Full text of "Outlines of church history"

See other formats

' ■ ■- '■

• ••■•;■■-■
■'.■':'•■•■:•.',•'•■■■■

•:•••-:-■••.«.-.
.•".••• :•-.-■ ••••:-<•

Si!!?

••••■:-.••

••x;:'.

..■.'.--..
;.•••:•..•■

■'•''•'••: •■•":'*'■ •'■

■-:''■••"■

-.■■•■. ■■•\ .■,...-.•- g •;. •

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

OUTLINES OF

CHURCH HISTORY

RUDOLF SOHM

PROFESSOR OF LAW, LEIPZIG

TRANSLATED BY

MISS MAY SINCLAIR

WITH A PREFACE BY

PROFESSOR H. M. GWATKIN, M.A.

ILontion
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited

NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

I 90 I

First Edition, 189 =
Reprinted 1901.

EDITOR'S PREFACE

The present work is intended to supply a want which
most historical teachers must have felt — that of a
clear and suggestive outline of general Church History
for intelligent readers. Such a manual is Professor
Rudolf Sohm's Kirchengeschichte im Grundriss. Short
as it is, it is neither a meagre sketch nor a confused
mass of facts, but a masterly outline of Church History
from the first ages to our own times, combining a
lawyer's precision and a historian's insight into the mean-
ing of events with a philosopher's sense of the unity of
history and a Christian's conviction that the Kingdom
of God is spiritual.

The translation is made from the eighth German
edition, which the author has brought well up to date.
His vigorous and often epigrammatic sentences are far
from easy to render into flowing English, and the work
has cost the accomplished translator no little time
and care.

We are becoming used to the transformation of
Christian thought by the advance of science during
the last two hundred years. It has been 'a revelation
come up from the earth to meet the revelation which

. 1760

VI EDITOR'S PREFACE

had come down from heaven ' (Hort). It may be that
another revelation is coming back from the past which
will work another and as great a transformation in the
next two hundred years. The critical study of history
has already done much to loosen our Pharisaic ideas
of the Gospel, and to show that it is far more spiritual
than Catholic or Calvinist imagined. It has revealed
a new world, which is yet an old one, of Christian
thought beyond and above the narrow Western sec-
tarianism which bounded the horizon of Catholics,
and even of Protestants also. Not by unreasoning
worship of the past, nor by ignorant contempt of it,
nor yet by partisan distortion of it, but by critical
and sympathetic study of it, we shall learn something
of the grandeur of our own time, and of the meaning of
the mighty questions which lie before our children.

H. M. GWATKIN.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE

The following pages contain a collection of essays
which I published some little time ago in the All-
gemeine Conservative Monatsschrift. It is not without
some misgiving that I now bring these essays out
as a whole. Yet I dare to hope that this method of
exposition, by which I attempt to present the history of
the Church as a part of universal history, will perhaps
make it easier for the casual reader to obtain a survey
of the whole course of historical development, and an
insight into those spiritual forces which through Chris-
tianity have flowed out into the world.
Leipzig, November \2th, 1887.

The Second Edition differs from the first only in a
few alterations.

Leipzig, February \\th, 1888.

A few additions have been made to the Third
Edition; as in § 10, Montanism ; § 15, Rise of Mon-
asticism — Augustine. . But the work as a whole has
remained unchanged.

Leipzig, November SM, 1888.

Vlll AUTHORS PREFACE

The Fourth Edition was unchanged from the third.
The opportunity offered by a Fifth Edition is taken to
revise the whole carefully once more, and to enlarge it
by some additions which seemed necessary in order to
present the whole picture in a clearer light. With this
view sections 6, 7, 16, 20, 26, 32, and 51 have undergone
fresh treatment with reference to the ' Proceedings
against the Christians,' Iconoclasm, the Libri Carolini,
Pope Nicolas I., Bernard of Clairvaux, ' Reforming
Forces,' and Alphonso of Liguori.

Leipzig, January igt/i, 1890.

In the Eighth Edition some sections, namely §§ 10-
38, have been further elaborated with special reference
to the results set forth in my Ecclesiastical Law,
vol. i. (1892).

Leipzig, February 22nd, 1S93.

RUDOLPH SOHM.

DIVISION I

SECT.

i. The World
2. Christianity

THE BEGINNING

INTRODUCTION

PAGE
I

CHAPTER I

PERSECUTION

3. Judaism and Christianity .

4. Paganism and Christianity

5. Proceedings against the Christians

6. The Decisive Battle

7. The Church and her Victory .

CHAPTER II
INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT
8. Jewish Christianity

9. Gentile Christianity .

10. Constitution of the Church. Catholicism

23
27

CHAPTER III
THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE

11. State and Church ......... 44

12. The Council of Nicasa 4^

13. Institution of Patriarchs -57

14. Rome and Constantinople 59

15. Rise of Monasticism. Augustine 66

CONTENTS

DIVISION II
THE MIDDLE AGES

SECT.

16. Introduction

PAGE

CHAPTER I
THE FRANKISH EMPIRE

17. The Kingdoms of the Germans 80

18. Under the Merovingians ....... 82

19. The Frankish Reformation . 85

20. The Empire of Charles the Great 90

CHAPTER II
THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES

21. The German Emperors .

22. Reform of Monasticism .

23. Ecclesiastical Reform

24. The Concordat of Worms

25. The Crusades and Chivalry

26. Monasticism. The Mendicant Orders

27. Spiritual Law and Jurisdiction

28. The Mendicant Orders and the Middle Class

29. Encroachments of the Papal Authority — Abuse

30. The Babylonian Exile — Schism

31. Degradation of Monasticism .

32. Reforming Forces ....

33. The Councils of Reform .

34. Power of the Sovereigns .

96
101
106
no

116
124

125

129

135
137
138
141

143

CONTENTS

DIVISION III
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION

CHAPTER I

REFORMATION
si;ct.

35. New Currents ......

36. Luther .......

37. The Protestant Reformation .

38. The Constitution of the Protestant Church

39. The Lutherans and the Reformed Churches

PAGE
I46

153
l6l
l69

175

CHAPTER II

COUNTER REFORMATION

40. The Catholic Reformation . . . . . • • '79

41. The Order of Jesuits 180

42. The Council of Trent 1S5

DIVISION IV
PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION

43. Pietism .

44. The Illumination

45. The Destruction of the Jesuit Order

46. The Omnipotent State .

47. The Idea of Toleration

•95
198

209

xii CONTENTS

DIVISION V
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

SECT. PAGE

48. The Question 212

49. The Restoration and Romanticism . . . . . • 213

50. Liberalism 222

51. The Realism of the Present 228

52. The Church and Society 240

53. The Situation .......... 243

Division I
THE BEGINNING

INTRODUCTION
§ I. The World

Let us go back to the first century of our era.

In Strasburg the legionary is drawing up his sentinels
on guard and the Roman word of command is resound-
ing. The Roman eagle is supreme, not only on the
Rhine, but on the Danube, the Euphrates, the Nile, at
the foot of the Atlas and of the Pyrenees. With the
rise of the empire the full power of the Roman state
springs into life. The provinces are flourishing under
a wise government. A single will sways the vast army.
Along with energetic warfare against the outside enemy,
we see peace and prosperity united within the empire.
Commerce is flourishing; and the rich culture of the
Hellenic East spreads far and wide over the Latin
West, bearing life and blessing in its train and raising
art and learning to a new development.

A golden age has dawned. The kingdom of Rome
has come in all its glory.

What more can mankind want ? Are not all earthly
and spiritual good things showered on it in profusion ?
They cannot but now say to the passing moment, ' Stay,

OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

thou art so fair ! ' And yet with all its wealth and all
its culture the highest good is lacking. The old gods
are dethroned. The temples of Jupiter and of Apollo
still stand, but the faith is gone which once worshipped
them in simplicity. The Olympic heaven is empty
now. Its guests, whose forms the ancient world once
beheld in their fulness of sensuous power and of ideal
beauty, have faded into the dream -pictures of poetic
fancy. The cultured world has turned from the gods
of Homer to Philosophy with her many tongues,
Philosophy whose systems end in the one refrain,
' There are no gods.'

The multitude follow after Isis and Serapis, the gods
who have made their entry into Rome out of Egypt.
They find edification in the juggling arts of Etrurian
soothsayers, in the secret and intoxicating solemnities
of the Mysteries, and in the demoralizing Festivals of
Cybele, the great Mother of the gods.

Not that the heathen world had wholly lost its need
of religion and its ideals of religion on the eve of its
dissolution. On the contrary, in the first and second
centuries of the empire, we see a steadily rising de-
velopment of the religious spirit, with stages marked
by the noble figures of Seneca and Marcus Aurelius.
Philosophy in divesting the old gods of their splen-
dour was at the same time a guide to the one highest
divinity. Philosophy was a schoolmaster to bring the
pagan to Christ, as was to the Jew the Old Testament
law. Though Stoicism represented the creed of the
majority of educated men, with its exhortations to a
life of stern self-discipline on purely natural grounds,
it was becoming more and more influenced by the
Platonic philosophy ; and the Platonic quest of the

INTRODUCTION

ideal world which lies behind the sensible became with
the philosophers of the empire more and more a long-
ing for the divine, a longing for revelation, a longing
for redemption. Side by side with the innumerable local
worships of the heathen world, the idea of monotheism
arose in all its power, ruling as a spiritual ruler over
the world of the Roman Empire. But the monotheism
towards which ancient philosophy tended was power-
less either to displace polytheism, to win real popularity
for itself or to secure what men first of all desired —
certainty. To this monotheism no power was given
to regenerate an ageing world. Even this philosoph/
also resulted, not in attainment or secure possession,
but in the mere longing after the divine — longing which
carried at its heart doubt of the existence of the thing
longed for.

The world is empty, because heaven is empty first.

Mankind is full of eagerness to discover the kingdom
which is from above. That mighty movement of cul-
ture, which in the Roman Empire was borne in a single
upward direction by the combined forces of the Latin
and Hellenic spirits, now culminates in the creation of
the world's Desire, which goes forth to meet the world's
Saviour.

§ 2. Christianity

Over the wide field of the Roman Empire, a few
Christian communities are scattered here and there, as
yet unnoticed. The new faith has gone forth from
Jerusalem. Already (somewhere about the middle of
the first century) it has reached Rome and Alexandria.
Between these two extreme points are ranged the

4 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

churches of Greece, Macedonia, Asia Minor, and Syria,
for the most part founded by the Apostle Paul in the
fifties. Amongst their various members, as yet few in
number, those of the Jewish nationality form a promi-
nent part. Side by side with them are Greek slaves and
freedmen. Not many rich, not many learned, but many
of the common people : handicraftsmen, soldiers, petty
traders, fishermen, publicans — the poor and the despised
of this world.

It is upon this little society, destitute as it was of all
worldly resources, a vanishing quantity in the tumult of
the great cities, that the eye of the historian rests. It
contains a power which shall one day overcome the
world of the Roman Empire.

Seen from the outside, the Christian community
seemed to be only one more newly formed club, like
countless other unions of the same sort.

The Roman world of the first century was overspread
with religious societies. There was no longer any fixed
religion, but there were religions in plenty — worships of
local deities, divine honours paid to men, together with
divers religious customs. There were none, especially
among the lower classes of the people, who did not
belong to some union of the kind. There was a divinity
of each society ; and there was always the divinity of
the Emperor actually reigning, which was worshipped
in regular monthly meetings. There were secret rites
of lustration, like the Christian Baptism. There were
common meals, like the Christian Agapa and the
Lord's Supper. The members of the societies were
even formed into a sort of general brotherhood. In
the clubs and brotherhoods, just as with the Christians,
all class distinctions were done away with. The slave

INTRODUCTION 5

was equal to the freeman, the freed man to the frecborn.
There, at the gatherings and festivals of the unions,
the most miserable slave could enjoy for an instant
freedom and equality. There the poor man could shake
off, at least for the moment, the burden of life. Nay
more, these unions had relief funds for the needy who
had joined for the sake of union, more particularly
funds for providing honourable burial for members of
the guild. The idea itself of practical brotherly love
does not seem to have been peculiar to the Christian
communities. To the mere onlooker the association
of the lower classes had only developed a new impulse
in them. That impulse might come and go like the
rest.

But what a difference ! Where are the other countless
unions which the great need of the masses once called
into being in the Roman Empire? Where are they
now ? The wind of history has swept them away.
Long ago, many centuries ago, not a trace of them was
left. Of all those religious societies of the Roman
Empire only two are living to this day : the Jewish
Synagogue and the Christian Church. The Jewish
Synagogue endures mainly by the living power of the
Jewish nationality. The Christian Church, which rested
on no exclusive nationality, endures solely in conse-
quence of the living power of its religion.

'The history of the world
Is the world's judgment.'

No other religion has had power to guide the progress
of our culture save Christianity alone. Therefore it is
that it has conquered. On its side were neither Roman
legions nor ancient learning, but the power of divine

6 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

truth which is mightier than all the powers of our
earthly life.

By virtue of the spirit which is alive within her, the
Christian Church in its slow upward growth had power
to outlast the great Roman Empire, to join the ancient
to the modern world, and to be the educator of the
race of men that was to come.

CHAPTER 1

PERSECUTION

§ 3. Judaism and Christianity

The enemy of the Church from its very birth was
Pharisaic Judaism.

Pharisaism, which had sprung from the heroic struggle
of the Maccabees, represented the regenerate Jewish
world, holding itself separate from all that was pagan
and impure, cumbered with the daily service of legal
righteousness, a service made more and more grievous
by the constant addition of new rules. The mass
of the Jewish people was Pharisaically inclined. In
Pharisaism it found its own innate zeal for the law,
found all the proud self-consciousness of Jewish nation-
ality joined to a burning hatred against the heathen
conqueror, and to wild hopes of the kingdom of Judah
which was to be set up over the world by the Messiah.
And now, in the sharpest contrast to this slavish zeal
for the law, appeared the Christian doctrine of the
freedom of God's children from the law ; in contrast to
this image of a Jewish Messiah coming in earthly glory,
the form of the Crucified who called heathens and Jews
without distinction into His heavenly kingdom.

Pharisaism meant the completion, Christianity the
abolition of national Judaism.

So the conflict arose at once. Stephen died a
martyr's death (A.D. 36 or 37) because he taught that

8 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Jesus of Nazareth had come to destroy the worship of
the temple and to abolish the forms of the Mosaic law
(Acts vi. 14). Of the Apostles, James, brother of John,
was beheaded under Herod Agrippa (44) ; Peter was
imprisoned for a while ; James, the brother of the Lord,
was stoned (62). As far as its power reached, Judaism
vented its hatred against Christianity in deeds of
violence. For a while the community at Jerusalem
fled before the enmity of the Pharisees and was
scattered abroad, so that only the Apostles had courage
to remain behind in the city. In Pharisaism the Jewish
people fought against Christianity the more bitterly
because the moral forces of national Judaism were
attacked by Christianity. Thus even Saul, one of the
noblest of men, went forth, full of holy enthusiasm, to
defend the law of his fathers against the destroyer.

The effect of Pharisaic persecution was to hasten the
spread of Christianity. Nay more, the persecutor him-
self might find 'as it were scales' fall suddenly from his
eyes. It was to Saul that Christ revealed Himself— the
risen Christ. He saw Him whom he had persecuted ;
and the zealous champion of Judaism and of the law
became the Apostle of the Gentiles, who by powerful
preaching was to make known to the Jew and also to
the Greek the justification which comes not by the law
but by faith.

Yet the conflict of Christianity with Judaism was but
the prelude to a mightier battle upon a vaster stage.

§ 4. Paganism and Christianity

Christianity had to deal not only with Judaism but
with the world.

PERSECUTION

The world was Roman. The fate of the future had to
be decided within the Roman Empire.

The Roman Empire was pagan. What was the
attitude of Paganism towards Christianity ?

That was clear from the beginning. Scarcely was
the Christian Church founded, when it was attacked by
Paganism.

The burning of Rome (A.D. 64) was laid to the
charge of the Christians. A vast number of the
brethren, cruelly put to death, fell victims to the
revengeful multitude. The Apostle Paul, who had been
long held in captivity in Rome, was probably numbered
amongst those who there sealed their faith with their
blood about this time ; and with him, so we may fairly
suppose, the Apostle Peter likewise suffered martyr-
dom.

The flames of the burning of the world's capital,
together with those living torches, the bodies of the
martyrs flaring in the gardens of the Emperor Nero,
lit up the Church's entry into the world's history.
Hitherto the Christians had been confused by the
populace with the Jews. Now, for the first time, the
distinction became generally recognized — the Christians
alone, not the Jews, were charged with the burning of
Rome.

In the inquiry which was set on foot, the Christians
were declared innocent of incendiarism. But they were
condemned all the same, being found guilty of ' hatred
against the whole human race.' The religion of love
appeared to the Romans as a religion of hate, and
(which was more wonderful) not altogether wrongly —
from their point of view.

The Roman believed that his city and her empire

IO OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

should endure for ever. His patriotism consisted in
this belief. But the Christian believed in the destruc-
tion of the city, the empire, the globe itself. He be-
lieved that one empire alone was eternal — the empire
of Christ, the kingdom of God. Indeed, the early
churches believed that the end of the world was close at
hand. The eyes of the disciples had seen Christ who
was risen from the dead. They were persuaded that
even in their lifetime they should see Him come again
in His divine glory to destroy the earthly order of
things, and to judge the quick and the dead. They
longed for this day with all the desire of the bride for
the bridegroom. They longed for the fall of the king-
dom of Rome, that so the kingdom of God might come.
Herein was their treason to their country — in their
hatred towards the Roman Empire, and thus towards
the 'whole human race.'

Rome, that is Paganism, and Christianity stood face
to face. To the old pagan world, the State represented
the highest good. Moral virtue was identified with the
active service of the State. To live and to die for the
commonweal was the whole duty of man. Therefore
in that worship of the Emperor which the Roman world
had borrowed from the most ancient customs of the
East, Paganism found its last and highest expression.
The Roman Emperor was the incarnation of the idea
of the State. The altar raised to him was consecrated
to the worship of that which, for Paganism, was the
highest moral force, the power of the State. To the
new views which the Christians put forward with reck-
less determination, the worship not only of idols, but
of the Emperor (that is, of the State), was irreconcilable.
To the Christian the highest of all things was not the

PERSECUTION II

almighty Caesar, not the Roman Empire, not the Roman
nation. To the Christian the Highest was, before all,
not of this world, for his longing was fixed upon a better.
With Christianity a new theory of the world came into
history, challenging all other to open combat, a theory
which insisted on the worthlessness of all earthly things
when compared with heavenly things ; which rendered
unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, but at the same
time desired to give unto God the things that are God's.
And this theory of the world made in Christianity its
claim to be the only universally valid one. While Juda-
ism shut itself in from the outer world, and claimed its
promises, as it guarded its beliefs, for itself alone ; while
the philosophical systems appealed only to the learned,
Christianity claimed from the very first to conquer the
world. It went out into the highways and market-
places for the very purpose of gaining a decisive influ-
ence over those modes of popular thought on which the
commonweal now depended.

For this reason Christianity was dangerous to the
State, in the old pagan sense. It struck at the very
foundations of the ancient State — that State which, with
its unlimited and illimitable power, claimed to regulate
the whole outer and inner life of man. Virtue was
attacked, virtue in the ancient sense of love for the
commonweal as for the highest good. The outrages of
the Emperor Nero, the blind rage of the heathen multi-
tude against Christians transported by 'hatred against
the human race,' were but the instinctive and necessary
expression of the ancient political idea of the State,
which had good reason to feel that its very life was
threatened.

12 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

§ 5. Proceedings against the Christians

To the Roman citizen the Christian, as such, was the
enemy of the State ; he was suspected of high treason
on account of his opinions, and therefore in the eye of
the law guilty of death.

The Christian community maintained itself under the
pressure of this penal law during three centuries.

It would, however, be an error to imagine this long
period as one of unbroken persecution. On the contrary,
the law was only carried out now and then, by fits
and starts. Times of persecution alternated with long
periods of practical toleration. It follows that the
persecutions of the earlier periods were throughout of
local and limited character. Where plague, famine, or
fire stirred up the masses of the people, or where
some violent provincial governor felt himself con-
strained to vent his passion on the Christians, or where
the Christians themselves challenged the multitude to
opposition, there a persecution arose, now in one place
now in another. Thus the burning of Rome gave the
pretext for the persecution of the Christians under
Nero, but of the Christians in Rome only. Thus
Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, died a martyr's death
(about 115), and Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, sealed his
faith with his blood upon the scaffold under Antoninus
Pius (about 155). Under Marcus Aurelius (161 -180),
there fell that bloody persecution in Southern Gaul
which claimed countless victims from the Christian
Church at Lyons (177). Under Septimius Severus, con-
version to Christianity was forbidden by law (202), and
persecution raged against the Christians in Egypt and
in the Latin province of Africa. But, notwithstanding,

PERSECUTION 13

up to the middle of the third century there is no
question of a general persecution carried on against the
Christians in all parts. In the wide circle of the Roman
Empire the Church had room enough for development,
notwithstanding the conflicts more or less severe by
which particular communities were shaken.

Nevertheless the principle held good that to be a
Christian was to be dedicated to death. The mere
fact of his Christianity sufficed to found a penal charge
against any member of the community. The principle
remained, even where it was only imperfectly carried
out. Not only to the heathen priest or dealer in idols
who were injured in their trades, but to the greedy
provincial governor, to the envious neighbour, to the
revengeful enemy it furnished the long-wished pretext
for bringing the chosen victim to his death, ostensibly
on the ground of his Christianity. Justin Martyr, a
philosopher who became a Christian, was beheaded in
Rome at the instigation of a rival author, Crescens, who
in this manner vented his literary spite on his enemy.
The number of the martyrs is greater than history has
taken account of. In the case of Justin, that which
more than all moved him to become a convert to
Christianity was the courage, stronger than death,
wherewith the followers of the Christian faith died for
their opinions. To the heathen death was the thing of
all others most to be feared ; to the Christian death
was gain. The moral power of Christianity was
revealed to the heathen world before all in that heroic
courage in dying, a courage which met death not with
contempt, nor yet with stoical indifference, but with the
sure and certain hope of victory. This was the faith
that in its certain possession of heaven was mighty to

14 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

overcome earth. Faith was the single force which
Christianity opposed to enmity and onslaught, but it
was a force which was strongest and most triumphant
against the enemy where apparently overcome. Pro-
ceedings against the Christians were first definitely
organized under Trajan (112). The Christians were to
be persecuted and condemned, not officially, but only
on a special charge. This remained law until far into
the third century. Even after a rescript of Marcus
Aurelius in 176 or 177, official prosecutions were only
allowed when the Christian religion gave rise to open
disquiet. But there was a further meaning in the
indulgence of Trajan. If the accused Christian offered
incense to the image of the Emperor, he went free ; if
he did not offer incense, he lay under sentence of death.
Behind the seeming tenderness lurked a calculating
cruelty. By the very act of sacrificing to the imperial
image the Christian renounced his Christianity and
escaped sentence of death. The temptation was terrible,
and many fell victims to it. Pliny, governor of
Bithynia and Pontus, whose question had given
occasion to this edict of Trajan, was persuaded that it
would soon make an end of Christianity. If a Christian
refused to sacrifice he was guilty of death, not nominally
for his Christianity, nor for his behaviour before the
accusation, but for the crime of majestas or treason
which he had committed by refusing to sacrifice after
the accusation. The prosecution of Christians differed
from all other criminal actions in this : that its one
object was to render the accused person guilty —
through the refusal of the sacrifice required of him. It
was a refinement of cruelty. The accused Christian, as
such, was held suspected of majestas, legal proceedings

PERSECUTION 1 5

being so ordered that if he remained true to his
Christianity he was bound to become guilty. In point
of fact, what the State persecuted was not a deed, a
crime already committed, but a thought — the Faith of
Christianity, the Faith that refused to worship any
earthly thing, even if it were the Roman State. The
proceedings against the Christians, in the form in which
they were instituted by Trajan, made it indubitably
clear, that the pagan state, with its claim to be the
supreme moral exemplar, had declared war against
Christianity.

§ 6. The Decisive Battle

But the Church grew and never ceased growing.
Already in the second half of the second century
Christianity played a strikingly conspicuous part in the
life of the people. About the middle of the third
century Paganism discovered that its very existence
was threatened. The Christian community in Rome,
which was certainly the largest of the Christian com-
munities, must have numbered at this time at least
twenty thousand members. Through its ecclesiastical
constitution, which in the meanwhile had matured, it
had even become a social power apparently equal to
the State. If Rome was to preserve that national and
political character which had been transmitted to her
of old, now was the moment for interference.

From this date (the middle of the third century) the
pagan state began its systematic persecution of the
Christians, over the whole extent of the empire, and
formed against the Church an organized plan of attack
which it carried out with all the means in its power.

l6 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

The attack was begun by the Emperor Decius
(249-251). He gave orders for a general persecution
of the Christians. The authorities all over the empire
were to interfere against the whole body of the
Christians, officially, that is, without waiting for any
special charge against them, and compel them to sacri-
fice. A fearful time followed, which claimed countless
martyrs. Even the death of Decius brought only
temporary relief. Under his successor Gallus (25 1-253),
after two years of peace, fresh edicts were issued
against the Christians in 253. But it was Valerian
(253-260) who, more than all, took up the work of
Decius after the year 257. In 258 he commanded
that all bishops, priests, and deacons of the Church,
together with all Christian senators and judges, should
be condemned to death, if they refused to recant.
By this time there was method in the attack. It
aimed at destroying, not, as under Decius, the whole
body of the Christians (this had at length proved
impracticable), but the organization of the Church,
together with every one of the higher ranks who
belonged to it. The formless undisciplined masses
that remained would, it was hoped, be powerless to
uphold Christianity. In Carthage the bishop Cyprian,
in Rome the deacon Laurentius (St. Laurentius of the
Catholic Church), and with them many others, fell
victims to this persecution. But the repeal of the
edicts of persecution (260-261) was one of the first
measures passed by Gallienus, who, after the death of
his father Valerian, reigned as sole Emperor from the
year 260. Not that the Christian religion met with
just recognition and tolerance from him. Under him
also and his successors the profession of the Christian

PERSECUTION 17

faith remained punishable by death ; and the law
might be put into execution any instant, so soon as the
refusal to offer incense to the imperial image (on the
part of a Christian soldier, for instance) had been
legally proved. But the order was repealed by which
magistrates were compelled to search out all followers
of the Christian faith and prove every such refusal by
means of a legal prosecution. A state of practical
toleration existed in which the law was only carried
out in isolated instances. There followed an interval
of peace which lasted forty years. It was the stillness
before the storm. Under Diocletian (284-305) the
Roman kingdom rose up once more against the hated
enemy, in order to re-establish the absolute monarchy
of the State in all its former glory. It was the bitterest
persecution which the Church had yet seen. It was a
battle for life or death.

Towards the end of his reign, after having left the
Christians in peace for seventeen years, Diocletian was
urged to this attack upon the Church by his son-in-law,
the Caesar Galerius, a brave, stern, but uneducated
soldier, who cherished a fanatical hatred against the
Christians.

Nicomedia was the imperial residence. The destruc-
tion of the Church at Nicomedia (on the 23rd of
February 303) gave the signal for the attack. The
next day the imperial edict was published. All
Christian officers were to retire from the army, and all
Christian officials from their posts. All Christian
churches were to be destroyed, all the sacred books of
the Christians confiscated and burned. It was instantly
followed by a second edict commanding all clergy to be
put in prison, in order to compel them to sacrifice. A

l8 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

third edict, issued in the year 304, commanded all
Christians to sacrifice, and that under penalty of
death. The most comprehensive measures were taken
in order to enforce the execution of this law. But
this was hardly possible. Smitten by an incurable
disease, Diocletian resigned the imperial crown (305).
Galerius, chief Augustus of the empire from the year
306, now pursued his own course unhindered in his
Eastern Empire. From this moment there began in
the East the first really bloody persecution of the
Christians, a persecution no longer checked by any
reasonable scruple. It was an insane butchery. The
Christians were to be compelled to sacrifice by fair
means or foul. The food exposed for sale in the
market-places was even drenched with sacrificial wine,
in order that the Christians might be made sacrificers
in this way. A tremendous tumult went through the
length and breadth of the empire. Even actual
resistance was made in some places. After four long,
melancholy, fearful years (306-310), Galerius, in sore
sickness, recognized that he must draw back. On the
30th of April, while lying on his death-bed, he issued
an edict of general toleration. He had to confess that
the Christians had conquered. The work thus begun
was ended by Constantine, the son of the tolerant
Constantius Chlorus (who ruled as Caesar in the West).
Fighting under the Sign of the Cross, he first wrested
Italy from the usurper Maxentius, and then issued his
famous edicts of toleration, published in Rome, 312,
for his own West- Roman Empire, and again in Milan,
313, for the entire empire, in concert with his fellow-
Emperor, Licinius. Christianity was placed upon the
same level as Paganism. Every man was at liberty to

PERSECUTION 19

'choose his own divinity and to worship whom he
would.' Freedom of worship was granted to the
Christians all over the Roman Empire. The grievous
time was over, and the Church breathed again. Upon
the dark night had followed the clear, full light of day.

§ 7. The Church and Her Victory

To what was the victory of Christianity owing?
Was it to the steadfastness, to the heroic courage, of its
adherents? By no means. As it had been already in
the time of the governor Pliny, in the beginning of the
second century, even so in the time of the Decian
persecution, and, if possible, still more under that of
Diocletian, the number of Christians who fell away
from their faith was enormous. It would give a false
picture to represent the body of the Christians, in the
first three centuries, after the type of those martyrs
whose memory the Church has rightly glorified. The
mass of the Christians then, as at all times, were
cowardly, wavering in their faith, feeble in their pro-
fession before men, and incapable of resistance in the
hour of danger. When persecution came, too many
were ready to forswear their faith, in order to save
property, position, and life. The community had already
become large. As its numbers rose its inner force de-
clined. The Church no longer looked for the end of
the world as close at hand. She took her place in the
world, not without absorbing something of the world's
spirit. She flung her doors wide open, and along with the
inthronging masses of the people, all that was weak and
ignoble in human nature made its entrance unhindered
into the Christian community. Obviously the relations

20 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

amongst her members in the early age of the Church,
where a narrow circle of believers clung to each other
like brethren would be other than they were in later
times when about one-half of the city had embraced
Christianity. Practical brotherly love disappeared, or
the exercise of it was left to the clergy as representing
the community. Church discipline became even more
lax and indulgent as regarded lay members. Two
codes of morality appeared : one for the clergy, from
whom the full energy of a Christian life was exacted ;
and another for the laity, for whom it was fairly
sufficient if they refrained from grosser transgressions.
Already, from the middle of the second century, we
see the secularization of the Church making unbroken
progress. Nevertheless, this state of things was in-
evitable if the Church was to fulfil her high calling, to
win the world over to herself. The world received
of the spirit of Christianity, but Christianity no less
received of the spirit of the world. When we consider
the great mass of believers in the third century, even
many of the best of them — the martyr Cyprian for
instance, whom the Catholic Church rightly honours
among her Saints — in spite of the powerful personality
of some true bishops of the fold, we find many who are
Christians only in name, and much, far too much,
hatred and enmity, envy, ambition, and worldly cove-
tousness. Already about the middle of the second
century a Roman Christian saw in the spirit the vision
of a Church covered with wrinkles and spots, and full
of all manner of diseases. Even so was it in reality.
The spirit of the first martyrs had perished, and the
Roman State of Decius and Diocletian saw opposed to
it a Church already grown old, a Church secularized and

PERSECUTION 21

fallen from her ideal, when it prepared to wage a war of
extermination against Christianity. Hence the many
apostasies, hence the fearful devastation which the last
great persecutions brought upon the Church.

And yet the Church has remained unconquerable.
The marvel of Christianity and its greatest achievement
is just this : that it could not be destroyed, that it won
the victory although so miserably represented by its
followers. Apostasy, weaknesses, and sin have had no
power to destroy the imperishable strength of Chris-
tianity. It became secularized, yet it still remained
a leaven to leaven the whole world. It was betrayed
by the greater number of its followers, yet there abode
within it that spirit, which, in one little band of the
chosen, in spite of sin and error, was powerful enough
to overcome the world, and, through its glorious example
of martyrdom, to arouse the spirit of resistance even in
the ranks of the lukewarm, the wavering, and the faint
By this time Christianity was no more that unknown
religion against which the falsest and most hideous
scandals were circulated and believed (as in the first and
second centuries). The spirit of Christianity had be-
come visible, and it stretched forth its sheltering wing
over its followers. Throughout the length and breadth
of the heathen world a yearning for Monotheism, which
had arisen in all its power from the ruins of the ancient
worships, went forth to meet the true God of the
Christians. When in the third century the State
declared war against the Church, it found the people's
old tempestuous hatred against Christianity no longer
on its side. Numbers of Christians had received
welcome and protection in heathen homes ; and in the
West practically no attempt was made to carry out the

22 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

edicts of persecution issued by Diocletian and Galerius.
Already, not only were the convictions of the best minds
of the age opposed to the State, but it had against it
the whole of the spiritual power wherewith Christianity
(once seen as it truly is) influences even the outer world.
That spiritual power was made manifest and developed
all its forces to the utmost, in spite of the weakness of
its followers.

Through all the shades and darkness which surround
us in the history of the Christian Church, there breaks
forth evermore victorious — like the sun going forth in
his strength, rending the clouds asunder and gleaming
through the rift now in one place, now in another — the
imperishable light of true Christianity.

So it was even then. The Church conquered, not
because of the Christians, but in spite of them— through
the power of the GospeL

CHAPTER II

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT

§ 8. Jewish Christianity

The persecution which attacked her from without was
the least danger which the Church had to fear. Far
more fatal was it that the self-same powers with which
Christianity had to battle had found their way into the
very heart of the community, where their aim was to
destroy the true character of the Christian Creed and
thereby to sap the forces of its life.

First came Pharisaism, then Paganism.

In the young community Pharisaic influences soon
made themselves felt. Not all Pharisees, on their
conversion to Christianity, underwent that process of
inner development which so completely changed the
Apostle Paul. Thus a Pharisaic tendency (so-called
Jewish Christianity) appeared in the Church, the aim
of which was to Judaize Christianity. The Pharisaic
Christians believed that the crucified Jesus was the
Messiah, but they maintained that salvation through
Christ was only for the Jews. He who would be a
Christian, according to their doctrine, must first become
a Jew, by circumcision, and take upon him the burden
of the whole Jewish law. This sort of Christianity was
only a new form of Judaism. Out of a religion for the
world had again arisen a religion for a nation.

Jewish Christianity was in open contradiction with

24 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

the words of the Lord, who called the heathen as well
as the Jews to be direct partakers of His kingdom.1
As openly did it contradict the Christianity of the
primitive community. Why was the persecuting hatred
of the Pharisees aroused against the primitive Church,
if not because the Christianity of that Church proclaimed
the dissolution of the service of the Temple, and the
transformation of the Mosaic law (Acts vi. 14)? What
else but zeal for the 'traditions of his fathers' kindled
Saul's righteous indignation against the Christians (Gal.
i. 14)? And what of the great Gentile Christian Church
of Antioch, which had received Christianity without the
rite of circumcision and without the Jewish law (Acts
xi. 20; xv. 1)?

Gentile Christianity was by no means created first
of all by the Apostle Paul. He defended the Gentile
Christianity which was already there before him, and
for which he was the first to open out a new and wider
way. His quarrel was not with the older apostles, they
gave to him rather ' the right hands of fellowship' (Gal.
ii. 9), but with the 'false brethren,' who were 'unawares
brought in,' who ' came in privily,' and thus represented
a younger element in the Church (Gal. ii. 4). As the
water of a river takes its colour from the bed over which
it flows, so Christianity was involuntarily coloured by
those nationalities which, in its missionary activity, it
absorbed. The first nationality upon which Christianity
acted, and from which indeed it had arisen, was the
Jewish people. It was inevitable that the Jewish people
should in its turn influence Christianity. Out of these
influences, already indicating a transformation of primi-
tive Christianity, arose this narrow-minded Jewish
1 See, for instance, Matt. xxi. 43 ; Luke xiii. 29, 30, etc.

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 2$

Christianity. It was powerful enough to cause even the
older apostles to waver. It was supported by all the
natural instincts of national Judaism. Yet the apostles,
Peter and John, even James, the Lord's brother, so
stern in his attachment to the law, gave to the Apostle
Paul the right hand of fellowship, in recognition of the
Gospel which he had preached to the Gentiles without
laying upon them the burden of the law. Opinions
differed as to the question whether the Jewish law was
binding on the converted Jew, after, as before his con-
version. James answered the question in the affirmative,
while the Apostle Peter wavered, at least for a time
(Gal. ii. n, 12). The negative decision was implied in
the very essence of primitive Christianity, and for this
reason it won the victory in the Church. By that right
hand of fellowship an agreement was made between the
Apostle Paul and the older apostles : he was to preach
the gospel to the Gentiles, they to the Jews (Gal. ii. 9).
This division of their fields of mission pointed to a
difference in their convictions respecting the precise
value of the Jewish law for the Jewish Christian world.
All the same, this opposition of the leaders can have
been no lasting one. We hear nothing of the division
of their fields of mission in the subsequent history of the
Church. On the contrary, it is probable that Peter may
have also laboured in Rome, as did Paul, and he appears
to have had dealings even with the Corinthian Church,
which was of purely Pauline origin (1 Cor. i. 12); while,
on the other hand, John stood in close relations with
the Pauline Churches of Asia Minor, especially in
Ephesus (Rev. ii. 3). In spite of all sorts of differences,
which in the Corinthian Church, for instance, gave rise
to no less than four parties even in the lifetime of Paul

26 OUTLINES Of CHURCH HISTORY

(i Cor. i. 12), from the very first we see one united
movement, like a mighty stream, flowing through the
Churches. From the end of the first century onward,
so soon as we can recognize in the evidence of tradition
the life, not merely of single prominent personages, but
of entire communities, we see before us in full swing,
dominating the whole Church, a Christianity free from
the fetters of the Jewish law, a Christianity which, in
spite of this freedom, bears nowhere the characteristic
traits of an exact Pauline Christianity ; a certain proof
that it could not have been founded by Paul individually.
The accidental circumstance, that the epistles of Paul
chiefly have been handed down to us from the very
earliest times, has easily given rise to the error of over-
rating the importance of those special differences
against which he had to fight.

The history of the Church shows that from the first
the ruling power in Christianity has been neither
Jewish Christianity, nor even Gentile Christianity of
exclusively Pauline type. These were the opposite
extremes that sprang up side by side within the Church.
The Apostle Paul laboured powerfully as a tool in
the hands of God. Nevertheless, our Christianity, our
deliverance from the slavish service of the law, before
all else the triumphant claim of that Christianity to be
the religion of the world (that for all nations it might
change their relation to God from bondage into son-
ship), we owe, not to him, not to the Apostle, but to a
greater than he — to our Lord Christ, the Son of Man,
who is at the same time the Son of God.

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 27

§ 9. Gentile Christianity

Christianity went forth from Palestine to conquer the
world of Greece and Rome. As in the primitive age
the influence of national Judaism was mainly felt in the
Church, so in the succeeding epoch it was inevitable
that pagan thought should assert itself as a living power.
In the second century Christianity spread far and wide
over pagan lands. Hence the powerful rise of Gnos-
ticism, which displays the influence of Paganism on
Christianity as of Christianity on Paganism.

Pagan religion arose out of the primeval worship of
Nature. Heaven and earth, with all the forces they
hold within them, were transformed in the poetic im-
agination of the nations into living forms of the gods
wherein humanity could henceforth worship both Nature
and its own Ideal. Yet Paganism never lost the
remembrance of its origin. It preserved that remem-
brance in the Mysteries. Here, in the circle of the
initiated, was guarded the memory of that ancient holy
worship of the powers of Nature, sombre or joyous ;
while faith in the more approachable human gods was
left to the multitude. Here, too, were preserved many
of those profounder ethical conceptions which in the
popular religion found only symbolical expression.
Compared with the wisdom of the Mysteries, the
popular religion was mere allegory. The initiated
beheld Truth herself unveiled, the multitude saw but
the hem of her garment. From the pagan world
Mysticism made its way into Christianity in the be-
ginning of the second century. This was the origin
of Gnosticism. Gnosis (yvaxris) means knowledge.
Gnosticism promised to its followers in the form of

28 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

knowledge that which in Christianity was living Truth.
It sought the secret, the mystery which was hidden in
Christianity as in the popular pagan religion. This
conception of Truth did away with the difference
between Christianity and the various forms of pagan
worship. In Christianity, as well as Paganism, truth
must lie behind the facts with which ordinary faith was
satisfied. This truth had been unduly displaced by dim
recollections of a primitive worship of Nature, by pagan
mythology and the dogmas of the Christian creed, and
was to be given back to the Gnostic by his philosophy.
The key-note which runs through the chief Gnostic
systems is the philosophical idea of the antithesis
between spirit and matter, and the conception, borrowed
from the old pagan Nature-worship, of the opposition
between light and darkness. God is the God of Light
who from the depths of His own being brings forth a
series of spirits of light (/Eons), in a descending order.
Opposed to him stands Matter, or Chaos, with the
inferior spirits of darkness. The world was created
out of matter by one of those inferior spirits, the
Demiurge (Srjfiiovfyyos), a being not divine. Hence its
imperfections, and hence the evil whose source is matter.
Gnosticism was an anticipation of modern pessimism ;
this world was created the worst of all possible worlds.
But Christ is the JEon of Light, who, by taking unto
Himself matter, overcomes the kingdom of darkness.
In Gnosticism we see the philosophy of the Roman
Empire, with its monotheistic tendency, making its first
great practical effort to win over the world of its own
time. It gives eloquent expression to the need of the
educated classes for both revelation and redemption,
and to their longing for a Supreme God. It shows at

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 2Q.

the same time the high position which Christianity from
the beginning of the second century had won in the
spiritual life of the Roman Empire. These Gnostic
philosophers gave the first place to Christianity in order
that, with the help of the facts of salvation believed,
proclaimed, and defended by the Christian Church, they
might gain that which they above all desired — the
certainty that God is, and that, above this earthly
kingdom with its imperfections, a higher kingdom has
arisen, full of life and blessedness, which the spiritual
man (6 TrvevfAciTucoq) can gain, if, by means of know-
ledge (yixwo-t?), he has freed himself from the dark
powers of matter. But to the Gnostic the Christian
creed was only a means of winning a stronger assur-
ance of the truth of his philosophical creed. To this
end the historical facts upon which Christianity rests
must be taken in an allegorical sense, and, from the
moment in which the history is treated as a mere
symbol, the persuasive power which lies in the facts as
such will be lost beyond recall. Gnosticism remained
philosophy, even when it attached itself to Christianity,
and therefore shared the inevitable fate of all philosophy,
to end, in spite of all its pretensions, in doubt and
uncertainty.

Thus, in a certain sense, Gnosticism was the
Rationalism of the second century. It substituted for
Christianity a philosophical religion, supposed to be
more enlightening to the reason, a religion founded on
a supposed knowledge of the relations and forces of the
universe, but in reality based on the traditions of the
heathen world, on ideas borrowed from ancient philo-
sophy, and on the old pagan worship of heaven and
earth. The god of the Gnostics is 'the Abyss,' 'the

30 . OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Silence,' 'the Non-existent,' 'the Incomprehensible,'
'the Unapproachable.' The living God of Christianity
is transformed again into the unknown god of the
philosophers and of the Mysteries.

The Church saw that here was a power that, in spite
of its friendly attitude towards Christianity, was at
heart its most determined foe.

The Church was conscious that her power lay in this :
that her faith was not Philosophy, that its subject-matter
could not be turned into intellectual conceptions and
theories, and that the upright life which reveals the
individual Christian as the true 'philosopher' rested
not upon knowledge of philosophical ideas, but upon
experience of the Divine Love actually and truly revealed
in Christ.

In Gnosticism Philosophy stood opposed to the
Church, and that as the mightiest power in the ancient
world.

We shall well understand the danger which threatened
the Church from this side when we consider further
that Gnosticism attracted the vulgar herd by its
mysterious rites and ceremonies, that it took possession
of the whole pagan world by the charm of a mysticism
handed down from an ancient past, by its claim to
satisfy at once the mind and the heart, and by its
harmony with traditional ways of thinking ; while at
the same time it satisfied the higher order of minds
by the stern morality upheld in most of the Gnostic
systems. The whole of the second, and even of the
third century is taken up by the battle of the Church
with Gnosticism. It was a battle fought to deliver the
simple truth of those saving facts which the Church
believed from the results of allegorizing pagan specula-

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 3 I

tion. Gnosticism was the treaty of peace which the
culture of the second century offered to Christianity.
Had Christianity agreed to the terms it would have
perished together with that culture. The Church had
to be guarded from this treaty of peace.

The Church conquered in the hard-fought fight We
see the full meaning of the conflict in the results which
it has had for her. Through this battle with Gnosticism
the Canon of the New Testament Scriptures was finally
fixed, i.e. the number of those books which the Church
recognized as authoritative witnesses to Christian truth,
as opposed to the erroneous doctrines of the Gnostics.
Through this battle Christian theology, and with it
the ecclesiastical constitution of the future, received its
form. The Church maintained herself not only against
the pagan State, but against pagan philosophy and
mysticism — far more dangerous foes. But she did not
come forth out of this conflict unchanged. In defend-
ing itself against Gnosticism the Christianity of the
primitive age was transformed into the Catholicism of
the next.

§ IO. Constitution of the Church. Catholicism

From the unity of all believers in Christ as a single
great society comes the development of the Church and
of her constitution. We call this assembly of all
Christians the Church. In primitive times it was
called the ecclesia, that is to say, the people of God.
Christendom is the true Israel, God's chosen people of
the new covenant. To this people of God has been
promised the presence of Christ, and therefore of God,
in the midst of it. In the ecclesia every individual

32 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Christian enjoys perfect communion with God through
Christ, together with the fulness of all divine and
spiritual gifts of grace. The Christian must be a
member of Christendom, of the ecclesia, of the Church.
Hence the question : Where is the ecclesia ?

The apostolic age answered the question thus : —

Where two or three are gathered together in Christ's
name, there is the ecclesia, the Church. For Christ has
said, ' Where two or three are gathered together in My
name, there am I in the midst of them ' (Matt, xviii. 20).
The Lord is risen indeed ! He is alive for evermore !
That is the victorious creed of Christendom. The Lord
is in the midst of them who believe on Him, in His
divine omnipresence, He that is, and was, and is to
come, the Almighty. Therefore He is and works every-
where wheresoever two or three are gathered together
in His name. Where Christ is, there is the Church.
The Church appears and works in every congregation
of believers. Even where only two or three are
gathered together in His name, there is Christ the Lord
in the midst of them, and therefore all Christendom is
gathered together with them, working with all its gifts
of grace. Tliere is no need of any human priesthood.
There, in every congregation of believers, is the true
Baptism and the true Lord's Supper, the full communion
with Christ the High Priest and Mediator of all who
believe on Him. Still less is there any need of a legal
constitution. In fact, every form of legal constitution
is excluded.

It is by no means essential to the Church, to
Christendom, that it should have a legal constitution,
with Pope and Bishops, Superior Ecclesiastical Council,

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 33

and Superintendents, after the fashion of the State. On
the contrary, if every congregation of believers re-
presents the Church, that is, the whole of Christendom
with Christ its head, then no single congregation has
any legal authority over another. And if Christ alone
is the head of Christendom, that is, of the Church
which is Christ's body, then no man may presume to
make himself the head of the Church. ' The princes of
this world exercise dominion and authority ; but it
shall not be so among you ' (Matt. xx. 26). God, that
is, Christ, rules and binds together all the members
of Christendom solely through the gifts of grace
{■^aplaixara) given by Him. To one is given the gift
of teaching, to another the gift of interpretation, to a
third the gift of comfort The gift of teaching is at the
same time the gift of government. God's people, the
ecclesia, is to be ruled, not by man's word, but by the
Word of God proclaimed by the divinely gifted teacher ;
and the ecclesia obeys the word of the teacher only if,
and so far as, it recognizes therein the Word of God.
Thus the Apostles built up and guided Christendom
through the Word. Besides the Apostles, others, called
prophets and teachers, were stirred up by God in
Christendom, as mighty in the Word (1 Cor. xii. 28).
The Apostles exercised no papal authority. Their
power was the Word of God alone, which the com-
munity obeyed because it recognized that Word as the
Word of God. It was just the same with the prophets
and teachers ; their government was purely spiritual ;
in point of fact they ruled, but without legal authority.
How could their word be made the Word of God by
any legal authority ? Apostles, prophets, and teachers
were by no means the only ministers to whom the

34 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

preaching of the Word was committed. ' When ye come
together/ writes the Apostle Paul, ' every one of you
hath a psalm, hath a doctrine, hath a tongue, hath a
revelation, hath an interpretation ' (i Cor. xiv. 26). In
every one after his kind the Word of God is alive to
the edifying of the Church, even if the special gifts of
the apostle, prophet, or teacher be not given to him.
Therefore the Word of God is alive in every congrega-
tion of believers. The Church has no absolute need of
any class of officials. They are all born ministers of
the Word — and ministers they ought to be. They all,
by the Holy Spirit living within them, are bearers of
the keys of heaven, and of the royal power which in the
House of God is given to the Word of God. They are
all priests and kings (Rev. i. 6).

How is it possible under these conditions even to
imagine a legal government of the Church — of God's
people ? or any one legal priesthood or kingship which
could take from another its priestly and kingly power?
The Church, the people of God, signifies a spiritual
people ; the kingdom which is established in the Church
is a spiritual kingdom ; Christendom forms not a state
nor a political union, but is a spiritual power. Once
for all, a legally constituted Church cannot be.

And yet there has arisen such a thing as Church
law. How was that possible ?

The reason is not far to seek : Because the natural
man is a born enemy of Christianity. There is in our
nature a longing for salvation through Christ, the
Immanuel, the Prince of Peace ; and yet we strive
against Him. Our heart opens itself to every word of
Him who is the sunshine of the soul, and yet it sets
itself against complete surrender, in its despair, its

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 35

misery, and weariness of the world. The natural man
desires to remain under law. He strives against the
freedom of the Gospel, and he longs with all his strength
for a religion of law and statute. He longs for some
legally appointed service, in the performance of which
he may exhaust his duty towards God, and so for the
rest of his time be free for the service of the world, free
from that 'reasonable service,' the presenting of his
whole life as a sacrifice to God. He longs for a legally
appointed Church, for a kingdom of Christ which may
be seen with the eyes of the natural man, for a temple
of God, built with earthly gold and precious stones, that
shall take the heart captive through outward sanctities,
traditional ceremonies, gorgeous vestments, and a ritual
that tunes the soul to the right pitch of devotion.
Before all, he longs for an impressive, authoritative
constitution, one that shall overpower the senses, and
rule the world, a wonderful constitution whose fabric
shall rise upward and reach outward far and wide. He
desires, as the key-stone of the whole, a fixed body of
doctrine that shall give certain intelligence concerning
all divine mysteries, presented to him in a literal form,
giving an answer to every possible question. Christ
walked on the sea : man would do so likewise. Alas,
he sinks ! He desires a rock which his eyes can see —
the visible Church, the visible Word of God. Every-
thing must be made visible, so that he may grasp it.
From these impulses of the natural man, born at once
of his longing for the gospel and his despair of attaining
to it, Catholicism has arisen. Herein lies the secret of
the enormous power it has had over the masses who
are ' babes ; ' it satisfies these cravings. The natural
man is a bom Catholic. We are but servants of God

36 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

by natural generation : sonship is first given us by
regeneration.

Church law has arisen from this^ overpowering desire
of the natural man for a legally constituted, catholicized
Church. The development which was to result in
the world-ruling power of the Papacy and in the
secularization of the Church of Christ, originated,
strangely enough, in the celebration of the Eucharist,
the Lord's Supper. The meeting of believers at the
Eucharist was the only one which made definite out-
ward forms necessary. Its forms determined not only
the architecture of our churches but the growth of
their constitution.

In the Lord's Supper is repeated Christ's last supper
with His disciples. A single person had, in the place
of Christ, to break the bread, to bless the wine, and
to give thanks, that is to say, to lead the congregation.
He was the president of the Eucharistic meeting.
Further, as soon as the gathering became so great
that all could not sit together at the supper-table, the
place at God's table (the altar) was reserved for the
persons of highest honour in the community. They
thus became fellow-presidents of the meeting. Further,
helpers were required to serve, to carry the consecrated
elements to those members of the meeting who sat or
stood in the body of the room.

The president was called the bishop (literally over-
seer, shepherd), the fellow-presidents the clergy (liter-
ally, the society, the people of God, that is, the Church's
select representatives at the supper-table) ; they who
served were called deacons (literally, servants) of the
Eucharistic meeting. As clergy, that is, as the select
representatives of the Church, the elders or presbyters,

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 37

that is, those older members of the community who
were already proved by a life of Christian purity and
charity, sat in a half-circle around the bishop at the
supper-table. Thus : first the bishop, after him the
presbyters, the deacons, and the people. Not that this
order was by any means made matter of law. No one
had a right to the office of bishop ; no one a right to
the seat of honour ; no one a right to serve as a deacon.
In every single case, it lay properly with the congrega-
tion to decide whom it should appoint to these posts.
The office of bishop, as that of the administrator of the
Word, belonged properly to one who had received the
gift of teaching : an apostle, a prophet, or teacher. But
such teachers, in the apostolic sense, were rare in the
Christian community ; so that as a rule the office of
bishop was committed to one of the elders. It changed
from hand to hand. It follows that, in the early
Church, several elders were commonly appointed, that
is, elected ; and then, in each case, the administration
of the bishops on behalf of the congregation was
committed to one of them. Thus, there was not one
bishop, but in every community that was at all
organized, there were several bishops appointed to-
gether (see, for instance, Phil. i. i), a proof that none
had any right to the office of bishop to the exclusion
of another.

To develop the legal constitution of the Church
from this order of the Eucharistic meeting, but one
step was needed : to change the many episcopates into
a single monarchical episcopate, with one bishop as
its head. Thereby exclusive right to the office of
bishop came to be given to this individual. This
happened in the beginning of the second century.

38 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Belief in the free exercise of grace declined. The
larger the assembly became, the more was felt the
need of some fixed outward order. The natural man
desires some legal surety that the Word and the
Sacraments are administered to him aright. He
desires the full establishment of the Church as a
kingdom which is of this world. It follows that the
community had not seldom to be guarded against
robbery by swindlers who went about in the guise of
'prophets/ and knew well how to excite the ready
charity of the brethren. Election by the community
now received a legal meaning and importance. Only
one person was to be elected, whose legal office it was to
administer the Eucharist and settle the affairs of the
Church. This one henceforth received the name of
bishop in a special sense. He was now the bishop
of the Church, the guardian of souls, the teacher, the
preacher above all the others. Now, for the first time,
in the second century, there was one constitutional
Bishop of Rome, one Bishop of Corinth, etc. The
Church received a certain legal constitutional form.
The elders (presbyters) of the Church were made
subordinate to the one bishop elected by the com-
munity.

Now the most important thing is this: this single
bishop, as one called by God through the common
voice of the people, has now alone the right to act as
the organ of the ecclesia, and is henceforth regarded
as indispensable to its life and action. To him, in the
first place, belongs the power of speaking at ecclesiasti-
cal meetings, as well as the right to administer Baptism
and the Lord's Supper, and only by his permission is
this power and right accorded to another. Without

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 39

the bishop, or his appointed representative, there can
be no celebration of the Lord's Supper, no consecration
or ordination of clergy, nor any business undertaken
for which the authoritative sanction of the ecclesia
(Christendom, the Church) is necessary. Where the
bishop is, there alone is the ecclesia. The bishop alone
has full power to administer the affairs of the Church.
Universal priesthood, in the apostolic sense, has dis-
appeared. Under the bishop are the presbyters as his
helpers and representatives. Thus the presbyters have
some share, if only a limited one, in the priestly
character belonging to the bishop. The special priest-
hood of a sacerdotal class (the bishop and presbyters)
has taken the place of the general priesthood of all
believers.

The Church {ecclesia) is now no longer represented
in every assembly of believers, but only in those
assemblies presided over by bishop and presbyters.
Christ is no longer everywhere, wheresoever two or
three are gathered together in His name, He is only
there where the bishop and presbyters are. In order
to have full communion with Christ, in order to receive
worthily the sacraments of Baptism and the Lord's
Supper, the Christian now stands in need of communion
with the bishop and the order of presbyters.

The Church has changed, not merely her constitution,
but her faith. Personal communion with Christ is the
secret and the power of her Christian life. This com-
munion with Christ and with God is now dependent
on outward forms and conditions. This is the essence
of Catholicism. Dependence on an outward organism,
represented by bishop and presbyters, is the new law
which has become binding on every Christian. The

40 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

ecclesia, the Church, the people of God, will only be
found there where the Church's officials, the bishop and
presbyters, appear. The Church is no longer founded
on the communion of believers, as such, but upon the
office, which is henceforth indispensable to the relations
of the Church with Christ. Christendom, the body of
Christ, the ecclesia, has henceforth a definite, legal
constitution — the episcopal ; and he who would belong
to Christ must belong to this legal and visible Church
{extra ecclesiam nulla salus /). The idea of a Catholic
Church appears, which is the foundation of all Catholi-
cism.

This astonishing transformation was completed in
the Church's battle with false doctrine. The Gnostics,
on their side, claimed to have proclaimed to the Church
the truth as it is. Where was the authoritative power
that could avenge the real truth against false doctrine ?
The Canon of the New Testament was still fluctuating ;
Christian theology was yet in process of formation.
The only power that could victoriously combat Gnos-
ticism was the living tradition of the Church. But
where was the true Church ? The Gnostics also claimed
to be the true Church. The only resource was to fall
back upon the ecclesiastical office. Where the legiti-
mate ecclesiastical official, namely, the bishop, repre-
sents beyond all doubt an unbroken connection with
the earliest times, there, and there alone (so it appeared),
is the Church, and there alone her true tradition. The
bishop (so it was now believed) is the successor of the
Apostles. The first bishop of a church received both
office and doctrine direct from the Apostles, the second
bishop from the first, and so on. Where the bishop is,
there is the Church and her genuine apostolic tradition.

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 4 1

Gnostic heresy was overcome neither by logical proof
nor theological learning, but by means of the natural
regard which came to be paid to the ecclesiastical office.
The bishop was now the single person whose gifts of
grace and that which they implied (namely, the divine
call to the ministry of the Word, by the Church's elec-
tion) were formally recognized and established beyond
doubt. The free ministry of the old order, which in
Gnosticism had proved serviceable to the spread of
false doctrine, was triumphantly displaced by the formal
and exclusive ministry of the bishop recognized by the
Church. It was as the teacher provided by God, after
the manner of an apostle, with the divine gift of know-
ledge {charisma veritatis, as Irenaeus calls it, writing
about 1 80) that the bishop was victorious over Gnostic
philosophy. While the episcopate defended the creed
of the Church against Gnosticism, and altered it in
defending, it won possession of the Church herself as
the reward of its chivalry.

