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THE LIBRARIES

GIVEN BY

Mr. & Mrs. L. S. Fox

OUTLINES OF
EUROPEAN HISTORY

PART II

FROM THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
TO THE WAR OF 1914

JAMES HARVEY ROBINSON

AND

CHARLES A. BEARD

REVISED EDITION
WITH SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER OJS
THE GREAT WAR, 1914-1918 ^

GINN AND COMPANY

BOSTON • NEW YORK • CHICAGO • LONDON
ATLANTA • DALLAS • COLUMBUS • SAN FRANCISCO

ENTERED AT STATIONERS' HALL
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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(,1N.\ ,.\NIJ C(;MPAXY • PRO-
PRIHTOKS • BOSTON • U.S.A.

PREFACE

This volume is the second part of a two-year course covering
the history of European civilization from the earliest times of
which we have any knowledge to the outbreak of the war of
19 1 4. It is based on the authors' larger work, The Develop-
ment of Modern Europe \ the narrative has, however, been
much simplified as well as shortened by the sedulous omission
of all details that could be spared. The illustrations are so
numerous and so fully explained as to form a sort of parallel
pictorial narrative which amplifies and reenforces the text and
adds a sense of reality extremely difficult to give in a highly
condensed review.

This second part of the Outlines is devoted mainly to the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, for it is the avowed pur-
pose of the writers not to deal with history for its own sake,
but ever and always with a view of making plain the world of
to-day, which can be understood only in the light of the past.
In order to enable us to catch up with our own times it is
essential that the vast changes of the last two centuries be
studied with special care. In short. Part I is the essential in-
troduction to Part II, and Part II is arranged to bear directly
on the conditions and problems which w^e confront to-day and
upon which all intelligent persons should feel called to form
some opinion.

The introductory chapter will serve to recall and place in
proper historical perspective the essentials of the period of
transition from the Middle Ages to modern times — the Renais-
sance and the Protestant revolt, the chief political events of
the sixteenth century, and the conflicts which were brought to
a close by the Peace of Westphalia.

iv Ontlincs of European History

The authors wish to express their great indebtedness to their
friend and colleague Professor James T. Shotwell for his most
cordial cooperation in the preparation of this revised edition of
their volume. He has furnished the introductory review, and
the revision and readjustment of the text owes much to his
scholarship and critical insight. The authors are also under
obligations to Miss Isabel McKenzie, of the History Depart-
ment of Barnard College, for suggestions and assistance in the
matter of illustration and for the preparation of the questions
at the close of each chapter and the Index.

Advantage has been taken of a new impression of this
volume to make a number of changes in the sections dealing
with modern Germany. It is no longer possible to view that
country and its government in the same light in which it
appeared before the Great War. The present world conflict,
with all its incalculable loss and suffering, is largely attributable
to the plots of the German war party and to the nature of
German militarism, against which a great part of the peoples

of the world are now arrayed in mortal combat.

J. H. R.
New York City C. A. B.

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction i

CHAPTER

I. The Struggle in England between King and Parlia-
ment

1. James I and the Divine Right of Kings 32

2. How Charles I got along without Parliament 35

3. How Charles I lost his Head 40

4. Oliver Cromwell : England a Commonwealth 43

5. The Restoration 49

6. The Revolution of 1688 51

7. Nature of the English Constitution 55

n. France under Louis XIV

8. Position and Character of Louis XIV 58

9. How Louis encouraged Art and Literature 62

10. Louis XIV attacks his Neighbors 65

11. Louis XIV and his Protestant Subjects , 68

12. War of the Spanish Succession 69

III. The Rise of Russia and Prussia; Austria

13. Peter the Great plans to make Russia a European Power 73

14. Rise of Prussia 79

15. The Wars of Frederick the Great 84

16. Three Partitions of Poland, 1772, 1793, ^"^ ^795 • • • 89

17. The Austrian Realms: Maria Theresa and Joseph II . 96

IV. The Struggle between France and England in India

AND North America

18. How Europe began to extend its Commerce over the

Whole World loi

19. The Contest between France and England for Colonial

Empire 105

20. Revolt of the American Colonies from England . . . . 112

vi Outlines of Einvpean History

CHAPTER PAGE

V. The Old Regime in Europe

21. Life in the Country — Serfdom 120

22. The Towns and the Guilds 123

23. The Nobihty and the Monarchy 129

24. The CathoHc Church 134

25. The Enghsh EstabHshed Church and the Protestant

Sects 137

VI. The Spirit of Reform

26. The Development of Modern Science 143

27. How the Scientific Discoveries produced a Spirit of

Reform 148

28. Reforms of Frederick II, Catherine II, and Joseph II . 161

29. The English Limited Monarchy in the Eighteenth

Century and George III 168

VII. The Eve of the French Revolution

30. The Old Regime in France 173

31. How Louis XVI tried to play the Benevolent Despot . 186

VIII. The French Revolution

32. How the Estates were summoned in 1789 194

33. First Reforms of the National Assembly, July-October,

17S9 201

34. The National Assembly in Paris, October, 1789, to

September, 1791 209

IX. The First French Republic

35. The Limited Monarchy, 1791-1792 217

36. The Founding of the First French Republic .... 227

37. The Revolutionary War 231

38. The Reign of Terror 235

X. Napoleon Bonaparte

39. Bonaparte's First Italian Campaign 250

40. How Bonaparte made himself Master of France . . . 260

41. The Second Coalition against France 265

XI. Europe and Napoleon

42. Bonaparte restores Order and Prosperity in France . . 275

43. Napoleon destroys the Holy Roman Empire and re-

organizes Germany 281

Contents vii

HAPTER PAGE

44. The Continental Blockade 289

45. Napoleon at the Zenith of his Power (1808-1812) . . 293

46. The Fall of Napoleon 301

XII. The Reconstruction of Europe at the Congress
OF Vienna

47. The Congress of Vienna and its Work 314

48. The Holy Alliance : Metternich becomes the Chief

Opponent of Revolution 325

49. Thought and Culture at the Opening of the Nine-

teenth Century 327

XIII. Europe after the Congress of Vienna

50. The Restoration in France and the Revolution of 1830 335

51. Establishment of the Kingdom of Belgium .... 341

52. Formation of the German Confederation 343

53. Restoration in Spain and Italy 348

54. The Spanish-American Colonies and the Revolution

of 1820 350

XIV. The Industrial Revolution

55. Invention of Machinery for Spinning and Weaving 357

56. The Steam Engine 361

57. Capitalism and the Factory System 364

58. The Rise of Socialism . 372

XV. Revolution of 1848 in France

59. Unpopularity of Louis Philippe's Government , , . 377

60. The Second French Republic 381

61. Louis Napoleon and the Second French Empire . . 388

XVI. Revolution of 1848 — Austria, Germany, Italy

62. The Fall of Metternich 392

63. Failure of the Revolution in Bohemia and Hungary 400

64. Austria regains her Power in Italy 403

65. Outcome of the Revolution of 1848 in Germany . . 406

XVII. The Unification of Italy

66. Cavour and Italian Unity 410

6-]. The Kingdom of Italy since 1861 417

viii Outlines of European History

CHAPTER PAGE

XVIII. Formation of the German Empire and the Austro-
HuNGARiAN Union

68. Prussia assumes the Leadership in Germany ... 426

69. The War of 1866 and the Formation of the North

German Federation 431

70. The Franco-Prussian War and the Foundation of the

German Empire 434

71. Austria-Hungary since 1866 439

XIX. The German Empire

72. The German Constitution 444

73. Bismarck and State Sociahsm 450

74. Germany's PoHcy«of Protection and Colonization;

Foreign Affairs 453

75. Reign of W^ilHam II 457

XX. France under the Third Republic

76. Estabhshment of the Third French RepubHc . . . 462

77. The Third French RepubHc since 1875; ^^ Dreyfus

Affair 472

78. The Separation of Church and State 477

79. PoHtical Parties in France 483

80. Expansion of France . . . . : 485

XXI. Political and Social Reforms in England

81. ParHamentary Reform 491

82. The English Cabinet 503

83. Freedom of Speech and Opinion, and Reform of the

Criminal Law 507

84. Social Reforms 512

85. Free Trade 516

86. The Irish Question 518

XXII. The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century

87. The Extension of British Dominion in India . . . 527

88. The Dominion of Canada 534

89. The Australasian Colonies 538

90. Growth of the British Empire in Africa 542

XXIII. The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century

91. The Reigns of Alexander I {1801-1825) and Nicholas I

(1825-1855) 551

92. The Freeing of the Serfs and the Growth of the

Spirit of Revolution 556

Contents ix

CHAPTER PAGE

93. The Industrial Revolution in Russia 562

94. The Struggle for Liberty under Nicholas II . . . 565

XXIV. Turkey and the Eastern Question

95. The Greek War of Independence 574

96. The Crimean War (1854-1856) 577

97. Revolts in the Balkan Peninsula 580

98. The Independent Balkan States 583

99. Extinction of Turkey in Europe 586

XXV. The Expansion of Europe and the Spread of
Western Civilization
100. The Growth of International Trade and Compe-
tition : Imperialism . . *. 592

loi. Relations of Europe with China 601

102. Japan becomes a World Power; Intervention in

China : 603

103. War between Japan and China and its Results . . 609

104. Changes in China; the Boxer Rising 612

105. The Russo-Japanese War ; the Revolution in China 615

106. Occupation of Africa by the European Powers . . 620

107. Decline of the Spanish World Empire ; Portugal . 629

XXVI. The Twentieth Century in Europe, prior to the
Great War

108. Review of the Previous Chapters 634

109. The Social Revolution in England, 1906-1914 . . 636
no. Recent History in Germany 648

111. France in the Twentieth Century 654

112. Progress and Effects of Natural Science .... 658

XXVII. Origin of the War of 1914

113. The Armies and Navies of Europe 677

114. Movements for Peace: the Hague Conferences;

Pacifism; Socialism 681

115. Matters of Dispute : National Rivalries 683

116. The Near-Eastern Question 687

117. The Outbreak of the War 692

APPENDIXES

I. List of Rulers 695

II. Bibliography 701

INDEX 715

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER i

LIST OF COLORED MAPS

PAGE

Europe about the Middle of the Sixteenth Century lo

Europe when Louis XIV began his Personal Government ... 66

Europe after the Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt 70

Northeastern Europe in Time of Peter the Great 74

England, France, and Spain in America, 1750 102

India about 1763 106

France during the Revolution 210

Europe at the time of Napoleon's Greatest Power, about 1810 . . 294

Europe after 181 5 318

Italy, 1814-1859 414

Austria-Hungary 442

The German Empire since 187 1 450

The British Empire 538

Western Portion of the Russian Empire 562

Southeastern Europe, 1907; Southeastern Europe, 1914 .... 586

The European Advance (to 1914) in Asia 610

The Partition of Africa 622

Europe in 1914 686

OUTLINES OF
EUROPEAN HISTORY

INTRODUCTION

In a companion volume ^ the history of European civilization The theme of
has been traced from the dim, prehistoric ages, when men lived L modern^
in caves and used stone weapons and tools, through the civiliza- *™^^
tions of Egypt, Babylon, Greece, and Rome and of the Middle
Ages, to the new era which we call modern times. This modern
era is the theme of the present volume.

Just what is meant by " modem times," however, is rather What is
difficult to define. The term is an old one; Cicero, the Roman modern dmes
statesman, talked in antiquity of '' these modern times of ours,"
and so did the Greeks before him ; and so, no doubt, did every
people in every age that had any idea of time at all. But
although "we often use the term in this somewhat vague sense
to mean the period in which our own lives are passed, historians
have come to apply it to a somewhat definite era, namely, that
stretch of three or four centuries, from the sixteenth or seven-
teenth to the twentieth, during which time the ways of thinking
and living have been, upon the whole, more like what they are
now than what they had been during the preceding centuries. In
politics, literature, philosophy, in business methods, in ideas
of progress and of national organization, the men of these
centuries have had, more or less, a modern outlook.

But what is meant by the modem oudook ? This is a puzzling
question, for there are so many fields of thought and action
covered by it. Life is so varied in the modern world. Still this

1 Robinson and Breasted, Outlines of F.uropean History^ Part I.

2 Outlines of European History

The variety Same variety furnishes us with a due to part of the answer ; for
the modem* ^^e modern world differs from the medieval in just this regard :
outlook ^^ outlook is wider, more people are interested in more different

things. During the Middle Ages, when farming was the main
useful industry, the mass of the population was ignorant of all
but village gossip. Even the cities were jealous of each other
and each was absorbed in its own separate interests. Although
traveling merchants, wandering knights, and educated church-
men widened the horizon somewhat with their information
of the great world outside, still the routine of daily life
kept on with little change and relatively little variety. In con-
trast with this, the world we live in is constantly changing, and
even those who lack the wealth or leisure to travel or study
are constantly affected by new discoveries and enterprises, and
so acquire an interest in things far beyond their own lives.
The villein on a medieval feudal estate was aware of little out-
side his manor. The modern farmer lives in touch with the
whole world. Modern times, therefore, have brought a great
extension of the scope of people's interest and a great variety
in their ideas and in their work. This, in turn, is based upon a
continual progress which is more and more rapidly changing
the conditions of living.
When did There is naturally no one date when modern times in this

modem times ggj^gg beg^an. Indeed, the transition from medieval to modern

begm f " '

conditions came at different times in different fields. In some
it was gradual, in others rapid. For instance, the introduction
of Roman law, which was almost a necessity for modern
business and politics, took place back in the heart of the
Middle Ages, in the twelfth and thirteen centuries. In the
thirteenth century too came the first parliaments and the organ-
ization of that most definitely modern political institution, the
national state. But it was not until the seventeenth and eight-
eenth centuries — in some cases later — that these states got
rid of their distinctly medieval parliaments or " estates " dom-
inated by kings or nobles, while the representatives of the

Intro dtLction 3

middle classes hardly dared do more than present petitions. Significant
The English middle class, after a centur^^ of struggle, finally sincTthT^"'^^
achieved control of the government by a revolution in 1688, seventeenth
the French by a revolution in 1789. In the history of politics
this advent of the middle classes to power marks a new epoch,
that of the self-government of nations, and the first chapter of
this book begins with the story of how it was accomplished in
England — the first nation to establish representative govern-
ment effectively. It is interesting to note, also, that the rise of
modern science comes at the same time as this advent of the
middle class, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

But if one may choose the seventeenth century as a starting The sixteenth
point for both modern political history and the history of science, a^traSionai
in other fields, such as culture, religion, and business, the new P^"^^
era began rather in the sixteenth century. Indeed, so important
a change took place then in the general outlook of Europe that
many historians prefer to date modern times from that period.
It was the time of what is called the Renaissance, or '' new
birth " in art and literature ; of the Protestant Reformation, or
revolt from the Medieval Church in religion ; and of geographical
discovery and the beginnings of over-sea trade in the realm of
business. Although the story of this period of transition has
been told in the earlier volume, it forms a natural introduction
to the narrative which follows, and we shall therefore hurriedly
review the main facts.

The Renaissance in Art and Literature

sance in art

In the first place there was the Renaissance, which had its The Renais-
main home in Italy. This was a twofold movement — in art
and in literature. In the history of art there is no more splendid
age than the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in which such
masters lived and worked as Leonardo da Vinci, scientist as
well as painter; Michael Angelo, painter, sculptor, architect,
and poet ; and Raphael, the perfect painter, revealing new ideals

Outlines of Europe an History

Slight influ-
ence of art
upon most
people

Humanism

of loveliness. These and the other Italian artists of the period
created a new era in the history of sculpture and painting,
for, not content with the stilted or grotesque decorative figures
which ornamented medieval cathedrals,^ they reproduced the
forms of natural beauty in a real world.

The heritage which these masters left was of the greatest
value, but it made, and still makes, only a limited appeal. Rela-
tively few people can see the originals, and of these fewer still
learn to appreciate them. Historians have sometimes so over-
estimated the influence of these artists in such a busy world
as this as to have seen in their creations the real beginning
of the modern era. As a matter of fact the art of the Italian
Renaissance was only one part — though a glorious one — of
the general change.

The literary and scholarly phase of this movement is called
humanism, from the Latin word hiimafiitas^ which means " lit-
erary culture." This movement was of more general significance.
What we read often determines what we think. During the Mid-
dle Ages those who were able to read were mainly churchmen or
lawyers, and neither cared much for pure literature. There had
been some literary people, but their influence was relatively
slight. It was, therefore, an important event when, early in the
fifteenth century, humanists began to recover the works of the
old pagan writers and to admire them to such an extent that they
became critical of the traditional and, as they thought, narrow
views of the medieval theologians. Moreover, they applied this
criticism to spurious texts long accepted as genuine, and so helped
to reconstruct the current ideas of history. To be sure, these
humanists, being scholars rather than men of genius, did not add
many new ideas of their own. But in the texts they edited and in
the new critical attitude they contributed, they prepared the way
for further change in the outlook of the cultured world.

The influence of the work of these scholars, like that of
the artists, has probably been overestimated by historians.

1 See Outlines, Part I, pp. 514-515

Introduction 5

who, being scholars themselves, have been somewhat unduly inventi®n

interested in these forerunners of theirs. But their books were ° P"nting

more widely read than any others had ever been, because there

was placed at their disposal one of the greatest inventions in

the history of civilization, that of printing by movable type.

The earliest book of any considerable size to be printed was a

Bible, published at Mayence in Germany in 1456,^ but by the

opening of the next century there were at least forty presses

busily at work, which had already, so it is estimated, printed

about eight millions of volumes.

Although most of these books were still in Latin, the universal Rise of the
language of the cultured world, the literatures which ultimately JitSatm-es
profited most by the printing press were those in the languages
of the modem nations, which now attained the dignity of being
preserved in the same way as theology or the classics.^

Geographical Discovery and the Effect upon Europe

A greater factor in widening ideas and stimulating enterprise Exploration
than art or scholarship was the geographical exploration and f " ^f world"
discovery, which reached its climax during this period. The ^""^^^
discovery of America by Columbus in 1492 was but a single
incident in the great story of adventure. In 1498 Vasco da
Gama, the Portuguese navigator, reached India — the land
Columbus supposed he had reached — by sailing around Africa.
There he gathered in rich cargoes of spices and brought them
to Lisbon ; so that after his third voyage, in 1502, the merchants Effect upon
of Venice, who had relied upon the overland caravan trade ranean cities
from India across western Asia to fill their ships at Alexandria
in Egypt or Beirut in Syria, found their supply cut off, while
the wharves of Lisbon were so full that the price went down.

1 On the invention of printing see Outlines^ Part I, pp. 556 ff.

2 The use of the mother tongues in writing books was hindered rather than
helped by the humanists. Their ideal was to reproduce the style of Cicero in
purest Latin. The vernacular literatures are a normal result of the growth of
national life, and began in the heart of the Middle Ages. The general stimula-
tion of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, through the growth of wealth,
did as much as anything else to further the production of vernacular literature,

6 Outlines of Europe a7i History

As Venice and Genoa and other Mediterranean ports had relied
largely upon this oriental trade, they were henceforth ruined.
The Mediterranean ceased to be the center of the world, for
with the opening of ocean commerce those countries which
were situated nearest to the Atlantic began to gather in the
wealth of the new world-trade.

Venice At the opening of the sixteenth century Venice had been to

the Mediterranean countries what England has been to modern
Europe.^ The Venetian republic ruled over about as large a
population as that of England at that time. Its fleet was su-
preme on the sea ; its bankers handled most of the precious
metals of Europe that went to pay for the goods of the Orient.
It had a system of merchant ambassadors or agents, much like
our consular service, reporting from cities of importance in
Europe the habits and customs of the people, the likelihood of
markets, and the political conditions which might interest their
great trading republic. The taking of Constantinople by the
Turks in 1453 did not injure its prosperity; on the contrary,
Constantinople, which had generally favored Genoa, was a rival
which had now suffered an eclipse. In any case the proudest
days of Venice were during the last half of the fifteenth century
— just before its fall. Its great enemy was not the Turk, but

Advantages the sailors who opened the sea routes. For there is no way of

reig carrying goods so cheaply as to put them in the hold of a ship

and let it sail away until it reaches home. Ocean freight has

1 There is no more impressive object lesson in the influence of economic
factors upon history than in the fate of Venice. It retains most of its medie-
val splendor untouched by modern changes, as the frontispiece shows. The
cathedral, modeled after one in Constantinople, was planned before the First
Crusade, and is adorned with richly colored columns and brilliant mosaics. Sel-
dom has architecture produced such a poem in color. The doge's palace, with
its beautiful Gothic fagade, stands along the main water front. In front of both,
the tall campanile, recently restored, watches, as of old, over the Adriatic. (Its
base is shown to the right of the picture.) But no ships with cargoes from the
Orient anchor now off the wharf by the doge's palace, and the other palaces
along the canals are no longer inhabited by rich merchants who trade at Syrian
bazaars. The city is a sort of museum of its own history. In contrast with it,
northern seaports like Antwerp, Hamburg, London, and Liverpool have now
the world's trade, and the reason for the change is the cheapness of sea freight.

Introduction i

no caravans to hire and feed, no horsemen for protection from
savage tribes, no bazaars along the route at which the haggling
merchants raise the price. To these advantages over land
trade, upon which the medieval countries had so largely to rely,
the sea route added another still more important. The hold of
a ship might carry more goods than many caravans. Therefore
the age of exploration did more than discover the new world
and the Far East ; it also changed the geography of Europe.^

Portugal and Spain were the first to grow rich from the Portugal ,
over-sea trade — the one from oriental spices and the slave
traffic, the other from the gold and silver of America. Both
countries were badly governed, however, especially when united
under the Spanish king, Philip 11,^ in 1580, for the next sixty
years. Then the Dutch and the English, who had formerly
been good customers of the Portuguese, entered on a bitter
war with Philip, attacked the Portuguese, and established them-
selves in the Far East instead. Portugal kept Brazil, but lost
all but a few trading posts in the Orient.

As for Spain, it had followed up the expeditions of Columbus Spain's rise
with the conquest of Mexico by Cortez in 15 19 and that of Peru
by Pizarro a few years later. The gold and silver which these
countries furnished filled many a Spanish treasure ship, and
although the English seamen lay in wait for them and captured
some, the ports of Spain saw priceless cargoes unloaded on their
wharves. But Spain was unable to make good use of these
vast treasures, for in the effort to preserve its religion true
to the Catholic faith, it had destroyed the most thrifty portions
of its population. The Jews, who were bankers and traders,
and the Moors, who were industrious and clever workers, were
expelled, while the heretics who suffered in the Inquisition were
often the most independent members of the middle class. So
Spain did not apply its imported wealth to set industry and
commerce going ; and it was not long before the money slipped
out of its grasp to the more thrifty nations north of it. It also

1 See map in Outlines^ Part I, p. 527. 2 See below, p. 29.

8 Outlines of Etiropean History

suffered defeat in war ; Holland gained its independence, and
England overcame the great Armada which Spain sent against
it in 1587. But the decline of Spain, which immediately set
in, was due less to these disasters than to the failure to organ-
ize business in the modern way, such as Holland, England,
France, and, later, Germany learned to do.

The advantages of Holland and England for ocean com-
merce are clear from a study of the map of Europe. They
have good harbors, placed just where the merchandise can best
be distributed through the country. It was almost inevitable,
therefore, that they should become great sea powers and ulti-
mately rivals. Neither of them had been very important in
the commerce of the Middle Ages. Then the trade of the
North Sea, and indeed most of the maritime trade of northern
Europe, had been in the hands of a league of German cities
known as the Hansa.-^ This league, which at one time or
another included some seventy cities, purchased and controlled
setdements in London — the so-called Steelyard near London
Bridge — and others on the Baltic and even in Russia.

The medieval trade of the Netherlands was largely in the
hands of the Hansa, which, until the fifteenth century,^ ex-
ported English wool to the cities of Belgium (then called
Flanders), where the industrious citizens of Bruges, Ghent,
Ypres, and other towns spun and wove the best cloth of the
day. The people of the northern Netherlands — now Holland
— were more given to fishing than weaving, though they were
also good farmers; to the fishing they added a coasting trade
and, when the sixteenth century came, had developed consider-
able commerce. Then events happened by which this little sea-
going people became a free and independent nation. In order
to understand this we must now sketch the political history
of western Europe in general through this period.

1 See Outlines^ Part I, p. 508.

2 In the fifteenth century England began to manufacture cloth itself, and laid
the basis of its great textile industries, in which it still leads the world.

Introduction 9

England and France in the Middle Ages

Throughout the Middle Ages the national states of England Formation
and France were taking shape, mainly through the efforts of °ionaf state:
their kings to establish their control over the whole country and England
to put down the opposition of feudal nobles. In this the English
kings had the easier task, since the country was thoroughly con-
quered by the Norman William I (1066), who knew how to keep *
his Norman nobles in check. Under weak or bad kings these
nobles showed their power, however, as when in 1 2 1 5 they forced
King John to sign the Great Charter, or Magna Carta, which
guaranteed the liberties of Englishmen, secured the assurance
that they should not be tried or imprisoned without the lawful
judgment of their equals, and forbade the king to levy new forms
of taxes without the consent of a great council of the realm.

Such checks upon royalty were in the interest of the whole Parliament
nation, as was also the calling of the first English parliament
in 1265 by the barons, led by Simon de Montfort, when in
rebellion against the king. Thirty years later, however, King
Edward I summoned a '' Model Parliament," to which repre-
sentatives of the common people were invited as well as the
great nobles, and in the course of the next century, while
Edward III was fighting the Hundred Years' War for the
throne of France, need of money made Parliament indispen-
sable to the monarch, who passed no new law without adding
" by and with the consent of the lords spiritual [the bishops]
and temporal and of the commons."

After the Hundred Years' War, which lasted, with various strength of
interruptions, from about 1340 to 1450, a series of civil wars kings"
arose between rival claimants for the throne — the Wars of
the Roses, named from the emblem of the white rose for
the adherents of the duke of York, the red rose for the
adherents of the House of Lancaster. These were mainly wars
between noble factions, in which the common people were but
little involved. The most important result was that many of the

lO Outlines of European History

old nobles were killed off ; so that when the wars were endec
by a Lancastrian claimant — Henry Tudor, founder of the
Tudor line — defeating the Yorkist king, Richard III, and
marrying a Yorkist princess, this new king, Henry VH,
(1485-15 09), found himself powerful enough to rule much as
he wanted to. He proved to be a good king, and, as England
in his day was rapidly developing manufactures and commerce,
he was able to amass a large treasure. This was speedily
spent, however, by his extravagant and willful son and successor,
Henry VHI, of whom we shall learn more shortly.
Formation of The history of France prior to the sixteenth century was
stote : somewhat similar. The kings of the Capetian line ^ had harder

France work than the English kings in establishing their authority over

the feudal nobles, but during the thirteenth century they had
succeeded in doing this. In the middle of that century they de-
veloped a central law court, the Parlenie7it of Paris,, which was
housed in the royal palace and which helped administer the
business of the realm. At the opening of the next century
(1302), seven years after the English " Model Parliament," an
assembly similar to it was called together in France, known as
the Estates General, which means that the three " estates " or
classes — clergy, -nobles, and commons — were represented from
the whole realm. At the opening of the fourteenth century,
therefore, France was being organized, like England, for repre-
sentative and constitutional government. Then came the Hun-
dred Years' War, caused by the English king, Edward HI, and
his successors claiming the throne of France. This devastating
war was an immeasurable calamity for France. The Estates
General attempted once to assert some independence during the
height of the war, in the middle of the fourteenth century, but
its great leader, ^^tienne Marcel, a citizen of Paris, was mur-
dered and the hope of a parliamentary system of government
for France died with him. For in wartime the institutions of
popular government suffer.

1 Descendants of Hugh Capet, who was chosen king in 987.

CO
zzf.

T*^'1

Ji ^ s

Introduction 1 1

After the danger from the English was over, civil war con- strength of
tinuec. and bandit soldiery plundered the whole land. A meeting monarchy
of the Estates therefore voted the king a royal faille, or land
tax, to police the realm, and his lawyers took advantage of
the occasion to claim that it had been allowed the king for all
time to come. The result was that he did not need, like the
king of England, to call a parliament (or Estates General) every
little while to raise money. The king of France therefore had
much less check upon his actions ; and as there had never been
a French Mag?ia Carta, the right of the king to imprison
without trial remained in force up to the French Revolution of
1789. The one constitutional check upon the absolutism of the
French king was the court of law, the Farlement of Paris,
which still claimed that only those edicts of the king which it
had registered were law. But it could not refuse to register
any edict which the king in person ordered it to register. Since
most of these arrangements lasted until the Revolution, they
are described in detail in Chapter VII, below.

The Medieval Empire

The history of Germany and of Italy during the Middle Germany and
Ages was quite different from that of England or France. The Middle Ages
Holy Roman Empire, begun by the coronation of Charlemagne
in 800 and renewed by the German king Otto I in 967, made
vast claims to sovereignty over all Europe, as the successor to
the world dominion of the Caesars ; but in reality the emperors
were seldom able to secure obedience within the boundaries of
their own realm, which included practically all central Europe,
down to Rome. The great barrier of the Alps made it impos-
sible to unite the realms of the German emperors into a single
strong state, such as took shape in England and France. \\'hen
an emperor took up his residence in Italy his German nobles
soon grew unruly and rebellious, and Italy acknowledged his
sway only while he and his German armies were in sight.

Outlines of European History

The independ
ent states
of northern
Italy

Central and

southern

Italy: the

papacy

and the Two

Sicilies

Invasion by
Charles VIII

The towns of northern Italy had won practical independence
at the close of the twelfth century, when the Hohenstaufen
Emperor, Frederick Barbarossa, was defeated by their Lombard
League. Most of them then fell under the sway of petty tyrants,
sprung from their hired soldiery, under whom they prospered
in spite of local wars. The most notable of these lines of
rulers was the Sforza family, which seized the duchy of Milan.
Two famous republics developed — Florence and Venice ; but
Venice was ruled by a small group of oligarchs, while Florence
came to accept the " boss " rule of the Medici. It was in
these cities, grown rich by trade and manufactures, that the
Renaissance blossomed forth.

Across central Italy lay the States of the Church, or, more
properly, of the papacy, over which the Pope claimed temporal
sovereignty. In the south was the kingdom of Naples, which,
from the time it and Sicily had been conquered from the Eastern
Empire by the Norman Robert Guiscard, in the middle of the
eleventh century, had had a checkered history, passing by in-
heritance to the Hohenstaufen Frederick II in the thirteenth
century, then by conquest to Charles of Anjou, brother of
St. Louis of France, who established the Angevin dynasty. In
1282 Sicily had rebelled and had fallen to the House of Aragon,
which in 1 435-1 438 drove the French out of Naples too,
and reunited the two in what was called the Kingdom of the
Two Sicilies.

Such was the condition of Italy when, in 1 494-1 495, two
years after the discovery of America, Charles VIII, a young
and injudicious king of France, invaded the peninsula to rees-
tablish the French in Naples. At first his invasion was like
a triumphal progress. State after state yielded before him.
Naples, too, speedily fell into his hands and his success seemed
marvelous. But he and his troops were demoralized by the
wines and other pleasures of the south, and meanwhile his
enemies at last began to form a combination against him.
Ferdinand of Aragon was fearful lest he might lose Sicily, and

Introduction 1 3

Emperor Maximilian objected to having the French control
Italy. Charles's situation became so dangerous that he may-
well have thought himself fortunate, at the close of 1495,
to escape, with the loss of only a single battle, from the coun-
try he had hoped to conquer. His successor, Louis XII, sold
his claim to Naples to Ferdinand of Aragon in 1503. It was
to remain in Spanish hands for the next two centuries.

