West. It needed only a suitable occasion
to confer the title upon Charlemagne, who was now the most
conspicuous ruler in Europe and the ablest defender of Chris-
tianity. The occasion soon presented itself. When the Pope.
CHARLEMAGNE (Traditional Portrait)
518 THE ROMAN WORLD
Leo III., was driven from Rome by an insurrection, Charle-
magne, with his army, entered the city and reinstated him.
As a reward for this service, the Pope on Christmas Day, in
the Church of St. Peter, placed upon Charlemagne's head a
golden crown, and saluted him as " Charles Augustus, crowned
of God, great and pacific emperor of the Romans." The Ro-
man people who witnessed this impressive ceremony in the
church shouted their approval, and the Frankish soldiers out-
side the building joined in the acclamation. In describing
this memorable event, Mr. Bryce says : " In that shout, echoed
by the Franks without, was pronounced the union, so long in
preparation, so mighty in its consequen'ces, of the Roman and
the Teuton, of the memories and the civilization of the South
and the fresh energy of the North, and from that moment
modern history begins."
The coronation of Charlemagne has been variously inter-
preted. It has been regarded as the revival of the Western
Roman empire which had been extinguished by the deposition
of Romulus Augustulus (p. 489) ; but as a matter of fact there
had never been recognized a Western Empire as legally distinct
from the Eastern. Again, it has been considered as the trans-
ference of the imperial title from the East to the West; but
the empire in the East continued to exist for centuries as a
rival to that of the West. It has also been regarded as the
simple recognition of the imperial position which Charlemagne
himself had achieved and to which he was entitled by his own
conquests, (tt has finally been considered as the bestowal of
the title by the Pope as a reward for Charlemagne's services
to the church, and to indicate that his authority was derived
from the Pope.; These various opinions are, to a great extent,
merely theories to justify the later claims set up by the par-
tisans of the emperor or of the Pope. Charlcniiiirnc himself
professed to be surprised by the act of coronation; but he
nevertheless gracefully accepted the title which was thereby
conferred.
GROWTH OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE 519
Charlemagne and his Imperial Government. Charlemagne
was now both Frankish king and Roman emperor. But it is
difficult for us to separate these two functions; since his gov-
ernment, like that of his predecessors, was made up of both
German and Roman features, (in looking at the political
organization of Charlemagne's empire we may distinguish be-
tween the central government and the local government.
(1) The central government consisted of the emperor him-
self, the officers of the palace, and the national assemblies.
The emperor was of course the supreme head of the empire,
somewhat like the old Roman prince. His authority extended
over all the affairs of the state. He was assisted by the officers
of the palace, called the " palatines," each one of whom had
charge of some particular branch of administration, like the
issuing of the royal decrees, the administration of justice, the
care of the imperial household, and similar matters. One of
the peculiar features of Charlemagne's government was the
preservation of the old German assemblies, in which the people
had some share of political authority. There were two of these
assemblies held each year. The larger one, which met in the
spring and was called the " Field of May," was made up not
only of the nobles, but of a large part of the common freemen.
This assembly generally met in the open air, and approved the
laws submitted to it by the emperor. The smaller assembly,
which met in the autumn, was a gathering of the various
officers of the empire for the purpose of giving an account of
their administration, and of laying out the work for the coming
year in accordance with the wish of the emperor.
(2) The local government consisted of a large number of
officers who exercised authority within the different provinces
or districts. There were several kinds of such local officers.
There were two kings, the sons of Charlemagne, who ruled
over Aquitaine and Italy. Then there were several dukes, the
chiefs of barbarian tribes, who were permitted to govern their
own people, subject to the imperial will; such were the dukes
520 THE ROMAN WORLD
of Brittany in Gaul, and of Spoletum and Beneventum in
Italy (p. 503). But the largest number of these local officers
were counts, or " grafs," there were about three hundred
of these, who were appointed directly by the emperor to
carry out his will in their separate districts or counties. The
districts on the borders of the empire were called "marks,"
and were placed under officers called " margraves." Bishops
were also appointed over the various dioceses to supervise the
affairs of the church. But all these officers, whatever their
rank, were subject to the supreme authority of the emperor.
To keep a strict control over all these local governors, and to
protect the interests of the people, Charlemagne appointed two
special ollicers. called misxi ilominici the one a count and
tin- other a bishop to travel together through the various
provinces for the purpose of inspecting the affairs 'of each
locality, of correcting abuses, and of administering justice.
These last-named officers formed a sort of connecting link
between the central and local governments. In the political
system which he organized, Charlemagne showed his great
ability as a statesman and an efficient administrator.
The Capitularies of Charlemagne. The comprehensive
mind of Charlemagne is seen in the vast number of laws
passed by him for the government of his people. These laws
were^called "capitularies," and related to all matters which
concerned the interests of his subjects. More than eleven hun-
dred of such laws have been collected and preserved to us; so
that we can learn much from them not only regarding the
high ideals of Charlemagne, but regarding the condition of
Kuropean society during this time. These laws emanated
from the emperor himself or from his immediate counselors,
and were prepared so as to meet the approval of the assemblies,
to which they were generally submitted. They related to the
duties of officers, the administration of justice, the punishment
of crime, the regulation of industry, the suppression of beg-
gary, Ihe ei'r.Mir.rn-ineut of religion. Mild a multitude of other
CiKOWTH OF THE CAKOLlACi IAN KMIMKK 521
matters, all of which indicate the great concern which the
emperor had for the welfare of his people.
Charlemagne and European Civilization. Charlemagne's
-rcatcsi distinction lies in the fact that he was a promoter of
rivili/aiion. He brought about a union of the German and
the Roman people, and laid the basis of a new European soci-
ety. He eiieo united habits of industry among his people, and
published rules for the cultivation of the soil, lit- encouraged
the revival of learning and of art. The long period which had
elapsed since the beginning of the invasions had been a period
of intellectual decline. But Charlemagne was a man who ap-
preciated culture. He gathered about him the most learned
men from all parts of Europe, and encouraged them in their
scholarly pursuits. He also looked after the education of his
subjects. He established schools in connection with the cathe-
drals and monasteries, as well as a " school of the palace "
under the supervision of the famous scholar, Alcuin, arch-
bishop of York. He promoted a taste for architecture, and
built many churches, one of which was the cathedral at his
capital, Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle), where he was at last buried
(814 A. D.). Charlemagne was the most efficient agent in
uniting the German and the western Roman world, and in
laying the basis of a new Romano-Germanic society, and thus
in furnishing a broader foundation for the states which were
to be formed from the ruins of the old Roman empire. Al-
though his empire fell to pieces after his death, the beneficial
results of his policy and work have remained as a heritage to
modern Europe.
General Summary. The name of Charlemagne closes the
long period of ancient history which has been the subject of
our study. As we look hack we are able to see the successive
stages of progress in the development of the old world.
(1) In the first place, we have seen the beginnings of
civilization in the East the early struggle of man for exist-
ence, and the growth of agriculture, manufactures, and com-
522 THE ROMAN WORLD
merce; the formation of cities, and the rise and fall of great
empires, and the initial stages in the development of art,
science, and religion. In bur study of the Oriental world we
found that man first emerged from barbarism in those centers
which were best fitted by nature for human existence the
fertile valleys of the Euphrates and the Nile. We found that
the different forms of culture which were developed in these
localities by the Babylonians and the Egyptians were brought
together and commingled in Syria. Here we saw the rise of
two important nations which carried to the highest point of
development two phases of ancient civilization the com-
mercial under the Phoenicians, and the religious under the
Hebrews. Then followed the consolidation of the Orient un-
der the dominion of the Assyrians, the first great world power,
which brought into a closer union the various civilizations of
the East. The dissolution of the Assyrian empire was fol-
lowed by a still wider organization of the Oriental peoples
under the second world power, Persia, which represented the
highest unity attained by the Oriental world.
(2) In the next place, we have seen how civilization passed
from the East to the West, and found a new center in Greece
the heir of the Orient, the home of liberty, and the seat of a
higher intellectual and aesthetic culture. In our study of the
Greek world we saw the rise of small city states scattered over
the different parts of Hellas, each being the center of an in-
dependent political life. We saw the united struggle of these
cities against the encroachments of the East, resulting in their
triumph and the establishment of a period of peace Mini
prosperity, during which time they developed an art, a litera-
ture, and a philosophy unequaled by any other nation. We
then saw how their great love of independence brought about
jealousies and conflicts, leading to the interference of a foreign
power. ;m<] tlu- irrowth of the third great world empire under
Alexander an empire which joined the Greek and Oriental
worlds in one common civilization.
GROWTPI OF THE CAHOL1NG1AN KMl'IRE 523
(3) Finally, we have seen the shifting of the center of the
ancient world from Greece to Italy and the growth of the im-
perial dominion of Rome. In our special study of the Roman
world, we saw not only the progress of the Roman arms
and the expansion of the Roman territory, but the devel-
opment of the idea of incorporation as a political principle
the bringing of conquered peoples within the state and the
extension of the privileges of citizenship. We noticed that the
struggles between different parties, however bitter they were,
resulted in the more complete equalization of rights and the
establishment of a universal peace. We saw that the Roman
genius for organization was not exhausted until the most
important civilized nations of the old world were brought un-
der one system of government, law, and religion. And we
saw at last that when the Empire was broken up, and the
Romans anU the Germans were brought together, the influence
of Rome still remained as a beneficial element in the recon-
struction of European society.
From the study of these successive movements, we must be
convinced of the " continuity of history," of the fact that the
achievements of one age or people have been transmitted to
those succeeding, and also of the fact that, in spite of wars
and revolutions, of the rise and fall of nations, the progress of
the race as a whole has been onward and upward.
SYNOPSIS FOB REVIEW
I. THE PAPACY AND THE LATIN CHURCH. The Growth of the
Papacy. The Schism of the East and the West: the "Iconoclas-
tic Controversy." Western Monasticism. The Papal Missions.
The Popes and the Lombards.
II. THE ALLIANCE OF THE FRANKS AND THE PAPACY. The
Frankish Monarchy; Mayors of the Palace. Pepin the Short and
the New Dynasty. Pepin's Defeat of the Lombards. The "Dona-
tion of Pepin," and the Temporal Power of the Popes.
III. THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE. The Consolidation of
Central Europe. Coronation of Charlemagne as Eoman Emperor.
Charlemagne and his Imperial Government. The Capitularies
of Charlemagne. Charlemagne and European Civilization. Gen-
eral Summary.
524 THE ROMAN WORLD
REFERENCES FOR READING
Duruy, Bk. III., "The Carolingian Empire" (24).*
Emerton, Ch. 9, "Rise of the Christian Church"; Ch. 12, "The
Franks from Charles Martel to Charlemagne"; Ch. 14,
"Foundation of the Mediaeval Empire" (24).
Thatcher and Schwill, Ch. 5, "The Franks" (24).
Curteis, Ch. 13, "The Popes and the Franks in Italy"; Ch. 14,
"The Franks and the Papacy" (24).
Robinson, Ch. 4, "The Rise of the Papacy"; Ch. 7, "Charlemagne"
(24).
Seignobos, Ch. 32, "Charles the Great and the New Empire" (18).
Bemont and Monod, Ch. 12, "The Faineant Kings"; Ch. 13, "Em-
pire of the Franks" (24).
Adams, Ch. 6, "The Formation of the Papacy"; Ch. 7, "The
Franks and Charlemagne" (24).
Oman, Ch. 16, "The Lombards and the Papacy"; Ch. 22, "Charles
the Great and the Empire" (24).
Bryce, Ch. 4, "Restoration of the Empire in the West"; Ch. 5,
"Empire and Policy of Charles"; Ch. 7, "Theory of the Medi-
aeval Empire" (24).
Milman, Latin Christianity, Vol. II., Bk. III., Ch. 6, "Western
Monasticism"; Ch. 7, "Gregory the Great"; Bk. IV., Ch. 7,
"Iconoclasm"; Ch. 9, "Severance of Latin and Greek Chris-
tianity" (21).
Guggenberger, History of the Christian Era (21).
Freeman, Essay, "The Unity of History" (3).
Henderson, Documents, pp. 274-314, "The Rule of St. Benedict"
(25).
Eginhard, Life of Charlemagne (27).
Translations and Reprints, Vol. VI., No. 5, "Laws of Charles the
Great" (25).
lf The figure In parenthesis refers to the number of the topic In the
Appendix, where a fuller title of the book will be found.
APPENDIX
A CLASSIFIED LIST OF IMPORTANT BOOKS UPON ANCIENT
HISTORY 1
I. GENERAL AND MISCELLANEOUS WORKS
(1) Ancient History, General.
Ducoudray, G. History of Ancient Civilization. N. Y. 1889.
Fisher, G. P. Outlines of Universal History. Part I. An-
cient History. N. Y. 1885.
Ploetz, C. Epitome of Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern
History. Part I. Ancient History. Bost. 1884.
Rawlinson, G. Manual of Ancient History. N. Y. 1880.
Smith, P. History of the World. Ancient History. 3 vols.
Seignobos, C. History of Civilization. Tr. by A. H. Wilde.
Vol. I. Ancient Civilization. N. Y. 1906.
Souttar, R. Short History of Ancient Peoples. Lond.
1904.
(2) Anthropology and Ethnology.
Brinton, D. G. Races and Peoples. N. Y. 1890.
Clodd, E. Story of Primeval Man. N. Y. 1895.
Deniker, J. Races of Man. N. Y. 1891.
Hoernes, M. Primitive Man. Lond. 1901. (Primer.)
Joly, N. Man before Metals. N. Y. 1883.
Keary, C. F. Dawn of History. N. Y.
Morris, C. The Aryan Race. Chicago, 1892.
Taylor, I. Origin of the Aryans. Lond. 1890.