Episcopacy had another enemy to overcome at the
same time as Gnosticism, namely, Montanism. About
the middle of the second century one Montanus had
appeared in Phrygia as a Christian prophet, proclaim-
ing a new revelation of the Holy Spirit. The Lord's
coming is near at hand. Pepuza in Phrygia is the ' Place
of Refuge,' the seat of the New Jerusalem, the place of
assembly for all Christendom. All constitutional forms
of the Christian Church are worthless. A Church of
the 'Saints' is to be prepared as the pure and spotl ss
bride of the Lord. In contrast to the Church, which
had already taken up her abode comfortably in this
world, there burned in Montanism the fire of that hope
wherewith the early Christians had looked for the

42 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

speedy end of the world, united with an enthusiastic
renunciation of all earthly things. Far and wide the
revelation proclaimed by the new prophet was received
with wild enthusiasm. Had the movement triumphed,
it would have turned Christendom into a world-re-
nouncing crowd of ascetics, and thus have stayed the
mighty progress of Christian mission. It was a direct
attack upon episcopacy. The bishop's authority was
denied by the Montanists. The prophet alone as the
immediate organ of divine revelation, not the bishop as
the mere bearer of office, had authority as God's repre-
sentative to receive again into the Church of the Saints
those fallen into deadly sin. In Montanism the order
ot the early Christian Church, which knew no official
privilege, was opposed to the episcopal power. But
the episcopal form of constitution had already taken
too deep a root in the convictions of the Church. The
Priesthood ot the bishop, which rested on his power
over the spiritual life and action of the Church, more
especially on his power over the celebration of the
Eucharist, was victorious over Montanism. Already in
the beginning of the third century the result of the
contest was the complete establishment of the episcopal
authority, and thereby of the principle that the bishop
alone has power over his Church to administer doctrine
and to exercise authority in the place of God.

The early apostolic Church was transformed into the
catholic Episcopal Church.

With her episcopal constitution the Church put on
the armour which gave her power to withstand the
storms of the coming ages. What the Christian faith
lost in purity of inner substance it gained in power of
external organization. Ideas enter not into the world

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT 43

of reality unharmed. The Church had prepared herself
to gain possession of the world. By means of her episco-
pal constitution she was organized after a purely tem-
poral fashion, and set up over the growing multitude
of believers a visible, ruling head. That constitution
was monarchical ; and with all the strength of monarch)-
the Church was able to overcome every wavering
movement of the masses, as a guiding, directing, educat-
ing power. Her enduring living force lent itself to a
constitutional form for this reason : that the position of
the bishop represented an object, not merely of pre-
cedent and law, but of the Church's belief. In the
principle : the bishop alone is the divinely appointed
teacher and shepherd of the Church ; where the bishop
is, there alone is the ecclesia; communion with the
bishop alone makes communion with Christ possible —
in the spiritual meaning of this catholic principle lay
the authority from which sprang the supremacy of the
Church and of the Mediaeval Papacy over the world.
The original genuinely apostolic idea of the Church
perished that her temporal supremacy might be founded ;
and only after long centuries, when the catholic idea of
the Church had fulfilled its mission in the world's
history, could the German Reformation revive the
apostolic idea of an ecclesia, of a universal priesthood of
all believers, in order to bring forth a henceforth manly
Christianity and a purified and enlightened Church,
whose power is not that of external authority, but the
strength of divine truth alone.

CHAPTER III

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE

§ ii. State and Church

IN the year 313 Constantine, who with the compre-
hensive vision of a great statesman had seen the require-
ments of his age, gave recognition and freedom to the
Church. He restored to her at the same time her worldly
possessions, and protected her by numerous privileges.
Paganism he left as yet untouched ; it was after his
time that it first met with persecution. He remained
high priest (pojitifex maximus) of the pagan worship,
notwithstanding that he embraced Christianity as a
catechumen receiving baptismal instruction, and was
baptized in the year of his death, 337. Paganism still
stood opposed to Christianity as a powerful foe- and
that not merely because in the beginning of the fourth
century the majority of the population throughout the
Empire was still pagan. Within the pagan world there
had grown up a new spiritual power^Neo-Platonisrru
This school, which dated from the third century, trans-
formed the popular pagan religions into philosophy by
far-fetched interpretations of their myths, and philosophy
into religion through the fundamental importance which
it gave to those myths. It was a renaissance of Paganism
which united mysticism and speculation, and among
44

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 45

wide circles, especially of the educated classes, it lent
to Paganism a new splendour. The most important
result of Neo-Platonism was that by its influence the
Emperor Julian was led to turn again from Christianity
to the ancient gods. Julian the Apostate (36^36^)
became once more a follower of Paganism and of the
ideals of his fathers. He undertook to set up in opposi-
tion to Christianity a Paganism revived not only in the
spirit of culture, but it may even be said in the spirit
of Christianity — a Paganism which preached a strenuous
morality and the duty of charity. Yet he did not
persecute the Christian religion. He confined himself
to granting freedom to every form of religious faith.
It was the last light that shone upon the worship of the
old gods. Yet it £hone in vain. The inner power of
Paganism was extinguished. Neo-Platonism could not
replace the living power of a true religion. Under
Julian's successors Christianity was restored to its former
position as the recognized religion of the State. Pagan-
ism had no power to withstand it. It could not bring
forth martyrs. Christianity was the religion of the
future. In the course of the fifth century Paganism
has disappeared as an element of culture. The Empire
had become Christian. The Church had conquered.
She had been transformed from a secret society, pro-
scribed and persecuted, into the mighty and supreme
Church of the Empire, upheld by the power of the
State.

It was a triumph. But the triumph had a danger all
its own. It was not merely that, together with freedom,
honour and power, ffreed and ambition also found their
way into the Church. The greatest danger of all was
that the State now made good its claims upon the

46 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Church. It had changed from a foe into an ally, but it
demanded supremacy in the Church as the price of its
t. alliance. The Roman State was not used to suffer
another power to rule besides its own. It con-
sidered that not only the imperial, but the sacerdotal
power, the authority of high priesthood over an official
worship, belonged to it by right. The rights that it
had once possessed, as against the pagan religion, it was
inclined to exact from the Christian Church also. The
Church was once more at war with the State. $ She had ' -
dared to defy the instincts of an omnipotent authority, |
t"£he State might have had to yield, but now that it had ]
protected the Church, and showered privileges and
wealth upon her, it demanded all the more her absolute
surrender. Thus might the friendship of the Roman
State have proved more dangerous than its enmity, and
in the embrace of the Empire the spiritual power of the

\is or /.Church ran the risk of suffocation. The right to ad-

' ^.minister ecclesiastical law, to summon general councils

\ and to confirm their resolutions, to appoint bishops to

the more important episcopal sees ; the right of supreme

f jurisdiction in the spiritual courts, a determining voice

in all dogmatic controversies which agitated the Church,

in short, the supreme government of the Church, was

claimed by the Roman State, and claimed to some

purpose. AH the battles of the first three centuries

would have been fought in vain, if now, at the last, the

Church was to be degraded to a passive handmaid of

the Byzantine Empire.

jUm.«w In spite of all, there was one advantage which the
Church gained by this. Once recognized by the State,
she was able to give to her own organized constitution,
over the length and breadth of the Empire, a single

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 47

firmly articulated form, wielding supreme power over
the whole ecclesiastical order. The principle of Catholi-
cism, which aimed at the formation of the Church
according to a definite constitutional plan, had now full
scope for its development The constitution of the 1
Church was in the main modelled on the organization
of the Empire. The city (civitas) was the lowest ,
political unit of the Empire. It became the lowest I"
political unit of the Church. In the constitution of the
Church the territory of the city appeared as the
episcopal diocese. In the constitution of the Empire,^
the province, with the provincial governor, stood above ,
the civitas. The episcopal dioceses were united in like
manner under the direction of the metropolitan, the
bishop of a provincial capital, forming an ecclesiastical
province. In the constitution of the Empire, from the
fourth century, several provinces composed an imperial *
diocese under an imperial governor {vicar ins). The
imperial diocese also (at least in certain parts of the
Eastern Greek Church) formed, after the fourth cen-
tury, part of the ecclesiastical constitution, as the,.,
district of a patriarch, to whom the metropolitans of
the imperial dioceses were subordinate. Finally, the '
general union of the Churches corresponded to the
general union of the Empire, with the imperial Council
(the so-called (Ecumenical Council) as its legitimate
organ. The Church of the universal Empire was a
compact unity, an outwardly visible and august
embodiment of universal Christendom.

Thus in its old age the Roman Empire bequeathe, 1
its constitution to the young Church, struggling upward
with all the forces of a new life. It was its last great
legacy to the future. In the form of an ecclesiastical

48 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

constitution, the imperial constitution outlived the fall
of the Empire. To this day the diocese of the Catholic
bishop is the copy of the Roman civitas ; the province
of the Catholic archbishop the copy of the Roman
imperial province ; and the Catholic Church, under a
Pope declared omnipotent by law, the copy of the
ancient Roman Empire, with its Caesars who claimed
the world as their possession. When the form of the
imperial constitution was stamped upon the Church,
that form, in all its venerable antiquity, its strength, its
width, and comprehension, not only perpetuated itself,
but gave to the Church its own living organic power.
With a world-embracing organization, the imperial
Church could give imposing expression to her unity ;
but, what was more, had she power to save her inward
freedom and her faith ?

§ 12. The Council of Niccea

Ever since the end of the second century, the guidance
of the Churches had been taken by the synod which
had arisen from the meetings of individual communities,
and had grown into assemblies where the bishops of
several Churches met together. The provincial synod,
which after the beginning of the fourth century had
become the regular organ of the Church's life, was
usually called and directed by the bishop of the
provincial capital, or metropolitan, thus laying the
foundations of the metropolitan's power over the
province. When great and weighty questions had to
be settled, exceptionally large synods were called.
Now that the Church was recognized by the State, it
became possible to summon an imperial synod, or, as it

THE CHURCH I IF TIM- IMI'IRE 49

was called later, an CEcumenical Council, where the
bishops from all parts of the Empire met together, and
it was in a certain measure a parliament of the Church,
setting forth her unity in the most effectual manner.

A few years after Constantine had recognized the
Church, he summoned, as early as the year 32 5, the first
Council of the Empire, the first Council recognized as
oecumenical, that is, as representative of and regulative
for the whole Church — the Council of Nicaea.

The principal reason for calling the Council was
furnished by the great dogmatic controversy which
agitated the Church.

From the first Christianity stood face to face with
the question : —

What think ye of Christ? Is he only David's son —
a mere man ? or is he not also David's Lord — the true
God, the Lord of Hosts?

The mystery of Christ's divinity was the first and
greatest problem for the educated Christian mind. The
whole mystery of the Church is contained in it. The
Church is not only Christ's work, but Christ's body,
daily born anew and quickened anew by his Spirit.
In her meetings, he himself, he who is unseen and sits
at the right hand of God, is in the midst of her. As the
nature of Christ, such is the nature and the worth of his
Church. When the Church reflects on Christ's being
she is brought face to face with the mystery of her
own.

From the writings of Paul and John onward through
the centuries, the confession of the Christian faith is this :
that her Lord Jesus Christ is 'the First and the Last'
(Rev. i. 17); 'the beginning of the creation of God*
(Rev. iii. 14) ; the 'Word of God' (Rev. ix. 13), tin. .ugh

50 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

whom God created the whole world (i Cor. viii. 6),
living and working in divine glory before ever the
foundations of the world were laid (i Cor. x. 4 ; Phil,
ii. 6, 8) ; and in this sense he is both the Son of God and
God himself (John i. 14). There were difficulties for
human thought in the fact that the Son of God who
became man, and suffered the humiliation of the flesh,
was to be conceived as distinct from God and yet equal
to God ; and these difficulties had to find expression
before they could come to a solution.

Out of this difficulty there arose, in the second and
third centuries, that last great offspring of the Hellenic
spirit, Christian theology, the main facts of which were
then laid down for all ages.

Was it not possible that Tesus Christ was a mere man,
although distinguished by special gifts, by miraculous
power and holiness ? In this case there would be no
difficulty at all. There were some who inclined to this
solution, but it never played a serious part in the history
of the Church. A^the beginning of the third century,
when it first asserted itself in Rome, it was openly
rejected by the Church and declared heretical Paul,
Bishop of Aritioch, who held this opinion (about the
middle of the third century), was obliged to veil it from
the community by the use of orthodox formulas ; not-
withstanding, he was deposed and excommunicated for
his teaching by a great Eastern Council. The divinity
of Christ was a universal assumption of theological
thought. But God is one God. So some (the Monarch-
ians) inferred that God the Father was incarnate in
Christ, and suffered on the cross ; that God the Father,
God the Son, and God the Holy Ghost were only dif-
ferent and transitory revelations of the same one God :

THE nilJRCH OF THE EMPIRE 5 1

here the distinction of the Son from the Father was
given up. Others (the Suborclinatianists) held the
divine Being which appeared in Christ to be a spiritual
being, created indeed before the world, but yet created,
and therefore subordinate to the Godhead : here the
essential identity of the Son and the Father was denied.
But neither solution held good as orthodox, however
intelligible to the understanding. The prevailing con-
viction which became even more decisively victorious
was this : — that not only the essential identity, but the
distinction of the Son and the Father was reconcilable
with the unity of God.

The decisive conflict broke out in Alexandria in the
beginning of the fourth century. Alexandria was both
the last great nursery of Greek culture and the home
of Christian theology. It was here that Origen grew
up (born 185, died during the Decian persecution, 254),
the greatest theologian of the third century, who com-
bined Greek philosophy with Christian faith. It was
the place where the great questions of the age found a
soil already prepared for them. It was also the place
where the great and final reconciliation of Greek
philosophy and Christian theology had to be accom-
plished once for all. Arius, a presbyter of the
Alexandrian Church (some time after 3i3)fpronounced
unmistakably in favour of Subordiparfianism, and drew
from it the clear meaning: tl^afuie Son as created by
the Father in time was like God, buf'yet not equal to
the Father, and therefore nqt^very God, but a being
intermediate between God and man. This view, which
was virtually contained in Subordinatianism, gave up in
principle the divinity of Christ, even though he was
declared to be not a mere man, but a higher, godlike

52 OUTLINES OF CHURCH. HISTORY

being revealed in human form.1 Arius was opposed
by Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria, who was soon
seconded by a greater than he — the deacon Athanasius,
from 328 Bishop of Alexandria. The conflict drew
out the sympathy of the whole Church. The Emperor
Constantine had hoped at his conversion to Christianity
to secure in the Church the firmest bond of unity for
the Empire. His hopes would be betrayed if the
Church was now to be divided against herself. In
order to put an end to the strife, after all other means
of reconciliation had failed, he determined to summon
the Council of Nicaea (325). Here, in a meeting of
bishops from all parts of the Empire, the decision which
should guide the Church was to be made. It was made
in favour of the faith which Athanasius defended, but
not without help from the influence of the Emperor.
But that it was not imperial caprice which gave the
casting vote may readily be seen. Constantine himself
changed his opinion. His successor in the East pro-
fessed Arianism. Constantius was decidedly inclined
to Arianism, and in his reign of eight years (353"361)
over the West as well, he combated the Nicene faith
with all the means in his power. Arianism was
V^' victorious in the East. But in the West the Nicene
confession was powerful, even in the midst of persecution
and apostasy. Here the main current of the Church's
creed held its course undiverted by the influence of
Greek speculation. Even in the East, Arianism could
not permanently maintain its power. After gaining

1 The Arian view was therefore known as the doctrine of the likeness
of essence (b/Jioiov<nov), the Athanasian view (accepted at the Council of
Nicsea) as the doctrine of the identity of essence (dfioov<riov) of the Father
and the Son.

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 53

the upper hand through the support of the Emperor,
it split into various parties. The second CEcumenical
Synod of Constantinople (381), by the help of the
Athanasian Emperor Theodosius, once more declared
the Nicene confession to be the confession of the whole
Church. Arianism became extinct of itself. It ha
not that strength of resistance which the storms of
history demand. It was the first attempt (naturally a
failure) to replace the faith of Christianity by a dialectic
rationalism. The Nicene doctrine of the distinction
and yet identity of essence of the Father and the Son,
which was then formally expressed in the doctrine of
the Trinity, of the divine unity in three Persons,^,;,
conquered, because it leaves the incomprehensible still'
incomprehensible, and reveals, while it reverently
hides, the wonderful mystery of Christ's person. The
divinity of Christ was of old the creed and the hope of
the Church. It had now merely become clearer what
a marvellous riddle had been given to mankind to read.
The mystery was shown, and confessed to be a mystery ;
and in mystery religion has alike its essence and its
power.

Yet another phase in the development of thought
found completion through Athanasius and the Nicene
confession. Thirst for the knowledge of that which

'holds the world in every part
Together at its inmost heart,'

was the very soul of ancient philosophy. Redemption
seemed to be implied in that knowledge: comprehend
the world, so shall you be freed from it. Thus the
philosopher of the ancient world was his own saviour.
He had no need of any other. Christian theology at

54 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

its rise was also ruled by this fundamental idea of
ancient philosophy. Origen's great master, Clement
of Alexandria, was author of the bold saying, that the
wise man, if knowledge could be offered to him in one
hand and salvation in the other, would refuse eternal
salvation if only he might gain the knowledge of God.
Origen took a determined stand upon the Old and
New TesTaments, that he might be the first to found
on the Canon (rlowfirmly established) a system of
living, scriptural theology<that should endure for all
time ; but notwithstanding hisdetemiination, even he
remained convinced that the historicai^[esus Christ,
with his birth and sufferings and death, with all the
great work of salvation done by him^wa^s a necessity
only for the sinful multitude. The wise man, the
philosopher, according to jOrigen also, had no need of
a Saviour, but only of the Divine Teacher and Revealer
of Truth. This Hellenizing theology, which strove
before all things after knowledge, after the satisfaction
of the intellect, found its appropriate expression in
Subordinatianism. To this Hellenizing theology, even
to that of Origen, Christ is the incarnation of the
rational law (the ' Logos ' of the philosophers) that
works in the world, its governor and creator. Christ is
the incarnate Law of Nature, the law of all material, as
of all spiritual and moial things. He is the totality of
all thought, of all laws realized in the universe, the
' Idea of ideas.' This Christ is conceived, in the first
place, as the divine power active in creation. The
whole creation is from the beginning contained in
Christ, in the thought of the world, the Logos pro-
ceeding from God ; and the interest of the 'wise man,'
even of philosophical theologians like Clement of

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRl 55

Alexandria and Origen, is concentrated above all on
this eternal Logos, who creates and governs, lightens
and ^lightens the world. In the contemplation of the
divine reason living in the world, the wise man, even
the Alexandrian theologian of the third century, found,
like the ancient Stoic and Platonist, that peace of mind
which freed him from the world, and was in this sense
his salvation. Even the theology of Clement and
Origen ends like ancient philosophy in Gnostic salvation
through self. It is obvious that such a theology is only
another form of Subordinatianism. As the ideal source
of creation, as the cosmic principle— a principle which
is no longer a unity, but containsin itself the multi-
plicity of the universe — Christ is of necessity a divine
person subordinate to the Father.

Christian theology in the third century, through the
influence of the great Alexandrian theologians, Clement
and Origen, was in danger of being turned into a new
'Gnosis,' into Hellenic philosophy. It was the great
work of Athanasius to combat this rapidly advancing
development of thought with all the force alike of his
faith and his philosophic learning. Athanasius was
the first to raise into the sphere of philosophic science
the two principles of Christianity — the fact that
Christianity came into the world to bring, not salvation
of self through the knowledge of self and of the world,
but salvation through Christ. The idea of salvation
through Christ, through a deed wrought by God and
not by us, is the central point of the whole system of
Athanasian theology. It rests, like the theology of
Paul, upon the thought that life and blessedness come
not by knowledge of the world, but by the forgiveness
of sins. The Hellenic thought of the Logos-Christ,

1-bSMCt

56 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

the Creator of the world, disappears before the Logos
of St John's Gospel, the Son of the living God, the
Saviour of the world. The salvation of a sinful world
can be accomplished through no other being than God
himself, and the Saviour Christ must be equal to God.
If God himself were not the source of our salvation
we were yet in our sins. This longing for a salvation
wrought by God, a longing which is not philosophical,
but religious and wholly Christian, is the strength of tfie
Nicene or Athanasian doctrine. Through this strength
it has won the world over to its side. The great
contest which was brought to a peaceable close by
means of the Nicene Council was not a barren dispute
about words, not a struggle to introduce one more
speculative idea (that of the ofioovacov) into theology. /Dfnffi
It was a struggle for the final expulsion of pagan
philosophy from Christian territory, that the essence
of Christianity might not be sought in a logical ex-
planation of the universe, nor its result in the establish-
ment of a philosophical theory. Speculation was to be
divested of that power which all ancient philosophy,
even the Alexandrian theology of the third century, had
given to it — the power to bring man into relation with
the divine by means of his own reflective thought. The
Hellenization of Christianity was successfully combated
by Athanasius and the Nicene Council. A great
danger lay in the fact that Christian theology at the
first had begun, and was obliged to begin, by. following
the intellectual methods of traditional pagan philo-
sophy. This danger was now happily overcome. Whiie
salvation through Christ was made the central point
of theological thought without turning Christianity into
philosophy, the subject-matter of Christianity— that

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 57

true and eternal content, which brings comfort and
deliverance, and which belongs to Christianity as a
religion — was comprehended as matter of science, and
at the same time was set in full light as the revelation
of the acts of grace wrought by God for sinful humanity.
In this sense the Nicene confession was the regeneration
of the Gospel, and thereby the firm foundation of the
whole future development of the Church.

§ 13. Institution of Patriarchs

The Council of Nic.nea was also concerned with the
organization of the Church. The authority of the
bishop of the provincial capital (the metropolitan), to-
gether with the provincial synods, over the bishops and
Churches of the province, was the principle of ecclesias-
tical constitution which was adopted at Nicaea. But
there were single large bishoprics, whose already existing
authority overstepped the narrow limits of the imperial
province. The Council confirmed the traditional privi-
leges of these individual Churches. Those mentioned
by name were the three Churches of Rome, Alexandria,
and Antioch. They were the Churches of the three
great capitals of the Roman Empire. Alexandria had
legal authority over Egypt and the adjoining countries,
Antioch authority over Syria and the neighbouring
portions of the Eastern Empire, Rome over Italy.

The Bishop of Constantinople now appeared as a new
power in the constitution of the Church. When Con-
stantinople became the second capital of the Empire,
it was natural that its bishop should claim a place
beside the bishops of other great cities, the more so
because his direct relations with the imperial authority

58 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

made the high position of the Bishop of Byzantium as
much the interest of the Empire as the advancement of
the bishop of the imperial capital. At the Council of
Constantinople, in the year 381, a rank in the Church,
second only to that of the Bishop of Rome, was given
unconditionally to the Bishop of Constantinople. At
the Council of Chalcedon (451) the three imperial
dioceses of Thrace, Asia (that is, Asia Minor), and
Pontus, were made subject to him as his dominion, so
that the bishops of Heraclea, Ephesus, and Csesarea
ranked henceforth merely as exarchs, in subordination
to the Patriarch of Constantinople.

The Bishop of Jerusalem also was noticed with
honour by the Council^Pltficaea. In order to confer
distinction on this^-Mot her- Church of Christendom, he
was rais5£H5ythe Council of Chalcedon to the rank of
larch of Palestine.

It was the title of Patriarch which, after the second
half of the fifth century, distinguished the five great Sees
of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and
Jerusalem. The guidance of the Christian Church lay
in their hands. But the meaning of their new title was
this: that each one of them had right to the rank of
' Great Father,' or Pope, of all Christendom. And now
there appeared on the horizon the question of a mon-
archical Head of the Church, of the oecumenical ecclesia.
furnished by law with supreme authority. The great
question suggested by the title of Patriarch was this :
Who among all these great bishops shall he the firstr the
Primate of the whole Church ?

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 59

§ 14. Rome and Constantinople

The Bishop of Constantinople came forward rapidly
into power. From the position of a simple bishop,
subject to the Bishop of Heraclea, he was raised in the
course of the fourth century to the rank of one of the
first bishops in Christendom. The Council of Chalcedon
(451), which had placed three imperial dioceses under
him, had at the same time given him supreme jurisdic-
tion and authority over the remaining Churches, and
thus over the whole of Christendom. The great question
was already decided : not one of the great, the ancient
and renowned apostolic sees, but this, their latest off-
spring, barely born, the See of Constantinople, was to be
the first in all Christendom, the Bishop of Constan-
tinople was to be the Bishop of all bishops, the Primate
of the Church.

The change was sudden. How did it become
possible ?

Not in vain did the Bishop of Constantinople become
bishop of the second imperial capital, which, with the
disruption of the Western Roman Empire, took more and
more the position of the first. Towards the end of the f
fifth century the Western Empire fell, after it had long
become but the shadow of an Empire. The East-Roman
Emperor in Constantinople was now the Emperor of
the whole world.' Why should he not claim the rights
of a ruler of the world? According to the natural in-
stincts of the Roman Empire, power over the Church was
among the rights of a ruler of the world. The Bishop of
Constantinople was bishop at the Court of the Emperor,
moving in the sphere of majesty itself, the creature of
the imperial will, and as an ecclesiastic the more in-
•

60 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

capable of independent action because his see depended
on no ancient ecclesiastical traditions or privileges.
What the Bishop of Constantinople was, and what he
represented in the Church, he owed to the Emperor.
All the more, therefore, was it worth while to advance
him. What was gain to the Bishop of Constantinople
was gain to the Emperor. Soaring on eagle's wings, the
imperial power bore the Bishop of Constantinople with
it upwards. In the person of the Bishop of Constanti-
nople, the Empire more than ever gained authority over
the Church. The decisions of Constantinople (381)
and of Chalcedon (451) meant that henceforth neither
the Bishop of Rome, nor the Bishop of Alexandria, nor
any other bishop, but the Emperor, was the supreme head
of the Church. The whole development of the Church's
constitution seemed to have been in vain : the fabric of
her organization was made, as it were, a crown for an
earthly head.

Was there any power in the Church, ready and able
to withstand the Empire, and to defend the self-
government of the Church through a supreme spiritual
head against the ruler of the world ?

That was the^gr-eaTplace in the world's history which
was filled^py the Bishop of Rome. He it was who
undertook the battle with Constantinople, and who alone
could undertake it. All natural resources of ecclesias-
tical power which Rome already possessed would of
necessity increase his influence twofold, seeing that the
cause of Rome was the cause of the Church's freedom.

From the second half of the second century the
Roman Church was supposed to have been founded by
the apostles Paul and Peter. The Roman Bishop was
held to be the successor of Peter, the prince of apostles.

THE CHURCH OF THE F.MPIRE 6 1

If Peter was the rock on which the Church was built,
then henceforth (now that the idea of the succession
from Peter had arisen) the Bishop of Rome must be the
rock of the Church. Where was another bishop who
could be compared with him ?

It soon became customary to hold counsel with the
great Churches in all weighty matters affecting the
ecclesiastical commonwealth. The decision which pro-
ceeded from an apostolic Church (a Church founded by
the apostles) was of special authority. It was there
that the true doctrine of the apostles would be preserved
in its purest form. Rome was the single apostolic
Church in all the West. It stood in unbroken relations
with Africa (that is, with Latin Africa, with Carthage
for its centre), Spain, and Gaul ; it delivered decisions,
the authority of which was felt even when they were
contested, and it assumed unconditional rank above all
Churches.

Before all, Rome was the capital of the world, the
eternal city, the city above all others. From the time
of the apostle Paul, who would have considered the
great work of his mission to the Gentiles unfinished if
he had not laboured in Rome and established relations
with the Roman community (and at this time neither
the apostle Peter, nor any representative, to say nothing
of a successor, of Peter was to be found in Rome !).
Through all the centuries onwards may be seen the
supreme position taken in the Church, not first of all ->
by the Roman Bishop, but by the Roman community.
The Roman community was beyond dispute the first,
the most important, and the most influential of all the
Churches in Christendom, even for the East. All
doctrinal controversies of the first three centuries were

62 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

finally decided by the Roman Church. Monarchical
Episcopacy {supra, page 37), together with ecclesias-
tical law and Catholicism, had their origin in Rome.
From the end of the first century, Catholicism with its
legalised constitutional and doctrinal forms, has spread
from Rome outwards, over the whole circle of the
Christian globe. The Roman Church is the Mother-
Church of Catholic Christendom. The enormous means
which she had at her disposal, by reason of the large
number of her members, and the great wealth of many
of them, gave to her spiritual rank an economic back-
ground. Not only in the West, but in Greece and Asia,
! ■ there went forth the fame both of her orthodoxy and of
her readiness to help. It was impossible but that after
the rise of the Episcopate the power of the Church
should be transferred to her bishop. Already, towards
the end of the second century, the Bishop of Rome
could undertake to proceed against the Church of Asia
Minor with excommunication, on account of some
irregularity in the celebration of the Easter festival.

Bv right of ecclesiastical primogeniture the Bishop of
Rome prepared to contest the claims of Constantinople,
which represented the claims of the Empire. The pro-
motion of Constantinople to the rank of second capital
of the Empire was the first great stroke aimed at the
rising power of the Bishop of Rome. Rome had ceased
to be the capital of the Empire, the centre of the world.
The more the Roman Empire- found its centre of
gravitation in the East, the more would the Bishop of
Constantinople become the supreme spiritual head
round whom the Grecian nations of the East could
rally. This was expressed unmistakably in the de-
cisions of Constantinople (381) and Chalcedon (451).

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 63

The protests of the Roman legates resounded unceas-
ingly through the East. That Rome did not owe her
position mainly to the apostles Paul and Peter, but to*
her character as the capital of the world, was made clear
in that moment when a second capital of the Empire
sprang up beside her.

Notwithstanding, it was in this time of conflict with
Constantinople, that the foundations were laid of that
high position on which rests all the later history of the
Bishop of Rome.

Even in the fourth century Rome was able to derive
no small advantage therefrom. The Arian controversy
had been peaceably settled at the Council of Nicaea.
But in vain. Under the leadership of Constantine's a
Arian successor, the whole of the East arose in defence
of Arianism (p. 52). Athanasius was deposed from
his Alexandrian bishopric by the Synod of Tyre (335),
and a second time by a Synod at Antioch (340). The
West alone, under the leadership of Rome, remained
true to the Nicene faith. So Athanasius fled to Rome
to plead his cause there ; and the Roman bishop, Julius,
declared at a Roman Synod that Athanasius had been
unjustly deposed, and forthwith restored him to his
bishopric. The Roman bishop and his svnod exercised
authority over all Christendom. Athanasius was not
the only one who appealed to Rome. The fresh con-
flicts which continually arose between the Arian
countries of the East and the few Oriental bishops who
remained true to the orthodox faith, gave repeated
opportunities to Rome to interfere as umpire in the
disputes even of the Greek Church. It was of no great
consequence that the judgment of Rome (as in the
restoration of Athanasius) was by no means recognized

6\ OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

as final by the opposing bishops of the East. The fact
remained that the Western bishops under oppression
appealed to Rome as the umpire of the Church ; and
that the Roman Church with her claims became hence-
forward conspicuous in the sight of the whole Church.
She even succeeded in gaining a decision of Council in
her favour. In the year 343, an imperial, that is, an
oecumenical, Synod was again summoned at Sardica
(Sofia in Bulgaria). The bishops were divided on the
question of faith, so that the Council split up, and the
Arian bishops of the East adjourned to Philippopolis,
to hold a separate Synod there. But the Council of
Sardica, now become a Latin and Western synod,
recognised the right of the Bishop of Rome to hearr
appeals on behalf of deposed bishops, and to sanction^?
the meeting of a new synod, that is, another provincial
synod, to deliver a new verdict as to the justice of the
deposition. At the Synod of Sardica the West was the
fortress in which dwelt the power of the Papacy ; and
the West solemnly recognised the right of its leading
bishop to exercise authority over the whole Church.

At the close of the fourth century, the great doctrinal
contest ended in the defeat of Arianism. The victory
of the Nicene faith was the victory of Rome. Were
not all the great bishoprics of the East tainted with
damnable heresy? What other Church but Rome
had unfurled in all battles the banner of orthodoxy?

And now, at a time when Rome must have felt
herself more than ever justified in taking the govern-
ment of the whole Church into her own hands, was an
upstart like the Bishop of Constantinople — what was
more, was the temporal power — to be suffered thus
unjustly to snatch the great prize for itself? Foi

THE CHURCH OF Till. EMP1

Rome the Empire had already begun to lose its
terrors. The great flood of the German nations was
pouring in far and wide over the already defenc-
West. For the Western Church the fall of the Empire
was deliverance from an overbearing temporal authority.
The West, as the immediate territory of the Bishop of
Rome, was beyond the power of the will that ruled in
Constantinople. Yet there came a time, in the sixth
and seventh centuries, when the Bishop of Rome was
brought low, and held in unworthy subjection to the
Emperor and to the Bishop of the East, the Bishop of
Constantinople. But the Frankish kingdom was to
come, to deliver the Bishop of Rome, and to restore
to him, once for all, his primacy over the Latin half of
the Empire.

By the Council of Chalcedon (451) the primacy of
Constantinople was decreed. The legates of the
Roman bishop who were present delivered a solemn
protest. The challenge was given to the combat, and
the two combatants stood face to face. The course of
the world's history depended on the issue of their
conflict. It laid the foundations of that great opposi-
tion which, in later times, divided the Church into two
communions : the Roman Catholic, and the Greek-
Catholic Church.

With such discord closes the history of the first
centuries. Yet all Christendom forms a great ecclesi-
astical unity, an enormous, world-embracing horizon.
Strong and high rises the tree sprung from the grain of
mustard seed, yielding its life-giving fruit far and wide,
so that the nations come and lodge in the branches
thereof. But already on the horizon the storm-clouds
are lowering from which the thunder-bolt shall come

66 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

forth, to cleave the proud trunk in twain. Only because
of the ambition of two bishops? Only because the
Roman Empire was once divided into a Latin half and
a Greek half, and a second capital sprung up beside the
ancient imperial capital ? Not so. The cleavage of the
Church was the first great step in her onward develop-
ment. That cleavage had to be, in order to make
possible the whole glorious history of the Church of the
middle ages, and to deliver the West from the East —
from a world already sinking into the sleep of death.

§ 15. Rise of Monasticism — Augustine

The -feisi; separation of the Western and Eastern
Churches was p^oefainied. At the same time there
appeared those spiritual forces which were to give to
the Western Church her independent character and
power of development.

In the course of the fourth century Monasticism arose.
It was the sign of a great popular movement which bore
blazoned on its banner one word — Renunciation.
v ~, There had been ascetics before, who had held themselves
bound to renounce marriage, property, and the enjoy-
ment of flesh and wine, for Christ's sake ; and the gift
of asceticism passed for a charisma or gift of the Holy
Spirit ; but only for one charisma among others, not for
a special charisma with a value belonging to it alone.
It was a new departure when the highest worth came
to be "\scribed to asceticism as such. The theory
which was the supreme principle of Pagan philosophy,
that sense, as sense, is immoral, and that the subjection
of the bodily passions through ' Ecstasy,' that is, through
detachment from the body, can alone lead the spirit of

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 67

the wise man to God— this theory took captive the
Christian world also. Asceticism was now declared to
be a duty of life ; nay, more, to be the highest duty of
life, inasmuch as it was a means to the vision and
possession of God. Monasticism arose in the moment
when this thought was shared by the masses of the
people, and multitudes withdrew into the solitude of
the deserts that they might make asceticism the calling
of their life. These masses became gradually organized ;
and in the cloister which arose in the wilderness with-
out, an organized Asceticism sprung up beside the
organized Church. The two powers which were to
rule the future appeared in the arena ; each founded on
opposite principles, yet each related to the other. The
Church was transformed into an institution in which
salvation depended on a certain fixed organization, and '
which, through its priesthood and its sacramental
powers, sustained, purified, and sanctified the life of the
individual. In Monasticism there appeared, as against
the constitutional Church, the free power of the indi-
vidual, who set out on his own path that he might work
out his own salvation? The Church recognised Monas-
ticism, and was obliged to recognise it, although at
heart it implied a contradiction of the principle —
fought for so bitterly and so long — of salvation by
means of the constitutional Catholic Church alone
{extra ecclesiam nulla sains) ; although the monk fled
from the secularized Church of the fourth century, as
he had fled from the secular world.

For the Church herself, Monasticism was in a certain
measure a safety-valve through which the superfluous
spiritual forces (the claims of which had not been
adequately provided for in the Church's programme lor

68 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

life) might escape and find room for their development
without breaking through existing ecclesiastical forms.
Before all, Monasticism was the only form in which the
individual could find, not alone his peace with God, but
an aim to be striven for, a way to higher ideals, and
a means towards a farrreaching practical activity. The
principles of the Church's organisation, like those of her
doctrine, were unchangeable. In his Monastery, in his
Order alone, could the individual, as such, find a field
for the unfolding of his talents, a field for his life which
admitted of his full development through all the forces
of his personality. In the Church it was her power of
persistence that mainly told. In Monasticism, the
impulse towards progress outweighed all other. Monas^
ticism, which was irresistibly attractive to those who
were spiritually strongest, was, in spite of its voluntary
flight from the world and the Church, expressly fitted
from the first to be the Church's leader.

Towards the middle of the fourth century Monas-
ticism appeared already in an organised form in Lower
Egypt. From thence it passed directly into the East.
Towards the end of the fourth century it made its entry
into the West under the leadership of Jerome. To
n the educated classes, with their love of art and science,
their inborn sense of all that was graceful in the culti-
vation of life, the monastic orders of the third and
fourth centuries, with their self-torture and self-neglect,
their uncleanliness and utter absence of all culture,
appeared in the sharpest contrast, and were first met by
contempt and determined repulsion. It was seen that
the aim of Christianity was not the degradation and
enslaving of the personality, but its completion and
fulfilment. But there yet failed that clear, religious

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE 69

conviction of the worthlcssness of Monasticism as a
contradiction of the Gospel, a conviction which Martin
Luther first won for the world a thousand years later.
Those who then opposed themselves to Monasticism v-.
were actuated far more by worldly than by spiritual
interests. Therefore they were defeated. All the
strength of a religious life was in those days on the side
of the ascetics. They sought their salvation with fear
and trembling. They were possessed by a living force
of conviction that was actually ready to count all this
world's gain as nothing for Christ's sake. For this
cause the Church was bound to be on their side. In
the sixth century the battle was already decided, and
decided in favour of Monasticism. The Church had
submitted to the monastic ideal. The path of the
Church's history entered, as it were, the sign of Monas-
ticism. The catholicization of Christendom was thereby
completed.

In the East, Monasticism has assuredly to this day
remained true to its ideal of pure renunciation, of a life
devoted to contemplation and asceticism, estranged
from the world and the world's culture. But only in
rare instances has it influenced the Church's history,
and that mainly by its force of inertia, by the strength
of fanatical resistance with which it opposed every
innovation, whether in dogma or in worship. The
iconoclastic enterprises of the Greek emperors in the
eighth and ninth centuries, for instance, were wrecked
on this rock.

But in Western Monasticism the powers of the indi-
vidual unfolded their full life and strength. Latin
Monasticism became the supreme power which guided
the further development of the Church, which bore

70 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

upward the Latin Church, laid the foundations of the
Papacy, and afterwards brought about the great work
of the Reformation.

Western Monasticism received its characteristic form
through Benedict of Nursia, the founder and first abbot
of the Monastery of Monte Cassino (built between
Subiaco and Naples in 528). The rule of the Bene-
dictines became the typical rule for the monasteries of
the West. The rules of all later Orders are founded on
it. The characteristic of the Benedictine rule was the
place it gave to labour in the monastic programme.
True, labour had been recognized from the first as a
means towards asceticism. The monk was to labour,
not for the sake of the result, but for his own sake, for
the sake of his moral self-discipline and moral health.
But the labour of the Benedictine monk was destined
to change the solitudes which surrounded the cloisters
into seats of learning and culture. It was to prepare a
place in the cloister for art and training. It was to
turn thej^ojsters into centres of education, from which
there should go forth into the _world_ influences all-
powerful in the practical^ intellectual, and spiritual life.
As a society of workers the Benedictines were to turn
their faces towards the world. These ascetics were
irresistibly compelled by community of labour to
proceed from the renunciation of the world to the
education of the world, to the reformation of the
household, the State, and the Church.

Besides Monasticism, which in the fifth century was
preparing for the conquest of the West, there appeared
about the same time an individual spirit, likewise
destined to be the ruling intellectual force in the
development of the Western Church — Augustine (died

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE J\

as Bishop of Hippo in Africa, 430). To him it was given
to sound all the depths and heights of spiritual experi-
ence in his own soul, to prove in his inmost heart the
consoling power of the Gospel, out of sin and agony of
conscience to reach the blessedness of communion with
God, like Paul and Luther. While it was yet early he
arose, like a giant in his strength, to shake off the bonds
wherewith earthly pleasure and sensuality had bound
him, and win the grace of God and deliverance from
the burden of sin. One after another he had explored
all the systems of religion which filled the world in his
time. He became a student, first of Manichaeism (the
latest form of Semitic Paganism), then of Neo-
Platonism. Manichaeism, by offering to the finished
ascetic, as the latest secret, its crudely naturalistic
doctrine of the God of Light, and of Light as the power
of the good, left him in a state of disenchantment, even
of despair. Neo-Platonism led him to Christianity, by
giving him, in his despair of finding truth, a new hope
of salvation and communion with God. Here he found
what he had so long sought with passionate fervour —
the living God who forgiveth sins. The divine truth
which is made manifest in Jesus Christ, the power of
divine love poured out in pity on the sinner, made
their triumphal entry into his heart. On Easter Eve
387, at the age of thirty-three, he was baptized by the
great Bishop Ambrose at Milan. The duty of his life
was henceforth twofold : to proclaim, first, the gospel
of sin and grace, and then the glory of the Church.
Against the British monk Pelagius he developed the
doctrine of Original Sin and of the salvation of man by
Grace alone ; making the doctrine of Grace, as Luther
at first also made it, equivalent to the doctrine of

72 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Predestination. Against the African Donatists, who
would have made the effectual working of the Sacra-
ments dependent on the worthiness of the minister, he
set up the idea of the Church as an institution for
dispensing salvation, an institution possessing objective
sanctity. The supreme value of the Church — even of
the outwardly visible Church constituted as she is — he
.-■ expressed in the statement that she represents the
'City of God' (Civitas Dei) upon earth. From this
commonwealth salvation flows forth upon the indi-
vidual. To serve this commonwealth, and in particular
to lead back the erring (the Donatists) by force into
the Church, is the highest duty of the State. Only by
doing such service to the Church will the State attain
a value which does not otherwise belong to it. The
middle ages are dawning. Catholicism, at least
Western Catholicism, in claiming supremacy for the
Church over the world, is embodied for the first time
in Augustine's mighty personality. Even in his
monkish convictions he is a Catholic. Flight from
the world into the cloister is to him the perfection of
the Christian life.

Yet this man has the Reformation — Luther's Refor-

. mation — in him too. Side by side with his conception

f\ -of the Church as a hierarchy, he holds the opposite

JB -idea of the true Church as the invisible Church of the

predestined — the redeemed. In direct contradiction to

A his doctrine of the saving power of the Church, he

3^-lives by faith in grace freely given by God as the

only source of salvation. He prepared a way for

fl ^Catholicism by his doctrine of the Church, for Luther

\\, by his doctrine of Sin and Grace. The extremes

which Augustine was able to unite stand historically

THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE J$

opposed to each other in two great ecclesiastical
bodies.

The theology of Augustine did a priceless service to
the Western world, in freeing it from the intellectual
despotism of the East. Out of the depths of a
Christian individuality which had truly and in itself
experienced salvation through Christ, was poured forth,
with abounding fulness of thought, and commanding
force of intellect and language, a stream of religious
ideas and problems which have made the life of the
Western Church fruitful for all future time. Augustine
influenced all later times, on the one hand through the '3
force of a mighty subjectivity, which by striving for
the possession of God with an increasing longing,
attained at last to a personal experience of the love of
Godjn Christ, and to rest in a firm assurance of divine
grace; on the other hand, through the dogmatic^
determination with which he nevertheless established
the authority of the Church as an objective fact, in
order to make it the^final^ basis of any certainty of
salvation.

The West is nearing the age of its spiritual majority.
Western Monasticism and Augustinian theology are
the two powers which shall henceforth guide it. One
thing alone is yet wanting to bring in a new age — the
fertilisation of the Latin world by means of the
German nations that were now entering on the stage of
history in all the freshness of their youth. .-.

Division II
THE MIDDLE AGES

§ 1 6. INTRODUCTION

When we leave the Church history of the earlier
centuries for that of the Middle Ages we enter on a
new stage of lesser relative proportions. The horizon
of mediaeval Church history is no longer that of
Christendom ; it is only the horizon of the West. It is
to the West that the history of the world has shifted
its centre of gravity — to Italy, Spain, Gaul, Britain,
Germany, where with mighty throes the Western
Teutonic-Roman people is to be born, the people that
is to rule the future.

The Middle Ages begin with a tremendous process
of destruction. In the East the advance of Islam gave
a death-blow to the Greek Church, and with the Church
to the national character and culture of Greece. Like
a stream of fire devouring all life before it, the troops
of the Mohammedan conquerors poured forth over
Asia and Africa. In the seventh century the movement
began (the first appearance of Mohammed was in the
fc" year 611); in the beginning of the eighth century it
had already reached Spain (the kingdom of Spain was
overthrown by the Moors, 711). A few years later

INTRODUCTION 75

(732), when it was opposed by Karl Martell with the
united strength of the Frankish kingdom, the same
power was waiting on the banks of the Loire, ready to
overflood the whole West, and to deal with Roman-
Teutonic Church and culture as it had dealt with the
Church and culture of the East.

The Greek nation had lost its powers of life. It was
a nation more richly endowed than any that has been
before or after it ; where the very porter in the streets
philosophized ; where the barbers' shops and the taverns
echoed to the sound of disputes about the mysteries
of faith ; where not only religion, but theology, was
made popular, and stirred the multitude itself to wild
excitement ; where intellectual life, to which the con-
quering force of the whole nation contributed, seemed
inexhaustible in its energy — this nation, the richest, the
most glorious and wonderful of all nations, was over-
thrown, trodden down and trampled under foot, never

more to rise up again. In the East, in the place of
Hellenic culture, there appeared Arabian culture, itself
an intellectual power far beyond the. middle ages in
mathematical and physical science, and in philosophy,
"and which had a powerful influence on the Western
world in bringing forth mediaeval Scholasticism ; a
culture which, for all its sober subtlety of intellect, and
the md^ajit cdjmTour of Oriental poetry which surrounded
it as with an imperishable glory, was yet a culture of
the second order only, not worthy to be compared with
that of ancient Hellas, destitute as it was of purity of
form, of the Promethean force of genius, and, above all,
of that sense of historywhich gives to investigation its
spur, its freedom, its power of vision and an unbounded
field of view. The work of the Renaissance, at the end

?6 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

of the Middle Ages, was to deliver us from a mediaeval
culture so strongly influenced by Arabia, and to awaken
the science and the culture of our own time.

The Greek nation was no more : it never recovered
from that fearful blow.

With the Greek nation there fell the Greek Church.

True, there yet stood the Patriarchal Seesof Alexandria,
Antioch, and Jerusalem, where Islam granted toleration
to the remnant of the Church. But its power of develop-
ment was destroyed, both in Byzantium and in Alex-
andria. The single event which once more shook the
power of the Greek Church was the attempt of the
Greek emperors at iconoclastic reform, in the eighth
and ninth centuries. Image-worship, which came so
near to idolatry, was to be prevented by the complete
banishment of images from the churches. The Emperor
hoped to win over the Jews and Mohammedans of the
Empire to the communion of a Church thus purified.
One faith, one Church, was to be the firm bond of union
for the Empire. With this thought Leo the Isaurian
began the movement (717-741). But the power of
Monasticism and the superstitious needs of the people
were stronger than the Emperor and his army. The
great Bishops of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria,
with the Bishop of Rome at their head, who were now
beyond the power of the Emperors, declared themselves
in favour of the worship of images ; and this was
decisive. A great Synod at Nicaea (the seventh
oecumenical council), in the year 787, decided the
victory for the ' worship ' (dulid) of images, which was
to be referred to the object of the images, and distin-
guished from the 'adoration' of God (/atria). Roman
as well as Greek Catholicism has ever since remained

INTRODUCTION TJ

firmly by this standpoint. About the middle of the
ninth century the Empire began its retreat. The last
of the Iconoclasts was Theophilus, Emperor of Con-
stantinople (829-842). The victory was won, and
the Greek Church sank into apathy, as Monasticism
had sunk. John of Damascus (died some time after 754,
a monk in the cloister of Saba near Jerusalem), one of
the leaders of the image-worshipping party, embodied
the dogmas of the Greek Church in a systematic philo-
sophical and theological work, which, besides summing
up the work of the Greek Church, helped to lay the
foundations of mediaeval scholasticism. It was the last
significant intellectual product of Greek Christendom.
Erom that time all is silence, and with the extinction of
its intellectual life the Church fell finally into depend-
ence on the State. The papal power of the Byzantine
Empire conquered in spite of the victory which the
ecclesiastical powers had won in the iconoclastic contro-
versy. The Church had maintained its essence, its
dogma, and its worship, but its powers of government
were sunk in the imperial government of the State.
The candlesticks of the Greek Church were removed.
All that was yet left of her under the sceptre of the
Eastern Roman Emperor had just life enough to hand
over the alphabet and elements of culture, together with
the doctrine of the Church, as a last legacy to the
Sclavonic races which were streaming in on all sides.
But the Sclavonic people had no power to bring the
Greek world to a new birth. The Greek Church and
the Greek world remained dead. The Greek Church of
to-day, as we see it before us in Russia, and in the
bordering countries of the Balkan Peninsula, is the
Church of the seventh century turned to stone. Not a

78 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

step further has been taken. Just as history left it at
the time of the great war of extermination in the seventh
century, do we find it to this day, more than a thousand
years later. The Greek Church lies rigid and cold in
death. When will the Spirit from above awaken her,
that was once so glorious, to a new life?

In the beginning of the Middle Ages the Western
world also offers a picture of dissolution. The Empire
has, fallen, the mighty Empire which once ruled the
world. The hosts of the German nations have stormed
in over the West, destroying and laying waste, carrying
their barbarism outward from the primeval forests of
Germany into the rich countries of the civilised world.
Night has come down. All that was once glorious,
great, and beautiful, all that completed life and made it
worth living — art, learning, the wide-ruling power of the
Empire — all is ruined. That ruin, was it not the ruin
of the world itself ?

Night had come, and nowhere was there any sign of
a new dawn.

Yet one ground of hope was left. The Empire indeed
was fallen, but not the Church. In the East the Church
had been laid waste together with the Empire ; and, with
the Church, whatever culture yet remained rooted in it
had lost its strength. But in the West the Church stood
steadfast. In a world of ruins, in the midst of the
general destruction, it stood as the sole witness to the
past. It rescued its organization, its traditions, and its
faith from the ancient world and delivered them to the
new age. Through its preaching, as through its con-
stitution, it conquered the conqueror himself. The
Germans made their entry into the vast halls of the
Christian Church, in order — as Remigius, Bishop of

INTRODUCTION 79

Rheims, said to the Prankish king Clovis — 'to worship
that which they had once persecuted, to persecute that
which they had once worshipped.' The Church was
saved, and culture was saved with her. The whole
culture of the ancient world, the whole of that wealth
which it had laid up for the world of the future, was
to remain unlost. In the silent cells of the cloister,
beneath the sheltering wing of the Church, with her
band of monkish students and scholars, the precious
treasure was guarded, till the time first came when it
could be brought forth once more, to enrich a new world.
The German races received Christianity with all the
strength and intensity of German feeling. German
blood was noble enough, and had enough of living
power, to fashion anew the world and the Church of the
West. Upon the Teutonic-Roman nation, which now
arose in the West from the fusion of the Latin and
German races, the progress of the world's history
depends. In earlier times it was the Greek Church that
was the leader of Christendom ; but now the sceptre has
been yielded into the hands of the Latins.

Mediaeval Church history, which embraces Western
Christendom only, has a narrowly bounded horizon,
yet a horizon which comprehends the whole develop-
ment of the future.

CHAPTER I

THE FRANKISH EMPIRE

§ 17. The Kingdoms of the Germans

The Kingdoms of the Germans have arisen in succes-
sion on the ruins of the Roman Empire. To which of
them shall the palm be given ? Which of them shall
succeed in raising up again what was destroyed, in
creating anew, on Roman soil, and in the form of a
German State, the glorious and unforgotten Empire in
its might and world-wide sovereignty? The Empire had
fallen ; but the idea of an empire still stood like a sun
in the firmament, and shone above the horizon through
all the Middle Ages. For many a long century, to
the invading barbarians the Roman Empire remained
the ideal of all that was great and glorious. It held
them captive as with a magic spell ; and long after the
Roman Empire had vanished, it was followed by the
yearning of the conquerors who had destroyed it. To
them the Empire was the one and only State — the
ideal, the incomparable, nay, more, the indispensable,
the imperishable, and eternal State. The history of the
Empire seemed but another name for the history of
mankind. To rear again this Empire, to restore to
humanity the perfect form of its political life, was to be
the great, the highest aim of German statesmanship.

THE FRANKISH EMPIRE

Not merely in the brains of scholars, but in the imagin-
ation of the people, there lived that dream of empire
which was the direct result of all that in the times of
the Roman Empire had been seen, experienced, and
received, never to be lost again ; a dream in which were
woven mysterious, dazzling pictures ; which with its
intoxicating power impelled men onwards to immortal
deeds, and had strength to bring forth, first the Frankish,
then the German Empire.

By which of the German kingdoms was the Empire
to be upraised again ? By the kingdom of the East-
Goths, or of the West-Goths ? of the Vandals, or of the
Burgundians ? The answer of history was : By none of
these, but by the Kingdom of the Franks.

One fact was decisive for this end from the very first.
The united German races, which up to this time had
any dealings with the Roman Empire, had embraced
Christianity in the form of Arianism. The Eastern
Empire was Arian in tiie greater part of the fourth
century, while at the same time, on the banks of the
Danube, first the Goths, then the remaining races akin
to the Goths — the Vandals, Burgundians, Alans, and
Sueves— learned Christianity from the Eastern Empire.
Thus after Arianism had been already extinguished in
the Roman Empire, it lived a further life among the
converted German races. Not that the masses of the
Gothic or Vandal peasants had any deeper insight or
even a livelier interest in theological questions ; but it
was the nature of the German to remain true to that
which he had once received, and to preserve it unchanged.
Thus the Germans conquerors were Arian, but the con-
quered Romans of the Western Empire were orthodox.
Religious opposition was added to national opposition

82 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

This inner division weakened the noble kingdoms of the
Goths and of their kindred races. One kingdom alone
had been orthodox from the first : the kingdom of
the Franks. Clovis had embraced Christianity in the
Catholic form. The Frankish conqueror professed the
same belief as the Roman population. Nay, more, he
professed the same belief as the Roman provincials of
the Burgundian and West-Gothic kingdoms. The
Roman noble, the Roman citizen, the Roman or
Catholic bishop in Southern Gaul, must have longed to
throw off the yoke of the hated Arian heretics, and
(since it could not be otherwise) chose rather to become
subject to the Catholic king of the Franks. Clovis had
only to touch the kingdom of the West-Goths in Gaul
(in the battle of Vougle, 506) and it fell into fragments.
The conquest of Burgundy was made under his sons ;
the Burgundian kings had turned to Catholicism too
late. Gaul, and with Gaul the heart of the Latin West,
became the possession of the Frankish conqueror. It
was now only a question of time when the kingdom of
Clovis should be followed by that Empire which
encircled and formed anew the German-Roman world
— the Empire of Karl the Great

§ 1 8. Under the Merovingians

Under the Merovingian kings in the sixth and
seventh centuries the culture of ancient Greece and
Rome made its voice last heard. But the time was not
yet come for a new culture. The world yet lived by
the last rays which the already sunken sun of ancient
culture still cast above the horizon. There were schools
of rhetoric still in Southern Gaul which spread abroad

TITE FRANKISH EMPIRE 83

secular education, in direct continuation of the educa-
tional work of the ancient world. There was still a
literature which followed closely the Roman models of
the fifth century, and in form was a refinement on them.
Even the Church was, in her place, the direct means of
preserving the elements of culture inherited from the
ancient Empire. Roman nationality, too, long held the
foremost places among the clergy, and especially the
bishops of the Church.

But the culture of the ancient world, by which the
Merovingian age lived, was about to be extinguished.
Its hour had come. The sixth century had still
sufficient intellectual power to produce some literary
works worthy of the remembrance of the historian.
But already, when we look at Venantius Fortunatus,
the greatest poet, and Gregory of Tours, the most
important prose-writer of that age, we see that their
language is already crude, their thought powerless.
Bishop Gregory of Tours himself, by far the greater
of the two writers named, with a nature full of noble
simplicity, true grandeur of soul and manly strength,
even he has but little wealth of intellect, refinement
of culture, or gift of language ; he is already barbarized
by contact with the coarser world which surrounds
him.

The culture of the ancient world is coming to an
end. In the seventh century it gives forth its last
utterance, and at the beginning of the eighth its
death-hour has struck. Its voice is silent. An age
has come which no longer can give any account of
itself. Culture no longer surrounds us, for the learning
of the ancient world is dead, to be awakened to a
new life only by the Carlovingian Renaissance.

84 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

What has been said of the history of learning in the
Frankish kingdom holds good also of the history of
the Church. The strength of the Church was ex-
tinguished under the Merovingians. In the sixth
century, owing to that freedom which the German
State brought as much to the individual as to the
Church, there arose a Frankish Church, which was
capable of a powerful development in various direc-
tions. But in the seventh century the Frankish
Church was already overwhelmed by the weight of
her temporal wealth and power. The bishop played
the part of a great Seigneur, and placed himself at
the head of the revolt of the aristocracy against the
royal power. Spiritual interests fell into the back-
ground. Councils were hardly ever called. In the
beginning of the eighth century there is a complete
dissolution of the ecclesiastical body, so that in the
time of the Empire's need, Karl Martell can do what
he will with a Church from which the spirit is long
fled, in order to re-establish the State by the help of
the Church's possessions. Not far otherwise is the
state of the Church in Italy, Spain, and Britain. In
Italy the Church's life first suffered through the hatred
of the Arian Lombards ; then, after the conversion of
the Lombards to Catholicism in the middle of the
seventh century, through the ill-will of the Lombard
kings, who remained in a state of natural feud with
the Bishop of Rome. In Britain the Catholic and
the Celtic forms of Christianity remained opposed
(see page 86). In Spain, where Latin culture and
ecclesiastical life were preserved in much greater
energy than under the Frankish Empire, the Church
immediately after the conversion of the West-Goths

THE FRANKISH EMPIRE 85

to Catholicism in 587, became involved in quarrels
and intrigues, which, from the middle of the seventh
century, more and more undermined the royal throne
of the West-Goths.