The results of Charles VIIFs expedition appear at first sight Results of
trivial ; in reality they were momentous. In the first place, it expedition
was now clear to Europe that the Italians had no real national
feeling, however much they might despise the " barbarians "
who lived north of the Alps. From this time down to the
latter half of the nineteenth century Italy was dominated by
foreign nations, especially Spain and Austria. In the second
place, the French learned to admire the art and culture of Italy.
The nobles began to change their feudal castles, which since
the invention of gunpowder were no longer impregnable, into
luxurious palaces and country houses.^ The new scholarship of
Italy also took root and flourished not only in France but in
England and Germany as well, and Greek began to be studied
outside of Italy. Consequently, just as Italy was becoming,
politically, the victim of foreign aggressions, it was also losing
that intellectual leadership which it had enjoyed since the revival
of interest in Latin and Greek literature.

Moreover, although Louis XII gave up southern Italy, he French ab-
laid claims to the duchy of Milan, for which his successor, struggle"for
Francis I (15 15-1547), fought with varying success for many ^*^^"
years, but which he finally surrendered to his rival, Charles V.

Germany at the opening of the sixteenth century was no "TheGer-
such powerful and well-organized state as it is to-day. It was Jhe"sixteenth
rather what the French called "the Germanics"; that is, two or century
three hundred states, which differed greatly from one another
in size and character. This one had a duke, that a count, at its
head, while others were ruled over by archbishops, bishops, or

1 See Outlines^ Part I, p, 572.

Outlines of European History

Weakness of
the Emperor

The electors

abbots. There were many single cities, like Nuremberg, Frank-
fort, and Cologne, which were just as independent as the great
duchies of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Saxony. Lastly there were
the knights, whose possessions might consist of no more than a
single strong castle with a wretched village lying at its foot.

As for the Emperor, he no longer had any power to control
his vassals. He could boast of unlimited pretensions and great
traditions, but he had neither money nor soldiers. At the time
of Luther's birth (1483) the poverty-stricken Frederick III
(Maximilian's father) might have been seen picking up a free
meal at a monastery or riding behind a slow but economical ox
team. The real power in Germany lay in the hands of the
more important vassals.

First among these were the seven electors, so called because,
since the thirteenth century, they had enjoyed the right to
elect the Emperor. Three of them were archbishops — kings
in all but name of considerable territories on the Rhine, namely,
the electorates of Mayence, Treves, and Cologne. Near them,
to the south, was the region ruled over by the elector of the
Palatinate ; to the northeast were the territories of the electors
of Brandenburg and of Saxony ; the king of Bohemia made
the seventh of the group.
Other princes Bcsidcs these States, there were other rulers scarcely less
important. Wiirtemberg, Bavaria, Hesse, and Baden are famil-
iar to us to-day as members of the present German Empire,
but all of them were smaller then, having grown since by
incorporating the little states that formerly lay within and
about them.

The towns, which had grown up since the thirteenth century,
were centers of culture in the north of Europe, just as those
of Italy were in the south. Some of them were immediate
vassals of the Emperor and were consequently independent of
the particular prince within whose territory they were situated.
These were cdWtd free, or imperial, cities and must be reckoned
among the states of Germany.

The towns

Intro dtictioit 1 5

The knights, who ruled over the smallest of the German The knights
territories, had earlier formed a very important class, but the
introduction of gunpowder and new methods of fighting put
them at a disadvantage, for they clung to their medieval tra-
ditions. Their tiny realms were often too small to support
them, and they frequently turned to robbery for a living and
proved a great nuisance to the merchants and townspeople.

It is clear that these states, little and big, all tangled up No central
with one another, would be sure to have disputes among them- JSntain
selves which would have to be settled in some way. The ^'^^'^
Emperor was not powerful enough to keep order, and the
result was that each ruler had to defend himself if attacked.
Neighborhood w^ar was permitted by law if only some courteous Neighbor-
preliminaries were observed. For instance, a prince or town °° ^^
was required to give warning three days in advance before
attacking another member of the Empire.

Germany had a national assembly, called the diet, which The diet
met at irregular intervals, now in one town and now in an-
other, for Germany had no capital city. The towns were not
permitted to send delegates until 1487, long after the towns-
people were represented in France and England. The knights
and other minor nobles were not represented at all, and conse-
quently did not always consider the decisions of the diet bind-
ing upon them.

One of the main reasons why the German kings had failed to Reasons why-
create a strong kingdom such as those of France and of Eng- ^jngs failed
land was that their office was not strictly hereditary. Although
the emperors were often succeeded by their sons, each new state
emperor had to be elected, and those great vassals who con-
trolled the election naturally took care to bind the candidate
by solemn promises not to interfere with their privileges and
independence. The result was that, from the downfall of the
Hohenstaufens in the thirteenth century, the emperors saw that
it was more to their advantage to increase their own family
estates and dominions than to spend their energies for the

to establish
a strong

Outlines of European History

service of the country as a whole. This was especially the
policy of the Hapsburgs, whose founder, Rudolf, had been
chosen Emperor in 1273.-^ Rudolf established his family in
Austria and Styria, which became, under his successors, the
center of the wide Austrian possessions. Finally, from the
middle of the fifteenth century, the electors regularly chose
a Hapsburg as Emperor.

At the opening of the sixteenth century the Emperor was
Maximilian I. While still a very young man he had married
Mary of Burgundy, the heiress to the Netherlands and to much
of that middle strip of territory which lies between France and
Germany west of the Rhine. Mar)^ died shortly, and her lands
fell to her infant son. He, in his turn, w^as later to marry the
richest heiress in Europe, Joanna of Spain, daughter of that
Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, whose marriage,
together with the expulsion of the Moors from Granada in
1492, had for the first time made possible a united Spanish
kingdom. This, along with the exploitation of America, which
the good queen had enabled Columbus to discover, made the
possessions of the Spanish princess the greatest dowry to be
found for any prince in Europe.

The son of Maximilian who made such a fortunate marriage
died young, leaving a six-year-old boy, Charles — born in 1500
at the Flemish city of Ghent — to succeed to all the glorious
titles of Spain and Austria as soon as his grandfathers, Ferdi-
nand and Maximilian, should pass away. Ferdinand died in
15 16 and Maximilian in 15 19. Then the young boy was in
his own right king of Castile, Aragon, and Naples, and of
the vast Spanish possessions in America, archduke of Austria,
count of Tyrol, and (in the Netherlands) duke of Brabant,
margrave of Antwerp, count of Holland — to mention a few of
his more important titles. Finally, in 1 5 1 9, he was chosen by the
electors to be Emperor, and is known in history as Charles V.

1 See Part I, p. 458. The original seat of the Hapsburgs was in northern
Switzerland, where the vestiges of their original castle may still be seen.

Introduction 1 7

Charles visited Germany for the first time in 1520, and held Charles at
a diet at Worms, where the most important business of the worms ^
assembly proved to be the consideration of the case of a uni-
versity professor, Martin Luther, who was accused of writing
heretical books and who had in reality begun the first suc-
cessful revolt a2:ainst the Medieval Church.

The Protestant Revolt i7i Germany

The greatest and the most efficiently organized institution of TheMedie-
the Middle Ages had been neither empire nor national state,
but the Church, presided over by the Pope at Rome. The
structure of this wonderful organization has been described in
the previous volume ; but the main principles upon which it
rested may be stated in a word. They were, in the first place,
that there was no salvation outside the Church ; in the second
place, that within the Church God bestowed his grace through
the sacraments, which the priest (and bishops) alone had the
power to dispense. Of these sacraments baptism and the
Eucharist, or Lord's Supper, were the two most important;
but one could not partake of the Eucharist unless he had con-
fessed to a priest and received absolution of his sins. This
double rite of confession and absolution was called the sacra-
ment of penance, since absolution was not supposed to be
granted unless one were penitent enough to make amends for
one's sin by doing penaiice (see p. 19).

The sole authority to dispense the sacraments which were the The govern-
means of salvation naturally gave the clergy great power. At church
the same time it made necessary a great organization composed
of priests and bishops (in Latin episcopi, which means " over-
seers "), graded into a hierarchy under the sway of the bishop
of Rome — the Pope, In spite of such arrangements it was
natural that the government of so vast a system should some-
times be managed in such a way as to awaken protests of
earnest men, and, indeed, various reforming movements took

1 8 OiUlines of European History

place during the Middle Ages. These protests — which must
be carefully distinguished from the opposition of kings and
emperors to what they regarded as the clergy's interference
in politics — were particularly strong in the opening of the
fifteenth century, when there were rival popes, splitting the
Church into factions and misgoverning generally.

The result was that a series of general — or ecumenical —
councils were called, representing the Church as a whole, which
was like introducing a church parliament in the papal monarchy.
The greatest of these met in Constance, in Switzerland, in 1414 ;
but its extensive program of reform was not carried out, and in
the course of the next fifty years the popes managed to dis-
credit this attempt to limit their sovereign powers. Parliamen-
tary government in the Church had failed.

Meanwhile, however, the papacy had shown few signs of re-
form. On the contrary, at the close of the fifteenth century, the
popes were apparently so much absorbed in Italian politics —
trying to enlarge their temporal possessions in central Italy —
as to give the impression to many earnest people that what
they were mainly after was the splendor of a worldly sovereign.
To this end they needed money, and since their main income
came from Germany — which had no strong king to prohibit
the heavy drainage of money to Rome, as the kings of England
and France had done — we need not be surprised to find that
when the German monk, Martin Luther, protested against some
of these practices, there was an almost national response.

Already, in Luther's youth, the greatest scholar of the day,
Erasmus, had written biting satires on the ignorance and lack
of high ideals in the clergy, which had, in his eyes, grown
worldly. But Erasmus and the group of earnest scholars
with whom he worked, both on the Continent and in England,
were merely anxious for reform within the Church. They
did not want to bring about a revolution. For that matter
Luther, too, had no idea at first that his protest would bring
about a split in the Church.

Introdtiction 19

Martin Luther was a monk who had become a professor in Luther and
Wittenberg, in Saxony. Through his study of the Bible and of tiorf by faith"
the writings of St. Augustine he had come to believe that the
only hope for salvation lay m. faith ^ that is, in a personal relation-
ship between man and God, without which, " good works," such
as going to church or on pilgrimages, or visiting the relics of
the saints, could do nothing for the sinner. On the other hand,
if one were " justified by faith," he might properly go about his
daily duties, for they would be pleasing to God without what
the Church was accustomed to regard as '' good works."

These views would probably not have attracted much atten- indulgences
tion if they had not led Luther in 1 5 1 7 to attack the distribution j" 1577"^"^
of indulgences in Germany, by means of which contributions
were collected to aid in the rebuilding of St. Peter's in Rome.

The granting of indulgences was a practice which had grown Doctrine of
up in connection with the sacrament of penance, to which refer- '^ " gences
ence has been made. The Church taught that God would for-
give the sinner who was penitent and confessed his sin, but that
he must still do penance ; that is, accept some kind of punish-
ment, such as fasting, saying certain prayers, going on a pil-
grimage, or doing some other " good work." Even if one died
with sins forgiven, there still remained this satisfaction to be
rendered, by suffering in purgatory. Now an indulgence, which
was issued usually by the Pope himself, freed the person to
whom it was granted from some penances in this life or from
some or all of his suffering in purgatory. It was not a pardon
of sin, therefore, but a commutation of the penance.-^

The contribution to the Church, remission of which at times Method of
might form a part of the indulgence, varied greatly ; the rich
were asked to give a considerable sum, while the very poor
were to receive these pardons gratis. Those in charge of these
particular indulgences, however, seem to have been anxious to
collect all the money possible, and they made claims for the
indulgences to which thoughtful churchmen might well object.

1 For a fuller discussion see Outlines^ Part I, pp. 584 f.

Outlines of European History

In October, 15 17, Tetzel, a Dominican monk, began preach-
ing indulgences in the neighborhood of Wittenberg, and making
claims for them which appeared to Luther wholly irreconcilable
with the deepest truths of Christianity as he understood and
taught them. Therefore, in accordance with the custom of the
time, he wrote out a series of ninety-five statements in regard
to indulgences. These theses^ as they were called, he posted on
the church door and invited any one interested in the matter to
enter into a discussion with him on the subject, which he believed
was very ill understood.

In posting these theses Luther did not intend to attack the
Church and had no expectation of creating a sensation. The
theses were in Latin and addressed, therefore, only to learned
men. But they were promptly translated into German, printed,
and scattered abroad throughout the land. In these Ninety-five
Theses Luther declared that the indulgence was very unimpor-
tant and that the poor man might better spend his money for
the needs of his household. Faith in God, not the procuring of
pardons, brings forgiveness, and ever}^ Christian who feels true
sorrow for his sins will receive full remission of the punishment
as well as of the guilt.

Luther now began to read church history, and reached the
conclusion that the influence of the popes had not been very
great until the time of Gregory VII, in the eleventh century,
and therefore that they had not enjoyed their supremacy over
the Church for more than four hundred years before his own
birth. Historical criticism of papal claims has been constantly
urged by Protestants ever since, although they do not go as
far as Luther did. They assert that the power of the Medieval
Church and of the papacy developed gradually, and that the
apostles knew nothing of masses, indulgences, pilgrimages, pur-
gatory, or the headship of the bishop of Rome.

Meanwhile Luther was studying and writing with prodigious
energy. He had a powerful style and a fine command of his
native tongue, and in the year 1520 published some pamphlets

Introduction 2 1

which finally marked the outbreak of revolt. Of these the most
stirring was his Address to the German NobUity, in which he
called upon the rulers of Germany to reform the abuses them-
selves, since he believed that it was vain to wait for the Church to
do so. He began by denying that there was anything especially
sacred about clergymen except the duties which they had been
designated to perform. They should be completely subject, Luther advo-
therefore, to the civil government. Monks should _ be free to as well as
leave their monasteries, of which there were nine times too many. ^eformT
The clergy should be allowed to marry. The Germans should
resent the action of Italian prelates, who took so much German
money over the Alps. These denunciations of the clergy re-
sounded like a trumpet call in the ears of Luther's countrymen.

Naturally, the Pope excommunicated such a pronounced' Luther burns
heretic ; but Luther boldly burned the papal bull of excom- cited to
munication. Such was the condition of affairs when Gharles V "^^o^^
came to the ^fe_iif--W.Qn:aaXin 1520 and called Luther to
appear before him. This Luther did ; but he refused to recant,
and the Emperor, while allowing him a safe conduct home,
declared him an outlaw and worthy of a heretic's fate.

Charles, however, immediately left Germany and for nearly Luther
ten years was too busily occupied with troubles in Spain and the Wartburg
wars with Francis I of France to bother over the case of this
German monk. On the other hand, Luther's own prince, the
elector Frederick of Saxony, saw fit to protect the popular pro-
fessor of his university at Wittenberg. So Luther was kid-
naped by friends while on his way home from Worms, and
hidden for two years in the elector's castle of the Wartburg.
There he continued to write and, above all, to work on a new
German translation of the Bible.

Meanwhile the revolt against the papacy had taken a new Revolution
form, that of a great social revolution. In the first place, there nobility
was a movement of some of the knights, or lesser nobility,
against certain prince bishops, who, it must be remembered,
ruled large territories in Germany. These knights were defeated,

Outlines of European History

The " Peas-
ants' Revolt "

Luther urges
the govern-
ment to sup-
press the
revolt

The peasant
revolt put
down with
great cruelty

The " pro-
test " at
Speyer

but the civil war was responsible for much damage, and Luther
and his teachings were naturally blamed for the uprising.

Much more serious was the '' Peasants' Revolt," which burst
out in 1525. The serfs rose, in the name of "God's justice,"
to avenge their wrongs. Some of their demands were perfectly
reasonable. The most popular statement of them was in the
dignified " Twelve Articles." ^ In these they claimed that the
Bible did not sanction any of the dues which the lords demanded
of them, and that, since they were Christians like their lords,
they should no longer be held as serfs. They were willing to
pay all the old and well-established dues, but they asked to be
properly paid for extra services. They thought, too, that each
community should have the right freely to choose its own pastor
and to dismiss him if he proved negligent or inefficient.

There were, however, leaders who were more violent and
who proposed to kill the " godless " priests and nobles. Hun-
dreds of castles and monasteries were destroyed by the frantic
peasantry, and some of the nobility were murdered with shock-
ing cruelty. Luther tried to induce the peasants, with whom,
as the son of a peasant, he was at first inclined to sympathize,
to remain quiet ; but when his warnings proved vain, he turned
against them and urged the government to put down the
insurrection without pity.

Luther's advice was followed with terrible literalness by the
German rulers, and the nobility took fearful revenge on the
peasants. In the summer of 1525 their chief leader was de-
feated and killed, and it is estimated that ten thousand peasants
were put to death, many with the utmost cruelty. The old
exactions of the lords of the manors were in no way lightened,
and the situation of the serfs for centuries following the great
revolt was wors& rather than better.

In 1529 the Emperor, Charles V, again turned his attention
to the situation in Germany and ordered the diet which met that
year in Speyer to enforce the edict of thq^Diet of Worms) against

1 See Robinson, Rcadhii^s in European History^ Vql. II, chap. xxvL

Introduction 23

the heretics. Several princes and cities had, however, in the in-
terval since 1520 gone ahead in their own realms to introduce
the Lutheran form of worship and also to carry out Luther's
ideas about monasteries and Church property.^ As these princes
formed only a minority in the diet, all they could do was to
draw up 2i protest, in which they fell back upon the decision of
a former diet of Speyer, held in 1526, in which each ruler was
left free to adjust such things in his own realm as he saw fit.
These Protestants — for this is how the name originated — there-
fore appealed to the Emperor and to a future general council
of the Church against the tyranny of a majority in the diet.

The next year, 1530, Charles V came to Germany himself, The Augs-
and held a brilliant diet at Augsburg, in the hope of settling the Jion
religious problem, which he understood very imperfectly. For
this diet the Protestants drew up a statement of what they
believed. This Augsburg Cofifession is still the creed of the
Lutheran Church. Charles V, however, commanded the Prot-
estants to accept the statement which the Catholics drew up,
to give back all Church property which they had seized, and
cease troubling Catholics. But again he was called away from
Germany, for the next ten years, and again the movement was
left to the princes and cities of Germany to be settled as each
saw fit. The result was a steady growth of Protestantism.

Finally, Charles V, after a serious attempt to suppress the Peace of
Protestant princes, was obliged, in 1555, to accept the religious ' "^^ ^^^
Peace of Augsburg. Its provisions are memorable. Each Ger-
man prince and each town and knight immediately under the
Emperor was to be at liberty to make a choice between the be-
liefs of the Catholic Church and those embodied in the Augs-
burg Confession. If, however, an ecclesiastical prince — an
archbishop, bishop, or abbot — declared him^lf a Protestant,
he must surrender his possessions to the Church. Every Ger-
man was either to conform to the religious practices of his

1 Upon the whole, southern Germany remained Catholic, while the northern
princes — finally, practically all — became Protestant.

Outlines of European History

particular state or emigrate from it. Every one was supposed
to be either a Catholic or a Lutheran, and no provision was made
for any other, belief. There was no freedom of conscience,
except for the mlers.

John CaWin

Calvin's
reformation
in Geneva

The Hugue-
nots in
France

The Hugitenots in France

Meanwhile the Protestant movement had spread to other
countries. France produced, in John Calvin, a leader who
ranks with Luther in energy and above him in intellectual
power. He was forced to flee to Switzerland, however, to
escape persecution, first to Basel and then to Geneva, which he
made his home from about 1540. The Genevans intrusted him
with the task of reforming the town, which had secured its
independence of the duke of Savoy. He drew up a constitu-
tion and established an extraordinary government in which the
Church and the civil government were as closely associated as
they had ever been in any Catholic country. Calvin intrusted the
management of church affairs to the ministers and the elders,
ox presbyters; hence the name "Presbyterian." The Protes-
tantism which found its way into France was that of Calvin,
not that of Luther, and the same may be said of Scotland.^

The Protestants in France were much persecuted by Francis I
and his son Henry H (1547-1559). Nevertheless the Hugue-
nots^ as they were called, continued to increase, especially among
the middle classes and the nobility, and formed a political as
well as a religious party, which was able, in the second half of
the centur)^, to defend itself by arms. Henry H's eldest son,
Francis H, reigned but a year; his second son, Charles IX
(i 560-1 574), was but ten years old at his accession, and his
mother, Catherine de' Medici, ruled for him.

1 Calvin's great work is The Institute of Christianity. It rejected the infalli-
bility of Church and Pope but accepted that of the Bible. Calvin's most distinc-
tive doctrine was that of " predestination," that is, that God had already, from
before the beginning of the world, arranged the fate of all. For the other Swiss
reformer, Zwingli, see Outlines, Part I, pp. 605 ff. The Scottish reformer was
John Knox, a student of Calvin.

Intivduction 25

Catherine at first tried to conciliate both Catholics and Prot- Catherine dt
estants; but the duke of Guise, head of a fanatical Catholic st^Barthol-
party, precipitated civil war by massacring a number of Prot- °"^^^^
estants whom he and his troop found worshiping in a barn at
Vassy. For a generation France was filled with burnings, pillage,
and ever}' form of barbarity, mainly in the name of religion. In
1570a brief truce was made, and the Huguenot leader, Coligny,
won the confidence of the queen mother and Charles by his
patriotic efforts to unite Catholics and Protestants against Spain.
The jealous party of the Guises frustrated this plan by a fear-
ful expedient. They easily induced Catherine to believe that
Coligny was deceiving her, and an assassin was hired to murder
him, but only wounded his victim. Fearful that the young king,
who was faithful to Coligny, might discover her guilt, Catherine
invented a stor}^ of a great Huguenot conspiracy. The credulous
king was deceived, and the Catholic leaders at Paris arranged
that at a given signal on St. Bartholomew's Eve, 1572, not only
Coligny should be killed but also all the Huguenots, who had
gathered in great numbers in the city for the marriage of the
king's sister Margaret to the Protestant Henry, king of the little
realm of Navarre, in the Pyrenees, and a member of the
Bourbon branch of the royal house of France. The massacre
was only too successful. About two thousand were murdered
in Paris and ten thousand outside it.

Civil war followed. Charles's brother and successor, Henry war of the
HI (1574-1589), finally found himself at war with both Henry """^l^l^^^^^
of Navarre — who had become the Huguenot leader — and
Henry, duke of Guise, leader of the extreme Catholics. He
secured the assassination of Guise, but was himself assassi-
nated in turn by Guise's followers. So Henr}' of Navarre Henry iv,
became King Henry IV of France — the first of the Bourbon '^ ^'
line. He accepted the religion of the majority of his subjects
(1593), on the ground that, as he remarked, "Paris was
worth a mass." In 1598, by the famous Edict of Nantes, he Edict of
granted toleration to the Huguenots. His reign is gratefully

26 Outlines of European History

remembered by the French as a time of peace and new pros-
sperity, due to his wise encouragement of agriculture and
commerce. He was murdered in 1610 and left the throne to
his young son, Louis XIII (1610-1643). Louis's reign was
Cardinal ' rather that of his great minister, Cardinal Richelieu, who ruled
Richeheu France with an iron hand from 1624 to 1642. He crushed
the political independence of the Huguenots and made royalty
supreme over all France.

The Church of England

Henry VIII Henry VIII (1509-1547) of England had succeeded to all
his father's power. The nobility had been weakened by the
Wars of the Roses, and the middle classes had not yet become
strong enough to check the monarch. His chief adviser at first
was Cardinal Wolsey, who managed to keep Henry from mixing
in continental wars. Henry had no sympathy with Luther and
even wrote a book against him ; but split first with Wolsey,
and then with the Pope, because they would not secure for him
a divorce from his queen, Catherine of Aragon, .aunt of
Charles V. The first break with Rome, therefore, came over a
question of -Church government rather than any difference of re-
ligious belief. In 1534 Parliament passed the Act of Suprem-
acy, which declared the king to be '' the only supreme head
on earth of the Church of England," with power to appoint all
prelates and enjoy the income which formerly went to Rome.
This legislation was enforced by a vicious persecution. It must
be carefully observed that Henry VIII still believed himself a
good Catholic. He persecuted those who had forsaken the old
beliefs. He claimed merely that he, in place of the Pope, should
control and manage a national branch of the Church. This did
not prevent his dissolving the English monasteries, however,
and appropriating their great wealth for himself and his favor-
ites. A thorough despot, he acted from unworthy motives, but
the general trend of his actions fitted in with a certain national

Introduction

feeling of independence of the papacy, which had shown itself
in England at various times in the past.

Under Henry's young son, Edward VI, who died in 1553, The form a-
aged sixteen, the revolt became definitely doctrinal ; and a prayer church ^of
book in English and forty-two articles of faith were drawn up. England
These articles, revised later, in Elizabeth's time, and reduced to
thirty-nine, became the creed of the Church gf England.

Mary (15 53-1 5 58), the daughter of the divorced Queen Mary's futile
Catherine, next succeeded — an ardent Catholic. Married to P^^s^c"*i°"s
Philip II of Spain, she adopted his policy of persecution ; but
the heroism of the Protestant victims won more friends for
their cause. Upon the accession of Mary's Protestant half sis- Elizabeth
ter, Elizabeth (15 58-1 603), the work begun under Edward VI
was again taken up, and the Church of England still remains
in much the same form as then established.

The Roman Catholic Church and its Cha^npions

Meanwhile the Catholic Church had not been idle. A general The work
council, which met at Trent at various times during the eighteen °j] of^Tr°en"
years from 1545 to 1563, drew up statements of what it declared
to be the orthodox belief, which is still the accepted creed of
that large portion of the Christian Church which remained
faithful to the papacy and which is commonly known as the
Roman Catholic Church.^

The most powerful Catholic organization of the period was The Jesuits
the new Society of Jesus, or Jesuits, founded by the Spaniard
Ignatius Loyola, and sanctioned by the Pope in 1540. The
Jesuits were noted for the absolute obedience which they
rendered to their officers and to the Pope. They were teachers

1 The council naturally condemned the distinctively Protestant beliefs,
accepted the Pope as head of the Church, and declared accursed those who, like
Luther, believed that man could be saved by faith in God's promises alone. It
reaffirmed all the seven sacraments, several of which the Protestants had rejected.
The ancient Latin translation of the Bible — the Vulgate — was proclaimed the
standard of belief, and no one was to publish any views, interpreting the Bible,
differing from those approved by the Church.

28 Outlines of ILuTOpcaii History

as well as priests, and their schools were so successful that
through their influence many children grew up as stanch Catho-
lics who otherwise might have become Protestant. Their mis-
sionary efforts extended over the whole world, but Protestants
were especially suspicious of them as confessors of kings.
Philip II The chief ally of the Pope and the Jesuits in their efforts

^^^"^ to check Protestantism was the son of Charles V, Philip II

(15 5 6- 1 598), who succeeded to the kingdom of Spain and its
colonies, Milan, the Two Sicilies, and the Netherlands.^ Philip
was a fanatic, who was willing to sacrifice even his kingdom to
put down heretics. The Inquisition was used to effect this, as
it had been by his father, and Spain w^as kept orthodox. To
the Netherlands Philip sent the remorseless duke of Alva
(i 567-1 573) with his cruel Spanish soldiery to quiet an}'
opposition. Thousands of Flemish weavers fled to England to
escape the Council of Blood, as Alva's tribunal was popularly
called, but the northern provinces, of which Holland was the
chief, found a leader in William, Prince of Orange.^
The Dutch The Dutch had become Protestant, while most of the people

pendence of the southern Netherlands remained Catholic. Alva's reign
of terror, however, had alienated the south as well as the
north, and after his recall his unpaid soldiers sacked the rich
city of Antwerp, in what is called "the Spanish fur}'" (1576).
So for the next three years the whole country united against
their king. But the union was dissolved when Philip sent a
wiser and more moderate governor. Then only the seven
northern provinces held together, in what was called the Union
of Utrecht (1579), and these united provinces declared them-
selves independent of Spain in 1581. The soul of their revolt
was William " the Silent," Prince of Orange, whose great

1 Charles V abdicated in 1555-1556. The Austrian realms went to his brother
Ferdinand (d. 1564), who married the heiress to the kingdoms of Bohemia and
Hungary, and whose son, Maximilian II (d. 1576), thus inherited these " Austrian "
dominions.

2 The title comes from the little town of Orange on the east side of the
Rhone, in what is now southern France but was once part of the Empire.

Introduction 29

courage nerved the people to resist. Philip had him assassi-
nated in 1584; but the Dutch independence was already won.

Philip's other foe was England, which, under Elizabeth, was The Spanish
becoming definitely Protestant. Besides the religious issue, how- against^
ever, there was a more practical one ; for English seamen had England
been capturing Spanish merchant ships, and there was continual
war between the two countries. To end all this Philip pre-
pared a great fleet, the famous Spanish Armada — perhaps the
greatest fleet the world had ever seen. But the swift English
ships, aided by a great gale, in which the huge Spanish ships
became unmanageable, brought about its utter destruction.

Philip had exhausted Spain and met with failure — perhaps
the most colossal failure in modern history ; for Spain has
never recovered its former power.

The Thirty Years' War in Germany

In Germany the Peace of Augsburg had permitted a steady The first
growth of Protestantism, and for the next sixty years the ^ar
country adjusted itself on the whole peacefully to this change.
But when, in 16 18, Bohemia, which had become strongly
Protestant, rebelled from its Hapsburg ruler, a war broke out
which, with varying intensity, devastated Germany for the next
thirty years. The first phase of this war, that over Bohemia,
ended in the complete victory of the Catholic princes, who
rallied to the Hapsburg cause. The Protestant princes were
divided and incapable. The king of Denmark came to their Second phase
aid, but he was beaten in 1629 by the Emperor's able general,
Wallenstein, w^ho swept all before him. This second phase of
the war was closed by an Edict of Restitution, in which the
Protestants were ordered to restore all the Church property
they had seized since the Peace of Augsburg. That meant Third phase
giving up vast possessions, and the war broke out anew, this
time with the Swedish king, Gustavus Adolphus, as the Protes-
tant champion. He proved to be a great general and, after

30 Outlines of Europe an Histojy

severe fighting, drove the imperial forces out of the north.
But he was killed at the moment of victory in the battle of
Fourth phase Liitzen, 1 632. Just at this moment Richelieu, though a car-
dinal, decided that it was to the interest of France to help
the Protestants in Germany, in order to humble the Emperor.
Hired soldiery — on both sides — laid waste the land, and the
war wore on until 1648, when peace was made at two towns in
Westphalia. Peace, however, could not bring back prosperity,
and Germany was crushed for more than a generation by the
awful suffering of this war.
The Treaty By the Treaty of Westphalia the Protestant princes were to

phalia, 1648 retain the lands they had taken prior to 1624 and were still
to determine the religion of their own states. They were to
be free to make treaties among themselves and with foreign
powers, which was equivalent to recognizing their practical
independence and the dissolution of the Empire — which, how-
ever, lasted in name until the day of Napoleon. Sweden was
given territory on the Baltic ; and the Emperor ceded to France
the three towns of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, and his rights in
Alsace, except Strassburg. The independence of Holland and
Switzerland was also acknowledged.

Thus the " wars of religion " came to an end about the
middle of the seventeenth century. It is evident from the
narrative, however, that they were not waged merely for
religion, but also for political and economic ends. The era of
the national states had at last fully dawned, and the first
chapter of this book here takes up the theme.

CHAPTER I

THE STRUGGLE IN ENGLAND BETWEEN KING AND
PARLIAMENT

This volume deals with the last three hundred years of Euro- Scope of
pean hfstory. Compared with the long period of more than 1^^°""^^
five thousand years which lies between Menes I — the first
ruler whose name we know — and James I of England, this
seems a very short time. In many ways, however, it has seen
far more astonishing changes than those which took place in
all the preceding centuries.