Tylor, E. B. Primitive Culture. 2 vols. N. Y. 1874.
Early History of Mankind. Bost. 1878.
Anthropology. N. Y. 1881.
Sayce, A. H. Races of the Old Testament. Lond. 1891.
Starr, F. Some First Steps in Human Progress. Mead-
ville. 1895.
(3) Miscellaneous Works.
Bourne, H. E. Teaching of History and Civics in the
Elementary and Secondary School. N. Y. 1902.
Clarke, J. F. Ten Great Religions: an Essay in Com-
parative Theology. Bost. 1871.
1 The books contained in this list have been selected with special refer-
ence to their educational value in connection with the work of secondary
schools. More complete lists may be found in the author's "Outlines of
Greek History" and "Outlines of Roman History."
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 30 535
526 APPENDIX
Committee of Seven. American Historical Association,
Study of History in Schools. N. Y. 1903.
Diesterweg, G., and others. Methods of Teaching History.
Bost. 1883.
Freeman, E. A. Historical Essays. Second Series. Lond.
1873.
- Comparative Politics: with Lecture on the Unity of
History. N. Y. 1874.
New England History Teachers' Association. Historical
Sources in Schools. N. Y. 1902.
Historical Syllabus for Secondary Schools. Bost. 1904.
EL THE ORIENTAL WOULD
(4) Oriental History, General.
Boughton, W. History of Ancient Peoples. N. Y. 1897.
Duncker, M. History of Antiquity (Oriental Nations).
Tr. by E. Abbott. 6 vols. Lond. 1877-82.
Hommel, F. Civilization of the East. N. Y. 1900. (Primer.)
Lenormant, F., and Chevallier, E. Ancient History of the
East. 2 vols. Phil. 1871.
Maspero, G. C. C. Life in Ancient Egypt and Assyria.
N. Y. 1892.
Dawn of Civilization. Egypt and Assyria. Lond.
1894.
Struggle of the Nations. N. Y. 1897.
- Passing of the Empires. N. Y. 1899.
McCurdy, J. F. History, Prophecy, and the Monuments.
3 vols. N. Y. 1895-1901.
Sayce, A. H. Ancient Empires of the East, N. Y. 1889.
Rawlinson, G. Five Great Monarchies. 3 vols. N. Y.
1871.
Smith, P. Ancient History of the East. N. Y. 1871.
(Students' Series.)
(5) Babylonia and Assyria.
Budge, C. A. W. Babylonian Life and History. Lond.
1891.
Goodspeed, G. S. History of the Babylonians and As-
syrians. N. Y. 1904.
Jastrow, M. Religion of Babylonia and Assyria. Bost.
1898.
Murison, R. G. Babylonia and Assyria. Edin. (Primer.)
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Chaldaea and
Assyria. 2 vols. Lond. 1884.
Ragozin, Z. A. Story of Chaldaea. N. Y. 1891.
Story of Assyria. N. Y. 1891.
Rogers, R. W. Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. N. Y.
1889.
Sayce, A. H. Social Life of the Assyrians and Babylonians.
Lond. 1893.
APPENDIX 527
Schmidt, N. Outlines of a History of Babylonia and As-
syria. Ithaca.
Smith, (J. Assyria from the Earliest Times to the Fall of
Nineveh. Lond.
(6) Egypt.
Breasted, J. H. History of Egypt from the Earliest Times
to the Persian Conquest. N. Y. 1905.
Brugsch-Bey, H. History of Egypt under the Pharaohs.
Revised by M. Broderick. N. Y. 1891.
Edwards, A. B. Pharaohs, Fellahs, and Explorers. N. Y.
1892.
Erman, A. Life in Ancient Egypt. Lond. 1894.
Mariette, A. Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History. N. Y.
1862.
Maspero, G. C. C. Egyptian Archaeology. N. Y. 1891.
Murison, R. G. History of Egypt. Edin. (Primer.)
Newbury, P. E., and Garstang, J. Short History of Egypt.
Lond. 1904.
Petrie, W. M. F. History of Egypt. 2 vols. N. Y. 1896.
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Ancient
Egypt. 2 vols. Lond. 1883.
Rawlinson, G. History of Egypt. 2 vols. Lond. 1881.
- Story of Egypt. N. Y. 1892.
Wendel, F. C. H. History of Egypt. N. Y. 1890. (Primer.)
(7) Phoenicia and Judea.
Day, E. Social Life of the Hebrews. N. Y. 19O1.
Edersheim, E. W. Laws and Polity of the Jews. Lond.
Hosmer, J. K. Story of the Jews. N. Y. 1891.
Kendrick, J. Phoenicia. Lond. 1855.
Kent, C. F. History of the Jewish People. N. Y. 1899.
- History of the Hebrew People. 2 vols. N. Y. 1899-
1901.
Milman, H. H. History of the Jews. Lond. and N. Y.
1878.
Ottley, R. L. Short History of the Hebrews. N. Y. 1901.
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Phoenicia.
2 vols. Lond. 1885.
Rawlinson, G. History of Phrenicia. Lond. 1889.
- Story of Phoenicia. N. Y. 1896.
Renan, E. History of the People of Israel. 5 vols. Bost.
1888-95.
Sayce, .A. H. Early History of the Hebrews. N. Y. 1897.
(8) Media and Persia.
Benjamin, S. G. W. Story of Persia. N. Y. 1891.
Ragozin, Z. A. Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia.
N. Y. 1891.
Vaux, W. S. W. Persia from the Earliest Times to the
Arab Conquest. Lond.
529 APPENDIX
(9) Sources of Oriental History.
Hammurabi, Code of. Tr. by C. H. W. Johns. Edin. 1903.
Same tr. by R. F. Harper, Chicago, 1904.
Josephus, F. Works, Tr. by W. Whiston. Lond. 1870.
Old Testament. Revised Version.
Sayce, A. H. Records of the Past. 6 vols. Lond. 1888-92.
in. THE GREEK WORLD
(10) Greek History, General.
Abbott, E. History of Greece. 2 vols. N. Y. 1888-92.
Allcroft, A. H., and Masom, W. F. History of Greece. 6
vols. Lond.
Bury, J. B. History of Greece (one vol. edition). N. Y.
1900.
Butcher, S. H. Some Aspects of the Greek Genius. Lond.
and N. Y. 1893.
Cox, G. W. General History of Greece. N. Y. 1894. (Stu-
dents' Series.)
The Greeks and the Persians. N. Y. (Epochs.)
- The Athenian Empire. N. Y. (Epochs.)
Curteis, A. M. Rise of the Macedonian Empire. N. Y.
1887. (Epochs.)
Curtius, E. History of Greece. 5 vols. N. Y. 1875.
Duruy, V. History of Greece. 8 vols. Bost. 1892.
Felton, C. C. Greece, Ancient and Modern. 2 vols. in
one. Bost. 1893.
Freeman, E. A. History of Federal Government in
Greece and Italy. 2d Edition. Lond. 1893.
Gardner, P. New Chapters in Greek History. Lond. and
N. Y. 1892.
Grote, G. History of Greece. 12 vols. N. Y. 1857. Same
10 vols. Lond. 1888.
Holm, A. History of Greece. 4 vols. Lond. and N. Y.
1894-98.
Mahaffy, J. P. Survey of Greek Civilization. Meadville.
1896.
- Story of Alexander's Empire. N. Y. 1897.
Greek Life and Thought from the Age of Alexander
to the Roman Conquest. Lond. and N. Y. 1887.
- Greek World under Roman Sway. Lond. and N. Y.
1890.
Oman, C. W. C. History of Greece. Lond. and N. Y. 1901.
Sunkey, C. Spartan and Theban Supremacy. N. Y. 1887.
(Epochs.)
Shuckburgh, E. S. Short History of the Greeks. Camb.
1901.
Smith, Wm. History of Greece, with supplementary
-Imptrrs on the History of Literature and Art. N. Y.
(Students' Series.)
APPENDIX 529
(11) Greek Antiquities. Public and Private Life.
Becker, W. A. Charicles. Lond. 1866.
Bliimner, H. Home Life of the Ancient Greeks. Lond.
1893.
Davidson, T. Education of the Greek People. N. Y. 1894.
Fowler, W. W. City State of the Greeks and Romans.
N. Y. 1893.
Gardner, P., and Jevons, F. B. Manual of Greek Antiqui-
ties. N. Y. 1895.
Gilbert, G. Constitutional Antiquities of Athens and
Sparta. Lond. and N. Y. 1895.
Greenidge, A. H. J. Handbook of Greek Constitutional
History. Lond. and N. Y. 1896.
Guhl, E. K., and Koner, W. D. Life of the Greeks and
Romans. Lond. 1889.
Gulick, C. B. Life of the Ancient Greeks. N. Y. 1902.
Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiqui-
ties. N. Y. 1897.
Mahaffy, J. P. Old Greek Life. N. Y. 1876.
- Social Life in Greece. Lond. and N. Y. 1890.
Seyffert, O. Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Lond.
1891.
Smith, Wm. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.
3d Edition. 2 vols. Lond. 1890.
Whibley, L. Political Parties in Athens. Camb. 1889.
Greek Oligarchies. N. Y. 1896.
(12) Greek Archaeology and Art.
Butler, H. C. Story of Athens. N. Y. 1902.
Collignon, M. Manual of Greek Archaeology. Lond. 1886.
Gardner, E. A. Handbook of Greek Sculpture. Lond. and
N. Y. 1897.
Ancient Athens. N. Y. 1902.
Harrison, J. E. Introductory Studies of Greek Art. Lond.
1904.
and Verrall, M. de G. Mythology and Monuments
of Ancient Athens. Lond. 1890.
Mitchell, L. M. History of Greek Sculpture. 2 vols.
N. Y. 1883.
Murray, A. S. History of Greek Sculpture. 2 vols. Lond.
1890.
- Handbook of Greek Archaeology. N. Y. 1892.
Tarbell, F. B. History of Greek Art. Lond. 1896.
(13) Mycenaean Age.
Hall, H. R. The Oldest Civilization of Greece. Lond. 1901.
Perrot, G., and Chipiez, C. History of Art in Primitive
Greece; Mycenian Art. 2 vols. Lond. 1894.
Ridgeway, W. Early Age of Greece. 2 vols. Camb. 1901-02.
Schliemann, H. Mycenae. Lond. and N. Y. 1878.
Tiryns. Lond. and N. Y. 1886.
530 APPENDIX
Schliemann, H. Troja. Lond. and N. Y. 1901.
Schuchhardt, C. Schliemann's Excavations. Lond. 1891.
Tsountas, C., and Manatt, J. I. The Mycenaean Age.
Bost. 1897.
(14) Homer and the Homeric Age.
Jebb, R. C. Introduction to Homer. Bost. 1869.
Keller, A. G. Homeric Society. N. Y. 1902.
Lang, A. Homer and the Iliad. N. Y. 1892.
Leaf, W. Companion to the Iliad. N. Y. 1892.
Warr, G. C. W. The Greek Epic. Lond. and N. Y. 1895.
(15) Greek Literature and Philosophy.
Benn, A. W. Philosophy of Greece in Relation to the His-
tory and Character of the People. Lond. 1898.
Burt, B. C. Brief History of Greek Philosophy. Bost, 1889.
Fowler, H. N. History of Greek Literature. N. Y. 1902.
Jebb, R. C. Greek Literature. N. Y. 1878. (Primer.)
Jevons, F. B. History of Greek Literature. Lond. 1889.
Lawton, W. C. Introduction to Classical Greek Literature.
N. Y. 1903.
Marshall, J. Short Sketch of Greek Philosophy. N. Y.
1891.
Mayor, J. B. Sketch of Ancient Philosophy. Camb. 1881.
Moulton, R. G. Ancient Classical Drama. Lond. and
N. Y. 1890.
Murray, G. G. A. History of Ancient Greek Literature.
N. Y.
Symonds, J. A. Studies of the Greek Poets. 2 vols. Lond.
1873.
Zeller, E. Outlines of the History of Greek Philosophy.
N. Y. 1886.
(16) Greek Religion and Mythology.
Bulfinch, T. Age of Fable. (New Edition.) Phil. 1898.
Collignon, M. Manual of Greek Mythology in relation to
Greek Art. Lond. 1890.
Gayley, C. M. Classical Myths. Bost. 1893.
Guerber, H. A. Myths of Greece and Rome. N. Y. 1893.
Murray, A. S. Manual of Mythology. Phil. 1895.
(17) Sources of Greek History.
^Eschylus. Tragedies. Tr. by E. H. Plumptre. N. Y. 1868.
Aristotle. Athenian Constitution. Tr. by F. G. Kenyon.
Lond. 1891.
Arrian. Anabasis of Alexander. Tr. by E. J. Chinnock.
Lond. 1893.
Demosthenes. Orations. 5 vols. (Bohn.) ... 2 vols.
(Harpers.)
APPENDIX 531
Herodotus. Tr. by G. Rawlinson. 4 vols. N. Y. . . . Tr.
by H. Gary. (Bohn.) . . . Analysis and -Summary by
J. T. Wheeler. (Bohn.)
Homor. Iliad. Tr. by W. C. Bryant. Bost. 1870. . . . Tr.
by Lang-, Leaf, and Myers. Lond. 1893.
Odyssey. Tr. by VV. C. Bryant. Bost. 1872. . . . Tr.
by Butcher and Lang. Lond. 1893.
Thucydides. Tr. by B. Jowett. 2 vols. N. Y. . . . Analy-
sis and Summary by J. T. Wheeler. (Bohn.)
Xenophon. Cyropsedia and Hellenics. Tr. by J. S. Wat-
son and H. Dale. (Bohn.)
IV. THE ROMAN WORLD
(18) Roman History, General.
Allcroft, A. H., and Masom, W. F. History of Rome. 5
vols. Lond.
Beesly, A. H. The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla. N. Y.