The Church of the West stands in need of reform.
Who shall reform it? Can it turn to its natural lord,
the Bishop of Rome, as to its helper? Between
Greeks and Lombards, the Bishop of Rome himself
lies in sore need. Nay, more, the German kingdom,
the West-Gothic kingdom in Spain, the Frankish
kingdom in Gaul, and the kingdom of the Lombards
in Italy, cut off the Bishop of Rome from all direct
authority over the Church. Neither in the one king-
dom nor the other can the German royal power
suffer the supreme authority of a foreign bishop. The
Church of the West is dissolved into national churches
— the Spanish, the Lombard, and the Frankish ; and
the kings of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, which had
in like manner received their Christianity first from
Rome, claimed just the same sovereign power over
the English church as the Frankish king claimed
over the Frankish church. Western Christianity is
split up into many parts, and its ecclesiastical unity
is destroyed. The Bishop of Rome is divested of his
once supreme authority. The Papacy has no power
to ward off the impending destruction of the Church.
It lies itself overthrown, and waiting for its deliverer.
Who shall be the reformer of the Western Church ?

§ 19. The Frankish Reformation

Germany in the sixth century was mainly heathen.
Although Alemanni, Bavarians, and Thuringians were

86 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

incorporated with the Frankish kingdom, with them
Christianity was as yet in its infancy. The kingdom
did not recognise it as its duty to make proselytes ;
that was the business of the Church. But in the
Frankish Church the want of living power was shown
just in this inability to missionise. Not from the
Franks, but from afar, from Ireland and from Scotland,
after the end of the sixth century, came Celtic monks,
speaking a strange language — greatest among them
Columban (615) and Gallus (about 646)— that they
might preach the Gospel to the Germans. They
brought, with foreign ways and manners, a Christianity
in many respects also foreign, and of a peculiarly
Celtic stamp. In the first place, they reckoned Easter
after a different fashion from that hitherto customary
in the West ; besides this, the marriage of the priests
was still valid among them. Above all, the regular
episcopal constitution (hitherto the only form of
ecclesiastical organization which held good every-
where) was unknown to them. The cloister was the
centre alike of their mission and of their government ;
and, side by side with the general spread of churches
with an episcopal form of constitution, it seemed that
Germany was to witness the rise of a monastic Church,
organized after a Celtic model.

Thus the newly established German Church also
brings about a new phase in the dissolution of Western
Christendom.

At the beginning of the eighth century, the existence
of the State itself was threatened in the West. First,
the West-Gothic kingdom in Spain was overthrown
by the Moors in 711 ; then the dukedom of Aquitaine
(from the Pyrenees to the Loire) fell an easy prey

THE ERANKISH EMPIRE 87

to them. Already the foreign conquerors, filled with
fanatical hatred, stood in the heart of the Frankish
kingdom. At the same time the Slavic immigrants
from the east were already pushing towards the Main
and the Rhine. Where was the kingdom which should
have granted protection? The kingdom of Clovis,
that once mighty kingdom, had fallen. Its king was
a mere boy of the Merovingian house. Alemanni,
Bavarians, and Thuringians, under their several dukes,
had renounced their allegiance to the sinking kingdom.
Aquitaine also had revolted and formed an independent
duchy, when it was reached and swallowed up by
the Moorish invasion. In the rest of the kingdom
anarchy ruled supreme. The great lords, the counts,
dukes, the abbots and bishops, wrested the authority
into their own hands. The kingdom became an empty
name.

Not the Church alone, but Christianity was threatened.
And, along with Christianity, the German nation.

At this critical moment, two men arose to be the
saviours of the West ; the one a political, the other an
ecclesiastical reformer — Karl Martell and Boniface.

The battle of Poitiers (732), in which Karl Martell
defeated the Arabs, was the sign of the approaching
regeneration of the Empire. Upon the battle-held of
Poitiers the Carlovingians made good their claim to
the kingly and imperial crown.

The appearance of Boniface, a saint of the Catholic
Church, in 719, as both a missionary from Germany
and an ambassador of the Apostolic See, was the sign
of the approaching regeneration of the Church.

Boniface, whose original name was Winfrid, was
one of the Ancjlo-Saxon missionaries who had come

88 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

over from England after the end of the seventh century,
to convert the Germans. Gregory the Great (who was
Pope from 590 to 604) had effected the conversion of
the Anglo-Saxons directly through Rome, by sending
the Benedictine monk Augustine to England. Augus-
tine landed in England (597), spread abroad Christianity
in Kent, and founded the Church of Canterbury,
and with the Anglo-Saxons the Roman form of
Christianity triumphed over the Celtic, after many
battles. The Anglo-Saxon Church had paid back
her debt to Rome. The Anglo-Saxon missionaries
who came to Germany were preachers both of the
Gospel and of the authority of the Roman See. It
was in Rome that the Anglo-Saxon Willibrord received
consecration as a bishop (695), in order to undertake
his work as a missionary to the Frisians. It was from
the Roman Bishop, Gregory II., that Boniface (Winfrid)
sought his commission, when in the year 718 he con-
ceived the full purpose of his work of mission. He
came, not as the Celtic monk came, but to preach
the Gospel to the Germans in the name of the Roman
See. In the year 722 he was consecrated bishop in
Rome, and at his consecration took the formal oath
of obedience to the Bishop of Rome. And he was
the first transalpine bishop who consented to do so.
He believed with the full power of conviction that
the salvation of the Church depended on Rome, and
to this faith he had devoted his life. In this faith
he conquered the West. He it is, and no other, who
established the mediaeval Papacy.

He was at once a missionary and a reformer. The
Holy Oak at Geismar fell before his blows, a symbol
of falling Paganism. He replaced the Celtic form of

THE FRANKISH EMPIRE 89

Christianity by the Roman. He organized the regular
episcopal constitution in Bavaria, and founded a
number of new bishoprics in Hesse and Thuringia.
His most important achievement was the reorganizing
of the Frankish Church. After the death of Karl
Martell (741), whose iron hand had lain heavy on the
Frankish Church, and whose iron will was hostile to
the reformation, he succeeded within a short time in
reviving the regular forms of ecclesiastical constitution
over the whole of the Frankish kingdom. Canon law
was strictly enjoined, and the provincial synods of the
bishops, with the metropolitans at their head, were
restored as courts both of government and superintend-
ence over all the bishops of the province. Before all,
the Church of Gaul, like the Church of Germany,
placed itself through Boniface in subjection to the Pope.
The Pope was recognised as the supreme head of
Western Christendom ; his decisions were honoured
with obedience ; and the unity of the Western Church
was thereby re-established.

The re-establishment of the Papal authority was the
indispensable key-stone and corner-stone of the Frankish
reformation. It had been shown that the dissolution
of the Church into a number of national churches had
not worked advantageously for the maintenance of the
ecclesiastical system. One power there must be which
would serve as a supreme authority, both to unite and
to guide the whole Church. The power and full glory
of the Church was necessary in order to make the
power and glory of the Gospel sensibly visible to the
people of the Middle Ages. Whatever served the
power of the Church directly served the power of
Christianity also. The special and necessary work of

go OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

the Papacy was to make manifest the world-embracing
organization of the Church, and at the same time to
set forth the power of Christian ideas to govern the life
of the mediaeval nations. In establishing the power of
the Roman See, Boniface in no way sold the German
Church into slavery to Rome ; but he gave to it, as he
gave to all Christendom, that decisive and fruitful touch
of living power to which the glory of the Church, and
with it the culture of the Middle Ages, owed its origin.

§ 20. The Empire of Charles the Great

The empire of Charles the Great was the completion
of the kingdom founded by Clovis. The German and
Roman races of the Western continent were now united
in one supreme commonwealth. The mighty problem,
the aim which ever hovered, now dim, now bright,
before the Teutonic nations in their great migration,
was solved at last. A new empire was established, as
glorious, as powerful, as was once the Roman Empire of
the West ; and when at Rome, on Christmas Day 800,
Charles the Great received the imperial crown from the
hands of the Roman people, and from the Bishop
Leo III. as their head, he, as it were, gave utterance,
with a conspicuous and imposing magnificence, to the
living, joyous consciousness of his people, their con-
sciousness that the great master- work had been
accomplished, and that the lordship of the world had
been given over to the Germans.

The new Roman Empire was to be at the same time
a supreme Christian empire over the world. The
Emperor appeared as the head of the State and the
head of the Church. With this object, Charles the

THE FRANKISH EMPIRE 91

Great first of all set aside the Bishop of Rome, and
placed himself at the head of the government of the
Church itself, presided at its councils, determined for
bishops and abbots their spiritual rights, superintended
every detail of church life, and with the help of his
learned friend, the Anglo-Saxon Alcuin (died, abbot of
Tours, 804), gave to it an impulse towards a richer,
fresher life, by encouraging Latin culture and founding
new places of education.

Charles the Great achieved his most important work
for the Church by means of the Caroline Books (Libri
Carolini), written by his order and published in his
name. The Bishop of Rome decided in favour of
the worship of images in the great controversy on
the subject (see page 76). In the year 790 Pope
Hadrian I. sent the decrees of the Nicene Synod of 787
(which had sanctioned image-worship) to Charles the
Great, and through him to the Frankish Church, for
promulgation. Charles the Great and his theologians
answered the Pope's communication of the resolutions
of an oecumenical council by an angry protest — the
'Caroline Books' (compiled between 790 and 794). In
this ' work of the illustrious Charles, king of the Franks,
against the foolish and presumptuous resolutions of a
Greek synod in favour of image-worship' (so ran the
official title), not only the worship, but the destruction
of images was forbidden with genuine Christian
determination and most admirable scholarship : images
are indifferent in themselves ; no manner of worship is
due to them, but also no manner of enmity. Let
human art develop all its gifts in the service of God.
The presence or absence of images in the churches has
nothing to do with the essence of Christianity. Both

92 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

the Greek Emperors with their iconoclasm, and the
Greek Church with its worship of images, are in the
wrong. The Pope also is in the wrong if he exacts
from us subjection to the resolutions of the new Synod
of Nicaea. The treatise was laid before the Synod
of Frankfort (794) ; the assembled bishops of Gaul
declared unanimously in its favour against the 'false
Synod of the Greeks.' The King's book was delivered
officially to Pope Hadrian. He answered by a decree,
couched in terms of ironical suavity, in which, however,
he laid stress on his determination to abide by the
tradition of the Roman Church, and to damn all those
who forbade the worship of images. Notwithstanding
the Frankish Church remained true to its convictions
throughout the ninth and tenth centuries, and not
until the power of the Roman Church was strengthened
in the course of the Middle Ages did the worship of
images (which was maintained also by the Council of
Trent) make its way into the Western Church. Up till
that time the genius of Charles the Great (whose
judgment on the question of image-worship was revived
with a new power that bore fruit in life and art by the
German Reformation) saved us from the invasion of
Greek and Roman superstition.

Under Louis the Pious the great Empire crum-
bled away. In the person of Gregory IV. (833) the
Papacy itself entered into an alliance with the sons
of Louis the Pious to help in the destruction of the
Empire — of the Empire which had made possible the
establishment of Papal supremacy over the West.
But with the unity of the Empire fell the supremacy
of the Emperor which Charles the Great established
over the Papacy, and, if the Church was to maintain

THE PRANKISH EMPIRE 93

its own unity, nothing else was left for it but to rely
upon the authority of the Pope. The knowledge of
this truth led to the publication, about the middle of
the ninth century, of the ' Pseudo- Isidore, the work
of a Gaulish divine, the most shameless, yet the most
successful forgery of the Middle Ages. An old collec-
tion of Papal Decretals and Canons of Councils was
increased by the addition of a large number of forged
Decretals, which the author of the collection put forward
under the names of the ancient bishops of Rome, of the
second and third centuries, for the most part. The
ever-recurring idea of the forgeries is, first, the freedom
of bishops from temporal authority, nay, more, if possible,
from every kind of accusation — none of the laity or of
the inferior clergy may lay a charge or appear as a
witness against a bishop ; secondly, the subjection of
the Church to the Pope. Another theory is also
advanced : not only may every bishop, deposed by a
provincial synod, have absolute right of appeal to
Rome; according to the Pseudo-Isidore, the principle
holds good universally, that all more important causes
are to be laid before the Pope, and that no decision of a
provincial synod is valid, unless confirmed by him. It was
an unprecedented innovation in ecclesiastical law ; law,
the precise validity and authority of which were already
established beyond a doubt. It was the programme
of the Frankish party of reform which here received
legal expression ; the fate of the Church was to be dis-
severed from the fate of the perishing Empire, in order
to found the Constitution of the Church, not only upon
the Episcopate (freed from the authority of all local
powers), but upon the Papacy. The unity of the Church
was to be saved in spite of the dissolution of the Empire.

94 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Hence the extraordinary success of the forgery. In the
year 864, Pope Nicolas I. openly pronounced in favour
of the principles laid down by the Pseudo-Isidore. He
even went so far as to guarantee officially, although in
ambiguous language, that the false Decretals (which,
however, he took care not to mention by name) had
been preserved in the archives of the Roman Church,
and thus made the Papacy an accomplice in the deceit.
By means of the false Decretals he defeated the most
important, most learned, and most ambitious of the
Frankish bishops, Hinkmar, Bishop of Rheims. The
Pope, supported by the false Decretals, restored to his
See, in 865, Rothad, Bishop of Soissons, whom
Hinkmar had deposed. As early as the end of the
ninth century, every objection against the genuineness
of the false Decretals was silenced. They passed as
genuine throughout the whole of the Middle Ages.
They have been largely included in the Corpus Juris
Canonici. No earlier than the fifteenth century, Cardinal
Nicolas of Casa expressed a doubt of their genuineness,
which, by the investigations of the Protestants (the
Magdeburg Centuriators and others), was raised to a
certainty. But meanwhile the false Decretals had
done their work. Not that their work was to bring
forth the mediaeval Papacy — history is not to be de-
ceived— but that they stood by the rising Papacy as its
most powerful ally, in order to support its claims to
ecclesiastical and temporal supremacy.

The Empire of Charles the Great had dissolved and
fallen. If the unity of the Church was to be maintained,
it could only be done by means of the Papacy. With
the fall of the Carlovingian Empire, the foundations of
mediaeval Papal supremacy were laid.

THE FRANKISH EMPIRE 95

And already the Papacy of the future was announced.
Nicolas I. (858-867) arose at that instant as one of its
most important representatives. He subdued the
churches of the West Franktsh kingdom, in the case
of Hinkmar. He called to account King Lothar II.
for the divorce of his wife. He reduced to subjection,
not only the King, but the Archbishops of Cologne
and Treves, who had served him as abettors, together
with the whole Episcopate of Lotharingia. He
even quarrelled with Photius, Patriarch of Constan-
tinople, because he had refused to recognise the judg-
ment of the Roman See, which declared not Photius,
but Ignatius, to be the legitimate Patriarch (863).
Nicolas and Photius mutually excommunicated and
deposed each other, even bringing questions of dogma
into the dispute ; and this was the occasion of the first
open rupture between the Latin and Greek Churches.
Nicolas proceeded to attack with equal vigour the
authority of the Metropolitans, the royal authority, and
his great rival at Constantinople. The Papacy arose
to conquer the West, and to separate, as schismatic,
the refractory Greek communion from the body of the
true Church.

The Papacy entered on the inheritance of Charles the
Great. On his way to world-wide supremacy, the
Bishop of Rome had only one more enemy to overcome
— the German Emperor.

CHAPTER II

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES

§ 21. The German Emperors

IT was Germany that first succeeded in bringing forth
a new State. While France, Burgundy, and Italy were
still in full process of dissolution, Henry I. laboured at
that regeneration of Germany which was completed
under his great son, Otho I. The victory which was
won on the Lechfeld over the Hungarians in 955,
revealed, both to the barbarous invaders and to all
Europe, that in Germany a powerful State had been
established. To the first power which arose on the
ruins of the Carlovingian Empire there fell naturally
the imperial crown, and, with it, that supremacy over
Italy which was to bring with it a curse as well as a
blessing. In the year 962, Otho the Great was crowned
Roman Emperor by the Pope. The crown of Charles
the Great had again an heir who was in a position to
make the imperial power felt. Yet, nevertheless, the
political situation was altogether different under Otho
from what it was under Charles the Great.

To Otho the Great belonged only a portion of the
former kingdom of the Franks : the kingdom of the
East Franks (Ostarrihhi) on the Rhine, the Elbe, the
Main, and the Danube, to which was now added Italy.

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 9?

According to the political doctrine of the Middle Ages,
the world, at any rate the Western world, was to be
subject to the imperial authority. But the supremacy
of the German Emperor remained a mere name to
countries outside Germany. It meant in point of fact
only that supremacy over Italy, so often fought for and
so fatal when won. And in Germany itself the royal
power, upon which, nevertheless, the imperial authority
rested, fell far short of the position formerly assumed by
the Frankish kings. The Feudal System had arisen in
the meanwhile, and had changed the constitution of the
State. The Count was no longer, as before, the official
organ of the royal will, but a vassal whose county
belonged to him as a fief in his own right. Moreover,
above the Count the great duchies had arisen, the
Swabian, the Bavarian, the Frankish, the Lotharingian
and the Saxon, which possessed a power altogether
equal to that of the King. The royal power was in
danger of being turned from a real supremacy into a
mere feudal over-lordship. Otho the Great saved it
from this danger by two measures. First, he attached
the duchies as much as possible to his own family, and
thus turned the resources of the duchy into resources of
the kingdom. This measure was only partially success-
ful ; since his own brother, the Duke of Bavaria, and his
own son, the Duke of Swabia, were far more inclined to
rebel against the royal power than to be obedient to it.
The decisive measure, which Otho the Great employed,
was to build the new kingdom on the power of the
Church. Under him, it became an express principle of
the royal policy to raise the power of the Church,
especially of the bishops, by enriching them with gifts,
bestowing on them public privileges, and even making

98 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

them Counts. And wherefore? In order that the power
of the spiritual princes might counterbalance that of the
arrogant temporal princes. The King was surer of the
spiritual lords than he was of the temporal. The King
himself nominated the bishop and abbot of-the imperial
monasteries by means of the investiture with ring and
crosier. He was more free to nominate the bishop and
abbot than the count and duke, because spiritual offices
were not hereditary, neither could be hereditary. The
spiritual dignities in every case of death fell again into
the King's hands at his disposal, and could always be
filled by the persons most agreeable to the King.

Even property belonging to the spiritual foundations
passed as in some measure the property of the Empire.
What the spiritual foundation gained was not therefore
lost to the Empire. On the contrary, it became rather
the more certain possession of the Empire, by being
withdrawn from the hands of the great temporal
vassals. The King received subsidies, under the name
of gifts, from the Church-lands, and from Church-lands
the greater part of his troops was supplied in case of
war. So over Church-lands the King set up the bishop
or the abbot most agreeable to him. Thus the German
Kingdom and the GermarTEmpire of the Middle Ages
became possible. Its supremacy found a material
substratum in the power of the Church ; and the royal
investiture represented the means by which theChurch
was bound to the King.

It was a kingdom built upon a broad foundation.
But would not that foundation itself begin to tremble
in the moment when the Church, by reason of its
spiritual nature, desired freedom from .the __.authonty__of
the State ?

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 99

From the time of the dissolution of the Carlovingian
Empire the Papacy had also gone through a period of
decline, though it succeeded in exercising its power
in isolated instances ; but in the main the national
Churches of Germany, France, and England governed
themselves. The age of national Churches was ap-
parently renewed. But it was with the Emperor that
there lay that determining force which now once more
saved the Church from dissolution. According to the
belief of the Middle Ages, the Emperor also was
possessed of peculiar spiritual virtue, and the German
Synods, over which he presided in the tenth and
eleventh centuries, were at the same time representative
of the entire Church. Above all, the Emperor, as the
head of all Christendom, was not only justified in
exalting the Papacy, but bound to do so. The Papacy,
as it existed at the end of the ninth and beginning of
the tenth centuries, was laid low by the violence of the
civic aristocracy, and the very scum of a rude society
disgraced the Papal throne. The Roman Papacy had
to be delivered from the Romans. Otho the Great, his
son, and his grandson, interposed repeatedly. The
Romans had taken oath to Otho, to elect no Pope
without his confirmation. Many a time the Emperor
interfered in order that through his influence on the
nomination he might bring new life to the Papacy ; but
for the most part his interference was in vain. In the
first half of the eleventh century the great hereditary
nobility of Rome, the Crescentii and the Tusculans,
fought for the Papal power as for a family possession.
In the year 1033, Benedict IX., a boy of twelve years,
was actually raised to the Papal See, which he after-
wards stained with all manner of vice. By a popular

100 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

insurrection he was driven from the city, in 1044, in
order that Sylvester in. might be raised to the Papacy
as his rival. When, notwithstanding, Benedict IX.
returned to Rome with an armed force, he sold his
Papacy to Gregory VI. ; but without any idea of giving
up the papal authority. The scandal had reached its
height. The German Emperor appeared as the only
power that could give help. Henry III. interposed, and,
under his powerful protection, the Synod of Sutri
(1046) deposed the two rival Popes, and later, the
Synod of Rome (December 1046) deposed Benedict IX.
also. A German bishop, Suidger of Bamberg, was
elected Pope in Rome under the name of Clement II.
(1046- 1 049). He placed the imperial crown on the
head of Henry III. At the same time the Emperor
received the rank and authority of a Roman patrician,
together with the right of nomination to the Roman
See. From that day the nomination of the Popes
became a recognised function of the German govern-
ment.

Three more Popes were nominated by Henry III. :
Damasus II. (1047); Leo IX. (1048-1054, a native of
Alsace, of the family of the Counts of Dachsburg,
elected at the Diet of Worms); and Victor II. (1054-
1057, elected at the Diet of Mainz). The Pope was
elected no longer in Rome, but in Germany.

The Emperor was at the height of his power. The
German Church was bound to his service. Even the
united Church of the Empire recognised in him, as in
the days of Charles the Great, its superior ruler, in
that the appointment to the highest spiritual dignities
belonged to him.

But it was only for a moment that the ecclesiastical

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 101

movement favoured the authority of the Emperor. For
that moment no other means was at hand to help
the Papacy and the Church out of their difficulty, save
the powerful aid of the Emperor. But this solution of the
problem could not be regarded as a final disposal of the
question of reform. The protection of the Emperor
was altogether inadequate. As long as the arm of the
Emperor was dreaded, so long the protection which it
lent was effectual. But as soon as the direct pressure
of the imperial authority was relaxed — and the Emperor
was too often at a distance and occupied with other
cares — then the Papacy fell again a prey to the petty-
tyrants of Rome. The Church required the establish- la-
ment of the Papacy in its own might, and this the
Emperor was unable to ensure. The help of the
Emperor was accepted for the moment. But when
the Papacy was successfully re-established as a power
capable of independent action, then its determined aim
would necessarily be the deliverance, not only of the
Pope, but of the Church, from the authority of the
Emperor. Once the Church and the Papacy were truly
reformed (in the ecclesiastical sense) by the help of the
Emperor, then had the hour struck for the formation of
the Pope's supremacy.

§ 22. Reform of Monasticism

While the world was full of the fame of men like
Otho and Henry, a spiritual movement had already
begun in the quiet cells of the cloister which was
destined to transform the Empire and the Papacy.

The learning of the tenth and the eleventh centuries
was the fruit of the Carlovingian Renaissance, of the

102 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Carlovingian revival of Latin culture. It was the age
of Roman architecture, that style in which the spirit of
Christianity was united with classic form. Like its
churches and its imperial palaces, the entire culture of
that age was Roman in its style. Virgil was the poet
most honoured in that period. Latin was the language
not only of the clergy, but of the higher classes generally.
It was the age in which the Latin comedies of the nun
Hroswitha were represented before a public of illustrious
ladies ; in which the monk Ekkehard (i.) translated the
Waltharilied into Latin verse, and so into the form of
the literature of the Court, in which even the naive songs
of the people occasionally found utterance in the Latin
tongue. Besides the Court of the Emperor, other
centres and representatives of that Virgilian culture
were the monasteries, which we may call the Universities
of that age — the most important of the German cloisters
being the monastery of St. Gallen, renowned far and
wide for its scholars and artists. The part of leader in
the development of intellectual life which later was
taken by the royal Court and afterwards (from the
sixteenth century) by the cities, belonged at that time
to the Court of the Emperor and to the cloisters.
Thence the intellectual impulses which moved the
educated world took their rise. There was no interest,
either of art or science, or even, we may say, of popular
and political life, which lay beyond the reach of these
monkish professors. There was no power which was
not thought worthy of being used, no faculty which did
not find a school there to train it to masterly perfection.
The watchword of these monasteries and nunneries was
not the annihilation but the fulfilment of individuality.
It meant to have an ear, not only for psalmody but for

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 103

the music of the heroic songs of Germany ; to have an
eye not only for letters, the rudiments of learning, but
for painting, with the splendour of its sensuous charm,
that looked not only to art but to nature ; nay, more,
it meant to have a heart, not only for the Latin of
Virgil, but for our wonderful, scarce discovered German
mother-tongue, which became, as it were, for the first
time conscious of its power within the cloistral walls of
St. Gallen. It was a monasticism which stood in the
mid-stream of the national life, ready both to give and
to receive, and ruled the world of that time by sheer
force of intellect.

But was it then the aim of Monasticism to rule the
world, to enjoy its good things, and to share the life of
the nation ? Was not its ideal rather to forsake the
world, to despise its noblest possessions as nought,
and as unworthy of the immortal soul — nay, more,
as a danger in themselves, as a part of that world
which is synonymous with evil, with sin, and corrup-
tion ?

The annihilation, the mortification, not only of evil
affections, but of all earthward impulses of man ; not
the completion, but the destruction of the earthly gifts
pertaining to the person ; — that is the characteristic and
native watchword of Monasticism. And the monks of
St. Gallen, and of all other Benedictine Monasteries in
Germany and France, were fallen very far from that
ideal. There could be no doubt that not only a sense
for all that was noble and great in that age, but that
worldly sense of the lowest kind, had found its way into
the cloisters. Monastic disciples declined ; there was
no longer any question of superintendence over the
individual. The Abbot himself might be one of the

104 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

culprits. The more the national spirit, the devotion to
a life of culture in general, obtained the upper hand in
the cloisters, the more did ancient Monasticism, with
its rigour and self-torture, tend to disappear. A
voluptuous and licentious mode of life appeared in the
cloisters ; cloistral seclusion ceased to be the rule ; the
seats of asceticism were turned into halls of luxury.
The interests of asceticism withdrew before the interest
of culture. It was evident that this state of things
struck at the very roots of the genuine monastic life.
From the purely monastic standpoint, the salt of
Monasticism had lost its savour. Therefore Monasti-
cism of this Roman and Virgilian type, the Monasticism
of Ekkehard, was to be cast forth and trodden under
foot of men. It was the cloister of Cluny, founded on
Burgundian soil, close to the French border, that pro-
nounced judgment on a Monasticism so fallen from its
own ideal. Here, as early as in the tenth century, the
old rule of the Benedictines was renewed and sharpened
by the Abbot Odo (927-941). It sought to check every
earthward tendency by means of a rigorous rule, which
went into the minutest details. The introduction of a
rule of silence in certain places and at certain times
was to be a means at once of obtaining complete
mastery over self and of skilfully stimulating the
inner and spiritual life. In the monks of Cluny there
arose anew the old monastic ideal of renunciation, and
of the torture of the flesh, in opposition to the degener-
ate Monasticism of the West. And as this ideal
became visible, it was bound to win over to its side the
world of the Middle Ages. These monks of Cluny
with their mortified bodies, with their glowing eyes
and haggard faces, became the saints of the people ;

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 105

for in them the Christian ideal, as conceived by the
Middle Ages, had become again alive. The peasant
sunk in coarsest sensuality saw here, in bodily form
before his eyes, the spirit of Christianity which trium-
phantly overcomes this world of earth. The Mon-
asticism of Cluny became the centre of a powerful
and enthusiastic movement. Numerous cloisters united
themselves with the mother-cloister of Cluny in one
congregation, under the single government and superin-
tendence of the Abbot of Cluny. The reformation was
at the same time a reorganisation of Monasticism.
The old confusion, which prevailed so long as every
cloister was independently governed under its own
abbot, was done away with by the one uniform con-
stitution through which the power over a strong and
widely extended union of monastic institutions was
committed to a single superintendent-general. The
Abbot of Cluny, the first General of the Order,
received the title of Arch- Abbot. The movement had
arisen on Roman soil, and there it produced its first
great effect. But even in the eleventh century it ruled
the West. The German Emperors themselves looked
favourably on the cause of reform, and lent their help
to change one cloister after another (including even the
famous monastery of St. Gallen) from the old traditional
fashion to the new and vigorous ' Italian ' form. In this
new-born Monasticism there lay the force which gave
to the Church a new inner life, which won over large
classes of the population to the Church's ideal, which
delivered the Church from her subordination to the
temporal power, and brought forth the age of the
mediaeval hierarchy. It was from the cloister-cell that
the world of the Middle Ages arose, and from the

106 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

cloister-cell its destruction afterwards went forth in
the person of Martin Luther.

The fate of the future was already decided when,
in Germany also, the Emperor Henry III. put forth all
his power to open the way for the reforms of Cluny ;
and later, in the person of Gregory VII. (the monk
Hildebrand), the Monasticism of Cluny ascended the
papal throne.

§ 23. Ecclesiastical Reform

The ideals of Cluny were by no means limited to the
reform of Monasticism. Ecclesiastical and monastic
reform were rather to proceed hand in hand. The aim
was to deliver from the world not only the monasteries,
but the Church. There were two ways toward the
deliverance of the Church, and both ways were taken.

One way was the renunciation of the world on the
part of the Church ; renunciation of its revenues, its
wealth, its dignities, its principalities, its privileges of
rule and all its glory. In consideration of her renuncia-
tion of all temporal power, the Church could then with
right and justice insist on her deliverance from the
temporal authority, more particularly on her deliverance
from investiture at the hands of the laity. This was
felt to be a means of secularisation of the Church,
especially through the simony, that is, the sale of
ecclesiastical offices, which in many ways it actually
involved. Thjs_jde^aJ^f_jpoverty was the pure and
natural result of the ideas of Cluny. It meant that
monastic poverty and renunciation were to be binding
upon the Church in general. From this ideal of
poverty there followed, as its consequence, the idea
which arose equally iiTCIunypef^L celibate priesthood :

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES IO;

renunciation of the world includes the renunciation of
marriage. With the Church, as with the monastery, it ;
was a question of realizing the imitation of Christ, as
conceived by the Middle Ages, with regard not only to
their renunciation of all possessions, but to the celi-
bacy of the whole body of the clergy ; in a word, it
was a question of monasticizing the secular clergy.

The other way was to lay foundations for the
Church's supremacy over the world. The Church could
also become free from the world by subduing the world.
Here again this method demanded the abrogation of
investiture by the laity ; but the State was by no
means to take back from the Church her worldly
possessions. Rather, the Church was to cling to all her •"<
temporal wealth and power with a firm hand, while she
demanded that her worldly possessions should be freed
from the authority of the State. The Church claimed
the world for her own, and required the State to give
her room — that she might assume the position of a
State. The supremacy of ecclesiastical authority over
that of the State, even in temporal affairs, was here the
leading thought. As the ideal of poverty sprang from
the opinions of the monastic clergy, so that of supremacy
arose from the instinct of the episcopal — the secular —
clergy.

When, towards the middle of the eleventh century,
the Cluniac movement gained hold on the people in
the towns of Upper Italy (beginning with Milan in
1056), and roused the 'pataria,' or rabble, to revolt
against the wealthy and luxurious secular clergy who
were the ruling class, it was the monastic ideal of
poverty which governed the course of reform and
stirred up the masses of the citizens to protest, not only

108 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

against the wealth and temporal government of the
priests, but against their marriage. And this ideal of
poverty never wholly died out in the Church ; it was
realised later, in a more legitimately ecclesiastical form,
by the Mendicant Orders. But its complete realization
was hindered by the insurmountable opposition of the
secular clergy. When, in the year 1 1 1 1, Pope Paschal II.
was willing to buy the Church's freedom from the
lay investiture at the price of her renunciation of all her
possessions and rights of government, there arose from
the ranks of the clergy a storm of opposition to which
the Pope himself was compelled to yield. But the
point of celibacy was carried through, especially as it
was subservient, not only to the ideal of poverty, but to
the power of the Church ; inasmuch as by freeing the
priest from all family ties it made him the dependant
and servant of the Church alone. So far the monastic
ideal conquered. But there was no renunciation of
temporal power and authority. The interests of the
secular clergy, that is, of the Episcopate, were here
stronger than the purely ideal interests of the Church.

The question was decided for the Church by the
powerful Gregory VII.. who was not only a bishop but
a monk. As a monk he forbade the marriage of the
clergy ; as a bishop the influence of temporal glory was
too strong for him. Through him the mediaeval ideal
of ecclesiastical supremacy attained, so to speak, self-
consciousness ; through him it was proclaimed with a
mighty voice, and realized with all the unhesitating
energy of a ruling spirit, whose genius was far above
that of any of his contemporaries. It was he who
instituted, in IQ74, the law of celibacy, by which every
married priest was forbidden to serve at the holy altar

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 109

on pain of excommunication. It was he also who
instituted, in 1075, the law against investiture, by wh ich^t-
the German king, Henry IV., was refused the right of
investiture with ring and crosier, that is, the right to
make grants of the bishoprics and abbeys of his
kingdom. When he determined to build upon the
foundations of the intellectual movement which had
its beginning in Cluny, and had developed in the mean-
while, he made it possible to fling down the gauntlet to ^
the German Empire, which under Henry III. was too / <■ - ;
strong for the Papacy. His strong confidence was
justified by the course of history. When, in 1076,
Gregory VII. thundered forth his anathemas against
Henry IV., the German king had to exchange his royal
mantle for the sackcloth of penance, and to go down on
his knees in the snow of winter, before the gates of the
Castle of Canossa, and thus in an ignoble humiliation,
which was a shame both to himself and to his rival, to
crave absolution from the haughty priest. The high
tide of ecclesiastical thought was too strong for the
loose fabric of the mediaeval State. And just as this
powerful Pope established his supremacy over the
German throne by the raising and deposing of rival
kings, so by his gift of Apulia and Calabria to the
Norman Duke, Robert Guiscard ; by the help he gave
to William the Conqueror in his invasion of England ;
by his interference in the struggles for the crown in
Hungary, Poland, and Dalmatia ; by his opposition to
the Spanish Courts and the Princes of Sardinia, he
realized^in all parts of the Western world the idea to
which he had devoted his life — the idea of the Supremacy
of the Church. And at his death, even in his exile,
fleeing before Henry IV., a prisoner rather than a

IIO OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

comrade of the Normans by whom he was surrounded,
Snoil the legacy which he left to his posterity was the estab-
MfSL-i lishment of the Church as God's own State supreme

over the world.

And thus upon the supremacy of the Empire there

followed directly the age of Papal supremacy.

§ 24. The Concordat of Worms

Certainly Gregory Vll.'s ideal of Papal supremacy
never was nor could be fully realized. That was plainly
shown in the dispute about the investiture. In the
year 1122, that conflict was formally ended for Ger-
many, by the Concordat of Worms, concluded between
the Emperor Henry V. and Pope Calixtus II. By this
treaty the symbols of investiture were changed ; the
Emperor was to invest no longer with the ring and
crosier, but with the sceptre. This expressly signified
that the temporal possessions of the Church were alone
the object of imperial investiture : the bishop or abbot
who was elected received only the ' regalia,' and not his
spiritual office, by royal investiture. Nay, more, the
Emperor's free right of nomination was expressly done
away with, and the Emperor gave his sanction to
Canonical election by the community, under the leader-
ship of the clergy and of the nobility, especially the
brethren of the monasteries. But the presence of the
Emperor, or of his legate, at the election, and his right
-to a decision in concert with the provincial synods in
the case of a disputed election, gave him, as before, the
casting vote in the appointment of bishoprics and
imperial abbeys. The more so, because, according to
the Concordat, the elected candidates were invested

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES I I I

before the rite of consecration. If the Emperor refused
the investiture, in point of fact the rite of consecration
(which, for instance, made a bishop or an abbot) could
not be completed. It was altogether impossible that
any person not approved of by the Emperor could
attain the position of bishop or abbot. In the course
of the twelfth century, and later, the German Emperors
repeatedly renounced their right of investiture before
consecration. But in spite of this fact the right re-
mained, and was exercised. Nay, more, in those cases
where the investiture was only performed after the
consecration (and by the Concordat itself this was
made the rule from the very first, for foreign countries
lying within the German Empire, such as Burgundy
and Italy), as long as full investiture represented a free
right of the Emperor, so long there remained ensured
to him an influence on the election. No person could
very well be elected and consecrated when it was
certain that he would not receive the investiture. Thus
by the Concordat of Worms the imperial investiture
was changed only in form. The case remained the
same as before. The more so, because, according to
the express wording of the Concordat, all that the
bishoprics and imperial abbeys owed to the Empire in
the supplying of troops and the payment of dues re-
mained unchanged. It was impossible for the Emperor
to relinquish his hold on the spiritual principalities ;
for the good reason, that in doing so he would have
given up the foundations of his own power. The agree-
ment made as to the imperial investiture meant that the
Empire asserted itself as a living power independent of
the Church. It triumphantly repelled the Church's
attack upon the temporal conditions of its existence.

112 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

During the whole of the twelfth, during the whole of
the thirteenth century, up to the time of the inter-
regnum, the German Emperors' right of investiture
remained the most important source of the imperial
authority ; and the splendour of the imperial house of
Hohenstaufen, as once that of Otho's line, was owing in
the first place to the power which the German Emperor
exercised over the German Church and its possessions.
When, during the interregnum and after it, the German
kingdom was completely dissolved, and the duties
which the spiritual princes owed to the Empire also
ceased, then for the first time the right of royal investi-
ture lost its meaning. It became a mere form. The
knights (who represented the community, and as late as
the twelfth century shared with the clergy in the elec-
tion of bishops) at this time withdrew from the election.
Nay, more, the greater part even of the clergy must have
voluntarily relinquished their right in it. For most of
the dioceses the cathedral chapter assumed the position
of the sole legitimate elective body, a body exclusively
and purely ecclesiastical, which still less admitted the
claims of the political authority. The investiture of
bishops and of the imperial abbots likewise became a
mere form, just like that of the great temporal vassals.
Instead of the Emperor, the Pope now acquired the
decisive influence. Not the Concordat of Worms, but
the victorious revolt of the princely nobility against the
declining Emperors, together with the rising power of
the cathedral chapter, which began at the time of the
interregnum, first deprived the Emperor's function of
investiture of the meaning which it once possessed.

In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Emperor
asserted himself against the theories of Gregory, and

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 1 13

would not suffer the Empire to be degraded to a mere
empire of priests. Throughout the West the Pope
experienced the same opposition as in Germany. The
right of appointment to ecclesiastical offices, which
albeit in a different form belongs to the State up to the
present day, represents, in spite of all instances to the
contrary, the result of that royal function of investiture
which not only in Germany, but in France, in England,
and in the whole circle of the mediaeval Roman-German
State generally, was once the offspring of mediaeval law.

§ 25. The Crusades and Chivalry

The Church was not able to put the State altogether
aside. However, under Gregory VII. and his followers,
she obtained the upper hand. Like an overpowering
wave the claims of the Church and of religion arose and
gathered to themselves all the culture and education of
the Middle Ages. In the course of the eleventh century
pilgrimages to the Holy Land became even greater and
more frequent With all the rudeness and sensual
power of that age, the question ' What must I do to be
saved?' became, notwithstanding, the ruling question ;
and man's inborn longing after the heavenly Jerusalem
found utterance, in its mediaeval form, in the yearning
of the Western world to behold the earthly Jerusalem.
On this account, towards the end of the eleventh
century, the outcry of the returning pilgrims against
the outrages of the Saracens aroused a mighty answer
over the whole West. But it was neither emperor nor
king, but a pope, Urban 11., who aroused all Christendom
to arms at the Council of Clermont in 1095. The result
was astounding. The Crusades were the greatest

114 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

military undertaking which the Middle Ages had seen.
The whole manly force of Western chivalry now arose,
once for all, to repel the attack of Mohammedanism
upon Christianity with a mightier attack. Throughout
two centuries, the idea of the deliverance of the Holy
Sepulchre continued to be the supreme interest of
Europe ; again and again did emperor and kings stir
up anew the flower of the knighthood of Europe to
crusades in the far-off Holy Land, which was lit by the
sun of the East and by the splendour of Christian
history — the history of salvation. The military service
which was rendered to God and to Christ was at the
same time a campaign in the service of the Church and
of its head. The Crusades, for which the chivalry of
the West drew the sword again and again, meant in
point of fact that the Pope was the greatest, the
mightiest, and highest military sovereign of the West.

The chivalry of the West rested on a single inter-
national idea : it represented, in the imagination of the
Middle Ages, one great united society, not divided by
boundaries of country and government, — a society into
which the young noble was received by proof of arms
and by laying on of knighthood. All the great pro-
ducts of the Middle Ages bear this character of uni-
versality. As was the Church, the Empire, and the
scholastic culture of the Middle Ages, such was the
organization of the mediaeval nobility. The universal
Empire of Rome finds its mediaeval reflection in the
culture of chivalry too! The Christian nobility, that is
to say, a nobility not French or German, but simply
Christian, represented the armed knighthood of the
Empire, and this was now pre-eminently a Church.
The head of all knights was the Emperor, the supreme

THE GERMAN MIDDL] AGES 115

temporal head of Christendom, that is, of the Empire
But it was his glory and his pride, together with the
united chivalry of the Church, to serve the Pope.
Knighthood was a society which represented at once
the interests of the nobility and of the clergy. Scarcely
had the movement of the Crusades begun at the end of
the eleventh century, when, at the beginning of the
twelfth, the great Orders were founded ; that of the
Knights Templar in 11 19; that of the Knights of St.
John in 1 120. The Orders assumed a spiritual organiza-
tion, that they might perform the service which they
owed to the Church. The monk drew his sword in
order to fulfil at once his monastic and his knightly
vows. And these proud Orders of Knights, which
embraced the whole extent of Christendom, recognized
but one sovereign — the Pope. A standing army of
knights who were monks was at the disposal of the
Pope, loosening the bonds of the temporal States (which
had the local command of the Orders), and at the same
time plainly revealing with how strong a hand the
Church was now able to wield the temporal sword.

This movement against the East, a movement half
spiritual, half military, helped to complete the supre-
macy of the Pope over the West. The day came when,
at the Pope's command, a crusade was started in the
north of France to wipe out in blood the heresy of the
Albigenses (the Catharists or Cathari) of the South
(1209) ; when King John of England received his king-
dom as a gift from the Pope (12 13); when the strife
between the knights of Livonia and the bishop of Riga
over Livonia and Esthonia, newly won to Christendom,
was referred to the Pope, as if these lands had been
the peculiar possession of St. Peter (1210); when the

Il6 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Knights of Germany received Culm and Prussia as a
gift from St. Peter (1226); and when, by means of a
sudden crusade, a Latin Empire and a Latin Church
dependent on Rome were erected in Constantinople
(1204). The Papacy had become the foremost political
power. And this was the more marvellous seeing that
it was dependent for this its worldly power on those
very monks who had forsworn the world.

§ 26. Monasticism — The Mendicant Orders

The monks had drawn the sword. At the same
time they arose with ever renewed endeavour to
realize, before all, the spiritual ideals of Monasticisrn,
the ideals of Catholic Christendom. The highest aim
of mediaeval and of modern Catholic piety is, for the
individual, asceticism, the striving after renunciation
of the world and all it has to offer. The ideal of
mediaeval and of Catholic Christendom is the monk
who escapes from the world into the cloister-cell, that
there he may crucify his flesh with all its affections.
Yet the world pursued the monk into the cloister, and
he could not escape from it. Wealth and power, the
interests of politics and of culture, had laid hold on
the monks of the Merovingians and Otho's time, and
estranged them from their original purpose. The
monks of Cluny represented in the tenth and eleventh
centuries the first great returning tide of the true
monastic spirit. But it was in the twelfth century that
the spirit of asceticism first attained its full motive
power. Monasticism was revived in a succession of new
forms, each in its different way expressing the action of
the ascetic idea: the Orders of the Carthusians, the

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 117

Premonstrants, the Carmelites, etc. In this movement
the Cistercian monks, and especially their great Abbot,
Bernard of Clairvaux, played the chief part, which was
afterwards taken by the Order of Mendicants.

The first half of the twelfth century was the age of
Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153). By his word alone
he ruled the world, with its Popes, Emperor, and Kings.
He decided between the claims of Pope Innocent II.
and his rival Anacletus II., and laid the West in
subjection to Innocent. By the power of his oratory
he urged the Emperor Conrad III. to the second great
Crusade (1147). Pope Eugenius III. (1145-1153), a
Cistercian monk and pupil of Bernard's, was a tool in
his hands. But this man, who compelled the world to
bow before the sovereign power of his intellect, found
satisfaction for his own innermost being only when he
forsook all worldly things, that, in the midst of solitude,
he might live for the contemplation of the Divine love,
and for the rapture of communion with the Almighty
alone. As Augustine was the father of Western
theology, Bernard was the father of Western mysticism.
The ardour of his spiritual emotion burst forth from his
innermost soul in immortal songs. His Salve caput
cruentatum, which Paul Gerhardt has paraphrased in
his hymn ' O Sacred Head, with blood and wounds,'
etc., peals like the music of an organ, uniting the power
of its sublime subject with the natural force of perfect
religious fervour and of a poetic genius of unearthly
splendour. Urged by his longing after God, while he
was a young man belonging to a noble family of
Burgundy, he avoided the already wealthy Order of
Cluny, and entered an Order newly founded, poor and
insignificant, which had sprung up in the depths of the

Il8 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

forest of Citeaux, near Dijon — the Order of Cistercians.
He made the greatness and the power of his Order. In
two years' time, in order to accommodate the increasing
numbers of members, a larger monastery had to be
built at Clairvaux, situated in a wild solitude ; and
Bernard was chosen for its Abbot. Numbers of other
monasteries were afterwards founded over the whole
extent of the West. Up to the middle of the thirteenth
century the Order of Cistercians (or of Bernardines)
was the leading Monastic Order. He erected his
monasteries, which in their architecture were fore-
runners of the new and aspiring Gothic style, in some
waste desert place, or in the heart of the silent primaeval
forest, that they might be homes of Christian life and
of industry alike. The Cistercian monasteries were in
the Middle Ages the pioneers not only of Monasticism
but of agricultural labour, which pressed on courageously
into the wilderness of yet untamed nature, and cast the
charm of a kindlier grace over the dumb landscape of
primaeval time. In East Germany these cloisters were
centres not only for the conversion of the heathen, but
for the spread of agriculture and German civilisation.
What a fulness of life to be set free by a single man !

The Middle Ages produced yet another spiritual
creative genius, of even more supreme importance than
Bernard of Clairvaux — Francis of Assisi (born 1182).
In this strange man the power of faith brought forth its
fairest fruit, the power of love. Following the example
of his Lord and Master, his own desire was to give all
that he had to the poor, and to preach the gospel of
repentance and of love. He did this, and more ; he
succeeded in making others do the same. From his
work of practical Christianity (as he understood it in

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 119

a monastic and ascetic sense) made perfect by the power
of an unconquerable love, there arose the Mendicant
Orders, and these Orders, especially the Franciscans
(founded 1209) and the Dominicans (founded 121 5),
ruled the whole course of the history of the Western
Church during the second half of the Middle Ages.

Francis of Assisi, from whom the Franciscans
received their name, undertook to realise the ideal of
poverty, not only for the individual monk, but for the
entire community of the cloisters and the Orders.
Even the monastic community itself, that is, the Cloister,
or the Order, was to be incapable of possessing property,
in order that wealth (the constant enemy of cloistral
rule) might be excluded, and that the brethren might
be beggars, abandoned to necessity and poverty, thrown
back for their support upon the charitable gifts which
they begged ; so might they learn with humility and
renunciation to lead a life devoted to love alone and
the service of others. Such was the power of ascetic
resolution. It had a widespread influence, because it
gave the fullest expression to the ideals of mediaeval
piety, though it could not always be more than very
partially carried out. From the very first there
appeared within the Franciscan Order a milder
tendency, which aimed at the acquisition of property,
art, and knowledge, in opposition to the rigour of its
founder. The Dominican Order followed the example
of the Franciscans, only with certain reservations and
limitations. But enough of the original idea remained
to conquer the Middle Ages. The Mendicant Orders
had no need to support their members ; they lived upon
the alms of the faithful. Thus they had no need to
limit the number of members they admitted. The

120 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

principle of mendicancy further involved the abrogation
of the old monastic system of seclusion. The band of
mendicant monks streamed forth far and wide over
the whole land, that they might carry everywhere,
along with their request for charity, the spirit, the
doctrine, and the convictions of Monasticism. The
mendicant monks soon became the confessors, pastors,
and preachers most beloved by the people. Freed
from episcopal authority by papal privileges, in order
that they might be in direct subjection to the Pope,
they were untrammelled by the authority either of the
bishop or the parish priest. To them all Christendom
was one single community, open to their impressive
preaching, which worked upon the masses, touching
every interest, political, ecclesiastical, and spiritual,
in equal degree. The founder of the Franciscan Order
even undertook to cast, as it were, the net of his rule
directly over the whole world. He created the ' Third
Order' of Saint Francis, the members of which were
known as ' Tertiaries/ both men and women, and gave
to the laity also a monastic character. The Tertiary
remained in the world, in the married state, or in his
profession ; but in other respects he took upon himself
all the puritan rigour of monastic life, with the renuncia-
tion even of those joys of life hitherto permitted, and
bound himself by an oath to the practice of the most
earnest morality. A grey frock, with a cord for girdle,
gave him even the outward appearance of an ascetic.
As the reformers of Cluny had set themselves to
monasticize the secular clergy in earlier time, so now
the attempt was made in still grander fashion to
monasticize the laity itself. If monasticism be indeed
the true and proper calling of a Christian, then of every

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 121

Christian it must be required as an ideal that he
renounce the world and devote himself by a monastic
life to God and to Christ alone. If Monasticism is the
truth, Monasticism must desire to draw all Christendom
after it into the cloister. This attempt was made by
Francis of Assisi, so far as it was practicable.
Monasticism was conceived to be the form of Christian
life which was valid for all. As the monks had once
forsaken the Church, they now turned back to the
Church in order to transform it after their own fashion.
In this moment the principle of mediaeval Catholicism
celebrated its highest triumph. The power which
strove to merit salvation by the works of the law, by
mortification of the flesh and renunciation of the world,
filled the Church and ruled the world far and wide.

We must consider further that the Mendicant Orders,
especially the Dominicans, were soon rapidly rising to
power, and held their own interests to be identical with
those of the Papacy. The Pope delivered them from
the episcopal authority. By means of the privileges he
granted to them he opened out a free path for their
unhindered activity. Thus the strengthening of the
papal authority which served the Order as a protection
against the authority of their regular ecclesiastical
superiors, was the direct interest of the Order itself.
In all parts of the Church, the Mendicant monks with
their privileges were a living witness to the far-reaching
authority of the Papacy ; and as the power of the
regular temporal authority, of Emperor, Kings, and
Princes, was injured by the direct subordination to the
Pope of the Orders of Knights, so the regular spiritual
authority of bishops and archbishops was maimed by
the similar subordination of the Mendicant Orders.

122 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

The authority of the Papacy was everywhere supreme,
and threatened with danger the whole traditional order
both of Church and State.

We must still further consider that it was directly by
means of the Mendicant Orders, more particularly of
the Dominicans, that, from the thirteenth century on-
wards, preaching acquired a steadily increasing import-
ance in the life of the people. Hitherto divine service
had consisted principally of worship. The parish priest,
and even the bishop, were seldom qualified to deliver
spiritual discourse. Divine service was for the most
part speechless. The solemnities of the mass, the
splendid vestments, the mysterious ceremonial alone,
aroused religious awe in a congregation which was more
a spectator of the service than a partaker therein. The
aim of divine worship, and its crowning glory, was that
feeling of the immediate omnipresence of the Divine
Man which constrained the congregation to bow down
in adoration ; and this' feeling nourished not only faith
but manifold superstitions. By means of the Mendi-
cants the eloquence of spiritual discourse first developed
its full powers amongst the assembled people. Yet the
sermon still remained no regular part of divine service.
But it had appeared on the field, it made a place for
preaching beside the sacraments, and it was a pre-
paration for the age of the sixteenth century, when the
great reformation of the Church was to be accomplished
by means of that preaching. But during the second
half of the Middle Ages preaching remained in the
service of the Papal hierarchy. There was then no
Press, as there is now. The pulpit was the place from
which public opinion made itself heard. It was in a
certain measure a substitute for the press. Imagine

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 1 23

a time when the force that influenced public opinion
lay exclusively in the hands of the Papacy! It was a
tremendous power. We can understand that the world
of the Middle Ages must have been virtually in the
power of the Papacy. Advancing more and more from
the eleventh century onward, the supremacy not only
of the strictly ecclesiastical, but of the ascetic, the
monastic views of life increased. The State itself was
claimed as a creation of the Church. According to
ecclesiastical doctrine, first clearly enunciated by Ber-
nard of Clairvaux, the two swords, the temporal as well
as the spiritual, belonged to the Pope (Luke xxii. 38).
Consequently the Emperor held his authority as a fief
from the Pope. The State was in itself an unholy
thing. It must first be sanctified by its connection
with the Church. And even as the star of empire faded
so the splendour of the court and of chivalry paled
before the Church and its influence. However deeply
the life of the nobles themselves was rooted in the
traditions of the Church in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, they had, notwithstanding, produced their
own independent view of the world, directed towards
the noble enjoyment of life and the formation of a
magnificent chivalry, a view which found enduring
expression in the laws and the aims of courtly life in all
its forms. That age, which brought forth the Crusades
and the monastic Orders of Knights, was also the
blossoming-time of this more purely worldly knight-
hood, with its service of chivalric love, its troubadour
poesy, its love-songs and its love of art, its brilliant
feasts and tournaments, its passion for noble combat
and adventure, its code of knightly honour and of
knightly life. The monastic ideal of renunciation was

124 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

here confronted by an ideal of noble delight in the
world, which, in its extravagance in the field of love
and arms, not unreasonably challenged the direct op-
position of the Church. But the Mendicant Orders
proved more powerful than the knights. The fact that,
no later than the interregnum, the power of courtly
chivalry was shattered after it had flourished for scarce
a century (the classic age of chivalry begins no earlier
than under Frederick Barbarossa), was owing in no
small measure to the greater power of the impressive
preaching of the friars, an influence which was spread
abroad everywhere by the Mendicant Orders. The
chivalric ideal gave way to the monastic.

§ 27. Spiritual Law and Jzirisdiction

In the same manner temporal jurisdiction gave way
to spiritual jurisdiction, and temporal law to spiritual
law. In the thirteenth century the Corpus juris canonici
(the better part of which consists of the Papal laws laid
down by men like Alexander III. and Innocent III.)
was placed by the side of the Roman Corpus juris civilis.
In the Middle Ages Roman law held good as universal
law. German, French, or English law could only claim
the value of national law. But ecclesiastical law, in the
form of the Corpus juris canonici, sprang up beside
Roman universal law as equally valid. In the Papal
code of laws the world received a second Corpus juris,
which at the same time claimed authority to reform the
ancient and imperial law of the Corpus juris civilis ac-
cording to the requirements of that age. And upon the
superiority of this ecclesiastical law, which with its
prudent restrictions had entered on the inheritance of

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 1 25

Roman Law, depended the superiority of spiritual juris-
diction, which became even more clearly prominent after
the end of the thirteenth century. While temporal
jurisdiction was conducted, and this more especially in
Germany, after the antiquated models of legal procedure
which had become ever more rigorously formal, lifeless,
and narrow-minded, in spiritual jurisdiction there ap-
peared an essentially informal method of legal procedure
which looked first of all to the justice and equity of the
cause. It was the form of legal procedure to which the
future belonged.

The power to pass judgment, to develop law, to
guide public opinion, to determine the ideal of life ; the
decisive vote in all great public affairs of the West ;
supremacy over emperors and knights — all this was in
the hands of the Church, and therefore of the Pope. In
the very beginning of the thirteenth century, Pope
Innocent III. (1198-1216), who disposed of the thrones
of Germany, of England, and of Aragon, and who, as the
' Vicar of Christ and of God,' had raised the temporal
supremacy of the Papacy to its highest summit, delivered
the oracular sentence : ' The Lord has given not only the
whole Church, but the whole world, to Saint Peter to
govern.' This sentence was the expression of the fact
which gave to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries their
peculiar .character: that the palm of supreme sovereignty
belonged neither to emperors nor kings, but to the
Popes.

§ 28. The Mendicant Orders and the Middle Class
The Mendicant Orders were of importance in other
ways besides spreading abroad the idea of the Church
and of the Papacy. They were significant at the same

126 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

time of the beginning of that social development which
brought the Middle Class upon the stage of history.

Hitherto the history of the Middle Ages has been a
history of the nobles and the clergy ; and the clergy
again, that is, its more influential members, came from
the ranks of the nobles, from those higher grades of
society distinguished by the possession of land and by
knighthood. It might indeed occasionally happen that
the son of an artisan was made Pope, as in the case of
Gregory VII. But, as a rule, bishoprics and abbacies
were occupied by members of the great families of high
rank, and even among the monks, the noble and better
born formed a decided majority; while in the lower
ranks of the secular clergy a lower element, largely
drawn from the servile classes, preponderated. Men
like Ekkehard and Notker, who founded the fame of the
monastery of St. Gallen, belonged to the noble families
of Swabia. Bernard of Clairvaux, the pride of the
Cistercians, sprang from an ancient noble family of Bur-
gundy, and when he entered the monastery he brought
more than thirty of his noble comrades with him. The
whole movement begun by the monks of Cluny, which,
in the eleventh, and notably the twelfth century, was
a prelude to the ascetic reform of Monasticism, had its
rise in the ranks of the nobles. It was their connection
with the noble and landed classes of the nation which
was in every case the foundation of the wealth of the
monasteries, and thus also of their decay. In the Church,
as in the world, the noble classes, provided as they
were with landed property, were the influential leaders
and representatives of the development of history.
The citizen and peasant class, as far as history is con-
cerned, as yet were not. They formed the large but

THE GERMAN MIDDL1

uninfluential mass of the lower and, for the most part,
uneducated secular clergy, which, generally speaking,
stood far below the monastic clergy. It helped to pre-
pare the economical foundations of national life ; but it
represented no ideal. Civic life itself had as yet no
independent intellectual character. The citizen class
certainly freed itself, in the course of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, from forced service and feudal
burdens, and even from the rule, not only of the higher,
but of the lower, that is, the civic or patrician nobility.
But as yet the merchants and the artisans had no
personal interests of their own which extended beyond
the walls of the town. They lived in the interests of a
narrow ecclesiastical particularism, while the whole
Western world formed the horizon of the nobles and
the clergy.