Could James I now see the England he once ruled, how Great
startling the revolution in politics and industry would seem to thelasuhree
him ! The railroads, the steel steamships, the great towns with centuries
well-lighted, smoothly paved, and carefully drained streets ; the
innumerable newspapers and the beautifully illustrated periodi-
cals, the government schools, the popular elections, and a parlia-
ment ruling with little attention to its king ; the vast factories
full of machinery, working with a precision and rapidity far
surpassing those of an army of skilled workmen ; and, most
astonishing of all, the mysterious and manifold applications of
electricity which he knew only in the form of lightning playing
among the storm clouds — all these marvels would combine to
convince him that he died on the eve of the greatest revolution
in industr}^, government, and science that the world has ever seen.

It is the aim of this volume, after describing the conditions Aim of this
in Europe during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, to
show as clearly as possible the changes which have made the
world what we find it to-day. To do this, we must begin with
England, which led other states by many years in permitting the
nation's representatives to control the government.

Outlines of European History

Section i. James I and the Divine Right of Kings

The English people were more fortunately placed than other
European peoples in living upon an island which was seldom
troubled by war. While the rest of Europe was so often swept
by pillaging hordes, England prospered in the arts of peace.
Its great achievement during the Middle Ages had been the
development of parliamentary government. This had been
established in the thirteenth century,^ but was often of little im-
portance during the later Middle Ages. In the early sixteenth
century, for instance, Henry VIII either defied Parliament or
used it as a tool."

But when his daughter Elizabeth, at the end of the century,
tried to assert her will over it, she found that Parliament, backed
by the nation, had grown strong enough to refuse to submit.
For, during her reign, the new wealth from world trade, the
general spread of knowledge, and the strong sense of common
interests awakened by the war with Spain, had called into being
a new spirit in the nation — one which insisted on " the rights
of Englishmen " as against any despotically inclined monarch.
Unfortunately the next monarchs — the Stuarts — who ascended
the throne were inclined to claim great powers for themselves.
The result was civil war and disorder during most of the
seventeenth century. Finally Parliament definitely won the
mastery, and the kings of England ceased to contest its power.

On the death of Elizabeth in 1603, King James VI of Scot-
land ascended the throne of England as James I, the first king
of Great Britain^ as the united realms of England, Scotland,
and Wales were termed. Through his mother, the ill-fated
Mary Queen of Scots,^ he was a descendant of Henry VII,
the first of the Tudors, and this was the reason why the Scot-
tish House of Stuart came to rule in England."*

i See Part I, p. 421. 2 See Part I, p. 611. 8 See Part I, pp. 641-644.
^ Although the crowns were united, the two countries kept their separate
parliaments and constitutions for another century.

StrtLggle in England between King and Parliament 33

James I soon showed that his ideas were much like those of King James's
his English relatives, the Tudors ; for he was determined to rule kingship
without regard to Parliament. Moreover, instead of attempting
to control Parliament in quiet ways, as Elizabeth had done, he
boldly stated his claims in the most irritating manner. He was

Fig. I. James 1

a learned man and fond of writing books. He published a
work on monarchs, in which he claimed that the king could
make any law he pleased without consulting Parliament ; that
he was the master of every one of his subjects and might
put to death whom he pleased. A good king would act accord-
ing to law, but is not bound to do so and has the 'power to
change the law to suit himself, " It is atheism and blasphemy,"
he declared, ^' to dispute what God can do ; ... so it is pre-
sumption and high contempt in a subject to dispute what a
king can do, or say that a king cannot do this or that."

Outlines of Europe a7i History

These theories seem strange and very unreasonable to us, but
James was only trying to justify the powers which the Tudor
monarchs had actually exercised and which the kings of France
enjoyed down to the French Revolution of 1789. According
to the theory of "the divine right of kings" it had pleased God
to appoint the monarch the father of his people. People must
obey him as they would God and ask no questions. The king
was responsible to God alone, to whom he owed his powers,
not to Parliament or the nation (see below, p. 59).

It is unnecessary to follow the troubles between James I and
Parliament, for his reign only forms the preliminary to the fatal
experiences of his son Charles I, who came to the throne in 1625.

The writers of James's reign constituted its chief glory.
They outshone those of any other European country. Shake-
speare is generally admitted to be the greatest dramatist that
the world has produced. While he wrote many of his plays
before the death of Elizabeth, some of his finest — Othello^
Ki?ig Lear J and The Tempest, for example — belong to the time
of James I. During the same period Francis Bacon (see Part I,
p. 656) was writing his Advancement of Learning, which he
dedicated to James I in 1605, and in which he urged that men
should cease to rely upon the old textbooks, like Aristotle, and
turn to a careful examination of animals, plants, and chemicals,
with a view of learning about them and using the knowledge
thus gained to improve the condidon of mankind. Bacon's
ability to write English is equal to that of Shakespeare, but
he chose to write prose, not verse. It was in James's reign
that the authorized English translation of the Bible was made,
which is still used in all countries where English is spoken.

An English physician of this period, William Harvey, exam-
ined the workings of the human body more carefully than any
previous investigator, and made the great discovery of the man-
ner in which the blood circulates from the heart through the
arteries and capillaries and back through the veins — a matter
which had previously been entirely misunderstood.

Struggle iji Ejiglaiid between King and Parliamejtt 35

Section 2. How Charles I got alonxt without
Parliament

Charles I, James I's son and successor, was somewhat more Charles i,
dignified than his father, but he was quite as obstinately set ^ ^^~^ '^^
upon having his own way, and showed no more skill in winning
the confidence of his subjects. He did nothing to remove the
disagreeable impressions of his father's reign and began im-
mediately to quarrel with Parliament. When that body refused
to grant him any money, mainly because they thought that it
was likely to be wasted by his favorite, the Duke of Bucking-
ham, Charles formed the plan of winning their favor by a great
military victory.

He hoped to gain popularity by prosecuting a war against
Spain, whose king was energetically supporting the Catholic
League in the Thirty Years' War. Accordingly, in spite of
Parliament's refusal to grant him the necessary funds, he em-
barked in war. With only the money which he could raise by
irregular means, Charles arranged an expedition to capture
the Spanish treasure ships which arrived in Cadiz once a year
from America, laden with gold and silver; but this expedition
failed.

In his attempts to raise money without a regular grant from Charles's ex-
Parliament, Charles resorted to vexatious exactions. The law arbkrary acts
prohibited him from asking for gifts from his people, but it did
not forbid his asking them to Ie7id him money, however little
prospect there might be of his ever repaying it. Five gentlemen
who refused to pay such a forced loan were imprisoned by the
mere order of the king. This raised the question of whether
the king had the right to send to prison those whom he disliked,
without any legal reasons for their arrest.

This and other attacks upon the rights of his subjects aroused The Petition
Parliament. In 1628 that body drew up the celebrated /'(f////^;/ ''•' '^^
of Right, which is one of the most important documents in the
history of the English Constitution. In it Parliament called the

Outlines of European History

king's attention to his unlawful exactions, and to the acts of
his agents who had in sundry ways molested and disquieted the
people of the realm. Parliament therefore " humbly prayed "

the king that no man need there-
after '' make or yield any gift,
loan, benevolence, tax, or such
like charge " without consent of
Parliament ; that no free man
should be imprisoned or suffer
any punishment except accord-
ing to the laws and statutes of
the realm as presented in the
Great Charter ; and that soldiers
should not be quartered upon
the people on any pretext what-
ever. Very reluctantly Charles
consented to this restatement of
the limitations which the English
had always, in theory at least,
placed upon the arbitrary power
of their king.

The disagreement between
Charles and Parliament was ren-
dered much more serious by
religious differences. The king
had married a French Catholic
princess, and the Catholic cause
seemed to be gaining on the Con-
tinent. The king of Denmark had
just been defeated by Wallenstein
and Tilly (see Part I, p. 647), and
Richelieu had succeeded in de-
priving the Huguenots of their cities of refuge. Both James I
and Charles I had shown their readiness to enter into agree-
ments with PYancc and .Spain to protect Catholics in England,

Fig. 2. Charles I of
England

This portrait is by one of the

greatest painters of the time,

Anthony Van Dyck, 1 599-1 64 1

(see below, Fig. 4)

Struggle in England betzveen King and Parliament 37

and there was evidently a growing inclination in England to
revere to the older ceremonies of the Church, which shocked the
more strongly Protestant members of the House of Commons.
The communion table was again placed by many clergymen at
the eastern end of the church and became fixed there as an
altar, and portions of the service were once more chanted.

These practices, with which Charles was supposed to sym- Charles dis-
pathize, served to widen the breach between him and the ment (16297
Commons, which had been caused by the king's attempt to ^jnet^to^'rule
raise taxes on his own account. The Parliament of 1629, after by himself
a stormy session, was dissolved by the king, who determined
to rule thereafter by himself. For eleven years no new Parlia-
ment was summoned.

Charles was not well fitted by nature to run the government Charles's
of England by himself. He had not the necessary tireless exactions
energy. Moreover, the methods resorted to by his ministers to
raise money without recourse to Parliament rendered the king
more and more unpopular and prepared the way for the trium-
phant return of Parliament. For example, Charles applied to
his subjects for " ship money." He was anxious to equip a
fleet, but instead of requiring the various ports to furnish ships,
as was the ancient custom, he permitted them to buy them-
selves off by contributing money to the fitting out of large ships
owned by himself. Even those living inland were asked for
ship money. The king maintained that this was not a tax but
simply a payment by which his subjects freed themselves from
the duty of defending their country.

John Hampden, a squire of Buckinghamshire, made a bold John
stand against this illegal demand by refusing to pay twenty ^
shillings of ship money which was levied upon him. The case
was tried before the king's judges, and he was convicted, but
by a bare majority. The trial made it tolerably clear that the
country would not put up long with the king's despotic policy.

In 1633 Charles made William Laud Archbishop of Canter-
bury. Laud believed that the English Church would strengthen

Outlmes of Etcropean History

both itself and the government by following a middle course,
which should lie between that of the Church of Rome and that
He declared that it was the part of
good citizenship to conform outwardly to the services of the

William
Laud made
Archbishop

of Canterbury ^f Calvinistic Geneva.

Fig. 3. John Hampden

state church, but that the State should not undertake to oppress
the individual conscience, and that every one should be at liberty
to make up his own mind in regard to the interpretation to be
given to the Bible and to the church fathers. As soon as he
became archbishop he began a series of visitations through his
province. Every clergyman who refused to conform to the

Struggle in England between King and Parliament 39

prayer book, or opposed the placing of the communion table
at the east end of the church, or declined to bow at the name
of Jesus, was, if obstinate, to be brought before the king's
special Court of High Commission to be tried and, if convicted,
to be deprived of his position.

Laud's conduct was no doubt gratifying to the High Church The different
party among the Protestants, that is, those who still clung to protes4nts-
some of the ancient practices of the Roman Church, although
they rejected the doctrine of the Mass and refused to regard
the Pope as their head. The Low Church party, or Purita7iSy
on the contrary, regarded Laud and his policy with aversion.
While, unlike the Presbyterians, they did not urge the abolition
of the bishops, they disliked all " superstitious usages," as they
called the wearing of the surplice by the clergy, the use of the
sign of the cross at baptism, the kneeling posture in partaking
of the communion, and so forth. The Presbyterians, who are
often confused with the Puritans, agreed with them in many
respects, but went farther and demanded the introduction of
Calvin's system of church government.

Lastly, there was an ever-increasing number of Separatists, The inde-
or Independents. These rejected both the organization of the ^^" ^"'^
Church of England and that of the Presbyterians, and desired
that each religious community should organize itself independ-
ently. The government had forbidden these Separatists to hold
their little meetings, which they called conventides^ and about
1600 some of them fled to Holland. The community of them The Pilgrim
which established itself at Leyden dispatched the Mayflower^ in
1620, with colonists — since known as the Pilgrim Fathers — to
the New World across the sea.^ It was these colonists who laid
the foundations of a New England which has proved a worthy
offspring of the mother country. The form of worship which they
established in their new home is still known as Congregational.

1 The name " Puritan," it should be noted, was applied loosely to the Eng-
lish Protestants, whether Low Churchmen, Presbyterians, or Independents, who
aroused the antagonism of their neighbors by advocating a godly life and oppos-
ing popular pastimes, especially on Sunday.

Outlines of Europcaji History

Section

How Cmarlp:s I lost his Head

Charles I's
quarrel with
the Scotch
Presbyterians

The National

Covenant,

1638

Charles
summons
the Long
Parliament,
1640

The meas-
ures of the
Long

Parliament
against the
king's
tyranny

In 1640 Charles found himself forced to summon Parlia
ment, for he was involved in a war with Scodand, which he
could not carry on without money. There the Presbyterian
system had been pretty generally introduced by John Knox in
Elizabeth's time (see Part I, p. 640). An attempt on the part
of Charles to force the Scots to accept a modified form of the
English prayer book led to the signing of the National Cove-
nant in 1638. This pledged those who attached their names to
it to reestablish the purity and liberty of the Gospel, which, to
most of the covenanters, meant Presbyterianism.

Charles thereupon undertook to coerce the Scots. Having
no money, he bought on credit a large cargo of pepper, which
had just arrived in the ships of the East India Company, and
sold it cheap for ready cash. The soldiers, however, whom he
got together showed little inclination to fight the Scots, with
whom they were in tolerable agreement on religious matters.
Charles was therefore at last obliged to summon a Parliament,
which, owing to the length of time it remained in session, is
known as the Long Parliament.

The Long Parliament began by imprisoning Archbishop Laud
in the Tower of London. They declared him guilty of treason,
and he was executed in 1645, in spite of Charles's efforts to
save him. Parliament also tried to strengthen its position by
passing the Triennial Bill, which provided that it should meet
at least .once in three years, even if not summoned by the king.
In fact, Charles's whole system of government was abrogated.
Parliament drew up a " Grand Remonstrance " in which all of
Charles's errors were enumerated and a demand was made that
the king's ministers should thereafter be responsible to Parlia-
ment. This document Parliament ordered to be printed and
circulated throughout the country.

Exasperated at the conduct of the Commons, Charles at-
tempted to intimidate the opposition by undertaking to arrest

Struggle in England between Kiiig and Parliament

five of its most active leaders, whom he declared to be traitors. Charles's
But when he entered the House of Commons and

1 1 1 attempts to
looked arrest five

around for his enemies, he found that they had taken shelter members of

•' _ _ the House

in London, whose citizens later brought them back in triumph of Commons
to Westminster, where Parliament held its meetings (see p. 102).

Fig. 4. Children of Charles I

This very interesting picture, by the Flemish artist Van Dyck, was
painted in 1637. The boy with his hand on the dog's head was des-
tined to become Charles II of England. Next on the left is the prince
who was later James II. The girl to the extreme left, the Princess
Mary, married the governor of the United Netherlands, and her son
became William III of England in 1688 (see below, p. 52). The two
princesses on the right died in childhood

Both Charles and Parliament now began to gather troops The bcgin-
for the inevitable conflict, and England was plunged into civil war, 1642 —
war. Those who supported Charles were called Cavaliers. ^%'jf^Z'ad^'^
They included not only most of the aristocracy and the Catholic
party, but also a number of members of the House of Com-
mons who were fearful lest the Presbyterians should succeed in

Outliites of European History

Battles of
Marston
Moor and

Naseby

The losing
cause of
the king

Pride's
Purge

doing away with the English Church. The parliamentary party
was popularly known as the Roundheads, since some of them
cropped their hair close because of their dislike for the long
locks of their more aristocratic and worldly opponents.

The Roundheads soon found a distinguished leader in Oliver
Cromwell (b. 1599), a country gentleman and member of Parlia-
ment, who was later to become the most powerful ruler of his
time. Cromwell organized a compact army of God-fearing men,
who were not permitted to indulge in profane words or light
talk, as is the wont of soldiers, but advanced upon their enemies
singing psalms. The king enjoyed the support of northern
England, and also looked for help from Ireland, where the royal
and Catholic causes were popular.

The war continued for several years, and a number of battles
were fought which, after the first year, went in general against
the Cavaliers. The most important of these were the battle of
Marston Moor in 1644, and that of Naseby the next year, in
which Charles was disastrously defeated. The enemy came into
possession of his correspondence, which showed them how their
king had been endeavoring to bring armies from France and
Ireland into England. This encouraged Parliament to prose-
cute the war with more energy than ever. The king, defeated
on every hand, put himself in the hands of the Scotch army
which had come to the aid of Parliament (1646), and the Scotch
soon turned him over to Parliament. During the next two years
Charles was held in captivity.

There were, however, many in the House of Commons who
still sided with the king, and in December, 1648, that body de-
clared for a reconciliation with the monarch, whom they had
safely imprisoned in the Isle of Wight. The next day Colonel
Pride, representing the army, — which constituted a party in
itself and was opposed to all negotiations between the king and
the Commons, — stood at the door of the House with a body of
soldiers and excluded all the members who took the side of the
king. This outrageous act is known in history as '' Pride's Purge."

Struggle in Englafid between Kifig and Parliament 43

In this way the House of Commons was brought completely Execution of
under the control of those most bitterly hostile to the king, whom ^^ ^^' ^ "^^
they immediately proposed to bring to trial. They declared that
the House of Commons, since it was chosen by the people,
was supreme in England and the source of all just power, and
that consequently neither king nor House of Lords was neces-
sary. The mutilated House of Commons appointed a special
High Court of Justice made up of Charles's sternest oppo-
nents, who alone would consent to sit in judgment on him.
They passed sentence upon him, and on January 30, 1649,
Charles was beheaded in front of his palace of Whitehall,
London. It must be clear from the above account that it was
not the nation at large which demanded Charles's death, but a
very small group of extremists who claimed to be the repre-
sentatives of the nation. .

Section 4. Oliver Cromwell : England
A Commonwealth

The '' Rump Parliament," as the remnant of the House of England
Commons was contemptuously called, proclaimed England to common-
be thereafter a '' commonwealth," that is, a republic, without a J^^^^fJllJ^"^
king or House of Lords. But Cromwell, the head of the army, Cromwell at
was nevertheless the real ruler of England. He derived his main the govern-
support from the Independents ; and it is very surprising that
he was able to maintain himself so long, considering what a
small portion of the English people was in sympathy with the
religious ideas of that sect and with the abolition of kingship.
Even the Presbyterians were on the side of Charles I's son,
Charles II, the legal heir to the throne. Cromwell was a vig-
orous and skillful administrator and had a well-organized army
of fifty thousand men at his command, otherwise the republic
could scarcely have lasted more than a few months.

Cromwell found himself confronted by every variety of diffi-
culty. The three kingdoms had fallen apart. The nobles and

ment

Ireland and

Scotland

subdued

Outlmes of European History

Catholics in Ireland proclaimed Charles II as king, and Ormond,
a Protestant leader, formed an army of Irish Catholics and Eng-
lish royalist Protestants with a view of overthrowing the Com-
monwealth. Cromwell accordingly set out for Ireland, where,
after taking Drogheda, he mercilessly slaughtered two thousand

Fig. 5. Oliver Cromwell
This portrait is by Peter Lely and was painted in 1653

of the " barbarous wretches," as he called them. Town after
town surrendered to Cromwell's army, and in 1652, after much
cruelty, the island was once more conquered. A large part of it
was confiscated for the benefit of the English, and the Catholic
landowners were driven into the mountains. In the meantime
(1650) Charles II, who had taken refuge in France, had landed
in Scotland, and upon his agreeing to be a Presbyterian king, the
whole Scotch nation was ready to support him. But Scotland was

Struggle in England betweeji King and Parliament 45

subdued by Cromwell even more promptly than Ireland had been.
So completely was the Scottish army destroyed that Cromwell
found no need to draw the sword again in the British Isles.

Fig. 6. Great Seal of England under the Coalmon-

WEALTH, I 65 I

This seal is reduced considerably in the reproduction. It gives us an
idea of the appearance of a session of the House of Commons when
England was for a short period a republic. Members to-day still com-
monly sit with their hats on, except when making a speech or when
wishing to indicate respect for the speaker by uncovering

Althoug-h it would seem that Cromwell had enough to keep The Naviga-

° , .... tion Act, 1651

him busy at home, he had already engaged m a victorious
foreign war against the Dutch, who had become dangerous

Outlines of European History

Commercial
war between
Holland and
England

Cromwell
dissolves the
Long Parlia-
ment (1653)
and is made
Lord Pro-
tector by
his own
Parliament

commercial rivals of England. The ships which went out from
Amsterdam and Rotterdam were the best merchant vessels in
the world and had got control of the carrying trade between
Europe and the colonies. In order to put an end to this, the
English Parliament passed the Navigation Act (1651), which
permitted only English vessels to bring goods to England,
unless the goods came in vessels belonging to the country
which had produced them. This led to a commercial war be-
tween Holland and England, and a series of battles was fought
between the English and Dutch fleets, in which sometimes one
and sometimes the other gained the upper hand. This war is
notable as the first example of the commercial struggles which
were thereafter to take the place of the religious conflicts of
the preceding period.

Cromwell failed to get along with Parliament any better
than Charles I had done. The Rump Parliament had become
very unpopular, for its members, in spite of their boasted piety,
accepted bribes and were zealous .in the promotion of their
relatives in the public service. At last Cromwell upbraided
them angrily for their injustice and self-interest, which were
injuring the public cause. On being interrupted by a member,
he cried out, " Come, come, we have had enough of this ! I '11
put an end to this. It's not fit that you should sit here any
longer," and calling in his soldiers he turned the members out
of the House and sent them home. Having thus made an end
of the Long Parliament (April, 1653), he summoned a Parlia-
ment of his o.wn, made up of " God-fearing " men whom he
and the officers of his army chose. This extraordinary body is
known as Barebone's Parliament, from a distinguished member,
a London merchant, with the characteristically Puritan name of
Praisegod Barebone. Many of these godly men were unpractical
and hard to deal with. A minority of the more sensible ones got
up early one winter morning (December, 1653) and, before their
opponents had a chance to protest, declared Parliament dissolved
and placed the supreme authority in the hands of Cromwell.

Struggle ill England betiveen King and Parliame7it 47

as Lord Protector, The Pro-
- practically king of *"''°'''' ^''"

For nearly five years Cromwell was
— a title equivalent to that of Regent,
England, although he refused actually to be crowned. He
did not succeed in permanently organizing the government at
home, but showed re-
markable ability in his
foreign negotiations. He
formed an alliance with
France, and English
troops aided the French
in winning a great vic-
tory over Spain. Eng-
land gained thereby
Dunkirk, and the West
Indian island of Jamaica.
The French king, Louis
XIV, at first hesitated
to address Cromwell, in
the usual courteous way
of monarchs, as '' my
cousin," but soon ad-
mitted that he would
have even to call Crom-
well '' father " should he
wish it, as the Protec-
tor was undoubtedly the
most powerful person
in Europe. Indeed, he
found himself forced to
play the part of a monarch, and it seemed to many persons
that he was quite as despotic as James I and Charles I.

In May, 1658^ Cromwell fell ill, and as a great storm passed
over England at that time, the Cavaliers asserted that the devil
had come to fetch home the soul of the usurper. Cromwell
was dying, it is true, but he was no instrument of the devil

eign policy

Fig. 7.

A Ship of the Hanseatic
League

There had been a great increase in the
size of merchant ships and war vessels
since the days of the Hanseatic League
(see Part I, p. 508). This illustration is
taken from a picture at Cologne, painted
in 1409. It, as well as other pictures of
the time, makes it clear that the Han-
seatic ships were tiny compared with
those used two hundred and fifty years
later, when Cromwell fought the Dutch
(see Fig. 8)'

Outlines of European History

He closed a life of honest effort for his fellow beings with a
last touching prayer to God, whom he had consistently sought
to serve : " Thou hast made me, though very unworthy, a mean
instrument to do Thy people some good and Thee service :
and many of them have set too high a value upon me, though

Fig. 8. • Dutch War Vessel in Cromwell's Time

This should be compared with Fig. 7 to realize the change that had
taken place in navigation since the palmy days of the Hanseatic League

Others wish and would be glad of my death. Pardon such as
desire to trample upon the dust of a poor worm, for they
are Thy people too ; and pardon the folly of this short prayer,
even for Jesus Christ's sake, and give us a good night, if it
be Thy pleasure. Amen."

Struggle in Englmid between King and Parliament 49

Section 5. The Restoration

After Cromwell's death his son Richard, who succeeded him, The Resto-
found himself unable to carry on the government. He soon
abdicated, and the remnants of the Long Parliament met once
more. But the power was really in the hands of the soldiers.
In 1660 George Monk, who was in command of the forces in
Scodand, came to London with a view of putting an end to the
anarchy. He soon concluded that no one cared to support the
Rump, and that body peacefully disbanded of its own accord.
Resistance would have been vain in any case with the army
against it. The nation was glad to acknowledge Charles H, Charles 11
whom every one preferred to a government by soldiers. A new back as king
Parliament, composed of both houses, was assembled, which ^^^°
welcomed a messenger from the king and solemnly resolved
that, '' according to the ancient and fundamental laws of this
kingdom, the government is, and ought to be, by king, lords,
and commons." Thus the Puritan revolution and the short-
lived republic was followed by the Restoration of the Stuarts.

Charles II was quite as fond as his father of having his own Character of
way, but he was a man of more ability. He disliked to be ruled
by Parliament, but, unlike his father, he was too wise to arouse
the nation against him. He did not propose to let anything
happen which would send him on his travels again. He and his
courtiers were fond of pleasure of a light-minded kind. The
immoral dramas of the Restoration seem to indicate that those
who had been forced by the Puritans to give up their legitimate
pleasures now welcomed the opportunity to indulge in reck-
less gayety without regard to the bounds imposed by custom
and decency.

Charles's first Parliament was a moderate body, but his Religious
second was made up almost wholly of Cavaliers, and it got adopted by
along, on the whole, so well with the king that he did not dis-
solve it for eighteen years. It did not take up the old question,
which was still unsettled, as to whether Parliament or the king

measures
adopted b
Parliament

Outlines of Eicropea7i History

The Act of
Uniformity

The Dis-
senters

Toleration
favored by
the king

The Conven-
ticle Act

was really supreme. It showed its hostility, however, to the
Puritans by a series of intolerant acts, which are very important
in English history. It ordered that no one should hold a town
office who had not received the communion according to the
rites of the Church of England. This was aimed at both the
Presbyterians and the Independents. By the Act of Uniformity
(1662) every clergyman who refused to accept everything con-
tained in the Book of Common Prayer was to be excluded
from holding his benefice. Two thousand clergymen thereupon
resigned their positions for conscience' sake.

These laws tended to throw all those Protestants who refused
to conform to the Church of England into a single class, still
known to-day as Dissenters. It included the Independents, the
Presbyterians, and the newer bodies of the Baptists and the
Society of Friends, commonly known as Quakers. These sects
abandoned any idea of controlling the religion or politics of the
country, and asked only that they might be permitted to worship
in their own way outside of the English Church.

Toleration found an unexpected ally in the king, who, in
spite of his dissolute habits, had interest enough in religion to
have secret leanings toward Catholicism. He asked Parliament
to permit him to moderate the rigor of the Act of Uniformity
by making some exceptions. He even issued a declaration in
the interest of toleration, with a view of bettering the position
of the Catholics and Dissenters. Suspicion was, however,
aroused lest this toleration might lead to the restoration of
Catholic beliefs and ceremonies, so Parliament passed the harsh
Conventicle Act (1664).

Any adult attending a conventicle — that is to say, any reli-
gious meeting not held in accordance with the practice of the
English Church — was liable to penalties which might culminate
in transportation to some distant colony. Samuel Pepys, who
saw some of the victims of this law upon their way to a terrible
exile, notes in his famous diary : " They go like lambs without
any resistance. I would to God that they would conform, or be

Plate II. A Fight in the British Chax.nei. between the
English and the Dutch

(See pp. 46 and 51)

Struggle in England between Kmg and Parliame?zt 5 1

more wise and not be catched." A few years later Charles II
issued a declaration giving complete religious liberty to Roman
Catholics as well as to Dissenters. Parliament not only forced
him to withdraw this enlightened measure but passed the 1 est The Test
Act, which excluded every one from public office who did not
accept the views of the English Church.^

The most important act of Parliament of this reign was that importance
of Habeas Corpus, of 1679, which provided that any one who corpus Act,
was arrested should be informed of the reason and should be ^^"^^
speedily tried by a regular tribunal and dealt with according to
the law of the land. This principle is still one of the chief safe-
guards of our personal liberty. In France, for instance, down
until the Revolution of 1789 the king could arrest his subjects
and imprison them without assigning any reason (see below,
p. 183). To-day the principles of the Habeas Corpus Act are
recognized in all free countries.

The old war with Holland, begun by Cromwell, was renewed War with
under Charles II, who was earnestly desirous to increase Eng-
lish commerce and to found new colonies. The two nations
were very evenly matched on the sea, but in 1664 the English
seized some of the West Indian Islands from the Dutch and
also their colony on Manhattan Island, which was re-named
New York in honor of the king's brother, the Duke of York.
In 1667 a treaty was signed by England and Holland which
confirmed these conquests.

Section 6. The Revolution of 1688

Upon Charles IPs death he was succeeded by his brother, James II,
James II, who was an avowed Catholic and had married, as his ^~
second wife, Mary of Modena, who was also a Catholic. He

1 A bill of toleration was finally passed by Parliament in 1689, which freed
Dissenters from all penalties for failing to attend services in Anglican churches
and allowed them to have their own meetings. Even Catholics, while not in-
cluded in the act of toleration, were permitted to hold services undisturbed by
the government (see p. 137, below).

Outlines of European History

was ready to reestablish Catholicism in England regardless of
what it might cost him. Mary, James's daughter by his first
wife, had married her cousin, William III, Prince of Orange,
the head of the United, Netherlands.^ The nation might have
tolerated James so long as they could look forward to the ac-
cession of his Protestant daughter. But when a son was born
to his Catholic second wife, and James showed unmistakably his
purpose of favoring the Catholics, messengers were dispatched
by a group of Protestants to William of Orange, asking him to
come and rule over them.

William landed'in November, 1688, and marched upon Lon-
don, where he received general support from all the English
Protestants, regardless of party. James II started to oppose
William, but his army refused to fight and his courtiers deserted
him. William was glad to forward James's flight to France, as
he would hardly have known what to do with him had James
insisted on remaining in the country. A convention, made up of
members of Parliament and some prominent citizens, declared

1 English monarchs from James I to George III :
James I (1603-1625)

Charles I

(1625-1649)

]

Elizabeth, m. Frederick V,
Elector of the

Palatinate
(Winter King
of Bohemia)

Charles II (i) Anne Hyde, m. James II, m, (2) Mary of Sophia, m. Ernest

(1660-1685)

(1685-1689)

William III, m. Mary Anne

(1689-1702) (1689-1694) (1702-1714)

Modena

James (the
Old Pretender)

Charles Edward
(the Young Pre-
tender)

Augustus,
Elector of
Hanover

George I
(1714-1727)

George II
(1727-1760)

Frederick,

Prince of Wales

(d. 1751)

George III

(1760-1820)

Struggle in Engldnd between King and Parliament 5 3

the throne vacant, on the ground that King James II, ''by the
advice of the Jesuits and other wicked persons, having violated
the fundamental laws and withdrawn himself out of the kingdom,
had abdicated the government."

This parliamentary convention then drew up a Declaration of The Bill of
Rights, which the next Parliament formally passed and made ^^ *^
the law of the land. It is known as the Bill of Rights and is
one of the most important documents in the whole history of

Fig. 9. William III

England. It forbade the king to suspend or violate the laws of
the realm, to lay taxes or keep a standing army without the
consent of Parliament, to interfere in any way with the freedom
of speech in Parliament, to deny trial by jury to any one, to
impose excessive fines or inflict cruel or unusual punishments, or
to prevent his subjects from respectfully petitioning the throne.
Then it went on to declare William and Mary, who accepted
these conditions, king and queen of England. Should they have
no children Mary's sister Anne was to succeed them.