(Epochs.)
Bury, J. B. History of the Roman Empire from its Foun-
dation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. N. Y. 1893.
Capes, W. W. The Early Empire. N. Y. (Epochs.)
- The Age of the Antonines. N. Y. (Epochs.)
Duruy, V. History of Rome and the Roman People. Ed.
by J. P. Mahaffy. 8 vols. Bost. 1888.
Gibbon, E. History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire. Ed. by Milman. 6 vols. Phil. . . . Ed. by
Bury. 7 vols. Lond. Same abridged in one vol. N. Y.
(Students' Series.)
How, W. W., and Leigh, H. D. History of Rome to the
Death of Caesar. N. Y. 1896.
Ihne, W. History of Rome. 5 vols. Lond. 1871-82.
- Early Rome. N. Y. (Epochs.)
Leighton, R. F. History of Rome. N. Y. 1890.
Liddell, H. G. History of Rome. N. Y. 1890. (Students'
Series.)
Matheson, P. E. Skeleton Outline of Roman History.
(Chronologically Arranged.) Lond. 1890.
Merivale, C. History of the Romans under the Empire.
7 vols. N. Y. 1866.
General History of Rome. N. Y. 1880. (Students'
Series.)
- The Roman Triumvirates. N. Y. (Epochs.)
Mommsen, T. History of Rome. Tr. by W. P. Dickson.
4 vols. N. Y. 1871. Same abridged by Bryans and
Hendy. N. Y. 1889.
Pelham, H. F. Outlines of Roman History. N. Y. 1893.
Shuckburgh, E. S. History of Rome to the Battle of
Actium. N. Y. 1894.
Seeley, J. R. Roman Imperialism and other Lectures and
Essays. Bost. 1871.
532 APPENDIX
Seignobos, C. History of the Roman People. N. Y. 1902.
Smith, R. B. Rome and Carthage. N. Y. (Epochs.)
Smith, Wm. Smaller History of Rome. N. Y. 1899.
(19) Roman Antiquities. Life and Manners.
Becker, W. A. Gallus. Lond. 1866.
Church, A. J. Roman Life in the Days of Cicero. N. Y.
1890.
Dill, S. Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius.
Lond. 1905.
Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western
Empire. Lond. 1898.
Friedlander, L. Town Life in Ancient Italy. Bost. 1902.
Guhl, E., and Koner, W. The Life of the Greeks and Ro-
mans. Lond.
Harper's Dictionary of Classical Literature and Antiqui-
ties. N. Y. 1897.
Inge, W. R, Society of Rome under the Caesars. N. Y.
1888.
Pellison, M. Roman Life of Pliny's Times. Meadville.
1887.
Preston, H. W., and Dodge, L. Private Life of the Ro-
mans. Bost. 1894.
Ramsay, W., and Lanciani, R. Manual of Roman Antiqui-
ties. Lond. 1894.
Thomas, E. Roman Life under the Caesars. N. Y. 1897.
Seyffert, O. Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Lond.
1891.
Smith, Wm. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.
3d Edition. 2 vols. Lond. 1890.
(20) Roman Archaeology and Art.
Boissier, G. Rome and Pompeii: Archaeological Rambles.
Lond. 1896.
Roman Africa. N. Y. 1899.
Burn, R. Ancient Rome and its Neighborhood. Lond.
1895.
Lanciani, R. Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Dis-
coveries. Bost. 1891.
- Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome. Bost. 1897.
Middleton, J. H. Remains of Ancient Rome. 2 vols.
Lond. 1892.
Mau, A. Pompeii: its Life and Art. Tr. by F. W. Kelsey.
N. Y. 1899.
Parker, J. H. Architectural History of Rome. Lond. 1881.
(21) Christianity and Home.
Fisher, G. P. Beginnings of Christianity. N. Y. 1878.
- History of the Christian Church. N. Y. 1887.
Hatch, E. Organization of the Early Christian Churches.
Lond. 1881.
APPENDIX 533
Carr, A. The Church and the Roman Empire. Ldnd. and
.\. Y. 1887.
Guggenberger, A. The History of the Christian Era. 3
vols. St. Louis 1900-01.
Hardy, E. G. Christianity and the Roman Government.
Lond. 1894.
Healy, l\ J. The Valerian Persecution. Bost. 1905.
Hunt, Wm. History of the English Church from its
Foundation to the Norman Conquest. N. Y. 1901.
Milman, H. H. History of Christianity. N. Y. 1872.
History of Latin Christianity. 8 vols. in 4. N. Y.
1881.
Ramsay, W. M. The Church and the Roman Empire.
N. Y. 1893.
Renan, E. Influence of Rome upon Christianity. N. Y.
1884.
Shahan, T. J. The Beginnings of Christianity. N. Y. 1903.
Stanley, A. P. History of the Eastern Church. N. Y. 1884.
Uhlhorn, G. Conflict of Christianity and Heathenism.
N. Y. 1879.
(22) Roman Constitution and Law.
Abbott, F. F. History and Description of Roman Political
Institutions. Bost. 1902.
Arnold, W. T. Roman System of Provincial Administra-
tion. Lond. 1879.
Granrud, J. E. Roman Constitutional History. Bost. 1902.
Greenidge, A. H. J. Roman Public Life. Lond. 1901.
Hadley, J. Introduction to Roman Law. N. Y.
Maine, H. S. Ancient Law. N. Y. 1884.
Morey, W. C. Outlines of Roman Law. N. Y.
Muirhead, J. Historical Introduction to the Private Law
of Rome. Lond. 1899.
Ortolan, E. History of Roman Legislation. Lond. 1871.
Taylor, T. M. Constitutional and Political History of
Rome. Lond. 1899.
Tighe, A. Development of the Roman Constitution. N. Y.
1886.
(23) Roman Literature.
Cruttwell, C. T. History of Roman Literature. N. Y. 1887.
Lawton, W. C. Introduction to Classical Latin Literature.
N. Y. 1904.
Mackail, J. W. Latin Literature. Lond. 1896.
Middleton, G., and Mills, T. R. Student's Companion to
Latin Authors. Lond. and N. Y. 1896.
Simcox, G. A. History of Latin Literature. 2 vols. Lond.
1883.
Teuffel, W. S. History of Roman Literature. Ed. by G.
C. Warr. 2 vols. N. Y. 1891-92.
Tyrrell, R. Y. Latin Poetry. Bost. 1895.
534 APPENDIX
(24) Mediaeval Period.
Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. N. Y.
1894.
Bemont, C., and Monod, G. Mediaeval Europe from 395
to 1270 A. D. N. Y. 1902.
Bryce, J. Holy Roman Empire. 6th Edition. Lond. 1899.
Bury, J. B. History of the Later Roman Empire from
Arcadius to Irene (395-800 A. D.). 2 vols. Lond. and
N. Y. 1889.
Church, R. W. Beginnings of the Middle Ages. N. Y.
1877.
Curteis, A. M. History of the Roman Empire, 395-800 A. D.
Lond. 1875.
Duruy, V. History of the Middle Ages. N. Y. 1891.
Emerton, E. Introduction to the Study of the Middle
Ages. Bost. 1888.
Hodgkin, T. Italy and her Invaders. 8 vols. Oxf. 1880-95.
Harrison, F. Byzantine History in the Middle Ages.
Lond. 1900.
Kingsley, C. The Roman and the Teuton.
Mohammed. The Qur'an (Koran). Tr. by E. H. Palmer.
Oxford.
Oman, C. W. C. The Dark Ages, 476-918 A. D. N. Y.
Mullinger, J. B. Schools of Charles the Great. Lond. 1877.
Robinson, J. H. Introduction to the History of \Vestern
Europe. Part I. (The Middle Ages). Bost. 1902.
Sheppard, J. G. Fall of Rome and Rise of Modern Na-
tionalities. Lond. 1861.
Smith, R. B. Mohammed and Mohammedanism. N. Y.
1875.
Thatcher, O. J., and Schwill, F. Europe in the Middle
Ages. N. Y. 1896.
(25) Sources of Roman History.
Greenidge, A. H. J. Sources for Roman History. Oxford.
Henderson, E. F. Select Documents of the Middle Ages.
Lond. 1892.
Munro, D. C. Source Book of Roman History. Bost. 1904.
Robinson, J. H. Readings in European History. Vol. I.
Bost. 1904.
Translations and Reprints from Original Sources. Univer-
sity of Pennsylvania. 7 vols. 1892-1900.
Ammianus Marcellimis. Roman History. (Bohn.)
Appian. Roman History. Tr. by H. White. 2 vols. N. Y.
1899.
Caesar. Commentaries. (Harpers.)
Livy. History of Rome. 2 vols. (Harpers). ... 4 vols.
(Bohn.)
I'olyl.ius. Histories. Tr. by E. S. Shuckburgh. 2 vols.
Lond. 1
Tacitus. Works. Oxford translation. (Bohn.)
APPENDIX 535
Sallust. Works. (Harpers. Bohn.)
Vergil. .ISneid. Tr. by C. 1'. Cranch. Bost. 1897.
V. BIOGRAPHY
(26) Biography, Collected.
Collins, W. L. (Ed.). Ancient Classics for English Read-
ers. 28 vols. Edin. and Phil. 1879-88.
Cox, G. W. Lives of Greek Statesmen. 2 vols. N. Y.
1885.
Oman, C. Seven Roman Statesmen of the Later Republic.
Lond. 1903.
Plutarch. Lives. Tr. by J. Dryden. 3 vols. N. Y. . . .
Ed. by A. H. dough. Bost. 1881. . . . Tr. by A.
Stewart and G. Long. N. Y. 1889.
Smith, Win. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography
and Mythology. 3 vols. Lond. 1880.
Suetonius. The Twelve Caesars. (Bohn.)
(27) Biography, Individuals.
Alexander. Bv T. A. Dodge. Bost. 1890.
-- By R. Steele. Lond. 1894.
- By B. I. Wheeler. N. Y. 1900.
Augustus Cvsar. By J. B. Firth. N. Y. 1903.
- By E. S. Shuckburgh. Lond. 1903.
Charlf'tnai/ne. By Eginhard (Einhard). N. Y.
- By J. I. Mombert. N. Y. 1888.
- By T. Hodgkin. Lond. 1897.
- By H. W. C. Davis. N. Y. 1900.
Constantino. By E. L. Cutts. Lond. 1881.
Cicero. By W. L. Collins. Phil. 1871. (Anc. Classics.)
- By W. Forsyth. 2 vols. in one. N. Y. 1871.
- By A. Trollope. N. Y. 1881.
By J. L. Strachan-Davidson. N. Y. 1894.
- By G. Boissier. Lond. 1897.
Demosthenes. By Bredif. Chicago, 1881.
- By E. H. Butcher. N. Y. 1882.
Hannibal. By J. Abbott. N. Y. 1849.
- By T. Arnold. Bost. 1860.
- By T. A. Dodge. Bost. 1860.
- By W. O. Morris. N. Y. 1897.
Julian. By J. A. W. Neander. N. Y. 1850.
- By A. Gardner. N. Y. 1895.
Julius C(esar. By J. Abbott. N. Y. 1849.
- By J. Williams. Lond. 1854.
- By J. A. Froude. N. Y. 1880.
- By T. A. Dodge. Bost. 1892.
- By W. W. Fowler. N. Y. 1892.
Marcus Aurelius. By P. B. Watson. N. Y. 1884.
Moliammed. By W. Irving. 2 vols. N. Y. 1868.
536 APPENDIX
Mohammed. By Sir W. Muir. Lond. 1888.
Nero. By W. Henderson. Lond. 1903.
Pericles. By W. W. Lloyd. 2 vols. Lond. 1875.
By E. Abbott. N. Y. 1891.
Tiberius. By J. Tarver. Westminster. 1902.
Theodoric. By T. Hodgkin. N. Y. 1896.
Zoroaster. By A. V. N. Jackson. N. Y. 1899.
VI. HISTOBICAL FICTION
(28) Oriental.
Arnold, E. L. L. Phra the Phoenician.
Ebers, G. Daughter of an Egyptian King. (6th century
B. c.)
The Sisters. (2d century B. c.)
Uarda. (Time of Barneses II.)
(29) Greek.
Church, A. J. Heroes and Kings. (Mythical age.)
Stories from Homer. (Mythical age.)
Stories from Herodotus. (5th century B. c.)
Callias. (5th century B. c.)
Young Macedonian in the Army of Alexander. (4th
century B. c.)
Haggard, H. R., and Lang, A. The World's Desire.
(Trojan war.)
Hawthorne, N. Tanglewood Tales. (Mythical age.)
Wonder Book. (Mythical age.)
Kingsley, C. The Heroes. (Mythical age.)
Landon, R. Fountain of Arethusa. (5th century B. c.)
Landon, W. S. Pericles and Aspasia. (5th century B. c.)
Lamb, C. Adventures of Ulysses. (Trojan war.)
Leatham, E. A. Charmione. (5th century B. c.)
(30) Roman.
Bulwer-Lytton. Last Days of Pompeii. (1st century
A. D.)
Church, A. J. The Hammer. (2d century B. C.)
- The Burning of Rome. (1st century A. D.)
- To the Lions. (2d century A. D.)
- The Count of the Saxon Shore. (5th century A. D.)
Krkstein, E. Prusias. (1st century B. c.)
- Nero. (1st century A. D.)
Quintus Claudius. (1st century A. D.)
Farnn-. K. \V. Darkness and Dawn. (1st century A. i>.)
Kingsley. C, Mypatia. (4th century A. D.)
Let-. K. I',. Parthenla, (4th century A. D.)
I'nirr, W. Manns the Kpiriiivjin. (\Nl century A. D.)
Sicnkicwicx, II. "Quo Yadis?" (1st century A. D.)
\\.ill:i<t. L. r.cii Hur. (1st century A. D.)