From the fourteenth century there dates a progressive
movement of the middle class, which indeed principally
began with the Mendicant Orders, and by means of
their influence. The Mendicant Orders had power to
demand the entry of the masses of the nation into the
cloisters. In contrast to the old Orders with their
aristocratic stamp, there appeared the Mendicants with
their broad humanity, accessible to each and all. The
time now came when the monasteries and convents
began to be filled from the lower, and especially from
the citizen classes. The power which was exercised by
the Mendicant Orders, and above all by the Dominicans,
represented at the same time the first great manifesta-
tion of the power of the middle class, and it was not in
vain that the noble, courtly life of chivalry gave way
before the stronger instincts — at once ascetic and civic
— of the Mendicant Monks.

128 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

In the Mendicant Orders, preaching, the power of the
Word, became the possession of the middle class. But
not the spoken Word merely ; the literature also of the
thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries was pre-
dominantly in the hands of the Mendicant friars, and
chiefly of the Dominicans again. The great intellectual
movement which began in the twelfth century, at
the same time as the Crusades, further gave rise to the
Universities in Italy, France, England, and, after the
fourteenth century, in Germany also. The majority of
the professorships were occupied by Mendicant friars,
especially by the Dominicans, who were distinguished
by the fame of their learning. From the professorial
chair, as from the pulpit, and in literature as in educa-
tion, the Mendicant friar attained the first place, and
the successes of learning and study, literary activity,
and oratorical talent, were at the same time owing to the
middle class, which in the Mendicant Orders learned
for the first time to know and use the power of educa-
tion.

That education, which by means of the Mendi-
cant Orders the middle class received, and which it
represented, was an ecclesiastical education, and it
culminated in the foundation of the supremacy of
spiritual above temporal interests, of the Papacy above
the Empire. The power of the Church and of the
Papacy appeared to be established on an indestructible
basis. The middle class also, which advanced in a great
body to claim the future for its own, was instinct with
the sacerdotal and ascetic spirit ; and it was now that
it gave to the ideals of the Church their full weight,
their unbounded supremacy over the life of the nation.

Yet in the selfsame moment the way was prepared

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES I 29

for the fall of the Mediaeval Church, and of the whole
fabric of the world it had created. The complete
triumph of the Church brought with it the inevitable
reaction.

§ 29. Encroachments of the Papal Authority — Abuses

In the course of the thirteenth century the Papacy
had triumphantly overthrown the proud Hohenstaufen
family. The defeat of this great rival was the visible
sign of the triumph so hardly fought for. There were
no more limits to the power of the Papacy, either by
temporal or by spiritual law. The sum of all earthly
powers was united in the Papacy as in a centre. But
this very excess of power was of necessity dangerous
to it.

Supremacy over the Church was practically shown in
the nomination to spiritual offices. Whoever held the
right of nomination had the Church also in his power.
He had further at his disposal the benefices also, the
immeasurable wealth of the Church, which extended
over the whole world. From the twelfth century on-
wards the Papacy proceeded on the principle that all
power of nomination in the whole Church belonged to
it by law, and that therefore the Pope had the right to
reserve for his own free disposal whatever places he
chose, whether bishoprics, canonries, or livings. And
he had, more especially, in view the right of nomina-
tion to the rich prebends of the canons. The Pope
disposed of benefices in England, Germany, France,
and elsewhere ; at first by request to any one who
properly held the right of nomination, and then by
command. This was an enormous extension of the
papal authority. No monarch of the world ever had

130 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

at his disposal such an inexhaustible supply of benefices,
honours, revenues, to gain men or to reward them, as
the Pope. All the possessions of the Church lay ready
to his hand. But not for the advantage of the Church.
Nomination within the diocese, by which the most
suitable candidate was sought for the living, or the
canonry, demanded that individual local and personal
knowledge which was possessed by the bishop alone,
who was on the spot, and not by the Pope, who was at
a distance. The claim to the right of direct nomina-
tion to livings and canonries, as well as bishoprics
throughout Christendom, meant the diversion of such
nomination from its purpose. Not the Church and the
people, but the power of the Papacy alone, was served
thereby. Benefices might be, and too often were, given
neither to the worthiest candidate nor to one belonging
to the country, and intimate with the people and all
the relations of their life, but to a stranger who had
never seen either the country or the people, who pro-
bably never came to administer his office in person,
whose only care was for the revenues of the living, and
who let himself be represented by some hungry vicar
in the duties belonging to it. Favourites of the Pope
sometimes managed to secure a number of livings,
perhaps in various countries, where any serious ad-
ministration of the office was out of the question. On
the other hand, it sometimes happened that the same
livings would be given to several candidates, to one
directly, and to another by expectance, as it was called,
on the death of the first. Nay, more, reversions of the
same living were frequently given to different candi-
dates, so that when the living became vacant, it might
be doubtful to whom it belonged, and the most

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 131

troublesome law-suits would arise. But one thing was
always clear, that what the candidate had in his mind
was the revenue, not the office. The Church fell into
the hands of hirelings. The people and local authorities
were not always satisfied with the appointment of an
interloper assigned to them from a distance and nomin-
ated by the Pope. It became necessary for the Pope's
nominee to be accompanied, in addition to the Papal
despatch, by Papal agents empowered to instal him
forcibly. He appeared on the scene under somewhat
trying circumstances. In the year 1350 the King of
England, together with his parliament, passed a resolu-
tion to suffer no more Papal agents on English territory.
The Papal right of nomination was regarded as little
better than a robbery of the country in favour of the
political power of the Papacy, and, still worse, of
strangers, Italians and Frenchmen, who formed the
Pope's immediate surroundings ; and it was therefore
decided that England and English benefices were to be
kept for Englishmen. Already the national interest
was arrayed against the mediaeval idea of a universal
Papacy.

And not the interest of the nation alone, but the
nearest interests of bishops and parish priests were
attacked by the wide encroachments of the Papal
authority. Even by the Pope's interference with the
nominations, the position of a bishop in his diocese
must have been seriously shaken. But now came a
more important matter — the appearance of the Mendi-
cant Orders and their power. Through their numerous
privileges they were protected from all exertions of
episcopal and parochial authority as by a ' wide sea.'
The bishop had nothing to do with them ; the Mendi-

132 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

cants were directly subject to the Pope. The parish
priest could not deny them his pulpit and his congrega-
tion. The Mendicant friar came and ministered to the
spiritual needs of the congregation ; he came and
preached ; he came and heard confession ; he even
came and passed sentence of excommunication. By
means of the privileges he held from the Pope, he had
a right to absolve and to chastise more extensive than
that of the parish priest, or even the bishop himself.
No wonder if the Mendicant monk was preferred to
the priest in the confessional, and especially in the cure
of souls. The priest could not prevent the Mendicant
monk from becoming the minister and pastor of his
people rather than himself. The regular constitution
of the Church sank before the Papal privileges. The
weight of the Papal authority crushed to the earth the
fabric of ecclesiastical organization which rested on
bishops and on priests.

All that yet remained of episcopal authority was
destroyed by appeals to the Pope. Ever since the
time of Gregory VII., appeals to Rome had been
systematically favoured by the Popes ; not only when
it was merely a question of judgment to be pro-
nounced, but in all cases of ecclesiastical administra-
tion. Soon there was no single act of ecclesiastical
administration which could not be referred to the Pope
by way of appeal. Not only the entire system of
nomination, but the entire administration of the Church,
was in the last resort united in the Papacy ; the whole
Church was to receive its government directly from
Rome. But it was obviously impossible to bring for
final decision all particular questions of local adminis-
tration, with every doubtful case of nomination, or of

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 1 33

disciplinary or other rule, to a single place, the Papal
Court. The decision made there must have often mis-
carried, must have been often determined by the merest
accident, or, what was worse, by bribery or other personal
influence. And the long journey to the Papal court,
the residence in the distant city, the encounter with all
the inconveniences of a foreign land, must have involved
considerable hardship for the bishops and clergy.
Among the cases of nomination which were ' reserved '
for the Pope, were those benefices which became vacant
by the death of the holder of the benefice during his
residence at the Papal court. The fact spoke volumes
for the administration of justice. Along with the
swarm of place-hunters at the Papal court, there
thronged the whole crowd of those who had expecta-
tions from the decision of some point of law or of
administration ; and often enough the expectant
candidate was struck down by death before the decision
could be made.

The excess of the Papal rights, not only of nomina-
tion but of administration, as well as the excess of
the privileges showered by the Pope chiefly on the
Mendicant Orders, must be regarded as a hindrance
to the healthy development of the Church. The
Papacy hitherto had been the guiding and organizing
power in the Church, but now that its power was
turned into omnipotence, it became a factor of dis-
solution and disorganization.

And so much the more so when, in the service of
Papal authority, not only temporal, but purely financial
ends were made more and more prominent. With a
bold idealism, Gregory VII. had founded the supremacy
of the Papacy as a purely spiritual authority. But his

134 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

successors in the fourteenth century laid themselves
out to use the authority of the 'Vicar of God upon
earth,' as a means to the lowest pursuit of gain. The
revenues which flowed into the Papal court from all
parts of Christendom were enormous. The annates, the
dues for the ' pallium/ and the taxes paid for dis-
pensation, were found especially burdensome. Annates
were a duty, generally amounting to half of the year's
income, which had to be paid in advance by every one
who held a benefice from the Papal court. Dues for
the 'pallium' consisted of the very considerable sums
which every archbishop had to pay in return for the
pallium (a cape of white woollen material), which he
received from the Pope. When a benefice changed
hands often, it soon became over-burdened with debt ;
the dues had generally to be borne by the whole
province, because the archbishop was seldom able to
raise them out of his own means. As for taxes on
dispensations, the Pope himself had made the laws from
the observance of which he granted dispensation, so
that he was loudly blamed for making laws with a view
to the taxes raised thereby.

But the worst offence was that simony (that is, the
sale of spiritual offices or ecclesiastical benefices for
money) was openly practised at the Papal court. This
meant that there they alone could succeed with their
lawsuit, their petition, or their election, who had money
to spend with a free hand. The whole retinue of the
Pope, from the porter to the cardinal, exacted their
proportion of tribute from the petitioner. It was a
shameful spectacle of abuse. Corruption reigned in the
place to which all Christendom looked for the stimulus
to its moral and religious life.

THE GERMAN MIDDL1 \<:i'.S 135

§ 30. The Babylonian Exile — Schism

The severe fall which the Papacy experienced early
in the fourteenth century was a symptom of its inncr
dissolution. The fourteenth century was the period of
what is known as the ' Babylonian exile ' in Avignon.
After the fall of the imperial house of Hohenstaufen,
France, which was already striving to become a united
State, while Germany was broken up into a number of
territorial sovereignties, appeared as a great power.
Boniface VIII. (1294- 1303), who had made the claims of
Papal supremacy felt in all their strength, was involved
in a severe conflict with Philip the Fair of France on
this point. Boniface directed against Philip his famous
Bull ' Unam sanctam' (1302), which claimed for the
Church, with unhesitating and determined force, the
power not only to wield the temporal sword, but to
create and to depose kings. But here the Papacy met
finally with an overthrow. Pope Clement V. (1305-
13 14) was compelled by Philip the Fair to declare
formally (1306) that France and the power of the
French king were not touched by the Bull ' Unam
sanctam' Philip the Fair even succeeded further, in
compelling Clement to remove the seat of the Papacy
from Rome to Avignon (1309). Avignon was the
property of the Pope, but it lay in the immediate
neighbourhood of the French royal territory. What
the proud race of Hohenstaufen had not succeeded in
accomplishing was now attained in a few years by the
French kings, a race newly risen, but one which antici-
pated the idea of modern statesmanship. At the same
time that the Papacy proclaimed as a principle that the
range of its authority was unlimited, and, as an instance

136 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

thereof, claimed authority in the person of Pope
John XXII. (13 16-1334) over kingdom and emperor, in
opposition to Louis of Bavaria, it was then practically
the vassal of the French king and a tool in his hands.
It was the undue extension of its claims to supremacy
which led the Papacy into conflict with the authority
of the State, which was gradually growing conscious of
power, and thus brought about its overthrow. The
Babylonian exile in Avignon lasted from the year 1 305
till 1377, from the time of Clement V. to that of
Gregory XI. — that is, during nearly the whole of the
fourteenth century. In all the Church it was felt to be
a disenthroning and captivity of the Papacy, and, in a
certain measure, of the Church itself. Hence the con-
tinual attempts to do away with the innovation. After
1378 there arose a Pope in Rome in opposition to the
Pope in Avignon. Christendom was divided into two
hostile camps. The Papacy, so long the pillar of unity
within the Church, was now become the cause of a
schism. The two supreme heads of Christendom fought
each other with ban and interdict. The nations of the
West saw for the first time that even the thunderbolt
of Papal excommunication could fall harmless to the
earth. As long as the Papacy was at war with itself,
it effaced with its own weapons the impression of its
authority. The division lasted more than thirty years,
— from 1378 to 1409. In the year 1409 a council was
summoned at Pisa, which was to heal the schism. It
deposed the two rival Popes and appointed a third, but
it had no power to carry its decision into execution.
The two rival Popes remained ; the Pope elected at Pisa
was merely a third rival. The two-headed schism
had become a three-headed one (1409-1417). Papal

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AG! - I 37

supremacy came to an end in the beginning of the
fifteenth century with a fearful overthrow. Ruin
without and ruin within was the bitter fruit of that
supremacy so hardly won.

§ 31. Degradation of Monasticism

Not only the Papacy, but Monasticism, had by its
very successes prepared the way for its decline. The
thirteenth, and notably the fourteenth, century was, as
we have seen, the period when the monasteries and
convents had decidedly gained the upper hand by
means of the relations they had established with the
middle class. But that very movement of the masses
which filled the cloisters of the Mendicants, was of
necessity fatal to them. There were too many who
took their oaths without the necessary inward calling.
Too many entered the cloisters to escape, not the world
and its sins, but the necessity of work. Many a cloister
became more like a society of idlers than a society of
ascetics, and called more for censure than for reverence.
At the spectacle of this mode of existence, steadily
increasing and supported by beggary as it was, the
question involuntarily arose among the class of citizens
and peasants, whether it is really more pleasing to God
to do nothing, and to live by the labour of others, than
to fulfil our duties honestly in some worldly calling.
It had now become unmistakably clear that the principle
of Monasticism was incapable of practical application
to the whole of Christendom. And could that principle
be really regarded as the ideal of a Christian's life
which could only be realized on the condition that the
majority of mankind remained in a worldly calling and

138 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

put up with a lower form of Christianity ? Yet more.
It soon became evident that the sharpening of asceticism
introduced by the Mendicants was powerless to support
the rigorous and truly monastic spirit. Immorality
and licentiousness spread even among the Mendicants
themselves. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
echo to the cry raised against the immorality of monks,
nuns, and clergy. It would be unjust to overlook the
fact that the better element — the more perfectly
educated, spiritually and morally — was largely repre-
sented even at this period. But the average of the
great mass of the monks and clergy were sunk below
the normal standard of morality. While the Mendicants
had laid themselves out to conquer the world of that
time, it became manifest that the most rigorous ascetic
law was powerless to overcome the sinful impulses of
human nature. They went the way of all Orders :
upon a period of ascendency there followed a period of
decline, a decline the more fatal in proportion to the
greatness of the claims made at the outset, above all,
to the greatness of the movement of the masses who
took part in their ruin as in their rise.

§ 32. Reforming Forces

The Mediaeval Church with its greatest products,
the Papacy and Monasticism, had reached the term of
its natural development. The Papacy was sinking
under the weight of its own mighty claims, and had
become a source of countless abuses, and even a cause
of schism. Monasticism had unduly extended the
claims of asceticism, and had ended in moral bank-
ruptcy. The Church and the world longed after a new

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 139

spring of life. The time had come for the reformation
of the Church in head and members.

There were none who did not share in this longing.
The consciousness of the need for reformation was deep
and universal. Nay, more, the powers had already
appeared which bore the splendour of the coming day.
The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were not wholly
an age of decline. They were the age which nursed
the Reformation. The great work which was to be
completed was preceded by an intellectual movement
which was to lead to his goal the chosen champion of
God.

Already the English Wiclif (died 1384), under the
pressure of the great schism and of the utter corruption
of the Papacy and the clergy, had declared the Pope to
be Antichrist, rejected the Church's claims to power
over the State, proclaimed war against the Mendicant
friars, enthroned the Bible as the only pure source of
God's Word, and the only rule of ecclesiastical doctrine.
Already John Huss, his zeal kindled by the writings of
Wiclif, had attacked the principle of the infallibility of
Papal decrees and the power of indulgences. As with
the mighty Wiclif, so was it with Huss, Wiclif's true
follower till death. His nation stood by him, and at
the fire of the stake, at which, by the judgment of the
Council of Constance, Huss perished as a heretic (141 5),
was kindled the great insurrection of Bohemia, not only
against its king, Sigismund, who had given his consent
to the martyrdom of Huss, but against the Roman
Church ; an insurrection which was only ended in the
year 1433, by the treaty of peace concluded between
the Council of Basel and the Hussites, which granted
the administration of the cup to the laity.

140 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Already in Germany, by means of the mysticism of
men like Master Eckart (Strasburg, 1312-17 ; died at
Cologne in 1328) and Tauler (died at Strasburg, 1361),
there was spread abroad a spirit of piety which turned
with longing from the outward forms of the Church to
an inner communion with God. The ' Friends of God,'
who arose after the middle of the fourteenth century in
Upper Germany and Switzerland, and the ' Brothers of
the Common Life,' who appeared after the end of the
same century in Holland and Germany, had generated
among the widespread ranks of the laity a form of
Christianity which was a return to the Bible, and an
earnest search for salvation, and which manifested itself
in active self-denying love. Thomas a Kempis, the
famous author of the Imitation of Christ, and Johann
Wessel, the forerunner of Luther in biblical theology,
arose from the ranks of the ' Brothers of the Common
Life.'

In the same period of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries which witnessed the decline of the Papacy
and the clergy, and the overthrow of the spiritual and
moral forces of mediaeval ecclesiasticism, there arose
more and more a passionate longing, which was felt
more in Germany than in any other land, for a true
Christianity, united and reformed. It was at this very
period that Germany became adorned with those
magnificent churches which form to this day the
ornament of her towns, and with those countless pious
institutions also, which witness unmistakably to the
spiritual life of the German citizens. At this very period,
more especially as we approach the end of the fifteenth
century, there appeared a religious literature which
aimed at the widest possible circulation, a hortatory

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AM 141

literature which spoke in the language of the people;
nay, more, there appeared a translation of the Bible
itself. As the citizen class increased, it longed for
inward possession of Christianity. Hence its sympathy
with the Mendicants (see § 28), and, at the same time,
its insistence on a popular treatment of spiritual things
which could reach the multitude and come home to all
ranks of the population. The same great endeavour
after the ideal, which in the Germany of the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries caused one University after
another to grow up, as it were, with the exuberance of
spring-tide, found its expression, not only in its churches
and institutions, and in the peculiar style and the
strength of its religious literature, but in the desire for
the highest things, a desire as yet not fully conscious
but which was universally felt. At the same period,
there appeared on the horizon the art and learning of
the ancient world, which was born again in the Italian
renaissance, and with gigantic force tore asunder the
fetters of mediaeval tradition. The world felt the over
throw of the mediaeval spirit. Therefore did it hunger
after a new spirit, and in this strong and universal
yearning after the intellectual and spiritual there lay the
upward tendency which prepared the way for things to
come. The Reformation itself was preceded by a longing
after a reformation, as a sign that the time was come.

The West rose up like one man to the work of
reformation, under the leadership, first of its spiritual,
then of its temporal princes.

§ 33. The Councils 0/ Reform

The bishops were the first to approach the great
problem. The Council of Pisa (1409), which was re-

142 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

ferred to above, was the first, if a useless attempt, of
this kind. By this time no less than three popes stood
in opposition to each other. It was a scandal to
Christendom. On the strength of this feeling rested
the power of the movement which was produced by the
great Council of Constance (1414-1418). Bishops from
all parts of Western Christendom were assembled there,
together with numerous representatives of the uni-
versities and of theological science. The Emperor
Sigismund himself took part in the Council. The
power of the assembly answered to its splendour, a
power which rested on the unanimous desire of the West
for the reformation of the Church by means of the
Council. First of all the Council had to assume the
authority necessary for its work. As it was a question
of the reformation of the Papacy, of the head itself, and
more particularly of the healing of the schism, the
assembly had to claim for itself authority over the
Papacy. So it came to pass. The assembly determined
that the supreme authority in the Church should belong
not to the Pope but to a General Council — that the
general assembly of bishops stands above the Pope.
In exercise of this supreme authority the three rival
popes were forthwith deposed by a resolution of the
Council : that is, they were compelled to resign, and a
new Pope, Martin v., was installed (1417). The power-
ful position of the Council was shown by the fact that
the new Pope was generally recognized, and the schism
actually healed. At the same time, the bishops as a
united body were placed above the Papacy, so that a
regressive movement was begun which was to do away
with the ecclesiastical monarchy of Gregory VII. and
bring back the old aristocratic constitution of the

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AG! - U3

Church. But with this effort the power of the Council
was exhausted. The continuation of the work of re-
formation was reserved for a new General Council which
was to be convoked. The Council of Basel ( 143 1- 1443),
convoked by Pope Martin a short while before his
death, was the heir and the continuation of the Council
of Constance. But the opposition of Pope Eugenius iv.,
and of the party favourable to the Papacy, was a
hindrance to every thorough-going regulation. Annates
were done away with, limits were put to the appeals to
Rome, resolutions were passed against Papal reserva-
tions and against the possession of concubines by the
clergy. That was all. When the council would have
proceeded further, it was dispersed by the order of the
Pope for its removal to Ferrara (1437). What was left
at Basel was a ' Rump ' of a Council, which, after a
useless struggle with the Pope, came to an inglorious
end in the year 1443. The power of the councils was
destroyed ; the work of reformation undertaken by the
bishops had failed. It did not last long ; and Pope
Pius II. (1458-1464), who, at the Council of Basel, had
been himself a champion of the reform party, was able
to punish every appeal to a General Council with ex-
communication as heresy (1459). The Papacy once
more seized on the reins of ecclesiastical authority.
The claim of the Episcopate to power by means of
their councils became a mere episode.

§ 34. Pozver of the Sovereigns

Nevertheless, the old unlimited authority of the Pope
never came to life again. By this time the authority
of the State had arisen, and became every day more

144 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

conscious of its power. The mediaeval idea of universal
supremacy, upon which the authority of popes and
emperors had rested, gave place to the growing feeling
of nationality, and, together with the modern national
consciousness, there was awakened a national political
authority which gained an ever clearer comprehension
of the problems before it. In France and England
the royal power arose, a living power, deeply rooted in
the life of the people. In Spain, after a long conflict,
the last remnant of Moorish supremacy was destroyed,
and Ferdinand the Catholic reigned supreme over the
whole Peninsula. The age of the great monarchies
was at hand. In Germany the movement was less
favourable to the Empire than to the territorial States
under the sway of their own sovereigns ; but it was in
these States that a way was prepared for the German
State of the future. The suppression of the councils
was principally owing to the Pope's possession of the
right of ecclesiastical government, and especially the
right of nomination, by which he held the temporal
princes in his own hands. Under Ferdinand the
Catholic, the government of the Spanish Church was
transferred to the Crown. The same thing happened,
in the beginning of the sixteenth century, in England
under Henry VIII., where the government of the Papal
legate, Cardinal Wolsey, who was furnished with full
authority by the Pope, meant in point of fact the
government of the Church by the king of England. In
the year 15 17 the power of nomination to the French
bishoprics was placed in the hands of the king of
France. The German sovereigns received similar rights.
The age of ecclesiastical government had passed away,
and the age was preparing in which Luther could

THE GERMAN MIDDLE AGES 145

summon the Christian nobles of the German nation
to the work of reformation. The temporal princes
obtained possession of the Church, and sought to bring
about reform on their own account by their own method
of nomination and by political superintendence of
ecclesiastical life.

But had the State power to pour new life into the
Church ? Did the Church of England become another
because it was now ruled by a king instead of a pope ?
With the advancing power of the State the Western
Church was shattered. There arose the Spanish, the
French or Gallic, and the English national churches,
and when the Pope refused to Henry VIII. the divorce
for which he had applied, there needed but the word of
a king to separate the Church of England from the
body of the Church, and this at first without any kind
of inner reform. The government of the State resulted
in the dissolution, but not in the improvement of the
Church.

The entire work of the bishops in their councils, and
of the State by means of its right of ecclesiastical
government, was merely a change in the Church's
constitution. Another fashion was given to the outer
garment of the Church. But that which was re-
quired was not a change of constitution, but a change
of spirit, an upspringing of new forces from the depths
of the religious life and of the Church's being, from the
inexhaustible well of the Gospel which the Church still
bears for ever within her — a work which neither princes
nor kings, neither bishops nor popes could accomplish,
but God alone. The angel of God had to come down
to trouble the waters of the Church, and give them new
healing power.

Division III
THE AGE OF THE REFORMATION

CHAPTER I

REFO RMATION

§ 35. New Currents

If we make our way into Germany about the year 1500,
we read over the arch of the door through which we
enter, inscribed in golden letters, the word : Renaissance.
A cry of joy rings through the whole cultivated world.
Rejoice ! Rejoice ! The world of classical antiquity is
transfigured, is born again in all the loveliness of youth.
Here is the true Aristotle ; here is the divine Plato ;
here are the master-works of art and learning, full of
marvellous beauty and immortal intellect — and the sun
of Homer shines even upon us.

It was the age of Raphael and Michael Angelo. It was
the age when an aspiring race, full of passionate ambition
and enthusiasm, thirsting for life, and longing after all
that was great, was fired by the sublime power of ancient
literature and learning ; when the universalism of the
Middle Ages was displaced by a national spirit, fashioned
after the heroic forms and nourished on the political
ideals of the ancient world ; when the middle class
gained strength and came into the foreground of history ;

146

REFORMATION 147

when it found and welcomed in the new learning a
power all its own, an educating power which freed it
from the guardianship of the Church, which committed
the cultivation of learning chiefly to the hands of the
citizen class, and made the towns the permanent centres
of intellectual life. Life itself took another form. The
spirit of the ancient world rose up against monastic
asceticism ; it spread around it a new joy in life and
beauty, a sense for all that makes life graceful, an
enthusiasm for the nation and the state. On the
whole world it shed a rosy light.

The sound of a new Gospel of Culture went forth
from Italy and filled the West. Mediaeval ideas and
theories gave way before the spirit of the ancient world
in its resurrection. A new age approached, a mother
age that bore in its fruitful bosom a future full of
inexhaustible promise.

Yet was this the new birth which the fifteenth
century longed for so ardently ? Was this the Gospel
which the ageing world of the Middle Ages desired
the spring

' Wherefrom to drink new youth, new life again ; ?

By no means. That which the world of the Middle
Ages desired in its innermost heart was not Renaissance,
but Reformation ; not the regeneration of art and
learning, but the regeneration of the Church in its
head and all its members ; not the glad tidings of
the re-discovery of the ancient world, but the glad
tidings which are preached to the poor, which can
bring blessedness to sinners, and regenerate all man-
kind. Moral renaissance, through the renewal of the
Church's life — this was the greatest and highest aim

148 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

for which the forces of the fifteenth century were
stirred again and again in one united movement. In
the abuses of the Church, in the degradation of spiritual
things, in the troubling and stopping of those springs
from which the commonwealth draws its moral nourish-
ment, the instinct of the age recognised with unerring
certainty the cause of the widespread corruption. The
Church was merged in the world. The salt had lost its
savour. The claims of Christianity were trodden under
foot, mostly of those who were called to be vessels of
faith, preachers of divine truth and examples to their
flock. The decay of the Church was a crying evil,
felt most strongly wherever the longing after spiritual
things was most widespread, as it was in Germany.
Therefore, through all the joy of the Renaissance,
through all the rejoicing which breaks forth from the
renewing of the life of art and learning, ever and ever
louder the great cry resounds all through the fifteenth
century : ' Reformation of the Church in head and
members ! ' Reformation, not merely of the scholarly
and aesthetic life, but of that which is far harder — the
religious life.

We have seen the great Councils of Reform at
Constance and Basel whose proceedings fill the whole
of the first half of the fifteenth century. The desire for
the Church's reformation was as a great flood bearing
all the West before it, and its aim was almost to sweep
away the Papacy itself with all its abuses. Those were
magnificent plans and hopes ; yet they all miscarried.
We have seen the great political powers which in the
second half of the century took in hand the work of
reformation. By means of the political rights of nomi-
nation and superintendence, new power was to be given

REFORMATION I49

back to the clergy, and to the Church the spirit of
a Church. But it was all a hopeless labour at the
mere outworks of the Church ; instead of an inward
regeneration, it was a dissolution of the Western
Church into a number of national churches striving
for independence.

But, it may be said, could not the culture of the
age, the bold and powerful progress of the Renaissance,
bring about the desired improvement of the Church?
Unfortunately, this culture was pagan to the very core.
It had no thought of reformation, rather it was prepared
to submit outwardly and with no great struggle to the
power of the Church, with all its ceremonies and all its
claims ; for in its inmost heart it was indifferent to all
that was Christian ; it had no care but for what was
purely human. The Renaissance of art and learning
was no new birth of morality. It was the Renaissance
rather which, while it re-awakened the heroic ideal of
the ancient world, yet filled the cities and states of Italy
with violent, remorseless, haughty tyrants, who thirsted
for power and glory, and whose geniality was only
attained by contempt for all laws of morality. Never
was there a society so brilliant in its culture, so full of
interests and rich in natural talents, so full of the
creative power which revealed itself in immortal master-
pieces, and yet which was at its heart so immoral, so
corrupt, so full of selfish animalism, as Italian Society
in the second half of the fifteenth century. This was
the age which produced a Caesar Borgia, at once its
image, its ideal, and its terror. This was the age in
which Machiavelli wrote his 'Prince, which was both
a manual for princes and a glorification of their coldest,
most remorseless, calculating and cruel selfishness. Even

150 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

when we look upon all those pictures of Madonnas and
of saints, and, first of all, upon Raphael's wonderful
creations, the predominating impression is that of mere
humanity, however beautiful, glorious, and transfigured.
Seldom do the mysteries of Christianity shine upon us
with overpowering beauty, as from the eyes of the Sistine
Madonna.

As for the Papacy of the Renaissance, in the persons
of men like Innocent VIII. (1484-1492) and Alexander
VI.1 (1492- 1 503), the deep-seated immorality of that
age, stained as it was with murder, treachery, and
licentiousness, ascended the papal throne. They were
followed by Julius II. (1503-15 13), a general rather
than a pope, the work of whose life was war and outrage,
with the view of aggrandizing the ecclesiastical state
and giving to it internal political unity. Julius was
succeeded by Leo X. (1513-1521), the fine connoisseur,
the man of high culture, the patron of Raphael and
Michael Angelo.

What were the impulses which gave to the Church
leaders like these ? The Papacy of Leo X. is great in
the history of culture, insignificant in the history of the
Church. The Renaissance which produced these popes
also caused them to set their hearts upon earth and
worldly things, and brought it to pass that the pope
who, with a light heart, sold to temporal princes the
interests of the united Church, with all rights of nomina-
tion and of government, made the establishment of an
ecclesiastical state his foremost interest, and was trans-
formed from the supreme head of the universal spiritual
monarchy to one of those Italian tyrants who were

1 His son, as is well known, was Caesar Borgia, his daughter, Lucretia
Borgia.

REFORMATION I C 1

either voluptuous and cruel, or violent and warlike, or
else wholly interested in art and learning. The interests
of the Renaissance were fundamentally opposed to the
interests of the Church ; so that the high tide of in-
tellectual life, which about the year 1500 swept the
Western world along with it, brought no deliverance
but seemed rather to hasten the final ruin.

In Germany, certainly, the intellectual development
took a somewhat different direction. It was pre-emi-
nently the scene of that great movement of reform which
in the fifteenth century shook the whole world through
the Councils of Constance and of Basel. Here, even
now in the beginning of the sixteenth century, spiritual
interests were still in strong preponderance. These
were the interests in which all classes of the nation
could feel that they had a share. It was they which
gave to the German Renaissance, to Humanism itself, a
decidedly spiritual tendency. Those great desires which
can only find satisfaction in Christianity had their life
too deep in the heart of the nation ; the strength with
which the people longed after the certainty of its soul's
salvation was too powerful for it to forget in anything
else the object of its supreme longing. So it came
to pass that Humanism gave the Bible afresh, in its
original languages, into the hands of the educated classes
(the New Testament through Erasmus of Rotterdam,
the Old Testament through Reuchlin) ; and that the
value of philology was recognized in order that theology
also might be helped to a better knowledge of its
original sources. Nay, more, it was hoped that a study
of the Scriptures in the light of philology would be the
direct means of bringing the Church to life again. But
this learned movement, which in Germany pointed as

152 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

with an uplifted finger to the New Testament, was far
from being able to make any marked impression on
the masses of the people, or to put an end to the
corruption of the Church. To begin with, it laid hold
on the educated classes alone, and influenced these only
through the impulse it gave to investigation, and not
through the living steadfast power of accomplished
results. Certainly the German humanists were not
indifferent to the Church in the same way as were their
fellow-students in Italy. But their culture wanted the
fiery force given by great positive convictions. So it
came about that the great intellect and knowledge with
which these men were gifted, as far as the Church was
concerned, exploded in the fire-works of ridicule and
satire (see for instance Erasmus' Praise of Folly, 1509)
which they showered on the abuses of the Church. It
was a movement which, like every purely literary move-
ment, was strong in denial, but weak in affirmation ; it
saw well the need for which it had to fight, but it was
destitute of that elementary natural force which can
alone bring forth the grand creative deeds of history.

At the conclusion of the great Lateran Council in 1 5 17
which for its part was also concerned with the reforma-
tion of the Church, but was content with defining the
omnipotence of the Pope and the immortality of the
human soul (a work which had already become necessary
in the face of the Italian ' Illumination '), the bishop of
Isernia, in the closing speech which he was appointed
to deliver, spoke these words : ' The Gospel is the source
of all wisdom, of all virtue, of all that is divine and
wonderful ; the Gospel, I say, the Gospel.5 He was
right, and more right than he himself knew.

Even now there had arisen that young hero who was

REFORMATION 1 53

sent from God to proclaim everywhere the long-for-
gotten, the true and perfect Gospel.

§ 56. Luther

Help came from a quarter whence it would never
have been looked for — from the monastic order. The
monks had created the Church of the Middle Ages by
means of the movement which began in Cluny ; and
through a monk that Church was to be destroyed.

The monks had become the most contemptible class
in the whole Church. They had meant to flee from the
world, they had left all behind them ; but the world
that they bore in their own hearts, sinful desire and
self-seeking, unseen, but ever present, had gone forth
with them into the solitude of the wilderness and the
cloister. Even out of the heart of the monk proceeded
evil thoughts, carnal and worldly lusts. Monasticism
was swallowed up by the world which it would have
lied from ; and Monasticism had become the vulnerable
point against which the humanists aimed all the arrows
of their ridicule, if they meant to scourge the iniquities
of the Church. Nevertheless, in Monasticism there still
lived, though troubled, shaken, often scarcely per-
ceptible, the influence of the true Christian character,
which, with fear and trembling, strives after a righteous-
ness worthy in the sight of God. And these impulses
of the religious life were to prove themselves stronger,
both to deliver and to reform the world, than all the
culture and all the great discoveries of the age. Monas-
ticism, in its search for salvation by the renunciation of
the world, and by the works of asceticism, pressed home
upon the earnest seeker the necessity of the final con-
clusion : that in spite of all of them, in the sight of God,

154 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

by the works of the law shall no flesh be justified ; that
all human efforts are unavailing to turn away the wrath
of the just and holy God, who hates sin and visits it
upon the sinner unto the fourth generation ; that even
Monasticism, with all its self-torture and renunciation of
the world, is in vain — it cannot earn salvation. The
development of Monasticism was a sharpening of the
ascetic principle that logically led to self-annihilation.
This was the process of development which Luther had
lived through, with all the energy of a fiery nature that
was made for great things. He had felt the whole
weight of the divine law in his inmost conscience. He
had lived through hours in which his faith in God
became an anguish, torturing soul and body, hours in
which God crushed ' like a lion ' the bones, as it were, of
the monk who wrestled with him for his soul's salvation.
Those were the hours in which God prepared the monk
to be his mighty instrument. Great were the anguish
and the struggles — great also was the victory. ' The
just shall live by faith/ that was the melody, which,
sounding ever clearer, filled his soul with heavenly
ecstasy. Man shall be justified, neither by his works,
nor by his self-torture, nor by his renunciation of the
world, but by faith alone, through grace, through free,
all-merciful, inexhaustible grace. The grace and truth
revealed in Jesus Christ now shone clearly upon him,
bringing peace, and lighting up the path of a life which
became ever more stormy. In spite of all the inward
conflicts which even later were not spared him, the
newly-discovered Gospel, so long painfully withheld
from him and lost so long, became ' a wide-opened door
into Paradise.' He had hungered and thirsted after
righteousness, and now he was filled. He had long

REFORMATION 1 55

striven after the kingdom of God, and now all had
fallen to him — the blessedness of the children of God,
which turns every new day into a holy day — the freedom
of a Christian man, who through his faith is ' a lord
over all things.'

And that which had become a blessed certainty to
himself he was constrained to proclaim abroad with
the voice of a trumpet over all lands. It was his
enemies who urged him onwards in his great career,
further and further ; until suddenly he saw the whole
organization of the Church to which his inmost soul
had clung so steadfastly, with all its traditions and
sanctities, its priesthood and its powers, standing
between him and the pure Gospel. His great work
was this, that in that moment he did not hesitate for an
instant to fling away from him, to give up for Christ's
sake and the Gospel's, all that had hitherto seemed to
him great, and glorious, and sacred, that could be
neither dispensed with nor replaced. For the sake of
the Gospel he became poor in all by which he had
hitherto been made rich. The whole world, in and by
which he had hitherto lived, fell in ruins around him.
He had to give up his faith in the Church which he had
so warmly loved ; but only to exchange it for a fuller
and richer faith in salvation and justification through
Jesus Christ. He was to lose the world of his youth,
but the world of the future was to be given to him as a
recompense. With one bold cast of the sling he hurled
in the face of the monks with their asceticism, of the
Church with its powerful hierarchy, his Gospel of
justification by faith alone. It was an inexhaustible
Gospel, full of reforming power, and able, not only to
destroy the old, but to lead on in triumph the new age

I56 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

— an age great with life, which burst asunder by its
own inward growth the fetters that bound it from
without.

Monasticism came to an end, in the person of Martin
Luther, by flinging off asceticism, together with the
monkish habit and the cloistral life, by giving up
fasting and alms - begging, by turning again to the
world, that it might no longer forsake the world, but
hallow it.

The new-born Gospel meant the reformation of the
Church ; and the reformation of the Church meant the
reformation of the whole world.

To the Middle Ages the world was a world of sin.
Therefore the piety of the Middle Ages consisted in the
renunciation of the world with all it had to give. In
this belief the monk forsook marriage, possessions, the
whole world with its art, its learning, its joys, its duties,
in order to crucify his flesh and all its lusts. It was a
magnificent sacrifice of the world and of self; yet, alas,
in forsaking the world of sin, he forsook the world of
morality. He fled temptation, but he fled at the same
time those duties which God has laid upon the individual,
upon every individual in His world ; the duties of family
and of social life with all their demands for self-
renunciation and self-sacrifice, for a genuine, right, and
vigorous morality. The monk in his selfishness with-
drew into his cell in order to live no longer to his
neighbour, but to himself alone. The door swung
behind him, and the key turned in the lock ; he saw no
longer the world with its duties ; he saw nothing but
himself. He had escaped the storms of life ; from the
sea of care and labour, from the countless calls of daily
life, he had entered into the haven of peace, leaving

REFORMATION 157

others without : let them help themselves as best they
might. He had escaped the battle of life ; but, alas !
his flight was a cowardly forsaking of his banner.

The face of the whole world was changed by the
reformation with its doctrine of justification by faith
alone. Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, so shalt thou
be saved, thyself and thy whole house: that is the
complete, the whole divine Gospel, that can neither be
added to nor taken away from. Take its precious
meaning home and be quickened thereby. Thou hast
nothing to add to it. Away with self-manufactured
morality and piety, the holiness of a life of ascetic
renunciation. The monks will not trust in the grace of
God freely offered through Christ, but would add to the
grace of God a justification earned by their own efforts.
God has set man in the world, not that he may forsake
the world, but that he may serve God in the world.
True Christian morality is to go forth into the world,
to take part in all the joys and sorrows of a worldly
calling, of family life, of life lived with and for our
neighbours ; in order through faith in God to find the
true joy which is a fresh power of victory, to find
inward rest in all unrest, and, here, in the world, to see
the divine, the eternal, which leads onwards to the
world above. The fulfilment of duty is the true service
of God. Thus faith leads us into the midst of the
world, to the service of our neighbour. Thus faith
brings forth the power of love, which seeks, not its own,
but another's good. As faith makes the Christian lord
over all things and subject of no man, so through love
it makes him a ministering servant, subject to all and
every man. True Christian perfection is to remain a
true Christian in the midmost stress of human life, and,

158 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

in the labour of the day, to fight the good fight to
which the promise of victory is given.

The stain of unholiness was taken away from the
world, and from life in the world. Life in a worldly
calling, in the State, the society, and the family, appeared
no longer as an unavoidable evil, permitted only on
account of the weaker brethren, or as the glistening
exterior which covers some deadly thing ; but as the
natural activity of true and perfect Christian morality.
All these relations of man to man bore within them
duties appointed by God ; they possessed a moral worth
of their own, and a power of true deliverance from the
temptations of selfishness, a power which the sins of
men might indeed be able to degrade, but not to
extinguish altogether. Look, for instance, at marriage.
It now appears as the truly holy and spiritual state. It
is an order instituted by God Himself; a means of
education for the mature man, which not only gives to
him wife and children, not only provides for him a
refuge from the hideous ills of life, an ever new source
of joy, a protecting atmosphere of living love ; but it is
to him a moral discipline, through the daily duties of
domestic life ; it nourishes, strengthens, and corrects ;
it changes mere existence into life lived for others ;
from the bosom of the home it brings to light daily
those ideals which are a lesson to the educator and the
teacher himself, as well as to those whom he has to
educate. Look at the State. It appears no longer
as a work of the devil, a work of sin or of injustice.
The State, like the family, is a divine institution, with
independent moral duties of its own, appointed to make
possible and to secure for man that legal freedom which
is the first step to moral freedom. Look at the whole

REFORMATION 1 59

round of political life, at labour in agriculture and
commerce, in handicraft and trade, in science and art,
in obedience and command ; the labour of man-servant
and maid, of the judge, the soldier, the official, and the
prince ; look where you will, all this labour, performed
as a calling ordered by God, is the service of God which
is well pleasing to Him. The whole world has become
holy, and all that was profane in it is done away with.
The world with all its duties is changed into the vine-
yard of the Lord, into a temple of God, in which we are
to worship Him in spirit and in truth.

With the tumult of a storm these ideas of reformation
swept over the West, and particularly the German
world. They have laid the foundations of the present ;
nay, more, they have brought forth the moral ideals of
the life of the present age. Against the mediaeval
ascetic ideal of renunciation, there appeared a new-
ideal of life, which was akin to the Renaissance, in so
far as it inclined to the world, recognized and com-
prehended it, but which was to fill the world not
with the ideals of Humanism, but with the ideals of
Christianity.

Many were the moral forces set free by this revolution
of thought, and brought to bear upon the life of the
family, the State, and the community at large. Now,
for the first time, is seen the full value of the State, of a
civic calling, and of civic freedom. The modern State
arises ; the moral ideals which the secular world bears
within it appear in all their power, beside the moral
endeavours of the Church. The secular world has
become free ; it is delivered from the ban which the
Church of the Middle Ages laid upon it. The secular
world is reformed.

l6o OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

The reformation of the world was a consequence of
the reformation of the Church.

The fifteenth century had attempted the same thing
by making experiments with the Church's constitution,
by issuing fresh rules of discipline. It was labour in
vain to attempt to reform the Church by these means.
When Luther attacked the doctrine of the Church and
the Gospel which she preached, when he transformed
and filled it with a new spirit, he touched, without at
first knowing it, the single point from which the whole
being and life of the Church could be set in motion and
transformed. The heart of the Church is her faith.
The character of the Church depends on the character
of her faith. And, through the movement of the Re-
formation, the Church's life of faith received new depth
and a force undreamed of. It is doubly true of the
Church that she lives not by bread alone, but by every
word which proceedeth out of the mouth of God. And
the Word of God sounded forth once more. It went
forth into all lands, calling to the nations with a tongue
of brass, awakening their life, lifting up their hearts,
and bringing forth fruit unto life eternal. Mounting
ever higher, the spiritual movement goes on through
the sixteenth century. It was so strong that it forced
even Humanism into the background. The heart of
the Church beat once more, and she also became whole.
Not the Protestant Church only was reformed. In the
battle over the great doctrinal questions, the opposite
doctrine (whose aim was not to abolish, but to preserve
the principles of the Middle Ages, and perfect them),
attained a new religious force and clearness, as well as
a great and reforming moral purpose. The fruit of the
sixteenth century was schism, division between the

RKIORMATION l6l

Protestant and Catholic Church — yet not schism alone,
but the long-wished for, the fervently desired Reforma-
tion which with great tumult of spirit was finally
accomplished. By the action and reaction of that
movement which, kindled first of all in Germany, spread
forth through all Christian lands, not only the Protestant
Church, but the whole Church was reformed.

§ IJ. The Protestant Reformation

The outward circumstance which called forth the
action of Luther was the system of indulgences estab-
lished by the Mediaeval Church. Indulgence was
originally a remission of the punishment inflicted by
the Church. The Church's power to grant indulgences
was afterwards extended to the temporal punishment of
sins generally, and so to the temporal punishment
which, according to the mediaeval doctrine, was to be
suffered in the other world in purgatory. Indulgence
was granted in return for the performance of a good
work. The Pope had the right to grant a general
indulgence for the performance of certain specified
works. Thus indulgences could be granted in return
for money paid for any ecclesiastical purpose whatso-
ever. The idea was that, in granting indulgences, the
Church offered, out of the treasure of superfluous good
works {tresaurus supcrcrogationis) which it possessed
through the merits of Christ and the Saints, satisfaction
to God in place of the penalty which the receiver of the
indulgence would have had to pay.

In the year 15 17, Pope Leo X. issued a general
indulgence to the whole of Christendom. The money
paid for it was to be used for the completion of the

l62 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Church of St. Peter's in Rome. Archbishop Albert of
Mainz and Magdeburg was the Pope's agent for the sale
of indulgences in one part of the German Empire. The
half of the money collected in his dioceses fell to his
share, in order that he might pay back to the house of
Fugger the debt of thirty thousand gulden which he
had had to borrow for the cost of his pallium. So those
who sold indulgences on behalf of the Archbishop were
accompanied by the agents of the house of Fugger, who
took for themselves the half of the money as it was
collected. The sale of indulgences assumed more and
more the character of a traffic. It was looked upon in
this light by contemporaries. The Elector Frederick of
Saxony forbade the sale of indulgences in his territory,
that his land might not be laid under contribution to
pay for the pallium of Mainz. But the Elector could
not hinder the activity of the Dominican monk Tetzel,
the. most zealous of the sellers of indulgences, and the
most successful in the trade which he plied in the
neighbourhood of the electoral territory of Saxony,
within the domain of Magdeburg. Theoretically, in-
dulgences were only to be granted in consideration of
sincere penitence and contrition. But it was soon seen
that this condition was taken easily by the seller of
indulgences, and that the money-payment became the
important thing. Thus Luther, at that time an
Augustinian monk, professor of theology and pastor
in Wittenberg, found that the penitents who confessed
to him, and from whom he required true repentance
and contrition, handed him their bills of indulgence as
an equivalent. Luther felt that he was directly attacked
in his pastoral ministry by the seller of indulgences.
He even felt that he was injured by him in the most

REFORMATION' 1 63

sacred of relations. Already, under the influence of
those brethren of his Order who were akin to him in
spirit, more especially under that of his superior, the
Vicar-General John von Staupitz, he had learned that,
according to the testimony of the Holy Scriptures, the
inner change of heart which is brought about by lively
faith is the sole and fully sufficient condition of justifi-
cation, and the only one required by God. His whole
religious nature recoiled from the profanation of holy
things which he saw in the part played by the
Dominican monk. He saw that 'Grace was bought for
gold.' In the fire of his zeal he nailed his famous
Ninety-five Theses on indulgences to the door of the
Castle Church at Wittenberg. They were composed in
Latin. According to the custom of the time they
challenged all opponents to a learned controversy.
They appealed first of all to the learned, and not to
the multitude. Yet with one stroke they roused the
whole people of Germany. They reasoned out the
proposition that, though indulgence might be good and
praiseworthy in itself, it could only absolve from punish-
ment inflicted by the Church, not from punishment in
the other world ; and that true penitence alone is
required by God and alone sufficient in His eyes. ' To
every Christian who is truly repentant there belongs
full remission of punishment and guilt, without any
letter of indulgence;' the forgiveness of the Pope and
his dispensation of the merits of Christ signified only ;i
'declaration of the divine forgiveness' (Theses, 36, 38).
The shameful abuses, which were evident to all eyes in
the proceedings of the sellers of indulgences, were
opposed by an open and manly testimony, and by the
clear proclamation of the Gospel of the grace of God.

164 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

In one week the Theses were spread through all
Germany. The monk and professor became the mouth-
piece of the nation. It was far from Luther's purpose
to attack either the Pope or the whole system of the
Church, or even to think of doing so. He thought
rather, that, 'if the Pope knew how the sellers of
indulgences flayed his flock, he would rather that St.
Peter's Church was burnt to ashes, than that it should
be built up out of the skin and bones of his sheep'
(Thesis, 50). He believed that he was defending the
opinion of the Pope against the sellers of indulgences.
But the battle which he had to fight for his convictions
forced him step by step further ; till he was in the end
obliged to recognize that the faith which he had created
for himself out of the Holy Scriptures, and which had
become to him the source and the strength of his life,
was in contradiction, not only to the whole system of
doctrine handed down from the Middle Ages, but to
the whole Church in its existing state. In January
1 5 19, at the request of the papal Ambassador Miltitz,
Luther made promise to keep silent, provided his
opponents would keep silent also. He had not yet
dreamed that he was called to be the reformer of the
Church. But his opponents did not keep silence. Dr.
Eck, a professor at Ingolstadt, had proposed to hold a
disputation at Leipsic with Karlstadt, a colleague of
Luther's at Wittenberg, in which certain propositions
which Luther had maintained were to be attacked.
Therewith Luther held himself absolved from his
promise. On the 4th of July 15 19, he appeared face
to face with his opponent at Leipsic. The proceedings
began with a dispute concerning the papal authority.
Luther contended that the authority of the Pope was of

REFORMATION 165

no divine origin, it was a merely human product of the
development of history, like the authority of the German
Emperor ; and belief in the papal authority was not
necessary to salvation. Thus the decisive step was taken.
I lis opponent reminded him that so Wiclif and John Huss
had taught before, and that this same doctrine had
been condemned by the great Council of Constance as
a pestilent heresy. Luther's opinions were opposed by
the authority of the Church : he would have to take his
stand in opposition not only to the testimony of the
papal decision, but to that of a General Council. And
so he did. He declared that many of the propositions
advanced by Huss were most Christian and evangelical ;
that in matters of faith even a General Council lay open
to correction through appeal to Scripture ; and that
consequently even a General Council was capable of
error. Thus did he break down the bridge between
himself and the Mediaeval Church. Henceforth from
that moment to draw back was impossible. It became
ever clearer to him that he must take up the battle,
relying on the support of Scripture alone, against the
formal authority of the Church which he had hitherto
reverenced absolutely. In him conscience, faith, the
private convictions of the individual, arose against a
hierarchical organization. Many before him had already
entered on the unequal conflict. Huss laid down his
life as a martyr therein. Through Luther it was brought
to a victorious end. The hour of the Present had
struck. The individual appeared on the scene, in the
convictions of his innermost heart prepared to yield to
no external authority: to neither Emperor nor Pope,
neither Bishop nor Council, but to the self-recognized
truth of God alone. The individual desired an open

166 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

path for the development of his inner freedom ; that
path was won for him, not by the classical culture of
the Renaissance, but by the power of Christian faith in
the truth of the Gospel, and by that alone. Taking his
stand upon Holy Scripture and its eternal divine truth,
the individual — in the person of Luther — found the
moral energy and the force which urged him to the
attack ; it gave him power to take up the battle alone
against a world, ' although that world were full of devils.'
In the years which followed the disputation at Leipsic,
Luther entered without disguise on the field of battle.
He now saw before him the whole vast horizon of the
Reformation. In the summer of 1520, there appeared,
rousing all Christendom as with the blast of a trumpet,
his great works, To the Christian Nobles of the German
Nation ; On the Reform of the German State ; and On
the Babylonish Captivity of the Church. To the papal
Bull of excommunication (June the 16th, 1520) he
replied, not only by burning it before the Elster gate in
Wittenberg (December 10th, 1520), but notably with his
treatise, addressed to the Pope, On the Freedom of a
Christian Man. The universal priesthood of all believers,
the direct relation of every Christian to God, the
Christian's deliverance from sin and from all outward
service of works, — these were the far-reaching thoughts
with which he attacked and shattered the old system to
its foundations. Luther then went to Worms in the
year 1521, in order there to confess his belief before the
Emperor and the assembled princes of the Empire, and
to declare that he would only yield to reasons drawn
from Holy Scripture (April the 17th and 18th). No
ban of Pope or Emperor could hinder the work begun
by him. The time of involuntary leisure spent at

REFORMATION 167

Wartburg (from May 4th, 1521, till March 3rd, 1522)
he employed in beginning his translation of the German
Bible. (The New Testament was finished as early as
1522, the Old in 1534.) Even the revolutionary move-
ments set on foot by the nobility of the Empire, under
Franz von Sickingen (1523), and by the insurrectionary
mts(i525), movements which made the Gospel a
pretext for worldly ambitions, even the iconoclastic
and tumultuously subversive enterprises of the eccentric
fanatics, Karlstadt and his comrades, could not hinder
the progress of the Reformation.

In his address to the Christian Nobles of the German
Nation, Luther had made it plain to the princes and
States of the Empire that it was their right and their
duty, founded on the universal priesthood of all believers,
themselves to take in hand the reformation of the
Church, if the proper organs of the Church, the Pope
and bishops, refused to do so. That his undertaking
had fallen upon a ready soil was shown by the Diet of
Niirnberg, in 1522, when the States drew up a list of
one hundred grievances against the See of Rome, against
its ordinances and extortions, and declared that they
would take means to right themselves if things were
not changed. The Diet of Speier (1526) gave to the
States, and with them to the barons and cities, freedom
by imperial law to deal according to their conscience
with the execution of the Edict of Worms, which
ordered the outlawry of Luther and his followers. Thus
was founded by imperial law the jus reformandi of the
princes by which it lies in their hands to decide whether
the Reformation shall be carried out in their dominions
(at/us regio, ejus religio). Later on, in 1529, the Diet of
Speier, cancelled by a retrograde movement the authority

1 68 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

it had given to the imperial States, and thus required the
strict execution of the Edict of Worms, which outlawed
the heretics ; but it did so under protest of the imperial
States that were in favour of the Reformation, a
protest from which the evangelical States received
their name of Protestant. Consequently two parties
arose in opposition to each other, one in favour of the
innovation, the other against it. At the Diet of
Augsburg (1530) the Lutheran party presented their
confession of faith, the Confessio Aagustana, which
became the standard under which Lutheranism has ever
since fought. By the Treaty of Schmalkalden in 1 5 3 1
a military compact was afterwards made with the
evangelical States. The Articles of Schmalkalden
(1537) were the final declaration of war against Rome,
and the declaration of independence of the Protestant
Church. In the year 1546, the Emperor replied by the
war of Schmalkalden, which led at first to the over-
throw of Protestantism, but afterwards to its recognition
by imperial law, owing to a change of party on the
part of Duke Moritz of Saxony. (Treaty of Passau,
1552; Peace of Augsburg, 1555.) The Empire was
turned into a neutral State, founded on the equal
recognition of both confessions, the Catholic and the
Evangelical — a result which, after the hard battles and
the terrible misery of the Thirty Years' War, was finally
confirmed by the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648.

Thus the Protestant Church was victorious in the
hard struggle for existence.

The doctrine rested both upon the formal principle
that Holy Scripture is alone binding as the rule of
faith, and on the material principle of the justification
of man through faith alone. While, by the first

REFORMATION 1 69

principle, the doctrinal authority of the Church was
cancelled (according to Protestant opinion, Church doc-
trine as such has no power binding on the conscience) ;
by the second, the power of the priests and monks, with
all that depended on it, was abolished.

§38. The Constitution of the Protestant Church

The original aim of the reformers was, not to establish
a new organization, nor, speaking generally, a new
basis for the Church. They meant to further develop
and purify, not the constitution, but merely the doctrine
of the Church ; and, if they could not succeed in winning
the whole Church over to their persuasion, they were
still willing to remain with their followers in the old
Church, and to recognize the authority of Pope and
bishops as an external authority ordained of men ; so
long as they were permitted to preach the true Gospel
and to administer the sacraments in a right sense. This
is the standpoint taken by the Confession of Augsburg
in the year 1530 (Article 28 to the end : ' Now it is not
thought upon to take away the authority of the bishops,
but it is asked and desired that they shall not force
men's consciences to sin '). But it fell otherwise. In
the Articles of Schmalkalden of 1537, the necessity of
separation from the Church was already recognized, and
obedience to the papal and episcopal authority was
openly renounced. ' Seeing that the bishops are so
devoted to the Pope as to defend godless doctrine and
false worship, and that they will not suffer the ministry
of pious preachers, but help the Pope to slay them, the
churches have great and necessary cause why they
should not recognize such as bishops' {Art. Smalcald

lyO OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

On the Authority and Supremacy of the Pope). A new
constitution had to be made for the new Church.