Outlines of European History

Thus " the Glorious Revolution" of 1688 was completed by
an act in which it was freely admitted by the English king that
his powers were strictly limited by Parliament and by certain
ancient principles of government which protected the rights
and liberty of Englishmen. Although the monarchs of England
might still claim to be kings " by the grace of God," it was
now perfectly clear that Parliament could replace one king by
another if the nation so wished. Parliament, not the king, was
unmistakably the supreme power in the land.

This was illustrated a few years later when Parliament passed
the Act of Settlement, according to the terms of which after
Anne's death her cousin, Sophia of Hanover, or Sophia's heirs
should succeed to the throne of Great Britain. This was to
prevent any possibility of the return of James II or his sons.-^
Sophia's son ascended the English throne on Queen Anne's
death, in 17 14, as George I, and the Hanoverian line, which
still reigns over Great Britain and her vast colonies, owe their
kingdom to an act of Parliament.

The Act of Settlement was more than the mere adjustment
of the question who should be England's sovereign. Like the
Bill of Rights it contained a number of clauses further limiting
the powers of the monarch and safeguarding '' the liberties of
Englishmen." The most important of these restrictions was,
that judges should hold office for life, or during good behavior,
and might only be removed by Parliament.^ Thus the kings of
England were forbidden to interfere, even indirectly, wnth the
administration of justice.

1 James IPs son, "the Old Pretender," attempted to gain the English throne
by means of an uprising in 1715. This was unsuccessful. His son, Prince Charles,
known to his Scottish admirers as " Bonnie Prince Charlie," ventured to invade
England by way of Scotland in 1745. He was completely defeated at CuUoden
Moor.

2 This is one of the most important differences between the English and
American constitutions. In the United States judges are usually elected for a
term of years, not appointed for life. Those of the Supreme Court form an ex-
ception. There is a feeling among certain reformers in the United States that
the English principle should be introduced, and that it would increase the inde-
pendence of the judges.

Struggle in England between King and Parliament 5 5

Section 7. Nature of the English Constitution

It was through the passing by Parliament of acts such as those The English
mentioned in the preceding section that the English constitution an"unwritten
was gradually given the shape which it still retains. Unlike °"^
modern written constitutions, such as most civilized countries
have to-day, the English constitution is unwritten. Its provi-
sions have never been brought together in any one solemn docu-
ment, such as the Constitution of the United States. It is made
up of the various principles of government stated in the Bill of
Rights, the Act of Settlement, and other important acts of Parlia-
ment, together with the various practices and customs that have
grown up. Some of these practices reach back to the Middle
Ages, for the English people do not change them so long as
they can be made to work. This is due to a great respect for Love of
precedent — that is to say, for what has been done in the P''^'^^*^^"'^
past ; and it serves to give a certain quaintness to the English
government, as seen, for instance, in the gray wigs still worn
by the judges. But when the methods of the past finally become
too clumsy, or stand in the way of important reform, they will
be given up and a new precedent will be established for the
guidance of future generations.

Some important changes in the English constitution have The Mutiny
come about almost incidentally. For instance, early in the reign ^e^ annual
of William and Mary there was a mutiny in the army. Parlia- ^™y ^'^^
ment did not wish to give the new king unlimited control over
the troops in putting down the mutiny lest he might perhaps
put himself at the head of a standing army and renew a danger
that had shown itself under the Stuarts. So Parliament gave
the king control over the army for the following six months
only. Later, Parliament got in the habit of extending the king's
control over the army for a year at a time ; each year it must
still be renewed, by passing a new law called the Army Bill.

The source of Parliament's power lay, as we have seen, in its The civil list
right to hold the purse string. The principle of '* no taxation ^" " ^^'

56 Outlines of European History

without consent of Parliament" was reasserted in the Bill of
Rights. In carrying out this principle, Parliament divided the
. expenses of the State into two parts. The regular expenses of
running the government (with the exception of the army and
navy) and of maintaining the royal household were drawn up
in a so-called '' civil list." The amounts to be paid were fixed
and Parliament did not reconsider them every year, unless there
was some special cause for altering them. On the other hand,
the extraordinary expenses had to be met annually by appro-
priations granted for the purpose by Parliament. These ex-
penses were based upon a careful estimate called the budget.
This businesslike way of voting money, foreshadowed under
the Stuarts, was perfected under William III. A very important
result of this method of extending the king's command over the
army for no more than a year and of making appropriations
Annual annually was that the king was of course forced to summon

Padiarnent Parliament each year to pass the necessary measures to keep

the government going.^
Slight powers In ways such as this Parliament had become England's real
left the king j.y|gj._ Having gained power over the imposing of taxes and the
spending of the money so raised, and having never let the army
escape its control, it left the king little more than the ornaments
of royalty and the right to advise, warn, and expostulate. Even
the monarch's former right of vetoing bills passed by Parlia-
ment fell into disuse and was exercised for the last time by
The cabinet Queen Anne in 1707. Moreover, William III found out that
since Parliament was the real ruler, he had to choose for his
ministers men in whom the majority of the members of Par-
liament had confidence, otherwise they might refuse the neces-
sary appropriations. The king was forced to select a ministry
from the party which happened to be in power at the time. The

1 As for the frequency with which there must be a new general election of the
members of the House of Commons, it was provided by the Triennial Act of
1694 that the country should be permitted to reelect the members every three
years at least. This term was changed by the Septennial Act in 1716 and made
seven years. Not until 1911 Was this reduced by act of Parliament to five years.

Struggle ill Eiigla7id betzvceii King and Parliament 57

old Cavalier party, now known as the Tories, had been much Tories and
weakened by its sympathy with the unpopular cause of the '^^
Stuarts. Accordingly William selected his ministers from among
the Whig party, as the old Roundheads were now called. The
ministry, a group of a half dozen or so advisers, came to be
called the cabinet. This cabinet was destined finally to become
the directing force in the English government. How this came
about and just what "cabinet government " means we shall see
later (see below, p. 503).

QUESTIONS

Section i. W'hat was the great issue during the period of the
Stuarts? What were the views of kingship held by James I 'i Men-
tion some of the books of his time.

Section 2. W^hat policy did Charles I adopt in regard to Par-
liament .'^ What was the Petition of Right? W^hat were the chief
religious parties in England in the time of Charles I ? Who was
John Hampden ? Mention some of the religious sects dating from
that time which still exist in the United States.

Section 3. What measures did the Long Parliament take against
the king? Describe the civil war. What led to the execution of
Charles I ?

Section 4. What were the chief events during Cromwell's ad-
ministration? What are your impressions of Cromwell?

Section 5. What led to the restoration of the Stuarts? What
was the attitude of Charles II toward the religious difficulties? W^ho
were the Dissenters? W^hat is Habeas Coi-pus ? Why was it
important?

Section 6. W^hy w^as James II unpopular? Give an account of
the revolution which put W^illiam and Mary on the English throne.
Give the provisions of the Bill of Rights. What is the claim of the
Hanoverian line to the throne of England?

Section 7. What change did the Act of Settlement make in the
administration of English judges? Compare the advantages of an
appointed with those of an elective judiciary. How does Parliament
exercise its control of the purse? What are the civil list and the
budget? How did the cabinet arise? Describe its connection with
party government.

CHAPTER II
FRANCE UNDER LOUIS XIV

Section 8. Position and Character of Louis XIV

France in the
first half of
the seven-
teenth
century

Louis XIV,
1643-1715

What Riche-
lieu and
Mazarin had
done for the
French mon-
archy

The govern-
ment of
Louis XIV

After the wars of religion were over, the royal authority in
France had been reestablished by the wise conduct of Henry IV.
Henry IV's son, Louis XIII, allowed his great minister, Riche-
lieu, to rule, and Richelieu solidified the monarchy by depriving
the Huguenots of the exceptional privileges granted to them
for their protection by Henry IV ; he also destroyed the forti-
fied castles of the nobles, whose power had greatly increased
during the turmoil of the Huguenot wars. Louis XIII died in
1643, leaving the throne to a mere child, Louis XIV. Richelieu,
however, had been succeeded by a clever minister, Cardinal
Mazarin, who was able to put down a last rising of the dis-
contented nobility.

When Mazarin died, in 166 1, he left the young monarch with
a kingdom such as no previous French king had enjoyed. The
nobles, who for centuries had disputed the power with the king,
were no longer feudal lords but only courtiers. The Huguenots,
whose claim to a place in the State beside the Catholics had
led to the terrible civil wars of the sixteenth century, were re-
duced in numbers and no longer held fortified towns from which
they could defy the king's officers. Richelieu and Mazarin had
successfully taken a hand in the Thirty Years' War, and France
had come out of it with enlarged territory and increased impor-
tance in European affairs.

Louis XIV carried the work of these great ministers still
farther. He gave that form to. the French monarchy which it
retained until the French Revolution. He made himself the very

France under Lonis XIV 59

mirror of kingship. His marvelous court at Versailles became
the model and the despair of other less opulent and powerful
princes, who accepted his theory of the absolute powxr of kings
but could not afford to imitate his luxury. By his incessant wars
he kept Europe in turmoil for over half a century. The dis-
tinguished generals who led his newly organized troops, and the

Fig. 10. Louis XIV

wily diplomats who arranged his alliances and negotiated his
treaties, made France feared and respected by even the most
powerful of the other European states.

Louis XIV had the same idea of kingship that James I had The theory
tried in vain to induce the English people to accept. God had <r divine right
given kings to men, and it was His will that monarchs should pj.^^"|^ " ^^
be regarded as His lieutenants and that all those subject to
them should obey them absolutely, without asking any ques-
tions or making any criticisms ; for in submitting to their

Outlines of EiL^vpcaii History

Different
attitude of
the English
and French
nations
toward
absolute
monarchy

Personal
character-
istics of
Louis XIV

prince they were really submitting to God Himself. If the king
were good and wise, his subjects should thank the Lord ; if he
proved foolish, cruel, or perverse, they must accept their evil
ruler as a punishment which God had sent them for their sins.
But in no case might they limit his power or rise against him.^

Louis XIV had two great advantages over James L In the
first place, the English nation has always shown itself far more
reluctant than France to place absolute power in the hands of
its rulers. By its Parliament, its courts, and its various decla-
rations of the nation's rights, it had built up traditions which
made it impossible for the Stuarts to establish their claim to
be absolute rulers. In France, on the other hand, there was no
Great Charter or Bill of Rights ; the Estates General did not
hold the purse strings, and the king was permitted to raise
mpney without asking their permission or previously redressing
the grievances which they chose to point out. They were there-
fore only summoned at irregular intervals. When Louis XIV
took charge of the government, forty-seven years had passed
without a meeting of the Estates General, and a century and a
quarter was still to elapse before another call to the represent-
atives of the nation was issued in 1789.

Moreover, the French people placed far more reliance upon
a powerful king than the English, perhaps because they were
not protected by the sea from their neighbors, as England was.
On every side France had enemies ready to take advantage of
an}i weakness or hesitation which might arise from dissension
between a parliament and the king. So the French felt it best,
on the whole, to leave all in the king's hands, even if they
suffered at times from his tyranny.

Louis had another great advantage over James. He was
a handscrme man, of elegant and courtly mien and the most
exquisite perfection of manner; even when playing billiards

i Louis XIV does not appear to have himself used the famous expression " 1
am the State,'' usually attributed to him, but it exactly corresponds to his idea of
the relation of the king and the State.

France under Louis XIV

he is said to have retained an air of world mastery. The first
of the Stuarts, on the contrary, was a very awkward man,
whose slouching gait, intolerable manners, and pedantic con-
versation were utterly at variance with his lofty pretensions.
I.ouis added, moreover, to his graceful exterior a sound judg-
ment and quick apprehension. He said neither too much nor
too litde. He was, for a king, a hard worker and spent several
hours each morning attending to the business of government.

Fig. II. Facade of the Palace of Versailles

It requires, in fact, a great deal of energy and application to The strenu-
be a real despot. In order thoroughly to understand and to

solve the problems which constantly face the ruler of a great
state, a monarch must, like Frederick the Great or Napoleon,
rise early and toil late. Louis XIV was greatly aided by the
able ministers who sat in his council, but he always retained for
himself the place of first minister. He would never have con-
sented to be dominated by an adviser as his father had been by
Richelieu.' " The profession of the king," he declared, " is
great, noble, and delightful if one but feels equal to performing
the duties which it involves " — and he never harbored a doubt
that he himself was born for the business.

a despotic
ruler

France binder Louis XIV

over a century Versailles continued to be the home of the
French kings and the seat of their government.

This splendor and luxury helped to attract the nobility, who Life at
no longer lived on their estates in well-fortified castles, plan- coun ^
ning how they might escape the royal control. They now dwelt
in the effulgence of the king's countenance. They saw him to
bed at night and in stately procession they greeted him in the

y--< > ^-^T^^m^ ^

^iv-^A.,;^'^'

Fig. 13. Facade of the Palace of Versailles toward
THE Gardens

morning. It was deemed a high honor to hand him his shirt as
he was being dressed or, at dinner, to provide him with a fresh
napkin. Only by living close to the king could the courtiers hope
to gain favors, pensions, and lucrative offices for themselves and
their friends, and perhaps occasionally to exercise some little
influence upon the policy of the government. For they were
now entirely dependent upon the good will of their monarch.

The reforms which Louis XIV carried out in the earlier part The reforms
of his reign were largely the work of the great financier Colbert,
to whom France still looks back with gratitude. He early

m^^Zt.'^

and

i**^r wa%

France tiiider Loiiis XIV 65

forty members of this association. A magazine which still
exists, the Journal des Savants, was founded for the promotion
of science at this time. Colbert had an astronomical observatory
built at Paris ; and the Royal Library, which only possessed
about sixteen thousand volumes, began to grow into that great
collection of two and a half million volumes — by far the largest
in existence — which to-day attracts scholars to Paris from all
parts of the world. In short, Louis XIV and his ministers
believed one of the chief objects of any government to be the
promotion of art, literature, and science, and the example they
set has been followed by almost every modern state.

Section 10, Louis XIV attacks his Neighbors

Unfortunately for France, the king's ambitions were by no Louis xiv's
means exclusively peaceful. Indeed, he regarded his wars as enterprises
his chief glory. He employed a carefully reorganized army and
the skill of his generals in a series of inexcusable attacks on
his neighbors, in which he finally squandered all that Colbert's
economies had accumulated and led France to the edge of
financial ruin.

Louis XIV's predecessors had had, on the whole, little time He aims to
to think of conquest. They had first to consolidate their realms "^natural
and gain the mastery of their feudal dependents, who shared the boundaries '•
power with them ; then the claims of the English Edwards and
Henrys had to be met, and the French provinces freed from
their clutches ; lastly, the great religious dispute was only setded
after many years of disintegrating civil war. But Louis XIV
was now at liberty to look about him and consider how he
might best realize the dream of his ancestors and perhaps rees-
tablish the ancient boundaries which Caesar reported that the
Gauls had occupied. The " natural limits " of France appeared
to be the Rhine on the north and east, the Jura Mountains and
the Alps on the southeast, and to the south the Mediterranean
and the Pyrenees. Richelieu had believed that it was the chief

Outlines of European History

Louis XIV
lays claim to
the Spanish
Netherlands

The invasion
of the Nether-
lands, 1667

end of his ministry to restore to France the boundaries deter-
mined for it by nature. Mazarin had labored hard to win
Savoy on the east and Nice on the Mediterranean coast and
to reach the Rhine on the north. Before his death France
at least gained Alsace and reached the Pyrenees, " which," as
the treaty with Spain says (1659), " formerly divided the Gauls
from Spain."

Louis XIV first turned his attention to the conquest of the
Spanish Netherlands, to which he laid claim through his wife,
the elder sister of the Spanish king, Charles II (1665-1700).
In 1667 he surprised Europe by publishing a little treatise in
which he set forth his claims not only to the Spanish Nether-
lands, but even to the whole Spanish monarchy. By confound-
ing the kingdom of France with the old empire of the Franks
he could maintain that the people of the Netherlands were
his subjects.

Louis placed himself at the head of the army which he had
re-formed and reorganized, and announced that he was to
undertake a " journey," as if his invasion was only an expedi-
tion into another part of his undisputed realms. He easily
took a number of towns on the border of the Netherlands and
then turned south and completely conquered Franche-Comte.
This was an outlying province of Spain, isolated from her
other lands, and a most tempting morsel for the hungry king
of France.^

These conquests alarmed Europe, and especially Holland,
which could not afford to have the barrier between it and
France removed, for Louis XIV would be an uncomfortable
neighbor. A Triple Alliance, composed of Holland, England,
and Sweden, was accordingly organized to induce France to
make peace with Spain. Louis contented himself for the
moment with the dozen border towns that he had taken and
which Spain ceded to him on condition that he would return
Franche-Comte'.

1 See Part I, pp. 573 and 649.

^liVj

^iRhj

Sldna

ipndon

r
o r t h I ,S~€i

■^rnsterda

EUROPE

WHEN LOUIS XIV BEGAN
HIS PERSONAL GOVERNMENT/

1661

'•r-^-v^.

,Paris

Versa

3 Spanish Possessions
] Austrian Possessions
5i Boundary ofthe Holy Roman Empire f

WO 200 m

Scale of Miles

»^.

Franche

i^J^iGDdl

M\ O p.

A N C El

Oa^,

Madrid

DOjvr^

f OFl

'Barceloua

^isU

.^^ )

i4^J(

R. Tagi** / JV

ew/Cj

AIA

* sleiicia

iille^

/^^'■a'iadac

10 JLongitude West

A F R

ro.

Longitude East 5 from Gn

France under Louis XIV 6/

The success with which Holland had held her own against Louis xiv
the navy of England and brought the proud king of France thrxripre
to a halt produced an elation on the part of that tiny country Alliance and
which was very aggravating to Louis XIV. He was thoroughly self with
vexed that he should have been blocked by so trifling an of England
obstacle as Dutch intervention. He consequently conceived a
strong dislike for the United Provinces, which was increased
by the protection that they afforded to writers who annoyed
him with their attacks. He broke up the Triple Alliance by
inducing Charles II of England to conclude a treaty which
pledged England to help France in a new war against the
Dutch.

Louis XIV then startled Europe again by seizing the duchy Louis xiV's
of Lorraine, which brought him to the border of Holland. At HoHand 1672
the head of a hundred thousand men he crossed the Rhine
(1672) and easily conquered southern Holland. For the
moment the Dutch cause appeared to be lost. But William
of Orange showed the spirit of his 'great ancestor William the
Silent ; the sluices in the dikes were opened and the country
flooded, so the French army was checked before it could take
Amsterdam and advance into the north. The Emperor sent
an army against Louis, and England deserted him and made
peace with Holland.

When a general peace was concluded at the end of six years, Peace of
the chief provisions were that Holland should be left intact, 16™^^^^"'
and that France should this time retain Franche-Comte', which
had been conquered by Louis XIV in person. This bit of the
Burgundian heritage thus became at last a part of France,
after France and Spain had quarreled over it for a century and
a half. For the ten years following there was no open war, but Louis XI v
Louis seized the important free city of Strassburg and made strassburg
many other less conspicuous but equally unwarranted additions
to his territory. The Emperor was unable to do more than pro-
test against these outrageous encroachments, for he was fully
occupied with the Turks, who had just laid siege to Vienna.

Outlines of European History

Situation of
the Hugue-
nots at the
beginning of
Louis XIV's
reign

Louis's
policy of
suppression

Revocation
of the Edict
of Nantes and
its results

Section ii. Louis XIV and his Protestant
Subjects

Louis XIV exhibited as woeful a want of statesmanship in
the treatment of his Protestant subjects as in the prosecution
of disastrous wars. The Huguenots, deprived of their former
military and political power, had turned to manufacture, trade,-
and banking ; '' as rich as a Huguenot " had become a proverb
in France. There were perhaps a million of them among fifteen
million Frenchmen, and they undoubtedly formed by far the
most thrifty and enterprising part of the nation. The Catholic
clergy, however, did not cease to urge the complete suppression
of heresy.

Louis XIV had scarcely taken the reins of government into
his own hands before the perpetual nagging and injustice to
which the Protestants had been subjected at all times took a
more serious form. Upon one pretense or another their churches
were demolished. Children were authorized to renounce Prot-
estantism when they reached the age of seven. Rough dragoons
were quartered upon the Huguenots with the hope that the
insulting behavior of the soldiers might frighten the heretics
into accepting the religion of the king.

At last Louis XIV was led by his officials to believe that
practically all the Huguenots had been converted by these harsh
measures. In 1685, therefore, he revoked the Edict of Nantes,
and the Protestants thereby became outlaws and their ministers
subject to the death penalty. Even liberal-minded Catholics,
like the kindly writer of fables. La Fontaine, and the charming
letter writer, Madame de Sevigne, hailed this reestablishment
of " religious unity " with delight. They believed that only an
insignificant and seditious remnant still clung to the beliefs of
Calvin. But there could have been no more serious mistake.
Thousands of the Huguenots succeeded in eluding the vigi-
lance of the royal officials and fled, some to England, some to
Prussia, some to America, carrying with them their skill and

Frajice under Loids XIV 69

industry to strengthen France's rivals. This was the last great
and terrible example in western Europe of that fierce religious
intolerance which had produced the Albigensian Crusade, the
Spanish Inquisition, and the Massacre of St. Bartholomew.

Louis XIV now set his heart upon conquering the Palatinate, Louis's
a Protestant land, to which he easily discovered that he had a the Rhenish
claim. The rumor of his intention and the indignation occasioned P^i^^mate
in Protestant countries by the revocation of the Edict of Nantes
resulted in an alliance against the French king headed by William
of Orange. Louis speedily justified the suspicions of Europe by
a frightful devastation of the Palatinate, burning whole towns
and destroying many castles, including the exceptionally beauti-
ful one of the elector at Heidelberg. Ten years later, however,
Louis agreed to a peace which put things back as they were
before the struggle began. He was preparing for the final and
most ambitious undertaking of his life, which precipitated the
longest and bloodiest war of all his warlike reign.

Section 12. War of the Spanish Succession

The king of Spain, Charles II, was childless and brotherless. The question
and Europe had long been discussing what would become of i^sh succession
his vast realms when his sickly existence should come to an end.
Louis XIV had married one of his sisters, and the Emperor,
Leopold I, another, and these two ambitious rulers had been
considering for some time how they might divide the Spanish
possessions between the Bourbons and the Hapsburgs. But
when Charles II died, in 1700, it was discovered that he had
left a will in which he made Louis's younger grandson, Philip,
the heir to his twenty-two crowns, but on the condition that
France and Spain should never be united.

It was a weighty question whether Louis XIV should permit Louis's
his grandson to accept this hazardous honor. Should Philip be- fSip^°be-
come king of Spain, Louis and his family would control all of comes kmg
southwestern Europe from Holland to Sicily, as well as a great

Outlines of European History

The War of
the Spanish
Succession

The Treaty
of Utrecht,
1713

part of North and South America. This would mean the estab-
lishment of an empire more powerful than that of Charles V.
It was clear that the disinherited Emperor and the ever-watchful
William of Orange, who had now become king of England,
would never permit this unprecedented extension of French
influence. They had already shown themselves ready to make
great sacrifices in order to check far less serious aggressions
on the part of the French king. Nevertheless, family pride and
personal ambition led Louis criminally to risk the welfare of
his country. He accepted the will and informed the Spanish
ambassador at the French court that he might salute Philip V
as his new king. The leading French newspaper of the time
boldly proclaimed that the Pyrenees were no more.

King William soon succeeded in forming a new Grand Alli-
ance (1701) in which Louis's old enemies, England, Holland,
and the Emperor, were the most important members. William
himself died just as hostilities were beginning, but the long
War of the Spanish Succession was carried on vigorously by
the great English general, the Duke of Marlborough, and the
Austrian commander, Eugene of Savoy. The conflict was more
general than the Thirty Years' War ; even in America there was
fighting between French and English colonists, which passes in
American histories under the name of Queen Anne's War. All
the more important battles went against the French, and after
ten years of war, which was rapidly ruining the country by the
destruction of its people and its wealth, Louis XIV was willing
to consider some compromise, and after long discussion a peace
was arranged in 17 13.

The Treaty of Utrecht changed the map of Europe as no
previous treaty had done, not even that of Westphalia. Each
of the chief combatants got his share of the Spanish booty over
which they had been fighting. The Bourbon Philip V was per-
mitted to retain Spain and its colonies on condition that the
Spanish and French crowns should never rest on the same
head. To Austria fell the Spanish Netherlands, hereafter called

^««^^^^«c.,.

'^uilin

'^^^a4^«^

^y^i,

DENM

r t h

S e

EUROPE

after the .Treaties of

UTRECHT AND RASTADT

1713-1714

Boundary of the Empire

0 100 200 300

Scale of Miles.

onteiiojfo

iy ,^!''•^^^^ O

'JiiJL

fadridc

)

I^^)AIN

Seville

France tmder Louis XIV yi

the Austrian Netheriands, which continued to form a barrier
between Holland and France. Holland received certain for-
tresses to make its position still more secure. The Spanish
possessions in Italy, that is, Naples and Milan, were also given
to Austria, and in this way Austria got the hold on Italy which
it retained until 1866. From France, England acquired Nova
Scotia, Newfoundland, and the Hudson Bay region, and so
began the expulsion of the French from North America. Besides
these American provinces she received the rock and fortress of
Gibraltar, which still gives her command of the narrow entrance
to the Mediterranean.

The period of Louis XIV is remarkable for the development The develop
of international law. The incessant wars and great alliances ternational
embracing several powers made increasingly clear the need of ^^^
well-defined rules governing states in their relations with one
another both in peace and in war. It was of the utmost impor-
tance to determine, for instance, the rights of ambassadors and
of the vessels of neutral powers not engaged in the war, and
what should be considered fair conduct in warfare and in the
treatment of prisoners.

The first great systematic treatise on international law was Grotius's
published by Grotius in 1625, \yhen the horrors of the Thirty Peace
Years' War were impressing men's minds with the necessity of
finding some means other than war of settling disputes between
nations. While the rules laid down by Grotius and later writers
have, as we must sadly admit, by no means put an end to war,
they have prevented many conflicts by increasing the ways in
which nations may come to an understanding with one another
through their ambassadors without recourse to arms.

Louis XIV outlived his son and his grandson and left a
sadly demoralized kingdom to his five-year-old great-grandson,
Louis XV (17 1 5-1 7 74). The national treasury was depleted,
the people were reduced in numbers and were in a miserable
state, and the army, once the finest in Europe, was in no
condition to gain further victories.

72 Oidlines of Eiiropean History

QUESTIONS

Section 8. What did Richelieu accomplish in strengthening
the French monarchy? What were Louis XIV's ideas of kingship?
Why did the French view the " divine right of kings " differently
from the English? Contrast Louis XIV with James L

Section 9. Describe the palace of Versailles. What were the
chief reforms of Colbert? Mention some of the great writers of
Louis XIV's time. How did the government aid scholarship and
science ?

Section 10. What led Louis XIV to attack his neighbors? What
are the " natural " boundaries of France ? What country did Louis
first attack ? What additions did he make to French territory ?

Section i i . What was the policy of Louis XIV toward the
Huguenots? Who were Louis XIV's chief enemies?

Section i 2. What were the causes of the War of the Spanish
Succession ? What were the chief changes provided for in the Treaty
of Utrecht ?

CHAPTER III

THE RISE OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA; AUSTRIA

Section 13. Peter the Great plans to make
Russia a European Power

While much was said in the previous volume of France,
England, Spain, the Netherlands, the Holy Roman Empire,
and the Italian states, it was not necessary hitherto to speak
of Russia and Prussia. In the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies these states, however, played a great part in European
affairs, and in order to understand how they grew up, we must
turn from the Rhine and the Pyrenees to the shores of the
Baltic and the vast plains of eastern Europe. While the long
War of the Spanish Succession had been in progress, due to
Louis XIV's anxiety to add Spain to the possessions of his
family, another conflict was raging in the north, and changes
were taking place there comparable in importance to those
which were ratified by the Peace of Utrecht. Russia, which
had hitherto faced eastward, was turning toward the west,
upon which she was destined to exert an ever-increasing in-
fluence. The newly founded kingdom of Prussia was gather-
ing its forces for a series of brilliant military exploits under the
leadership of Frederick the Great.

There has been no occasion in dealing with the situation in The Slavic
western Europe to speak heretofore of the Slavic peoples, to Em-ope and
which the Russians, as well as the Poles, Bohemians, Bui- the extent

' ' ' of Russia

garians, and other nations of eastern Europe belong, although
together they constitute the most numerous race in Europe.
Not until the opening of the eighteenth century did Russia
begin to take an active part in western affairs. Now she is

Outlines of European History

Beginnings
of Russia

one of the most important factors in the politics of the world.
Of the realms of the Tsar, that portion which lies in Europe
exceeds in extent the territories of all the other rulers of the
Continent put together, and yet European Russia comprises
scarcely a quarter of the Tsar's whole dominion, which em-
braces northern and central Asia, extends to the Pacific Ocean,
and forms all together an empire covering about three times
the area of the United States.

The beginnings of the Russian state fall in the ninth century ;
some of the Northmen invaded the districts to the east of the
Baltic, while their relatives were causing grievous trouble in
France and England. It is generally supposed that one of
their leaders, Rurik, was the first to consolidate the Slavic
tribes about Novgorod into a sort of state in^862. Rurik's
successor extended the bounds of the new empire so as to
include the important town of Kiev on the Dnieper. The word
" Russia " is probably derived from Roiis^ the name given by
the neighboring Finns to the Norman adventurers. Before the
end of the tenth century the Greek form of Christianity was
introduced and the Russian ruler was baptized. The frequent
intercourse with Constantinople might have led to rapid ad-
vance in civilization had it not been for a great disaster which
put Russia back for centuries.

Russia is geographically nothing more than an extension of
t'he'thirtVenth the vast plain of northern Asia, which the Russians were des-
tined finally to conquer. It was therefore exposed to the great
invasion of the Tartars, or Mongols, who swept in from the
East in the thirteenth century. The powerful Tartar ruler,
Genghis Khan (i 162-1227), conquered northern China and
central Asia, and the mounted hordes of his successors crossed
into Europe and overran Russia, which had fallen apart into
numerous principalities. The Russian princes became the de-
pendents of the Great Khan, and had frequently to seek his
far-distant court, some three thousand miles away, where he
freely disposed of both their crowns and their heads. The

The Tartar
invasion in

century

yd Outlines of European History

In the year 1697-1698, Peter himself visited Germany, Hol-
land, and England, with a view to investigating every art and
science of the West, as well as the most approved methods of
manufacture, from the making of a man-of-war to the etching
of an engraving. Nothing escaped the keen eyes of this rude,
half-savage northern giant. For a week he put on the wide

Fig. 14. Peter the Great

Peter was a tall, strong man, impulsive in action, sometimes vulgarly
familiar, but always retaining an air of command. When he visited
Louis XV of France in 17 17, he astonished the court by taking the
seven-year-old king under the arms and hoisting him up in the air to
kiss him. The courtiers were much shocked at his conduct

breeches of a Dutch laborer and worked in the shipyard at
Saardam near Amsterdam. In England, Holland, and Ger-
many he engaged artisans, scientific men, architects, ship cap-
tains, and those versed in artillery and the training of troops,
all of whom he took back with him to aid in the reform and
development of Russia so that it should be able to take its
place in European history.

TJie Rise of Russia and Prussia ; Aitstiia yy

He was called home by the revolt of the royal guard, who Suppression
had allied themselves with the very large party of nobles and aga^^^^for-
churchmen who were horrified at Peter's desertion of the habits ^^S" ideas
and customs of his forefathers. They hated what they called
"German ideas," such as short coats, tobacco smoking, and
beardless faces. The clergy even suggested that Peter was per-
haps Antichrist. Peter took a fearful revenge upon the rebels,
and is said to have himself cut off the heads of many of them.