INDEX
Diacritic marks : , ch as in cart, chasm ; N, the French nasal ; single
lt;ili<- letters :ire silent. The long and short marks used with vowels
have their usual meaning. In all the names in this index, c and g fol-
lowed by e, i. or y have respectively the sounds of s and j ; followed by a,
o or u, however, c has the sound of k, and g is sounded as in the word go.
Aachen (ah'khen), or Aix-la-Cha-
pHlo. Charlemagne's capital, 521.
Abbas'sids, Mohammedan dynasty.
506.
Abder-Rah'man, caliph, 506.
A'bram (A'braham), Hebrew patri-
arch^ 45.
Academy at Athens. 200.
Acarna'nia, district of Greece, 78.
Ac'cad, city of Babylonia, 22.
Acca'dians, early people of Baby-
lonia, 21.
Achaean League, 240-242.
AHia'la (Aclura), district of Greece,
79 ; Roman province, 339.
Achil'les, Grecian hero, 06.
Acrop'olis of Athens, 79, 199; ad-
orned by Pericles, 200.
Actium (ak'shl-um), battle of, 400.
Adol'phus (Ataulf), Visigothic king,
487.
Adriano'ple. battle of, 465.
plebeian, 290; curule, 296.
Islands, battle at, 320.
^Ege'an Sea, 75; Athenian suprem-
acy in, 161.
^Egi'na, island of Greece, 79; con-
quered by Athens, 166.
/E'gospot'ami, battle of, 186.
.Ene'as, Troian hero, 266.
.Eo'lia, district of Greece, 78.
.Eo'lians. Hellenic tribe, 82; their
migration to Asia Minor, 95 ;
their lyric poetry. 130.
.P/quians, Italic tribe, 263, 299.
.Ks'chylus, Greek tragic poet, 207.
Aetius (a-e'shi-us), Roman general,
487.
.Kto'lian League, 242, 333, 336.
Africa, seat of the Carthaginian
power, 315 ; Roman province, 340 ;
conquered by Vandals, 488 ; by
Justinian, 499 ; by the Saracens,
505.
Agamem'non, king of Mycena?, 84.
96.
A'ger puVlicus, public land at Rome.
289.
Ager Roma'nus, Roman domain, 307,
369.
Agesila'us, king of Sparta, 1SO.
A'gis III., king of Sparta, 242.
Ag'ora, Athenian market place, 199.
Agrarian laws, of Sp. Cassius, 290;
in the Licinian legislation, 296;
of Tiberius Gracchus, 358.
Agric'ola, Roman general. 429.
Agrigen'tum, town in Sicily, 318.
Agrip'pa, adviser of Augustus, 414.
Ah'riman, Persian deity, 69.
Aix-la-ChapelJe', Charlemagne's capi-
tal. 521.
Al'aric, king of the Visigoths; 486;
Al'aric II., 492.
Al'ba Lon'ga, city of Latium, 266.
Al'boin, Lombard chief, 502.
Alcae'us, Greek lyric poet, 139.
Alcibi'ades, Athenian statesman and
traitor, 183-185.
Alcraaeon'ida?, the, 121, note.
Alc'man, Greek lyrist, 139.
Al'ciiin, archbishop of York, 519.
Aleman'ni, German tribe, 452, 493.
Alexan'der the Great, his accession,
230 ; his conquests, 231-235 ; his
character, 235-237.
Alexan'dria, founded, 234 ; center of
Hellenistic culture. 254.
Al'lia River, battle at. 300.
Alphabet, Phoenician, 43.
Am'brose, St., bishop of Milan, 466.
Amphic'tyonies, Greek leagues, 105.
Amphip'olis, battle of, 182.
Amphitheater, sports of the, 434.
Amusements of the Romans, 322,
432.
Anac'reon, Greek lyric poet, 139.
Anaxag'oras, Greek philosopher, 215.
Anax}man'der, Greek philosopher,
140.
Anaxim'ines. Greek philosopher, 140.
An'cus Mar'cius (shT-us), king of
Rome. 268.
Androm'cus, Roman poet, 351.
Anglo-Sax'ons in Britain, 404.
Antal'cidas, Peace of, 189, 191.
Antig'onus, general of Alexander,
230.
An'tioh, capital of Syria, 239 ;
center of Hellenistic culture, 253.
537
538
INDEX
Anti'ohus I., king of Syria, 230.
Antiochus III. (the Great), 335.
Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes), 254.
Antom'nus Pi'us, emperor, 442.
Anto'nius. Marcus (Mark An'tony).
friend of Csesar, 393 ; opposed by
Octavius, 395; attacked by Cic-
ero, 39. r > ; in second triumvirate.
396; war with Octavius, 397-401.
A pel'la. Spartan assembly. 116, 117.
Apel'les, Greek painter, 245.
Aphrodi'te (Venus), 100; statue of
Melos, 252.
Apol'lo, 100; his oracle at Delphi,
130; Belvedere', 252.
Apollodo'rus, Greek painter, 205.
Ap'pian Way, 312, 435.
Ap'pius Ciau'dius, the decemvir,
292 ; the censor, 305, 312.
Apu'lians, people of Italy, join Han-
nibal, 327.
A'quse Sex'tiae, battle of, 366.
Aqueduct, Claudian, 424, 425.
Arabs, 505-507.
Ara'tus, general of the Achaean
League, 240, 242.
Arau'sio (-shl-o), battle of, 365.
Arbe'la, battle of, 234.
Arca'dia, district of Greece, 79.
Arca'dius, emperor, 466, 486.
Arhil'ohus, Greek elegiac poet,
138.
Arehime'des, Greek mathematician,
256.
Architecture, Egyptian, 35; As-
syrian, 56 ; early Greek, 135 ; of
the Attic period, 200-202 ; at
Pergamum, 248 ; at Alexandria.
255 ; Etruscan, 266 ; Roman, un-
der the kingdom, 282; under the
republic, 404 ; under Augustus,
414 ; under the Antonines, 447 :
early Christian. 477.
Ar'hons at Athens, 121, 123.
Areop'agus, Council of the, 121, 172.
A'res (Mars), 100, 277.
Arginu'ss?, battle of, 186.
Ar'golis, district of Greece, 79, 114.
Argonau'tic expedition, 86.
Ar'gos, city of Argolis, 82, 114, 118.
A'rianism, condemned as a heresy,
461, note.
Arl'on. Greek lyric poet, 139.
Ariovis'tus, German chief, 385.
Aristar'chus, Alexandrian critic,
256.
Arlstl'des, Greek statesman, his
policy, 149; ostracized, 150; at
Salamis, 155; at Platsea, 156;
forms the Delian confederacy, 162.
Aristocracy, early Greek, 106 ; at
Sparta. 115; at Athens, 121. See
also Nobility.
Arlstogl'ton, Athenian tyrannicide.
I2f.
Aristoph'anes, Greek comic writer,
no.
AVlstOtle, Greek philosopher, 218.
Annin'ius, German chief, 413.
Army, Egyptian, 32 ; Persian, 68 ;
Spartan, 118; Athenian, 17.1;
Theban, 192 ; Macedonian, 227 ;
Roman, under the kingdom, 281 ;
under the republic, 310 ; under
Augustus, 410 ; under Constan-
tine, 461. See also Praetorian
Guard.
Art. Babylonian, 23 ; Egyptian. :;:>.
36 ; Assyrian, 56, 57 ; Mycenavm.
88-91 ; early Hellenic. 134-137 :
the Attic period, 197-205 ; Hellen-
istic period, 248 et seq.; Roman.
351. See also Architecture, Paint-
ing, Sculpture.
Artapher'nes, Persian general, 146.
Ar'temis (Diana), 100.
Artemis'ium (-mish'-) battle of,
154.
Ar'yan people, 16 ; in India, 61 ; in
Media and Persia, 62 ; in Greece,
81 ; in Italy. 263.
As'culum, battle of, 305.
Asia. Roman province, 343.
Asia Minor, early Greek settlements
in, 81 ; migrations to, 93 ; seat of
early culture, 95 ; cities con-
quered by Lydia and Persia, 144 ;
freed by Athens, 165 ; conquered
by Alexander, 231 ; new kingdoms
in, 239 ; conquered by Pompey,
379. See also Pergamum, Rhodes.
Assembly, Greek, in Homeric age,
98 ; in early city state, 104 ; at
Sparta (apella), 116; at Athens
(eocletia), under Solon, 123; un-
der Clisthenes, 126 ; under Peri-
cles, 173.
Assembly, Roman. See Comitia.
As'sur, city of Mesopotamia, 21.
As'sur-ba'ni-pal. Assyrian king, 54.
As'sur-na'zir-pal, Assyrian king, 52.
Assyr'ia, 21 ; its civilization, 51-58 ;
conquered by the Medes and Baby-
lonians, 58 ; conquered by Trajan,
Athe'na (Minerva), 100.
Ath'ens, city of Attica, its mythical
founder, Cecrops, 84 ; its early
history, 121-127 ; in the Ionian
revolt, 145 : in the first Persian
invasion, 145-148; democratic
progress at, 148; becomes n mari-
time power, 150; destroyed by
Xerxes, 154 ; rebuilt by Themis-
tocles, 160 ; becomes supreme in
the /Egean, 161 ; head of tin*
Delian confederacy, 162: of the
Athenian empire, 164-171 ; con-
stitution under Pericles. 172-1 77:
in the Peloponnesian war, l . ^
187; new confederacy of, T.'l :
center of Hellenic art, 197 et scq.
A'thos, Mt., 145, 152.
"A'tn-ns. Treasury of," 90.
At'talus I., king of Pergamum, 240.
Attains in.. :;:;.
INDEX
539
At'tica, district of Greece, 70;
early divisions of the people, ll'O ;
local tribes of Clisthenes. 126 ;
population under Pericles. 172.
At 'Mia. king of the Huns. 487.
Augustine, missionary to Britain,
404.
Augustine, St., bishop of Hippo,
478.
Augus'tus Caesar, emperor, 407-417.
N< c also Octavius.
Aure'lian, emperor, 453.
Aure'lius, Marcus, emperor, 443.
Bab'ylon, city of Babylonia, 21 ; be-
comes the capital, 23 ; destroyed
by Assyria, 54 ; restored by Neb-
uchadnezzar, 58 ; captured by Al-
exander, 235.
Babylo'nia, early empire, 19-27 ;
later empire, 58-90.
Bagdad, Abbassid capital, 507.
Basil'ica, Roman court-house, used
as model for Christian churches,
477.
Baths, Roman, 432.
Belisa'rius, general of Justinian,
501.
Beller'ophon, Greek hero, 85.
Be'ma, platform on the Pnyx, 174.
Ben'edict, St., rule of, 510.
Bithyn'ia, kingdom in Asia Minor,
240.
Bffio'tia (be-o'shl-a), district of
Greece, 78 ; confederacy of, 191.
Boe'thius, Latin writer, 491.
Bon'iface, St., missionary, 511, 512.
Book of the Dead, Egyptian, 38.
Bou'l, Greek council or senate, in
Homeric age, 98 ; in early city
state, 104; in time of Pericles.
174. See also Council, Athenian.
Bovia'num, town in Samnixim, 302.
Brah'manism, Hindu religion, 61.
Bras'idas, Spartan general, 182.
Brit'ain, invaded by Julius Caesar,
386 ; Roman province. 424, 429 ;
settled by the Anglo-Saxons, 494.
Bru'tus, Dec'imus, one of the "lib-
erators," 395, 396.
Brutus, Ju'nius (the Elder), 268,
269.
Brutus, Marcus, conspirator, 391 ;
assigned to Macedonia, 395 ; at
the battle of Philippi, 397.
Buddhism, Hindu religion, 62.
Burgun'dians, kingdom of, 493.
Bur'rhus, adviser of Nero, 422.
Byzan'tium (-shi-um), capital of the
Eastern Roman empire, 463.
C., abbreviation of Gaius, 295.
Cadme'a, citadel of Thebes, 190.
Cad'mus, the mythical founder of
Thebes, 84.
Cffi'sar, Gaius Julius, Roman general
and statesman, his appearance in
politics, 380, 381; in first trium-
virate, 382 ; hlH consulship, 383 ;
conquest of Gaul, 385 ; breaks
with the senate, 387 ; war with
Pompey, 388 ; his triumphs and
titles, 389; his legislation, :''.'".
his assassination, 391 ; his "Com-
mentaries," 403.
"Caesars," office of, 456.
Calig'ula (Gaius Caesar), emperor,
Ca'liphs, successors of Mohammed,
505.
Calli'nus, Greek elegiac poet, 138.
Camby'ses, Persian king, 65.
Camil'lus, dictator, 300.
Campa'nia, in Samnite wars, 301.
Cam'pus Mar'tius (-shl-us), 281.
Can'nae. battle of, 326.
Canu-le'ian law, 293.
Cap'itoline hill, 272, 274.
Capitularies of Charlemagne, 520.
Cappado'cia, kingdom in Asia Minor,
240.
Cap'ua, city of Campania, receives
Hannibal, 327 ; retaken by Rome,
328.
Caracal'la, emperor, edict of, 451.
Car'bo, Cn. Paplr'ius, consul, 372.
Carolin'gians (or Carlovingians),
Frankish dynasty, 314.
Car'thage, Phoenician colony, 43 ; in
the Persian wars, 157 ; conflict
with Syracuse, 194 ; in first Punic
war, 315-321 ; in second Punic
war, 323-331 ; reduced to a .
Roman province, 339.
Ca'rus, Roman emperor, 453.
Caryat'ides in the Erechtheum, 202.
Cassan'der of Macedonia, 239.
Cassiodo'rus, secretary of Theodoric,
492.
Cassius (kash'i-us), Gaius, con-
spirator, 391 ; assigned to Syria,
395 ; at the battle of Philippi,
397.