But what sort of constitution? 'The two govern-
ments, spiritual and temporal, are not to be thrown
together and mingled one with another' {Confession of
Augsburg, Art. 28). That is the underlying thought.
To the Church belongs spiritual authority, and spiritual
authority alone ; to the State, temporal authority, and
temporal authority alone. Temporal authority is an
external coercive authority ; it ' guards with the sword
and with bodily penalties the body, and not the soul,
against external power.' Spiritual authority, ' the power
of the keys, or of the bishops,' that is, the authority of
the Church, is no external coercive authority ; it is ' an
authority and command of God to preach the Gospel,
to forgive and to retain sins, and to deliver and
administer the Sacraments' {Confession of Augsburg,
Art. 28). Such 'authority of the Churches or of
bishops' which 'giveth eternal good things' (through
the administration of the Word and Sacraments) is to
be ' used and carried out only by means of the ministry'
{Confession of Augsburg, Art. 28). This ministry belongs
in its essence to every bishop and pastor equally and in
the same manner ; for, ' according to divine law, there
is no difference between bishops and pastors or
ministers' {Art. Smalcald.). The Catholic distinction
between bishops and pastors has 'arisen by human
ordinance alone.' Hence ' neither Peter, nor any other
minister of the Word, may ascribe unto themselves any
authority or supremacy over the churches ' ; for ' Paul
teaches that the Church is more than the ministers ' ;
that ' the keys (the spiritual authority) be not given unto
one man alone, but to the whole Church ' ; and that

R K FORMATION 171

Christ 'delivers the highest and last judgment to the
Church.' Therefore ' because the Gospel is yet per-
secuted by them who are ordained bishops, and honest
persons scruple to suffer themselves to be ordained,
every church has in this case authority and right to
ordain ministers for itself (Art. Smalcald.). Thus
spiritual authority belongs to ' the Church,' that is, to
all believers, and consequently to every assembly of
believers, be it great or small (' where two or three are
gathered together in My name, there am I in the midst
of them '). But the Church exercises authority properly
through the public ministry of the Word. Only in
cases of necessity, if the holy office fails to fulfil its duty
(for ' no power or authority is of higher value than the
Word of God,' Art. Smalcald.), the power of the
keys, that is, the spiritual authority, is exercised by
1 the Church/ that is, by members of the community not
officially appointed to the ministry; 'so that, in need,
even a layman may absolve another and act as his
pastor.'

The ministry is at the same time the office of govern-
ment in the Church, if only in virtue of the Church's
sanction and commission. But the nature of this
authority which it belongs to the ministry to exercise
(that is, the power of the keys, or ecclesiastical
authority), is purely spiritual ; it is the authority to
preach the Gospel, to administer the Sacraments, to
excommunicate from the body of the Church, to ordain
ministers ; and all this, ' through the Word, without
bodily power' (Art. Smalcald. ii.). External, coercive
authority, formal and legal authority, which compels
to subjection, is not included in the authority of the
Church. The position of a temporal power would

172 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

thereby be given to the Church. The temporal
authority is coercive, legal authority. It must be its
care to help the Church in the exercise of her own
spiritual authority. ' But chiefly shall kings and princes,
as the chiefest members of the churches, help and see
to it that all manner of error be put away, and that
consciences be rightly instructed, as God has exhorted
kings and princes specially to such office.' ' For with
kings and great lords this shall be the chief care, that
they diligently further God's glory' {Art. Smalcald.).
The prince, as ' the chief member of the Church,' shall
place even his temporal authority in the service of the
Church. In what sense? In the sense that he shall
govern the Church himself? By no means. Ecclesi-
astical authority can only be exercised by the prince
(who as such is neither bishop nor pastor) in case of
need, if the regular ministry has forsaken its duty. In
this he stands on a complete equality with the other
members of the Church. But he shall turn his temporal
authority (for this alone he possesses) to the protection
of right doctrine and the prevention of ' such abomin-
able idolatry, and other countless vices.' What belongs
to the prince is the police-authority which we now call
'ecclesiastical supremacy' {jus circa sacra), that is,
such police-authority (so the prince's right of ecclesias-
tical supremacy was then understood) as includes super-
intendence both of the preaching and the defence of right
doctrine. The meaning of this police-authority of the
prince is rooted so deeply in the inner life of the Church
for this reason, that, according to the views of the
reformers, the Church as such renounces all claim to
coercive authority. Whatever legal coercive authority
is exercised in the Church belongs, therefore, not to

REFORMATION 1/3

the Church, but to the temporal power. Even in the
fifteenth century the jus refonnandi of the prince (that
is, extensive right of superintendence over doctrine and
worship) was generally recognized as law. With this
conviction Luther turned to the Christian Nobles of the
German- nation' (1520), and summoned them to the
work of reformation. The princes' right of reform (Jus
reformandi) which was recognized as law, first in the
Peace of Augsburg, and afterwards finally in the Peace
of Westphalia, is the temporal authority with which the
prince, as was shown above, is to serve the Church. It
is not in itself an ecclesiastical authority, but only an
authority auxiliary to the Church ; and yet an authority
which, as the line between superintendence and govern-
ment is a thin one, may at any moment be transformed
into a governing authority. The same power of reform
is possessed by the Catholic prince also in Catholic
territory. But this in no way means that ecclesiastical
authority belongs to him. It is just the same in
Protestant countries. The Protestant prince possessed
the same power of reform and no more. According to
the views of the reformers, even the ideal of the
Protestant Church is a self-governing organization,
ruled by bishops, that is, by ministers, or, in cases of
necessity, by the laity. Only, its instrument of govern-
ment is the Word of God alone 'without bodily force.'

From these foundations has arisen the actual govern-
ment of the Church by the prince. Luther never meant
that the prince was to have the government of the
Church. He meant him to have a merely spiritual
office of superintendence over the minister ; and it
was only in cases of necessity that the prince, like
the rest of the laity, had the right to take upon him-

174 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

self the government of the Church. But Luther's
followers insisted on the establishment of coercive
superintendence and government in the Church. The
Consistories or Episcopal Courts, which had possessed
such authority, were to be re-established with the help
of the prince. And so, after Luther's death, it happened.
The Sovereign Consistory to which the superintendents
were subordinate, became the instrument of ecclesi-
astical government by the prince, and assumed the
right of nomination and even of interdiction, both of
which, according to reformed doctrine, belonged to the
spiritual power ; so that the administration of the Word
(in ordination and excommunication) was taken from the
ministry ; and only the right of preaching the Word
(which constituted the office of the ministry in the
narrower sense) was left to it, together with the ad-
ministration of the sacraments. Why was this?
Because the general community could not reach the
ideal of the Reformers ; because mere spiritual authority
(in the Reformers' sense, as explained above) was not
sufficient to maintain Christian order in the community;
because sin, indifference, and licentiousness required
external restraint. This is why temporal authority has
become supreme in the Evangelical Church, and its
right of superintendence has been turned into a right
of government. For according to the doctrine of the
Reformers, external, legal, coercive authority belongs
only to the State. Because the Church was incapable
of self-government through the Word of God alone,
therefore the government of the Church fell to the
prince as her helper in time of need.

Thus ecclesiastical government on the part of the
prince is both in harmony and in contradiction with

REFORMATION 175

the fundamental ideas of the Reformation. In contra-
diction, so far as, according to the Reformation, the
temporal authority is only to help, and not to govern
the Church. In harmony, so far as, according to the
opinions of the Reformers, legal authority is never to
be exercised by the Church, but even in the Church by
the State alone. When and so far as ecclesiastical
authority becomes legal authority, it must be trans-
formed from a spiritual authority (belonging to the
Church) to a political authority (belonging to the
State).

These thoughts appear somewhat strange to us to-day.
They are certainly not modern. But there is a grand
idealism in them, born of the Christian faith, which,
if its immediate result was the establishment of a
succession of individual national churches, outwardly
separate and governed each by its own sovereign, is
nevertheless an idealism which will never cease to give
to the Evangelical Church a type to be striven after,
and a spur to further development.

§ 39. The Lutherans and the Reformed Churches

Luther was the first great herald of the Reformation ;
but he was not the only man who determined the
character of its progress. Side by side with him stood
Melanchthon, the refined scholar and theologian whose
humanism went far to compensate for much of Luther's
hardness, and who became the creator of the Protestant
system of education {Preceptor Gcrniannc\ and of
Protestant scientific theology. Opposed to Luther
stood the great men who became the leaders of the
reformed Protestant Reformation.

176 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

In Switzerland Ulrich von Zwingli appeared as a
reformer at about the same time as Luther. The
study of the Holy Scriptures had led him, like Luther,
into opposition to many of the doctrines of the Church.
In 1 5 1 8, he preached in Maria-Einsiedeln, a celebrated
resort of pilgrims, against pilgrimages and the sale of
indulgences. In 15 19, as a preacher in the great
church of Zurich, he soon swayed the city and its
government by means of his preaching, and effected
in a few years the completion of the Reformation.
He started, not like Luther, from the religious needs
of man's nature, but from the more purely intellectual
side, from knowledge, coloured by his humanistic
culture. Hence the distaste of the Zwinglian reformers
for mysticism. The outward forms of worship were
simplified as much as possible, and all images banished
from the Church ; the plain Word alone was to be left.
In his doctrine of the Lord's Supper Zwingli was
opposed not only to the Catholic doctrine of Tran-
substantiation, but also to the Lutheran doctrine that
the true body and the true blood of Christ are received
by the partakers (both faithful and unfaithful) of the
Lord's Supper, in and together with the bread and
wine. According to Zwingli, the Lord's Supper is a
memorial of the Lord. With regard to this doctrine
Luther and Zwingli are irreconcilably opposed. In
all other matters agreement seemed possible, but not
in this. The religious conference at Marburg in
October 1529 at which Luther and Zwingli met in
person, ended by confirming this division. This schism
afterwards divided the Reformation. The opposition
was evident as early as the Diet of Augsburg in 1530.
Four cities of Upper Germany, Strasburg, Constance,

REFORMATION 1 77

Memmingen, and Lindau, refused to subscribe to the
Confession of Augsburg on account of the doctrine
of the Lord's Supper, and presented to the Hmperor
a confession of their own, known as the Tetrapolitana,
which, how ever, the Emperor refused to receive. Zwingli
died upon the battlefield of Kappel (1531), in the
defence of his faith against the Catholic cantons. His
work was continued, and made historically important
by Calvin, for Calvin gave a fixed form to the doctrine
of the French Reformed Church in Geneva ; and thence,
by means of his numerous disciples a way was opened
to it in France and the Netherlands, and before all,
by John Knox in Scotland, whence it has exerted a
powerful influence on the Church of England and the
New World.

The characteristics of Calvin's Reformation were its
doctrine of Predestination, and the Puritan rigour of
its Church discipline. In his doctrine of the Lord's
Supper he took a mediating position between Luther
and Zwingli. According to Calvin, the mere bread
and wine are indeed received by the mouth ; and
nevertheless, the glorified body of Christ is spiritually
received, but only by the faithful partakers of the
Lord's Supper.

In Germany also, especially in Hesse and the Palati-
nate, the reformed doctrine became widespread. The
Catechism of Heidelberg (1563) is one of the most
important statements of the reformed confession ; yet
so-called Calvinistic church-discipline, in its full rigour,
never took root in Germany.

The division of the Protestants into the Lutheran
and Reformed Churches was for the cause of the
Reformation a misfortune never sufficiently to be

178 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

deplored. It broke the force of the reform movement ;
it raised endless contests which were sometimes hateful
in the extreme ; and it gave the enemies of the Gospel
fresh courage and strength for resistance. Nevertheless,
that division is not only the necessary expression of
the individualism involved in Protestantism, but it has
been a source of rich blessing. The great struggle
for the truth of the Gospel found utterance in two
distinct forms, and from the Reformation there arose
two great ecclesiastical currents which were one at
their source, and yet each had its own especial powers
and gifts of grace. The historical problem and service
of Lutheran Protestantism was before all things to
sink itself, as it were, in the depths of divine doctrine,
in the mysteries of Christ's person and His work ; while
to the Reformed Church it was given to spread abroad
the Gospel far over the Roman and the Anglo-American
world, and to bring its organizing force to bear upon
the practical life of the individual Christian, as well
as of the Church. There was a fervour of religious
life, a power for world-wide work in shaping history,
in the iron Puritanism of the Scotch Church, which
in such a form could only have grown upon the soil of
the reformed faith. And in the Reformed Church grew
up that Presbyterian and Synodal form of ecclesiastical
constitution which gave the community an orderly
share in the government of the Church, and thus
fulfilled our ideal of the Lutheran Reformation. The
conflict of the two Protestant confessions with one
another may have been ruinous ; not without blessing
has been their mutual influence, through mutual par-
ticipation in each other's gifts.

CHAPTER II

COUNTER REFORMATION
§ 40. The Catholic Reformation

THE spiritual forces which had brought forth and
sustained the Mediaeval Church were by no means
destroyed in the sixteenth century. They were only
checked by the new movement of reform. Nay more,
they too could satisfy themselves and gain new life
through the new spirit brought forth by the Protestant
Reformation. In requiring reformation of the Church
in head and members, they were all at one who in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries had the interests of
the Church at heart. Difference of opinion arose only
on the question how far this reformation should go, and
what portions of the Church's life it should be allowed
to touch. The reformation of doctrine, from which
Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin started was given up by
this party ; and a mere reformation of discipline of
the life and organization of the Church was demanded.
But it was nevertheless the storm of the spiritual
movement raised by means of the Protestant refor-
mation of doctrine, and the great conflict of religious
opinions kindled thereby, which made reform possible,
even in this narrower sense. Nay more, the Protestant
movement, started on the ground of church doctrine,
necessarily called forth, by way of reaction, a more

L79

180 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

definite, a clearer and fuller statement of the opposite
doctrine ; so that the Catholics also came forward with
their series of dogmatic propositions, all newly formu-
lated. In this sense even they had a reform of dogma,
which, because it was a spiritual reform, brought forth
new religious forces, and opened out, even for them,
a new path of development. Thus, in opposition to
the Protestant Reformation, arose a Catholic Refor-
mation, known as the Counter-Reformation. While the
Protestant Reformation fills the first half of the sixteenth
century, and is the ruling power in it, the Catholic
Counter-Reformation begins about the middle of the
century. It revived more and more effectually the
forces of the traditional Mediaeval Church, and rallied
them more and more around her ; until, by means both
of its conflict and of its involuntary association with
Protestantism, it brought forth the modern Catholic
Church.

The two powers, by means of which the Catholic
Reformation was brought about, were the Order of
Jesuits and the Council of Trent.

§ 41. The Order of Jesuits

The Order of Jesuits is a product of Spanish Catholi-
cism. In Spain all through the Middle Ages national
and religious enthusiasm were mingled in the fierce
battle with the Moors. Mediaeval Catholicism had
there preserved a degree of warmth and of religious
force which it lacked in other parts of the Church.
Spain sprang up, as it were in a single night, as the
ruling power of the old and the new worlds. Just as
the Spanish kingdom took the lead in the development of

COUNTER REFORMATION l8l

absolute monarchy, so Spanish Catholicism was foremost
in restoring the Church's unlimited authority to teach
doctrine. A Spanish noble, Ignatius Loyola, founded in
1534 the Order of Jesuits (confirmed by Pope Paul III.
in 1540), with the view of raising up for Jesus Christ,
the Head of the Church, and for the Pope, His visible
representative, an army of absolutely devoted soldiers,
to overcome not only unbelief among the heathen, but
the unbelief which had arisen in the bosom of the
Church herself. To the three oaths of poverty, chastity,
and obedience, hitherto taken by the Monastic Orders,
a fourth was added, the oath of absolute obedience to
the Pope. The Jesuits gave the foremost place to the
duty of obedience (which the old Orders regarded but
as a means to an end), that the highest aim of their
Order might be attained — the perfecting of a power to
be used in the service of the Papacy, the development
of a determined unrelenting Catholicism.

The ideal of the Order of Jesuits (the ' Society of
Jesus ') is that of absolute military subordination, even
in the sphere of spiritual life. This object is attained,
first, by the isolation of the individual — the Jesuit is to
know neither friends nor kindred. All closer relations,
even those of the individual members of the Order
among themselves, are forbidden, that the Superior
may have sole influence and authority over them.
Secondly, by the strict surveillance of the individual,
by means of an elaborate system of espionage and
informing, and by means of the duty laid upon the
Order to confess everything to the Superior, even the
most secret feelings. Finally, by spiritual exercises
(exercitia spiritualia), a sort of spiritual drill, which,
elaborated as it was in masterly fashion by the founder

1 82 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

of the Order, revealed more and more to the eyes of the
drill-sergeant the true condition of the souls under his
care ; at the same time it induced in them a state of
spiritual exaltation and emotion which gave them
full command over themselves, and which fitted them
not only to command others, but, in their turn, un-
conditionally and unhesitatingly, to subject themselves
to another. This principle of subordination was summed
up in the axiom that every member of the Order is
pledged to see and acknowledge Christ Himself in the
person of his Superior. The crown of moral personality
—freedom of private moral judgment — is thus thrown
aside. Subjection to an external opinion is regarded
as the true moral perfection. It is a degradation, a
suppression, an annihilation of the most precious gift
given to man. The ultimate consequences of Monasticism
are to be seen here: complete ascetism requires the
destruction of the will also. The Order of Jesuits is
the most perfect type of that principle to which the
Protestant spirit, and also the common moral con-
sciousness of the present age, is most absolutely
opposed. But as the Protestant principle— the freedom
of the private conscience from all human authority — has
its followers, the opposite principle— the subjection of the
whole life of the individual, and even of the conscience,
to a visible authority — has its followers also ; and just
in this straining of the principle of authority, the
extreme consequences of which are subversive of all
morality, lies the secret of the remarkable power to
which Jesuitism, and consequently modern Catholicism,
owes its success.

The Order of Jesuits was bound to regard Pro-
testantism as the born foe to whose destruction it was

COUNTER REFORMATION I, S3

called. Its aim was first of all to effect an intellectual
reaction against the strong and stormy progress of the
Reformation. German Catholicism was unequal to the
task. Protestant doctrine made its way almost un-
resisted through the whole of Germany, and penetrated
even to Bavaria and Austria. The universities, the
schools, the clergy, and the monks who still remained
true to the old faith, were far from making any complete
hearty resistance to the new preaching of the Gospel.
They were themselves inwardly stirred by the new
doctrine, more doubtful and uncertain than persuaded
of the living power of the contrary belief. These
relations were first changed when the Jesuits came
over to Germany in the first half of the sixteenth
century. The ' Spanish priests,' as the Jesuits were
popularly called, gave from the pulpit and the teachers'
chair a new utterance to the Catholic faith. Their aim
was to defeat Protestantism with Protestant weapons.
Mediaeval Scholasticism, which was the learning of the
Dominicans, had given place to Humanism, which made
common cause with Protestantism. The Jesuits made
humanistic learning and culture their own, in order to
turn it to the service of the Church. In opposition to
the schools of Protestant learning, arose the schools of
the Jesuits ; side by side with Protestant science, a
Jesuitical science, furnished with all possible resources ;
side by side with Protestant preaching, the preaching of
the Jesuits, equally delivered in the language of the
people, equally founded on the Bible, and which spread
Catholicism far and wide. The Jesuits brought the
whole strength of their intellectual and moral forces
to bear on the single object of annihilating Protestantism
with its own weapons.

1 84 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

But this literary and purely intellectual reaction did
not lead the Jesuits speedily enough to the goal.
External means had also to be applied and authori-
tative measures taken in the service of the Church.
Thus in the second half of the sixteenth century, owing
to the activity of the Jesuits, there began the violent
reformation — the Counter- Reformation strictly so called.
In Germany the Treaty of Augsburg of 1555 (by which
every prince had power to decide the religious confession
of his own territory) gave the legal grounds for the
movement. The Counter-Reformation began in Bavaria
at the instigation of the Jesuits who had been settled
there since 1 556, — with Ingolstadt as their head-quarters.
In 1563 all evangelical priests and laymen were driven
from Bavaria, and the evangelical nobles excluded from
the Diet. The spiritual princes followed the example
so given ; in Trier, Wurzburg, Bamberg, and Salzburg,
Protestant ministers were replaced by pupils of the
Jesuits, so that all preaching of the reformed doctrine
was put down. In 1 598 by a decree of the Archduke
Ferdinand, a pupil of the Jesuits, the Lutheran ministers
were driven out of Styria, Carinthia, and Carniola.
What was done in Germany was done also elsewhere.
The bloodthirsty government of the Catholic Queen
Mary of England (1553-15 58); of the Spanish Duke of
Alva in the Netherlands (1567); the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew in France (1572) were so many terrible
memorials of the Counter- Reformation, which was guided
and completed by the spirit of Jesuitism. In Germany
also the movement finally led to that intolerable strife
which ended later in the bloodshed and misery of the
Thirty Years' War. That strife was closed by the
Peace of Westphalia (1648), by which Protestantism

COUNTER REFORMATION 1 85

once for all received legal recognition. In consequence
of the Counter-Reformation it had suffered irreparable
losses in the territories ruled by Catholic princes,
especially in Bavaria and Austria. Whereas in the
middle of the sixteenth century it was already in a way
to conquer all Germany, it was now repressed and
confined within certain definite limits. Yet it had
preserved its existence even in Germany, and there
Protestantism stands to this day opposed to Jesuitism,
hindering its supremacy even within the Catholic Church
itself.

The Pope protested against the Peace of Westphalia
and declared it invalid, like the Peace of Augsburg
before it. But his words echoed vainly and unheard.
It was the first time for a long period that a great
political act had taken place without the co-operation,
nay more, in spite of the opposition of the Pope.
Times had changed. The Middle Ages had gone by.
The temporal sword of the Pope was broken. Pro-
testantism had attained a twofold object in spite of the
Jesuits : it had not only maintained itself, but it had
changed the aspect of the whole political world, by the
destruction of the temporal supremacy of the Papacy.

§ 42. The Council of Trent

The Catholic Reformation found formal expression
and completion in the Council of Trent, which, with
many interruptions, was assembled at Trent during the
years 1545- 1562. By this Council, in agreement with
Mediaeval Scholasticism, the dogma of tradition, that
is, of the binding power of church doctrine, as well as
the dogmas of original sin, the seven sacraments, trail

1 86 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

substantiation, penance, and extreme unction, the Host,
the consecration of priests and of the hierarchy, the
sacrament of holy matrimony, purgatory, the worship
of saints and relics, monastic vows, etc., were main-
tained in their anti- Protestant sense. What had hitherto
been merely matter of scientific, that is, of scholastic,
doctrinal opinion, which might have been prevalent,
but could hardly have been considered binding in point
of law, was now established as the doctrinal law of the
Church, legally binding upon all. Modern Catholic
dogma, for the first time expressed in definite terms,
now arose in opposition to the Protestant doctrinal
movement. The Protestant principle of the authority
of Holy Scripture as the sole rule of faith was clearly
and deliberately confronted with the Catholic axiom of
the authority of the Church, of its authority to decide
these very questions of dogma. To the Catholic his
Church is the object and the source of his faith. To
believe in this visible Church, in its holiness and infalli-
bility, to believe that alone which the Church teaches, is to
be a Catholic. The principle of authority, the authority
of the Church commanding the conscience and the
faith of the individual, was expressed in unmistakable
terms as the essence of the Catholic faith, newly confirmed
by the Council of Trent. All other doctrinal decisions
were included in this principle as deductions from it. The
re-establishment of dogma was accompanied by a re-
formation of the constitution and discipline of the Church.
Many of the most crying abuses were put down ; the
perversion of indulgences as a source of gain was for-
bidden (from this time the sale of indulgences ceased),
the clergy were pledged to the personal administration
of their office, and so forth. The main point was that

COUNTER REFORMATION 1 87

the Papacy and the clergy were filled with a new spirit.
The corrupt and worldly-minded Papacy which had
flourished in the fifteenth and the beginning of the
sixteenth century disappeared as by a miracle. As
soon as it took in hand the work of reform, the Papacy
set itself more and more clearly at the head of the
vigorously ecclesiastical party. Through its conflict
with Protestantism it had come to itself again. And,
as it fared with the Papacy, so it fared with the Catholic
clergy. The sixteenth century movement of reform
was a universal one. The reformed Protestant Church
was confronted by a reformed Catholic Church.

Division IV
PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION

§ 43. Pietism

The great conflict of the age of the Reformation, with
its battle for the Gospel of justification by faith, brought
forth two great movements, which, now advancing side
by side, now conflicting with each other, ruled the
following age from the end of the sixteenth to the first
half of the eighteenth century.

The one movement aimed at elaborating a system of
doctrine which should give a scientific form to the
substance of the evangelical truth so lately recognized,
and thus bring it within the full comprehension of the
Church. This was the ruling tendency in the Lutheran
Church. It was a continuation of the work already
begun by Melanchthon. It produced the dogmatic
Lutheranism of the seventeenth century, and created a
Lutheran theology which found its most significant
expression in the celebrated works of Johann Gerhard
(Professor of theology at Jena from the year 161 6 ;
died 1637), whose influence extended over the whole
field of Protestantism. There was, however, a danger
in this development of a system of theological doctrine,
the danger of more or less neglecting for subtle
questions of dogma, the real, quickening truths of salva-

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 1 89

tion ; and in this way of forcing the minute refinements
of doctrinal theology upon the Church as law. But the
Church can only live by the true, plain Word of God ;
not by the uncertain results of human theological learn-
ing. And it was clear that the Lutheran Church did
not wholly escape this danger. The Formula of Concord
of 1577, though it found only partial acceptance in
Lutheran countries, tended very decidedly in this direc-
tion. While the Confession of Augsburg in 1530, and
the Articles of Schmalkalden in 1537, are merely a
powerful expression of those truths upon which evan-
gelical faith depends, already in the Formula of Concord
the Epigoni are the leaders, with whom controversial
theology comes to the front, and rules not only the
science but the very life of the Church by logical conclu-
sions. But Lutheran theology of the seventeenth century
moved in the lines marked out for it by the Formula
of Concord, and exerted its powerful influence on the
Church in the spirit of that formula. Such a movement
was essentially one of the subtlest dogmatism , and its
fruit, as Lutheran theologians of that time have them-
selves testified,1 was a new Scholasticism, an outward
ecclesiasticism which disowned the inner power of
Christianity. The natural tendency of this movement
was opposed to the reformed doctrine ; and if Lutheran
theology was right in defending the Lutheran confession,
it was equally wrong when tempted to exaggerate the
opposition, and in the interest of dogma to set up its
own body of doctrine above the substance of Holy
Scripture. The one-sided dogmatism of Lutheran
theology in that age was almost as successful as Roman

1 E.g. Joliann Arndt, still famous for his religious writings; died it
Celle in 1621.

190 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Catholicism itself in blinding the eyes of the people to
the power of the clear word of Scripture, by throwing
the doctrine of the Church into a scholastic form. But
the Lutheran Church bore within it the power to free
itself from such excrescences ; and, besides bringing
forth that dogmatic movement, it gave life and energy to
the forces which were best able to counterbalance it.

The second movement which arose from the Reforma-
tion, aimed, first of all, not at doctrine, but at the
practical formation and realization of the Christian life.
It began in the Reformed Church, and this chiefly
through the influence of Calvin. It brought forth the
Puritan force and vigour of the French and the Anglo-
Scotch or Presbyterian Reformed Churches. At the
same time, by means of its synods and its presbyterian
constitution, it was able to give the people a share in
the life of the Church ; and this was a safeguard against
the torpidity into which the Lutheran congregations,
under the ecclesiastical government of the territorial
sovereign and the orthodox theologians, too often fell.
But Caivinistic Puritanism involved also a legalism, a
government of external discipline, which destroyed the
freedom of Christian men, and was a biow to its
evangelicalism. And even here, if we consider the
history of the Churches of England, Scotland, and the
Netherlands, there arose a dogmatism, a dependence on
single articles of faith for which no proof could be given
other than the doctrine of the Church ; it was a dog-
matism which in hatred of every shortcoming, and in
overbearing self-righteousness in no degree came behind
that of contemporary Lutheran theologians. The spirit
of the monks and of the schoolmen appeared to have
gathered new strength in the field of Protestantism.

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION IQI

Yet, in still greater strength, the true spirit of the
Gospel remained in the Evangelical Churches, both
of the Lutheran and the Reformed Confessions. An
inward reaction began which delivered the Protestant
Church from the dangers of a one-sided development.

This movement, which is now known by the name of
Pietism, began in the Reformed Church. In the Church
of Holland (at first under the leadership of Labadie,
somewhere about the year 1660), then in other territory
of the Reformed Church, was formed the sect of ' The
Regenerate,' which was indifferent to questions of dogma
as such, and strove after practical Christianity manifested
in an ascetic life, and in a mystic devotion to the bride-
groom, Christ. In this the dogmatism of reformed
Puritanism was abandoned, and a new expression given
to the characteristic endeavour of the Reformed Church
to realize the Christian ideal of life. Yet in this move-
ment it was the Lutheran Church that triumphed. This
was the meaning of the essentially Lutheran Pietism of
Spener and Francke, which arose in opposition to dog-
matism at the end of the seventeenth century. Spener
(born at Rappolsweiler in Alsace, in 1635) united in
himself the influence of the reformed tendency to a
vigorous and almost ascetic Christian life (he lived
some time in Geneva when a student), and the Lutheran
tendency to the purely scriptural doctrine of the Bible.
It was the time when, principally through Spener's
master, Professor Sebastian Schmidt of Strasburg,'2 the
earnest study of the Bible Text, with a view to its inter-
pretation, was revived in the Lutheran Church. It was
also the time when all spirits were cast down by the misery

1 For an account of these theologians, cf. \V. Horning, Dr. Sebastian

Schmidt of Strasburg, 1885.

192 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

of the Great War, and were ready to receive the con-
solation offered by the Christian revelation of salvation ;
when Paul Gerhardt lifted up his clear, sweet voice, and
gave to the living experience of Christian faith the rare
and genuinely poetic expression that goes straight to
the heart ; when a number of Lutheran theologians,
like Grossbauer (died at Rostock in 1661) and others,
had already arisen to further by their unhesitating
witness the still living spirit of true evangelical Lutheran-
ism, and to give utterance to the longing after inward
regeneration of the life of faith, actuated by the power
of the Spirit. Spener was the leader of the whole
movement ; and he crowned its victory when, in his
Pia Desideria (1675), he advocated with impressive
earnestness the institution of private meetings for the
common study of the Bible, the participation of the laity
in the affairs of the Church, and the realization of
Christian faith in a life of love ; when, above all, in his
religious and biblical studies (published after 1670), he
made a way for a method of scriptural interpretation
which treated the Bible, not as a source of scholastic
controversies, but as a power of life unto life. Once
more the first place was given to the Bible above the
Confession of the Church. The demand for regenera-
tion through faith sounded through the Protestant world
like a mighty trumpet-call, and the magnificent in-
stitutions founded in Halle by Francke (the foundation-
stone of the Orphanage was laid in 1695) were an
imperishable witness to the practical power of genuine
Christian love, united with a trust in God as genuine
and absolute. Pietism exercised a decisive influence
on the Moravian Church of Count Zinzendorf (founded
as an independent, free, Christian Society in 1727), and

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 193

through the Moravians on the Methodists likewise.
The Methodists in England, and even more in the New
World, represented the Reformed Church in a newly
revived form, distinguished by its insistence on personal
sanctification. (The first Methodist society was founded
by John Wesley, in London, in the year 1739.) But
the chief glory of Pietism is this : that by its means the
great Protestant missions were set on foot. The first
Lutheran missionaries, Ziegenbalg and others, came
from the Orphanage founded by Francke at Halle.
Protestantism reached the height of its mature strength
when it stirred up its emissaries, and sent them forth
into the world to win it over to the Gospel of Christ.

The new movement could not fail to produce out-
growths. The weakness of Pietism lay in its Separatism
and in its Methodism. In its Separatism, so far as it
fostered the tendency of narrow societies of ' truly
awakened ' thinkers to cut themselves off from the
' great masses,' to form ecclesioltz in ecclesia, and thus to
weaken the power and meaning of Church organization.
In its Methodism, so far as it prescribed a 'method,'
which, although not so harsh as the Methodism peculiar
to England and North America, was at any rate akin
to it, and which was meant to lead to the ' breaking
forth of Grace in man,' and thus to regeneration, by
artificially arousing the sense of penitence. This view
resulted in the formation of a detailed canon of morality
which demanded as a proof of assured salvation the
renunciation of the world, the renunciation of some of
the pleasures of life which are perfectly allowable in
themselves (such as dancing, playing cards, going to
theatres, etc.) ; so that the principle of justification by
works appeared once more in the very midst of Pro-

*94 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

testantism. Owing to these exaggerations, Pietism fell
into that disfavour which already about the middle of
the eighteenth century robbed it of all further influence
on Protestant society ; while, about this time, another
great movement, the Illumination, arose and led the
world into new paths. Nay more, Pietism itself, by
setting free the individual from the organization and
doctrine of the Church, prepared the way for the triumph
of the Illumination, and consequently for its own dis-
solution.

Nevertheless, the result of Pietism is indestructible.
Throughout the age of the Illumination, until the nine-
teenth century, it remained the one power which truly
preserved the evangelical Christian life, albeit amongst
a small minority, until with the opening of our century
the hour had come for the regeneration of the Evan-
gelical Church. Up to our own day it represents a
form of Protestantism which, together with the great
confessional movement of our time, may be regarded
as the complement of that movement, and equally
necessary for the life of the Protestant Church. In the
one movement it is mainly doctrine, in the other mainly
life in the Gospel sense, in which the spiritual forces
active in both tendencies find their goal, and through
which they have any meaning in the history of the
Church. Neither movement has full power of healthy
development without the other. Individuals will in-
cline either to the one or to the other — this is only
human nature — but the Church can dispense with
neither. United, they represent and rule the Protestant
Church of the present.

The Pietism of the end of the seventeenth and the
beginning of the eighteenth centuries was the last great

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 195

surge of the waves of the ecclesiastical movement begun
by the Reformation ; it was the completion and the
final form of the Protestantism created by the Reforma-
tion. Then came a time when another intellectual
power henceforth took possession of the minds of men.

§ 44. The Illumination

All Western Europe until the end of the seventeenth
century was dominated by the ecclesiastical development
which culminated in the Reformation and the Counter-
Reformation. After that time another spirit began to
be felt.

By the discoveries made in physical science in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, together with the
philosophical movement to which they gave rise, more
especially in England, the way was prepared for a new
theory of the universe which sought its standpoint, not
in the faith of the Church, but in what is made known
through human reason. With boldness and determina-
tion men set about the work of deliverance from the
power of tradition ; and the materials handed down by
history were subjected to a process of criticism by which
all that was historical, relative, and accidental was to
be separated from that which is eternal, rational, and
inherent in human nature and in the nature of things.
A natural law, a natural State, a natural society, and
a natural religion shone as the great ideals on the
intellectual horizon, and carried away the world of the
eighteenth century in a movement of passionate en-
deavour. These battles prepared the way for the rise
of modern humanity.

Traditional Christianity also was subjected to criticism,

196 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

from the standpoint of its agreement with reason and
nature ; and neither the Catholic nor the Protestant
form of Christianity could satisfy the demands of
philosophy for a system conformable to reason. This
was natural ; for religion springs from the relation of
man to God, whose being evidently and necessarily
transcends the human understanding and its forms of
thought. Religion must end in the incomprehensible ;
and the power which makes it religion, the power which
satisfies the soul and frees it from the stress of earthly
things, the power which perfects both the nation and
the individual life belongs to religion by virtue, not of
the comprehensible, but of the incomprehensible in it
which transcends human thought and understanding ;
the power of religion lies in the mystery through which
it leads to God, the incomprehensible Being whom the
understanding cannot reach.

The eighteenth century sought after a religion which
should unite two contradictory things ; which should
satisfy both the understanding and the desire of the
soul for the eternal, the infinite, the incomprehensible.
The result of the movement was a confession of faith
which acknowledged only the three great objects : God,
virtue, and immortality. Every positive element of the
Christian faith was rejected ; yet a consistent series of
truths which could be proved by reason was never
reached. The only result was that the firm staff of
Christian faith, the only sure support in the way
through life, was turned into a bruised reed, and faith
itself into vague ideas which awakened doubt. In the
second half of the eighteenth century Rationalism was
victorious along the whole line. It ruled both in the
Protestant and the Catholic Church. Defended by

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION I97

Voltaire and Lessing with the weapons of ridicule and
of penetrating sagacity, it developed its highest product
in the philosophy of Kant, where the limits of the
human understanding are laid down, and both the
existence of God and the immortality of the soul are
declared to be unprovable postulates of the moral or
practical reason. Kant's philosophy signified the com-
pletion and the self-destruction of Rationalism ; it was
the attainment of a summit of development from which
there was suddenly opened a view into an altogether
new and unlooked-for land. Reason was once more
shown its limits ; and philosophy itself had recognized
that religion is not meant for a sort of philosophical
doctrine satisfying the need of the understanding for
knowledge, but rather for an immediate power, con-
vincing men without logical proof and satisfying both
the need of the will for deliverance from the world and
sin, and the need of man for God. Yet Kant remained
in the bonds of Rationalism when he made mere morality,
the 'recognition of our duties as divine commands,' the
end and aim of religion. The sovereign power in which,
according to Kant, the moral law appears as the
unconditional, ' categorical imperative' (binding by virtue
of its content alone, and not by virtue of any principle
of means to an end), offers a very imperfect compensation
for the fact that God is transformed once more into the
angry lawgiver of Sinai, and that there is no place- in
Kant's system for the ' Word of God ' who has revealed
Himself to the world 'full of grace and truth.'

The great practical results of the Illumination were
the destruction of the Jesuit Order, the foundation of
the omnipotent authority of the State, and the idea of
Toleration.

198 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

§ 45. The Destruction of the Jesuit Order

The Jesuit Order had already prepared the way for
its fall through its own development. The morality it
preached had become casuistry which sought but the
cases in which evil could be done with a good conscience.
Here are instances of such cases, when the inward
intention is directed, not to the sin as such, but to some
ulterior object which may be altogether praiseworthy
(methodus dirigendae intentionis) ; or when for some good
purpose a narrower meaning or a secret condition is
mentally attached to a promise given (mental reserva-
tion) ; or when use is made of some ambiguous
expression (amphiboly). In these doctrines the pro-
position that the end justifies the means is not directly
expressed, but it is implied. Nay more, the Jesuit
moralists and theologians represented the requirements
of morality as mere matter of opinion ; they developed
the doctrine that a man may even act against his own
conscience, if he only has on his side a 'probable
opinion,' that is to say, the testimony of some writer
recognized as an authority. This is the doctrine known
as Probabilism. It was first scientifically developed by
a Spanish Dominican, Bartolome de Medina, in 1577,
and was afterwards carried further and brought to its
perfection by other Jesuit writers, such as the Spaniard
Escobar (died 1633). By means of this doctrine of
Probabilism the door was thrown open to every kind of
immorality. The Papacy itself, however it may have
tried to protect the Jesuits as its truest followers,
was obliged to make a stand against Jesuit morality.
Alexander VII. in 1655 refused to sanction Probabilism
and the doctrines connected with it; Innocent XL

tietism and tin: illumination 199

solemnly issued bills condemning sixty-five of the laxer
moral axioms of the Jesuits (1679). The Order was
obliged in 1687 to repudiate its connection with
Probabilism by the formal declaration that it would
not hinder the advancement of doctrine opposed thereto.
Nevertheless, within the Order itself the most decided
resistance was offered to all other doctrine by its
General Gonzalez (1687 till 1705), who had been
elected by Pope Innocent VII. on account of his
supposed hostility to Probabilism ; and the Order
never applied the enormous power which it pos-
sessed over its members to put down a moral doctrine
which was defended principally by Jesuit writers them-
selves.

The Jesuit Order met with a powerful opponent in
Jansenism, a tendency which began in the University
of Louvain (where Jansen was professor from 1630
till 1636), and then became widespread, especially in
France. The Jesuit Order represented the doctrine
received by the Catholic Church : that by virtue of the
freedom which remains to him in spite of the Fall, man
is able by his own works (aided by the divine grace) to
co-operate in his own salvation (semi-Pelagianism) ;
whereas Jansenism, like the Protestant reformers, de-
fended the Augustinian doctrine : that the salvation of
the elect is solely owing to the grace of God which
predestines one to salvation, and another to damnation.
Jansenism, as was only natural, was repeatedly con-
demned by the Pope. It was an attempt at reformation
made within the Catholic Church, in opposition to
Jesuitism. It owed its popularity chiefly to the moral
earnestness of its followers, an earnestness which
amounted to ascetic rigour ; and before long they

200 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

found a local centre in the Cistercian convent of Port
Royal in the neighbourhood of Versailles.

The influence of Jansenism on the world's history
consists, not so much in its dogmatic teaching, as in the
criticism which it applied to the morality of the Jesuits.
Jansenism was directly opposed to the moral principles
of the Jesuits, and was moreover involved in a doctrinal
controversy with the Order which was a battle for life
or death. Therefore from the ranks of the Jansenists
came the strongest reaction against Jesuit morality.
To their sect belonged Blaise Pascal, the celebrated
mathematician and natural philosopher, whose Lettres
Provinciates (published 1656-57) were the most complete
and the most powerful, as well as the wittiest expression
of the general indignation aroused by Jesuit morality.
In the Catholic Church itself Jansenism was naturally
overpowered by Jesuitism, which defended the official
dogmas of that Church. Nevertheless, the Jesuits
found that Pascal's attack, sparkling with wit and
intellect and scorn, was invulnerable. More than sixty
editions of the Lettres Provinciales were circulated.
They struck at the powerful Order the first great blow
which permanently shattered its position. In attacking
its morality they hit the Achilles' heel of Jesuitism.

Besides this, the Order became even more completely
absorbed in the worldly interests of power and wealth ;
all that was spiritual in it was stifled by its great
commercial undertakings and financial enterprises. Yet
again, the Jesuit doctrine which under certain conditions
(that is to say, in the interests of the Church) sanctioned
the murder of princes, a doctrine, which, for instance,
gave the dagger into the hands of the murderers of
Henry III. and Henry IV. of France, naturally aroused

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 201

anger and repulsion against the Order. But the decisive
event by which it was finally overthrown was the spread
of the Illumination in the eighteenth century. To the
eighteenth century, which was filled with the spirit of
philosophy and of free discover)-, the Jesuit Order
appeared as an anachronism of the most offensive kind.
It was as a spirit of darkness, bearing with it the
scholasticism and the intellectual barbarism of the
Middle Ages, that the spirit of Jesuitism confronted the
eighteenth century. The Church itself, both Catholic
and Protestant, began to appropriate the ideas of the
Illumination, which rejected the essentially Christian
element in religion and held fast by its universally
human side alone, as the true kernel of Christianity.
The Jesuit Order alone remained standing, paying
homage to the extremest Catholicism, a monument
of spiritual tendencies long since passed away. The
whole culture of the eighteenth century rose up against
that Order.

Thus the hour of its fall had come. When required
by the King of France to take measures for the reform
of the Order, their General, Ricci, returned his famous
answer : ' Sint ut sunt, aut non sint ' (' They must be as
they are or not at all '). The issue was decided in
conflict with the State, which saw the Jesuit Order
opposed to it as a State within the State. The Order
was abolished in 1759 in Portugal; in 1764 in France;
and in 1767 in Spain and Naples. Finally in 1773,
Clement XVI., yielding to the combined pressure of the
Government and the tendency of the age, abolished it
from the whole Church ' for ever.'

The Illumination had triumphed over the Jesuits.

202 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

§ 46. The Omnipotent State

If the ideas of the Middle Ages favoured the power
of the Church, those of the Illumination implied an
equally decided reaction in favour of the power of the
State. Such a movement had already begun in the
fourteenth century when the national State and the
monarchies founded on it first arose. It made itself
perceptible in the monarchy of Philip the Fair, and
afterwards in those rights of superintendence and
government which in the course of the fifteenth century
the State acquired more and more throughout Europe.
The State authority received a new and powerful
support from the Reformation. The reformers (with
the exception of Calvin and his followers) taught that
no kind of external government should be intrusted to
the Church, but merely the preaching of the divine
Word and the administration of the Sacraments. The
whole field of civic life was placed in the hands of the
State, and even the government of the Church, so far as
it involved the enforcement of external authority (in the
enactment of laws, nomination to benefices, and Church
discipline). The State was prepared to govern the
Church by no means in Protestant countries alone, but
likewise in Catholic territory. An idea was abroad
which was not peculiar to the Reformation, so far as it
was a question of the supremacy of the State over the
Church, but rather one which the Reformation had
inherited from the fifteenth century, and which hence-
forth from the sixteenth century onwards had attained
full clearness and power throughout the whole extent of
the West, in Spain and France, in Bavaria and Austria.
Gallicanism, which ruled the Church of France from the

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 203

sixteenth to the eighteenth century ; Febronianism,
which was defended with all the resources of his
extensive learning by Justinus Febronius von Hontheim
(suffragan bishop of Trier), in his work on Ecclesiastical
Constitution and Papal Authority (1756), represented
those spiritual tendencies which had grown up in the
Church also, and which assigned to the State supreme
authority of supervision, with direct power of interference,
in some cases, even in spiritual things. The State
revealed its inborn forces ; and with an increasing
consciousness of its own inherent power it claimed for
its own the whole inner and outer world of culture.
Here again the Illumination brought final and decisive
change. Philosophical speculation on the origin and
nature of political authority had led to the discovery
that the State originated in a contract, known as the
Social Contract {contrat social). This conception goes
back as far as Aristotle. It had been already current
in the Middle Ages. But now, for the first time, it
unfolded the full power inherent in it.

According to this doctrine the Social Contract was
concluded in favour of the State, and of no other
authority, not even that of the Church, for instance. In
favour of the State, and of the State alone, the individual
parts with his natural freedom. It follows that all
public authority belongs to the State, that all exercise
of authority within the State can rest only upon contract
and delegation on the part of the State. The authority
of the State is omnipotent, and even that of the Church
is only an outcome of it. Hitherto the whole idea had
appeared to be mere theory ; and this particular train
of reasoning had remained theory for many a long
century. But the Illumination bore within it a force

204 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

which put fire to the gunpowder, and that force was the
idea that the past has no power over the present

According to the principles of the Illumination, the
results of historical development are not binding, as
such. They lose their binding power the moment their
unreasonableness, or contradiction to the results of
philosophical thought, becomes evident. The State is
free to make the natural law of reason a positive
enactment. Nay more, it is not only the highest right,
but the highest duty of the State to realize this ideal by
the removal of existing law. The State is all-powerful
in opposition to the traditional order of law ; and the
present age demands before all that the State shall
establish this unrepealable law of reason, in all its
power, in the place of historical law. So the State
grew, and the wings of legislation waxed strong. The
eighteenth century actually believed in the power of the
State to put an end to all the asperities and imperfections
of human society by legislation, and to re-establish a
rational, universally just and perfect law that should
bring with it happiness and freedom.

The world underwent a course of trenchant legislative
reform, which swept away much that was already
inwardly dead. The French Revolution was a magni-
ficent attempt to order the world anew, and to reinstate
the long- forgotten rights of man, according to the
eternal, rational principles of liberty, equality, and
fraternity. It was borne up by great hopes, and
welcomed with deep and noble enthusiasm. By the
Revolution, the power of the State, the power of the
law, the incarnate Reason of the age was declared to be
the mistress of the world. It lay with the Revolution
alone to renovate the whole nature of legislation and of

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 205

society, and to empty the cornucopia of happiness over
a humanity delivered from the fetters of the past

The Revolution ended in the Reign of Terror. The
happiness it had dreamed of gave place to horror.
Freedom disappeared in the despotism of a military
autocrat. It became evident that even the State is not
almighty ; that, as a general rule, law cannot do what-
ever it pleases ; that the sudden sundering from the
past leads society not to heaven but to the abyss. The
Revolution and its consequences swept through the
world like a purifying fire ; and then, after all, it left its
work to be completed by the powers which had sprung
out of the past.

In this energetic movement of reform the old
aristocratic State, with its privileges and class dis-
tinctions, was overthrown, and made room for the
democratic State founded on the equal public rights
and duties of every member of the State.

Even the Church of the old order was swallowed up
by the movement. From the second half of the eigh-
teenth century the omnipotent State thought to mould
the Church like wax in its hands. It was conscious of
its vocation and free power to determine, not only the
external position, but the inner life of the Church
according to its own rational ideals. In this spirit
Joseph II. began his legislative reform in the eccle-
siastical field. He reformed the orders of the clergy by-
doing away with all that were not engaged in the work
of the ministry or of education (1782) ; and he merged
their revenues in a common ' religious fund ' administered
by the State. He reformed the culture and education
of the clergy by establishing, in the place of the schools
belonging to the Church, 'general seminaries' belong-

206 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

ing to the State, which were to spread the spirit of the
Illumination among the pastors of the people. He
regulated the form of worship, the style and contents of
the sermon, the hymns of the monks, and the decoration
of the churches, both great and small. The whole field
of ecclesiastical life was to be remodelled by him once
for all, with a strong hand ; and, from his own point of
view, the change was a suitable and rational one. But
the reform ended in the Belgian revolution (1787), which
cost Austria one of its fairest provinces ; and the work
of Joseph had to be undone by another series of reforms.
The legislation of Frederick the Great, which
determined the character of the Prussian Code
(1794), was maintained in a like spirit. The Law of
Prussia recognizes no general Church, either Catholic
or Protestant, but merely the congregation, the ' Church
society.' Several congregations, or Church societies
(which, according to Prussian law, may or may not hold
the same faith) form, not a Church, but a Religious
Party ; something like the evangelical party, or the
Catholic powers in Europe. No kind of common or-
ganization is pre-supposed in this arrangement, except
that the Catholic Church societies are distinguished by
the fact that several of them, which form the congrega-
tions of a diocese, have one president, the bishop ; while
among the Protestants several societies are likewise
subordinated to the same provincial consistory — an
arrangement which is, however, purely accidental, as
far as Prussian law is concerned, and rests, not on the con-
stitution of the Church, but on that of the several local
congregations (Church societies). The Church is divided
into atoms. The Church, even the Catholic Church, is
dissolved by law into a series of local congregations.

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 207

The only authority to which the congregation is sub-
jected is virtually the authority of the State. The King
of Prussia is the chief bishop and supreme authority in
both the Catholic and the Protestant Church. ' Foreign
superiors,' as, for instance, the Pope, may take upon
themselves no legislation, no jurisdiction, and no active
authority in relation to the Church of Prussia. If the
Pope wishes to exercise his rights within Prussian
territory, he must nominate a native vicar, that is, a
subject of the King of Prussia.

This was the Church Law of the Prussian monarchy,
as the lawgiver evolved it out of his own reason ; and
he believed himself both justified and able to turn these
results of his philosophy into actual living law, by a
simple act of legislation on the part of the omnipotent
State.

The French Revolution advanced the farthest, even
in the field of ecclesiastical legislation, in realizing, by
means of a State decree, the free natural law devised by
reason. The revolutionary Church law of reason and
nature is embodied in the ' Civil Constitution of the
Clergy 'of 1 790. The constitution of the Church cor-
responds to the constitution of the State. Every canton
has its pastor, every department its bishop. The pastor
is elected by all the ' active ' citizens of the canton,
without regard to their religious profession, just as the
bishop is elected by the ' active ' citizens of the depart-
ment. For such a civilly constituted Church the Pope
does not exist. Even creed plays no part in it, in so
far as every citizen of the State is as such a member of
the Church. The Catholic Church in the traditional
sense has ceased to exist. It is abolished by the law of
the State. The State is now not only a State but a

208 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Church, and ecclesiastical administration is a part of
political administration. Consequently, the same cor-
poration of electors which elected the organs of the
State, that is, the District Council or the Departmental
Council, is also empowered to elect the pastor or the
bishop. The constitution of the Church is mapped out
with lines and circles, drawn in strict correspondence
with the constitution of the State. The living forces of
the Church, the Papacy, and the traditional faith, are
ignored. The State is free to deal as it will with the
law of the Church and its existence. In the days of
the ' Reign of Terror,' Christianity itself was actually
abolished, if only for a time ; and the worship, first of
' Reason,' then of the ' Supreme Being,' was introduced.
The State ruled with unlimited power even over religion.
Napoleon, by the Concordat of 1 80 1, restored the Papacy
and the Catholic Church to a place in French law ; but,
nevertheless, in that law, the foundations of which were
laid by him, the great revolutionizing thought of the
age of the Illumination — that the Church with its
administration is incorporated with the administration
of the State — is alive in France to this day. The
unlimited authority of the State over the Church meant
also its unlimited authority over the property of the
Church. Joseph IT. formed the State 'religious fund'
from the endowments of the abolished monasteries. The
French Revolution declared the entire property of the
Church to be the property of the nation. The same
advance was also made in Germany. The Peace of
Luneville, 1801, ceded the left bank of the Rhine to
France. The German Empire thereby promised that
the temporal princes who were dispossessed by the treaty
should receive compensation out of the imperial re-

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 209

venues. The Church had to bear the cost of this com-
pensation. The decree of the imperial commission of
1803 legalized the secularization of Church property
(that is, of the endowments of all bishoprics, monasteries,
and other foundations), and the abolition of the spiritual
principalities. A death-blow was struck at the temporal
power of the Catholic Church. The State avenged
itself for the wrongs it had suffered in the times of the
Hildebrandine system. Armed with the principles of
eighteenth century philosophy, it overthrew not only
the Jesuit Order, but the Church itself, both Catholic
and Protestant

§ 47. The Idea of Toleration

The permanent result of the intellectual movement
which is comprehended under the one name of the
Illumination is to be seen neither in the abolition of the
Jesuit Order, nor in the supremacy which the omni-
potent State obtained over the Church. The Jesuit Order
was re-established by Pope Pius VII. as early as 18 14.
The age of the omnipotent State was by that time over.
The lasting fruit of the Illumination — for no great in-
tellectual movement passes away without leaving some
such lasting fruit — consists rather in the principle of
toleration, for which the Illumination succeeded in
obtaining universal acceptance, and this chiefly in
opposition to the Catholic Church. Intolerance is the
principle of the Catholic Church. As, according to the
Catholic faith, to be subject to Pope and bishops, that
is, to belong to the body of the Catholic Church, is
indispensable to the salvation of every individual soul ;
so that Church considers itself, not only justified, but

2IO OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

bound to reduce the heretic to subjection (by force, if
necessary), and in extreme cases to punish obstinate
heresy with death, as a heinous crime and dangerous to
the commonwealth. Even the Protestant Church has
had repeated fits of intolerance, and has condemned
and punished the heterodox by means of the temporal
authority. The most famous case of this kind is the
execution of the Spaniard, Michael Servetus, in Geneva,
C1 553)> on account of his Anti -Trinitarian doctrines,
which was chiefly insisted on by Calvin.

The idea of toleration advanced step by step together
with the Illumination. It was realized in the second
half of the eighteenth century, in Germany by Frederick
the Great, and Joseph II. in France by the Revolution.
The Declaration of the Rights of Man (1789), which to a
certain extent embodied the programme of the Illumina-
tion, proclaimed at the same time freedom of religious
worship ; and thereby it finally gave to the Protestants
of France the toleration they had so long desired, which
had been denied to them since the abolition of the
Edict of Nantes by Louis XI v. in the year 1685.

Even in the nineteenth century the Catholic Church
has given utterance more than once to its principle of
intolerance, when, through the mouths of Pope Gregory
XVI. in 1822, and Pope Pius IX. in 1864, it condemned
liberty of creed and conscience. Nevertheless, the
demand for that liberty, which excludes all external
control over the religious opinions of the individual, is
at the present day, without exception, granted in all
civilized States, and likewise rules the opinions of all
educated men, both Catholic and Protestant. And in
this fact we see the great result of the intellectual
movement of the last century ; it is the final victory by

PIETISM AND THE ILLUMINATION 211

which, in spite of all, the Illumination overcame external
authority, more especially that of the Catholic Church.

The eighteenth century ended, and at the same time
perfected, its greatest work in the destruction of the
temporal power of the Church, both Evangelical and
Catholic. Hereby a way was opened out for a future
which was destined to regenerate the life of the Church
by means of her own spiritual forces.

Division V
THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

§ 48. The Question

The nineteenth century was brought forth in the storms
of the French Revolution. The whole world was in
process of dissolution ; and not only the world without,
but the intellectual world within. The Illumination
had come, and it had taken heaven away with it ; not
only the visible heaven which the discoveries of natural
science had turned into a mere optical illusion, but,
what was more, the invisible heaven which the Christian
faith had spread out, glorious and consoling, above the
world of this life. The fixed, traditional theory of the
universe which the Church upheld, and which in the
time of the Middle Ages and even as late as in the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries had taken hold of the
individual and guided him with a firm hand, safe and
unharmed through life, had been destroyed by philo-
sophic doubt. And together with the firm, religious
theory of the universe, which ruled the moral life both
of the individual and of society, the traditional founda-
tions of Church and State were utterly destroyed. The
consequence of the Illumination was the Revolution.

The nineteenth century was confronted from its birth
with the question : Can that which is destroyed be

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 213

restored ? Can its firm foundation be restored to an
utterly shattered society ? Can there be given back to
it the faith which redeems and upholds the world — the
faith of Christ ? According as it answers this question
will the fate of our century be. The history of the
Church in the nineteenth century is mainly occupied
with the answer.

§ 49. The Restoration and Romanticism

The Revolution had cost the French Church its
temporal possessions, for the property of the Church
had become secularized by the State. In Germany
also political events led to practically the same result.
The Peace of Luneville (1801) had ceded to France the
left bank of the Rhine : but only the hereditary princes
thereby dispossessed were to be indemnified out of the
resources of the Empire. By this simple means the
spiritual principalities on the left of the Rhine dis-
appeared. The disappearance of the rest also followed
on the final act of the Extraordinary Deputation of
1803, by which the Treaty was carried into execution.
The indemnification due to the temporal princes who
were injured by the Peace of 1801 was effected by the
abolition and partition of the 'immediate' spiritual
principalities and lordships of the Empire. With
regard to the ecclesiastical possessions which were not
' immediate,' that is, those lying in temporal territory,
the princes received full power to secularize them ;
a power which was exercised on the part of the Prussian
State by means of the famous Edict of October 30,
1 8 10. The territorial princes promised an endowment
in place of the confiscated Church property. When the

214 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

storms of the Napoleonic age had blown over there was
a rearrangement of ecclesiastical affairs. As in France,
the Catholic Church had been re-established by the
Concordat of 1801, and its organization and maintenance
regulated anew ; so, by a succession of treaties with the
Papal court (in 181 7 a Concordat was made with
Bavaria, and in 1821 the Catholic Church of Prussia
was re-established by the Bull, De salute animariuii),
the external organization of the Catholic Church was
repaired in Germany also ; the boundaries of the
bishoprics and archbishoprics were laid down anew
according to the new territorial boundaries ; and the
worldly condition of the Catholic Church was made
secure by endowments from the territorial princes. The
Evangelical Church did not succeed in obtaining a legal
endowment secure from the caprice of the government
for the time being. But even the Protestant Church
was re-established in conformity to the present alteration,
that is, the enlargement of territory ; and in the national
Evangelical Church of Prussia an ecclesiastical body
appeared that was able to ensure room for the develop-
ment of movements far greater in power and significance.
In the second and third decades of our century the
Revolution was followed by the Restoration.