Peter's reforms extended through his whole reign. He made Peter's
his people give up their cherished oriental beards and long flow- measures
ing garments. Pie forced the women of the better class, who
had been kept in a sort of oriental harem, to come out and
meet the men in social assemblies, such as were common in the
West. He invited foreigners to settle in Russia, and insured
them protection, privileges, and the free exercise of their religion.
He sent young Russians abroad to study. He reorganized the
government officials on the model of a western kingdom, and
made over his army in the same way.-^

Finding that the old capital of Moscow clung persistently to Founding
its ancient habits, he prepared to build a new capital for his capltai^^t.
new Russia. He selected for this purpose a bit of territory on Petersburg
the Baltic which he had conquered from Sweden, — very marshy,
it is true, — where he hoped to construct Russia's first real
port. Here he built St. Petersburg at enormous expense and
colonized it with Russians and foreigners.

In his ambition to get to the sea, Peter naturally collided The miiiiaiv
with Sweden, to which the provinces between Russia and the c^haTi?s^xri
Baltic belonged. Never had Sweden, or any other country, of Sweden
had a more warlike king than the one with whom Peter had to
contend — the youthful prodigy, Charles XII. When Charles
came to the throne in 1697 he was only fifteen years old, and
it seemed to the natural enemies of Sweden an auspicious time
to profit by the supposed weakness of the boy ruler. So a
union was formed between Denmark, Poland, and Russia, with

1 See Readings, Vol. I, pp. 6i ff.

yS OiUlines of Europe a7t History

the object of increasing their territories at Sweden's expense.
But Charles turned out to be a second Alexander the Great in
military prowess. He astonished Europe by promptly besieging
Copenhagen and forcing the king of Denmark to sign a treaty
of peace. He then turned like lightning against Peter, who was
industriously besieging Nai-\'a, and with eight thousand Swedes

Fig. 15. Charles XII of Sweden

wiped out an army of fifty thousand Russians (1700). Lastly
he thoroughly defeated the king of Poland.
Defeat and Though Charles was a remarkable military leader, he was a

Charlet XII foolish ruler. He undertook to wrest Poland from its king, to
whom he attributed the formation of the league against him.
He had a new king crowned at Warsaw, whom he at last
succeeded in getting recognized. He then turned his atten-
tion to Peter, who had meanwhile been conquering the Baltic
provinces. This time fortune turned against the Swedes.
The long march through Russia proved as fatal to them as to

The Rise of Russia and Prussia ; Austria 79

Napoleon a century later, Charles XII being totally defeated in
the battle of Pultowa (i 709). He fled to Turkey, where he spent
some years in vainly urging the Sultan to attack Peter. Return-
ing at last to his own kingdom, which he had utterly neglected
for years, he was killed in 17 18 while besieging a town.

Soon after Charles's death a treaty was concluded between Russia ac-
Sweden and Russia by which Russia gained Livonia, Esthonia, Sk prov
and the other Swedish provinces at the eastern end of the ^^JJe^^p^s^o
Baltic. Peter had made less successful attempts to get a foot- get a foot-
ing on the Black Sea. He had first taken Azof (which he soon Black Sea
lost during the war with Sweden), and then captured several
towns on the Caspian. It had become evident that if the Turks
should be driven out of Europe, Russia would be a mighty rival
of the western powers in the division of the spoils.

For a generation after the death of Peter the Great, Russia
fell .into the hands of incompetent rulers. It appears again as
a European state when the great Catherine II, of whose reforms
we shall read further on,^ came to the throne in 1762. From
that time on, the western powers had always to consider the
vast Slavic empire in all their great struggles. They had also
to consider a new kingdom in northern Germany, Prussia, which
was destined in time to become a menace to the whole world.

Section 14. Rise of Prussia
The electorate of Brandenburg had figured on the map of The House of

„ . . , , -1 . Hohenzollern

Europe for centuries, and there was no particular reason to
suppose that it was one day to become the dominant state
in Germany. Early in the fifteenth century the old line of
electors had died out, and the impecunious Emperor Sigismund
had sold the electerate to a hitherto inconspicuous house, the
Hohenzollerns, who are known to us now through such names
as those of Frederick the Great, William I, the first German
emperor, and his grandson, William II. It has always been the

1 See below, p. 163.

Outlines of European History

pride of the HohenzoUcrn family tliat practically every one of
its reigning members has added something to what his ancestors
handed down to him. The first great extension took place in
1614, when the elector of Brandenburg inherited Cleves and

Mark, and thus got
his first hold on the
Rhine district.

What was quite as
important, he won,
four years later, far
to the east, the duchy
of Prussia, which was
separated from Bran-
denburg by Polish
territory. Prussia was
originally the name of
a region on the Baltic
inhabited by heathen
Slavs. These had been
conquered in the thir-
teenth century by one
of the orders of cru-
sading knights, who,
when the conquest of
the Holy Land was
abandoned, looked
about for other occu-
pations. The terri-
tory of this Teutonic
Order, as it was called^
was largely settled with German colonists, but the warlike
kings of Poland had conquered the western portion of it (West
Prussia) in the early fifteenth century and forced the knighU'
to acknowledge Polish sovereignty over the rest of it. In
Luther's day (1525) the knights, headed by tlxe Grand Master,,

Fig.

16. The Old Royal Castle
at koxigsberg

This imposing castle at the old capital of
Prussia dates from the days of the warring
knights. It was reconstructed in the six-
teenth and eighteenth centuries

The Rise of Russia and PriLssia ; Austria 8 1

a Hohenzollern, accepted Protestantism and dissolved their
order. They then formed their lands into the duchy of Prussia
and their Grand Master, a relative of the elector of Branden-
burg, became the first duke, under the suzerainty of the king
of Poland. About a hundred years later (1618) this branch of
the Hohenzollerns died out, and the duchy then fell to the
elector of Brandenburg.

Notwithstanding this substantial territorial gain, there was The territo-
little promise that the hitherto obscure electorate would ever creatE^lectoi
become a formidable power when, in 1640, Frederick William, (1640-1688)
known as the Great Elector, came to his inheritance. His
territories were scattered from the Rhine to the Vistula, his
army was of small account, and his authority disputed by
powerful nobles and local assemblies. The center of his do-
main was Brandenburg. Far to the west was Mark, border-
ing on the Rhine valley, and Cleves, lying on both banks of
that river. Far to the east, beyond the Vistula, was the duchy
of Prussia, outside the borders of the Empire and subject to
the overlordship of the king of Poland.

Frederick William was, however, well fitted for the task of Character of
welding these domains into a powerful -state. He was coarse by Elector*^
nature, heartless in destroying opponents, treacherous in his
diplomatic negotiations, and entirely devoid of the culture which
distinguished Louis XIV and his court. He set resolutely to
work to build up a great army, destroy the local assemblies in
his provinces, place all government in the hands of his officials,
and add new territories to his patrimony.

In all of these undertakings he was largely successful. By The Great
shrewd tactics during the closing days of the Thirty Years' War makes'impor
he managed to secure, by the Treaty of Westphalia, the territo- tant gams m
ries of the bishoprics of Minden and Halberstadt and the duchy
of Farther Pomerania, which gave him a good shore line on
the Baltic. He also forced Poland to surrender her overlord-
ship of the duchy of Prussia and thus made himself a duke
independent of the Empire.

Outlines of European History

Reforms of
the Great
Elector

Knowing that the interests of his house depended on mili-
tary strength, he organized, in spite of the protests of the tax-
payers, an army out of all proportion to the size and wealth
of his dominions. He reformed the system of administration
and succeeded in creating an absolute monarchy on the model
furnished by his contemporary, Louis XIV. He joined England
and Holland in their alliances against Louis, and the army of
Brandenburg began to be known and feared.

In short. Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg laid the
foundations for that autocratic, militaristic Prussia which did not

Territories of the Great Elector of Brandenburg

Militaristic
Prussia
founded by
the Great
Elector

Brandenburg
becomes the
kingdom of
Prussia, 1701

fully exhibit its hateful ideas of merciless aggression and heart-
less ambition until the Great War of 1 9 1 4. Through many vicissi-
tudes under its Hohenzollern rulers, some of them warlike and
ruthless, some of them feeble and timid, Prussia gradually added
to its territory by seizing that of its neighbors until it brought all
of Germany under its domination. Then its ruling class began,
as we shall see, to dream of nothing less than a Middle European
Empire which Germany should control in her own interests.

It was accordingly a dangerous legacy which the Great Elector
left in 1688 to his son, Frederick III, and although the career
of the latter was by no means as brilliant as that of his father,
he was able by a bold stroke to transform his electorate into a

The Rise of Rtissia and Prussia ; Austria 83

kingdom. The opportunity for this achievement was offered by
the need of the powers for his assistance against the designs of
Louis XIV. When the Emperor called upon Frederick III in
1700 to assist him in securing a division of the Spanish domin-
ions (see above, p. 69), the elector exacted as the price of his help
the recognition of his right to take the title of king.

The title " King in Prussia " ^ was deemed preferable to the
more natural " King of Brandenburg" because Prussia lay wholly

I ! y ^ ,.-~.^'^>^^-^<^:^-^-

Fig. 17. View of Berlin in 1717

Berlin was only a small town until the days of the Great Elector. It in-
creased from about eight thousand inhabitants in 1650 to about twenty
thousand in 16S8. It is therefore not a really ancient city, hke Paris
or London. Most of its great growth has taken place in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries

without the bounds of the Empire and consequently its ruler was
not in any sense subject to the Emperor but was entirely inde-
pendent. So the elector Frederick III became King Frederick I and
was crowned with great state at the Prussian capital, Konigsberg.
The second ruler of the new kingdom, Frederick William I,
the father of Frederick the Great, is known to history as the
rough and boorish barrack king who devoted himself entirely to
governing his realm, collecting tall soldiers, drilling his battalions,

1 Since West Prussia still belonged to Poland in 1701, the new king satisfied
himself with the title King in Prussia. It was changed by Frederick the Great
to Kin^ of Prussia.

Frederick III,
elector of
Brandenburg,
becomes King
Frederick I
of Prussia

Government
of Frederick
William I
(1 713-1740)

Outlines of European History

Frederick
William and
his soldiers

His states-
manship

Miserly
economy in
finances

hunting wild game, and smoking strong tobacco. He ruled his
family and his country with an iron hand, declaring to those
who remonstrated, " Salvation belongs to the Lord ; everything
else is my business." ^

Frederick William was passionately fond of military life from
his childhood. He took special pride in stalwart soldiers and
collected them at great expense from all parts of Europe. He
raised the army, which numbered twenty-seven thousand in the
days of the Great Elector, to eighty-four thousand, making it
almost equal to that maintained by France or Austria. He re-
served to himself the right to appoint subordinates as well as
high officials in the service, and based promotion on ability
and efficiency rather than on family connections. He was con-
stantly drilling and reviewing his men, whom he addressed
affectionately as " my blue children."

Frederick William, however, combined with this extravagant
militarism a genuine statesmanship. He made Prussia a well-
governed state, although he insisted on running everything him-
self. Moreover, by wise management and miserly thrift, he
treasured up a huge sum of money. He discharged a large
number of court servants, sold at auction many of the royal
jewels, and had a great portion of the family plate coined
into money. Consequently he was able to leave to his. son,
Frederick H, not only a strong army but an arnple supply of
gold. Indeed, it was his toil and economy that made possible
the achievements of his far better known son.

Section 15. The Wars of Frederick the Great

Accession of
Frederick II
of Prussia,
called " the
Great "
(1740-1786)

Frederick H came to the throne in the spring of 1740. In
his early years he had grieved and disgusted his boorish
old father by his dislike for military life and his interest in
books and music. He was a particular admirer of the French

1 For Frederick William's instructions for the education of his son, see
Readings^ Vol. I, p. 65.

The Rise of Russia a7td Prussia ; Austria 85

and preferred their language to his own. No sooner had he
become king, however, than he suddenly developed great energy
and ruthlessness in warlike enterprises. Chance favored his
designs. The Emperor Charles VI, the last representative of
the direct male line of the Hapsburgs died in 1740, just a few

^ =^

Fig. 18. Military Punishment

The armies of the old regime were mostly made up of hired soldiers or
serfs, and the officers maintained discipline by cruel punishments. In
this picture of a Prussian regiment one soldier is being flogged while
half suspended by his wrists ; another is forced to walk between two
files of soldiers who must beat his bared back with heavy rods. It has
been said that these soldiers found war a relief from the terrors of
peace, since in war time the punishments were lessened

months before Frederick ascended the throne, leaving only a
daughter, Maria Theresa, to inherit his vast and miscellaneous Maria
dominions. He had induced the other European powers to a^d the
promise to accept the " pragmatic sanction " or solemn will in ^^^f^^^^
which he left everything to the young Maria Theresa; but
she had no sooner begun to reign than her greedy neighbors

86 Outlines of European History

prepared to seize her lands. Her greatest enemy was the newly
crowned king of Prussia, who at first pretended friendship for
her. Frederick determined to seize Silesia, a strip of Hapsburg
territory lying to the southeast of Brandenburg. In true Prussian

Fig. 19. Frederick II of Prussia, commonly called
" THE Great"

fashion he marched his army into the coveted district, and occu-
pied the important city of Breslau without declaring war or offer-
ing any excuse except a vague claim to a portion of the land.^

France, stimulated by Frederick's example, joined with Bavaria
in the attack upon Maria Theresa. It seemed for a time as if
her struggle to maintain the integrity of her realm would be
vain, but the loyalty of all the various peoples under her scepter

1 As no woman had ever been elected Empress, the Duke of Bavaria managed
to secure the Holy Roman Empire, as Emperor Charles VII. Upon his death,
however, in 1745, Maria Theresa's husband, Francis, Duke of Lorraine, was
chosen Emperor. Their son, Joseph II, succeeded his father in 1765, and upon
his death in 1790 his brother Leopold II was elected. When he died, in 1792, the
Empire fell to his son Francis II, who was the last of the " Roman" emperors
and assumed the new title ■' Emperor of Austria." See below, p. 286.

The Rise of Russia and Prussia ; Austria 8/

was roused by her extraordinary courage and energy. The
French were driven back, but Maria Theresa was forced to
grant Silesia to Frederick in order to induce him to retire from
the war. Finally, England and Holland joined in an alliance for
maintaining the balance of power, for they had no desire to see
France annex the Austrian Netherlands. A few years later
(i 748)^ all the powers, tired of the war, laid down their arms and
agreed to what is called in diplomacy the status quo ante bellum,
which simply means that things were to be restored to the con-
dition in which they had been before the opening of hostilities.

Frederick was, however, permitted to keep Silesia, which Frederick
increased his dominions by about one third of their former material de-
extent. He now turned his attention to making his subjects of Pr^sia
happier and more prosperous, by draining the swamps, pro-
moting industry, and drawing up a new code of laws. He
found time, also, to gratify his interest in men of letters, and
invited the great French writer, Voltaire,^ to make his home
at Berlin.

Maria Theresa was by no means reconciled to the loss of The Seven
Silesia, and she began to lay her plans for expelling the per-
fidious Frederick and regaining her lost territory. This led to
one of the most important wars in modern history, in which
not only almost every European power joined, but which in-
volved the whole world, from the Indian rajahs of Hindustan
to the colonists of Virginia and New England. This Seven
Years' War (i 756-1 763) will be considered in its broader
aspects in the next chapter. We note here only the part
played in it by the king of Prussia.

Maria Theresa's ambassador at Paris was so skillful in his The alHance
negotiations with the French court that in 1756 he induced p^ussIa
it, in spite of its two hundred years of hostility to the House
of Hapsburg, to enter into an alliance with Austria against
Prussia. Russia, Sweden, and Saxony also agreed to join in a
concerted attack on Prussia. Their armies, coming as they did

1 By the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 2 See below, pp. 149 ff.

If on

- I V

-r /

IMIV.

-i\}

~y^

)

PRUSSIA

at the Death of
FREDERICK THE GREAT

in. 1786

SCALE OF MILES

The Rise of RiLssia and Prussia ; Aiistria 89

from every point of the compass, threatened the complete
annihilation of Austria's rival. It seemed as if the new kingdom
of Prussia might disappear altogether from the map of Europe.

However, it was in this war that Frederick earned his title Frederick's
of " the Great " and he has often been classed, by those who dSense"^
admire conquerors, with the ablest generals the world has seen.
Learning the object of the allies, he did not wait for them to
declare war against him, but occupied Saxony at once and
then moved on into Bohemia, where he nearly succeeded in
taking the capital, Prague. Here he was forced to retire, but
in 1757 he defeated the French and his German enemies in
the most famous, perhaps, of his battles, at Rossbach. A month
later he routed the Austrians at Leuthen,^ not far from Bres-
lau. Thereupon the Swedes and the Russians retired from the
field and left Frederick for the moment master of the situation.

England now engaged the French and left Frederick at Frederick
liberty to deal with his other enemies. While he exhibited umphs over
marvelous military skill, he was by no means able to gain all
the battles in which he engaged. For a time, indeed, it looked
as if he might, after all, be vanquished. But the accession of a
new Tsar, who was an ardent admirer of Frederick, led Russia
to conclude peace with Prussia, whereupon Maria Theresa re-
luctantly agreed to give up once more her struggle with her
inveterate enemy. Shortly afterwards England and France came
to terms, and a general settlement was made at Paris in 1763.^

Section 16. Three Partitions of Poland, 1772,
1793, AND 1795

Frederick's success in seizing and holding one of Austria's
finest provinces did not satisfy him. The central portions of his
kingdom — Brandenburg, Silesia, and Pomerania — were com-
pletely cut off from East Prussia by a considerable tract known

1 For Frederick's address to his officers before the battle of Leuthen, see
Read'mgs, Vol. I, p. 80. 2 See below, p. iii.

Austria

OjUliiies of European History

as West Prussia, which belonged to the kingdom of Poland.
The map will show how great must have been Frederick's
temptation to fill this gap, especially as Poland was in no con-
dition to defend its possessions.

With the exception of Russia, Poland was the largest king
dom in Europe. It covered an immense plain with no natural

Fig. 20. The Election of a Polish King in the
Eighteenth Century

This is an eighteenth-century engraving of a Polish diet, meeting in
the open country outside of Warsaw, whose churches are just visible,
in order to elect a king. In the center of the picture a ditch sur-
rounds the meeting place of the senators, who are holding a solemn
public session out in front of their little house. On the plain there are
processions of nobles and various indications of a celebration

Mixed popu-
lation and
discordant
religions in
Poland

boundaries, and the population, which was very thinly scattered,
belonged to several races. Besides the Poles themselves, there
were Germans in the cities of West Prussia, and the Lithuanians
and Russians in Lithuania. The Jews were very numerous
everywhere, forming half of the population in some of the
towns. The Poles were usually Catholics, while the Germans
were Protestants, and the Russians adhered to the Greek
Church. These differences in religion, added to those of race,
created endless difficulties and dissensions.

The Rise of Russia and Prussia ; Austria 91

The government of Poland was the worst imaginable. Instead The defective
of having developed a strong monarchy, as her neighbors — government
Prussia, Russia, and Austria — had done, she remained in a
state of feudal anarchy which the nobles had taken the greatest
pains to perpetuate by binding their kings in such a way that
they had no power either to maintain order or to defend the
country from attack. The king could not declare war, make
peace, impose taxes, or pass any law without the consent of
the diet. As the diet was composed of representatives of the
nobility, any one of whom could freely veto any measure, — The Ubemm
for no measure could pass that had even one vote against it, —
most of the diets broke up without accomplishing anything.

The kingship was not hereditary' in Poland, but whenever The elective
the ruler died, the nobles assembled and chose a new one,
commonly a foreigner. These elections were tumultuous, and
the various European powers regularly interfered, by force or
bribery, to secure the election of a candidate who they
believed would favor their interests.

The nobles in Poland were numerous. There were perhaps The Polish
a million and a half of them, mostly very poor, owning only a peasants"
trifling bit of land. There was a jocular saying that the poor
noble's dog, even if he sat in the middle of the estate, was sure
to have his tail upon a neighbor's land. It wag the few rich and
powerful families that really controlled such government as might
be said to have existed in Poland. There was no middle class
except in the few German towns. In the Polish and Lithuanian
towns such industr}' and commerce as existed were in the hands
of the Jews, who were not recognized as citizens and who both
oppressed and were oppressed. The peasants were miserable
indeed. They had sunk from serfs to slaves over whom their
lords had the right of life and death.

It required no great insight to foresee that Poland was in Catherine il
danger of falling a prey to her greedy and powerful neighbors, erick n agree
Russia, Prussia, and Austria, who clamped in the unfortunate on Polish

' ' r matters, 1764

kingdom on all sides. They had long shamelessly interfered in

Outlines of European History

its affairs and had actually taken active measures to oppose all
reforms of the constitution in order that they might profit by
the existing anarchy. When Augustus III died in 1763, just
as the Seven Years' War had been brought to a close, Fred-
erick immediately arranged with the new Russian ruler, the

famous Catherine II,
to put upon the va-
cant Polish throne her
favorite, Poniatowski,
who took the title of
Stanislas II.

Catherine was soon
disappointed in Stanis-
las Poniatowski, who
showed himself favor-
able to reform. He
even proposed to do
away with the liberiim
veto — the sacred
right of any member
of the diet to block a
measure no matter
how salutary. Russia,
however, supported
by Prussia, intervened
to demand that the
Hbe?'u?n veto, which
insured continued an-
archy, should be maintained. Then came several years of civil
war between the several factions, a war in which the Russians
freely intervened.

Austria was a neighbor of Poland and deeply interested in her
affairs. She consequently approached her old enemy, Frederick,
and between them they decided that Russia should be allowed
to take a portion of Poland if Catherine would consent to give

Fig. 21. The Cathedral of Cracow

In this picturesque old cathedral many Pol-
ish kings were crowned and many lie buried.
The chapels are beautiful, partly of the best
Renaissance style

The Rise of Rtissia a7id Prussia ; Austria 93

up most of the conquests her armies had just made in Turkey ;
then Austria, in order to maintain the balance of power, should
be given a slice of Poland, and Frederick should take the
longed-for West Prussia.

Accordingly in 1772 Poland's three neighbors arranged to First par-
take each a portion of the distracted kingdom. Austria was Poiand 1772
assigned a strip inhabited by almost three million Poles and
Russians, and thus added two new kinds of people and two new
languages to her already varied collection of races and tongues.
Prussia was given a smaller piece, but it was the coveted West
Prussia which she needed to fill out her boundaries, and its
inhabitants were to a considerable extent Germans and Protes-
tants. Russia's strip on the east was inhabited entirely by
Russians. The Polish diet was forced, by the advance of Russian
troops to Warsaw, to approve the partition.^

Poland seemed at first, however, to have learned a great Revival of
lesson from the disaster. During the twenty years following its i7°72-i~qi
first dismemberment there was an extraordinary revival in edu-
cation, art, and literature ; the old universities at Vilna and
Cracow were reorganized and many new schools established.
King Stanislas Poniatowski summoned French and Italian artists
and entered into correspondence with the French philosophers • *

and reformers. Historians and poets sprang up to give dis-
tinction to the last days of Polish independence. The old intoler-
ance and bigotry decreased, and, above all, the constitution
which had made Poland the laughingstock and the victim of its
neighbors was abolished and an entirely new one worked out.

The new Polish constitution, approved on May 3, 1791, The new
did away with the liberum veto, made the crown hereditar}', stitmion°"
established a parliament something like that of England — in of 179 ^
short, gave to the king power enough to conduct the govern-
ment efficiently and yet made him and his ministers dependent
upon the representatives of the nation.

1 Catherine's announcement of the first partition of Poland is in the Readings,
Vol. I, p. 82.

Outlines of European History

There was a party, however, which regretted the changes
and feared that they might result in time in doing away with
the absolute control of the nobles over the peasants. These
opponents of reform appealed to Catherine for aid. She, mind-
ful as always of her own interests, denounced all changes in a

£fe»"W/

Fig. 22. A Cartoon of the Partition of Poland

Catherine II, Joseph II, and Frederick II are pointing out on the map

the part of Poland they each propose to take. The king of Poland is

trying to hold his crown from falling off his head. The map should be

turned upside down to see what is left of Poland

government " under which the Polish republic had flourished
for so many centuries," and declared that the reformers were
no better than the abhorred French Jacobins, who were busy
destroying the power of their king.^ She sent her soldiers and
her wild Cossacks into Poland, and the enemies of the new
constitution were able with her help to undo all that had been
done and to reestablish the liberiwi veto.

1 See below, pp. 217 ff.

The Rise of Russia and Prussia ; Austria 95

Not satisfied with plunging Poland into her former anarchy, Second par-
Russia and Prussia determined to rob her of still more terri- ^cA^vl, 1793
tory. Frederick the Great's successor, Frederick William II,
ordered his forces across his eastern boundary on the ground
that Danzig was sending grain to the French revolutionists,
that Poland was infested with Jacobins, and that, in general,
she threatened the tranquillity of her neighbors. Prussia cut
deep into Poland, added a million and a half of Poles to her
subjects, and acquired the towns of Thorn, Danzig, and Posen.^
Russia's gains were three millions of people, who at least be-
longed to her own race. On this occasion Austria was put off
with the promises of her confederates, Russia and Prussia,
that they would use their good offices to secure Bavaria for
her in exchange for the Austrian Netherlands.

At this juncture the Poles found a national leader in the Revolt of
brave Kosciusko, who had fought under Washington for Amer- Kosciusko,
ican liberty. With the utmost care and secrecy he organized ^794
an insurrection in the spring of 1794 and summoned the Polish
people to join his standard of national independence. The Poles
who had been incorporated into the Prussian monarchy there-
upon rose and forced Frederick William to withdraw his forces.

Catherine was ready^ however, to crush the patriots. Kos- Third and
ciusko was wounded and captured in battle, and by the end of tion,^795
the year Russia was in control of Warsaw. The Polish king
was compelled to abdicate, and the remnants of the dismembered
kingdom were divided, after much bitter contention, among
Austria, Russia, and Prussia. In the three partitions which
blotted out the kingdom of Poland from the map of Europe,
Russia received nearly all of the old grand duchy of Lithuania,
or nearly twice the combined shares of Austria and Prussia.

But the Poles have never lost their strong national feeling, and
have steadily resisted the efforts of the governments of Russia or
Germany ^ to absorb them or crush their patriotism.

1 For Frederick William IPs proclamation to the Poles, see Readings, Vol. I,
p. 85. 2 Austria has granted them favored terms in Galicia,

Outlines of European History

The Haps-
burgs in
Austria

Conquests of
the Turks
in Europe

Section 17. The Austrian Realms
Theresa and Joseph II

Maria

While the Hohenzollerns of Prussia from their capital at
Berlin had been extending their power over northern Germany,
the great House of Hapsburg, established in the southeastern
corner of Germany, with its capital at Vienna, had been group-
ing together, by conquest or inheritance, the vast realm over
much of which they still rule. It will be remembered that
Charles V, shortly after his accession, ceded to his brother,
Ferdinand I, the German or Austrian possessions of the House
of Hapsburg,^ while he himself retained the Spanish, Burgun-
dian, and Italian dominions. Ferdinand, by a fortunate mar-
riage with the heiress of the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary,
greatly augmented his territory. Hungary was, however, al-
most completely conquered by the Turks at that time, and till
the end of the seventeenth century the energies of the Aus-
trian rulers were largely absorbed in a long struggle against
the Mohammedans.

A Turkish tribe from Western Asia had, at the opening of
the fourteenth century, established themselves in western Asia
Minor under their leader Othman (d. 1326). It was from him
that they derived their name of Ottoman Turks, to distinguish
them from the Seljuk Turks, with whom the crusaders had
come into contact. The leaders of the Ottoman Turks showed
great energy. They not only extended their Asiatic territory far
toward the east, and later into Africa, but they gained a footing
in Europe as early as 1353. They gradually conquered the
Slavic peoples in Macedonia and occupied the territory about
Constantinople, although it was a hundred years before they
succeeded- in capturing the ancient capital of the Eastern
Empire.

This advance of the Turks naturally aroused grave fears in
the states of western Europe lest they too might be deprived of

^ For the origin of the Austrian dominions, see Part I, pp. 562 ff.

The Rise of Riissia and Pncssia ; Aiistria 97

their independence. The brunt of the defense against the com- The defense
mon foe devolved upon Venice and the German Hapsburgs, against°the
who carried on an almost continuous war with the Turks for Turks
nearly two centuries. As late as 1683 the Mohammedans col-
lected a large force and besieged Vienna, which might very well
have fallen into their hands had it not been for the timely assist-
ance which the city received from the king of Poland. From
this time on, the power of the Turks in Europe rapidly de-
creased, and the Hapsburgs were able to regain the whole
territory of Hungary and Transylvania, their right to which
was formally recognized by the Sultan in 1699.

The conquest of Silesia by Frederick the Great was more
than a severe blow to the pride of Maria Theresa ; for, since it
was inhabited by Germans, its loss lessened the Hapsburg
power inside the Empire. In extent of territory the Hapsburgs
more than made up for it by the partitions of Poland, but since
the Poles were an alien race, they added one more difficulty to
the very difficult problem of ruling so many different peoples,
each of whom had a different language and different customs
and institutions. The Hapsburg possessions were inhabited by
Germans in Austria proper, a Slav people (the Czechs) mixed
with Germans in Bohemia and Moravia, Poles in Galicia, Hun-
garians or Magyars along with Roumanians and smaller groups
of other peoples in Hungary, Croats and Slovenes (both Slavs)
in the south, Italians in Milan and Tuscany, Flemish and Wal-
loons in the Netherlands.

Maria Theresa ruled these races with energy and skill. She
patiently attended to all the tiresome matters of State, read
long documents and reports, and conferred with the ambassa-
dors of foreign powers. After her long reign of forty years her
son Joseph, who had already been elected Emperor as Joseph II,
tried in the ten years of his rule (i 780-1 790) to modernize
his backward states of southeastern Europe by a series of
sweeping reforms. These reforms, which are described below,^

1 See p. 166.

98 ' Outlines of Eitropean History

were bitterly opposed, however, and the Hapsburg realms were
not unified into a strong modern state, Poles, Italians, Magyars,
and Germans could never be united by such common interests
as Englishmen or Frenchmen have felt so keenly in the last
two centuries. Instead of fusing together to form a nation, the
peoples ruled over by the Hapsburgs have been on such bad
terms with each other that it sometimes seemed as if they would

Fig. 23. Maria Theresa

split apart, forming separate nations. Moreover, since some of
these peoples, especially the Slavs, Poles, and Roumanians, live
in neighboring states as well, the Hapsburg monarchy is much
concerned with what happens outside its borders. The imme-
diate cause of the terrible European war which began in 19 14
was trouble between Austria and her neighbor Serbia. So if
one hopes to understand the great questions of our own time,
he must follow carefully the complicated history of Austria and
her ever-changing realms.

The Rise of Russia and Prussia ; Austria 99

QUESTIONS

Section 13. What part did the Northmen play in the history of
Russia? What is the significance of the introduction of the Greek
form of Christianity into Russia ? What new people entered Russia
in the thirteenth century? What was the result of this invasion?
Who first bore the title of Tsar ? When did Peter the Great reign ?
What two tasks did he set himself ? Describe the reforms of Peter
the Great.

How did Peter the Great come into conflict with Charles XII of
Sweden? When and where did Charles XII meet defeat? Draw a
map and on it show the permanent territorial gains which Peter
made as a result of his war with Charles XII. What territory was
lost and gained by Russia during the reign of Peter the Great ?

Section 14. Who are the Hohenzollerns? How did the elec-
torate of Brandenburg come into the possession of the Hohenzol-
lerns ? What territory was gained by the elector of Brandenburg in
1 614? in 1 61 8? Give the history of Prussia down to 161 8. Describe
the character and work of the Great Elector. Draw a map and on
it show (a) the territory belonging to the Great Elector at the time
of his accession, (^b) the territory gained during his lifetime.