Cassius, Sp., his agrarian proposals,
290.
Cat'iline, conspiracy of, 381.
Ca'to (the Elder), censor, 339, 350.
Cato (the Younger), leader of the
senatorial party, 383 ; mission to
Cyprus and return, 384 ; at the
battle of Thapsus, 389.
Catul'lus, Roman poet, 404.
Cat'ulus, C. Luta'tius (-shl-us),
consul, 320.
Cau'dine Forks, battle of, 392.
Ce'crops, mythical founder of
Athens, 84.
Celtibe'rians, Spanish tribe, reduced
by Rome, 341.
Celtic church in Britain, 495.
Censors, Roman, 295.
Census classes at Athens, 123.
Centuries, in Roman army, 280; in
assembly, 281.
hseronS'a, battle of (338 B. c.),
229.
540
INDEX
halce'don, Greek city in Asia
Minor, 186, 18S.
halcld'ice, seat of Greek colonies,
invaded by Brasidas, 183; con-
federacy of, 11)0; reduced by
Philip/228.
hal'cis, city of Euboea, 79 ; as a
colonizing center, 109.
Chalda^'an empire, 22 note.
Chalons (shah-lo.\'), battle of, 487.
rhampol'lion (sham-), French
scholar, 37.
Charlemagne (shar'le-man), Charles
the Great, 514-523.
Charles Martel', at the battle of
Tours. 506 ; mayor of the palace,
appealed to by the Pope. 512.
he'ops. 30.
hi'os, island of the ;Egean, occu-
pied by the Dorians, 95 ; ally of
Athens, 167.
CM'ton, Greek dress, 221.
Christianity, adopted by Constan-
tine, 459 ; opposed by Julian, 464 ;
restored by Jovian, 465 ; its
spread throughout the empire,
475, 476.
Christians persecuted by Nero, 425 :
by Domitian, 428; by Marcus
Aurelius, 443 ; last persecution
under Diocletian, 457.
rhrys'ostom, church father, 478.
Church, growth of its organiza-
tion, 476; its culture, 476-4 7s ;
influence during the migrations,
496 ; schism between the East and
West, 50a.
Cic'ero, M. Tullius, Roman orator
~" and statesman, supports the Ma-
nilian law, 379; suppresses the
Catilinian conspiracy, 381 ; ban-
ished from Rome and recalled,
384 ; attacks Antony in the "Phi-
lippics." :j'.i.-i ; his death, 397; his
writings, 404.
Cim'bric war, 365.
Ci'mon, Greek statesman, associated
with Aristides, 161 ; his imperial
policy. !<;:,; his ostracism, 164;
restoration and death, 167.
Clncinna'tus, legend of, 300, note.
Cin'na, L. Cornelius, consul, his
despotic rule, 370, 371.
Cir'cus Max'imus, 282, 433.
Cisal'pine Gaul, 266; conquered by
Rome, 322.
Citizenship, at Athens, 173 ; rights
at Rome, 284 ; extended to the
Italians, 367, 368; extension by
Cepsar, 390; by Claudius, 424; by
Caracalla, 451 ; summary, 473.
City state, Babylonian, 22; early
creek, 102-105; early Roman,
Clvl'lis. governor of Gaul. 427.
Civilization, first centers of, !'.:
beginnings ,t Aryan, 01 ; review
of Oriental, 72 ; Mycenaean, 91 ;
general character of Hellenic,
129; Greek in the Attic period.
197, 198; nature of Hellenistic.
247 ; influence of Greek upon
Roman, 349 ; progress during
civil wars, 402 ; in Augustan age,
413 et seq.; culmination under
the Antonines. 444 et seq.;
Mohammedan, 507 : influence of
Charlemagne upon, 519. See also
Art. Education. Government, In-
dustry, Laws. Literature, Philos-
ophy, Religion.
Classes of society, in Egypt, 31 ; in
Sparta, 115, 116; in Attica, 120;
in Athens under Pericles, 172; in
Rome under the kingdom, L'i'.t;
under the republic, 354, 355 ;
under the empire, 429, 430.
riau'dius, emperor, 421.
Claudius II., emperor, 453.
Claudius, Ap'pius, the decemvir,
292 ; the censor, 305, 312. -
Claudius, Publius. consul. 320.
Claudius Nero, consul, 329.
Cleom'enes III., king of Sparta, 242.
Cleom'enic war, 242.
Cle'on, Athenian demagogue, 181,
182.
Cleopa'tra, queen of Egypt, sup-
ported by Ca?sar, 388 ; relations
with Antony, 399; at the battle
of Actium, 400.
Cle'ruchies, Athenian colonies, 109
note.
Clients at Rome, 279.
Clis'then5s, Athenian statesman,
126.
Cli'tus, his murder by Alexander,
235.
Clo-a'ca Max'ima, 283.
Clo'dius, P., Roman tribune and
agent of Csesar, 384 ; his death,
387.
Clo'vis (Clodwig, Clodovech), king
of the Franks, 493.
Clubs at Athens, 223.
Cni'dus, battle near, 189.
Col'ehis on the Euxine, 86.
Colise'um (Colosseum), 427, 434.
Collatl'nus, colleague of the elder
Brutus, 268.
Colo'ni. Roman, 452, 480.
Colonies, Phoenician, 43 ; Greek, 107-
112; Latin, 309; Roman, 308.
Colosse'um (Coliseum), Flavian am-
phitheater, 427. i:;i
Colum'ban, St., missionary, 511.
Comedy, 210, 211.
Comitn'tus, German custom, 483,
106.
Comitia (ko-raTsh'i-a) Centttrto'ta,
Its origin. 'J77 ; its importance in
the early republic. L'sT.
Comitia Curiu'tn. under .lie Roman
kings. liTT : its decline in the re-
public. :>7. ::i; I.
Comitia JTifta'ta, rise of, 290.
INDEX
541
Commerce, Phoenician, 42; Greek,
108; Roman, 4 :.:.
Commer'ciuin, LM>4, 408, 473.
Conci'lium pic' bis, rise of, 290 and
note.
Congress of Corinth, first, 150 ; sec-
ond, 229.
Co'non, Athenian admiral, 189.
Consl'lium prin'cipis, 4 l.">.
Con'stantine, emperor, 458-404.
Constantino'ple, founded, 462.
Constan'tius (-shi-us), colleague of
Constantine, 4.">T.
Consular tribunes (military tribunes
with consular power), 204.
Consuls, first appointed, 286.
Conu'bium, 294, 408, 473.
Corcy'ra, island of the Ionian Sea,
embroiled with Corinth, 176 ;
sedition at, 182.
Cor'dova, caliphate of. 507.
Corfln'ium, capital of "Italica," 367.
Cor'inth, conquered by the Dorians,
114 ; commercial rival of Athens,
179 ; Congress of, under Themisto-
cles, 150; under Philip, 229; de-
stroyed by Rome, 338.
Corin'thian style of architecture,
135.
Corinthian war, 189.
Coriolfi'nus, legend of, 300, note.
Corn law of Gaius Gracchus. 361.
Corone'a, battle of, 171.
Cor' pus Ju'ris civi'lis, 502.
Cor'sica, reduced by Rome, 321.
Council, Athenian, of the Areopagus.
121, 126 note. 172 : of four hundred
and one, 122; of four hundred,
124; of five hundred, ,126, 174.
Court organization under Constan-
tine, 463.
Cras'sus, M., consul, in gladiatorial
war, 377 ; in first triumvirate,
382 ; his governorship of Syria
and death, 386.
Crete, island of the Mediterranean,
80 ; prehistoric remains in, 91. .
Crit'ias, Athenian oligarch, 187.
Croe'sus, king of Lydia, 64, 144.
Culture. See Civilization.
Cunax'a, battle at, 188.
Cune'iform writing, 25.
Cu'ria, collection of .Roman gentes,
276 ; municipal council, 446, 471.
Curia'les, municipal aristocracy re-
sponsible for taxes, 479.
Cu'rule offices, 297, 345.
Cyax'ares, Median king, 62.
Cy'lon, conspiracy of, 121, note.
Cynosceph'alae, battle of, 335.
Cy'rus the Great, Persian king, 64,
68, 188.
Cyrus the Younger, Persian gov-
ernor of Asia Minor, 188.
Da'cia (-shi-a), Roman province,
441.
Dag'obert, Prankish king, 512.
MOREY'S ANCIENT HIST. 31
Dan'a-us, mythical founder of Argos,
84.
Dari'us, Persian king, his conquests,
65 ; political organization of his
empire. <>7 ; invasion of Greece,
145-1 IS. v> _
Da'tia, Persian general. 146. -
Da'vid, Hebrew king. 46.
Debt, early law at Rome, 288. 289.
Dec'archies, established by Sparta,
187.
Decele'a, town in Attica, held. by the
Spartans, 184, 186.
Decem'virs, at Rome, 291-293.
De'cius (-shi-us) Mus, consul (fa-
ther), 301 ; (son), 303.
Dclato'res, Roman informers, Insti-
tuted by Tiberius, 423 ; abolished
by Nerva, 437.
De'Iium, battle of, 182.
De'los, island of the ^Egean, and
seat of the shrine of Apollo, 79 ;
confederacy of, 162.
Del'phi, city of Phocis, seat of the
oracle of Apollo, 78. 130; In the
second "Sacred war," 228.
Dcme, Attic township, 126.
Deme'ter (Ceres), 100.
Democracy at Athens, 127, 172.
Demos'thenes, Athenian general, 182,
184, 185.
Demosthenes, Athenian orator and
statesman, 214 ; opposes Philip,
228 ; his death, 240.
Diad'oehi, successors of Alexander,
237.
Dicas'teries, in Athenian courts,
175.
Dictatorship, at Rome, established,
286 ; of Sulla, 371-374.
Diocle'tian (-shan), emperor, 456-
458.
Dionys'ia, Greek festival, 133.
Dionys'ius (-nish'-) the Elder, of
Syracuse, 194.
Dionysius, the Younger, 195.
Diony'sus (Bacchus), worship of,
140 ; theater at Athens, 205, 206.
Domitian (do-mlsh'I-an), emperor,
428.
"Donation of Pepin," 514.
Do'rians, 82 ; their migration into
the Peloponnesus, 93 ; their mi-
grations to Asia Minor, 95 ; their
lyric poetry, 139.
Dor'ic style of architecture, 135.
Dorp'feld, German archaeologist, 89.
Dra'co, Athenian lawgiver, 121.
Drama, Greek, 207-211.
Drep'anum (Drepana), battle near,
320.
Dress, Grecian, 221; Roman, 432.
Dru'sus, M. Liv'ius, Roman tribune
(father), opposes C. Gracchus,
362; (son) espouses the Italian
cause, 367.
Duil'ius, consul, at the battle of
Myla;, 319.
542
INDEX
'riri, municipal officers, 446.
Dyrra'chium, battle of, 388.
ticclc' aia, Athenian assembly, under
Solon, 123 ; under riisthenes,
126; under Pericles, 173.
Ec'nomus, battle of, 310.
Edic'tum Perp&tuum of Salvius Ju-
lianus, 440.
Education, Spartan, 117; Athenian,
222 ; Roman, 405.
E'gypU early center of civilization,
19 ; periods of its history, 29-31 ;
its civilization, 31-38 ; under the
Ptolemies; 239; Hellenistic cul-
ture in, 254 ; relation to Rome,
333 ; made a province, 401.
Elagab'alus, emperor, 451.
E'lamltes, their conquest of Baby-
lonia, 22 ; expelled by Hammurabi,
23.
Ele'giac poetry, Greek, 138.
Eleusin'ia, Greek festival, 133.
Eleuthe'ria, Greek festival, 157.
Elis, district of Greece, 79 ; member
of the ^Etolian league, 240.
En'nius, Roman poet, 351.
Epaminon'das, Theban patriot, 191 ;
at battle of Leuctra, 192; in-
vades the Peloponnesus, 193 ; his
death, 193.
Eph'esus, city of Ionia, 95.
Ephial'tes, Athenian statesman, 164.
Ephialtes, the "Judas of Greece,"
153.
Eph'ors, Spartan magistrates, 117.
Epic poetry, Greek, 138.
Epicureanism at Rome, 350, 448.
Epicu'rus, Greek philosopher, 246.
Epip'olae, heights of, 184.
Eq'ui-tSa, Roman, under Servius Tul-
llus, 280 ; an aristocratic order,
355 ; privileges granted by Gaius
Gracchus. 361 ; status under the
empire, 429.
Erastos'thenes, Greek astronomer,
256.
Erechthe'um, temple on the Acrop-
olis, 202.
Ere^h'theiis, mythical king of Ath-
ens, 202.
Ere'tria, city of Eubo?a, 79 ; a colo-
nizing center, 109 ; aids in the
Ionian revolt, 145 ; destroyed by
the Persians, 1-iu.
Esarhad'don, Assyrian king, 54.
Etrus'cans, people of Italy, 265 ;
early influence at Rome, 278 ; in
the second Samnite war, 302; in
the third Samnite war, 303.
Eubcc'a, island of Greece, 79 ; Its
strategic importance, 1 -",:;.
Eu'clid, Greek geometer, 256.
Eu'menf'H I , kin of Pergamum,
240.
Eumenes III., 249.
Eu'patrlds, Athenian nobles, 120,
121.
Euphrates, river of Mesopotamia,
Eurip'ides, Greek tragedian, 210.
Eurym'edon, battle at the river,
163.
Euse'bius, ecclesiastical historian
and biographer of Constantino,
459.
Exar'chate of Ravenna, 503, 504,
514.
Fa'bius Max'imus Cuncta'tor, dic-
tator, 326, 328.
Fabius Maximus Rullia'nus, consul,
302.
Fabius Pictor, Roman historian, 351.
Family, Greek, 98, 103; Roman, L'7r>.