At the same time the spirit arose which was to give
an inner life to these newly created forms ; the spirit of
Romanticism — that powerful reaction of the nineteenth
century against the ideals of the eighteenth — which
signified, not merely a school of poets, but a wide and
fruitful intellectual current which flooded far and wide
the world of art and science, of Church and State. The
eighteenth century was filled with the idea of the
deification of the individual and of the free, conscious,

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 21 5

utilitarian reason of the individual. The result was a
Rationalism which only valued that which could be
recognized as a means to an end ; which conceived of
religion and Church merely from the point of view of
practical utility, so far as they produced morality ;
which denied everything miraculous as irrational ; which
disposed of Church and State in the most arbitrary and
revolutionary manner, because no right to existence was
conceded to the facts of history, but only to what could
be conceived by the present age as subservient to some
end. Against this individualism, with its preaching of
liberty, conceivability, and rationality, already in a few
great spirits of the eighteenth century a reaction had
begun, the object of which was a return from illumination,
from art and culture, to the power and simplicity of
nature. It was Rousseau who opposed to the culture
of his age his gospel of Nature ; who thought to
discover the ideal of humanity in the wilds of Canada ;
who taught his contemporaries to enjoy in solitude the
sublimity and beauty of nature, the gold of the broom,
the purp'e of the sun's rays, the majesty of high
mountains, the splendour of the freeborn landscape,
as yet untamed by the hand of man ; who proclaimed,
in opposition to the philosophy of illumination, the
heart's ineradicable longing for the living God to be the
indestructible first principle of all religion, and the
incontrovertible proof of its ancient truths. In this
powerful man, contemptible as he was in character,
but great through the power of insight which accom-
panies the sensibility of genius, were united those ideas
which were destined to bring forth, not only the Re-
volution, but the strongest reaction against it. His
Cotitrat Social proclaimed the sovereignty of the people,

216 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

which in France destroyed first the royal power and
then both Church and State. His revelation of nature,
with all her secrets, her wonders, and her eternal forces ;
his admiration for the original power of the people,
untouched by any culture ; and at the same time his
defence of the claims of the heart against the logic of
the understanding, made him the originator of the
movement which regenerated Church and State. One
of the results of the influence of his ideas was a com-
plete revolution in taste, which returned from the formal,
classical French style to Homer and Shakespeare, to
the true understanding of antiquity, and at the same
time to the fresh, eternal springs of national poetry.
Herder discovered the ballads and songs of the people ;
Goethe wrote his Gbtz and his Werther ; and the youth of
Germany sought in Sturm und Drang deliverance from
traditional forms, and a return to the eternal truth of
nature. From these beginnings in the eighteenth century
arose the Romanticism of the nineteenth. The individual,
and with him the reason of the individual, was de-
throned.

What is the origin of law ? The eighteenth century
answered : It is the conscious and deliberate choice
of the individual, when by free contract (contrat social)
he passes from a state of nature into the political and
legal state. The nineteenth century found through the
mouth of Savigny another answer to this great question :
Law originates rather in the national sense of law ; in
the unconscious, instinctive moral claims of the national
conscience, working by an inner necessity. The people
bring forth the law out of the darkness, imperceptibly,
inexplicably. The origin of law is a positive, historical,
mysterious, almost miraculous fact. And what is said

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 2i;

of law may be said of the State, of language, of art, and
even of science. It is not the spirit and the conscious
will of the individual that brings forth the whole of this
ideal and social world in which we live, but the spirit
of the people ; it is the people's united force which
unconsciously upholds the individual, bears him away
with it, and overpowers him. The individual is not
born to be the sovereign, but only the servant, the tool
of the vast forces of history which surround him and
which work in the movements of large masses.

A sense was awakened for something not made
arbitrarily and by the will of the individual, ' sicklied
o'er with the pale cast of thought ' ; a sense for some-
thing given, and authoritative, the result of slow pro-
cesses of natural growth. The real world, with its
forces, cast this binding spell upon a century satiated
with reason, just because it had not arisen from the
categories of the understanding ; because it confronted
the individual as something superior to him, and at
heart incomprehensible. Not the intelligible and rational,
but the unintelligible that was instinct with natural
impulse ; that bore the scent of earth about it, and
spoke of mystery and adventure, romance and fairy-
tale ; the infantile and naive and unconscious, this it
was that Romanticism thought great and glorious ; that
the nineteenth century pursued with yearning, and set
forth with fascinating power in art and science.

Under the stimulus of Romanticism arose the re-
searches of the present day in philology and history,
the present enthusiasm of Germany for nation and for
State, and the reawakening of ecclesiastical life. The
sun of the religious Illumination, which lighted up
Christianity only so far as suited its own reason and

2l8 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

utilitarian ends, and left behind it nothing but a few
cold truths of the understanding, lost its splendour in
the clear light of day. The nineteenth century desired
not criticism but conviction, the faith of its fathers, the
living bread in the place of which it had been offered a
stone. The mysteries of Christianity found believers
again by the thousand. The Reign of Terror with
which the French Revolution had closed ; the need
arising from the great military events which filled the
beginning of the century ; the higher moral impulse
which was, given by the war of freedom, especially in
Germany, all these occurrences combined to plough
deeper the furrows in which the seed of the Divine
Word was again to strike root.

The Christian religion came, consoled, and quickened.
Upon an age of criticism and unbelief there followed
an age of yearning desire for revealed, historical, positive
Christianity. Upon the tumult of freedom which came
to so fearful an end in the French Revolution, there
followed a more decided longing for some firm and
fixed authority ; upon an age of Illumination the thirst
for a faith that should have power to satisfy the heart,
and to give deliverance from the world and sin.

And so it came to pass that in the beginning of our
century the Catholic and Protestant Churches arose to
new life. The Catholic Church was at once met by the
enthusiasm for the Romanticism of the Middle Ages.
For the Middle Ages were, before all, the time of the
people's naive life ; the age of the natural and the
marvellous, and yet the age of the two great world-
ruling powers, the Empire and the Papacy. Of these
two authorities, one, the Papacy, was still living. The
powerful historic grandeur of the Papacy, the mighty

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 2Kj

and authoritative fabric of the Catholic Church, the
pomp of Catholic worship which pressed all the arts
into its service, and gave wings to phantasy and
religious emotion, all this exercised over Romanticism
an irresistible magic. The Catholic laity burned again
with ardour for their Church ; nay more, a great num-
ber of leading Protestant Romanticists, like Stolberg,
Phillips, Friedrich von Schlegel, Zacharias Werner,
went over to Catholicism. Romantic Catholicism began
its reign in Germany, France, and Belgium. It still
bore within it many eighteenth century ideas. It
sought to harmonize Catholicism with the philosophy
of the present (Hermes at Bonn). It had an inward dis-
taste for processions, pilgrimages, the worship of relics,
and, before all, of the Jesuit Order. It held to a great
extent by the Councils of Constance and Basel, and
protested against the unlimited authority of the Pope.
In its heart it even regarded believing Protestantism as
a form of Christianity well-pleasing to God ; and warm
relations were frequently entered into between Catholic
and Protestant believers. It was a moderate, or, as it
was later and rather inaptly called, a liberal Catholicism;
and it was filled with the conviction that the Catholic
Church and the modern State, with its liberty of creed and
conscience, that, above all, the Catholic Church and the
educational ideals of the nineteenth century represented
no irreconcilable opposites. It even believed that the
rights of freedom could be best defended and founded
from the Catholic side. All these views were combined
with what was in its essence decidedly and truly
Catholic. The Vicar - General, Wessenberg of Con-
stance, represented, in a character of great significance
and far-reaching influence, a marked type of Romantic

220 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Catholicism. Until the middle of our century this
moderate form of Catholicism was the ruling one, and
only then it was destined to be overcome by Ultra-
montanism.

Side by side with Romantic Catholicism arose a
Romantic Protestantism. Its great work was to unite
the two Churches of the Protestant confession. In
Prussia the Union was carried out by order of Frederick
William IV. (September 27, 1817). The Reformed and
Lutheran National Churches of Prussia, while retaining
their special confessions, were united in one ' Restored
Evangelical Church,' the unity of which consisted in a
common constitution and a common government, as
well as mutual administration of the Communion of the
Lord's Supper. Many of the National Churches followed
this example, some by the abolition of the articles of
confession, as was the case in Baden (1821). The active
power which gave life to the Union was the wide-
spread conviction that differences of religious con-
fession (between Lutherans and Reformed) are un-
important, as far as the Church's life is concerned ; and
at the same time the feeling of the common opposition
of all believers against unbelievers. Eighteenth century
Pietism was yet alive in many classes however. Illu-
mination might conceal it ; and the Protestant Union
was the significant result which it brought forth in the
nineteenth century, now that it had undergone a new
development in union with the intellectual current of
Romanticism. It had accomplished, as of old, great
things in the field of home and foreign mission ; and,
because it had abandoned its peculiar ' Pietistic ' char-
acter, by giving up the ascetic forms of the older
Pietism, it exercised in its new form of Unionism all the

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 221

greater influence on the intellectual and ecclesiastical
life of the present day.

It was an error to suppose that an essentially religious
movement like the union of two Churches holding
different confessions could be carried out by measures
of ecclesiastical government alone ; and the conflicts to
which the Union gave rise have repeatedly made the
gravity of this error evident. It was likewise an error
if the difference of confession was held to have lost its
meaning ; this the future proved. Nevertheless the
Union, springing as it did from the forces of a genuinely
religious and Christian life, has brought forth far-
reaching and beneficent results. Its work was to bring
about the mutual influence of Lutheran and Reformed,
which is the distinguishing mark of Protestantism in the
present day, and to further the exchange of spiritual gifts,
so that each might share in the other's wealth. The ideals
which moulded the constitution of the Reformed Church,
the self-government of the congregation by means of
presbyters and synods, now made their way among the
ranks of the Lutherans also ; while, on the other hand,
the dogmatic Christianity of the Lutheran Church, the
supreme gospel of justification by faith alone, effectually
reached the ranks of the Reformed.

Romanticism was the victory of the imagination
and the emotions over the understanding. So far as
Romanticism gave new food to the imagination, it was
favourable principally to Catholicism ; while, in rousing
the forces of religious emotion, it was before all advan-
tageous to the Protestant Church and to revived Pietism
with its unionist tendencies, and strong endeavours after
salvation, the last and greatest good.

222 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

§ 50. Liberalism

About the middle of our century, in the forties,
Romanticism was destroyed by Liberalism.

Liberalism links on to the Illumination of the last
century, bearing within it the same principles of
Rationalism, but applying them differently. The differ-
ence lies chiefly in the field of constitutional politics.

The Illumination of the last century desired to lead
the whole development of culture from a single starting
point, and in one consistent spirit. The world was to
be made happy in a particular way which was to be
dictated to it by the State. In this sense Joseph II.
undertook an ' illuminated ' reform of the Catholic
Church, by means of the coercive force of the State.
In the same spirit Rousseau had desired to introduce
an ' illuminated ' state religion : whoever refused to be-
long to it was to be cut off from the State. The French
Republic attempted to carry out Rousseau's programme
by the introduction of a Church with a ' civic constitu-
tion,' that is, a Church without a Pope and without a
creed. Everywhere it was the central political authority
which strove to gain power over the whole intellectual
life of the nation, and even over its religious life, as the
State understood religion. The freedom of the Church
was destroyed. On the same principles the abolition of
the right of forming corporations, and other free unions,
was undertaken. There were to be no more independent
unions, no more societies and guilds, over and above
the State. The State was all in all, the State was
omnipotent. Although the Illumination started with
the freedom of the individual, it practically ended in
the despotism either of a monarchical or of a republican

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 223

government. The Illumination was illiberal; together
with religious and social freedom, it destroyed the most
valuable expressions of individual freedom.

The Liberalism of our century arose from the influ-
ence of the age of Romanticism on the ideas of the
Illumination. It was a compromise, on the one hand,
between the freedom of the individual and authority,
and on the other hand, between the power of associa-
tions and the power of the State.

Liberalism aims at the abolition of the omnipotent
bureaucratic State and the establishment of a parlia-
mentary and legal State in its place. In its reaction
against the theories of the last century it produced that
ideal of freedom in which and by which we all live at
the present day ; in this sense of the word we are all
Liberals to-day.

The parliamentary principles of the present day re-
quire the co-operation of society in the government ; in
legislation (by Parliament) ; in government by means
of the representation of provinces, districts, and com-
munities ; in administration of law by means of assessors
and jurymen. Under these conditions the individual is
at one with the authoritative monarchical government.
A legal State, on the other hand, means that certain
definite rights are ensured (in the last resort by means
of judicial protection) to the individual, and likewise to
the society. The idea of corporate freedom, as the
most valuable expression of individual freedom, is re-
vived in all its power. The eighteenth century had
destroyed the corporate organization of society ; the
nineteenth century set to work to re-establish it in all
departments. But the freedom and authority of the
society had to conform to the modern conception of the

224 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

State. The society is to be free to conduct its own
internal affairs ; but there must be no longer any self-
government of the corporation, such as was known in
the Middle Ages, but rather internal freedom of the
society under State supervision, with complete subjection
of the society to the legislation of the State. The State
is no longer omnipotent, but it remains sovereign : it is
no longer the single authority which rules society, as in
the eighteenth century, but it remains the supreme
authority to which all other authority, even that of the
corporation, is subordinate. The freedom which we all
desire at the present day, and which we call the freedom
of the individual, found its way into the world by means
of the principles of Liberalism ; and in Germany it was
the Parliament held in St. Paul's Church at Frankfort
on the Maine, the Parliament of Professors of 1848, by
which these principles made their triumphant entry
into the public life of Germany.

The most striking instance of the application of the
principle of freedom of union was the freedom of the
Church. The Church was to be free to manage its own
internal affairs, although it remained subject to the
supreme supervision of the State, and to State legislation,
so far as regarded its external legal position. While
the eighteenth century had dealt with the Church as a
department of the all-powerful State, it now once more
received internal independence, and yet remained subject
to the sovereignty of the State. The Prussian constitu-
tion of 1850 supplied the solution of the problem which
from that time onward has governed the course of the
Church's constitutional development ; the Church shall
regulate and govern her own affairs independently.

At this point of time begins the movement which in

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 225

the Evangelical Church aims at the deliverance of the
inner life of the Church from the authority of the State,
and at the re-establishment of an ecclesiastical con-
stitution by which the Church is to be distinguished
from the State, and thereby given an independent
position. King Frederick William IV. declared himself
ready to yield his ecclesiastical authority into the ' right
hands ; ' namely, as he himself meant, into the hands of
an Evangelical Church with an episcopal constitution,
subject only to the supreme guardianship of the
sovereign. Yet all these plans of his remained ' mid-
summer-night's dreams,' as he himself rightly called
them. The practical result which up till now has
followed from the movement, which aimed at nothing
less than the deliverance of the Evangelical Church,
may be seen rather in the presbyterian and synodal
organization which was carried out in the majority of
Evangelical Churches in Germany. This has enabled
the representative bodies of the churches to influence
their government, and to aim at limiting the power of
the State itself over the Church, along with that of
officials appointed by the sovereign as supreme bishop.
This development cannot be regarded as having yet
reached a conclusion. Even in our own time it has
attained a new and significant form in the Hammerstein
movement; and it will not cease so long as, in spite
of all outward presbyterian and synodal organization,
the purely political powers, the Prime Minister, or the
parliament, are the chief influences in the administration
of ecclesiastical authority. It is a question of delivering
the Church, not from the sovereign as the supreme
bishop, but from the organs of a government which has
ceased to have a religious confession. This movement,

226 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

which is without doubt justified in theory, would have
more power and still greater prospect of success if it
were not for the practical danger that the self-govern-
ment of the Church, independent of the State, would be
turned into party government Here again the internal
division of Protestantism is a hindrance to strong or-
ganization. Such party government would by no means
always be the government of the orthodox Church party ;
and all party government, especially a change of party
government, is fatal to the life of the Church. The
part taken by the State in the government of the Pro-
testant Church is a sort of neutral element which allows
no one ecclesiastical tendency to obtain complete supre-
macy over the rest, and which obliges the ecclesiastical
parties to conduct their warfare as they ought, not by
means of the votes of synodal corporations and not by
means of legal coercive measures, but with ideal weapons
— with spiritual conviction and spiritual power.

The Catholic Church had no need to search for a
constitution to free her from the State. She possessed
such a constitution already ; the magnificent product
of nearly two thousand years of development, steadily
advancing in the same direction. She seized immediate
possession of the ecclesiastical freedom offered to her
by the liberal opinions of the present age. In Germany
and Austria, in France and Belgium, even in England,
where since the year 1829 free room for development
was granted to the Catholic Church, everywhere the
State gave up its authoritative power over her, whether
legal or practical ; and as the Catholic faith gained new
vigour everywhere, so the Catholic clergy obtained an
authority undreamed of before ; and the Catholic Church
confronted the State with daily increasing power. In

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 227

Prussia, by means of the Constitution of 184S, the
system of Frederick the Great laid down in the national
law of Prussia was abolished. According to this law,
the King of Prussia was invested with supreme authority
even over the Catholic ' Church societies ' of the nation ;
the Pope had no legal existence, and was cut off from
all exercise of power over the Catholic Church of Prussia.
By the Constitution of 1850 the Pope was reinstated in
all his rights ; and the freest action in its internal
affairs was accorded to the powerful corporation of the
Catholic Church. The reactionary movement of the
fifties helped to the same end. The Catholic Church
appeared as the stay of the government, as the born
representative of the principle of legitimacy. The
Prussian government made its peace with Catholicism ;
and what the Constitution of 1850 had begun was
completed by the governments of the fifties and the
sixties. As in Prussia Frederick's system was abolished,
so in Austria that of Joseph was overthrown. In pro-
claiming the principle of ecclesiastical self-government,
the Revolution of 1848 had already broken once for all
with rigid traditional church law. The result was the
Austrian Concordat of 1855 which delivered the imperial
State completely to the Catholic Church, and declared
the power of the Papacy, resting as it did on divine
right, to be established by law.

The results which characterised the- year of Revolu-
tion, 1848, were not only the full development of the
modern idea of the State, and of the individual's right
to freedom, but also a great advance in the authority of
the Catholic Church and the reawakening of all its
mediaeval ideals of supremacy. It was an error of
calculation, if, on the one hand, Liberalism believed

228 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

that it could put the Catholic Church in full possession
of her freedom of association, just like any ordinary
society ; and if, on the other hand, the governing powers
believed that in the Catholic Church they had found
their best ally in the re-establishment of a powerful and
authoritative State.

§51. The Realism of the Present

The present age moves in the most diverging currents,
yet all the varying expressions of its spirit have one
thing in common — the endeavour to grasp, not merely
conceptions, theories, ideals, but the living, actual forces
that surround us, reality itself, that which is experienced
as actually present and active alike in the natural and in
the spiritual world. The Romanticism and the Liberal-
ism of the first half of our century bore an essentially
ideal and theoretic character. After an age of idealism
we have entered upon an age of realism.

In the sphere of political life this realism finds utter-
ance, before all, in the strong Conservative movement
which is becoming ever more widespread. The Con-
servatism of to-day accepts Parliamentarianism and the
legal State ; but it recoils from the idolatrous worship
which Liberalism, always a slave to its own theories,
once brought to these its new creations. Parliament-
arianism, that is, the co-operation of society in the
government of the State, is regarded by every one at the
present day as indispensable. But we have learnt that
in these representative bodies too often the selfish
interests of particular classes of society on the one hand,
and political dilettantism on the other, play a prominent
part. We have learnt that c representation of the people '
does not always mean that the people, that is, the State,

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 22Q

is truly represented ; we have learned that always and
in all ages the best, the worthiest, and the truest
representation of the people is a strong Monarchy, the
born helper of the weak and suffering against all the
selfish tyranny of the stronger classes of society. We
have learned that the art of government and the power
to govern is never given to such assemblies, but always
to the individual genius of the disciplined statesman,
prepared for his office by the education of his whole
life. The assemblies which represent society may prove
a beneficent counterbalance, a wholesome check to the
ruling authority, but they can never maintain a con-
structive, creative government, propelled by its own
forces. Monarchy, with its officials, is and remains the
real power of the State ; and the essence of Conservatism
and its intellectual force lies in an experimental know-
ledge of the powers which alone can deal with the
highest problems of the State. It is the same move-
ment which in the field of political economy also has led
to a departure from the purely abstract method of deal-
ing with the economical freedom of the individual, and
to a better knowledge of the great problems of monarchy
and State which are here also awaiting their solution.

In the Evangelical Church the realistic tendency of
the present day has given rise to the Confessional
movement, which has made a decided and steadily
increasing advance since the forties and represents a
reaction, not only against the Illumination of the last
century, but against Unionism which was equally
determined by theoretic and emotional ideals. Her
creed is the historical foundation of the Church, and at
the same time a clear and intelligible expression of the
truths derived from divine revelation which are living

230 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

within her. A creed is not a series of dry formulas
summoning up the results of an abstract philosophical
science of divine things. Rather, it is a record of the
divine truths which have hitherto sustained the life of the
Church, which through past centuries and even at this
day represent the source of the power and resisting
strength of the Christian religion against all hostile
influences, and are the principle of the continual re-
generation of the Christian world. It is this Gospel
and no other that has conquered the world. The
Gospel, thrown into the form of a creed and lifted up as
a standard — the Gospel, witnessed and confessed before
the world, is in truth the ruling power in the Church ;
and the object of the movement was to make this
power once more supreme. Within the Protestant
Church it was the Lutheran Confession, before all other,
which in large classes of the people had gained a new
consciousness of its own power, and new persuasive force
and spiritual energy. The Union had been the direct
means of spreading its influence far and wide even
among the reformed in the united national Church of
Germany. The creed was the banner under which the
Church of the Reformation had won its glorious victory ;
and now it was lifted up in the midst of the present
age as a sign that should be spoken against; but it
had power to awaken the fructifying forces of true
Christianity, and to win the heart of the people irresistibly
wherever it was represented by men of strong and
living character. The difference which exists to-day
between the confessional movement, properly so called,
and the unionist movement, which had a more positive
tendency, is becoming almost imperceptible. The Pro-
testant Union also was firmly based on the Church's

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 231

confession as laid down in the Gospel. The liberal
church party, following the realistic tendency of the
present day, has likewise changed its character. At
the present time the ruling tendency is no longer the
philosophic and rationalistic one which stands to the
substance of the Church's creed in the mainly negative
attitude of the Illumination, a tendency chiefly re-
presented in the Protestant Union. In the place of this
old-fashioned liberal theology, there has appeared more
and more clearly a historical tendency, which does not
seek in the spirit of Rationalism to explain away the
historic Christ, the glory of His character, and the power
which has gone forth from Him ; but endeavours in the
course of historical research to give a secure position to
the person of Christ, to understand Him, and to bring
Him before our eyes. It is a tendency which approaches
the magnificent history of Christianity with sincere
reverence ; and at the same time is careful before all
things to seize on the kernel of religion which is believed
to be concealed within the Church's faith, as the original
substance of Christianity. The genius and force of
this theology lies in historical research ; its inward
justification in its endeavour after truth, which it pursues
for its own sake, untroubled by any doctrinal considera-
tions whatever. But there is always a danger of the
student becoming a historian, instead of a theologian ;
and of looking upon Christ and Christianity, not as
facts which directly and personally concern himself,
but merely as the great objects of scientific and histori-
cal investigation. But with most representatives of
liberal theology at the present day the religious and
ethical tendency is closely bound up with the historical.
Even the liberal Protestantism of to-day does not

232 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

commonly seek for the essence of religion in certain
truths of the reason, but in the positive facts of the
Gospel given in history, although it undertakes to define
the substance of Christianity in a new manner.

So even liberal Protestantism, so far as it has advanced
with any life and power, represents at this day the
tendency of the new age towards the positive side of
Christianity ; and to this is owing the influence which
even Liberalism has had in furthering the Church's
interest and life. By the very means of historical
research it has been able to exert a decided influence
even on strictly orthodox Protestantism. It is Liberalism
which, by applying historical criticism to the lesson of
the New Testament, has strengthened the proof that
the true surety of our faith is not to be sought in the
formal letter of the word as such, but, as Luther once
before sought it, in the Spirit of God alone which
speaks to us with irresistible clearness and distinctness
in the pages of the New Testament, giving testimony
to the grace of God revealed in Christ, the Lord of
glory.

Nevertheless the progress which the Evangelical
Church has made in our time rests mainly and in the
first place upon the confessional movement and upon
the positive unionist movement described above. These
it is which have accomplished the regeneration of faith,
and thereby of the Church's life. These are the active
forces which through so many centuries have led the
Church to victory. It is they who have re-established
the old faith, and which to-day as in the past work upon
the heart of the people with healing and life-giving
power. It is the spiritual power of this persistent
movement in the direction of positive doctrine which

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 233

has made it supreme in the Evangelical Church also.
The two tendencies which still divide it, and which are
still in many ways hostile, are not merely a source of
conflict, for they also serve to correct and supplement
each other.

Not only in the Protestant, but in the Catholic
Church also there has appeared since the fifties a more
and more decided tendency towards the historical side
of the Church's confession. But the same spiritual
tendency which revived the true spiritual life of the
Evangelical Church in the Catholic Church led to
Ultramontanism, with its imperious appetite for temporal
supremacy ; which knows of no concession to the
modern ideals of culture and freedom ; though it under-
stands how to use in a masterly manner for its own
ends, the rights of freedom offered to it by the modern
development of politics ; which, in short, no longer
tolerates any relaxation of Catholic principles in favour
of the modern State and of Protestantism, which to it
means revolution and Antichrist Ultramontanism is
the intolerant doctrinal Catholicism which with its lust
for power demands once more the complete subjection
of the individual, of the world itself, to the supreme
authority of the Church. The pontificate of Pius IX.
(1846- 1 878) owes its historical importance to the fact
that he made the ultramontane movement victorious,
and destroyed romantic, moderate, and so-called liberal
Catholicism. His ally was the Order of Jesuits (re-
established by Pius VII. in 18 14), whose ideals he
realized. In 1864 was published the Bill of Errors
{Syllabus Erroruni) which condemns the modern State
and modern liberty of faith and conscience. The
decisive event which marked the victory of Ultramon-

234 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

tanism was the proclamation by the Vatican Council
(1870) of the infallibility of the Pope, of old the favourite
dogma of the Jesuits. The dogma of infallibility means
that the dogmatic decision of the Pope, as Pope, even
without the consent of a general council, is binding on
the whole Church when once the Pope has delivered
judgment ex cathedra, that is, with the distinct view of
instructing all Christendom on a question of belief or
of morals. This dogma implies an endless series of
propositions in which the infallibility of the Pope is
maintained to be not only valid for the future, but to be
an original part of the Christian creed throughout the
past also. According to the doctrine formulated by the
Vatican, all the Popes have been infallible, from the
Apostle Peter (whom the Catholics hold to be the first
of the line), down to the present day. Thus, for
instance, Pope Boniface VIII. was infallible also, when
in the year 1302 he issued his Bull, Unam Sanctam,
which proclaimed to all Christendom the subordination
of the temporal to the spiritual authority. By means
of the dogma of infallibility the Gregorian system was
revived, and the Church of the Middle Ages arose
armed out of its grave to claim its ancient glory at the
hands of the living present.

The moderate Catholicism of the first half of our
century which maintained the compatibility of Catholi-
cism with modern opinions, with the sovereign modern
State and modern liberty of faith and conscience, was
condemned to death by the Vatican Council by means
of the proclamation of Papal infallibility. An outcry
of terror rang through the educated Catholic world,
especially in Germany. Romantic Catholicism was not
dead yet. It arose against the new dogma which

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 235

formal law now required it to believe. Its answer was
Old Catholicism, which declared the Vatican Council
invalid and the dogma of infallibility not binding.
But it was in vain. The Vatican Council had fulfilled
in every way the legal conditions of a general council.
Its decision was immediately followed by the acceptance
of the dogma in all parts of the Catholic world. The
Church had spoken ; and to be a Catholic means to
believe in the Church and her doctrine. The new
dogma was invulnerable from the Catholic side ; because
the doctrine of the Church's infallibility is the funda-
mental doctrine of Catholicism. The reformers had
directed their powerful attack against this dogma, and
delivered the Protestant world from the Church's formal
legislative authority to enforce doctrine. Now at least
it might be seen to what results the infallibility of the
Church had led. The Vatican Council was the necessary
consequence of the Council of Trent. If Catholicism in
the sixteenth century had opposed the Reformation in
order to take its stand exclusively upon the principle of
the authority of the Church, this principle is the soul of
modern Catholicism, and necessarily demands its full
completion and development. Papal infallibility is the
full completion of Tridentine Catholicism ; an infallible
Pope is the incarnation of the authority of the Church,
present every moment, ready every moment effectually
to oppose the individual and his doubts, the present
age and its criticism.

Directly after the Vatican Council, Alfonso de
Liguori, the founder in 1732 of the Order of Redemp-
torists (an Order closely allied to that of the Jesuits),
who as early as the year 18 16 had been numbered
among the 'beatified,' and in 1839 among the Saints

236 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

of the Catholic Church, was admitted by Pope Pius IX.
as one of the ' Doctors of the Church,' in the same rank
as Athanasius, Augustin, Bernard of Clairvaux, and
others (1871). Like the Jesuits he taught the Imma-
culate Conception of Mary, the infallibility of the Pope,
and ' Probabilistic ' morality (see p. 198). His promotion
to the rank of a Doctor of the Church meant the
restoration in our own time of the immoral 'morality'
of the Jesuits, which was supposed to have met its
judgment and its death-blow in the horror it aroused
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The
Probabilism of Alfonso da Liguori was of a rather more
moderate kind. But even he sanctioned an act of sin
in particular cases, if the doer has on his side not his
own conscience — the opinion which justifies the deed
may appear to him rather the less certain of the two —
but grounds furnished by some writers on morality
which counterbalance the grounds for the opposite
opinion, a doctrine known as ^Equiprobabilism. Liguori
himself was an ascetic who exacted from himself the
utmost rigour of asceticism. He went about in the
poorest clothing, slept on a straw bed, and scourged
himself daily till the blood ran. And this was the man
who taught the 'Christian' morality described above.
Could this be possible? It was possible, because the
principles of monastic asceticism to which the Catholic
Church held even after the Reformation declare re-
nunciation of private moral judgment to be the highest
perfection (see p. 181). Liguori took his stand by
Catholic principle. He himself held that the securest
plan was to subject himself in all things to his father-
confessor, and to follow him as God himself; then the
father-confessor alone bears all the responsibility, and

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 237

'God will not suffer a father-confessor to err.' Only
from such a standpoint is subjection to external opinion —
in contradiction it may be to a man's own conscience
— at all conceivable. Marvellous as it may seem, it is
nevertheless true that the libertine probabilistic morality
of the Jesuits is a logical consequence of the ascetic
principle.

It was a historical necessity that the work which
began with the Council of Trent should end in the
Jesuitic Ultramontanism of the present day.

The modern State was to be disturbed by the
movement In Austria, the Concordat of 1855 was
revoked in 1870. In Prussia the ' Kulturkampf ' began,
upon the appearance of a decidedly ultramontane politi-
cal party, which allied itself with the forces of opposition
against the newly-founded empire. The Catholic centre
was to be attacked, dissolved, and annihilated.

To this end war was declared against the Catholic
Church, and that by attacking its least vulnerable point,
its organization. This was a twofold error on the part
of the Prussian legislation of May 1873, which, to fill
up the measure of its mistakes, was forced upon the
Evangelical Church also for the sake of ' Parity'

The May legislation was a futile attempt to bring
the spiritual office, and the training for it, together with
its nomination and administration into dependence on
the State, as if it were possible by law to change ultra-
montane Catholicism, which had grown up in the ranks
of the Catholic clergy, into a kind of State religion.
Every one sees the mistake now. The next ten years
gave us a retrograde legislation, which so undertook the
work of revision, that the May laws are so much waste-
paper to-day. But the results of those laws are not to

238 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

be so done away with. They are to be seen in the
first place in the unbounded self-confidence of Catho-
licism. It has yet succeeded, and that mainly under
the leadership of the ' peaceful ' Pope Leo XIII. (after
1878), in overcoming the mightiest of modern states and
the greatest statesman of the century. The storm of
the conflict is past ; but the troubled sea of Catholicism
still heaves in huge wide-rolling waves. It has hope of
overpowering Protestantism, first of all in Germany.
A Catholic press has arisen that leaves no means untried
to vilify Protestantism, and to represent Catholicism
as the only stay of truth. The press is backed by a
learned literature which, with equal determination, aims
at the glorification of the Papacy and the abuse of
Protestantism. It has borrowed its weapons from
Protestantism. The very methods used by Pro-
testant historians, rigorously true to original sources,
are employed to refute the Protestant conception of
history, and to prove rather that the Reformation has
been the ruin, and the Papacy the salvation, of man-
kind. But in vain. Janssen's book merely proved that
it is possible to heap up citations from original sources
and yet to outrage truth.

Still more dangerous than this confidence of victory
on the part of Catholicism is the friendly recognition
which once more the Catholic Church has recently
received from the State. In spite of all past experience
the policy of the fifties with their systematic favour-
ing of Catholicism is apparently renewed in Prussia.
Now that the ' Kulturkampf ' is over, the State has
begun to pay decided court to the Catholic Church.
Germany played her part by calling upon Pope
Leo XIII. to be umpire in the question of the Caro-

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 239

lines. Great was the homage which Bishop Kopp
received when he treated of the revision of the May
legislation. The tone of both the official and the
non-official press, and, before all, the whole tone of the
Government towards the Catholic press has been com-
pletely changed.

It is evident that the Protestant reaction will daily
become stronger. It was the conviction that a battle
must be, and that the great thing is to be prepared for
it, which gave rise to the Evangelical Union which was
joined by men of the most various positions in the
Church ; although unhappily it was not possible to
effect perfect unity by this means. The same convic-
tion was at the bottom of the Hammerstein movement
which we have spoken of above. Its object was to
bring about a purely ecclesiastical organization of the
Church, and her deliverance from the supremacy of
officials of the State, in order to make her more capable
of carrying on the great work of her home missions, as
well as the war with Catholicism, which is the part she
must play in the history of the world.

But the hope of Protestantism lies, not in the Union,
not in organization, but in the gospel of justification by
faith alone. In this is the indestructible force of our
Church, by means of which she will live till the end
of time. Conflict will not be spared her ; but conflict
she fears not. With the proclamation of the dogma
of infallibility, Catholicism has reached the highest
point of its development The principle of authority
can go no further. Once this extreme height has been
attained, a retrograde movement must necessarily
follow ; and the force which will bring about this move-
ment is just this undue extension of the principle of

24O OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

authority. We have seen the waters of Ultramon-
tanism rise in the course of this century. They have
not been from all eternity ; they are but of yesterday.
In the fifties they first grew greater and greater. As
they came, so will they go ; and one thing is certain —
that they will be powerless against the Evangelical
Church; for our house is built on a Rock, even on
Christ our Lord.

§52. The Church and Society

If we look back upon the long course of historical
development, which, from the time of the Middle Ages
to our own day, has tended to strengthen the position
of the Church among the Great Powers of human
society, we shall see about the middle of our century
that a great period in the history of the relation
between Church and State comes to an end. Formerly,
when the State was yet in its legal infancy, it stood
in subjection to the Church as its ruler. That was the
age of Gregory VII. and Innocent III. Then, when
the State had attained its majority and become all-
powerful, it brought the Church into subjection — a
development which began in the fourteenth century and
reached its height in the eighteenth. First we see the
State ruled by the Church, then the Church ruled by
the State. Both these forms of the relation between
Church and State have ceased to exist. From the
middle of our century we note a movement which aims,
albeit with many a hard struggle, at the deliverance
both of the Church properly so called from the
authority of the State, and of the State properly so
called from the authority of the Church ; and thus

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 241

sets up as its final goal a free Church in a free State.
It is a movement which is favoured by the general
development of societies ; and the ideal for which it
strives to-day is to combine freedom of social life with
the sovereignty of the modern State.

The State is not the only power, not even the
strongest power, with which the Church has to deal.
Her actual position is dependent far less on the State
than on the ruling theories of the age, the general
course of culture and morals with which she is involved
in continual action and reaction. Here is the field
wherein the Church is called to develop her natural
forces to the utmost, and where for her part also she
feels most strongly the influence of other spiritual
powers.

In this respect the present age displays a new
character. The great spiritual tendencies which ruled
the earlier centuries either proceeded from the Church
herself, or were shared by her ; so that in earlier ages
she took her spiritual colouring from the current of the
passing time. Thus in the Middle Ages, and in the
time of the Reformation also, the spiritual tendency
which gave tone to the age originated in the Church
itself. Humanism, which for a period asserted itself
independently of the Church, was drawn into the
service of the Protestant Church by the Reformation.
On the other hand, in the eighteenth century, the
Church absorbed the Rationalism of the Illumination,
and ministered in its turn to secular culture. We see
first culture ruled by the Church, then the Church ruled
by the culture of its age. Here again it would seem
that the way is prepared for the great separation. The
impetus which our century gave to ecclesiastical life

242 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

is opposed by a counter tendency, which has become
more and more powerful since the middle of the century,
which is hostile not only to the ecclesiastical and
Christian, but to every religious theory of the universe.
This tendency, founded as it is not upon natural
science (for upon such questions science can give no
intelligence at all), but upon a philosophy of nature,
has undertaken to draw a materialistic plan of the
universe, from which God and Spirit have disappeared,
and with them all that is presupposed in religion and
morality.

While in the last century educated society, so far as
its philosophy went, was still united in a common
belief in God, freedom and immortality, to-day the
educated classes are divided by a deep chasm. On the
one side the Church's definitely Christian belief is once
more a power, and a far-working power, before which
the religion of the Illumination has disappeared. To
this side belong all ecclesiastical tendencies : on the
extreme right wing stands Catholic Ultramontanism, on
the extreme left liberal Protestant theology. On the
other side has arisen the unbelief which rules large
classes of society, and more and more makes good its
determination to destroy, not only the Church's faith,
but all faith in a personal God, and to regard the
universe as the result of a partly mechanical process of
evolution.

This conflict of two opposing theories has already
spread downwards from the educated classes among
the masses of the people. This has given rise to the
present situation, and on this depends the fate of the
present age.

The history of the Church has always been the

THE NINETEENTH CENTUkV 243

history of the foundations of national morality. The
spirit of the whole development of Western culture is
reflected in the history of the Church. Tell me what
your faith is, and I will tell you of what spirit you are.
Tell me what your Church is, and I will tell you of
what spirit your people is. Not what man knows, but
what man believes, determines his worth and gives
power and substance to his life. The whole field of
morality is the field of faith, of those convictions which
can neither be proved nor referred to any motive, or
defended either by logic or by reason ; convictions
which are purely categorical, and enforce consent by
their meaning alone and not by reasoning. But it is
just these convictions which give strength of character
to the individual and the nation, and by which both
the individual and his nation lives. We live not by the
visible, but by the invisible, which the ear of man hath
not heard, nor the eye of man seen, neither hath it
entered into the heart of man to conceive it.

The history of the Church is the history of the past.
It will also be the history of the future. The history
of the Church is summed up in the proposition: that
the forces which determine the evolution of society lie,
not in intellectual knowledge, but in the religious and
moral life ; and that the power which is supreme among
all religious and moral powers came into the world with
Christianity.

§ 53. The Situation

To what shall I compare the society of our day?

It is like the earth on which we live. A thin crust
around a great volcanic, seething, revolutionary heart of
liquid fire. Outwardly all is flourishing, and thriving in

244 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

peace and order ; but another moment, and the Titanic
elementary forces of the under-world have changed all
this splendour into dust and ashes. There are only a
few who form society, society that possesses, rules,
enjoys, and takes a part in public life ; the masses bear
the burden of life, and at the same time represent the
all-powerful enemy of society. So it has been in all
ages. Society is wont to cherish the delusion that it
constitutes the people, and that its interests are identical
with those of the people ; until some revolution shakes
the earth beneath its feet, and shows it that it was not
the people, but only the thin crust around the fiery
seething heart.

In the Middle Ages, society was composed of only
two classes, the nobility and the clergy. They alone
possessed property and they alone ruled. Landed
property (the only kind of property then recognized)
was in their hands ; and political authority then went
with the possession of land. The nobility and the clergy
were also the only educated classes ; and outside their
ranks was no independent culture. These classes were
identified with the nation. The history of the nation
was their history. The middle class was as yet incap-
able of intellectual action, and therefore also incapable
of governing, and formed no part of society in the
Middle Ages.

The German Reformation of the sixteenth century
was the first great movement in which the citizens took
a decided and independent part ; and this was especially
the case in Germany. In the German towns the
Reformation made its peace with Humanism, and a
national German culture grew up with the Lutheran
Church and seemed destined to become the intellectual

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 245

power that was to rule the future of Germany. But
the Thirty Years' War put a sudden end to this develop-
ment. The nation came forth from the terrible suffering
of the great war in a miserably shattered and enfeebled
state. It was reduced to economical and intellectual
beggary. In the sixteenth century it had been the
intellectual leader of the nations of the West, but now
the sceptre was taken away from it. From the seven-
teenth century the culture of England and France took
the supreme and foremost place instead of German
culture. England was the home of that philosophy
which produced the Illumination, and which was made
the common possession of educated Europe by French
literature of the eighteenth century. Even Germany
became the pupil and the slave of the culture which
she received from the hands of France.

But this culture bore within it the Revolution. The
Illumination of the eighteenth century had made a
discovery, the germ of which was already contained in
the culture of the ancient world and in the Humanism
of the fifteenth century — the discovery of man. It
found that the fine clothes of the noble, and the cassock
of the priest alike were only the covering for a man, for
the same man that lurked under the citizen's coat, no
better born, with no greater powers, no greater privileges
than he. The ideas of liberty, equality, and fraternity
arose and took the world by storm. They had always
been there : Christianity more than all other had taught
them. But now they became a power in public life ;
and the motive which now lay behind them was not
love towards a man's neighbour, but hatred towards
the privileged classes. The old order of society still
held good ; the power of the commonwealth was still

246 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

in the hands of the nobles and the clergy, in France
still more than in Germany. But the middle class had
come to the knowledge of its full power. It felt itself
to be the nation ; it was the representative of the idea
which ruled the century, the intoxicating idea of liberty
and equality ; and in that idea there was a new
intellectual principle, a thought which finally raised the
middle class to be the lord over society.

The ground trembled, and with one blow the social
order which had ruled the West for a thousand years
was annihilated. But why so suddenly? Why with
such precipitate haste that nobles and clergy had not a
moment to defend their ancient hereditary privileges?
For this reason merely, because the ruling classes, the
nobility and clergy themselves, were filled with the
idea by which their power was to be destroyed. The
leading ideas of the Illumination — liberty, equality, and
fraternity — had sprung up in the salons of the higher
classes, and it was they themselves who preached their
own fall by means of their literature. The battle was
already decided before ever a blow was struck ; for
ideas are what govern the course of history. The
middle class found no opponent capable of resistance,
because it merely carried into execution the judgment
the ruling classes had already passed on themselves.

Since the end of the last century the middle class
has gained more and more decided supremacy over the
commonwealth. It forms society at the present day.
Nobles and clergy are virtually absorbed in its ranks
without distinction. It proclaims itself identical with
the nation. It claims as rights belonging to the nation
the functions which are granted to it by a constitutional
government. The middle class thinks to defend the

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 247

interests of the nation in guarding its own, and so long
as its own rights are secured by the State it considers
that the nation's political development has reached its
goal.

Yet the middle class is not the nation. It is the
victim of the same delusion by which the nobles and
clergy were once deceived. The middle class composes
only ten per cent, of the population ; it is confronted
by the ninety per cent, of the 'disinherited,' the whole
mass of the people. The middle class also is only the
thin crust around the enormous heart The Proletariat
is the nation. The multitude, destitute alike of property
and education, is the nation. If the decision is by
counting heads, the rights and interests of the middle
class represent rather the very opposite of the rights
and interests of the nation. The people is the nation.

The people is already aware of its powers. Already
it has recognized itself as the real nation. The bat-
talions of the workers are about to form, that they may
thrust from its throne the middle class, the monarch of
the present. More and more clearly are shown the
signs of a movement, the aim of which is to destroy the
entire social order, the State, the Church, the family;
because all these supports of our culture and our
morality seem to the leaders of Anarchism to be so
many resources in the hands of its deadliest enemy,
the middle class.

Will the middle class be able to defend itself success-
fully against the onset of the people ? Will we be able
to guard with a strong hand not merely our property,
but what is more, our religion, our family, our culture,
our liberty, against the insurgent masses? In other
words, will the Revolution of the nineteenth century

248 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

towards which we are drifting have another end than
that of the eighteenth ?

One thing is certain, namely, that the issue will be
determined not by the bayonet, nor by any outward
means, but by the attitude which we and our society
adopt towards the great intellectual tendencies, the
ideas whose history will be the history of our century.

The nineteenth century also has made a discovery —
the discovery of Matter. It has found that Matter is
God. The whole marvellous heaven with all the starry
worlds which it contains — who has created it ? Matter.
We ourselves, more wonderful still, full of inscrutable
powers and mysteries, bearing within us a world of love
and hate, of sin and of quenchless longing for the divine,
who has created us? Matter. Who is the guide of
our life, of our fate ; who will determine our weal and
woe, our life and death ; and who will sit in judgment
over them ? Again and for ever it is Matter ; the piti-
less, the implacable, forged by the iron law of necessity ;
dead, unconscious, absolutely senseless Matter. The
world is not ruled by a conscious Will, but by the
unconscious ; not by divine wisdom, but by perfect
unwisdom. It is a play of atoms and no more. Once
and for all the world is dead, and the sun has lost its
light. Take God from the world, and the world also
which bears us, which is akin to our spirit, and quickens
us with divine sympathy, has vanished together with the
living God. A whirling system of machinery is left.
Nay more, we ourselves are dead. Our life is an
illusion ; our spirit does not exist ; only the body is
left and performs its functions mechanically. It is not
a thinking thing but a phosphorescence, a will o' the
wisp. We are governed and determined, not by our-

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 249

selves but by the unchangeable laws of matter. We
were created by a mechanical process of evolution, and
by an equally mechanical process we shall be destroyed.
What are we? We are waves in the infinite sea of
matter, which heave but for a moment, only to disappear
again for ever. The whole world has become an open
grave, and we are already shivering in the universal
frost. A terrible morality is the outcome of this theory
of the universe, of this supposed discovery of the
nineteenth century ; and already there is no lack of
voices which openly defend it. This morality runs so :
the struggle for existence is both the law of the universe,
and the law of evolution. In the struggle for existence
the small and the weak, those that are unworthy of
existence, will be destroyed, but the large and the strong,
who are most capable of existence and of a future, will
survive. The struggle for existence is the great refining
fire, which purifies the world from the presence of the
suffering and deformed. Therefore go forth into the
strife with your whole power. Make a path for your-
self, and you will be the nobler, the stronger, and the
worthier for it. Go forth into the strife, and tread down
to the utmost the wretched and the small ; and you too
will help to work out the one great problem of the
world's history. The powers of the individual are not
his that he may serve, but that he may slay his neigh-
bour. Whoever survives in the struggle for existence
has right on his side. Might is right. The morality of
Christ is confronted by the morality of Antichrist.

Materialistic philosophy is capable of yet another
useful application. If there is no God and no spirit
and no immortality, then there can be no religion and
no morality and no law. How can matter be moral ?

250 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

How can binding laws of right be given to atoms?
Selfishness which gives strength to every individual in
the struggle for existence, is the only principle that can
be justified ; and earthly happiness is the only goal of
man.

It is this morality which makes materialism and
atheism so popular ; for it panders to the strongest
instincts of the masses. And already this new Gospel
of the nineteenth century has won believers. Already
we hear the Marseillaise of labour : —

' We would be happy on earth alone, and suffer want no more ! '

But in this Gospel lies the force of the popular
movement against the middle class. It is the one idea
most hostile to that class.

Shall we be able to resist a popular revolution ? This
question is the same as the former : shall we able to
resist the materialistic ideas which, like a storm, are
urging on against us the heaving masses of the people ?
The work of social reform, of economical legisation, at
which we are labouring to-day, is doubtless of the
greatest practical importance. But it is equally certain
that the final decision does not lie here. The final
decision lies rather in the ideas by which we ourselves
are ruled, which we defend, but by which far more we
are ourselves avenged, or rather judged.

Now it is certain that Christianity is such a con-
quering spiritual power, and takes us under its protec-
tion, so long as we unfurl its banner. But are we still
Christians? That is the question with which we are
brought face to face by the present age. According
as we answer this question shall we pronounce our
judgment. More correctly speaking, the question is

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 25 1

this: Is modern society still Christian ? Is the middle
class still influenced by the world-conquering power
of the Christian faith ? As soon as we put the ques-
tion we see how our whole fate hangs upon the issues
of the moment. Whence, then, has the doctrine of
materialism originated ? From the ranks of the
middle class itself. Where Is it that atheism, veiled
or unveiled, is most persistently preached? In the
very ranks of the educated and well-to-do classes.
Belief in matter, belief in atoms, has stifled belief in
the living God ; and the new Gospel of self-redemp-
tion through resignation and self-annihilation finds
among the representatives of modern culture more
reverent hearers than the Gospel — ancient yet ever
young — of redemption through Jesus Christ. From
the ranks of the middle class itself these thoughts have
gone forth like a firebrand, stirring up the masses of
the people against the middle class.

What is written in the books of the educated and
the learned, this, and nothing else, is now preached
in the street. Unbelief has grown up among
us, unbelief which is kindling the revolution of the
nineteenth century. And against this importunate
unbelief no prophet has arisen amongst us, who, by
the power of the Lord, might hurl into the abyss the
mighty mass of lies. Thus, we are all of us, without
exception, responsible for this state of things ; and the
judgment of our own sins hovers over us and our
generation.

It is the culture of the nineteenth century which
itself proclaims its own fall. Like the culture of the
eighteenth century, so that of the nineteenth bears
within it the Revolution. At the hour of birth the

252 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

child which she has nourished with her blood will
destroy its own mother.

So we stand at present. A thin covering divides us
from the fiery abyss, and the spirits we ourselves have
raised are labouring at our ruin.

It is now in this time when middle-class society is
threatened by an implacable enemy, threatened still
more by danger from itself, that the 'Kulturkampf '
had to be fought, which called one half of society to
take arms against the other. But among many classes,
even in the ranks of the Evangelical Church, Chris-
tianity has become all the more living, all the more
conscious of its power, through the conflict of opposing
spirits which joined in the strife of Church and State.
What seemed our ruin may prove to be our salva-
tion. The 'Kulturkampf is at an end. A battle of a
more intellectual kind, the battle between Catholicism
and Protestantism, between Christianity and Material-
ism, goes on unceasingly. But through battle the
power of ideas is strengthened, and what we defend
with our very life acquires a double worth for us. The
great questions of religion stand out in the foreground
oi the public movement ; and day by day, in the con-
flict of theories which is heard afar, summoning all to
take a part in the struggle, the mass of the people
learns once more the invaluable and imperishable
nature of its Christianity and its Protestant faith.

Yet more. While the heaven of the present day is
dark with the rising storm-clouds of social and demo-
cratic revolution, modern society must necessarily and
naturally turn towards Christianity ; for its golden
sunshine still rests for ever on our whole earthly life,
and warms, illuminates, and transfigures it The situa-

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 253

tion is a serious one. The world understands that it
cannot maintain its existence by means of mechanical
skill, art, science, all the brilliant products of the
human intellect. Even the world of modern society
lives, not by bread alone, but by every word that pro-
ceedeth out of the mouth of God. In the terrible
earnestness of our age, the powers of morality arc
revealed to the dimmest sight as the only forces which
build the world and can uphold it and preserve it ;
they are the mighty pillars upon which our whole
social life is resting. What mean the lightnings of
the gathering storm of democratic socialism? What
means the mighty, threatening murmur of discontent
and of deadly hatred, which from the great masses
of the people rises heavenward like thunder? They
mean that the moral foundations of our social life
are trembling. If the fabric of our social order is not
founded on a rock, will it withstand the storm-wind
that rages against it ? It is a question of the regenera-
tion of our whole nation. Where else can regeneration
be found but in Christianity? It is a question of giving
back to the masses of the people the sense that they
belong equally to society, and have an equal interest
in the maintenance of social order. How else is this
possible save by the practical teaching of morality on
the part of the ruling classes, the teaching of the same
morality which is to be revived among the classes
which serve? Be yourself filled with the brotherly
love found in true Christianity, and then you will be
able to pour out the same spirit on others also. Even
to-day the promise is still given to Christian faith that
it shall be able to remove mountains. The Christian
faith which, by self-denial, overcomes all things in giving

254 OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

up all ! The power of living personal Christianity
is irresistible. Whosoever is filled with this power
shall tear asunder the chains in which the world holds
him captive, and shall become a lord over all things.
Our age is put to the test Is modern Christianity
a Christianity in word only, or also in deed? Nay
more, is it a Christianity of almsgiving only, or a
Christianity which actually condescends to men of low
estate, which reaches a hand to them as brothers, and
secures and furthers their interests as its own ? By this
it may be seen whether the spirit of Christ lives in a
man. The problem is not one which is directly given
to the Church, as a Church, to solve. It is not a ques-
tion of a Church, but a question of Christianity. You
will only overcome the power of hate, if you are your-
self overcome by the love of God through Christ

From the beginning of this century to our own day
a single upward movement has sustained the principles
of Christianity and the Church. In many ranks of
educated society Christianity is still living, consciously
or unconsciously. In spite of all that Darwinism and
Materialism have contributed to our culture, Christian
ethics are still the supreme power in our moral life.
Modern society has not yet ceased to be Christian.
Nay more, the positive belief of Christianity has once
more gathered together an army of followers under its
standard. All may yet be saved. But one thing is
certain : It is not our culture that will save us, but
the Gospel alone.

INDEX

Adoration (/atria), 76.

Aeons, 28.

Acquiprobabilism, 236.

Africa, 61.

Albert, Archbishop, 162.

Albigenses, 115.

Alcuin, 91.

Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria

Alexandria, 51.

Church of, 57.

Alfonso da Liguori, 236.
Altar, 36.

Alva, Duke of, 184.
Ambrose, Bishop, 71.
Anglo-Saxons, 85.
Annates, 134.
Antioch, Synod at, 63.

Church at, 24, 57.

Apostles, the, 33.
Aquitaine, 87.
Arabian culture, 75.
Architecture, 36.
Arianism, 52, 63, 81.
Aristotle, 146.
Arius, 51.

Asceticism, 67, 104.
Asia Minor, 58.
Athanasius, 52, 63.
Atheism, 250.
Augsburg, Confession of, 169.

Diet of, 168, 176.

Peace of, 168, 184.

Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, 71.

the monk, 88.

Authority, 170.
Avignon, 135.

Babylonian Exile, 135.
Baptism, 32, 38.

Barbarossa, Frederick, 124.

Bartholomew, St., 184.

Bartolome' de Medina, 198.

I' 1, Council of, 139, 143, 148.

Benedict of Nursia, 70.

Benedictine Rule, 70.

Bernard of Clairvaux, 117, 126

Bishop, functions of, 36, 38.

Boniface, 87.

Britain, 84.

Brothers of the Common Life, 140.

Bulls Unam sanctam, 135, 234.

de salute animarum, 214.

Byzantine empire, 46.

Caesar, ii.

Borgia, 149.

Caesarea, Bishop of, 58.
Calvin, 177.
Canon Law, 89.
Canossa, Castle of. 109.
Carlovingian Renaissance, 83, lor.
Carmelites, 117.
Carthage, 61.
Carthusians, 116.
Catechism of Heidelberg, 177.
Cathari, 115.
Catholic, 35.

Catholicism, 31, 35, 39, 62, 121. 180,
226, 234.

Reformation, 179.

Celibacy, 108.
Celtic Christianity, 84, 88.
Chalccdon, Council of, 58, 62, 65.
Charisma, 66.
Charles the Great, 90.
Chivalry, 113, 123.
Christ, The, 34.
Christendom, 32, 39.

255

256

OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Christian Faith, the, 49.
Christianity, 3, 71.

Gentile, 27.

Jewish, 23.

and Judaism, 7, 23.

and Paganism, 8, 18, 27.

and the State (Rome), 15.

Christians, proceedings against, 12, 15.
Church, the, 12, 19, 31, 35, 44, 101,
106, 174, 240.

Law, 36.

Cistercians, Order of, 118.
Citeaux, 118.
City [civitas), 47.
Civitas Dei, the, 72.
Clairvaux, 118.
Clement of Alexandria, 54.
Clergy, the, 36.
Clermont, Council of, 113.
Clovis, 82.

Cluny, 104, 120, 153.
Columban, 86.
Concordat of Worms, no.
Confessio Augustana, 168.
Conrad in., 117.
Conservatism, 228.
Consistories, 174.
Constance, 176.

Council of, 142.

Constantine, Emperor, 18, 44, 49.
Constantinople, Bishop of, 57, 58, 59,

65.

■ Council of, S3, 58, 62.

Corpus juris canonici, 94, 124.

civilis, 124.

Corruption at Rome, 134.

Count, the, 97.

Counter-Reformation, 180, 184.

Creed, the, 230.

Crescens, 13.

Crescentii, 99.

Crusades, the, 113.

Cujus regio, ejus religio, 167.

Cyprian, 16, 20.

Deacon, 36.
Death, 13.

Decius, 16, 20.
Demiurge, 28.
Diet of N urn berg, 167.

Speier, 167.

Worms, 167.

Diocletian, 17, 20, 22.
Discipline, 20.
Dominicans, 119, 122.
Donatists, 72.

Ecclesia, 31, 38, 43, 58.
Ecclesiastical Law, 62.

Reform, 106.

Eck, Dr., 164.
Eckart, 140.
Edict of Nantes, 210.
Egypt, 68.

Ekkehard, 102, 104, 126.
Elders, the, 37.
Elector Frederick, 162.
Emperor, the, 60.
Ephesus, 25, 58.
Epigoni, 189.
Episcopacy, 41.
Episcopal Courts, 174.
Erasmus, 151.
Escobar, 198.
Eucharist, the, 36.
Exercitia spiritnalia, 181.

False decretals, the, 93.
Febronianism, 203.
Ferdinand the Catholic, 744.
Ferrara, 143.
Feudal system , 97.
Formula of Concord, 189.
Francis of Assisi, 118.
Franciscans, 119:
Francke, 191.
Frankfort, Synod of, 92.

Parliament of, 224.

Frankish Empire, 80.

Reformation, 85.

Franz von Sickingen, 167.
Frederick, Elector, 162.

the Great, 206, 210.