What was the importance of the Great Elector from the stand-
point of to-day ? In what way and where did Frederick I add to the
power of the House of Hohenzollern ? Account for the choice of
'' King of Prussia " rather than " King of Brandenburg," as well ^s
for the royal tide in its earlier form, ^' King in Prussia." Describe
the character and the government of Frederick William I.

Section i 5. Describe the circumstances under which Maria
Theresa came to the throne of Austria. What problems faced Maria
Theresa from the first? In what way did Frederick the Great take
advantage of Maria Theresa? What war resulted from this act of
aggression? Between what nations and during what years was it
fought? What was the outcome? To what second war did the loss
of Silesia lead? Between what countries, where, and when was it
fought ? Give the terms of the treaty which ended this war.

Section 16. Make an outline map of the territory ruled over by
Frederick the Great previoiTs to 1772. What country separated
the eastern and western portions of the Hohenzollern dominions?
Describe the races which made up the population of Poland. Give
an account of the government of Poland. Into what classes were

lOO Outlines of Europe a?i History

the people divided ? Describe the relations between Poland and the
countries which surrounded her. What part did Frederick the Great
and Catherine II of Russia play in the history of Poland in the years
closely following the end of the Seven Years' War?

What proposal did Maria Theresa make to Frederick the Great
and Catherine II prior to 1772? What was the result of the agree-
ment made between these three monarchs? Compare the gains
made by the parties to this agreement as a result of the first partition
of Poland, in 1772. What was the result of this partition in Poland
between the years 1772 and 1791 ? Describe the Polish constitution
of I 791 . Were the Poles unanimous in their approval of the change
in government? What measures were taken to prevent the reforms
of the new constitution from being carried out? What excuse was
offered for the second partition of Poland, in 1 793 ? What was the
outcome of this partition ?

Section 17. Explain the relations of Austria and the Turks.
What was the extent of the Hapsburg dominions when Maria
Theresa came to the throne ? Compare the nations ruled by Joseph
II with those under Peter the Great and Frederick II. Why is
Austria specially interesting to us to-day?

CHAPTER IV

THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND
IN INDIA AND NORTH AMERICA

Section i8. How Europe began to extend its
Commerce over the Whole World

The long and disastrous wars of the eighteenth century
which we have been reviewing seem, from the standpoint of
the changes they produced in Europe, to have been scarcely
worth our attention. It was not a vital question in the world's
history whether a member of the House of Bourbon or of the
House of Hapsburg sat on the throne of Spain, whether Silesia
belonged to Frederick or Maria Theresa, or even whether
Poland continued to exist or not. But in addition to these
contentions among the various dynasties and these shiftings
of territory were other interests far beyond the confines of
Europe, and to these we must now turn.-^

Constant wars have been waged during the past two centu- The history
ries by the European nations in their efforts to extend and only toTe
defend their distant possessions. The War of the Spanish Sue- explained by
cession concerned the trade as well as the throne of Spain. The of Europe's
internal affairs of each country have been constantly influenced
by the demands of its merchants and the achievements of its
sailors and soldiers, fighting rival nations or alien peoples
thousands of miles from London, Paris, or Vienna. The great
manufacturing towns of England — Leeds, Manchester, and
Birmingham — owe their prosperity to India, China, and Aus-
tralia. Liverpool, Amsterdam, and Hamburg, with their long

1 For a more detailed account of the contest between France and England in
India and North America, 'see Robinson and Beard, Development of Modem
Europe^ Vol. I, chaps, vi and vii.

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The Struggle between Fraiice and England 103

lines of docks and warehouses and their fleets of merchant
vessels, would dwindle away if their trade were confined to the
demands of their European neighbors.

Europe includes scarcely a twelfth of the land upon the globe, Vast extent
and yet over three fifths of the world is to-day either occupied pean colonial
by peoples of European origin or ruled by European states, ^o^inio"
The possessions of France in Asia and Africa exceed the entire
area of Europe ; even the little kingdom of the Netherlands
administers a colonial dominion three times the size of the Ger-
man Empire. The British empire, of which the island of Great
Britain constitutes but a hundredth part, includes one fifth of
the world's dry land. Moreover, European peoples have popu-
lated the United States, which is nearly as large as all of
Europe, and they rule all of Mexico and South America.

In this chapter the origin of European colonization will be
briefly explained, as well as the manner in which England suc-
ceeded in extending her sway over the teeming millions of India.
We shall also review England's victory over France in the west-
ern hemisphere. In this way the real meaning of the Seven
Years' War will become clear.

The widening of the field of European history is one of the Narrow limits
most striking features of modern times. Though the Greeks and medieval
and Romans carried- on a large trade in silks, spices, and pre- ^^"^''^'^
cious stones with India and China, they really knew little of the
world beyond southern Europe, northern Africa, and western
Asia, and much that they knew was forgotten during the Mid-
dle Ages. Slowly, however, the interest in the East revived and
travelers began to add to the scanty knowledge handed down
from antiquity.

The voyages which had brought America and India within Colonial
the ken of Europe during the fifteenth and early sixteenth cen- Portugal,
turies were, as we know, mainly undertaken by the Portuguese piP,7land"in
and Spaniards. Portugal was the first to realize the advantage the sixteenth

^ ° • • T 1- ^" seven-

of extending her commerce by establishing stations in India teenth
after Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape of Good Hope in

I04

OtUlines of Europe an History

1498;^ and later by founding posts on the Brazilian coast of
South America ; then Spain laid claim to Mexico, the West
Indies, and a great part of South America. These two powers
found formidable rivals in the Dutch; for when Philip II was

Fig. 25. A Naval Battle between Sailing Ships

This is the way the rival navies of Holland, France, and England
fought in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Note how the
ships sail right up to the foe and fire broadsides at close range. The
large ship in front has rammed an enemy ship ; this was often done,
not with the idea of sinking it, since the heavily timbered wooden ships
did not sink so easily as ironclads do, but in order that a boarding
party could clamber over on to its decks. Thus naval warfare still re-
sembled somewhat the method of fighting of the Greeks and Romans

able to add Portugal to the realms of the Spanish monarchs for
a few decades (i 580-1640), he immediately closed the port of
Lisbon to the Dutch ships. Thereupon the United Provinces,
whose merchants could no longer procure the spices which the
Portuguese brought from the East, resolved to take possession

1 See Readings^ Vol. I, p. 92.

jlish
in North
America

The Struggle be tive en France and E7igland 105

of the source of supplies. They accordingly expelled the Portu-
guese from a number of their settlements in India and the Spice
Islands, and brought Java, Sumatra, and other tropical regions
under Dutch control.

In North America the chief rivals were England and France, Settlements
both of which succeeded in establishing colonies in the early and'^Em'^^"^^
part of the seventeenth century. Englishmen successively settled
at Jamestown in Virginia (1607), then in New England, Mary-
land, Pennsylvania, and elsewhere. The colonies owed their
growth in part to the influx of refugees, — Puritans, Catholics,
and Quakers, — who exiled themselves in the hope of gaining
the right freely to enjoy their particular forms of religion.-^ On
the other hand, many came to better their fortunes in the New
World, and thousands of bond servants and slaves were brought
over as laborers.

Section 19. The Contest between France and
England for Colonial Empire

Just as Jamestown was being founded by the English the
French were making their first successful settlement in Nova
Scotia and at Quebec. Although England made no attempt to
oppose the French occupation of Canada, it' progressed very
slowly. In 1673 Marquette, a Jesuit missionary, and Joliet, a
merchant, explored a part of the Mississippi River.^ La Salle
sailed down the great stream and named the new country which
he entered Louisiana, after his king. The city of New Orleans
was founded near the mouth of the river in 17 18, and the French
established a chain of forts between it and Montreal.

England was able, however, by the Treaty of Utrecht, to
establish herself in the northern regions, for France thereby
ceded to her Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and the borders of

1 For the settlement of the English and French in North America, see Read-
ings^ Vol. I, pp. 121 ff. For a fuller narrative, see Muzzey, American History

2 For Marquette's account of his journey, see Readings, Vol. I, p. ii6.

lo6 Outlines of European History

Hudson Bay. While the number of English in North America
at the beginning of the Seven Years' War is reckoned to have
been over a million, the French did not reach a hundred thou-
sand. Yet careful observers at the time were by no means
sure that France, seemingly the most powerful state in Europe,
was not destined to dominate the new country rather than
England.
Extent of The rivalry of England and France was not confined to the

wildernesses of North America, occupied by half a million of
savage red men. At the opening of the eighteenth century both
countries had gained a firm foothold on the borders of the vast
Indian empire, inhabited by two hundred millions of people and
the seat of an ancient and highly developed civilization. One
may gain some idea of the extent of India by laying the map
of Hindustan upon that of the United States. If the southern-
most point, Cape Comorin, be placed over New Orleans, Cal-
cutta will lie nearly over New York City, and Bombay in the
neighborhood of Des Moines, Iowa.
TheMongo- A generation after Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape, a
of HlmTustan Mongolian conqueror, Baber,^ had established his empire in
India. The dynasty of Mongolian rulers which he founded was
able to keep the whole country under its control for toward two
centuries ; then after the death of the Great Mogul Aurangzeb
in 1707, their empire began to fall apart in much the same way
as that of Charlemagne had done. Like the counts and dukes
of the Carolingian period, the emperor's officials, the subahdars
and nawabs (nabobs), and the rajahs — that is, Hindu princes
temporarily subjugated by the Mongols — had gradually got
the power in their respective districts into their own hands.
Although the emperor, or Great Mogul, as the English called
him, continued to maintain himself in his capital of Delhi, he
could no longer be said to rule the country at the opening of

1 Baber claimed to be descended from an earlier invader, the famous Timur
(or Tamerlane), who died in 1405. The so-called Mongol (or Mogul) emperors
were really Turkish rather than Mongolian in origin.

Scale of Miles

English Possessions
Prench Possessions

I I Portuguese Pogsesslbns

I I Native States

THE H-N, WORKS

The Struggle betweeii France and England 1 07

the eighteenth century when the French and English were be-
ginning to turn their attention seriously to his coasts.-

At the opening of the seventeenth century an English East
India Company had been formed to develop the trade with ments
India. This important company was destined to acquire and ^"^^^

English and
French settle-^

Fig 26. The Taj Mahal

This mausoleum of an emperor was built at Agra, India, in 1632. It
has been described as "the most splendidly poetic building in the
world ... a dream in marble, which justifies the saying that the
Moguls designed like Titans but finished like jewelers." The entire
building is of white marble, inlaid with precious stones. Although this
is regarded as its most perfect building, India has many others of great
magnificence, witnesses of the power and wealth of her princes

govern an empire and to control the greater part of the oriental
trade of England. In the time of Charles I (1639), it had
purchased a village on the southeastern coast of Hindustan,
which grew into the important English station of Madras.
About the same time posts were established in the district of

1 For accounts of the Moguls, see Readings, Vol. I, pp. loi ff.

io8

Oiitlmes of El ir ope ail History

England
victorious in
the struggle
for suprem-
acy in
America

Bengal, and later Calcutta was fortified. Bombay was already
an English station. The Mongolian emperor of India at first
scarcely deigned to notice the presence of a few foreigners on
the fringe of his vast realms. But before the end of the seven-
teenth century hostilities began between the English East India
Company and the native rulers, which made it plain that the
foreigners would be forced to defend themselves.

The English had not only to face the opposition of the natives,
but of a European power as well. France also had an East India
Company, and Pondicherry, at the opening of the eighteenth
century, was its chief center, with a population of sixty thou-
sand, of which two hundred only were Europeans. It soon be-
came apparent that there was little danger from the Great
Mogul; moreover the Portuguese and Dutch were out of the
race, so the native princes and the French and English were
left to fight among themselves for the supremacy.

Just before the clash of European rulers, known as the Seven
Years' War, came in 1756, the French and English had begun
their struggle for control in both America and India. In
America the so-called French and Indian War began in 1754
between the English and French colonists. General Braddock
was sent from England to capture Fort Duquesne, which the
French had established to keep their rivals out of the Ohio
valley. Braddock knew nothing of border warfare, and he was
killed and his troops routed.^ Fortunately for England, France,
as the ally of Austria, was soon engaged in a war with Prussia
that prevented her from giving proper attention to her Amer-
ican possessions. A famous statesman, William Pitt,^ was now
at the head of the English ministry. He was able not only to
succor the hard-pressed king of Prussia with money and men,
but also to support the militia of the thirteen American colonies.
The French forts at Ticonderoga and Niagara were taken in
1 758-1 759. Quebec was won in Wolfe's heroic attack, and

1 For an account of Braddock's defeat (1755), see Readings^ Vol. I, p. 126.

2 Called the elder Pitt to distinguish him from his son ; see below, p. 171.

The Struggle between Fraiice a7id England 1 09

the next year all Canada submitted to the English.^ England's
supremacy on the sea was demonstrated by three admirals,
each of whom destroyed a French fleet in the same year that
Quebec was lost to France.

In India conflicts between the French and the English had
occurred during the War of the Austrian Succession. The gov-
ernor of the French station of Pondicherry was Dupleix, a

Dupleix
and Clive
in India

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^-''^'

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Fig. 27. Quebec

Wolfe's army climbed the cliff (over 300 feet high) to the west of the

city (left of the picture) and fought there on the plain known as the

Heights of Abraham

soldier of great energy, who proposed to drive out the English
and firmly establish the power of France over Hindustan. His
chances of success were greatly increased by the quarrels
among the native rulers, some of whom belonged to the earlier
Hindu inhabitants and some to the Mohammedan Mongolians
who had conquered India in 1526. Dupleix had very few
French soldiers, but he began the enlistment of the natives, a
custom eagerly adopted by the English. These native soldiers,

1 The battle of Quebec (1759) is described in the Readings^ Vol. I, p. 128.

no Outlines of European Histo7'y

whom the English called sepoys, were taught to fight in the

manner of Europeans.

ciive defeats But the English colonists, in spite of the fact that they were

up eix mainly traders, discovered among the clerks in Madras a leader

equal in military skill and energy to Dupleix himself. Robert

Fig. 28. William Pitt

Pitt, more than any other one man, was responsible for the victories of
England in the Seven Years' War. A great orator, as well as a shrewd
statesman, he inspired his country with his own great ideals. He boldly
upheld in Parliament the cause of the American colonists, but died
before he could check the policy of the king. He was known as " the
great Commoner" from his influence in the House of Commons, but
late in life became Earl of Chatham

Clive, who was but twenty-five years old at this time, organized
a large force of sepoys and gained a remarkable ascendancy
over them by his astonishing bravery. Dupleix paid no atten-
tion to the fact that peace had been declared in Europe at Aix-
la-Chapelle, but continued to carry on his operations against
the English. But Clive proved more than his equal, and in

The Struggle between France and England ill

two years had very nearly established English supremacy in
the southeastern part of India.

At the moment that the Seven Years' War was beginning, bad Clive renders
news reached Clive from the English settlement of Calcutta, ence supreme
about a thousand miles to the northeast of Madras. The nawab ^" ^"^'^
of Bengal had seized the property of some English merchants
and imprisoned one hundred and forty-five Englishmen in a little
room, where most of them died of suffocation before morning.^
Clive hastened to Bengal, and with a litde army of nine hundred
Europeans and fifteen hundred sepoys he gained a great victory
at Plassey in 1757 over the nawab's army of fifty thousand men.
Clive then replaced the nawab of Bengal by a man whom he
believed to be friendly to the English. Before the Seven Years'
War was over the English had won Pondicherry and deprived
the French of all their former influence in the region of Madras.

When the Seven Years' War was brought to an end in 1763 England's
by the Treaty of Paris, it was clear that England had gained far ievwi^Years'
more than any other power. She was to retain her two forts ^^^
commanding the Mediterranean, Gibraltar, and Port Mahon on
the island of Minorca ; in America, France ceded to her the vast
region of Canada and Nova Scotia, as well as several of the
islands in the West Indies. The region beyond the Mississippi
was ceded to Spain by France, who thus gave up all her claims
to North America. In India, France, it is true, received back
the towns which the English had taken from her, but she had
permanently lost her influence over the native rulers, for Clive
had made the English name greatly feared among them.

The erection of this world empire of Great Britain was the The world
main fact of British history during the eighteenth century, as the Britain and
overthrow of absolute monarchy had been that of the seven- RevJiution'^^
teenth. At the same time, a great change, known as the Indus-
trial Revolution, was taking place in England, as machinery and
steam engines were invented, supplying her with the wealth
which made her more powerful still in the nineteenth century.*
1 See Readings^ Vol. I, p. 107. 2 See below, p. 357.

112 Outlines of European History

Section 20. Revolt of the American Colonies
FROM England

England had, however, no sooner added Canada to her

possessions and driven the French from the broad region which

lay between her dominions and the Mississippi than she lost the

better part of her American empire by the revolt of the irritated

colonists, who refused to submit to her interference in their

government and commerce.

For a long The English settlers had been left alone, for the most part,

lanTleft her ^y the home government and had enjoyed far greater freedom

colonies jj^ ^^^ management of their affairs than had the French and

very tree °

Spanish colonies. A^irginia established its own assembly in 1 6 1 9
and Massachusetts became almost an independent common-
wealth. Regular constitutions developed, which were later used
as the basis for those of the several states when the colonies
. gained their independence. England had been busied during the
seventeenth century with a great struggle at home and with
the wars stirred up by Louis XIV. After the Peace of Utrecht
Walpole for twenty years prudently refused to interfere with
the colonies. The result was that by the end of the Seven Years'
War the colonists numbered over two millions. Their rapidly
increasing wealth and strength, their free life in a new land,
and the confidence they had gained in their successful con-
flict with the French — all combined to render the renewed
interference of the home government intolerable to them.
England During the war with the French England began to realize for

colonies the first time that the colonies had money, and so Parliament

decided that they should be required to pay part of the ex-
penses of the recent conflict and support a small standing army
Stamp Act of English soldiers. The Stamp Act was therefore passed, which
taxed the colonists by requiring them to pay the English govern-
ment for stamps which had to be used upon leases, deeds, and
other legal documents in order to make them binding. But the
indignant colonists declared that they had already borne the

of 1765

TJie Struggle between France and Efigland 113

brunt of the war and that in any case Parliament, in which they
were not represented, had no right to tax them. Representatives
of the colonies met in New York in 1765 and denounced the '
Stamp Act as indicating " a manifest tendency to subvert the
rights and liberties of the colonists."

More irritating than the attempts of Great Britain to tax the Navigation
colonists were the vexatious navigation and trade laws by which
she tried to keep all the benefits of colonial trade and industry
to herself. The early navigation laws passed under Cromwell
and Charles II were specially directed against the enterprising
Dutch traders. They provided that all products grown or manu-
factured in Asia, Africa, or America should be imported into
England or her colonies only in English ships. Thus if a Dutch
merchant vessel laden with cloves, cinnamon, teas, and silks
from the Far East anchored in the harbor of New York, the
inhabitants could not lawfully buy of the ship's master, no
matter how much lower his prices were than those offered by
English shippers. Furthermore, another act provided that no
commodity of European production or manufacture should be
imported into any of the colonies without being shipped through
England and carried in ships built in England or the colonies.
So if a colonial merchant wished to buy French wines or Dutch
watches, he would have to order through English merchants.
Again, if a colonist desired to sell to a European merchant
such products as the law permitted him to sell to foreigners,
he had to export them in English ships and even send them by
way of England.

What was still worse for the colonists, certain articles in which Trade laws
they were most interested, such as sugar, tobacco, cotton, and
indigo, could be sold only in England. Other things they were
forbidden to export at all, or even to produce. For instance,
though they possessed the finest furs in abundance, they could
not export any caps or hats to England or to any foreign coun-
try. They had iron ore in inexhaustible quantities at their dis-
posal, but by a law of 1750 they were forbidden to erect any

114

Outlines of Enropean History

The colonists
evade the
English
restrictions

Taxes with-
drawn except
that on tea

Opposition
to " taxation
without rep-
resentation "

rolling mill or furnace for making steel, in order that English
steel manufacturers might enjoy a monopoly of that trade.
The colonists had built up a lucrative lumber and provision
trade with the French West Indies, from M^hich they imported
large quantities of rum, sugar, and molasses, but in order to
keep this trade v^^ithin British dominions, the importation of
these commodities was forbidden.

The colonists naturally evaded these laws as far as possible ;
they carried on a flourishing smuggling trade and built up indus-
tries in spite of them. Tobacco, sugar, hemp, flax, and cotton
were grown and cloth was manufactured. Furnaces, foundries,
nail and wire mills supplied pig and bar iron, chains, anchors,
and other hardware. It is clear that where so many people
were interested in both manufacturing and commerce a loud
protest was sure to be raised against the continued attempts of
England to restrict the business of the colonists in favor of her
own merchants.

The unpopular stamp tax was repealed, in spite of the bitter
opposition of King George, who thought the colonists ought to
be punished rather than conciliated. His high-handed policy was
put into force the following year. New duties on glass, paper,
and tea were imposed, and a board was established to secure a
firm observance of the navigation laws and other restrictions.
But the protests of the colonists finally moved Parliament to
remove all the duties except that on tea, which was retained to
prove England's right to tax the colonists.

The effort to make the Americans pay a very moderate im-
port duty on tea and to force upon Boston markets the com-
pany's tea at a low price produced trouble in 1773. The young
men of Boston seditiously boarded a tea ship in the harbor and
threw the cargo into the water. -^ This fanned the slumbering
embers of discord between the colonies and the mother country.

1 A contemporary account of the " tea party " is given in the Readings^ Vol. I,
pp. 130 ff. The revenue from the tax on tea was to pay government officials in
America.

The Struggle between France and England 115

Burke, perhaps the most able member of the House of Com-
mons, urged the ministry to leave the Americans to tax them-
selves, but George III, and Parliament as a whole, could not
forgive the colonists for their opposition. They believed that
the trouble was largely confined to New England and could
easily be overcome. In 1774 acts were passed prohibiting the
landing and shipping of goods at Boston ; and the colony of
Massachusetts was deprived of its former right to choose its
judges and the members of the upper house of its legislature,
who were thereafter to be selected by the king.

These measures, instead of bringing Massachusetts to terms, The Conti-
so roused the apprehension of the rest of the colonists that a g^ess
congress of representatives from all the colonies was held at
Philadelphia in 1774 to see what could be done. This congress
decided that all trade with Great Britain should cease until the
grievances of the colonies had been redressed. The following
year the Americans attacked the British troops at Lexington
and made a brave stand against them in the battle of Bunker
Jiill. The second congress decided to prepare for war, and
raised an army which was put under the command of George
Washington, a Virginia planter who had gained some distinction
in the late French and Indian War. Up to this time the colonies
had not intended to secede from the mother country, but the Declaration
proposed compromises came to nothing, and in July, 1776, ence, /uly'4,
Congress declared that "these United States are, and of right ^776
ought to be, free and independent."

This occurrence naturally excited great interest in France. The United
The outcome of the Seven Years' War had been most lamen- and ^receives
table for that country, and any trouble which came to her old
enemy, England, could not but be a source of congratulation to
the French. The United States therefore regarded France as
their natural ally and immediately sent Benjamin Franklin to
Versailles ^n the hope of obtaining the aid of the new French
king, Louis XVI. The king's ministers were uncertain whether
the colonies could long maintain their resistance against the

aid from
France

ii6

Outlines of European History

overwhelming strength of the mother country. It was only after
the Americans had defeated Burgoyne at Saratoga that France,

in 1778, concluded a treaty with
the United States in which the
independence of the new republic
was recognized. This was equiv-
alent to declaring war upon Eng-
land. The enthusiasm for the
Americans was so great in France
that a number of the younger
nobles, the most conspicuous of
whom was the Marquis of La-
fayette, crossed the Adantic to
fight as volunteers in the Amer-
ican army.

In spite of the skill and heroic
self-sacrifice of Washington, the
Americans lost more batdes than
they gained. It is extremely doubt-
ful whether they would have suc-
ceeded in bringing the war to a
favorable close, by forcing the Eng-
lish general, Cornwallis, to capitu-
late at Yorktown (1781), had it
not been for the aid of the French
fleet.^ The chief result of the war
was the recognition by England of
the independence of the United
States, whose territory was to ex-
tend to the Mississippi River. To
the west of the Mississippi the
vast territory of Louisiana still remained in the hands of
Spain, as well as Florida, which England had held since 1763
but now gave back.

1 Cornwallis's account of his surrender is given in the Readings^ Vol. I, p. 135

Fig. 29. Statue of
Lafayette

A gift to France from the
school children of the United
States, July 4, 1900. This statue
stands in the gardens of the
Louvre palace, Paris

The Sti'tLggle betzveen Frmice and England WJ

Spain and Portugal were able to hold their American pos- Revolt of the

sessions a generation longer than the English, but in the end niesthebe-°"

practically all of the Western Hemisphere, with the exception of fjjg^j^ljj^^fj

Canada, completely freed itself from the domination of the pation of the

„ , . , , . r Western

European powers. Cuba, one oi the very last vestiges ot Hemisphere
Spanish rule in the West, gained its independence with the
aid of the United States in 1898.

The results of the European wars during the seventy years Results in

which elapsed between the Treaty of Utrecht and the French the wars be-

Revolution may be summarized as follows. In the northeast ^reaVof

two new powers, Russia and Prussia, had come into the Euro- ^^^"^^^ ^"^-

r •> the Peace of

pean family of nations. Prussia had greatly extended her terri- Paris
tory by gaining Silesia and West Poland. She and Austria were,
in the nineteenth century, to engage in a struggle for supremacy
in Germany, which was to result in substituting the present Ger-
man Empire under the headship of the Hohenzollerns for the
Holy Roman Empire, of which the House of Hapsburg had so
long been the nominal chief.

The power of the Sultan of Turkey was declining so rapidly Origin of the
that Austria and Russia were already considering the seizure of question "
his European possessions. This presented a new problem to the
European powers, wdiich came to be known in the nineteenth
century as the " eastern question." Were Austria and Russia
permitted to aggrandize themselves by adding the Turkish ter-
ritory to their possessions, it would gravely disturb the balance
of power which England had so much at heart. So it came
about that, from this time on, Turkey was admitted in a way to
the family of western European nations, for it soon appeared
that some of the states of western Europe were willing to form
alliances with the Sultan, and even aid him directly in defending
himself against his neighbors.-^

England had lost her American colonies, and by her perverse England's
policy had led to the creation of a sister state speaking her possessions
own language and destined to occupy the central part of the

1 See below, p. 574.

Ii8 Outlines of Europea7i History

North American continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific. She
still retained Canada, however, and in the nineteenth century
added a new continent in the southern hemisphere, Australia,
to her vast colonial empire. In India she had no further rivals
among European nations, and gradually extended her mfluence
over the whole region south of the Himalayas.
France under As for France, she had played a rather pitiful role during
j'^j^J'_/7.^' the long reign of Louis XIV's great-grandson, Louis XV
(17 1 5-1 774). She had, however, been able to increase her
territory by the addition of Lorraine (1766) and, in 1768, of the
island of Corsica. A year later a child was bom in the Corsi-
can town of Ajaccio, who one day, by his genius, was to make
France the center for a time of an empire rivaling that of
Charlemagne in extent. When the nineteenth century opened
France was no longer a monarchy, but a republic ; and her
armies were to occupy in turn every European capital, from
Madrid to Moscow. In order to understand the marvelous
transformations produced by the French Revolution and the
wars of Napoleon, we must consider somewhat carefully the
conditions in France which led to a great reform of her institu-
tions in 1789, and to the founding of a republic four years later.

QUESTIONS

Section i 8. What is the explanation of the wars of the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries .^ W^hat countries in the fifteenth and six-
teenth centuries were responsible for bringing Europe into contact
with the East and the West? What parts of the world did they
discover and settle?

Section 19. Mention the names of three French explorers in
North America during the last quarter of the seventeenth century.
What did they accomplish? In what way did the Treaty of Utrecht
affect the North American possessions of England? In what other
part of the world were the French and the English rivals ? How was
India governed from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century ? What
effect did the death in 1707 of the Great Mogul Aurangzeb have
upon the government of India? Draw a map of India showing the

The Struggle between France and England 1 19

principal rivers and mountains. Indicate the location of the trading
posts belonging to the English in the seventeenth century. What
was the center of the French possessions in India at the same period?
Locate the place on the map just drawn.

Describe the struggle between the French and the English which
took place in North America between 1 754 and 1 763. What prevented
France from giving sufficient attention to her North American colo-
nies during the French and Indian War.? What name was given to
the war as waged in Europe and in India.? Describe the part taken
by William Pitt in the Seven Years' War. Tell of the work done
by Clive and by Dupleix in the conflict between the English and the
French in India during the War of the Austrian Succession. What
led 10 the outbreak of the Seven Years' War in India.? Mention the
territorial gains which England made as a result of the Treaty of
Paris, 1763.

Section 20. What was the attitude of England toward the
American colonies down to the close of the French and Indian War.?
What was the purpose for which the Stamp Act of 1 765 was passed?
Hov/ did the American colonists view the act .? What were the Navi-
gation Acts, and when were the first passed? Describe the trade
laws and tell of the attitude of the American colonists toward them.
How did the English meet the colonial opposition to the Stamp Act
of 1 765 ? What caused the Boston Tea Party of 1 773 ? Was Burke's
advice followed by King George III and Parliament? What was the
First Continental Congress ? Where and when was it held ?

What decision did it come to ? Describe the work of the Second
Continental Congress in 1775. What had taken place between the
meeting of the First and Second Continental congresses ? Describe
the attitude of the Second Continental Congress. On what mission
was Benjamin Franklin sent to the court of Louis XVI ? What was
the result of this visit? What was the extent of the United States in
1 783 ? To what nation did the rest of what is now the United States
belong? What is meant by the ''eastern question"? Name the
colonial possessions of Great Britain after 1783. What was the
British colonial policy? Who succeeded Louis XIV on the throne of
France ? Mention, with dates, two important events of his reign.

CHAPTER V

THE OLD REGIME IN EUROPE

Section 21. Life in the Country — Serfdom

If a peasant who had lived on a manor in the time of the
Crusades had been permitted to return to earth and travel about
Europe at the opening of the eighteenth century, he would have
found much to remind him of the conditions under which, seven
centuries earlier, he had extracted a scanty living from the soil.
It is true that the gradual extinction of serfdom in western
Europe appears to have begun as early as the twelfth century,
but it proceeded at very different rates in different countries.
In France the old type of serf had largely disappeared by the
fourteenth century, and in England a hundred years later. In
Prussia, Austria, Poland, Russia, Italy, and Spain, on the con-
trary, the great mass of the country people were still bound to
the soil in the eighteenth century.

Even in France there were still many annoying traces of the
old system.-^ The peasant was, it is true, no longer bound to a
particular manor; he could buy or sell his land at will, could
marry without consulting the lord, and could go and come as
he "pleased. Many bought their land outright, while others dis-
posed of their holdings and settled in town. But the lord might
still require all those on his manor to grind their grain at his
mill, bake their bread in his oven, and press their grapes in his
wine press. The peasant might have to pay a toll to cross a
bridge or ferry which was under the lord's control, or a certain
sum for driving his flock past the lord's mansion. Many of the
old arrangements still forced the peasant occupying a particular

1 For a list of feudal dues, see Readings, Vol. I, p. 139,
120

The Old Regime in EtLWpe

121

plot of land to turn over to the lord a certain portion of his
crops, and, if he sold his land, to pay the lord a part of the
money he received for it.