Fas'ces, symbol of authority, 2J9,
286.
Festivals, Greek, 133.
Fetia'h's, Roman priests, 278.
Finances, Athenian, 176 ; Roman,
under Augustus, 412.
Five Years' Truce of Cimon, 167.
Flamim'nus, T. Quinc'tius, consul,
334 335
Fo'rum, Roman, 274, 415, 447.
Four Hundred, Athenian oligarchy,
185.
Franchise. See citizenship.
Franks, German tribe, 452 ; kingdom
of, 493.
Gabin'ian law, 379.
Ga'ius, Roman jurist, 475.
Gala'tia in Asia Minor, settled by
the Gauls, 248.
Gal'ba, emperor, 426.
Gale'rius, Associate of Diocletian,
457.
Gall, St., missionary, 511.
Games, Greek, 131 ; Roman, 433,
434.
Gaugame'la, battle of, 234.
Gaul, conquest by Ca?sar, 385 ; bar-
barian kingdoms in, 491-493.
Gauls, in Italy, L'66 : their invasion
of Greece and Asia Minor, 247 ;
their destruction of Rome, 300.
Ga'za, captured by Alexander, 233.
Ge'lo, tyrant of Syracuse, 158.
Gens (or clan), Greek, 103; Roman,
276.
Gen'seric (Gai'seric), king of the
Vandals, 488.
German'icus, Roman general, 420.
Germans, their characteristics, 482 ;
conversion of, 485 ; new kingdoms
within the Roman empire, 489-
495 ; Romano-Germanic society,
495-497.
Germany, invaded by Augustus,
413.
(} mii'xia. Spartan senate, 116.
Glad'iators, their shmvs. :'.r.L' : their
Insurrection under Spartacus. .".77.
Glau'cia (-shi-a), popular leader
with Marius. :;<;i;, :;;7.
INDKX
543
Gor'dlum, city of Phrygla, occu-
pied by Alexander, L'Ml.
Goths, German tribe, first encroach-
ment upon Rome, 452 : revolt
under emperor Valens, 465. See
also Ostrogoths. Visigoths.
Government, Babylonian. 24 ; Egyp-
ti.in. 31: Hebrew, 47; Assyrian,
.55; Persian. 68; Homeric. .s :
of the Greek city state, 104 ; at
Sparta, 116; at Athens to Clis-
thenes, 120-127 ; under Pericles,
172-176 ; Roman, under the kings.
276; in the early republic, 286-
288 ; after the conquest of Italy.
306-309; after the Mediterranean
conquests, 344-346 ; under Sulla.
373, 374 ; under Julius Caesar,
390-391 ; under Augustus, 407-
413 ; under the Julian emperors.
423, 424 ; under the Antonines,
444, 445; under Diocletian, 158
457 ; under Constantine, 461-464 ;
review of the Roman system, 470-
472 ; elements of its weakness,
478-480; German, 483-485; Ro-
mano-Germanic, 496 ; under Char-
lemagne, 519, 520. See also
Assembly, Boulc, Citizenship,
C omit la, Council, Kingship, Sen-
ate, Taxes.
Grac'chus, Gaius, 360-362.
Gracchus, Tiberius, 358-360.
Graffiti (grahf-fee'te), at Pompeii,
434.
Grani'cus, battle of the, 231.
Greece, its geography, 75-80 ; its
people, 80-83 ; its early legends,
83-86 ; its early civilization, 91,
92 ; its early political develop-
ment, 105-107; its expansion by
colonization, 107-113 ; its wars
with Persia, 143-158. See also
Athens, Sparta, Thebes.
Greek influence at Rome, 349.
Greg'ory I. (the Great), Pope,
509, 511.
Gregory II., Pope, 509.
Gregory III., Pope, 511.
Gylip'pus, Spartan general, at Syra-
cuse, 184.
Gymnastics as a part of Athenian
education, 222.
Ha'drian, emperor, 441.
Ha'lys, river in Asia Minor, 63, 64.
Hamil'car Bar'ca, Carthaginian sol-
dier, 320, 323.
Hamit'ic people, 15 : in Egypt, 29.
Hammura'bi, king of Babylonia, 22,
23.
Han'nibal, Carthaginian soldier, in
second Punic war, 323-331 ; his
alliance with Philip V., 243, 333 ;
his aid to Antiochus III., and
death, 336.
Hfymo'dius, Athenian tyrannicide,
125.
Har'mosts of Sparta, 187.
Harua' pices, soothsayers, introduced
into Rome from Btmria, -7!>.
Has'drubal. brother of Hannibal, in
Spain, 324 : at battle of the
Met a urns, 328.
Hebrews, 44-49.
Hel'ena, mother of Constantine, 451).
Hclim'a, popular court at Athens,
123.
Hel'las, the land of the Greeks, 75-
80.
Helle'nes, the people of Greece, 80-
83.
Ilel'lenism, its influence at Rome,
349.
Hellenis'tlc culture, Its meaning,
247.
Hellespont, crossed by Xerxes, 152.
He'lots, at Sparta, 116; revolt of,
164.
Helve'tii (-shl-l), conquered by Cae-
sar, 385.
Hephaes'tus (Vulcan), 100.
He'ra (Juno), 100.
Heracle'a, battle of, 304.
Her'acles (Hercules), 85.
Heracli'dae, return of the, 93.
Heracli'tus, Greek philosopher, 140.
Heracli'us, Eastern emperor, 504.
Hercula'neum, destroyed, 428.
Her'mes (Mercury), 100.
Herod'otus, Greek historian, 15, 21,
212.
Her'uli, kingdom of the, 489.
He'siod, Greek poet, 138.
Hes'tia (Vestia), 100.
Hieroglyph'ics, Egyptian, 37.
Hills, of Athens, 199 ; of Rome, 271.
Hima'tion, Greek dress, 221.
Him'era, battle of, 158.
Hin'dus in India, 61.
Hippar'ehus, Athenian tyrant, 125.
Ilipparchus, Greek astronomer, 256.
Hip'pias, tyrant banished from
Athens, 125, 146.
Hissar'lik, site of Troy, 88.
Hit'tites, their kingdom in Asia
Minor, 73.
Homer'ic poems, 86, 96-100.
Hono'rius, emperor, 466.
Hor'ace, Roman poet, 416.
Hora'tius (-shi-us) Co'cles, legend
of, 269.
House, Athenian, 220 ; Roman, 430.
Huns, barbarian tribe, encroach-
ment upon Europe, 465 ; invasion
under Attila, 487.
Hydas'pes. battle of the, 235.
Hyk'sos, shepherd kings of Egypt,
'30. 31.
Hymet'tus, mountain in Attica, 79.
Iconoclastic controversy, 509.
Il'iad, the. 9(5.
Illyr'ian pirates, reduced by Rome,
322.
Illyr'icum, Roman province, 338.
544
IJS'DEX
Impera'tor, title of, 389, 408.
ImpS'rium, its growth, 472.
Incorporation as a principle of
Roman policy, 274, 283, 306, 357.
India, 13 ; early seat of Aryan civi-
lization, 61 ; invaded by Alexan-
der, 235.
Indo-Europeani See Aryan.
Industry and industrial arts, Baby-
lonian, 23 ; Egyptian, 32 ; Phceni-
cian, 42 ; at Athens, 219 ; at
Rome, 435.
lo'na, seat of the Celtic church,
495.
lo'nia, district of Asia Minor, 80.
lo'nians, 82; their migration to
Asia Minor, 95 ; their philosophy,
140 ; their revolt against Persia,
144.
lon'ic style of architecture, 135.
Ip'sus, battle of, 209.
Iran (e-rahn'), plateau of, 62.
Ire'ne, Eastern empress, 517.
Iron crown of the Lombards, 515.
Ish'tar, Babylonian goddess, 26.
Isoc'rates, Greek orator, 214.
Isolation as a feature of Roman
policy, 301, 306.
Is'sus, battle of, 231.
Isf/i'mian games, 133.
Italian allies, 309, 355; attempt of
<laius Gracchus to enfranchise
them, 362 ; incorporation by the
"Social war," 369.
Italy, geography, 259-263 ; early in-
habitants, 263-2G6 ; consolidation
under Rome, 299-309 ; administra-
tion under Augustus, 411 ; a
prefecture under Constantine,
461 ; conquered by the Heruli,
and by the Ostrogoths, 489 ; re-
covered by Justinian, 509 : con-
quered by the Lombards, 502 ; by
Charlemagne, 515.
lu'dicea under Gaius Gracchus, 362.
.Tfi'nus, Roman deity, 274.
Ja'son, leader of the Argonauts, 86.
Jeru'salem, destroyed by the Romans,
427.
Jews, 44-49, 253.
.lu'vi.in, emperor, 465.
Jude'a and its civilization, 44-49.
Jir_'iir'thine war, 364, 365.
Ju'lian, emperor, 464.
Jurists, Roman, 449, 475.
Jurors, xrr Dicasteries, Indices.
Jus ycn'tium, 403, 474.
Justin'ian, Eastern emperor, 499.
Ju'venal, Roman satirist, 447.
Kar'nak, city of Egypt. 35.
it's. -..ni|uiM- Babylonia; 23.
Khu'fu (Cheops), Egyptian kin
Klnirship. in I',:ihyl..iii.-i. '_' I ; in
!.t. :;_' : in .ludcn. 45, 4*5; in
M-i:. .",.-,; In 1'erslii. 07 ; in
llnuiprlc age, 98; at Sparta, 116;
at Athens, 120, 121 ; in early Ro-
man state, 207-269, 276.
Ko'ran, Mohammedan Bible, 505.
Laco'nia, district of Greece, 79 ; oc-
cupied by the Dorians, 114.
La'de, battle off, 145.
Lam'achus, Athenian general, 183,
184.
La'mian war. 240.
Land at Rome. See Ager publicus,
Agrarian laws.
Language and races, 15.
Lat'ins, people of Latium, 263 ; set-
tlement at Rome, 272; war with
Rome, 301.
La'tium (-shi-um), 263 ; Roman con-
quests in, 283 ; part of the Roman
domain, 307.
Lau'rium, mines at, 150.
Laws, Babylonian, 24 ; of Draco,
121 ; of Solon, 122 ; of Clisthenes,
126. See also Roman law.
Lega'ti, governors of imperial prov-
inces, 412.
Legends as a source of history, 8 ;
Greek, 83-86; Roman, 266-269.
Legion, Roman, 310, 311.
Leo III. (the Isaurian), Eastern
emperor, 509.
Leon'idas, Spartan king, 153.
Lep'idus, M. ^Emilius, consul, revolt
of, 376.
Lepidus, M. .^milius, triumvir,
393, 397 ; defeated by Octavius
without a battle, 309.
Les'bos, island of the ^Egean, oc-
cupied by the Dorians, 95 ; mem-
ber of the Delian confederacy,
167 ; revolt against Athens, 181.
Leuc'tra, battle at, 192.
Lex curiata de imperio, 277 ; Canu-
lela, 293; Julia, 396; Plan tin
Papiria, 396 ; matcxlatix. 423.
Library, of Assurbanipal, 54 ; at
Pergamum, 250 ; at Alexandria,
IT).").
Licin'ian legislation. 295.
Lictors, official attendants, 287.
Life, at Sparta. 117, 118: at
Athens, 219-223 ; at Rome, after
the conquests, 251 ; under the em-
pire, 432-436.
Literature, Babylonian, 25 ; Egyp-
tian, 37; Hebrew, 48; Persian,
68; early Greek, 137-140; Attic
period, 205-215; at Pergamum,
250 ; at Alexandria, 255 ; at
Rome, after the conquests, 350;
in the later republic, 402; under
Augustus, 415 ; during the early
empire, 440.
Liv'ia, wife of Augustus. 416.
I.iv'y. Konian historian. 1 1''>.
Lombards, kingdom of. fin 2 : en-
croachment upon tin- papacy. ." 1 1 ;
defeated li\ IVnin. r1.'{; conquered
by Charlemagne, 515.
INDEX
r>4r,
Long Walls, of Athena, built by
Pericles. 165; destroyed by Ly-
sander, 186 ; rebuilt by Conon,
190.
Lu'can, Roman poet, 446.
Luc'ca, conference at, 384.
Ltt'cr/TN. sottbMiient at Rome, 27. r .
Lucre'tlus (-sbT-us), Roman poet,
40o'. '
Lucul'lus, Roman general, .".T-.t.
Lusitfi'nians, revolt of tbe, 341.
Luxury at Rome. 351. 430-432.
Lyce'um at Athens. 2,00.
Lycia (lish'I-a), Roman province,
424.
Lycur'gus, Spartan legislator, 11 ~>.
Lyd'ia, kingdom" of Asia Minor, 63 :
conquered by Persia, 64.
Lyric poetry, Greek, 138.
Lysan'der, Spartan admiral and
statesman. 1<5S. 187.
Lys'ias, Greek orator, 214.
Lvsim'achus, general of Alexander.
'239.
Macedo'nia, rise of. 225 ; relation
to the Greeks, 226; under Philip.
227-230; under Alexander, 230-
2: '.5 ; relation to the Greek federa-
tions, 240-243 ; first war with
Rome, 333 ; second war, 334 ;
third war. 336; reduced to a
province, 337.
Ma?ce'nas, friend of Augustus. 414.
Magna C.iw'cia (-shl-a), 80. 266.
Magne'sia (-shl-a), battle of. 33.1.
Mahomet, or Mohammed, 505-507.
Mam'ertlnes at Messana. 317.
Man'etbo, Egyptian historian, 255.
Manil'ian law, 379.
Man'iple, military formation, 371.
Man'lius, M., his defense of the
Capitol at Rome. 300.
Mantine'a, walls razed by Sparta.
190 ; rebuilt by Epaminondas
193.
Mar'athon, battle of, 146-148.