William iv., 225.

INDEX

257

French Revolution, the, 204.
Friends of God, 140.
Frisians, 88.
Fugger, 162.

Galerius, 17, 22.

Gallen, St., monastery of, 102, 126.

Gallienus, 16.

Gallus, Emperor, 16.

Celtic monk, 86.

Gaul, 61.
Geismar, 88.
Geneva, 177.
Gerhardt, Johann, 188.

Paul, 117, 192.

German Emperors, the, 96.

race, 78.

Germans, Kingdoms of the, 80.

Germany, 85.

Gnosis, 55.

Gnosticism, 27.

Goethe, 216.

Gonzalez, 199.

Gospel, the, 22, 230, 254.

Grace, 71.

Greek Church, 65, 76.

Gregory, Bishop of lours, 83.

Grossbauer, 192.

Guiscard, Robert, 109.

Halle, 192.

Hellenic philosophy, 55.

Henry L, 96.

ill., 100, 106.

IV., 109.

v. (Germany), no.

VIII., 144.

Heraclea, Bishop of, 58,
Herder, 216.
Hesse, Bishopric at, 89.
H ink mar, 94.

Hohenstaufens, the, 112, 135.
Holy Ghost, The, 50.
Holy Sepulchre, the, 114.
Homer, 146.
Hroswitha, 102.

Humanism, 151, 160, 241.
Huss, 139, 165.

Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, 12.

Loyola, 181.

Illumination, the, 195, 222.
Images, worship of, 76, 91.
Imitation of Christ, 140.
Immaculate Conception, 236.
Indulgences, sale of, 161, 186.
Infallibility, 234
Ingolstadt, 184.
Investiture, 98, 109, III,
Irenoeus, 41.
Isernia, Bishop of, 152.
Islam, 76, 78.

James, St., 8.

(the Less), 8, 25.

Jansen, 199.

Jerome, 68.

Jerusalem, Bishop of, 58.

Jesuitism, 200.

Jesuits, Order of, 180, 198, 233.

Jesus Christ, The Lord, 49.

John, King, 115.

St., 25.

of Damascus, 77.

von Staupitz, 163.

Joseph il, 205, 222,
Judaism and Christianity, 7, 23.
Julian, Emperor, 45.
Jurisdiction, spiritual, 124.
Jus reformandi, 167, 173.
Justin Martyr, 13.

Kant, 197.
Kappel, 177.
Karl the Great, 82.
Karlstadt, 164.
Knights, 123.

of Germany, 116.

Livonia, 115.

St. John, 115.

Templar, 115.

Knox, John, 177.
Kultitrkampf, 237, 252.

258

OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Labadie, 191.

Milan, Bishop of, 71.

Lateran Council, 152.

Militz, 164.

Laurentius, 16.

Mohammed, 74.

Law, spiritual, 124.

Mohammedanism, 114.

Lechfeld, 96.

Monarchical Episcopacy, 62.

Leipsic, 164.

Monarchians, 50.

Leo the Isaurian, 76.

Monasticism,66,io3,n6, 120,137, 153.

Lessing, 197.

Monotheism, 3, 21.

Lettres Provinciates, the, 200.

Montanism, 41.

Liberalism, 222.

Montanus, 41.

Libri Carolini, 91.

Monte Cassino, monastery of, 70.

Licinius, 18.

Mosaic Law, 24.

Liguori, 235.

Mysticism, 27.

Lindau, 177.

Logos, the, 54.

Neo-Platonism, 44, 71.

Lord's Supper, The, 32, 38.

Nero, 9, 11.

Lothar it., 95.

Nicsea, Council of, 49, 52.

Louis the Pious, 92.

Synod of, 76.

Loyola, 181.

Nicene doctrine, the, 53, 57.

Luneville, Peace of, 208, 213.

Nicolas, Cardinal, of Casa, 94.

Luther, 69, 106, 153, 156, 162, 173,

Nicomedian Church, destruction of, 17.

175-

Nomination, 130.

Lutherans, 175.

Notker, 126.

Nurnberg, Diet of, 167.

Maccabees, 7.

Machiavelli, 149,

Odo, Abbot, 104.

Mainz, Diet of, 100.

CEcumenical Council, 49.

Majestas, 14.

Synod of Constantinople, the

Manichaeism, 71.

second, 53.

Marburg, 176.

Omnipotent States, the, 202.

Marcus Aurelius, 14.

Origen, 51.

Marriage, 158.

Original Sin, doctrine of, 71.

Martel, Karl, 75, 84, 87.

Otho 1., 96.

Mary, Queen, 184.

Matter, 248.

Paganism, 8, 18, 27, 45.

Maxentius, 18.

Pallium, the, 134.

May Laws, the, 237.

Papacy, 36, 64, 95, 99, 101, 121, 129,

Melanchthon, 175.

135. l85. 2l8-

Memmingen, 177.

Papal Infallibility, 234.

Mendicant Orders, 108, 116, 125, 127.

Pascal, Blaise, 200.

Merovingians, the, 82.

Passau, Treaty of, 168.

Messiah, The, 7, 23.

Pataria, 107.

Metropolitan, the, 57.

Patriarch, the, 58.

Michael Angelo, 146.

Paul, Bishop, 50.

Middle Ages, the, 74.

St., 9, 25.

class, 125.

Peace of Westphalia, 168, 173, 184.

Milan, 18, 107.

Pelagius, 71.

INDEX

259

People, the, 36, 247.

Pope Paul in., 181.

Pepuza, 41.

Pius 11., 143.

Persecutions, 7, 15.

VII., 209.

Peter, St., 9, 25, 60.

IX., 210, 233, 236.

Pharisaism, 7.

Sylvester in., 100.

Philip the Fair, 135, 202.

Urban II., 113.

Philology, 151.

Victor 11., 100.

Philosophy, 2, 30, 53.

Piajceptor Germaniae, 175.

Photius, 95.

Praise of Folly, the, 152.

Pia desideria, 192.

Preaching, 122.

Pietism, 188.

Predestination, 72, 177.

Pisa, Council of, 136, 141.

Premonstrants, 117.

Plato, 146.

Presbyter, 36, 39.

Pliny, 14, 19.

President, 37.

Poitiers, battle of, 87.

Priesthood, the, 32, 42, 106.

Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, 12.

Prince, the, 149.

Pontus, 58.

Probabilism, 198, 236.

Pope, the, 32, 89, 114, 125.

Prophets, 38.

Pope Alexander VII., 198.

Protestant Church, 169.

Anacletus II., 117.

Reformation, 161.

Benedict ix., 99.

Protestantism, 183, 232, 238.

Boniface vin., 135, 234.

Protestants, 94.

Callixtus 11., no.

Pseudo-Isidore, 93.

Clement II., 100.

v., 135.

Raphael, 146.

XVI., 201.

Rationalism, 29, 196, 215, 231.

Damasus II., 100.

Reform, Councils of, 141.

Eugenius III., 117.

Reformation, 72, 141, 146.

IV., 143.

Reformed Churches, 175.

Gregory the Great, 88.

Regenerate, the (sect), 191.

IV. , 92.

Religions, 3.

VI. , 100.

Remigius, 78.

vii., 106-109, I26. 133-

Renaissance, 75, 149.

XI., 136.

Restoration, the, 213.

XVI., 210.

Reuchlin, 151.

Hadrian I., 91.

Revolution, the French, 204.

Innocent 11., 117.

Ricci, 201.

in., 125.

Riga, Bishop of, 115.

vii., 199.

Roman Catholic Church, 65.

John xxii., 136.

Empire, 9, io, 90.

Julius 11., 150.

Teutonic Church, 75.

Leo ix. , 100.

Romanticism, 213, 217, 221.

x., 150, 161.

Rome, 9, 25, 61, 88.

XIII., 238.

Bishop of, 60, 65, 85.

Martin v., 142.
Nicholas I., 94,
Paschal 11., 108.

burning of, 9.

Church of, 57, 62.

corruption at, 134.

26o

OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY

Rome, Synod of, ioo.
Rothad, 94.
Rousseau, 215.

Saba, 77.

Sacraments, 38.

Saints, 41.

Salvation, 54.

Salve caput cruentatum, 117.

Saracens, 113.

Sardica, Synod at, 64.

Saul, 8.

Savigny, 216.

Saviour, The, 56.

Schism, 135.

Schmalkalden, Treaty of, 168.

Schmidt, Sebastian, 191.

Scholasticism, 75.

Sclavonic races, 77.

Seigneur, the, 84.

Servetus, 210.

Sigismund, 139.

Simony, 134.

Sin, 72.

Sinai, 197.

Social Contract, 203.

Society, 244.

Son of God, The, 50.

Spain, 61.

Speier, Diet of, 167.

Spener, 191.

Spiritual Law, 124.

State, the, 10, 45, 158, 202, 222,

Stephen, St., 7.

Stoicism, 2.

Strasburg, 1, 176.

Subordinatianism, 54.

Subordinatianists, 51.

Superintendents, 33.

Sutri, Synod of, 100.

Syllabus Error urn, 233.

Synod, 48.

Tauler, 140.
Tertiaries, 120.

240.

Tetzel, 162.
Theodosius, 53.
Theophilus, 77.
Thomas a Kempis, 140.
Thrace, 58.

Thuringia, Bishopric at, 89.
Toleration, idea of, 209.
Trajan, 14.

Transubstantiation, 176.
Trent, Council of, 92, 185.
Tusculans, 99.
Tyre, Synod of, 63.

Ultramontanism, 220, 233.
Unam sanctam, 135.
Universities, foundations of, 128.

Valerian, 16.
Vatican Council, 234.
Venantius Fortunatus, 83.
Vicar ius, 47.
Virgil, 102,
Vougte, 82.
Voltaire, 197.

Waltharilied, 102.
Wartburg, 167.
Wesley, 193.
Wessel, 140.
Wessenberg, 219.
Western Church, the, 85.
Westphalia, Peace of, 168, 173, \i
Wiclif, 139, 165.
Willibrord, 88.
Winfrid, 87.
Wittenberg, 163.
Wolsey, Cardinal, 144.
Word, The, 33, 160, 171.
Worms, Concordat of, no.

edict of, 167.

Worship (dulia), 76.

ZlEGENBALG, 193.

Zinzendorf, 192.
Zwingli, 176.

Edinburgh : T. and A. Constable, Printers to Her Majesty

A Catalogue

Theological Works

published by

Macmillan SP Co., Ltd,

St. Martin's Street
London, W.C.

CONTENTS

The Bible — FAGE

History of the Bible ...... 3

Biblical History ... • • 3

The Old Testament ...... 4

The New Testament ...... 7

History of the Christian Church . . 13

The Church of England 14

Devotional Books . . . . . . . 18

The Fathers ..... ... 19

Hymnology . . . . . . . . 20

Religious Teaching 20

Sermons, Lectures, Addresses, and Theological

Essays . . . . . . . . 21

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE
Gbe Bible

HISTORY OF THE BIBLE

["HE BIBLE IN THE CHURCH. By Right Rev. Bishop West-
cott. ioth Edition. Pott 8vo. 4s. 6d.

BIBLICAL HISTORY

THE HOLY BIBLE. (Eversley Edition.) Arranged in Paragraphs,
with an Introduction. By J. W. MACKAIL, M.A. S vols. Globe
8vo. 4s. net each.

Vol. I. Genesis — Numbers. II. Deuteronomy — 2 Samuel.
III. 1 Kings — Esther. IV. Job — Song of Solomon. V. Isaiah
— Lamentations. VI. Ezekiel — Malachi. VII. Matthew — John.
VIII. Acts — Revelation.
THE MODERN READER'S BIBLE. A Series of Books from the
Sacred Scriptures presented in Modern Literary Form. The Text
is that of the Revised Version. It is used by special permission
of the University Presses of Oxford and Cambridge. Edited by
R. G. Moulton, M.A. Pott 8vo. 2s. 6d. each volume.
History Series, 6 volumes. — Genesis, The Exodus, Deuteronomy,

The Judges, The Kings, The Chronicles.
Poetry Series, 3 volumes. — The Psalms and Lamentations, 2 vols.

Biblical Idylls — Solomon's Song, Ruth, Esther, Tobit.
Wisdom Series, 4 volumes. — The Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, Ecclesiastes

and the Wisdom of Solomon, The Book of Job.
Prophecy Series, 4 volumes. — Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel.
New Testament Series, 4 volumes. — St. Matthew and St. Mark and
the General Epistles ; The Gospel, Epistles, and Revelation of St.
John. St. Luke and St. Paul, 2 vols.
Introductory Series, 3 volumes. — Bible Stories (Old Testament),
Bible Stories (New Testament), Select Masterpieces of Biblical
Literature.
ST. JAMES'S GAZETTE.—" While the. sacred text has in no way been tampered
with, the books are presented in modern literary form and are furnished with an intro-
duction and notes by Professor Richard G. Moulton. The notes are scholarly, and of
real help to the student."

BIBLE LESSONS. By Rev. E. A. Abbott, D.D. Crown Svo. 4s. 6d.

SIDE-LIGHTS UPON BIBLE HISTORV. By Mrs. Sydney Buxton.
Illustrated. Crown Svo. 5s.

STORIES FROM THE BIBLE. By Rev. A. J. Church. Illus-
trated. Two Series. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. each.

BIBLE READINGS SELECTED FROM THE PENTATEUCH
AND THE BOOK OF JOSHUA. By Rev. J. A. Cross.
2nd Edition. Globe Svo. 2s. 6d.

CHILDREN'S TREASURV OF BIBLE STORIES. By Mrs.
II. Caskoin. Pott Svo. is. each. Parti. Old Testament ; II.
New Testament ; III. Three Apostles.

THE NATIONS AROUND ISRAEL. By A. Keary. Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d.

4 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Biblical History — continued.

VILLAGE SERMONS. By Rev. F. J. A. Hort, D.D. 8vo. 6s.

This Volume contains a Series of Sermons dealing in a popular

way with the successive Books of which the Bible is made up.

They form an admirable introduction to the subject.
SERMONS ON THE BOOKS OF THE BIBLE. (Selected from

Village Sermons.) Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
HISTORY/PROPHECY, AND THE MONUMENTS, or. ISRAEL

AND THE NATIONS. By Prof. J. F. M'Curdy. 3 Vols.

8vo. 14s. net each. Vol. I. To the Downfall of Samaria.

Vol. II. To the Fall of Nineveh. Vol. III. Completing the Work.

AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW.— "His method is to interweave the
histories of the connected peoples in each period, to point out the historical presuppos-
itions and moral principles in the prophetic writings, and to treat the social constitution
in separate sections. This method has obvious advantages in the hands of a competent
scholar and good writer, and is employed by Mr. M'Curdy with excellent effect. His
presentation of the material is admirable in arrangement ; his style, though somewhat
formal and Gibbonesque, is clear and picturesque."

TIMES. — "A learned treatise on the ancient history of the Semitic peoples as
interpreted by the new light obtained from the modern study of their monuments."

EXPOSITORY TIMES. — "The work is very able and very welcome. ... It will
take the place of all existing histories of these nations."

A CLASS-BOOK OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. By Rev.
Canon Maci.ear. With Four Maps. Pott 8vo. 4s. 6d.

A CLASS-BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY. Includ-
ing the connection of the Old and New Testament. By the same.
Pott 8vo. 5s. 6d.

A SHILLING BOOK OF OLD TESTAMENT HISTORY. By
the same. Pott 8vo. is.

A SHILLING BOOK OF NEW TESTAMENT HISTORY. By
the same. Pott 8vo. is.

THE BIBLE FOR HOME READING. Edited, with Comments and
Reflections for the use of Jewish Parents and Children, by C. G.

MONTEFIORE. Part I. TO THE SECOND VlSIT OF NEHEMIAH TO

Jerusalem. 2nd Edition. Extra Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. net.

Part II. Containing Selections from the Wisdom Literature, the

Prophets, and the Psalter, together with extracts from the

Apocrypha. Extra Crown 8vo. 5s. 6d. net.
JEWISH CHRONICLE.—" By this remarkable work Mr. Claude Montefiore has
put the seal on his reputation. He has placed himself securely in the front rank of con-
temporary teachers of religion. He has produced at once a most original, a most
instructive, and almost spiritual treatise, which will long leave its ennobling mark on
Jewish religious thought in England. . . . Though the term 'epoch-making' is often
misapplied, we do not hesitate to apply it on this occasion. We cannot but believe that
a new era may dawn in the interest shown by Jews in the Bible."

THE OLD TESTAMENT

SCRIPTURE READINGS FOR SCHOOLS AND FAMILIES.
By C. M. Yonge. Globe 8vo. is. 6d. each ; also with comments,
3s. 6d. each. — First Series: Genesis to Deuteronomy. — Second
Series: Joshua to Solomon. — Third Series: Kings and the
Prophets. — Fourth Series : The Gospel Times. — Fifth Series :
Apostolic Times.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOG 5

The Old Testament --<■ ontin ued.

THE DIVINE LIBRARY OE THE OLD TESTAMENT. Its
Origin, Preservation, Inspiration, and Permanent Value. By Rev.
\. F. KlRKPATRICK, B.D. Crown Sv... js. net.
TIMES. " An 1 loquent and temperate plea for the critical study of the S< riptures. '
MANCHESTER GUARDIAN. ■" '■ rn view

lid Testament. . . . The learned author is a genuine critic. ...
clearly what has been recently called the ' Analytic' treatment oj tl
Testament, and generally adopts its results. ... I admirably I

fulfil its purpose ■ I familiarising the minds of earnest Bible readers with the work which
1 criticism is now doing."

THE DOCTRINE OF THE PROPHETS. Warburtonian Lectures
1SS6-1S90. By Rev. A. E. KlRKPATRICK, B.D. 3rd Edition.
Crown 8vo. 6s.

SCOTSMAN.— "This volume gives us the result of ripe scholarship and competent
learning in a very attractive form. It is written simply, clearly, and eloquently ; and it
invests the subject of which it treats with a vivid and vital interest which will commend
it to the reader of general intelligence, as well as to those who are more especially
occupied with such studies."

GLASGOW HERALD.— "Professor Kirkpatrick's book will be found of great value
for purposes of study."

BOOK MAX.—" As a summary of the main results of recent investigation, and as a
thoughtful appreciation of both the human and divine sides of the prophets' work and
message, it is worth the attention of all Bible students."

THE PATRIARCHS AND LAWGIVERS OF THE OLD
TESTAMENT. By Frederick Denison Maurice. New-
Edition. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
THE PROPHETS AND KINGS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.

By the same. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. An Essay on the
Growth and Formation of the Hebrew Canon of Scripture. By the
Right Rev. H. E. Ryle, Bishop ofWinchester. 2nd Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s.
This edition has been carefully revised throughout, but only two sub-
stantial changes have been found necessary. An Appendix has been added
to Chapter IV., dealing with the subject of the Samaritan version of the
Pentateuch ; and Excursus C (dealing with the Hebrew Scriptures) has been
completely re-written on the strength of valuable material kindly supplied
to the author by Dr. Ginsburg.

EXPOSITOR. — " Scholars are indebted to Professor Ryle for having given them for
the first time a complete and trustworthy history of the Old Testament Canon."

EXPOSITORY TIMES.— " He rightly claims that his book posse-
English of virtues — it may be read throughout. . . . An extensive and minute research
lies concealed under a most fresh and flexible English

THE MYTHS OE ISRAEL. THE ANCIENT BOOK OF GEN '

WITH ANALYSIS AND EXPLANATION OF ITS COM-
POSITION. By Amos Kidder Fiske, Author of " The Jewish
Scriptures," etc. Crown 8vo. 6s.

THE EARLY NARRATIVES OF GENESIS. By the Right Rev.
II. E. RYLE, Bishop of Winchester. Cr. Svo. 3s. net.

PHILO AND HOLY SCRIPTURE, OR TIM: QUOTATIONS OF

PHILO FROM THE BOOKS OF Till: OLD TESTAMENT.

With Introduction and Notes by the Right Rev. H. E. R.YLE,

Bishop of Winchester. Cr. Svo. 10s. net.

In the present work the attempt has been made to collect, arrange in

order, and for the first time print hi full all the actual quotations from the

6 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

The Old Testament— continued.

books of the Old Testament to be found in Philo's writings, and a few of
his paraphrases. For the purpose of giving general assistance to students
Dr. Ryle has added footnotes, dealing principally with the text of Philo's
quotations compared with that of the Septuagint ; and in the introduction
he has endeavoured to explain Philo's attitude towards Holy Scripture,
and the character of the variations of his text from that of the Septuagint.

TIMES.—" This book will be found by students to be a very useful supplement and
companion to the learned Dr. Drummond's important work, Philo Judceus."

The Pentateuch —

AN HISTORICO-CRITICAL INQUIRY INTO THE ORIGIN
AND COMPOSITION OF THE HEXATEUCH (PENTA-
TEUCH AND BOOK OF JOSHUA). By Prof. A. Kuenen.
Translated by Philip H. Wicksteed, M.A. 8vo. 14s.

The Psalms —

THE PSALMS CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED. An

Amended Version, with Historical Introductions and Explanatory
Notes. By Four Friends. New Edition. Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
SPECTA TOR. — " One of the most instructive and valuable books that has been
published for many years. It gives the Psalms a perfectly fresh setting, adds a new
power of vision to the grandest poetry of nature ever produced, a new depth of lyrical
pathos to the poetry of national joy, sorrow, and hope, and a new intensity of spiritual
light to the divine subject of every ejaculation of praise and every invocation of want.
We have given but imperfect illustrations of the new beauty and light which the trans-
lators pour upon the most perfect devotional poetry of any day or nation, and which they
pour on it in almost every page, by the scholarship and perfect taste with which they have
executed their work. We can only say that their version deserves to live long and to
pass through many editions."

GOLDEN TREASURY PSALTER. The Student's Edition.
Being an Edition with briefer Notes of " The Psalms Chrono-
logically Arranged by Four Friends." Pott 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.
THE PSALMS. With Introductions and Critical Notes. By A. C.
Jennings, M.A., and W. H. Lowe, M.A. In 2 vols. 2nd
Edition. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. each.
THE BOOK OF PSALMS. Edited with Comments and Reflections
for the Use of Jewish Parents and Children. By C. G. Monte-
fiore. Crown 8vo. is. net.
THE PRAYER-BOOK PSALMS. Relieved of Obscurities, and
made smoother for Chanting, with scarcely noticeable alteration.
By the Rev. E. D. Cree, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2==. net.

IScLlclll

ISAIAH XL. LXVI. With the Shorter Prophecies allied to it

By Matthew Arnold. With Notes. Crown 8vo. 5s.

A BIBLE-READING FOR SCHOOLS. The Great Prophecy of
Israel's Restoration (Isaiah xl.-lxvi.) Arranged and Edited for
Young Learners. By the same. 4th Edition. Pott Svo. is.

Zechariah—

THE HEBREW STUDENT'S COMMENTARY ON ZECH-
ARIAH, Hebrew and LXX. By W. H. Lowe, M.A. Svo. 10s. 6d.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 7

THE NEW TESTAMENT
THE AKHMIM FRAGMENT OF THE APOCRYPHAL
GOSPEL OF ST. PETER. By H. B. Swete, D.D. 8vo. 5>. net.
THE PROGRESS OF DOCTRINE I.\ THE M.v

MENT : The Bampton Lectures, 1S64. By Canon Thomas
Dehany Bernard, M.A. Fifth Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
HANDBOOK TO THE TEXTUAL CRITICISM 01 NEW
Tl STAMENT. By I . G. Kenyon, D.Litt, Assistant I.
of .Manuscripts in the British .Museum. 8vo. 10s. net.
THE RISE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By David Saville
MOZZEY, B.D. Fcap. Svo. 5s.
Immanuei. Kant. — "The Rise of the Bibla as the people's book is the greatest
blessing that the human race has ever experienced.'1

THE SOTERIOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By W.

P. Du BOSE, M.A. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.

THE MESSAGES OF THE BOOKS. Being Discourses and Notes

on the Books of the New Testament. By Dean Farrar. Svo. 14s.

ON A FRESH REVISION OF THE ENGLISH NEW TESTA-

MENT. With an Appendix on the last Petition of the Lord's

Prayer. By Bishop Lightfoot. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.

DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. By Bishop

Lightfoot. Svo. 14s.
BIBLICAL ESSAYS. By ISishop Lightfoot. 8vo. 12s.
THE UNITY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By F. D. Maurice.

2nd Edition. 2 vols. Crown 8vo. 12s.
A GENERAL SURVEY OF THE HISTORY OF THE CANON
OF THE NEW TESTAMENT DURING THE FIRST FOUR
CENTURIES. By Right Rev. Bishop Wrstcott. 7th Edition.
Crown Svo. 10s. 6d.
THE STUDENT'S LIFE OF JESUS. By G. H. Gilbert, Ph.D.

Crown Svo. 5s. net.
THE STUDENT'S LIFE OF PAUL. By G. H. Gilbert, Ph.D.

Crown Svo. 5s. net.
THE REVELATION OF JESUS : A Study of the Primary Sources
of Christianity. By G. H. Gilbert, Ph.D. Crown Svo. 5s.net.
THE FIRST INTERPRETERS OF JESUS. By G. II. Gilbert,

Ph.D. Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
NEW TESTAMENT HANDBOOKS. Edited by SHAILER
MATHEWS, Professor of New Test. Hist, at the University of Chi
A HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT TIMES IN PALES-
TINE (175 B.c-70 a.d.). By Shailer Mathews, a.m.
Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
A HISTORY OF THE TEXTUAL CRITICISM OF THE
NEW TESTAMENT. By Marvin R. Vincent, D.D.
Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
THE BIBLICAL THEOLOGY OF THE NEW TESTA

MENT. By Ezra P. Conn, D.D. Crown Svo. js. 6d.
A HISTORY OF THE HIGHER CRITICISM OF 111!

NEW TESTAMENT. By Prof. II. S. Nash. 3s. 6d.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE NEW TESTAMI ■>. 1'. By
B. W. Bacon, D.D. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.

8 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

The New Testament — continued.

THE TEACHING OE JESUS. By G. B. Stevens, D.D. Crown

8vo. 3s. 6d.
THE NEW TESTAMENT IN THE ORIGINAL GREEK. The
Text revised by Bishop Westcott, D.D., and Prof. F. J. A.
1 Iort, D.D. 2 vols. Crown Svo. 10s. 6d. each. — Vol. I.
Text ; II. Introduction and Appendix.

Library Edition. Svo. 10s.net. \Texl in Macmillan Greek Type.
School Edition. i2mo, cloth, 4s. 6d. ; roan, 5s. 6d. ; morocco,
6s. 6d. ; India Paper Edition, limp calf, 7s. 6d. net.
GREEK-ENGLISH LEXICON TO THE NEW TESTAMENT.
By W. J. Hickie, M.A. Pott 8vo. 3s.
ACADEMY. — "We can cordially recommend this as a very handy little volume
compiled on sound principles."

GRAMMAR OF NEW TESTAMENT GREEK. By Prof. F.
Blass, University of Halle. Auth. English Trans. 8vo. 14s.net.
TIMES. — "Will probably become the standard book of reference for those students
who enter upon minute grammatical study of the language of the New Testament."

THE GOSPELS-
PHILOLOGY OF THE GOSPELS. By Prof. F. Blass. Crown
8vo. 4s. 6d. net.
GUARDIAN. — "On the whole, Professor Blass's new book seems to us an im-
portant contribution to criticism. ... It will stimulate inquiry, and will open up fresh
lines of thought to any serious student."

THE SYRO-LATIN TEXT OF THE GOSPELS. By the Rev.

Frederic Henry Chase, D.D. Svo. 7s. 6d. net.
The sequel of an essay by Dr. Chase on the old Syriac element in the
text of Codex Bezae.

TIMES. — "An important and scholarly contribution to New Testament criticism."
SYNOPTICON : An Exposition of the Common Matter of the Synop-
tic Gospels. By W. G. Rushbrooke. Printed in Colours. 4to.
35s. net. Indispensable to a Theological Student.
A SYNOPSIS OF THE GOSPELS IN GREEK AFTER THE
WESTCOTT AND HORT TEXT. By Rev. Arthur Wright,
M.A. Demy 4to. 6s. net.
" Eveiy such effort calls attention to facts which must not be overlooked, but yet to
the scholar they are but as dust in the balance when weighed against such solid con-
tributions as Rushbrooke's Synof>ticon or Wright's Synopsis, which provide instruments for
investigation apart from theories." — Prof. A. Robinson at Church Congress, Bradford, 189S.
THE COMPOSITION OF THE FOUR GOSPELS. By Rev.
Arthur Wright. Crown 8vo. 5s.

CAMBRIDGE REVIEW.— "The wonderful force and freshness which we find on
every page of the book. There is no sign of hastiness. All seems to be the outcome of
years of reverent thought, now brought to light in the clearest, most telling way. . . .
The book will hardly go unchallenged by the different schools of thought, but all will
agree in gratitude at least for its vigour and reality."

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE FOUR GOSPELS.
By Ricdit Rev. Bishop Westcott. 8th Ed. Cr. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

FOUR LECTURES ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE
GOSPELS. By the Rev. J. H. Wilkinson, M.A., Rector of
Stock Gaylard, Dorset. Crown 8vo. 3s. net. •

THE LEADING IDEAS OF THE GOSPELS. By W. Alex-
ander, D.D. Oxon., LL.D. Dublin, D.C.L. Oxon., Archbishop of
Armagh, and Lord Primate of All Ireland. New Edition, Revised
and Enlarged. Crown 8vo. 6s.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE a

The Gospels — continued.

BRITISH WEEKLY. — "Really a new book. It sets before the reader with
delicacy of thought and felicity of language the distinguishing characteristics of the
several gospels. It is delightful reading. . . . Religions literature does not often
fui ni-.Ii a book which may so confidently be recommended."

TWO LECTURES ON THE GOSPELS. Bj i. I
BURKITT, M.A. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.

Gospel of St. Matthew —

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MAT] HEW. Greek Text
as Revised by Bishop Westcott and Dr. HORT. With Intro-
duction and Notes by Rev. A. Sloman, M.A. Fcap, Svo. 2s. 6d.
MANCHESTER GUARDIAN, —" It is sound and helpful, and the brief introduc-
tion on Hellenistic Greek is particularly good."

Gospel of St. Mark —

THE GREEK TEXT. With Introduction, Notes, and In

By Rev. II. B. Swete, D.D., Regius Professor of Divinity

in the University of Cambridge. 2nd Edition. Svo. 15s.
TIMES. — "A learned and scholarly performance, up to date with the most recent
advances in New Testament criticism."

THE EARLIEST GOSPEL. A Hislorico-Critical Commentary en
the Gospel according to St. Mark, with Text, Translation, and In-
troduction. By Allan Menzies, Professor of Divinity and Biblical
Criticism, St. Mary's College, St. Andrews. Svo. 8s. 6d. net.

SCHOOL READINGS IN THE GREEK TESTAMENT.
Being the Outlines of the Life of our Lord as given by St. Mark, with
additions from the Text of the other Evangelists. Edited, with Notes
and Vocabulary, by Rev. A. Calvert, M.A. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d.

Gospel of St. Luke —

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. LUKE. The Greek Text
as Revised by Bishop Westcott and Dr. IIort. With Introduction
and Notes by Rev. J. Bo.vo, M.A. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d.
GLASGOW HERALD. — " The notes are short and crisp — suggestive rather than
exhaustive."

THE GOSPEL OF THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN. A Course
of Lectures on the Gospel of St. Luke. By F. D. Maurice.
Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.

THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. LUKE IN GREEK,
AFTER THE WESTCOTT AND IIORT TEXT. Edited,
with Parallels, Illustrations, Various Readings, and Notes, by the
Rev. Arthur Wright, M.A. Demy 4to. 7s. 6d. net.

ST. LI KE THE PROPHET. By Edward CarusSelwyn, D.D
Gospel of St. John— wn 8vo- 8s- '"' Iu '

Till CI NTRAL TEACHING 01 CHRIST. Being a Study and
1 ition of St. John, 1 lhapters XIII. to XVII. By Rev. Canon
Bernard, M.A. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

EXPOSITORY TIMES.— " Quite recently we have hail an exposition by him whom
all the greatest expositor livin But* ! d'swork is still the «

will help the preacher most."

THE GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN. ByF. D.Maurice, Cr.8vo. 3s.6d.

io MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.

ADDRESSES ON THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. By
the late Archbishop Benson. With an Introduction by
Adeline, Duchess of Bedford. Super Royal 8vo. 21s. net.
THE CREDIBILITY OF THE BOOK OF THE ACTS OF
THE APOSTLES. Being the Hulsean Lectures for 1900-1.
By the Rev. Dr. Chase, President of Queen's College, Cambridge.
Crown 8vo. 6s.
THE OLD SYRIAC ELEMENT IN THE TEXT OF THECODEX
BEZAE. By the Rev. F. H. Chase, D.D. 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES IN GREEK AND ENGLISH.
With Notes by Rev. F. Rendai.l, M.A. Cr. 8vo. 6s.
SATURDAY REVIEW.—" Mr. Rendall has given us a very useful as well as a
very scholarly book."

MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.—'1 Mr. Rendall is a careful scholar and a thought-
ful writer, and the student may learn a good deal from his commentary."

THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. By F. D. Maurice. Cr.

8vo. 3s. 6d.
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. Being the Greek Text as
Revised by Bishop Westcott and Dr. Hort. With Explanatory
Notes by T. E. Page, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. The Authorised Version, with Intro-
duction and Notes, by T. E. Page, M.A., and Rev. A. S.
Walpole, M.A. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.
BRITISH WEEKLY.—" Mr. Page's Notes on the Greek Text of the Acts are very
well known, and are decidedly scholarly and individual. . . . Mr. Page has written an
introduction which is brief, scholarly, and suggestive."

THE CHURCH OF THE FIRST DAYS. The Church of
Jerusalem. The Church of the Gentiles. The Church
of the World. Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles. By
Very Rev. C. J. Vaughan. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.
THE EPISTLES— The Epistles of St. Paul—

ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. The Greek Text,
with English Notes. By Very Rev. C. J. Vaughan. 7th Edition.
Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. A New Transla-
tion by Rev. W. G. Rutherford. 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.

PILOT.—" Small as the volume is, it has very much to say, not only to professed
students of the New Testament, but also to the ordinary reader of the Bible. . . ; The
layman who buys the book will be grateful to one who helps him to realise that this per-
plexing Epistle ' was once a plain letter concerned with a theme which plain men might
understand.' "

PROLEGOMENA TO ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE

ROMANS AND THE EPHESIANS. By Rev. F. J. A. Hort.

Crown 8vo. 6s.

Dr. Marcus Dods in the Bookman.—" Anything from the pen of Dr. Hort is sure to

be informative and suggestive, and the present publication bears his mark. . . . There

is an air of originality about the whole discussion ; the difficulties are candidly faced, and

the explanations offered appeal to our sense of what is reasonable." _

TIMES.—" Will be welcomed by all theologians as ' an invaluable contribution to the
study of those Epistles' as the editor of the volume justly calls it."

DAILY7 CHRONICLE.— -"The lectures are an important contribution to the study
of the famous Epistles of which they treat."

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE u

The Epistles of St. Paul — continued.

THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. An Essay on its
Destination and Date. By E. H. ASKWITH, D.D. I

j>. 6d. net.
ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. A I

Text, with Introducti and Di citations. By Bishop

LlGHTFOOT. I Oth Edition. Svo. I2S.
ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. The Greek Text

with Notes, By the late Bishop Westcott. [In tie Press.

ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. Greek Text,

with Introduction and Notes. By Dean ROBINSON. Svo.

[In the Press.
ST. PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. A Revised

Text, with Introduction, Notes, and Dissertations. By B

LlGHTFOOT. oth Edition. Svo. I2s.
SI . PAUL'S EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS. With transla-

tion, Paraphrase, and Notes for English Readers. By Very Rev.

C J. Vaughan. Crown 8vo. 5s.
ST. PAUL'S EPISTLES TO THE COLOSSIANS AND TO

PHILEMON. A Revised Text, with Introductions, etc. By

Bishop LlGHTFOOT. 9th Edition. Svo. 12s.
THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. Analysis and Ex-
amination Notes. By Rev. G. W. GARROD. Crown Svo. 3s.net.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE THESSALONIAN EPISTLES.

ByE. II. ASKWITH, D.D., Chaplain of Trinity College, Cambridge.

Crown Svo. 4s. net.
THE FIRST EPISTLE TO THE THESSALONIANS. With

Analysis and Notes by the Rev. G. W. Garrod, B.A. Crown

8vo. 2s. 6d. net.
THE SEC< IND EPISTLE TO THE THESSAL >NIANS. With

Analysis and Notes by Rev. G. W. Garrod. < 1. Svo. 2s. 6d. net.
THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL TO THE EPHESIANS, THE

COLOSSIANS, AND PHILEMON. With Introductions and

Notes. By Rev. J. Li.. DAVIES. 2nd Edition. Svo. 7s. 6d.
THE EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL. For English Readers. Part I. con-
taining the First Epistle to the I tans. By Very Rev. C.

T. VAUGHAN. 2nd Edition. Svo. Sewed. is. 6d.
NOTES ON EPISTLES OF ST. PAUL FROM UNPUBLISHED

COMMENTARIES By Bishop Lightfoot, D.D. 8vo.

I2S.

THE LETTERS OF ST. PAUL TO SEVEN CHURCHES
AND THREE FRIENDS. Translated by Arthur S. Way,
MA. Crown Svo. 5s. net.

The Epistles of St. Peter—

THE FIRST EPIS1 LE 01 ST. LITER, I. 1 to II. 17. The Greek
Text, with Introductory Lectin.', Comnv itional

Notes. BythelateF. J. A.HORT, D.D.,D.C.L.,LL.D. 8vo. 6s.

12 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

The Epistles of St. Peter — continued.

THE FIRST EPISTLE OF ST. PETER (Greek Text). By
J. Howard B. Masterman, Principal of the Midland Clergy
College, Edgbaston, Birmingham. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. net.
The Epistle of St. James —

THE EPISTLE OF ST. JAMES. The Greek Text, with Intro-
duction and Notes. By Rev. Joseph B. Mayor, M.A. 2nd
Edition. Svo. 14s. net.
EXPOSITORY TIMES.— "The most complete edition of St. James in the English
language, and the most serviceable for the student of Greek."

BOO KM A N. — " Professor Mayor's volume in every part of it gives proof that no time
or labour has been grudged in mastering this mass of literature, and that in appraising it
he has exercised the sound judgment of a thoroughly trained scholar and critic. . . .
The notes are uniformly characterised by thorough scholarship and unfailing sense. The
notes resemble rather those of Lightfoot than those of Ellicott. ... It is a pleasure to
welcome a book which does credit to English learning, and which will take, and keep, a
foremost place in Biblical literature."

SCOTSMAN. — " It is a work which sums up many others, and to any one who wishes
to make a thorough study of the Epistle of St. James, it will prove indispensable."

EXPOSITOR (Dr. Marcus Dods).— " Will long remain the commentary on St. James,
a storehouse to which all subsequent students of the epistle must be indebted."

The Epistles of St. John—

THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. By F. D. Maurice. Crown

8vo. 3s. 6d.

THE EPISTLES OF ST. JOHN. The Greek Text, with Notes.

By Right Rev. Bishop Westcott. 4th Edition. Svo. 12s. 6d.

GUARDIAN. — " It contains a new or rather revised text, with careful critical remarks

and helps ; very copious footnotes on the text ; and after each of the chapters,

longer and more elaborate notes in treatment of leading or difficult questions, whether in

respect of reading or theology. . . . Dr. Westcott has accumulated round them so much

matter that, if not new, was forgotten, or generally unobserved, and has thrown so much

light upon their language, theology, and characteristics. . . . The notes, critical,

illustrative, and exegetical, which are given beneath the text, are extraordinarily full and

careful. . . . They exhibit the same minute analysis of every phrase and word, the same

scrupulous weighing of every inflection and variation that characterised Dr. Westcott's

commentary on the Gospel. . . . There is scarcely a syllable throughout the Epistles

which is dismissed without having undergone the most anxious interrogation."

SATURDAY REVIEW.— "The more we examine this precious volume the more
its exceeding richness in spiritual as well as in literary material grows upon the mind."

The Epistle to the Hebrews —

THE EPISTLE fb THE HEBREWS IN GREEK AND
ENGLISH. With Notes. By Rev. F. Rendall. Cr. 8vo. 6s.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. English Text, with Com-
mentary. By the same. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. With Notes. By Very
Rev. C. J. Vaughan. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
TIMES.— " The name and reputation of the Dean of Llandaff are a better recom-
mendation than we can give of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Greek text, with notes ;
an edition which represents the results of more than thirty years' experience in the training
of students for ordination."

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. The Greek Text, with
Notes and Essays. By Right Rev. Bishop Westcott. 8vo. 14s.
GUARDIAN. — " In form this is a companion volume to that upon the Epistles of St.
lohn. The type is excellent, the printing careful, the index thorough ; and the volume
contains a full introduction, followed by the Greek text, with a running commentary, and
;i number of additional notes on verbal and doctrinal points which needed fuller discus-
sion. . . . His conception of inspiration is further illustrated by the treatment of the Old
Testament in the Epistle, and the additional notes that bear on this point deserve very
careful study. The spirit in which the student should approach the perplexing questions
of Old Testament criticism could not be better described than it is in the last essay."

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 13

The Book of Revelations —

THE APOCALYPSE. A Siudy. Ry Archbishop Bi

. 6d. net.
LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. By Rev. Prof. W.

MlLLIGAN. Crown 8vo. 5s.
DISCUSSK »NS ON III E APOCALYPSE. By the same. Cr. 8vo. 5s.
SCOTSM IX. " Chese rive an interesting and valuable _ account and

0 of the present state of theological opinion and research in connection with thi il
subject."

SCOTT/SI! GUARDIAN.—" The great merit of the book is the patient and skilful
wayinwlii.il ii has brought the whole discussion down to the present day. . . . The
result is a volume which many will value highly, and which will not, we think, soon be
superseded."

LECTURES ON THE REVELATION OE ST. JOHN. By Very

Rev. C. J. Vaughan. 5th Edition. Crown Svo. 10s. 6d.
THE CHRISTIAN PROPHETS AND THE PROPHETII
APOCALYPSE. By Edward Carus Selvyyn, D.D. Crown
8vo. 6s. net.

THE BIBLE WORD-BOOK. By W. Aldis Wright, Litt.D.,
LL.D. 2nd Edition. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.

Christian Cburcb, 1biston> of tbe

Cheetham (Archdeacon).— A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN
CHURCH DURING THE FIRST SIX CENTURIES. Cr.
8vo. 1 os. 6d.
TIMES.—" A brief but authoritative summary of early ecclesiastical history."
GLASGOW HER. 1 LD. " Particularly clear in its exposition, systematic 111 its dis-
position and development, and as light and attractive in style as could reasonably be
expected from the nature of the subject."

Gwatkin(H. M.)— SELECTIONS FROM EARLY WRITERS
Illustrative of Church History to the Time of Constantino. 2nd
Edition. Revised and Enlarged. Cr. Svo. 4s. 6d. net.

To this edition have been prefixed short accounts of the writers
from whom the passages are selected.
Hardwick (Archdeacon).— A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN
CHURCH. Middle Age. Ed. by Bishop Stubbs. Cr. Svo. 10s. 6d.
A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH DURING THE
REFORMATION. Revised by Bishop Stubbs. Cr. 8vo. 10s. 6d.
Hort (Dr. F, J. A.) — TWO DISSERTATIONS. I. On
MONOrENHZ GEO^ in Scripture and Tradition. II. On the
" Constantinopolitan " Creed and other Eastern Creeds of the
Fourth Century. Svo. 7s. 6d.
JUDALSTIC CHRISTIANITY. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE CHRISTIAN ECCLESIA. A Course of Lectures on the
Early History and Early Conception.-, of the Ecclesia, and Four
Sermons. Crown Svo. 6s.
C

i4 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Kriiger (Dr. G.)— HISTORY OF EARLY CHRISTIAN
LITERATURE IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES. Cr.

8vo. 8s. 6d. net.
Lowrie (W.)— CHRISTIAN ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY:

A HANDBOOK TO THE MONUMENTS OF THE EARLY

CHURCH. Crown 8vo. ios. 6d.
Oliphant (T. L. Kington)— ROME AND REFORM. 2 vols.

8vo. 2 is. net.
Simpson (W.)-AN EPITOME OF THE HISTORY OF THE

CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.
Sohm (Prof.) — OUTLINES OF CHURCH HISTORY.

Translated by Miss May Sinclair. With a Preface by Prof. H.

M. Gwatkin, M.A. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.—" It fully deserves the praise given to it by Pro-
fessor Gwatkin (who contributes a preface to this translation) of being ' neither a meagre
sketch nor a confused mass of facts, but a masterly outline,' and it really 'supplies a
want,' as affording to the intelligent reader who has no time or interest in details, a con-
nected general view of the whole vast field of ecclesiastical history."

Vaughan (Very Rev. C. J., Dean of Llandaflf).— THE CHURCH
OF THE FIRST DAYS. The Church of Jerusalem. The
Church of the Gentiles. The Church of the World.
Crown Svo. 10s. 6d.

Zbe Cburcb of j£nglan&

Catechism of —

CATECHISM AND CONFIRMATION. By Rev. J. C. P.
Aldous. Pott 8vo. is. net.

TPIOSE HOLY MYSTERIES. By Rev. J. C. P. Aldous. Pott
8vo. is. net.

A CLASS-BOOK OF THE CATECHISM OF THE CHURCH
OF ENGLAND. By Rev. Canon Maclear. Pott 8vo. is. 6d.

A FIRST CLASS-BOOK OF THE CATECHISM OF THE
CHURCH OF ENGLAND, with Scripture Proofs for Junior
Classes and Schools. By the same. Pott 8vo. 6d.

THE ORDER OF CONFIRMATION, with Prayers and Devo-
tions. By the Rev. Canon Maclear. 32010. 6d.

NOTES FOR LECTURES ON CONFIRMATION. By the
Rev. C. J. Vaughan, D.D. Pott 8vo. is. 6d.

THE BAPTISMAL OFFICE AND THE ORDER OF CON-
FIRMATION. By the Rev. F. Procter and the Rev. Canon
Maclear. Pott Svo. 6d.
Disestablishment —

DISESTABLISHMENT AND DISENDOWMENT. What are
thev? By Prof. E. A. Freeman. 4th Edition. Crown Svo. is.

A DEFENCE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND AGAINST
DISESTABLISHMENT. By Roundell, Earl of Selborne.
Crown Svo. 2s. 6d.

ANCIENT FACTS & FICTIONS CONCERNING CHURCHES
AND TITHES. By the same. 2nd Edition. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 15

Disestablishment continued.

A HANDBOOK ON WELSH CHURCH DEFENCE. By the
Bishop of St. ASAPH. 3rd Edition. Fcap. Svo. Sewed, 6d.
Dissent in its Relation to —

DISSENT IN ITS RELATION TO THE CHURCH OF ENG-
LAND. By Rev. G. H. CURTEIS. Bampton Lecturer for 187 1.
Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.
History of —

HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND Edited by
Di in Stephens and the Rev. W. Hunt. In Eight Volumes.

Crown Svo.
Vol. I. HISTORY OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND
PRIOR TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST. By the Rev. \Y.
Hunt, M.A. Cr. 8vo. 7s. 6d. [Ready.

Vol. II. THE ENGLISH CHURCH FROM THE NOF
MAN CONQUEST TO THE CLOSE OF THE THIR-
TEENTH CENTURY. By Dean Stephens. Cr. 8vo.
7s. 6d. [A\

Vol. III. THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE FOUR-
TEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES (1372-14S6).
By the Rev. Canon Capes, sometime Reader of Ancient
History in the University of Oxford. 7s. 6d. | Ready.

Vol. IV. THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE SIX-
TEENTH CENTURY, FROM THE ACCESSION OF
1 I ENRY VIII. TO THE DEATH OF MARY. By ! wi,
Gairdner, C.B., LL.D. 7s. 6d. [Ready.

In Preparation.
Vol. V. THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE REIGNS OF
ELIZABETH AND JAMES I. By the Rev. W. II. Frere.
Vol. VI. THE ENGLISH CHURCH FROM THE AC< I S
SION OF CHARLES I. TO THE DEATH Ol ANNE.
By the Rev. W. II. Hutton, B.D., Fellow of St. John's
College, < Ixford.
Vol. VII. THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. By the Rev. Canon
Overton, D.D.
Vol. VIII. THE ENGLISH CHURCH IN THE NINE-
TEENTH CENTURY. By E. W. Cornish, M.A., Vice-
Provost of Eton College.
THE STATE AND THE CHURCH. By the Hon. ARTHUE

Elliot. New Edition. Crown Svo. 2s. 6d.
DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ENGLISH CHURCH
HISTORY. Compiled from Original Sources by Henry Gee,
B.D., F.S.A., and W. J. Hardy, F.S.A. Cr. 8vo. 10s. 6d.

ENGLISH HISTORICAL REVIEW.—" Will he welcomed alike by student, and
by a much wider circle of readers interested in the history of the Chun h of I agland.
of the Later all the Latin piece, have been translated into English. . . .
It fully deserves the b natur of the Bishop ol 1 Ixford prefixed t

DAILY CHRONIi '/./•:. " Students of the English Constituti indents

of Church History will find this volume a valuable aid to their researches."

/ I'ISIt GUAR PI AN. — "There is no book in existence that contains
original material likely to prove valuable to those who wish to investigate ritual or
historical questions affecting the English Church."

16 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Holy Communion —

THE COMMUNION SERVICE FROM THE BOOK OF

COMMON PRAYER, with Select Readings from the Writings

of the Rev. F. D. Maurice. Edited by Bishop Colenso. 6th

Edition. i6mo. 2s. 6d.
FIRST COMMUNION, with Prayers and Devotions for the newly

Confirmed. By Rev. Canon Maclear. 321110. 6d.
A MANUAL OF INSTRUCTION FOR CONFIRMATION AND

FIRST COMMUNION, with Prayers and Devotions. By the

same. 321110. 2s.

Liturgy —

A COMPANION TO THE LECTIONARY. By Rev. W. Benham,

B.D. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.
AN INTRODUCTION TO THE CREEDS. By Rev. Canon
Maclear. Pott 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CHURCH QUARTERL Y REVIEW.—" Mr. Maclear's text-books of Bible history
are so well known that to praise them is unnecessary- He has now added to them An
Introduction to the Creeds, which we do not hesitate to call admirable. The book
consists, first, of an historical introduction, occupying 53 pages, then an exposition of
the twelve articles of the Creed extending to page 299, an appendix containing the texts
of a considerable number of Creeds, and lastly, three indices which, as far as we have
tested them, we must pronounce very good. . . . We may add that we know already
that the book has been used with great advantage in ordinary parochial work.'

AN INTRODUCTION TO THE ARTICLES OF THE
CHURCH OF ENGLAND. By Rev. G. F. Maclear, D.D.,
and Rev. W. W. Williams. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

The Bishop of Salisbury at the Church Congress spoke of this as " a book which
will doubtless have, as it deserves, large circulation." .....

ST. JAMES'S GAZETTE.— "Theological students and others will find this com-
prehensive yet concise volume most valuable." _

GLASGOW HERALD.— " A valuable addition to the well-known series of Theo-
logical Manuals published by Messrs. Macmillan."

CHURCH TIMES. — "Those who are in any way responsible for the training of
candidates for Holy Orders must often have felt the want of such a book as Dr. Maclear,
with the assistance of his colleague, Mr. Williams, has just published."

NEW HISTORY OF THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.
With a rationale of its Offices on the basis of the former Work by
Francis Procter, M.A. Revised and re-written by Walter
Howard Frere, M.A., Priest of the Community of the Resur-
rection. Second Impression. Crown 8vo. 12s. 6d.

AN ELEMENTARY INTRODUCTION TO THE BOOK OF
COMMON PRAYER. By Rev. F. Procter and Rev. Canon
Maclear. Pott 8vo. 2s. 6d.

THE ELIZALETHAN PRAYER-BOOK AND ORNAMENTS.
With an Appendix of Documents. By Henry Gee, D.D.
Crown 8vo. 5 s.

TWELVE DISCOURSES ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH
THE LITURGY AND WORSHIP OF THE CHURCH OF
ENGLAND. By Very Rev. C. J. Vaughan. 4th Edition.
Fcap. 8vo. 6s.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 17

Historical and Biographical —

THE ECCLESIASTICAL EXPANSION OF ENGLAND IN
THE GROWTH OF THE ANGLICAN COMMUNION.
II ul. can Lectures, [894-95. By Alfred Barry, D.D., D.C L.,

formerly Bishop of Sydney and Primate of Australia and I
Crown Svo. 6s.
The author's preface says : " The one object of these lectures — dell
on the Hulsean Foundation in 1894-95 — is to make some slight contribu-
tion to that awakening of interest in the extraordinary religious mission of
England which seems happily characteristic of the present time."

/ ) ' NEWS. — " These lectures are particularly interesting as containing the case
for the Christian missions at a time when there is a disposition ;o attack them i
quarters."

LIVES OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF CANTERBURY. From
St. Augustine to Juxon. By the Very Rev. WALTER" FARQUHAR
Hook, D.U., Dean of Chichester. Demy Svo. The volumes sold
separately as follows: — Vol. I., 15s. ; Vol. II., 15s. ; Vol. V.,
15s. ; Vols. VI. and VII., 30s. ; Vol. VIII., 15s. ; Vol. X.,
15s. ; Vol. XL, 15s. ; Vol. XII., 15s.
ATHEX.EUM. — "The most impartial, the most instructive, and the most interest-
ing of histories."

THE LIFE OF THE RIGHT REVEREND BROOKE LOSS
\Y I STCOTT, D.D., Late Lord Bishop of Durham. By hi, Son,
the Rev. Arthur WeSTCOTT. With Photogravure 1'ortraits.
2 vols. Extra Crown Svo. 17s. net.
LIFE AND LETTERS OF ARCHBISHOP BENSON. By his
Son. Two Vols. Svo. 36s. net.

Abridged Edition. In one Vol. 8s. 6d. net.
CHARLOTTE MARY YONGE : HER LIFE AND LETTERS.
By Christabel Coleridge. With Portraits. Svo. 12s. 6d. net
LIFE AND LETTERS OF AMBROSE PHILLIPPS DE LISLE.

By E. S. Purcell. Two Vols. 8vo. 25s. net.
THE OXFORD MOVEMENT. Twelve Years, 1S33-45. By

Dean Church. Globe 8vo. 4s. net.
THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF R. W. CHURCH, late Dean

of St. Paul's. Globe Svo. 4s. net.

JAMES FRASER, Second Bishop of Manchester. A Memoir.

181 8- 1885. By Thomas Hughes. 2nd Ed. Crown Svo. 6s.

LIFE AND LETTERS OF FENTON JOHN ANTHONY

IIORT, D.D., D.C.L., LL.D., sometime Hulsean Professor and

Lady Margaret's Reader in Divinity in the University of Cambridge.

By his Son, Arthur Fen ion IIok r, late Fellow of Trinity College,

Cambridge. In two Vols. With Portrait. Ex. Cr. 8vo. 17s.net.

EXPOSITOR. — " It is only just to publish the life of a scholar at once so well known

and so little known as Dr. Hort. . . . But all who appreciate his work wish to know more,

and the two fascinating volumes edited by his son give us the information we seek. They

reveal to us a man the very antipodes of a dry-as-dust pedant, a man with many interests

and enthusiasms, a lover of the arts and of nature, an athlete and one of the foundci

Alpine Club, a man of restless mind but always at leisure for the demands of friendship,

and finding his truest joy in his own home and family."

18 MACMILLAN AND CO-'S

Historical and Biographical — continued.

THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DENISON MAURICE. Chiefly
told in his own letters. Edited by his Son, Frederick Maurice.
With Portraits. Two Vols. Crown Svo. 16s.
MEMORIALS. (PART I.) FAMILY AND PERSONAL, 1766-
1865. By Roundell, Earl of Selborne. With Portraits and
Illustrations. Two Vols. 8vo. 25s.net. (PART II.) PERSONAL
AND POLITICAL, 1865-1895. Two Vols. 25s. net.
LIFE OF ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL TAIT, Archbishop of
Canterbury. By Archbishop Davidson and William
Benham, B.D., Hon. Canon of Canterbury. With Portraits.
3rd Edition. Two Vols. Crown 8vo. 10s. net.
LIFE AND LETTERS OF WILLIAM JOHN BUTLER, late
Dean of Lincoln, sometime Vicar of Wantage. 8vo. 12s. 6d. net.
TIMES. — " We have a graphic picture of a strong personality, and the example of
a useful and laborious life. . . . Well put together and exceedingly interesting to
Churchmen."

IN THE COURT OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTER-
BURY. Read and others v. The Lord Bishop of Lincoln.
Judgment, Nov. 21, 1890. 2nd Edition. Svo. 2s. net.

THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY ON RESERVATION
OF THE SACRAMENT. Lambeth Palace, May 1, 1900.
Svo. Sewed, is. net.

THE ARCHBISHOP OF YORK ON RESERVATION OF
SACRAMENT. Lambeth Palace, May 1, 1900. Svo. Sewed,
is. net.

JOURNAL OF THEOLOGICAL STUDIES. Quarterly. 3s. 6d.
net. (No. 1, October 1899.)

CANTERBURY DIOCESAN GAZETTE. Monthly. 8vo. 2d.

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW. Edited by I. Abrahams and
C. G. Montefiore. Demy Svo. 3s. 6d. Vols. 1-7, 12s. 6d.
each. Vol. 8 onwards, 15s. each. (Annual Subscription, us.)

^Devotional Books

Cornish (J. F.)— WEEK BY WEEK. Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.

SPECTA TOR. — "They are very terse and excellent verses, generally on the subject
of either the Epistle or Gospel for the day, and are put with the kind of practical vigour
which arrests attention and compels the conscience to face boldly some leading thought in
the passage selected." . .

SATURDAY REVIEW.— -"The studied simplicity of Mr. Cornish s verse is al-
together opposed to what most hymn -writers consider to be poetry. Nor is this the
only merit of his unpretentious volume. There is a tonic character in the exhortation
and admonition that characterise the hymns, and the prevailing sentiment is thoroughly
manly and rousing."

Eastlake (Lady).— FELLOWSHIP: LETTERS ADDRESSED
TO MY SISTER-MOURNERS. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.

A THENM UM.—" Tender and unobtrusive, and the author thoroughly realises the
sorrow of those she addresses ; it may soothe mourning readers, and can by no means
aggravate or jar upon their feelings."

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 19

Eastlake (Lady) — continued.

CONTEMPORARY REVIEW. — " A very touching an.l at the same time a wry
sensible book. It breathes 1 ; int."