In England in the eighteenth century the prominent features Survivals in
of serfdom had disappeared more completely than in France, the^manorial
The services in labor due to the lord had long been commuted system

Fig. 30. The Oven of the Manor

The oven at which those on the manor had to bake their bread was some-
times a large stone structure in the open air. The one in the picture
has fallen into ruins since now the country people bake at home and so
avoid paying the owner of the oven a part of the flour or bread for its use

into money payments, and the peasant was thus transformed
into a renter or owner of his holding. He still took off his hat
to the squire of his village, and was liable to be severely pun-
ished by his lord, who was commonly a justice of the peace, if
he was caught shooting a hare on the game preserves.

In central, southern, and eastern Europe the medieval system
still prevailed; the peasant lived and died upon the same manor,
and worked for his lord in the same way that his ancestors had

122

Outlines of European History

Condition of workcd a thousand years before. Everywhere the same crude
^^reaT^lrt" f agricultural instruments were still used, and most of the imple-
Europeinthe nients and tools were rudely made in the village itself. The
centu^ wooden plows commonly found even on English farms were

constructed on the model of the old Roman plow ; wheat was

Fig. 31. IxTERioR of a Peasant's Hut

The house consists of one room. Milk jugs, kettles, and pails stand

around the fireplace, where the cooking is done. In the corner stands

the bed, curtained off from the room to secure privacy. Notice the

heavy beam supporting the ceiling

Wretched
houses of
the peasants

cut with a sickle, grass with an unwieldy scythe, and the rickety
cart wheels were supplied only with wooden rims.

The houses occupied by the country people differed greatly
from Sicily to Pomerania, and from Ireland to Poland ; but, in
general, they were small, with little light or ventilation, and often
they were nothing but wretched hovels with dirt floors and
neglected thatch roofs. The pigs and the cows were frequently
better housed than the people, with whom they associated upon

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The Old Regime in Europe 123

very familiar terms, since the barn and the house were com-
monly in the same building. The drinking water was bad, and
there was no attempt to secure proper drainage. Fortunately
every one was out of doors a great deal of the time, for the
women as well as the men usually worked in the fields, culti-
vating the soil and helping to gather in the crops.-^

Country life in the eighteenth century was obviously very Unattractive
arduous and unattractive for the most part. The peasant had
no newspapers to tell him of the world outside his manor, nor
could he have read them if he had them. Even in England not
one farmer in five thousand, it is said, could read at all ; and
in France the local tax collectors were too uneducated to make
out their own reports. Farther east conditions must have been
still more cheerless, for a Hungarian peasant complains that he
owed four days of his labor to his lord, spent the fifth and sixth
hunting and fishing for him, while the seventh belonged to God.

Section 22. The Towns and the Guilds

Even in the towns there was much to remind one of the Towns still
Middle Ages. The narrow, crooked streets, darkened by the Sfdghl'''
overhanging buildings and scarcely lighted at all by night, ^^"^^
the rough cobblestones, the disgusting odors even in the best
quarters — all offered a marked contrast to the European cities
of to-day, which have grown tremendously in the last hundred
years in size, beauty, and comfort.

In 1760 London had half a million inhabitants, or about a London
tenth of its present population. There were of course no street
cars or omnibuses, to say nothing of the thousands of automo-
biles which now thread their way in and out through the press
of traffic. A few hundred hackney coaches and sedan chairs
served to carry those who had not private conveyances and
could not, or would not, walk. The ill-lighted streets were

1 The picture facing this page shows the interior of a town house belonging
to the owner of a fishing boat, who is better off than the peasantry.

124

Outlines of European History

guarded at night by watchmen who went about with lanterns,
but afforded so little protection against the roughs and robbers
that gentlemen were compelled to carry arms when passing

through the streets after
nightfall.

Paris was somewhat
larger than London and
had outgrown its medie-
val walls.-^ The police
were more efficient there,
and the highway robber-
ies which disgraced Lon-
don and its suburbs were
almost unknown. The
great park, the " Elysian
fields," and many boule-
vards which now form so
distinguished a feature of
Paris were already laid
out; but, in general, the
streets were still narrow,
and there were none of
the fine broad avenues
which now radiate from a
hundred centers. There
were few sewers to carry
off the water which, when
it rained, flowed through
the middle of the streets.
The filth of former times
still remained, and the people relied upon easily polluted wells
or the dirty River Seine for their water supply.

Fig.

-»¥*I.Cxfe^^'

34. Street of a Town in the
Eighteenth Century

The streets were still narrow, though
wider than in medieval cities, for there
were no longer walls to inclose them.
But the houses often had projecting
gables with heavy beams like those in
this quaint French town of Honfleur

^ For a description of the streets of Paris in 1787, see Readings, Vol. I, p. 14 1.
AVide streets were laid out along the line of the earlier walls, known as " boule-
vards " from the " bulwarks " which they superseded.

TJie Old Regime hi Europe ' 125

In Germany very few of the towns had spread beyond their German
medieval walls. They had, for the most part, lost their former ^°^^^
prosperity, which was still attested by the fine houses of the
merchants and of the once flourishing guilds. Berlin had a
population of about two hundred thousand, and Vienna was
slightly larger. The latter city, now one -of the most beautiful
in the world, then employed from thirty to a hundred street
cleaners and boasted that the street lamps were lighted every
night, while many towns contented themselves with dirty streets
and with light during the winter months, and then only when
the moon was not scheduled to shine.

Even the famous cities of Italy, — Milan, Genoa, Florence, Italian cities
Rome, — notwithstanding their beautiful palaces and public
buildings, were, with the exception of water-bound Venice,
crowded into the narrow compass of the town wall, and their
streets were narrow and crooked.

Another contrast between the towns of the eighteenth cen- Trade and
tury and those of to-day lay in the absence of the great whole- conducted
sale warehouses, the vast factories with their tall chimneys, and °" f ^"^^^^

■' ' scale

the attractive department stores which may now be found in
every city from Dublin to Budapest. Commerce and industr}
were in general conducted upon a very small scale, except at
the great ports like London, Antwerp, or Amsterdam, where
goods coming from and going to the colonies were brought
together.

The growth of industry under the influence of the various
machines which were being invented during the latter part of
the eighteenth century will form the subject of a later chapter.
It is clear, however, that before the introduction of railroads,
steamships, and machine-equipped factories, all business opera-
tions must have been carried on in what would seem to us a
slow and primitive fashion.

A great part of the manufacturing still took place in little The trades
shops where the articles when completed were offered for sale, fnfo^gufids
Generally those who owned the various shops carrying on a

126

Outlines of Ettropean History

Guilds in
England

particular trade, such as tailoring, shoemaking, baking, tanning,
bookbinding, hair cutting, or the making of candles, knives,
hats, artificial flowers, swords, or wigs, were organized into a
guild — a union — the main object of which was to prevent all
other citizens from making or selling the articles in which the
members of the guild dealt. The number of master workmen

who might open a
shop of their own was
often limited by the
guild, as w^ell as the
number of apprentices
each master could
train. The period of
apprenticeship was
long, sometimes seven
or even nine years, on
the ground that it took
years to learn the
trade properly, but
really because the guild
wdshed to maintain its
monopoly by keep-
ing down the num-
ber who could become
masters. When the
apprenticeship was
over, the workman became a journeyman, but, unless he had
influential friends, he might never perhaps become a master
workman and open a shop of his own.

This guild system had originated in the Middle Ages and was
consequently hundreds of years old. In England the term of
seven years was required for apprenticeship in all the staple
trades, although the rule was by no means universally enforced.
In Sheffield no master cutler could have more than one appren-
tice at a time ; the master weavers of Norfolk and Norwich

Fig. 35. Public Letter Writer

Since most common people co.uld not read
or write, they had to employ letter writers,
who often had stalls like this along the street

The Old Regime in Europe 127

were limited to two apprentices each, and no master hatter in
England could have more than two.^

In France the guilds were more powerful than in England, Guilds in
since they had been supported and encouraged by Colbert, who Getmaay"'^
believed that they kept up the standard of French products.
In Germany the organization was much stricter and more wide-
spread than either in England or in France. Old regulations
concerning apprenticeship and the conduct of the various trades
were still enforced. As a general rule, no master could have
more than one apprentice, manage more than one workshop,
or sell goods that he had not himself produced.

Everywhere a workman had to stick to his trade ; if a cob- Strife among
bier should venture to make a pair of new boots, or a baker
should roast a piece of meat in his oven, he might be expelled
from the guild unless he made amends. In Paris a hatter. Who
had greatly increased his trade by making hats of wool mixed
with silk, had his stock destroyed by the guild authorities on
the ground that the rules permitted hats to be made only of
wool and said nothing of silk. The trimming makers had an
edict passed forbidding any one to make buttons that were
cast or turned or made of horn.

The guilds not only protected themselves against workmen
who opened shops without their permission, but each partic-
ular trade was in more or less constant disagreement with the
other trades as to what each might make. The goldsmiths were
the natural enemies of all who used gold in their respective
operations, such as the clockmakers and watchmakers, the
money changers, and those who set precious stones. Those
who dealt in natural flowers were not allowed to encroach upon
those who made 'artificial ones. One who baked bread must
not make pies or cakes. The tailor who mended clothes must
not make new garments. Such regulations were naturally too
strict to be rigorously enforced, but they hampered industry.

1 Adam Smith's account of the guilds of his day is printed in the Readings,
Vol. I, p. 142.

128

Ojitliiies of European History

Three
important
differences
between the
guilds and
the modern
trade-unions

Decline of
the guilds

The guilds differed from the modern trade-unions in several
important respects. In the first place, it was only the master
workmen, who owned the shops, tools, or machines, who be-
longed to them. The apprentices and journeymen, that is, the
ordinary workmen, were excluded and had no influence whatever
upon the policy of the organization. In the second place, the
government enforced the decisions of the guilds. For example,
in Paris, if it was learned that a journeyman goldbeater was
working for himself, a representative of the guild went to the
offender's house, accompanied by a town officer, and seized his
tools and materials, after which the unfortunate man might be
sent to the galleys for three years or perhaps get off with a
heavy fine, imprisonment, and the loss of every chance of ever
becoming a master. Lastly, the guilds were confined to the
old-established industries which were still carried on, as during
the Middle Ages, on a small scale in the master's house.

In spite, however, of the seeming strength of the guilds, they
were really giving way before the entirely new conditions which
had arisen. Thoughtful persons disapproved of them on the
ground that they hampered industry and prevented progress
by their outworn restrictions. In many towns the regulations
were evaded or had broken down altogether, so that enterpris-
ing workmen and dealers carried on their business as they
pleased. Then, as we have said, it was only the old industries
that were included in the guild system. The newer manufac-
tures, of silk and cotton goods, porcelain, fine glassware, etc.,
which had been introduced into Europe, were under the control
of individuals or companies who were independent of the old
guilds and relied upon monopolies and privileges granted by the
rulers, who, in France at least, were glad to foster new industries.

Meanwhile, as we shall see later,^ the progress of invention
was preparing the new age of machinery and factories, which
was to change the whole nature of industry, and bring the
modem problems of employer and workman, or capital and labor.

1 See below, pp. 143 ff.

The Old Regime in Europe 1 29

Section 23. The Nobility and the Monarchy

Not only had the medieval manor and the medieval guilds
maintained themselves down into the eighteenth century, but
the successors of the feudal lords continued to exist as a con-
spicuous and powerful class. They enjoyed various privileges
and distinctions denied to the ordinary citizen, although they
were, of course, shorn of the great power that the more impor-
tant dukes and counts had enjoyed in the Middle Ages, when
they ruled over vast tracts, could summon their vassals to assist
them in their constant wars with their neighbors, and dared
defy even the authority of the king himself.

It is impossible to recount here how the English, French, The former
and Spanish kings gradually subjugated the turbulent barons ence^o?the
and brought the great fiefs directly under royal control. Suffice ^-^^^^ "he^^^
it to say that the monarchs met with such success that in the eighteenth

century

eighteenth century the nobles no longer held aloof but eagerly
sought the king's court. Those whose predecessors had once
been veritable sovereigns within their own domains, had declared
war even against the king, coined money, made laws for their
subjects, and meted out justice in their castle halls, had, by the
eighteenth century, deserted their war horses and laid aside
their long swords ; in their velvet coats and high-heeled shoes
they were contented with the privilege of helping the king to
dress in the morning and attending him at dinner. The battle-
mented castle, once the stronghold of independent chieftains,
was transformed into a tasteful country residence where, if the
king honored the owner with a visit, the host was no longer
tempted, as his ancestors had been, to shower arrows and
stones upon the royal intruder.

The French noble, unlike the English, was not fond of the The French
country, but lived with the court at Versailles whenever he
could afford to do so, and often when he could not. He liked
the excitement of the court, and it was there that he could best
advance his own and his friends' interests by obtaining lucrative

I30

Oiitlines of European History

offices in the army or Church or in the king's palace. By their
prolonged absence from their estates the nobles lost the esteem
of their tenants, while their stewards roused the hatred of the
peasants by strictly collecting all the ancient manorial dues in
order that the lord might enjoy the gayeties at Versailles.

The unpopularity of the French nobility was further increased
by their exemptions from some of the heavy taxes, on the

_s. Sc^-^e'

Fig. 36. French Castle transformed into a Country
Residence

The round towers, covered with ivy, date from the Middle Ages, The

rest has been rebuilt with pleasant sunny windows in place of loopholes

in the walls. The terrace and lawn lying between the old drawbridge

towers and the house once formed the castle courtyard 1

The French
nobility a
privileged
class

ground that they were still supposed to shed their blood in
fighting for their king instead of paying him money like the
unsoldierly burghers and peasants. They enjoyed, moreover,
the preference when the king had desirable positions to grant.
They also claimed a certain social superiority, since they were
excluded by their traditions of birth from engaging in any
ordinary trade or industry, although they might enter some

1 This was the residence of the French historian de Tocqueville, near
Cherbourg.

TJie Old Regime in Europe

131

Fig. 37. A Noble Family of the Old Ri^gime

Extravagance in dress, of which the men were as guilty as the women,
was largely due to the influence of court life, where so many nobles
were rivaUng each other in display. This brought hardship to- the
people on their estates in the country, since they had to support their
masters' expenses

professions, such as medicine, law, the Church, or the arm)^,
or even participate in maritime trade without derogating from
their rank. In short, the French nobility, including, it is es-
timated, a hundred and thirty thousand o^ forty thousand per-
sons, constituted a privileged class, although they no longer

132

Outlines of Europe ati History

performed any of the high functions which had been exercised
by their predecessors.
The ennobled To make matters worse, ver)^ few of the nobles really be-
longed to old feudal families. For the most part they had been
ennobled by the king for some supposed service, of had bought
an office, or a judgeship in the higher courts, to which noble
rank was attached. Naturally this circumstance served to rob
them of much of the respect that their hereditary dignity and
titles might otherwise have gained for them.

In England the feudal castles had disappeared earlier even
than in France, and the English law did not grant to any one,
however long and distinguished his lineage, special rights or
privileges not enjoyed by every freeman. Nevertheless there
was a distinct noble class in England.^ The monarch had for-
merly been accustomed to summon his earls and some of his
barons to take council with him, and in this way the peerage
developed; this included those whose title permitted them to sit
in the House of Lords and to transmit this honorable preroga-
tive to their eldest sons. But the peers paid the same taxes as
ever}^ other subject and were punished in the same manner if
they were convicted of an offense. Moreover only the eldest
surviving son of a noble father inherited his rank, while on the
Continent all the children became nobles. In this way the num-
ber of the English nobility was greatiy restricted, and their
social distinction roused little antagonism.

In Germany, however, the nobles continued to occupy very
much the same position which their ancestors held in the Middle
Ages. There had been no king to do for all Germany v/hat the
French kings had done for France ; no mighty man had risen .
strong enough to batter down castle walls and bend all barons,
great and small, to his will. The result was that there were in
Germany in the eighteenth century hundreds of nobles dwelling
in strong old castles and ruling with a high hand domains which
were sometimes no larger than a big American farm. They

1 For Voltaire's account of the English nobility, see Readings, Vol. I, p. 146.

The Old Regime i7i Etirope 133

levied taxes, held courts, coined money, and maintained stand-
ing armies of perhaps only a handful of soldiers.

In all the countries of Europe the chief noble was of course The chief
the monarch himself, to whose favor almost all the lesser nobles xh& ^^
owed their titles and rank. He was, except in a few cases,
always despotic, permitting the people no share in the manage-
ment of the government and often rendering them miserable by
needless wars and ill-advised and oppressive taxes. He com-
monly maintained a ver\^ expensive court and gave away to un-
worthy courtiers much of the money which he had wrung from
his people. He was permitted to imprison his subjects upon
the slightest grounds and in the most unjust manner ; neverthe-
less he usually enjoyed theu* loyalty and respect, since they were
generally ready to attribute his bad acts to e\dl councilors.

On the whole, the king merited the respect paid him. He
it was who had destroyed the power of innumerable lesser des-
pots and created something like a nation. He had put a stop
to the private warfare and feudal brigandage which had dis-
graced the Middle Ages. His officers maintained order through-
out the countr}' so that merchants and travelers could go to
and fro with little danger. He opened highroads for them and
established a general system of coinage, which greatly facilitated
business operations. He interested himself more and more in
commerce and industr}^ and often encouraged learning. Finally,
by consolidating his reakns and establishing a regular system
of government, he prepared the way for the European State of
to-day in which the people either secured control over lawmaking
and national finances, or, as in the case of France, the monarch
has been discarded altogether as no longer needful. Democracy
and political equalit}' would, in fact, have been impossible if
monarchs had not leveled down the proud and might}- nobles
who aspired to be pett}^ kings in their domains. But still the
monarchs preferred to associate wnth nobles at their courts,
rather than \\\\h the great middle class which formed the mass
of the nation.

134 Outlines of European History

Section 24. The Catholic Church

Importance The eighteenth century had inherited from the Middle Ages

vai chuTchTn the nobility with their peculiar privileges. At the same time the
explaining clergy, especially in Catholic countries, still possessed privileges
problems which sct them off from the nation at large. They were far
more powerful and better organized than the nobility and exer-
cised a potent influence in the State. The clergy owed their
authority to the Church, which for many centuries had been the
great central institution of Europe.

It must be remembered that every one in the Middle Ages
had been required to belong to the Church, somewhat in the
same way that we to-day all belong as a matter of course to the
State. Before the Protestant Revolt all the states of western
Europe had formed a single religious association from which it
was a crime to revolt. To refuse allegiance to the Church or to
question its authority or teachings was reputed treason against
God, the most terrible of all crimes.

The Church did not rely for its support, as churches must

to-day, upon the voluntary contributions of its members, but

enjoyed the revenue from vast domains which kings, nobles,

and other landholders had from time to time given to the

churches and monasteries. In addition to the income from its

lands, the Church had the right, like the State, to impose a

regular tax, which was called the tithe. All who were subject to

this were forced to pay it, whether they cared anything about

religion or not, just as we are all compelled to pay taxes

imposed by the government under which we live.

Great powers In spite of the changes which had overtaken the Church

bytheCath- since the Middle Ages, it still retained its ancient external

in'the'^^Sit ^ppearancc in the eighteenth century — its gorgeous ceremonial,

eenth century its wealth, its influence over the lives of men, its intolerance of

those who ventured to differ from the conceptions of Christianity

which it held. The Church could fine and imprison those whom

it convicted of blasphemy, contempt of religion, or heresy. The

The Old Regime in Europe I35

clergy managed the schools in which, of course, the children
were brought up in the orthodox faith.. Hospitals and other
charitable institutions were under their control. They registered
all births and deaths, and only the marriages which they sanc-
tified were regarded by the State as legal. The monasteries
still existed in great numbers and owned vast tracts of land.
A map of Paris made in 1789 shows no less than sixty-eight
monasteries and seventy-three nunneries within the walls. The
tithe was still paid as in the Middle Ages ; and the clergy still
enjoyed exemption from the direct taxes.

Judged by the standards of the twentieth century, both the intolerance
Catholic and the Protestant churches were very intolerant, and olic°and^
in this were usually supported by the government, which was Protestants
ready to punish or persecute those who refused to conform to
the State religion, whatever it might be, or ventured to speak
or write against its doctrines. There was none of that freedom
which is so general now, and which permits a man to worship
or not as he pleases, to reject and even to denounce religion
in any or all of its forms without danger of imprisonment, loss
of citizenship, or death.

In France, after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in Position of
1685, Protestants had lost all civil rights. According to a
decree of 1724, those who assembled for any form of worship ^"^^"^^^
other than the Roman Catholic were condemned to lose their
property ; the men were to be sent to the galleys and the
women imprisoned for life. The preachers who convoked such
assemblies or performed Protestant ceremonies were punishable
with death ; but only a few executions took place, for happily
the old enthusiasm for persecution was abating. None the less,
all who did not accept the Catholic teachings were practically
outlawed, for the priests would neither recognize the marriages
nor register the births and deaths over which they were not
called to preside. This made it impossible for Protestants to
marry legally and have legitimate children, or to inherit or
bequeath property.

the Protes-
tants in

136

Outlines of Europe an History

Censorship
ineffective

Strength of
the Church in
Spain, Aus
tria, an

Books and pamphlets were carefully examined in order to
see whether they contained any attacks upon the orthodox
Catholic beliefs or might in any way serve to undermine the
authority of the Church or of the king. The Pope had long
maintained a commission (which still exists) to examine new
books, and to publish from time to time a list, called the
Index, of all those which the Church condemned and forbade
the faithful to read. The king of France, as late as 1757,
issued a declaration establishing the death penalty for those who
wrote, printed, or distributed any work which appeared to be
an attack upon religion. The teachings of the professors in the
university were watched. A clergyman who ventured to com-
pare the healing of the sick by Christ to the cures ascribed to
u^sculapius was arrested (about 1750) by order of the king's
judges at Paris and forced to leave the country. A consider-
able number of the books issued in France in the eighteenth
century, which ventured to criticize the government or the
Church, were condemned either by the clergy or the king's
courts, and were burned by the common hangman or sup-
pressed. Not infrequently the authors, if they could be dis-
covered, were imprisoned.

Nevertheless books attacking the old ideas and suggesting
reforms in Church and State constantly appeared and were
freely circulated.^ The writers took care not to place their
names or those of the publishers upon the title-pages, and many
such books were printed at Geneva or in Holland, where great
freedom prevailed. Many others which purported to be printed
abroad were actually printed secretly at home.

In Spain, Austria, and Italy, however, and especially in the
Papal States, the clergy, particularly the Jesuits, were more
d Italy powerful and enjoyed more privileges than in France. In
Spain the censorship of the press and the Inquisition consti-
tuted a double bulwark against change until the latter half of
the eighteenth century.

1 See following chapter.

The Old R^gmte in Europe 1 3 7

In Germany the position of the Church varied greatly. The Peculiar situ-
southern states were Catholic, while Prussia and the north great Gennan
had embraced Protestantism. Many bishops and abbots ruled P^^^^^es
as princes over their own lands. Their estates covered almost a
third of the map of western and southern Germany, and were,
of course, quite distinct from the spiritual provinces or dioceses.

Section 25. The English Established Church
AND THE Protestant Sects

In England Henry VIII had thrown off his allegiance to the The Anglican
Pope and declared himself the head of the English Church. estaWished
Under his daughter. Queen Elizabeth (15 58-1 603), Parliament ^"f^gbSr^"
had established the Church of England. It abolished the mass (1558-1603)
and sanctioned the Book of Common Prayer, which has since
remained the official guide to the services in the Anglican
Church. The beliefs of the Church were brought together in
the Thirty-Nine Articles, from which no one was to vary or
depart. The system of government of the Roman Catholic
Church, with its archbishops, bishops, and priests, was retained,
but the appointment of bishops was put in the hands of the
monarch or his ministers. All clergymen were required to sub-
scribe solemnly to the Thirty-Nine Articles. All public religious
services were to be conducted according to the Prayer Book,
and those who failed to attend services on Sunday and holy-
days were to be fined.

Those who persisted in adhering to the Roman Catholic Persecution
faith fared badly, although happily there were no such general ucs in Eng-
massacres as overwhelmed the Protestants in France. Under '^"^
the influence of the Jesuits some of the English Catholics
became involved in plots against the Protestant queen, Eliza-
beth, who had been deposed by the Pope. These alleged
" traitors " were in some instances executed for treason. Indeed,
any one who brought a papal bull to England, who embraced
Catholicism, or converted a Protestant was declared a traitor.

138

Outlines of European History

The Puritans

The Friends,
or Quakers

John Wesley
and the
Methodists

Fines and imprisonment were inflicted upon those who dared
to say or to hear a mass.^

But, as we have seen,^ there were many Protestants who did
not approve of the Anglican Church as established by law.
These '' Dissenters " developed gradually into several sects with
differing views. By far the most numerous of the Dissenters
were the Baptists. They spread to America, and were the first
Protestant sect to undertake foreign missions on a large scale,
having founded a society for that purpose as early as 1792.^

Another English sect which was destined also to be conspic-
uous in America was the Society of Friends, or Quakers, as they
are commonly called. This group owes its origin to George Fox,
who began his preaching in 1647. The Friends were distin-
guished by their simplicity of life and dress, their abhorrence
of war, and their rejection of all ceremonial, including even
the Lord's Supper. Their chief stronghold in America has
always been Pennsylvania, more particularly Philadelphia and
its neighborhood, where they settled under the leadership of
William Penn.

The Quakers were the first religious sect to denounce war
ever and always, and they should have the credit of beginning
the movement against war which had gained much headway
before the outbreak of the war in 19 14.

The last of the great Protestant sects to appear was that of the
Methodists. Their founder, John Wesley, when at Oxford had
established a religious society among his fellow students. Their
piety and the regularity of their habits gained for them the

1 It may be noted here that the Catholics found a refuge in America from their
Protestant persecutors, as did the Huguenots who fled from the oppression of the
Catholic government in France. The colony of Maryland was founded by Lord
Baltimore in 1634 and named after the French wife of Charles I. In the nine-
teenth century the number of Catholics in the United States was vastly increased
by immigration from Ireland, Italy, and other countries, so that there are over
thirteen millions to-day who have been baptized into the Roman Catholic Church.

2 See above, pp. 39 and 50.

8 For the legal position of the Catholics and Dissenters, see Blackstone's
description in the Readings, Vol. I, p. 162.

The Old Regime in Europe 1 39

nickname of '' Methodists." After leaving Oxford, Wesley spent
some time in the colony of Georgia. On his return to England
in 1738 he came to believe in the sudden and complete forgive-
ness of sins known as " conversion," which he later made the
basis of his teaching. He began a series of great revival meet-
ings in London and other large tow^ns. He journeyed up and

':^^

Fig. 38. John Wesley

down the land, aided in his preaching by his brother Charles
and by the impassioned Whitefield.^

Only gradually did the Methodists separate themselves from
the Church of England, of which they at first considered them-
selves members. In 1784 the numerous American Methodists
were formally organized into the Methodist Episcopal Church,
and early in the nineteenth century the English Methodists
became an independent organization. At the time of Wesley's

1 For extracts from Wesley's famous Journal, see Readings^ Vol. I, p. i68.

I40

Outlines of Europe a7i History

death his followers numbered over fifty thousand, and there are
now in the United States over six millions, including the various
branches of the Church.

We have seen ^ how little of the spirit of toleration there was
in England in the seventeenth century, during the Stuart period
and the Commonwealth. With the reign of William and Mary,
however, the spirit of persecution died down. To be sure,
England had its State Church, and even if, by the Act of Toler-
ation of 1689, the Dissenters were permitted to hold services
in their own way, they were excluded from government offices
unless they violated their own faith, nor could they obtain a
degree at the universities. Only the members of the Anglican
Church could hold a benefice. Its bishops had seats in the
House of Lords and its priests enjoyed a social preeminence
denied to the dissenting ministers.

Towards Roman Catholics the law remained as harsh as
ever. Those who clung to the Roman Catholic faith, to the
Pope and the mass, were forbidden to enter England. The
celebration of the mass was strictly prohibited. All public
offices were closed to Catholics and of course they could not
sit in Parliament. Indeed, legally, they had no right whatever
to be in England at all. But as in the case of the Dissenters,
the laws were enforced less and less as time went on.

The Church courts still existed in England and could punish
laymen for not attending church, for heresy, and for certain
immoral acts. But their powers were little exercised compared
with the situation on the Continent. Moreover one who published
a book or pamphlet did not have to obtain the permission of
the government as in France. Indeed, nowhere was there such
unrestrained discussion of scientific and religious matters at this
period as in England. As we shall see in the following chapter,
England, in the early eighteenth century, was the center of
progressive thought from which the French philosophers and
reformers drew their inspiration.

1 See above, pp. 50 f

The Old Regime iii Europe 1 4 1

As a matter of fact there were too many different sects in
England for any one church to crush the others. Blackstone,
writing at the opening of the reign of George III, summed up
the legal view in the following manner : '' Certainly our ances-
tors were mistaken in their plans of compulsion and intolerance.
The sin of schism, as such, is by no means the object of tem-
poral coercion and punishment. If through weakness of intel-
lect, through misdirected piety, through perverseness and acerbity
of temper, or (which is often the case) through a prospect of
secular advantage in herding with a party, men quarrel with the
ecclesiastical establishment, the civil magistrate has nothing to
do with it, unless their tenets and practice are such as threaten
ruin or disturbance to the State. He is bound indeed to protect
the Established Church, and if this can be better effected by
admitting none but its genuine members to offices of trust and
emolument, he is certainly at liberty to do so, the disposal of
offices being matter of favor and discretion. But, this point
being once secured, all persecution for " diversity of opinions,
however ridiculous or absurd they may be, is contrary to every
principle of sound policy and civil freedom."

QUESTIONS

Section 21. Who were the serfs? In what parts of Europe
were they to be found in the eighteenth century ? Describe the life
of the peasants on a French estate.

Section 22. Contrast the towns of the eighteenth century with
those of to-day. Is Berlin really an Old World city t Describe the
guild system. What were the advantages, and the disadvantages, of
the system? In what respects are the modern trade-unions unlike
the guilds?

Section 23. What privileges did a French noble enjoy in the
old regime? How did one become a noble? Contrast the English
nobility with the French. In what respects did the noble of Ger-
many differ from his equals in France or in England? What justi-
fication, if any, is there for the despotic rule of the kings of the
old regime?

i/^i Outlines of European History

Section 24. In what ways did the Church of the Middle Ages
differ from the Church, Catholic or Protestant, of modern times?
How many of its medieval powers did the Roman Catholic Church
retain in the seventeenth century? What was the Index? What
examples are there of religious intolerance in France and England
during the period just named?

Section 25. What Church replaced the Roman Catholic Church
in England after the Protestant Revolt? Describe its system of gov-
ernment. Where may a statement of its beliefs be found ? Mention
the different religious sects (Dissenters) which appeared in England
after the break with Rome. Who founded them ? Do these religious
sects exist to-day? If so, has their influence been felt beyond Eng-
land ? Describe the attitude of Parliament toward Dissenters during
the reign of Charles II. Contrast it with that of the reign of William
and Mary.

CHAPTER VI
THE SPIRIT OF REFORM

Section 26. The Development of Modern Science

A thoughtful observer in the eighteenth century would, as we The spirit
have seen, have discovered many medieval institutions which
had persisted in spite of the considerable changes which had
taken place in conditions and ideas during the previous five
hundred years. Serfdom, the guilds, the feudal dues, the
nobility and clergy with their peculiar privileges, the declining
monastic orders, the confused and cruel laws — these were a
part of the heritage which Europe had received from what was
coming to be regarded as a dark and barbarous period. People
began to be keenly alive to the deficiencies of the past and
to look to the future for better things, even to dream of prog-
ress beyond the happiest times of which they had any record.
They came to feel that the chief obstacles to progress were the
outworn institutions, the ignorance and prejudices of their fore-
fathers, and that if they could only be freed from this burden,
they would find it easy to create new and enlightened laws and
institutions to suit their needs.