Marcel'lus, governor of Sicily, 328.
Marcoman'ni, German tribe, 443.
Mar'cus Aure'lius, emperor, 443.
Mardo'nius, Persian general, 145.
140.
Ma'rius, Gains, in Jugurthine war,
365; in Cimbric war, 366; joins
the popular party, 366 ; In Social
war. 'Ml : driven from Rome, 371 ;
joins Cinna in the "Marian mas-
sacres," 371.
Marius, Gains (adopted son), 372.
Mars. 267. 277.
Massil'ia (Marseilles), 344.
Maureta'nia, Roman province, 424.
Maxen'tius (-shi-us), rival of Con-
stantine. 4.~>9.
Maxim'ian, associate of Diocletian,
456.
Mayors of the palace, 512.
Medes, 58 ; their empire, 61-63.
Medu'sn, slain by Perseus, 85.
Mogalop'olis, city in Arcadia, 193.
Mr-'ara, conquered by the Dorians.
11 i.
Mem'phls, city of Egypt, 29.
Menan'der, Greek comic writer, 245.
Menela'us, <; m>k chieftain, 84, 86.
Me'nes, king of Egypt, 29.
Merovln'gians, Frankish dynasty,
Mesopota'mia, or Tigris-Euphrates
Valley, 21.
Messa'na, town in Sicily. 317.
Messe'ne, city of Messenia. 193.
Messe'nia. district of Greece, 79;
occupied by the Dorians, 114 ; sub-
dued by Sparta, 118.
Metau'rus, battle of the, 328.
Metel'lus, Ca'cil'ius, consul. ::<;5.
Met'ics, resident foreigners at
Athens, 173.
Mile'tus, city of Ionia, 95 ; as a
center of colonization, 109 ; in the
Ionian revolt, 144 ; destroved,
145.
Mi'lo, T. Annius, opponent of Clo-
dius, 386, 387.
Milti'ades, Greek general, 146. 148.
Mi'nos, mythical king of Crete, 85.
Min'otaur, Cretan monster, 85.
Missions, papal, 510.
Mithrida'tes, king of Pontus, 371,
372.
Moe'ris, lake in Egypt, 33.
Mohammed 'and Mohammedanism,
505-507.
Monarchy. See Kingship.
Monasticism in the West. 510.
Mo'ses, Hebrew lawgiver, 45.
Mum'mius, Roman general, 339.
Mun'da, battle of, 387.
Municipal system of Rome, 308,
390, 470.
Muse'um at Alexandria, 255.
Mu'tina, war of, 396.
Myc'ale, battle of, 157.
Myce'na?. city of Argolis, 82 ; ruins
at, 89.
Mycenae'an (or Myce'nian), culture,
91.
My'la?, battle of, 319.
My'ron, Greek sculptor, 203.
Mytile'ne, city of Lesbos, 95; re-
volt of, 181.
Na?'vius, Roman poet, 351.
Names, Roman, abbreviations of,
295.
Narbonen'sis, Roman province, 365.
Xar'ses, general of Justinian, 501.
Xaupac'tus. Peace of, 243.
Navy, Persian. 68 ; Athenian, 119,
120; Roman, 216.
Nax'os, island reduced by Cimon,
163.
Nebuchadnez'zar '( Nebuchadrezzar) ,
Babylonian king, 58.
Ne'mea, games at, 133.
54G
INDEX
Ne'ro, emperor, 422.
Ner'va, emperor, 437.
New Carthage, city in Spain, 323.
Nicse'a, council of, 461.
Nicias (nlsh'i-as), Athenian states-
man, 181 ; Peace of, 182 ; in
Sicilian expedition, 183.
Nicome'dia, residence of Diocletian,
456.
Nile, river of Egypt, 19; the v;il-
ley, 27.
NIn'e-veh, capital of Assyria, 21,
51 ; its destruction, 63.
Nip'pur, city of Babylonia, 22.
Nobility, at Athens, 120, 121 ; at
Rome, under the republic, 345 ;
under the empire, 400 ; Romano-
Germanic, 496. See also Pa-
tricians, Optimates.
Nu'ma, king of Rome, 267.
Numan'tia (-shl-a), town in Spain,
341.
Numid'ia, kingdom in Africa, 339.
Octa'vius (Octavia'nus), nephew
and adopted son of Ca?sar, ap-
pears at Rome, 395 ; joins the
senate. 395 ; in second triumvi-
rate, 396; at battle of Philippi,
397 ; war with Antony, 400, 401 ;
emperor Augustus, 407-417.
Odo-a'cer, king of the Heruli, 489.
Od'yssey, the, 96.
(Ed'ipus. mythical king of Thebes,
86, 209.
fEnoph'yta, battle at, 166.
Olym'pian games, 131.
Olym'pus, Mt., 77 ; abode of the
Homeric gods, 99.
Olyn'thiac war, 190.
O'mar, caliph, 505.
Ommt'ads, Mohammedan dynasty,
506.
OpHma'tes. aristocratic party at
Rome, 358.
Or'acle, at Dodona, 77, 81 ; at Del-
phi, 78, 130.
Orchom'enus, city of Boeotia, 78 ;
seat of Mycenaean culture, 98 ;
battle at, 372.
Ores'tes, Roman "patrician," 488,
189.
Or'muzd, Persian deity, 69.
Os'cans, people of Italy, 264.
Os'tiacism at Athens, 127.
Os'trogoths, kingdom of, 489.
o'tho, emperor, 426.
Ov'id, Roman poet, 416.
Painting. Egyptian, 36; Assyrian,
r.s : Athenian, 205.
Pala'op'olls, city in Campania, 301,
Pal'atine hill, settled by the Latins,
27 L'.
Pal'la, Roman dn-ss. l.".:.'.
I'iilmy'ni. (Irstniciiun of, 453.
Panatbente'a, Greek festival, 133.
Pan'theon at Rome, 415.
Papacy, its growth, 508-511 ; alli-
ance with the Franks, 512-514.
Paphlago'nia, kingdom in Asia
.Minor, 240.
Papin'ian, Roman jurist, 451.
Parmen'ides, Greek philosopher, 141.
Parme'nio, general of Alexander,
235.
Parnas'sus, Mt., in Phocis, 78.
Parr/ia'sius (-shi-us), Greek painter,
205.
Par'thenon at Athens, 200.
Par'thia, kingdom of Asia, in-
vaded by Crassus, 386.
Parties, at Athens, 170 ; at Rome.
See Patricians, Plebeians, Op-
timates, Popularcs.
Patricians, Roman, 279 ; relation to
the plebeians, 288 et seq.; to the
new nobility, 345.
Paul'lus, Roman jurist, 452, 475.
Paullus, yEmilius, consul (father),
at the battle of Cannsp, 326.
Paullus, JEmilius (son), at the bat-
tle of Pydna, 336.
Pausa'nias, Spartan general, at the
battle of Platsea, 156; frees
^Egean cities, 161 ; his treachery
and death, 162 and note.
Pelas'gians, early people of Greece,
80.
Pelop'idas, Theban patriot, 191,
193.
Peloponne'sian League, 118.
Peloponnesian war, 178-187.
Peloponne'sus, 79 ; occupied by the
Dorians, 93.
Pentap'olis in Italy, part of the
papal territory, 514.
PSp'in (Pippin), king of the Franks,
512.
Perdic'cas, general of Alexander,
237.
Per'gamum, kingdom of, 240 ; a
center of Hellenistic culture,
248 ; bequeathed to Rome, 343.
P&r'icles, Greek statesman. his
political policy. 164-171; his war
policy, 179; his death, 181; his
oratory, 213.
Perke'ci at Sparta, 116.
Persecutions. See Christians.
Persep'olis, city of Persia, 68, 69;
captured by Alexander, 235.
Per'seus, king of Macedonia, 336.
Perseus, slayer of Medusa, 85.
Per'sia (-shl-a), ancient empire, 63-
71 ; wars with Givece. 143 et seq.;
conquered by Alexander, 234, 235 ;
new monarchy of the Sassanldce,
452, 485 : conquered by the Sara-
cens, ."<;.
I'lin'lanx. (Jroek, 176; Macedonian,
'I'll ; ':irlv Kornan, 311.
Phar'nncf's. ' king of Pontus, de-
feated by r.M-sar, 388.
Phursa'lus, battle of, 388.
INDEX
547
Phld'ias, Greek sculptor and ar-
chitect, 203.
I'hi'don, ruler of Argos. 114.
Phil'ip II., king of Macedonia, 227-
230.
Philip V., bis alliance with Hanni-
bal, 243, 328 ; at war with Rome,
333-336.
Philip'pi, battle of, 397.
Philip'pics, of Demosthenes, 228 ; of
Cicero, 396.
Philoc'rates, Peace of, 228, 220.
Philosophy, early Greek, 140, 141 ;
in Attic period, 215-218; post-
Aristotelian, 246; at Rome, 350,
448.
Pho'cis, district of Greece, 78; in
second Sacred war, 228.
Phoem'cia (-shl-a), and its civiliza-
tion, 41-44.
Phra'try, Greek brotherhood, 103.
Phryn'i<ehus, Greek tragedian, 207.
Pin'dar, Greek lyrist, 158.
Pirffi'us, harbor of Athens, 150, 160,
K;:..
Pirates, Illyrian, 322 ; Cilician, r.T'.t.
Pisis'tratus, tyrant at Athens, 124.
Placid'ia, ruler at Rome, 488.
Platoe'a, city of Bceotia, battle at,
156 ; in Peloponnesian war, 181,
190.
Pla'to. Greek philosopher, 217.
Plau'tus, Roman dramatist, 351.
Plebe'ians at Rome, early status,
279 ; struggle for economic
rights, 288-291 ; struggle for
equal law, 291-293 ; admitted to
the consulship, 296.
Plln'y the Elder, Roman writer,
447.
Pliny the Younger, 447.
Pnyx, hill of Athens, 199.
Pollen'tia (-shi-a), battle of, 487.
Polyb'ius, Greek historian, 336.
Polygno'tus, Greek painter, 205.
Pompe'ii (-yi), destroyed, 428; ex-
cavations at, 430 ; life at, 434.
Pompe'ius, Gna^us (Pompey the
Great), joins Sulla, 372; defeats
Lepidus, 376 ; defeats Sertorius,
377 ; becomes consul, 378 ; vic-
tories in the East. 379, 380 ;
member of the first triumvirate,
382; becomes sole consul, 386;
war with Caesar, 388.
Pompeius, Sextus, 393 ; his fleet de-
stroyed by Octnvius. 399.
Pon'tifex Max'imus, 278.
Pon'tus, kingdom in Asia Minor,
369.
Popula'rcs, democratic party at
Rome, 358.
Porsen'na (Por'sena), Etruscan
prince, 269.
Posei'don (Neptune), 100; worship
on the Acropolis at Athens,' 202.
Prefects, magistrates under Au-
gustus, 410.
Prcs'tor peregrl'nus, 403.
1'ni'to'riau miard, established by
Augustus. 40'.), 410; stationed at
Kom.- by TilM-riiis. li'l; reorgan-
ized by Soptimius Severus, 450;
abolished by Constant in.-. 462.
Praxit Vies. (Jivrk sculptor, 204.
Prefecture, a subject city, 308 ; a
territorial division of the later
empire, 461.
Proco'pius, Roman historian, 499.
Proper'tius (-shl-us), Roman poet,
416.
Propylffl'a, entrance to the Acropolis,
200.
Proscriptions, of Sulla, 373 ; of the
second triumvirate, '.VM .
Provinces, Roman, in Punic wars,
321, 322 ; after the conquests,
346-348; under Augustus, 412;
under the Julian line, 424 ; under
the Antonines, 445 ; under Con-
stantine, 461 ; review of the
provincial system, 471.
Psammet'ihus, Egyptian king, 31.
Ptolemies, kingdom of the, 239.
Ptolemy, Greek astronomer, 256.
Public land at Rome, 289. Sec also
Agrarian laws.
Publil'ius Phi'lo, first proconsul,
302.
Pu'nic wars. See Carthage,
Pydna, battle of, 336.
Pyramids, Egyptian, 30, 35.
Pyr'rhus, Greek general, l$s war
with Rome, 304-306.
Pythag'oras, Greek philosopher, 141.
Qua'di, German tribe, 443.
Quaes'tors, first elected, 286.
Quintil'ian, Roman writer, 447.
Quir'inal hill, settled by the Sa-
bines, 273.
Quiri'nus, the deified Romulus, 277.
Race characteristics, 14.
Radagai'sus, barbarian chief, 487.
Rame'ses (Ram'ses) II., Egyptian
king, 31.
Ram'ncs, Latin settlers at Rome,
272.
Raven'na, exarchate of, 501 ; con-
quered by the Lombards, 513 ;
conquered by Pepin and granted
to the Pope, 514.
Reg'ulus, Roman general, 319.
Religion, Babylonian, 25 ; Egyptian,
33; Phoenician, 41; Hebrew, 47;
Persian, 69 ; Homeric, 99 ; an
element of Greek culture, 130-
134 ; early Roman, 277 ; after the
conquests, 349 ; decay during the
later republic, 405; attempts at
reform by Augustus, 416. See
also Christianity, Church.
Re'mus, brother of Romulus, 267.
R/iodps, republic of, 240 ; its cul-
ture, 250.
548
INDEX
Ric'imer, the "king-maker," 488.
Roads, Persian, t>7 : Roman, 312.
Roman law, codification of the
XII. Tables, 292 ; administration
in the provinces, 348 ; improve-
ment under the republic, 402,
403 ; under the empire, 449 ; codi-
fied by Justinian, 502 ; review
'of its character, 473.
Romano-Germanic society, 495.