NONCONFORM ST. "A beautiful little volume, written with genuine I
i appro iation of the tes ripture relative I

IMITATIO CHRISTI, Libri IV. Printed in Borders after Holbein,
Diirer, and other old Masters, containing Dances of Death, Acts of
Mercy, Emblems, etc. Crown 8vo. "s. 6A
Keble (J.)— THE CHRISTIAN YEAR. Edited by C. M.

YONGE. Pott 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.
Kingsley (Charles). — OUT OF THE DEEP: WORDS
FOR THE SORROWFUL. From the writings of Charles
Kingsley. Extra fcap. Svo. 3s. 6<1.
DAILY THOUGHTS. Selected from the Writings of CHARLES

KINGSLEY. By his Wife. Crown Svo. 6s.
FROM DEATH TO LIFE. Fragments of Teaching to a Village
Congregation. With Letters on the "Life after Death." Edited
by his Wife. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.
Maclear (Rev. Canon).— A MANUAL OF INSTRUCTION
FOR CONFIRMATION AND FIRST COMMUNION, WITH
PRAYERS AND DEVOTIONS. 32010. 2s.
THE HOUR OF SORROW; OR, THE OFFICE FOR THE
BURIAL OF THE DEAD. 32mo. 2s.
Maurice (Frederick Denison). — LESSONS OF HOPE. Readings
from the Works of F. D. Maurice. Selected by Rev. J. Li..
Davies, M.A. Crown 8vo. 5s.
THE COMMUNION SERVICE. From the Book of Common
Prayer, with select readings from the writings of the Rev. F\ D.
Maurice, M.A. Edited by the Rev. John William Colenso,
D.D., Lord Bishop of Natal. i6mo. 2s. 6d.
THE WORSHIP OF GOD, AND FELLOWSHIP AMONG MEN.
By Frederick Denison Maurice and others. Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.
RAYS OF SUNLIGHT FOR DARK DAYS. With a Preface by
Very Rev. C J. Vaughan, D.D. New Edition. Pott 8vo. 3s. 6d.
Welby- Gregory (The Hon. Lady).— LINKS AND CLUES.

2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Westcott (Bishop).— THOUGHTS ON REVELATION AND
LIFE. Selections from the Writings of Bishop Westcott. Edited
by Rev. S. Phillips. Crown Svo. 6s.

<Ibe fathers

INDEX OF NOTEWORTHY WORDS AND THRASES FOUND
IN THE CLEMENTINE WRITINGS, COMMONLY
CALLFD THE HOMILIES OF CLEMENT. Svo. 5s.

Benson (Archbishop).— CYPRIAN : HIS LIFE, HIS TIMES,
HIS WORK. By the late EDWARD WHITE BENSON, Archbishop
of Canterbury. 8vo. 21s. net.

20 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Benson (Archbishop) — continued.

TIMES.— -"In all essential respects, in sobriety of judgment and temper, in sym-
pathetic insight into character, in firm grasp of historical and ecclesiastical i-sues, in
scholarship and erudition, the finished work is worthy of its subject and worthy of its
author. ... In its main outlines full of dramatic insight and force, and in its details lull
of the fruits of ripe learning, sound judgment, a lofty Christian temper, and a mature
ecclesiastical wisdom." .

SATURDAY REVIEW. — "On the whole, and with all reservations which can
Dossibly be made, this weighty volume is a contribution to criticism and learning on
which we can but congratulate the Anglican Church. We wish more of her bishops were
capable or desirous ofdescending into that arena of pure intellect from which Dr. Benson
returns with these posthumous laurels."

Gwatkin (H. M.)— SELECTIONS FROM EARLY WRITERS
ILLUSTRATIVE OF CHURCH HISTORY TO THE TIME
OF CONSTANTINE. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d. net.

Hort (Dr. F. J. A.)— SIX LECTURES ON THE ANTE-
NICENE FATHERS. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
TIMES.—'1 Though certainly popular in form and treatment they are so in the best

sense of the words, and they bear throughout the impress of the ripe scholarship, the

rare critical acumen, and the lofty ethical temper which marked all Dr. Hort's work."

NOTES ON CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS. Crown Svo.
4s. 6d.
Hort (Dr. F. J. A.) and Mayor (J. B.).— CLEMENT OF ALEX-
ANDRIA: MISCELLANIES (STROMATEIS). Book VII.
The Greek Text, with Introduction, Translation, Notes, Disserta-
tions, and Indices. 8vo. 15s. net.
Kriiger (G.).— HISTORY OF EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERA-
' TURE IN THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES. Crown Svo.
8s. 6d. net.
Lightfoot (Bishop).— THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Part I.
St. Clement of Rome. Revised Texts, with Introductions,
Notes, Dissertations, and Translations. 2 vols. 8vo. 32s.
THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Part II. St. Ignatius to St. Poly-
carp. Revised Texts, with Introductions, Notes, Dissertations, and
Translations. 3 vols. 2nd Edition. Demy Svo. 48s.
THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS. Abridged Edition. With Short
Introductions, Greek Text, and English Translation. Svo. 16s.
MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.— " A conspectus of these early and intensely in-
teresting Christian ' Documents ' such as had not hitherto been attainable, and thereby
renders a priceless service to all serious students of Christian theology, and even of
Roman history." ,

NATIONAL OBSERVER.—" From the account of its contents, the student may
appreciate the value of this last work of a great scholar, and its helpfulness as an aid to
an intelligent examination of the earliest post-Apostolic writers. The texts are con-
structed on the most careful collation of all the existing sources. The introductions are
brief, lucid, and thoroughly explanatory of the historical and critical questions related to
the texts. The introduction to the Didache, and the translation of the ' Church Manual
of Early Christianity,' are peculiarly interesting, as giving at once an admirable version
of it, and the opinion of the first of English biblical critics on the latest discovery in
patristic literature."

1b\>mnoloG\>

Bernard (Canon T. D.) — THE SONGS OF THE HOLY
NATIVITY. Being Studies of the Benedictus, Magnificat,
Gloria in Excelsis, and Nunc Dimittis. Crown 8vo. 5s.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 21

Brooke (Stopford A.) CHRISTIAN HYMNS. Edited and
arranged. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.

Selborne (Rounded, Karl of) —

THE BOOK OF PRAISE. From the best English Hymn Writers.

Pott 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.
A HYMNAL. Chiefly from '/'he Book of Praise. In various sizes.

I'.. Pott8vo, larger type. is. — C. Same Edition, fine pa] er. is. 6d. — ■

An Edition with Music, Selected, Harmonised, and Composed by

JohnHcii.au. I'ott 8vo. 3s. 6d.

Smith (Horace).— HYMNS AND PSALMS. Ex. Crown Svo.

2S. 6d.

Woods (M. A.) — HYMNS FOR SCHOOL WORSHIP.
Compiled by M. A. Woods. Pott Svo. is. 6d.

IRcItoioue ZTcacbino

Bell (Rev. G. C.)— RELIGIOUS TEACHING IN SECOND-
ARY SCHOOLS. For Teachers and Parents. Suggestions as
to Lessons on the Bible, Early Church History, Christian Evidences,
etc. Py the Rev. G. C. Bell, M.A., Master of Marlborough
College. 2nd Edition. With new chapter on Christian Ethic.
Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
GUARDIAN.— " The hints and suggestions given are admirable, and, a^ far as P.ible
teaching or instruction in ' Christian Evidences i leave nothing to be

Much time and thought has evidently been devoted by the writer to the difficulties which
confront the teacher of the Old Testament, and a large portion of the volume is taken up
with the consideration of this branch of his subject."

EDUCATIONAL REVIEW. — "For those teachers who are dissatisfied with the
existing state of things, and who are striving after something better, this little ha
is invaluable. Its aim is 'to map out a course of instruction on practical lines, and to
suggest methods and books which may point the way to a higher stai a wider

horizon.' For the carrying out of this, and also for his criticism of prevailing methods,
all teachers owe Mr. Hell a debt of gratitude : and if any are roused to a due sense of
their responsibility in this matter, he will feel that his book has not been written in vain. '

Gilbert (Dr. G. H.)— A PRIMER OF THE CHRISTIAN
RELIGION. Based on the Teaching of Jesus, its Founder and
Living Lord. Crown Svo. 4s. 6d. net.

Palmer (Florence U.)— ONE YEAR OF SUNDAY SCHOOL
LESSONS FOR YOUNG CHILDREN. Adapted for use in
the Youngest Classes. Pott 4to. 4s. 6d.

Sermons, Xectures, Hooresses, ano
{Theological Essays

{See also ' Bible,'' ' Church of England] ' Fathers'1)

Abbey (Rev. C. J.)— THE DIVINE LOVE: ITS STERN-
NESS, BREADTH, AND TENDERNESS. Crown 8vo.
GUARDIAN. "This is a Look which, in our opinion, demands the most serious

and earliest attention."

22 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Abbott (Rev. E. A.)—

CAMBRIDGE SERMONS. 8vo. 6s.
OXFORD SERMONS. 8vo. 7s. 6d.
PHILOMYTHUS. An Antidote against Credulity. A discussion

of Cardinal Newman's Essay on Ecclesiastical Miracles. 2nd

Edition. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.

THE SPIRIT ON THE WATERS, OR DIVINE EVOLU-
TION AS THE BASIS OF CHRISTIAN BELIEF. 8vo.
12s. 6d. net.

Abrahams ( I. )— Montefiore (C.G.)— ASPECTS OF JUDAISM.

Being Sixteen Sermons. 2nd Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.

TIMES.—" There is a great deal in them that does not appeal to Jews alone, for.
especially in Mr. Montefiore's addresses, the doctrines advocated, with much charm of
style, are often not by any means exclusively Jewish, but such as are shared and
honoured by all who care for religion and morality as those terms are commonly under-
stood in the western world."

_ GLASGOW HERALD.—" Both from the homiletic and what may be called the
big-world point of view, this little volume is one of considerable interest."

Ainger (Rev. Alfred, Master of the Temple). — SERMONS
PREACHED IN THE TEMPLE CHURCH. Extra fcap.
8vo. 6s.

Askwith (E. H.)— THE CHRISTIAN CONCEPTION OF

HOLINESS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

THE SPECTA TOR. — " A well-reasoned and really noble view of the essential pur-
pose of the Christian revelation. . . . We hope that Mr. Askwith 's work will be widely
read."

Bather (Archdeacon).— ON SOME MINISTERIAL DUTIES,
CATECHISING, PREACHING, etc. Edited, with a Preface,
by Very Rev. C. J. Vaughan, D.D. Fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Beeching (Rev. Canon H. C.)— INNS OF COURT SERMONS.
Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.

Benson (Archbishop) —

BOY-LIFE : its Trial, its Strength, its Fulness. Sundays in
Wellington College, 1859-73. 4tn Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

CHRIST AND HIS TIMES. Addressed to the Diocese of Canter-
bury in his Second Visitation. Crown 8vo. 6s.
FISHERS OF MEN. Addressed to the Diocese of Canterbury in
his Third Visitation. Crown 8vo. 6s.
GUARDIAN. — "There is plenty of plain speaking in the addresses before us, and
they contain many wise and thoughtful counsels on subjects of the day."

TIMES. — " With keen insight and sagacious counsel, the Archbishop surveys the
condition and prospects of the church."

ARCHBISHOP BENSON IN IRELAND. A record of his Irish

Sermons and Addresses. Edited by J. H. Bernard. Crown

8vo. 3s. 6d.

PALL MALL GAZETTE. — "No words of mine could appreciate, or do justice
to, the stately language and lofty thoughts of the late Primate ; they will appeal to
every Churchman."

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 23

Bernard (Canon T. DA— TI I E SONGS O F ill EHI >LY NATIV-
ITV CONSIDERED (i) AS RECORDED IN SCRIPT1 I 1

(2) AS l\ USE IX THE CHI RCH. Ci «rn 5s.

To use the words ol its author, this book is offered "to
Scripturi itory of a distincl portion of the Holy Word ; to wor-

shippers in the congregation as a devotional commentary on the hymns
which they use : to those keeping Chri >tmas, as a contribution to th

welcome thoughts of that blessed season; to all Christian 1 pie who, in

the midst oi the historical elaboration of Christianity, find it

enter from time to time the clear atmosphere of its origin, ami are fain in

the heat of the day to recover some feeling of the freshm »s of dawn."'

GLAS(,'l »//' HERALD, — " He conveys much useful information in a scholarly way."

SCOTSMAN. — " Their meaning and their relationships, the reasons why the Church

ipted them, and many other kindred points, are touched upon in the b 10k with so

well-explained a learning and with so much insight that the book will be highly valued

by those interested in its subject."

Brooke (Rev. Stopforcl A.)— SHORT SERMONS. Cr. Svo. 6s.
Brooks (Phillips, late Bishop of Massachusetts) —

THE CANDLE OF THE LORD, and other Sermons. Crown Svo.

6s.
SERMONS PREACHED IN ENGLISH CHURCHES. Crown

Svo. 6s.
TWENTY SERMONS. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
THE MYSTERY OF INIQUITY. Crown 8vo. 6s.
ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES, RELIGIOUS, LITERARY, AND

SOCIAL. Edited by the Rev. Joiix COTTON BROOKS. Crown

8vo. 8s. 6d. net.
NEW STARTS IN LIFE, AND OTHER SERMONS. Crown

8vo. 6s.

_ WESTMINSTER GAZETTE.— " All characterised by that fervent pietv,
licity of spirit, and fine command of language for which the Uishop was famous."

THE MORE ABUNDANT LIFE. Lenten Readings. Royal

l6mo. 5 s.
THE LAW OF GROWTH, and other Sermons. Crown Svo. 6s.

SCOTSMAN. — "All instinct with the piety, breadth of mind, and eloqueni -
have given Phillips Brooks' pulpit prolocutions their rare distinction among productions
of this kind, that of being really and truly suitable for more Sundays than one."

Gl OBE. — "So manly in outlook and so fresh and suggestive in treatment."

THE INFLUENCE OF JESUS. The Bohlen Lectures, 1S79.
Crown Svo. 6s.

LECTURES ON PREACHING DELIVERED AT YALE COL-
LEGE. Crown 8\o. 6s.

LIFE AND LETTERS OF PHILLIPS BROOKS. By A. V. G.
ALLEN. 3 vols. Svo. 30s. net.
Brunton (Sir T. Lauder). —THE BIBLE AND SCIENCE

With Illustrations. Crown Svo. 10s. 6d.
Campbell (Dr. John M'Leod)—

THE NATURE I >F THE ATONEMENT. 6th Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s.

24 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Campbell (Dr. John M'Leod) — continued.

THOUGHTS ON REVELATION. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 5s.
RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE GIFT OF ETERNAL LIFE.
Compiled from Sermons preached at Row, in the years 1829-31.
Crown 8vo. 5s.

Carpenter (W. Boyd, Bishop of Ripon) —

TRUTH IN TALE. Addresses, chiefly to Children. Crown 8vo.

4s. 6d.
THE PERMANENT ELEMENTS OF RELIGION : Bampton

Lectures, 1887. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.
TWILIGHT DREAMS. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.
LECTURES ON PREACHING. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.
TIMES.—" These Lectures on Preaching, delivered a year ago in the Divinity
School at Cambridge, are an admirable analysis of the intellectual, ethical, spiritual,
and rhetorical characteristics of the art of preaching. In six lectures the Bishop deals
successfully with the preacher and his training, with the sermon and its structure, with
the preacher and his age, and with the aim of the preacher. In each case he is practical,
suggestive, eminently stimulating, and often eloquent, not with the mere splendour of
rhetoric, but with the happy faculty of saying the right thing in well-chosen words."

SOME THOUGHTS ON CHRISTIAN REUNION. Being a
Charge to the Clergy. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.
TIMES.—" Dr. Boyd Carpenter treats this very difficult subject with moderation
and good' sense, and with a clear-headed perception of the limits which inexorably cir-
cumscribe the natural aspirations of Christians of different churches and nationalities for
a more intimate communion and fellowship." ... ... .

LEEDS MERCURY.— "He discusses with characteristic vigour and felicity the
claims which hinder reunion, and the true idea and scope of catholicity."

Chase (Rev. Dr. F. H.).— THE SUPERNATURAL ELEMENT
IN OUR LORD'S EARTHLY LIFE IN RELATION TO
HISTORICAL METHODS OF STUDY. 8vo. Sewed, is.

Cheetliam (Archdeacon). — MYSTERIES, PAGAN AND
CHRISTIAN. Being the Hulsean Lectures for 1896. Crown
8vo. 5s,

Church (Dean) —

HUMAN LIFE AND ITS CONDITIONS, Crown 8vo. 6s.
THE GIFTS OF CIVILISATION, and other Sermons and Lectures.

2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
DISCIPLINE OF THE CHRISTIAN CHARACTER, and othet

Sermons. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.
ADVENT SERMONS. 1S85. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.
VILLAGE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s.
VILLAGE SERMONS. Second Series. Crown 8vo. 6s.
VILLAGE SERMONS. Third Series. Crown 8vo. 6s.

TIMES. — " In these sermons we see how a singularly gifted and cultivated mind was
able to communicate its thoughts on the highest subjects to those with whom it might
be supposed to have little in common. . . . His village sermons are not the by-work if
one whose interests were elsewhere in higher matters. They are the outcome of his
deepest interests and of the life of his choice. . . . These sermons are worth perusal if
only to show what preaching, even to the humble and unlearned hearers, may be made
in really competent hands."

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 25

Church (Dean) — continued.

CATHEDRAL AND UNIVERSITY SERMONS, Crown 8 vo. 6s.
PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

TIMES.—" They are all eminently characteristic of one of the most saintly of modern
divines, and one of the most scholarly of modern men of letters."

SPECTATOR.— " Dean Church's seem to us the finest sermons published since

Newman's, even Dr. Liddon's rich and eloquent discourses not excepted,— and they

more of the spirit of perfect peace than even Newman's. They cannot be called

High Church or Broad Church, much less Low Church sermons; they are simply the

sermons of a good scholar, a great thinker, and a firm and serene Christian."

CLERGYMAN'S SELF-EXAMINATION CONCERNING THE
APOSTLES' CREED. Extra fcap. 8vo. is. 6d.

Congreve (Rev. John).— HIGH HOPES AND PLEADINGS
FOR A REASONABLE FAITH, NOBLER THOUGHTS,
LARGER CHARITY. Crown 8vo. 5s.

Davidson (Archbishop) —

A CHARGE DELIVERED TO THE CLERGY OF THE

DIOCESE OF ROCHESTER, October 29, 30, 31, 1S94.

8vo. Sewed. 2s. net.
A CHARGE DELIVERED TO THE CLERGY OF THE

DIOCESE OF "WINCHESTER, Sept. 28, 30, Oct. 2, 3, 4,

and 5, 1899. 8vo. Sewed. 2s. 6d. net.

Davies (Rev. J. Llewelyn) —

THE GOSPEL AND MODERN LIFE. 2nd Edition, to which is

added Morality according to the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper.

Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s.
SOCIAL QUESTIONS FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF

CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo,

WARNINGS AGAINST SUPERSTITION. Extra leap. Svo. 2s. 6d.
THE CHRISTIAN CALLING. Extra fcap. Svo. 6s.
BAPTISM, CONFIRMATION, AND THE LORD'S SUPPER,

as interpreted by their Outward Signs. Three Addresses. New

Edition. Pott Svo. Is.
ORDER AND GROWTH AS INVOLVED IN THE SPIRITUAL

CONSTITUTION OF HUMAN SOCIETY. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.

GLASGOW HERA LD.— "This is a wise and suggestive book, touching upon many
of the more interesting questions of the present day. ... A book as full of hope as it is
of ability."

MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.— "lie says what he means, but never more than
he means; and hence his words carry weight with many to whom the ordinary sermon
would appeal in vain. . . . The whole book is well w< rth study."

ABERDEEN DAILY FREE DRESS.—" An able discussion of the true basis and
aim of social progress."

SCOTSMAN.— "Thoughtful and suggestive. "

26 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Davies (Rev. J. Llewelyn) — continued.

SPIRITUAL APPREHENSION: Sermons and Papers. Crown
8vo. 6s.

Davies (W.)-THE PILGRIM OF THE INFINITE. A

Discourse addressed to Advanced Religious Thinkers on Christian
Lines. By Wm. Davies. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

CHRISTIAN WORLD. — "We hail this work as one which in an age of much
mental unrest sounds a note of faith which appeals confidently to the highest intellect,
inasmuch as it springs out of the clearest intuitions of the human spirit."

Ellerton (Rev. John). — THE HOLIEST MANHOOD, AND
ITS LESSONS FOR BUSY LIVES. Crown Svo. 6s.

English Theological Library. Edited by Rev. Frederic
Relton. With General Introduction by the late Bishop
Creighton. A Series of Texts Annotated for the Use of

Students, Candidates for Ordination, etc. Svo.

Re-issue at Reduced Prices.

I. HOOKER'S ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY, Book V., Edited
by Rev. Ronald E. Bayne. 10s. 6cl. net.

II. LAW'S SERIOUS CALL, Edited by Rev. Canon J. H. Overton.
4s. 6d. net.

DAILY NEWS. — "A well-executed reprint. . . . Canon Overton's notes are not
numerous, and are as a rule very interesting and useful."

CAMBRIDGE REVIEW.— ■" A welcome reprint. ... AH that it should be in
paper and appearance, and the reputation of the editor is a guarantee for the accuracy
and fairness of the notes."

III. WILSON'S MAXIMS, Edited by Rev. F. Relton. 3s. 6d. net.

GUARDIAN. — "Many readers will feel grateful to Mr. Relton for this edition of
Bishop Wilson's ' Maxims.' . . . Mr. Relton's edition will be found well worth possess-
ing : it is pleasant to the eye, and bears legible marks of industry and study."

EXPOSITORY TIMES. — " In an introduction of some twenty pages, he tells us
all we need to know of Bishop Wilson and of his maxims. Then he gives us the maxims
themselves in most perfect form, and schools himself to add at the bottom of the page
such notes as are absolutely necessary to their understanding, and nothing more."

IV. THE WORKS OF BISHOP BUTLER. Vol. I. Sermons,
Charges, Fragments, and Correspondence. Vol. II. The Analogy
of Religion, and two brief dissertations : I. Of Personal Identity.
II. Of the Nature of Virtue. Edited by the Very Rev. J. H.
Bernard, D.D., Dean of St. Patrick's, Dublin. 4s. 6d. net each.

THE PILOT. — " One could hardly desire a better working edition than this which
Dr. Bernard has given us. . . . Sure to become the standard edition for students."
THE SPECTATOR. — " An excellent piece of work."

V. THE CONFERENCE BETWEEN WILLIAM LAUD AND
MR. FISHER, THE JESUIT. Edited by Rev. C. II. Simp-
KINSON, M.A. Author of The Life of Arctibishop Laud.

[4s. 6d. net.

Everett (Dr. C. C.)— THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ELEMENTS
OF RELIGIOUS FAITH. Crown Svo. 5s. net.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 27

EVIL AND EVOLUTION. An attempt to turn the Light of Modern
nee on to the Ancient Mystery of Evil. By the author of
The Social Horizon. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.

EXPOSITOR ) ' TIMES.—" The book is well worth the interest it is almost certain
tc excite."

CHURCH TIMES. — "There can be no question about the courage or the keen
logic and the lucid style of this fascinating treatment of a problem which is of pathetic
interest to all of us. ... It deserves to be studied by all, and no one who reads it can
fail to be struck by it."

FAITH AND CONDUCT: An Essay on Verifiable Religion. Crown
8vo. 7s. 6d.

Farrar (Very Rev. F. W., Dean of Canterbury) —

THE HISTORY OE INTERPRETATION. Being the Bampton
Lectures, 1SS5. Svo. 16s.

Collected Edition of the Sermons, etc Cr. Svo. 3s. 6d. ea< h.

SEEKERS AFTER COD.

ETERNAL HOPE. Sermons Preached in Westminster Abbey.

THE FALL OF MAN, and other Sermons.

THE WITNESS OF HISTORY TO CHRIST. Hulsean Lectures.

THE SILENCE AND VOICES OE GOD.

IN THE DAYS OE THY YOUTH. Sermons on Practical Subjects.

SAINTLY WORKERS. Five Lenten Lectures.

EPHPHATHA : or, The Amelioration of the World.

MERCY AND JUDGMENT. A few words on Christian Eschatology.

SERMONS AND ADDRESSES delivered in America.

Fiske (John).— MAN'S DESTI NY VIEWED IN THE LIGHT
OE HIS ORIGIN. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d,
LIFE EVERLASTING. Globe Svo. 3s. 6d.

Foxell (W. J.)— GOD'S GARDEN : Sunday Talks with Boys.
With an Introduction by Dean Farrar. Globe 8vo. 3s. 6d.

SPEAKER. — "Deals with obvious problems of faith and conduct in a strain of
vigorous simplicity, and with an evident knowledge of the needs, the moods, the diffi-
culties of boy-life. It is the kind of book which instils lessons of courage, trust, patience,
and forbearance ; and does so quite as much by example as by precept."

IN A PLAIN PATH. Addresses to Boys. Globe Svo. 3s. 6d.

SPEAKER. — " He handles with admirable vigour, and real discernment of a boy's
difficulties, such high themes as the use of time, noble revenge, the true gentleman, the
noblest victory, and progress through failure. There is nothing childish in the method of
treatment, and yet we feel sure that a man who spoke to a congregation of lads in this
fashion would not talk over the head of the youngest, and yet find his way to the hearts
of those who are just passing from the restraints of school to the responsibilities of life."

Fraser (Bishop).— UNIVERSITY SERMONS. Edited by
Rev. Jon\ W. DlGGLE. Crown Svo. 6s.

Goodspeed(G. S.)— ISRAEL'S MESSIANIC HOPE TO THE
TIME OF JESUS: A Study in the Historical Development of
the Foreshadowings of the Christ in the < Ud Testament and
beyond. Crown Svo. 6s.

28 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Grane (W. L.)— THE WORD AND THE WAY: or, The
Light of the Ages on the Path of To-Day. Crown 8vo. 6s.
HARD SAYINGS OF JESUS CHRIST. A Study in the Mind
and Method of the Master. Second Edition. Crown 8vo. 5s.
Green (S. G.)— THE CHRISTIAN CREED AND THE
CREEDS OF CHRISTENDOM. Seven Lectures delivered
in 1898 at Regent's Park College. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Harcourt (Sir W. V.)— LAWLESSNESS in the NATIONAL

CHURCH. 8vo. Sewed, is. net.
Hardwick (Archdeacon). — CHRIST AND OTHER MAS-
TERS. 6th Edition. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.
Hare (Julius Charles).— THE MISSION OF THE COM-
FORTER. New Edition. Edited by Dean Plumptre. Crown
8vo. 7s. 6d.
Harris (Rev. G. C.) — SERMONS. With a Memoir by

Charlotte M. Yonge, and Portrait. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s.
Henson (Canon H. H.)— SERMON ON THE DEATH OF

THE QUEEN. 8vo. Sewed, is. net.
Hicks (Rev. Canon E. L.)— ADDRESSES ON THE TEMPTA-
TION OF OUR LORD. Crown 8vo. [In the Press.
Hillis (N. D.) — THE INFLUENCE OF CHRIST IN
MODERN LIFE. A Study of the New Problems of the Church
in American Society. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE QUEST OF HAPPINESS. A Study of Victory over Life'.-
Troubles. Extra crown 8vo. 6s. net.
Hodgkins (Louise M.)— VIA CHRISTI : An Introduction to the
Study of Missions. Globe 8vo. 2s. net. Sewed. is. 3d. net.
Hort (Dr. F. J. A.)— THE WAY, THE TRUTH, THE LIFE.
Hulsean Lectures, 1871. Crown 8vo. 6s.
CAMBRIDGE REVIEW. — " Only to few is it given to scan the wide fields of truth
with clear vision of near and far alike. To what an extraordinary degree the late Dr.
Hort possessed this power is shown by the Hulsean Lectures just published. They carry
us in the most wonderful way to the very centre of the Christian system ; no aspect of
truth, no part of the world, seems to be left out of view ; while in every page we recog-
nise the gathered fruits of a irare scholarship in the service of an unwearying thought."

JUDAISTIC CHRISTIANITY. Crown Svo. 6s.
SCOTSMAN— "Tan great merit of Dr. Hort's lectures is that succinctly and yet
fully, and in a clear and interesting and suggestive manner, they give us not only his own
opinions, but whatever of worth has been advanced on the subject."

GLASGOW HERA ED.—" Will receive a respectful welcome at the hands of all
biblical scholars. ... A model of exact and patient scholarship, controlled by robust
English sagacity, and it is safe to say that it will take a high place in the literature of the
subject."

VILLAGE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Selected from the Sermons preached by Professor Hort to his
village congregation at St. Ippolyt's, and including a series of
Sermons dealing in a broad and suggestive way with the successive
books of the Bible, from Genesis to Revelations.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 29

Hort (Dr. F. J. A.) — continued.

SERMONS ON THE BOOKS OE THE BIBLE (selected from

Village Sermons). Crown 8 vo. 3s. 6d.
VILLAGE SERMONS IN OUTLINE. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Contents : I. The Prayer Book, 16 Sermons. II. Baptism,

5 Sermons. III. Mutual Subjection the Rule of Life (Eph. v. 21),

6 Sermons. IV. The Sermon on the Mount (St. Matt. v. 1 ; vii.
29), II Sermons. V. Advent, 4 Sermons. VI. The Armour of
the Cross. VII. The Resurrection, 7 Sermons.

CAM BRI1 )( 1 E AND OTI I ER SER M 1 ) N S. Crown Svo. 6s.
Hughes (T.)-THE MANLINESS OF CHRIST. 2nd Ed.
Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.
GLOBE. — " The Manliness of Christ is a species of lay sermon such as Judge Hughes
is well qualified to deliver, seeing that manliness of thought and feeling has been the
prevailing characteristic of all his literary products."

BRITISH li EEKLY.—" A new edition of a strong book."

Hutton (R. H.)—

ESSAYS ON SOME OF THE MODERN GUIDES OF ENG-
LISH THOUGHT IN MATTERS OE FAITH. Globe 8 vo.
4s. net.
THEOLOGICAL ESSAYS. Globe 8vo. 4s. net.
ASPECTS OE RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC THOUGHT.
Selected from the Spectator, and edited by E. M. Roscoe. Globe
8vo. 4s. net.
Hyde (W. De W.)— OUTLINES OF SOCIAL THEOLOGY.
Crown Svo. 6s.
Dr. Hyde thus describes the object of his book : " This little book aims
to point out the logical relations in which the doctrines of theology will
stand to each other when the time shall come again for seeing Christian
truth in the light of reason and Christian life as the embodiment of love."
FRACTICAL IDEALISM. Globe Svo. 5s. net.

niingworth (Rev. J. R.)— SERMONS PREACHED IN A
COLLEGE CHAPEL. Crown 8vo. 5s.
UNIVERSITY AND CATHEDRAL SERMONS. Crown Svo. 5..
PERSONALITY, DIVINE AND HUMAN. Bampton Lectures,
1894. Crown Svo. 6s.
TIMES. — " Will take high rank among the rare theological masterpieces produced by
that celebrated foundation."

EXPOSITOR.—" It is difficult to convey an adequate impression of the freshness
and strength of the whole argument. ... It is a book which no one can be satisfied with
reading once ; it is to be studied."

DIVINE IMMANENCE. An Essay on the Spiritual Significance
of Matter. New Edition. Cr. Svo. 6s.
CHURCH QUARTERLY REVIEW.—" \ ■ .unable book. . . .

Immanence is likely to prove of I ian truth. It combin

ible extent, profound thoughl and clear expression. It is throughout written
in ..-I interesting style."

GUARD/AN. — "Altogether, we have rarely read a book of such philo:
earnestness in construing the Christian view of existence in terms of ilic thought and
knowledge of these days, nor one more likely to bring home the knuukdye of ..
to the modem man."

30 MACMILLAN AND CO. S

Illingworth (Rev. J. R.) — continued.

REASON AND REVELATION. An Essay in Christian Apology.
8vo. 7s. 6d.

Jacob (Rev. J. A.) — BUILDING IN SILENCE, and other

Sermons. Extra fcap. 8vo. 6s.
Jacob (Rev. J. T.).— CHRIST THE INDWELLER. Cr.8vo. 5s.
Jellett (Rev. Dr.)—

THE ELDER SON, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Joceline (E.)-THE MOTHER'S LEGACIE TO HER UN-
BORN CHILD. Cr. i6rao. 4s. 6d.

Jones (Jenkin Lloyd) —

JESS: BITS OF WAYSIDE GOSPEL. Crown 8vo. 6s.
A SEARCH FOR AN INFIDEL : BITS OF WAYSIDE GOS-
PEL. Second Series. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Kellogg (Rev. S. H.)—

THE GENESIS AND GROWTH OF RELIGION. Cr. 8vo. 6s.

SCOTSMAN.— ■" Full of matter of an important kind, set forth with praiseworthy
conciseness, and at the same time with admirable iucidity. . . .Dr. Kellogg has done
the work allotted to him with great ability, and everywhere manifests a competent ac-
quaintance with the subject with which he deals."

King (Prof. H. C.)— RECONSTRUCTION IN THEOLOGY.
Crown 8vo. 6s.
THEOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS. Crown
8vo. 5s. net.

Kingsley (Charles) —

VILLAGE AND TOWN AND COUNTRY SERMONS. Crown

8vo. 3s. 6d.
THE WATER OF LIFE, and other Sermons. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
SERMONS ON NATIONAL SUBJECTS, AND THE KING OF

THE EARTH. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
SERMONS FOR THE TIMES. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
GOOD NEWS OF GOD. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
THE GOSPEL OF THE PENTATEUCH, AND DAVID. Crown

8vo. 3s. 6d.
DISCIPLINE, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
WESTMINSTER SERMONS. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
ALL SAINTS' DAY, and other Sermons. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
ACADEMY. — "We can imagine nothing more appropriate than this edition for a
public, a school, or even a village library."

Kirkpatrick(Prof. A. F.)— THE DIVINE LIBRARY OF THE
OLD TESTAMENT. Its Origin, Preservation, Inspiration, and
Permanent Value. Crown Svo. 3s. net.
THE DOCTRINE OF THE PROPHETS. Warburtonian Lectures
1SS6-1S90. Third Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 3"

Knight (W. A.)— ASPECTS OF THEISM. 8vo. 8s. Gd.

LETTERS FROM HELL. Newly translated from the Danish. Willi
an Introduction by Dr. GEORGE MACDONALD. Twenty-eighth
Thousand. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Lightfoot (Bishop) —

THE CHRISTIAN MINISTRY. Reprinted from Dissertations on
the Apostolic A«e. Crown 8vo. 3s. net.

LEADERS IN THE NORTHERN CHURCH : Sermons Preached
in the Diocese of Durham. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo,

ORDINATION ADDRESSES AND COUNSELS TO CLERGY.
Crown 8vo. 6s.

CAMBRIDGE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

SERMONS PREACHED IN ST. PAUL'S CATHEDRAL. Crown
8vo. 6s.

SERMONS PREACHED ON SPECIAL OCCASIONS. Crown
Svo. 6s.

A CHARGE DELIVERED TO THE CLERGY OF THE
DIOCESE OF DURHAM. 25th Nov. 1886. Demy Svo. 2s.

ESSAYS ON THE WORK ENTITLED "Supernatural Reli-
gion." Svo. Re-issue at 6s. net.

DISSERTATIONS ON THE APOSTOLIC AGE. Svo. 14s.

BIBLICAL ESSAYS. 8vo. 12s.

TIMES. — " As representing all that is now available of the Bishop's profound learning
and consummate scholarship for the illustration of his great subject, the present volume
and its successor will be warmly welcomed by all students of theology."

Lillingston (Frank, M.A.)-THE BRAMO SAMAJ AM)
ARYA SAMAJ IN THEIR BEARING UPON CHRIS
TIANITY. A Study in Indian Theism. Cr. Svo. 2s. 6d. net.

Macmillan (Rev. Hugh) —

BIBLE TEACHINGS IN NATURE. 15th Ed. Globe Svo. 6s.
THE TRUE VINE ; OR, THE ANALOGIES OF OUR LORD'S

ALLEGORY. 5th Edition. Globe Svo. 6s.
THE MINISTRY OF NATURE. 8th Edition. Globe Svo. 6s.
THE SABBATH OF THE FIELDS. 6th Edition. Globe Svo. 6s.
THE MARRIAGE IN CANA. Globe 8vo. 6s.
TWO WORLDS ARE OURS. 3rd Edition. Globe 8vo. 6s.
THE OLIVE LEAF. Globe 8vo. 6s.

THE GATE BEAUTIFUL AND OTHER BIBLE TEACHINGS
FOR THE YOUNG. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
SPEA KER.— "These address. models of their kind— wise, reverent, and

not less imaginative than practical; they abound in choice and apposite anecdotes and
illustrations, and possess distinct literary merit."

DAILY CHRONICLE.— "The poetic touch that beautifies all Dr. Macmillan's
writing is fresh in every one of these charming addre • I h \ elnmeis sure to meet

with cordial appreciation far beyond the sphere of its origin."

GLEAMNGS IN HOLY FIELDS. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.
THE CORN OF HEAVEN. Crown Svo. 6s.

Mahaffy (Rev. Prof.)— THE DECAY OF MODERN PREACH-
ING : AN ESSAY. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.

32 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Marshall (H. Rutgers)— INSTINCT AND REASON : An
Essay with some Special Study of the Nature of Religion. 8vo.
I2s. 6d. net.

Mason (Caroline A.) -LUX CHRISTI. An Outline Study of
India — A Twilight Land. Crown 8vo. 2s. net.

Mathews (S.).-THE SOCIAL TEACHING OF JESUS:
AN ESSAY IN CHRISTIAN SOCIOLOGY. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Maurice (Frederick Denison) —

THE KINGDOM OF CHRIST. 3rd Ed. 2 Vols. Cr. 8vo. 7s.

THE CONSCIENCE. Lectures on Casuistry. 3rd Ed. Cr. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

DIALOGUES ON FAMILY WORSHIP. Crown 8vo. 4s- 6d.

THE DOCTRINE OF SACRIFICE DEDUCED FROM THE
SCRIPTURES. 2nd Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

THE RELIGIONS OF THE WORLD. 6th Edition. Cr. 8vo. 4s. 6d.

ON THE SABBATH DAY; THE CHARACTER OF THE
WARRIOR; AND ON THE INTERPRETATION OF
HISTORY. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.

LEARNING AND WORKING. Crown 8vo. 4s. 6d.

THE LORD'S PRAYER, THE CREED, AND THE COM-
MANDMENTS. Pott Svo. is.

Collected Works. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d. each.

SERMONS PREACHED IN LINCOLN'S INN CHAPEL. In Six

Volumes. 3s. 6d. each.
CHRISTMAS DAY AND OTHER SERMONS.
THEOLOGICAL ESSAYS.
PROPHETS AND KINGS.
PATRIARCHS AND LAWGIVERS.
THE GOSPEL OF THE KINGDOM OF HEAVEN.
GOSPEL OF ST. JOHN.
EPISTLE OF ST. JOHN.
FRIENDSHIP OF BOOKS.
PRAYER BOOK AND LORD'S PRAYER.
THE DOCTRINE OF SACRIFICE.
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.

CHURCH TIMES.— " There is probably no writer of the present century to whom
the English Church owes a deeper debt of gratitude. . . . Probably he did more to
stop the stream of converts to Romanism which followed the secession of Newman than
any other individual, by teaching English Churchmen to think out the reasonableness
of their posiii'in. . .

SPEAKER.— "The^e sermons are marked in a conspicuous degree by high thinking
and plain statement." ... ,

7 IMES.—" A volume of sermons for which the memory of Maurice s unique personal
influence ought to secure a cordial reception." .

SCOTSMAN.— "They appear in a volume uniform with the recent collective
edition of 'Maurice's works, and will be welcome to the many readers to whom that
edition has brought home the teaching of the most popular among modern English
divines."

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 55

Medley (Rev. W.)— CHRIST THE TRUTH. Being the
Angus Lectures for the year 1900. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Milligan ( Rev. Prof. W.)— THE RESURRECTION OF'
LORD. Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. 5^

SPECTA /< 'A'. ' I bi argument is put with brevity and force by Or. Milligan, and
1 3 witness that he 1> 1 rature of the subject, and 1...

aspect uf the 'i"': 'ton. ■ .
I bey abound in sti iking \ iew . in fi
lifest a keen a] ing of the fact of the

Resurrection on many imp The notes are able and

scholarly, and elucidate the teaching of the text."

THE ASCENSION AND HEAVENLY PRIESTHOOD OF
OUR LORD. Baird Lectures, 1891. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.

Montefiore (Claude G.)— LIBERAL JUDAISM. An Essay.

Crown 8vo. 3s. net.
Moorhouse (Bishop) —

|.\i 1 >B : Three Sermons. Extra fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.

THE TEACHING OF CHRIST. Its Conditions, Secret, and

Results. Crown 8vo. 3s. net.
DANGERS OF Till-; APOSTOLIC AGE. Crown 8vo. 3s.net.
CHURCH WORK: ITS MEANS AND METHODS. Crown
8vo. 3s. net.

CHURCH TIMES. — " It may almost be said to mark an epoch, and to inaugurate a
new era in the history of Episcopal visitation."

TIMES. — "A series of diocesan addresses, full of practical counsel, by one of the
most active and sagacious of modern prelates."

GLOBE. — "Throughout the volume we note the presence of the wisdom that comes
from long and varied experience, from sympathy, and from the possession of a fair and
tolerant mind."

MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.—" Full of interest and instruction for all who take
an interest in social and moral, to say nothing of ecclesiastical, reforms, and deserves to
find careful students far beyond the limits of those to whom it was originally addressed."

Myers (F. W. H.)— SCIENCE AND A FUTURE LIFE.
Gl. 8vo. 4s. net.

Nash(H. S.).— GENESIS OF THE SOCIAL CONSCIENCE.
THE RELATION BETWEEN THE ESTABLISHMENT

OF CHRISTIANITY IN EUROPE AND THE SOCIAL
QUESTION. Crown 8vo. 6s.
SCOTSMAN. — " The book is eloquently, and at times brilliantly, written. . . . But
few readers could go through it without being inspired by its clever and animated hand-
ling of philosophical ideas."

MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.— " An interesting and suggestive little book."

Pattison (Mark).— SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Peabody (Prof. F. G.)— JESUS CHRIST AND THE SOCIAL

QUESTION. Crown Svo. 6s.
PEPLOGRAPIIIA DVBLINENSIS. Memorial Discourses Preached

in the Chapel of Trinity College, Dublin, 1895- 1902. With

Preface by the Very Rev. J. II. BERNARD, D.D., Dean of St.

Patrick's. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d. net.
PHILOCHRISTUS. Memoirs ofa Disciple of the Lord. 3rd Ed. 8vo. 12s.

34 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Pike (G. R.)— THE DIVINE DRAMA THE DIVINE
MANIFESTATION OF GOD IN THE UNIVERSE. Crown
8vo. 6s.

Plumptre (Dean). — MOVEMENTS IN RELIGIOUS

THOUGHT. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
PRO CHRISTO ET ECCLESIA. Second Impression. Crown Svo.

Gilt top. 4s. 6d. net.
BOOKMAN. — "It is not only its anonymity which suggests comparison with Ecce
Homo. The subject is the same in both books— the method and aim of Jesus— though
treated from quite different points of view ; and the level of thought is much the same ;
the easy originality that cuts a new section through the life of Christ and shows us strata
before unthought of; the classic severity of the style, the penetrating knowledge of human
nature, the catholicity of treatment, all remind us of Professor Seeley's captivating work."

Purchas (Rev. H. T.) — JOHANNINE PROBLEMS AND
MODERN NEEDS. Crown Svo. 3s. net.

Rendall (Rev. F.)— THE THEOLOGY OF THE HEBREW

CHRISTIANS. Crown 8vo. 5s.
Ridding (George, Bishop of Southwell).— THE REVEL AND
THE BATTLE. Crown 8vo. 6s.
TIMES. — " Singularly well worth reading."
MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.—"- Marked by dignity and force."

Robinson (Prebendary H. G.)— MAN IN THE IMAGE OF

GOD, and other Sermons. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Robinson (Dean J. A.)— UNITY IN CHRIST AND OTHER

SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Rutherford (Rev. Dr. W. G., Headmaster of Westminster). — THE

KEY OF KNOWLEDGE. Sermons preached to Westminster

Boys in the Abbey. Crown 8vo. 6s.
Seeley (Sir J. R.)— ECCE HOMO: A Survey of the Life and

Work of Jesus Christ. Globe 8vo. 5s.
NATURAL RELIGION. Globe Svo. 5s.
A THEN/EUM.—" If it be thefunction of a genius to interpret the age to itself, this
is a work of genius. It gives articulate expression to the higher strivings of the time.
It puts plainly the problem of these latter days, and so far contributes to its solution ; a
positive solution it scarcely claims to supply. No such important contribution to the
question of the time has been published in England since the appearance in 1866 of Ecce
Homo. . . . The author is a teacher whose words it is well to listen to ; his words are
wise but sad ; it has not been given him to fire them with faith, but only to light them
with reason. His readers may at least thank him for the intellectual illumination, if they
cannot owe him gratitude for any added favour. ... A book which we assume will be
read by most thinking Englishmen." _

MANCHESTER GUARDIAN.— "The: present issue is a compact, handy, well-
printed edition of a thoughtful and remarkable book."

Selborne (Roundell, Earl of).— LETTERS TO HIS SON ON
RELIGION. Globe 8vo. 3s. 6d.
THE CATHOLIC AND APOSTOLIC CHURCH. Globe Svo.
3s. 6d.
Service (Rev. John). — SERMONS. With Portrait. Crown 8vo. 6s.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 35

Stanley (Dean) —

THE NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. Sermons preached in
Westminster Abbey. 2nd Kdition. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d.

Stewart (Prof. Balfour) and Tait (Prof P. G.)— THE UNSEEN
UNIVERSE; OR, PHYSICAL SPECULATIONS l
FUTURE STATE. 15th Edition. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Stubbs (Dean) —

CHRISTUS IMl'ERATOR. A Series of Lecture-Sermons on the

Universal Empire of Christianity. Edited by Very Rev. C. W.

STUBBS, D.D., Dean of Illy. Crown 8vo. 6s.
The discourses included in this volume were delivered in 1893 m tne
Chapel -of- Ease to the Parish Church of Wavertree — at that time the
centre of much excellent social work done by Mr. Stubbs, who had not
yet been promoted to the Deanery of Ely. The following are the subjects
and the preachers : — The Supremacy of Christ in all Realms : by the Very
Rev. Charles Stubbs, D.D., Dean of Ely. — Christ in the Realm of I listory :
by the Very Rev. G. W. Kitchin, D. D., Dean of Durham. — Christ in the
Realm of Philosophy: by the Rev. R. E. Bartlett, M.A., Bampton
Lecturer in 1888. — Christ in the Realm of Law : by the Rev. J. B.
Heard, M.A. , Hulsean Lecturer in 1893. — Christ in the Realm of Art :
by the Rev. Canon Rawnsley, M.A., Vicar of Crosthwaite. — Christ in the
Realm of Ethics : by the Rev. J. Llewelyn Davies, D.D. , Vicar of Kirkby
Lonsdale, and Chaplain to the Queen. — Christ in the Realm of Politics :
by the Rev. and Hon. W. H. Freemantle. M.A., Canon of Canterbury. —
Christ in the Realm of Science: by the Rev. Brooke Lambert, B.C.L. ,
Vicar of Greenwich. — Christ in the Realm of Sociology : by the Rev. S. A.
Barnett, M.A, Warden of Toynbee Hall, and Canon of Bristol. — Christ
in the Realm of Poetry: by the Very Rev. Charles Stubbs, D. D. , Dean
of Ely.

SCOTSMAN. — " Their prelections will be found stimulating and instructive i
degree. The volume deserves recognition as a courageous attempt to give to Christianity
its rightful place and power in the lives of its professors."

Talbot (Bishop).— A CHARGE. DELIVERED TO THE
CLERGY OF THE DIOCESE OF ROCHESTER, October
24, 25, and 26, 1899. 8 O. Sewed. 2s. net.

Temple (Archbishop) —

SERMONS PREACHED IN THE CHAPEL OF RUGBY

SCHOOL. Extra Fcap. 8vo. 4s. 6d.
SECOND SERIES. 3rd Ed. 6s.
THIRD SERIES. 4th Edition. 6s.
THE RELATIONS BETWEEN RELIGION AND SCIENCE.

Bampton Lectures, 1884. New Impression, 1903. Cr. 8vo. 6s.
CHARGE DELIVERED AT HIS FIRST VISITATION. 8vo.

Sewed, is. net.
(1) The Doctrine of the Eucharist; (2) The Practice of Confession;
(3) Uniformity in Ceremonial ; (4) The Power of the Bishops.

FIVE OF THE LATEST UTTERANCES OP FREDERICK

TEMPLE, ARCHBISHOP UK CANTERBURY. Crown 8va

is. net.

36 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Thackeray (H. St. John).— THE RELATION OF ST. PAUL
TO CONTEMPORARY JEWISH THOUGHT. Crown Svo.
6s.

Trench (Archbishop). — HULSEAN LECTURES. Svo. 7s. 6d

Vaughan (Dean) —

MEMORIALS OF HARROW SUNDAYS. 5th Edition. Crown

8vo. 1 os. 6d.
HEROES OF FAITH. 2nd Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
LIFE'S WORK AND GOD'S DISCIPLINE. 3rd Edition.

Extra fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.
THE WHOLESOME WORDS OF JESUS CHRIST. 2nd

Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
FOES OF FAITH. 2nd Edition. Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.
COUNSELS FOR YOUNG STUDENTS. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d.
THE TWO GREAT TEMPTATIONS. 2nd Ed. Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.
ADDRESSES FOR YOUNG CLERGYMEN. Extra fcap. 8va

4s. 6d.
" MY SON, GIVE ME THINE HEART." Extra fcap. Svo. 5s.
TEMPLE SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.
AUTHORISED OR REVISED? Sermons on some of the Texts in

which the Revised Version differs from the Authorised. Crown

8vo. 7s. 6d.
LESSONS OF THE CROSS AND PASSION. WORDS FROM

THE CROSS. THE REIGN OF SIN. THE LORD'S

PRAYER. Four Courses of Lent Lectures. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d.

UNIVERSITY SERMONS. NEW AND OLD. Cr. 8vo. 10s. 6d.
NOTES FOR LECTURES ON CONFIRMATION. Fcap. Svo.

is. 6d.
THE PRAYERS OF JESUS CHRIST: a closing volume of Lent

Lectures delivered in the Temple Church. Globe 8vo. 3s. 6d.
DONCASTER SERMONS. Lessons of Life and Godliness, and

Words from the Gospels. Cr. Svo. 10s. 6d.

RESTFUL THOUGHTS IN RESTLESS TIMES. Cr. 8vo. 5s.

LAST WORDS IN THE TEMPLE CHURCH. Globe Svo. 5s.

SATURDAY RE VIE W.— "These discourses in thought, in style, have so much

that is permanent and fine about them that they will stand the ordeal of being read by

any serious man, even though he never heard Dr. Vaughan speak."

UNIVERSITY AND OTHER SERMONS. Crown Svo. 6s.
TIMES.—" As specimens of pure and rhythmical English prose, rising here and there
to flights of sober and chastened eloquence, yet withal breathing throughout an earnest
and devotional spirit, these sermons would be hard to match." _

SCOTSMAN.— "All are marked by the earnestness, scholarship, and strength of
thought which invariably characterised the pulpit utterances of the preacher."

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 37

Vaughan (Rev. U. J.)— THE PRESENT TRIAL OF FAITH.
Crown Svo. 5s.

QUESTIONS OF THE DAY, SOCIAL, NATIONAL, AND
RELIGIOUS. Crown 8 vo. 5s.

NATIONAL OBSERVER. "In discussing Questions of the Day Mr. D. J.
Vaughan speaks with candour, ability, and common sense."

SCOTSMAN. — " They form an altogether admirable collection of vigorous and
thoughtful pronouncements on a variety of social, national, and religious tO]

GLASGOW HERALD. — " A volume such as this is the best reply to those friends
of the people who are for ever complaining that the clergy waste their time preaching
antiquated dogma and personal salvation, and neglect the weightier matters of the law."

MAXCHESTER GUARD/ AX. — " He speaks boldly as well as thoughtfully, and
what he has to say is always worthy of attention."

EXPOSITORY TIMES. — " Most of them are social, and these are the most interest-
ing. And one feature of peculiar interest is that in those sermons which were preached
twenty years ago Canon Vaughan saw the questions of to-day, and suggested the remedies
we are beginning to apply."

Vaughan (Canon E. T.)— SOME REASONS OF OUR CHRIS-
TIAN HOPE. Hulsean Lectures for 1S75. Crown 8vo. 6s. 6d.

Venn (Dr. John).— ON SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF
BELIEF, SCIENTIFIC AND RELIGIOUS. Svo. 6s. 6d.

Welldon (Bishop).— THE SI>I RITUAL LIFE, and other
Sermons. Crown 8vo. 6s.

SCOTTISH LEADER. — " In a strain of quiet, persuasive eloquence, Bishop Welldon
treats impressively of various aspects of the higher life. His discourses cannot fail both
to enrich the heart and stimulate the mind of the earnest reader."

GLASGOW HERALD. — " They are cultured, reverent, and thoughtful produc-
tions."

THE REVELATION OF THE HOLY SPIRIT. Crown Svo.

6s.
"I LIVE": BEING HINTS ON THE CHRISTIAN LIFE.

Crown Svo. is. 6d. net.
THE CONSECRATION OF THE STATE. An Essay. Crown

Svo. 2s. net.

Westcott (Bishop) —

ON THE RELIGIOUS OFFICE OF THE UNIVERSITIES.

Sermons. Crown Svo. 4s. 6d.
GIFTS FOR MINISTRY. Addresses to Candidates for Ordination.

Crown 8vo. is. 6d.
THE VICTORY OF THE CROSS. Sermons preached during Holy

Week, 1888, in Hereford Cathedral. Crown 8vo. 3s. 6d.
FROM STRENGTH TO STRENGTH. Three Sermons (In

Memoriam J, B. D.) Crown Svo. 2s.
THE REVELATION OF THE RISEN LORD. Cr. Svo. 6s.
THE HISTORIC FAITH. 3rd Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE GOSPEL OF THE RESURRECTION. 6th Ed. Cr. Svo. 6s.
THE REVELATION OF THE FATHER. Crown Svo. 6s.
CHRISTUS CONSUMMATOR. 2nd Edition. Crown Svo. 6s.

38 MACMILLAN AND CO.'S

Westcott (Bishop) — continued.

SOME THOUGHTS FROM THE ORDINAL. Cr. 8vo. is. 6d.
SOCIAL ASPECTS OF CHRISTIANITY. Crown 8vo. 6s.
ESSAYS IN THE HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN

THE WEST. Globe 8vo. 4s. net.
THE GOSPEL OF LIFE. Crown Svo. 6s.
THE INCARNATION AND COMMON LIFE. Crown 8vo. 9s.

TIMES. — "A collection of sermons which possess, among other merits, the rare one
of actuality, reflecting, as they frequently do, the Bishop's well-known and eager interest
in social problems of the day."

CHRISTIAN ASPECTS OF LIFE. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.

CHURCH TIMES. — "We heartily commend this volume to the notice of our
readers. . . . The Church of England is not likely to lose touch with the people of this
country so long as she is guided by Bishops who show such a truly large-hearted
sympathy with everything human as is here manifested by the present occupier of the
see of Durham."

LITER A TURE. — "A sermon of the national day of rest, and some attractive per-
sonal reminiscences of school days under James Prince Lee, are among the choicest parts
of the volume, if we are to single out any portions from a work of dignified and valuable
utterance."

DAILY NEWS. — "Through every page . . . runs the same enlightened sympathy
with the living world. One forgets the Bishop in the Man, the Ecclesiastic in the Citizen,
the Churchman in the Christian."

THE OBLIGATIONS OF EMPIRE. Cr. Svo. Sewed. 3d. net.

LESSONS FROM WORK. Charges and Addresses. Second

Impression. Crown Svo. 6s.
ADDRESS DELIVERED TO MINERS, July 1901. Crown Svo.

Sewed. 6d.
WORDS OF FAITH AND HOPE. Crown Svo. 4s. 6d.

White (A. D.)— A HISTORY OF THE WARFARE OF
SCIENCE WITH THEOLOGY IN CHRISTENDOM. In
Two Vols. Svo. 2 is. net.

TIMES. — " Is certainly one of the most comprehensive, and, in our judgment, one of
the most valuable historical works that have appeared for many years. . . . He has
chosen a large subject, but it is at least one which has clear and definite limits, and he
has treated it very fully and comprehensively in two moderate volumes. , . . His book
appears to us to be based on much original research, on an enormous amount of careful,
accurate, and varied reading, and his habit of appending to each section a list of the
chief books, both ancient and modern, relating to it will be very useful to serious students.
He has decided opinions, but he always writes temperately, and with transparent truth-
fulness of intention."

DAILY CHRONICLE.— "The story of the struggle of searchers after truth with
the organised forces of ignorance, bigotry, and superstition is the most inspiring chapter
in the whole history of mankind. That story has never been better told than by the
ex-President of Cornell University in these two volumes."

Wickham (Very Rev. Dean).— WELLINGTON COLLEGE
SERMONS. Crown 8vo. 6s.

Wilkins (Prof. A. S.)— THE LIGHT OF THE WORLD : an

Essay. 2nd Edition. Crown Svo. 3s. 6d.

Wilson (Archdeacon) —

SERMONS PREACHED IN CLIFTON COLLEGE CHAPEL.
Second Series. 1S88-90. Crown Svo. 6s.

THEOLOGICAL CATALOGUE 39

Wilson (A rchdeacon) — continued.

ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.
bSSHS'aS^!* hear,i'y We'COmC a "CW edi,ion of Archdeacon Wilson',
ydSSS^E^LdAjSkt^ "'The-* Tr editi0" °f f* A-hdeacon of

so?FEocuTSiUTS s™. T£E RELIGIOUS TH0UGHT

THLLectGuSf^89°8F Sni^^d^ *** *< ^sea,
»Ta(t^

deSfSKsslo^^27^-"^ ™ * ^°d « * -on, thought and
SPECTA TOH.—" A notable pronouncemem.

TWO SERMONS ON THE MUTUAL INFLUENCES OF
THEOLOGY AND THE NATURAL SCONCES 1 8vo

Sewed. 6d. net.

LECTURES ON PASTORAL THEOLOGY. Crown Svo.

[In tht Press.
Wood (C. J.)-SURVIVALS IN CHRISTIANITY Cr Svo 6s

■'■■^^

reading to bear upon every branch of his subiect anH I; ! ' ■ bnnSs wlde
interesting throughout." subject, and his book is impressive and

c.5.3.03.

Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY

Los Angeles
This book is DUE on the last date stamped below.

UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRAR'

AA 000 786 937

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Outlines of church history"

See other formats