Rome, the city, its traditional
foundation, 266 ; its probable
origin, 271-275 ; its growth under
the later kings, 282 ; destroyed by
the Gauls, 300 ; occupied by
Sulla, 370 ; administration "under
Augustus, 410; sacked by the
Visigoths, 487 ; pillaged by the
Vandals, 488 ; seat of the papacy,
508.
Rom'ulus, legendary founder of
Rome, 267.
Romulus Augus'tulus, emperor, 489.
Roncesval'les, battle near, 515.
Roset'ta Stone, the key to the
Egyptian hieroglyphics, 37.
Ru'bicon, crossed by Caesar, 388.
Sabel'lians, people of Italy. 204.
Sa' bines, branch of the Sabellians,
J;i ; union with the Romans, 273.
Sacred war, first, 131; second, 228.
Sagwn'tum, city of Spain, captured
l.y IUnnib.il, 324.
Saint fcphi'a, church of, 499.
Sa'is, cTty of Egypt, 31.
Sakka'rah, village of Egypt, 30.
Sal'amis, Island of Greece, 79 ; bat-
tle of, 154.
Sal'lust, Roman historian, 403.
Salo'na, seat of Diocletian's palace,
458.
Sal'vius Julia'nus, Roman jurist,
449.
Sam'nite wars, 301-304.
Sa'mos, island of the .flSgean, set-
tled by the lonians, 95 ; ally of
Athens, K57.
Siippho (saf'o), Greek poetess, 139.
Saracens, or Arabians, 505-507.
Sardin'ia, reduced to a province.
321.
Sar'dis, capital of Lydia, captured
by Cyrus, 65 ; burned by the
lonians, I -I.".
Sar'gon I., Babylonian king, 22.
Sartron II., Assyrian king, 33, 47.
:in'id:p. IVrsian dynasty, 4.",L'.
Sa'traps, of Assyria, 55; of Persia,
67.
Saturnl'nus, tribune associated with
Mai-ins. :;r,7.
Saul, H<>bn>w king, 45.
Sa\.)'is. conquered by Charlemagne,
Schlie'mann, German archaeologist,
Science, Babylonian, 27 ; Egyptian,
35 ; at Pergamum, 250 ; at Alex-
andria, 256.
Scip'io, Lucius, defeats Antiochus
at Magnesia, 335.
Scipio, P. Cornelius (father), his
campaigns in Cisalpine Gaul and
Spain, 324, 325.
Scipio, P. Cornelius Africanus (son),
the hero of the second Punic war,
329, 331 ; at the battle of Mag-
nesia, 335.
Scipio .Emilia'nus, the conqueror of
Carthage and Numantia, 340, 341.
Scipio Nasi'ca, senatorial leader
against Tiberius Gracchus, 360.
Sculpture, Egyptian, 36; Assyrian,
57; early Greek, 136; Attic
period, 202; at Pergamum, 249;
at .Rhodes, 250.
Scyth'ians, barbarian tribe, 63, 65.
Secession of the plebeians, first,
289; second, 292.
Seja'nus, adviser of Tiberius, 420.
Seleu'cida?, kingdom of the, 239 ;
its civilization, 252.
Sella'sia (-shl-a), battle of, 242.
Semit'ic peoples, 15, 16 ; in the
Tigris-Euphrates valley, 21 ; in
Syria, 41.
Sempro'nius, Tiberius, consul, in
second Punic war, 324, 325.
Senate, Roman, under the kings,
277 ; in early republic, 287 ; grow-
ing power after the conquests.
345 ; weakened by Gaius Gracchus,
361 ; restored after his death,
364 ; under Sulla, 374 ; under
Caesar, 390; under Augustus, 408.
Sen'eca, Roman philosopher, 422,
446.
Sennach'erib, Assyrian king, 53.
Sentl'num, battle of, 303.
Sep'tuagint, Greek Version of the
Jewish scriptures, 256.
Serto'rius, Q., colleague of Carbo,
372 ; his revolution in Spain, 377.
Servile war in Sicily, 341.
Ser'vius Tul'lius, king of Rome, 268.
Se'ti I., Egyptian king, 31.
Seve'rus, Alexander, emperor, 451.
Severus, Septimius, 450.
Shalmane'ser I., Assyrian king, 51.
Shalmaneser II., 52.
Sicily, island, a part of Hellas, 80;
seat of Greek colonies, 113; Car-
thaginian attack upon, 157:
Athenian expedition to, 183, 184;
supremacy of Syracuse in, 194,
1 '.:,; campaign of Pyrrhus In,
305 ; seat of the first Punic war,
317 ; the first Roman province,
321.
Slcyon (sTsh'I-on), city of the
IVlopolllH'SllS, 107.
Si'don, city of Phoenicia, 42.
Simon'idf's, Gn'k lyric poet, 158.
Sip'par. city of Uiib.vlonin, 22.
Slavery, Jewish, 47 ; Assyrian, 56 ;
INDEX
549
Greek, 172-220; Roman, 341, 355,
430.
Social customs, see Life.
Social war, Athenian, 228; Roman,
367.
Soc'rates, Greek philosopher, 216.
Solssons (swahs-so>O, battle of,
493.
Sol'omon, Hebrew king, 46.
So'lon, Athenian lawgiver, 122.
Sophists at Athens, 216.
Soph/odes, Greek tragedian, 208.
Spain. Carthaginian power in. :'._:':
the two Ivoin.in provinces, 331 ; re-
volt of the Celtiberians and Lu-
sitanians, 340; settled by the
Suevi and Visigoths. I'.fJ : con-
quered by the Saracens, 506 ; in-
vaded by Charlemagne, 515.
Spar'ta, city of Laconia. founded
by the Dorians, 114; classes of
the people, 115 ; its government,
116; education and discipline.
117; head of the Peloponnesinn
League, 118; its position in
Greece, 119; hostility to Athens,
164 ; in Peloponnesian war, 178-
186 ; supremacy in Greece, 187-
190; conflict with the Achaean
league, 241.
Spar'tacus, Roman gladiator, 377.
Sphacte'ria, island, captured by
Cleon, 182.
Stesich'orus, Greek lyric poet, 139.
Stil'icho, Vandal general in the
service of Honorius, 487.
Sto'ic philosophy, 246 ; at Rome,
350, 448, 475.
Sto'la, Roman dress, 432.
Stra-te'f/i,. Athenian generals, 127,
174, 175.
Sueto'nius, Roman biographer, 447.
Sue'vi, kingdom of, 492.
Suffragium, 294.
Sul'la, L. Cornelius, Roman general
and statesman, in Social war,
368 ; given command against
Mithridates, 369 ; marched upon
Rome, 370 ; in the first Mithri-
datic war, 371 ; war with the
Marian party, 372 ; his proscrip-
tions, 373 ; his constitution, 373,
374.
Sulpician (sul-pish'i-an) laws, 370.
Sy-a'grius, Roman governor of
Gaul, 488, 493.
Sympo'sium, Greek, 223.
Syr'acuse, Dorian colony in Sicily,
resists the Carthaginians, in the
Persian wars, 157, 158; besieged
by the Athenians in the Pelopon-
nesian war, 183, 184 ; its su-
premacy in western Hellas, 194.
195 ; in the first Punic war, 317,
318 ; in the second Punic war,
328 ; joined to the province of
Sicily, 331.
Syr'ia, early meeting ground be-
tween the Babylonians and Egyp-
tians. L'o, L'l ; occupied by the
Pnoenicians and Hebrews, 41 ;
conquered by the Assyrians, 53,
54 ; by the Persians, 65 ; by Alex-
ander, 235 ; kingdom of the Se-
leucida?, 239 ; war with Rome,
335 ; reduced to a Roman prov-
ince, 379.
Tac'itus, emperor, 453.
Tacitus, Roman historian, 447.
Tan'agra, battle of, 166.
Ta'nis, city of Egypt, 30, 31.
Taren'tum, Greek colony in Italy,
war with Rome, 304 ; surrendered
to Hannibal, 327 ; recaptured by
Rome, 328.
Tar'quins, kings of Rome, 268.
Taxes, Roman, under the republic,
348, 358; under Caesar, 390;
under Augustus, 413.
Tel-el-Amarna tablets, 31 note.
Tel'lo, city of Babylonia, 22.
Tem'pe, vale in Thessaly, 77 ; occu-
pied by Xerxes, 153.
Temples, Babylonian, 26 ; Egyp-
tian, 35; Greek, 134, 200; Ro-
man, 282, 350, 404, 414.
Ten Thousand, march of the. 188.
Ter'ence. Roman dramatist, 351.
Terentil'ius Harsa, tribune, 291.
Teu'toberg Forest, battle at. 413.
Teu'tones. See Cimbric war.
Tha'les, Greek pJ|jiiFOpher, 140.
Thap'sus. battle ^r^389.
Tha'sos. island of the ^Egean, re-
volt of, 163.
Theater, Greek, 205 ; Roman, 433.
Thebes, city of Boeotia, 78 ; seized
by Sparta, 190; liberated by
Pelopidas, 191 ; supremacy of,
192 ; decline, 193 ; destroyed by
Alexander, 231.
Thebes, city of Egypt, 30.
Themis'tocles. Greek statesman, his
naval programme, 149 ; at the
Congress of Corinth, 150; at the
battle of Salamis, 154 ; rebuilds
Athens, 160 ; character and exile,
161
Theoc'ritus, Greek pastoral poet,
225.
Theodo'ra, wife of Justinian, 449.
The'odore of Tarsus, 495.
Theod'oric, king of the Ostrogoths,
489.
Theodo'sius (-shl-us) I., emperor,
465.
Thermop'yla?, battle of, 153, 154.
These'um. temple at Athens, 199.
The'sefis. mythical king of Athens,
85, 120.
Thesmoth'etce at Athens, 121.
Thes'saly, district of Greece, 77 ;
early seat of the Dorians, 93.
The'tcs at Athens, 123.
Thirty Tyrants at Athens, 187.
550
INDEX
Thirty Years' Truce, 171.
Thoth'mes III., Egyptian king, 31.
Thrace, Roman province, 424.
Thrasybu'lus, Athenian patriot, 187.
Thucyd'ides, Greek historian, 212.
Tibe'rius, emperor, 420.
Tibul'lus, Roman poet, 416.
Tig'lath-Pile'ser I., Assyrian king,
52.
Tiglath-Pileser III., 53.
Ti'gris-Euphra'tes valley, 21.
Timo'leon the Liberator, 195.
Ti'ryns, city of Argolis, 82; citadel
of, 89.
Tissapher'nes, Persian governor of
Asia Minor, 189.
Tit'v-ea, Sabine settlers at Rome,
273.
Ti'tus, emperor, 427.
To'ga, Roman dress, 432.
Tours (toor), battle of, 506.
Tragedy, 206-210.
Tra'jan, emperor, 437.
Trasume'nus, Lake, battle of, 326.
Treason, Roman law under Tiberius,
423.
Tribes, in the Greek city state, 103 ;
the four Ionian, 120, 123 : the ten
Attic, of Clisthenes (local), 126:
the Italic, 261 : in the Roman
city state, 276; the Servian
(local), 280; relation to the
ager Romanus, 307.
Tribo'nian, Roman jurist, 502.
Tri'bunes of the people, 290, 374,
378.
Trit'tys, Attic county, 126.
Trium'virate, first, 382; second,
396.
Tro'jan war, 86.
Troy, city of Asia Minor, 86; ex-
cavations at, 88-100.
Tul'lus Hostil'ius, king of Rome,
268.
Twelve Tables, Roman code, 292.
Tyrants in Greece, 106.
Tyre, city of PluBnicia, 42 ; besieged
by Alexander, 231.
Tyrtae'us, Greek lyric poet, 138.
TTfilns. Arian Christian, apostle of
the Goths, 485.
TJl'pian, Roman jurist, 475.
Um'brians, people of Italy, 265.
Ur, city of Babylonia, 22, 45.
U'tica, city of Africa, o40.
Vadimo'nis, Lake, battle of, 302.
Va'lens, emperor, 465.
Valentin'ian, emperor, 465.
Valerip-Horatian laws, 293.
Vale'rius Poplic'ola, laws of, 28o.
Van'dals, German tribe, settled in
Africa, 488 ; conquered by Jus-
tinian, 499, 500.
Vaphl'o cups, 90, 91.
Var'ro, Teren'tius, consul, 326.
Va'rus, Roman general, 413.
Ve'ii (-yl), city of Etruria, siege of,
300.
Vercel'lae, battle of, 366.
Vercinget'orix, Gallic chief, 386.
Ver'gil, Roman poet, 415.
Ver'res, impeachment of, 382.
Vespa'sian (-zhi-an), emperor, 426.
Vestal virgins, 278.
Vesu'vius, Mt., eruption of, 428.
Village community, German, 484.
Vis'igoths, invasion under Alaric,
486 ; kingdom in Spain, 492.
Vitel'lius, emperor, 427.
Vol'scians, Italic tribe, 263 ; wars
with Rome, 299, 300.
Walls, at Athens, of Themistocles,
160 ; of Pericles, 165 ; at Rome,
of Servius, 283 ; of Aurelian,
453. See also Long Walls.
Women in Homeric times, 100 ; in
time of Pericles, 321.
Writing, Babylonian, 25 ; Egyptian,
37 ; Phoenician, 43, 44.
Xanthip'pus (zan-), Spartan gen-
eral, 319.
Xenoph'anes (ze-) Greek philoso-
pher. 141.
Xen'ophon (zen'-), Greek historian,
189, 213.
Xerxes (zerk'sez), Persian king, in-
vasions of Greece, 151-155.
Za'ma, battle of, 331.
Ze'la. battle of, 388.
Ze'no, Greek philosopher, 246.
Zeno'bia, queen of Palmyra, 453.
Xnis (Jupiter), 00.
Zeux'is, Greek painter. 205.
Zoro-as'ter, Persian reformer, 69.
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