This attitude of mind seems natural enough in our progres- Veneration

, . . , . . , TV r 1 • 1 for the past

sive age, but two centunes ago it was distmctly new. Mankmd « the good
has in general shown an unreasoning respect and veneration °^^ ^^y^ "
for the past. Until the opening of the eighteenth century the
former times were commonly held to have been better than the
present ; for the evils of the past were little known, while those
of the present were, as always, only too apparent. Men looked
backward rather than forward. They aspired to fight as well,
or be as saintly, or write as good books, or paint as beautiful

143

144

Outlines of European History

How the
scientists
have created
the spirit
of progress
and reform

Their rnod-
em scientific
methods of
discovering
truth

pictures, as the great men of old. That they might excel
the achievements of their predecessors did not occur to them.
Knowledge was sought not by studying the world about them
but in some ancient authority. In Aristotle's vast range of
works on various branches of science, the Middle Ages felt
that they had a mass of authentic information which it should
be the main business of the universities to explain and impart
rather than to increase or correct by new investigations. Men's
ideals centered in the past, and improvement seemed to them
to consist in reviving, so far as possible, " the good old days."

It was mainly to the patient men of science that the western
world owed its first hopes of future improvement. It is they
who have shown that the ancient writers were mistaken about
many serious matters and that they had at best a very crude
and imperfect notion of the world. They have gradually robbed
men of their old blind respect for the past, and by their dis-
coveries have pointed the way to indefinite advance, so that now
we expect constant change and improvement and are scarcely
astonished at the most marvelous inventions.

In the Middle Ages the scholars and learned men had been
but little interested in the world about them. They devoted far
more attention to philosophy and theology than to what we
should call the natural sciences. They were satisfied in the
main to get their knowledge of nature from reading the works
of the ancients — above all, those of Aristotle.

As early as the thirteenth century, however, a very extraor-
dinary Franciscan friar, Roger Bacon, showed his insight by
protesting against the exaggerated veneration for books. Bacon
advocated three methods of reaching truth which are now

* Contrast this alchenriist's laboratory with one of a modern chemist.
Although the alchemist was as intelligent and earnest as the modern
scientist, he worked on such futile tasks as trying to change base metals
to gold. For he still held with the Greeks that there were four elements
— earth, air, fire, and water. In the last part of the eighteenth century
Boyle, Priestly, and Lavoisier broke up air and water into their component
gases, and chemistry began to show what the world was really made of.

The Spirit of Reform 145

followed by all scientific men.^ In the first place, he proposed
that natural objects and changes should be examined with great
care, in order that the observer might determine exactly what
happened in any given case. This has led in modern times to
incredibly refined measurement and analysis. The chemist, for i. Exact
example, can now determine the exact nature and amount of of the^^^^^"
every substance in a cup of impure water, which may appear phenomena
perfectly limpid to the casual observer. Then, secondly. Bacon
advocated experimentation. He was not contented with mere
observation of what actually happened, but tried new and arti-
ficial combinations and processes. Nowadays experimentation 2. Experi-
is, of course, constantly used by scientific investigators, and by "^^"
means of it they ascertain many things which the most careful
observation would never reveal. Thirdly, in order to carry on 3. Scientific
investigation and make careful measurements and experiments, ^PP^''^ "^
apparatus designed for this special purpose was found to be
necessary. Already in the thirteenth century it was discovered,
for example, that a convex crystal or bit of glass would mag-
nify objects, although several centuries elapsed before the
microscope and telescope were devised.

The first scholar to draw up a great scheme of all the known Francis
sciences and work out a method of research which, if conscien- (1^56°- 1626)
tiously followed, promised wonderful discoveries, was Francis
Bacon, a versatile English statesman and author who wrote in
the time of James I.^ It seemed to him (as it had seemed to
his namesake, Roger Bacon, three centuries earlier) that the
discoveries which had hitherto been made were as nothing com-
pared with what could be done if men would but study and ex-
periment with things themselves, abandon their confidence in
vague words like " moist " and '' dry," " matter " and " form,"
and repudiate altogether " the thorny philosophy " of Aristotle
which was taught in the universities. " No one," he declares,

1 See Part I, p. 549.

2 See Part I, p. 656. For extracts from Bacon's works, see Readings,
Vol. I, p. 174.

146

Outlines of European History

Discovery of
natural laws

Opposition
to scientific
discoveries

Hostile at-
titude of
theologians

" has yet been found so firm of mind and purpose as resolutely
to compel himself to sweep away all theories and common
notions, and to apply the understanding, thus made fair and
even, to a fresh examination of details. Thus it comes about
that human knowledge is as yet a mere medley and ill-digested
mass, made up of much credulity and much accident, and also
of childish notions which we early have imbibed."

The observation and experimentation of which we have been
speaking were carried on by many earnest workers and soon
began to influence deeply men's conceptions of the earth and
of the universe at large. Of the many scientific discoveries, by
far the most fundamental was the conviction that all things
about us follow certain natural and immutable laws ; and it is
the determination of these laws and the seeking out of their ap-
plications to which the modern scientific investigator devotes
his efforts, whether he be calculating the distance of a star
or noting the effect of a drop of acid upon a frog's foot. He
has given up all hope of reading man's fate in the stars, or
of producing any results by magical processes. He is convinced
that the natural laws work regularly. Moreover, his study of the
regular processes of nature has enabled him, as Roger Bacon
foresaw, to work wonders far more marvelous than any attrib-
uted to the medieval magician.

The path of the scientific investigator has not always been
without its thorns. Mankind has changed its notions with reluc-
tance. The churchmen and the professors in the universities
were wedded to the conceptions of the world which the medieval
theologians and philosophers had worked out, mainly from the
Bible and Aristode. They clung to the textbooks which they and
their predecessors had long used in teaching, and had no desire
to work in laboratories or keep up with the ideas of the scientists.

Many theologians looked with grave suspicion upon some
of the scientific discoveries, on the ground that they did not
harmonize with the teachings of the Bible as commonly accepted.
It was naturally a great shock to them, and also to the public

The Spirit of Reform

147

at large, to have it suggested that man's dwelling place, in-
stead of being God's greatest work, around which the whole
starry firmament revolved, was after all but a tiny speck in
comparison with the whole
universe, and its sun but
one of an innumerable
host of similar glowing
bodies of stupendous size,
each of which might have
its particular family of
planets revolving about it.
The bolder thinkers
were consequently some-
times made to suffer for
their ideas, and their books
prohibited or burned.
Galileo was forced to say
that he did not really
believe that the earth
revolved about the sun ;
and he was kept in par-
tial confinement for a
time and ordered to recite
certain psalms every day

for three years for having ventured to question the received
views in a book which he wrote in Italian, instead of Latin,
so that the public at large might read it.^

.i#

^^^:^idik'ii^%^i'

Fig. 39. Balloon Ascension, 1783

The crowds along paths of the garden
of the Tuileries palace in Paris, on
December i, 1783, saw for the first time
two men ascend 2000 feet in a balloon

1 But even the scientists themselves did not always readily accept new dis-
coveries. Francis Bacon, who lived some seventy years after Copernicus, still
clung to the old idea of the revolution of the sun about the earth and still believed
in many quite preposterous illusions, as, for example, that " it hath been observed
by the ancients that where a rainbow seemeth to hang over or to touch, there
breatheth forth a sweet smell " ; and that " since the ape is a merry and a bold
beast, its heart worn near the heart of a man comfort eth the heart and increaseth
audacity." In the latter half of the eighteenth century Lavoisier was burned
in effigy in Berlin because his discovery of oxygen threatened the accepted
explanation of combustion.

I4S

Outlmes of European History

Effects of
scientific dis-
coveries on
religious
belief

Section 27. How the Scientific Discoveries
PRODUCED A Spirit of Reform

Those who accepted the traditional views of the world and
of religion, and opposed change, were quite justified in sus-
pecting that scientific investigation would sooner or later make
them trouble. It taught men to distrust, and even to scorn, the
past which furnished so many instances of ignorance and gross
superstition. Instead of accepting the teachings of the theolo-
gians, both Catholic and Protestant, that mankind through
Adam's fall was rendered utterly vile, and incapable (except
through God's special grace) of good thoughts or deeds, certain
thinkers began to urge that man was by nature good ; that he
should freely use his own God-given reason ; that he was capa-
ble of becoming increasingly wise by a study of nature's laws,
and that he could indefinitely better his own condition and that
of his fellows if he would but free himself from the shackles of
error and superstition. Those who had broadened their views
of mankind and of the universe came to believe that God had
revealed himself not only to the Jewish people but also, in
greater or less degree, to all his creatures in all ages and in all
parts of a boundless universe where everything was controlled
by his immutable laws. This is illustrated in the famous " Uni-
versal Prayer" of Alexander Pope, written about 1737 :

Father of all ! in ev'ry age,

In ev'ry clime adored,
By saint, by savage, and by sage,

Jehova, Jove, or Lord I

Yet not to earth's contracted span
Thy goodness let me bound,

Or think Thee Lord alone of man,
When thousand worlds are 'round.

The deists Such ideas of God's providence had in them nothing essen-

tially unchristian, for they are to be found in writings of early

The Spirit of Reform 149

church fathers. But those who advanced them now were often
" free thinkers," who attacked the Christian religion in no
doubtful terms, and whose books were eagerly read and dis-
cussed. These '' deists " maintained that their conception of
God was far worthier than that of the Christian believer, who,
they declared, accused the deity of violating his own laws by
miracles and of condemning a great part of his children to
eternal torment.

In the year 1726 there landed in England a young and How Voltaire
gifted Frenchman, who was to become the great prophet of fand^i726"^'
deism in all lands. Voltaire, who was then thirty-two years old,
had already deserted the older religious beliefs and was con-
sequently ready to follow enthusiastically the more radical of
the English thinkers, who discussed matters with an openness
which filled him with astonishment. He became an ardent
admirer of the teachings of Newton, whose stately funeral he
attended shortly after his arrival. He regarded the discoverer
of universal gravitation as greater than an Alexander or a
Caesar, and did all he could to popularize Newton's work in
France. ^^ It is to him who masters our minds by the force of
truth, not to those who enslave men by violence ; it is to him
who understands the universe, not to those who disfigure it, that

Voltaire was deeply impressed by the Quakers — their simple Voltaire
life and their hatred of war. He was delighted with the English the English
philosophers, especially with John Locke ^ (died in 1704); he freedom of

1 Locke rejected the notion that man was born with certain divinely implanted
ideas, and maintained that we owe all that we know to the sensations and impres-
sions which come to us from without. Locke was a man of extraordinary mod-
esty, good sense, and caution, and he and his gifted successor, Bishop Berkeley,
did much to found modern psychology. Berkeley's New Theory' of Vision is a
clear account of the gradual way in which we learn to see. He shows that a
blind man, if suddenly restored to sight, would make little or nothing of the con-
fused colors and shapes which would first strike his eye. He would learn only
from prolonged experience that one set of colors and contours meant a man and
another a horse or a table, no matter how readily he might recognize the several
objects by touch.

ISO

Outlines of European History

Voltaire's
Letters on
the English

Voltaire's
wide influ-
ence and
popularity

Voltaire's
attack upon
the Church

thought Pope's " An Essay on Man " the finest moral poem
ever composed ; he admired the English liberty of speech and
writing ; he respected the general esteem for the merchant
class. " In France," he said, " the merchant so constantly hears
his business spoken of with disdain that he is fool enough to
blush for it ; yet I am not sure that the merchant who enriches
his country, gives orders from his countinghouse at Surat or
Cairo, and contributes to the happiness of the globe is not more
useful to a state than the thickly bepowdered lord who knows
exactly what time the king rises and what time he goes to bed,
and gives himself mighty airs of greatness while he plays the
part of a slave in the minister's anteroom."

Voltaire proceeded to enlighten his countrymen by a volume
of essays in which he set forth his impressions of England ; but
the high court of justice (the parlement^ of Paris condemned
these Letters on the English to be publicly burned, as scandal-
ous and lacking in the respect due to kings and governments.
Voltaire was to become, during the remainder of a long life,
the chief advocate throughout Europe of unremitting reliance
upon reason and of confidence in enlightenment and progress.
His keen eye was continually discovering some new absurdity
in the existing order, which, with incomparable wit and literary
skill, he would expose to his eager readers. He was interested
in almost everything; he wrote histories, dramas, philosophic
treatises, romances, epics, and innumerable letters to his in-
numerable admirers. The vast range of his writings enabled
him to bring his bold questionings to the attention of all sorts
and conditions of men — not only to the general reader, but
even to the careless playgoer.^

While Voltaire was successfully inculcating free criticism in
general, he led a relentless attack upon the most venerable,
probably the most powerful, institution in Europe, the Roman
Catholic Church. The absolute power of the king did not
trouble him, but the Church, with what appeared to him to be
1 For extracts from Voltaire's writings, see Readings^ Vol. I, pp. 179 ff.

The Spirit of Reform 151

its deep-seated opposition to a free exercise of reason and its
hostility to reform, seemed fatally to block all human progress.
The Church, as it fully realized, had never encountered a more
deadly enemy. -^

Were there space at command, a great many good things, as Weakness
well as plenty of bad ones, might be told of this extraordinary
man. He was often superficial in his judgments, and some-
times jumped to unwarranted conclusions. He saw only evil
in the Church and seemed incapable of understanding all that
it had done for mankind during the bygone ages. He mali-
ciously attributed to evil motives teachings which were accepted
by the best and loftiest of men. He bitterly ridiculed cherished
religious ideas, along with the censorship of the press and the
quarrels of the theologians.

He could, and did, however, fight bravely against wrong Real great-
and oppression. The abuses which he attacked were in large taire
part abolished by the Revolution. It is unfair to notice only
Voltaire's mistakes and exaggerations, as many writers, both
Catholic and Protestant, have done ; for he certainly did much
to prepare the way for great and permanent reforms of the
Church, as a political and social institution, which every one
would now approve.

Voltaire had many admirers and powerful allies. Among Diderot's i?«-
these none were more important than Denis Diderot and the
scholars whom Diderot induced to cooperate with him in pre-
paring articles for a new Encydopcsdia, which was designed to
spread among a wide range of intelligent readers a knowledge
of scientific advance and rouse enthusiasm for reform and
progress.^ An encyclopedia was by no means a new thing.

1 Voltaire repudiated the beliefs of the Protestant churches as well as of the
Roman Church. He was, however, no atheist. Ke believed in God, and at his
country home, near Geneva, he dedicated a temple to him. Like many of his
contemporaries, he was a deist, and held that God had revealed himself in nature
and m our own hearts, not in Bible or Church.

2 See Readiness, Vol. I, p. 185, for an extract from Diderot's preface to the
last installment of the Encyclojxedia.

152 Outlines of European History

Diderot's plan had been suggested by a proposal to publish a
French translation of Chambers's Cydopcedia. Before his first
volume appeared, a vast Universal Dictionary had been com-
pleted in Germany in sixty-four volumes. But few people out-
side of that country could read German in those days, whereas
the well-written and popular articles oJ Diderot and his helpers,
ranging from ** abacus," " abbey," and *' abdication '* to " Zoro-
aster," "Zurich," and "zymology," were in a language that
many people all over Europe could understand.
l\^QEncyclo- Diderot and his fellow editors endeavored to rouse as little
thelTosdHty^ Opposition as possible. They respected current prejudices and
ofjhe theo- gave space to ideas and opinions with which they were not per-
sonally in sympathy. They furnished material, however, for re-
futing what they believed to be mistaken notions, and Diderot
declared that " time will enable people to distinguish what we
have thought from what we have said." But no sooner did the
first two volumes appear in 1752 than the king's ministers^ to
please the clergy, suppressed them, as containing principles
hostile to royal authority and religion, although they did not
forbid the continuation of the work.
Diderot, As volume after volume appeared, the subscribers increased;

completes^^he ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^ opposition. The Encyclopedists were declared
Encyclojxsdia ^q \^q ^ band bent upon the destruction of religion and the
undermining of society ; the government again interfered, with-
drew the license to publish the work, and prohibited the sale of
the seven volumes that were already out. Nevertheless seven
years later Diderot was able to deliver the remaining ten volumes
to the subscribers in spite of the government's prohibition.
Value of the The Eficyclopoidia attacked temperately, but effectively, re-
.tcycopcE la jjgj^^g intolerance, the bad taxes, the slave trade, and the
atrocities of the criminal law ; it encouraged men to turn their
minds to natural science with all its beneficent possibilities, and
this helped to discourage the old interest in theology and barren
metaphysics. The article " Legislator," . written by Diderot,
says : " All the men of all lands have become necessary to one

Fig. 40. Leaders of the Revolution in Thought
153

154 Outlines of Europe a7i History

another for the exchange of the fruits of industry and the
products of the soil. Commerce is a new bond among men.
In these days every nation has an interest in the preservation
by every other nation of its wealth, its industry, its banks, its
luxury, its agriculture. The ruin of Leipzig, of Lisbon, of Lima,
has led to bankruptcies on all the exchanges of Europe and has
affected the fortunes of many millions of persons." The English
statesman, John Morley, is doubdess right when he says, in his
enthusiastic account of Diderot and his companions, that " it
was this band of writers, organized by a harassed man of letters,
and not the nobles swarming around Louis XV, nor the church-
men, who first grasped the great principle of modern society,
the honor that is owed to productive industry. They were
vehement for the glories of peace and passionate against the
brazen glories of war."
Montesquieu Neither Voltaire nor Diderot had attacked the kings and their
andhis^SmV dcspotic systcm of government. Montesquieu, however, while
of Laws expressing great loyalty to French institutions, opened the eyes

of his fellow citizens to the disadvantages and abuses of their
government by his enthusiastic eulogy of the limited monarchy
of England. In his celebrated work. The Spirit of Laws ^ or the
Relation which Latvs should hear to the Co7istitution of Each
Country^ its Customs^ Climate^ Religion^ Commerce^ etc., he
proves from history that governments are not arbitrary ar-
rangements, but that they are the natural products of special
conditions and should meet the needs of a particular people at
a particular period. England, he thought, had developed an
especially happy system.
Rousseau Next to Voltaire, the writer who did most to cultivate dis-

attacks^ivi- content with existing conditions was Jean Jacques Rousseau^
lization (17 1 2-1 778). Unlike Voltaire and Diderot, Rousseau believed

that people thought too much, not too little; that we should
trust to our hearts rather than to our heads, and may safely
rely upon our natural feelings and sentiments to guide us. He

1 Extracts from his writings are to be found in the Readings, Vol, I, pp. 187 ff

The Spirit of Reform 155

declared that Europe was overcivilized, and summoned men to
return to nature and simplicity. His first work was a prize essay
written in 1750, in which he sought to prove that the develop-
ment of the arts and sciences had demoralized mankind, inas-
much as they had produced luxury, insincerity, and arrogance.

Fig. 41. Jean Jacques Rousseau

He extolled the rude vigor of Sparta and denounced the refined
and degenerate life of the Athenians.

Later Rousseau wrote a book on education, called Emile^ Rousseau's
which is still famous. In this he protests against the efforts witheduca-
made by teachers to improve upon nature, for, he maintains, ^^^"^
" All things are good as their Author made them, but every-
thing degenerates in the hands of man. ... To form this
rare creature, man, what have we to do ? Much doubtless, but
chiefly to prevent anything from being done. ... All our
wisdom consists in servile prejudices ; all our customs are but
anxiety and restraint. Civilized man is born, lives, dies in a

156

Outlines of European History

The Social
Contract

Popular
sovereignty

Beccaria

(1738-1794)
and his book,
On Crimes
and Punish-
ments

Unfairness of
criminal trials

State of slavery. At his birth he is sewed in swaddling clothes ;
at his death he is nailed in a coffin ; as long as he preserves
the human form he is fettered by our institutions."

Rousseau's plea for the simple life went to the heart of many
a person who was weary of complications and artificiality. Others
were attracted by his firm belief in the natural equality of man-
kind and the right of every man to have a voice in the govern-
ment. In his celebrated little treatise, The Social Contract^ he
takes up the question, By what right does one man rule over
others ? The book opens with the words : " Man is born free
and yet is now everywhere in chains. One man believes him-
self the master of others and yet is after all more of a slave
than they. How did this change come about ? I do not know.
What can render it legitimate ? 1 believe that I can answer
that question." It is, Rousseau declares, the will of the people
that renders government legitimate. The real sovereign is the
people. Although they may appoint a single person, such as a
king, to manage the government for them, they should make
the laws, since it is they who must obey them. We shall find
that the first French constitution accepted Rousseau's doctrine
and defined law as " the expression of the general will " — not
the will of a king reigning by the grace of god.

Among all the books advocating urgent reforms which ap-
peared in the eighteenth century none accomplished more than
a little volume by the Italian economist and jurist, Beccaria,
which exposed with great clearness and vigor the atrocities of
the criminal law. The trials (even in England) were scandalously
unfair and the punishments incredibly cruel. The accused was
not ordinarily allowed any counsel and was required to give
evidence against himself. Indeed, it was common enough to
use torture to force a confession from him. Witnesses were
examined secretly and separately and their evidence recorded
before they faced the accused. Informers were rewarded, and
the flimsiest evidence was considered sufficient in the case of
atrocious crimes. After a criminal had been convicted he might

The Spirit of Reform 157

be torrured by the rack, thumbscrews, applying fire to different
parts of his body, or in other ways, to induce him to reveal the
names of his accomplices. The death penalty was established Cruelty of
for a great variety of offenses besides murder — for example, mems"^^
heresy, counterfeiting, highway robbery, even sacrilege. In
England there were, according to the great jurist Blackstone,
a hundred and sixty offenses punishable with death, including
cutting down trees in an orchard, and stealing a sum over five
shillings in a shop, or more than twelve pence from a person's
pocket. Yet in spite of the long list of capital offenses, the
trials in England were far more reasonable than on the Conti-
nent, for they were public and conducted before a jur)% and
torture was not used. Moreover, owing to Habeas Corpus no
one could be imprisoned long before the trial would take place.

Beccaria advocated public trials in which the accused should Beccaria
be confronted by those who gave evidence against him. Secret public trials
accusations should no longer be considered. Like Voltaire, ^^ milder,

<=• but certain,

Montesquieu, and many others, he denounced the practice of punishment?
torturing a suspected person with a view of compelling him by
bodily anguish to confess himself guilty of crimes of which he
might be quite innocent. As for punishments, he advocated the
entire abolition of the death penalty, on the ground that it did
not deter the evil doer as life imprisonment at hard labor would,
and that in its various hideous forms — beheading, hanging, muti-
lation, breaking on the wheel — it was a source of demorali-
zation to the spectators. Punishments should be less harsh but
more certain and more carefully proportioned to the danger of
the offense to society. Nobles and magistrates convicted of
crime should be treated exactly like offenders of the lowest class.
Confiscation of property should be abolished, since it brought
suffering to the innocent members of the criminal's family. It
was better, he urged, to prevent crimes than to punish them,
and this could be done by making the laws very clear and the
punishments for their violation very certain, but, above all, by
spreading enlightenment through better education.

158

Outlines of European History

The science

of political

economy

develops

in the

eighteenth

century

Tendency of
the govern-
ments to
regulate
commerce
and industry

About the middle of the eighteenth century a new social
science was born, namely, political economy. Scholars began
to investigate the sources of a nation's wealth, the manner in
which commodities were produced and distributed, the laws de-
termining demand and supply, the function of money and credit,
and their influence upon industry and commerce. Previous to
the eighteenth century these matters had seemed unworthy of
scientific discussion. Few suspected that there were any great
laws underlying the varying amount of wheat that could be
bought for a shilling, or the rate of interest that a bank could
charge. The ancient philosophers of Greece and Rome had
despised the tiller of the soil, the shopkeeper, and the artisan,
for these indispensable members of society at that period were
commonly slaves. The contempt of manual labor had de-
creased in the Middle Ages, but the learned men who studied
theology, or pondered over Aristotle's teachings in regard to
" form " and " essence," never thought of considering the effect
of the growth of population upon serfdom, or of an export
duty upon commerce, any more than they tried to determine
why the housewife's milk soured more readily in warm weather
than in cold, or why a field left fallow regained its fertility.^

Although ignorant of economic laws, the governments had
come gradually to regulate more and more both commerce and
industry. We have seen how each country tried to keep all the
trade for its own merchants by issuing elaborate regulations and
restrictions, and how the king's officers enforced the monopoly
of the guilds. Indeed, the French government, under Colbert's
influence, fell into the habit of regulating well-nigh everything.
In order that the goods which were produced in France might
find a ready sale abroad, the government fixed the quality and
width of the cloth which might be manufactured and the

1 The medieval philosophers and theologians discussed, it is true, the ques-
tion whether it was right or not to charge interest for money loaned, and what
might be a " just price." But both matters were considered as ethical or theo-
logical problems rather than in their economic aspects. See Ashley, English
Economic History^ Vol. I, chap, iii; Vol. II, chap. vi.

The Spirit of Reform 159

character of the dyes which should be used. The king's min-
isters kept a constant eye upon the dealers in grain and bread-
stuffs, forbidding the storing up of these products or their sale
outside a market. In this way they had hoped to prevent spec-
ulators from accumulating grain in order to sell it at a high
rate in times of scarcity.

In short, at the opening of the eighteenth century statesmen. Doctrines of
merchants, and such scholars as gave any attention to the sub- tiHsts^^"^*^^
ject believed that the wealth of a country could be greatly in-
creased by government regulation and encouragement, just as
in the United States to-day it is held by the majority of citizens
that the government can increase prosperity and improve the
conditions of the wage-earners by imposing high duties upon
imported articles. It was also commonly believed that a coun-
try, to be really prosperous, must export more than it imported,
so that foreign nations would each year owe it a cash balance,
which would have to be paid in gold or silver and in this way
increase its stock of precious metals. Those who advocated
using the powers of government to encourage and protect ship-
ping, to develop colonies, and to regulate manufactures are
known as " mercantilists."

About the year 1700, however, certain writers in France and origin of
England reached the conclusion that the government did no trade "^^^"
good by interfering: with natural economic laws which it did not school of

c> J & economists

understand and whose workings it did not reckon with. They
argued that the government restrictions often produced the
worst possible results; that industry would advance far more
rapidly if manufacturers were free to adopt new inventions in-
stead of being confined by the government's restrictions to old
and discredited methods; that, in France, the government's
frantic efforts to prevent famines by making all sorts of rules
in regard to selling grain only increased the distress, since even
the most polverful king could not violate with impunity an
economic law. So the new economists rejected the formerly
popular mercantile policy. They accused the mercantilists of

i6o

Outlines of European History

Adam Smith's
Wealth of
Nations
(1776)

The econo-
mists attack
existing
abuses

identifying gold and silver with wealth, and maintained that a
country might be prosperous without a favorable cash balance.
In short, the new school advocated " free trade." A French
economist urged his king to adopt the motto, Laissez faire (Let
things alone), if he would see his realms prosper.

The first great systematic work upon political economy was
published by a Scotch philosopher, Adam Smith, in 1776. His
Inquiry iiito the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations
became the basis of all further progress in the science. He
attacked the doctrines of the mercantilists and the various ex-
pedients which they had favored, — import duties, bounties,
restrictions upon exporting grain, etc., — all of which he be-
lieved " retard instead of accelerating the progress of society
toward real wealth and greatness; and diminish instead of
increasing the real value of the annual produce of its labor and
land." In general he held that the State should content itself
with protecting traders and business men and seeing that justice
was done ; but he sympathized with the English navigation laws,
although they obviously hampered commerce, and was not as
thoroughgoing a free trader as many of the later English
economists.

While the economists in France and England by no means
agreed in details, they were at one in believing that it was use-
less and harmful to interfere with what they held to be the
economic laws. They brought the light of reason to bear, for
example, upon the various bungling and iniquitous old methods
of taxation then in vogue, and many of them advocated a single
tax which should fall directly upon the landowner. They wrote
treatises on practical questions, scattered pamphlets broadcast,
and even conducted a magazine or two in the hope of bringing
home to the people at large the existing economic evils.

It is clear from what has been said that the eighteenth cen-
tury was a period of unexampled advance in general enlighten-
ment. New knowledge spread abroad by the Encyclopedists,
the economists, and writers on government — Adam Smith,

The spirit of Reform i6l

Montesquieu, Rousseau, Beccaria, and many others of lesser The eight-
fame — led people to see the vices of the existing system and ^^ ^ period
e:ave them at the same time new hope of bettering themselves ?^ rapidly

° >■ ^ increasing

by abandoning the mistaken beliefs and imperfect methods of enlighten-
their predecessors. The spirit of reform penetrated even into
kings' palaces, and we must now turn to the actual attempts to
better affairs made by the more enlightened rulers of Europe.

Section 28. Reforms of Frederick II,
Catherine II, and Joseph II

It happened in the eighteenth century that there were sev- The « en-
eral remarkably intelligent monarchs — Frederick II of Prussia, dfspots^"
Catherine the Great of Russia, Maria Theresa of Austria,
Emperor Joseph II, and Charles III of Spain. These rulers
read the works of the reformers, and planned all sorts of ways
in which they might better the conditions in their realms by
removing old restrictions which hampered the farmer and mer-
chant, by making new and clearer laws, by depriving the clergy
of wealth and power which seemed to them excessive, and by
encouraging manufactures and promoting commerce.

These monarchs are commonly known as the " enlightened **
or " benevolent " despots. They were no doubt more " enlight-
ened " than the older kings ; at least they all read books and
associated with learned men. But they were not more " benevo-
lent " than Charlemagne, or Canute, or St. Louis, or many other
monarchs of earlier centuries, who had believed it their duty to
do all they could for the welfare of their people. On the other
hand, the monarchs of the eighteenth century were certainly
despots in the full sense of the word. They held that all the
powers of the State were vested in them, and had no idea of
permitting their subjects any share in the government. More-
over they waged war upon one another as their predecessors had
done, and were constantly trying to add to their own territories
by robbing their neighbors, as we have seen above.

l62

Outlines of European History

Frederick
the Great
of Prussia
(1740-1786)

Frederick's
boyhood

The appren-
ticeship of a
king

The business
of a king

One of the most striking and practical of the reforming
rulers was Frederick the Great of Prussia. As a youth he had
grieved and disgusted his father by his fondness for books and
his passion for writing verses and playing the flute. A French
tutor had instilled in him a love for the polished language of
France and an enthusiasm for her literature and for her philos-
ophers who were busy attacking the traditional religious ideas
to which Frederick's father stoutly clung. When eighteen years
old Frederick had tried to fun away in order to escape the
harsh military discipline to which he was subjected. He was
captured and brought before the king, who was in such a rage
that he seemed upon the point of killing his renegade son with
his sword. He contented himself, however, with imprisoning
Frederick in the citadel of Kiistrin, with no books except a
Bible, and forced him to witness the execution of one of his
companions, who had aided his flight.

After this Frederick consented to give some contemptuous
attention to public affairs. He inspected the royal domains
near Kiistrin and began, for the first time, to study the peas-
ants, their farms, and their cattle. He even agreed to marry a
princess whom his father had selected for him, and settled down
to a scholarly life, studying literature, philosophy, history, and
mathematics, and carrying on a correspondence with learned,
men of all nations, especially with Voltaire, whom he greatly
admired. He was very fond indeed of writing and seized every
spare moment of a busy life to push forward his works upon
history, politics, and military matters. No less than twenty-four
volumes of his writings, all in French, were published shortly
after his death, and these did not include everything that he
had managed to write.^

When he became king, Frederick devoted himself less to
music and philosophy and more to the practical problems of
government. He allowed the people no part in the govern-
ment, it is true, but he worked very hard himself. He rose

1 For Frederick's description of a king's duties, see Readings, Vol. I, p. 202.

Fig. 43. Peter the Great watching the Procedure of the
House of Lords ix England

He was taken to the roof one night where he could get a clear view of
the House

TJie Spii'it of Refoi'm . 1 63

early and was busy all day. He was his own prime minister
and the real head of all branches of the government, watching
over the army and leading it in battle, attending to foreign
affairs, guarding the finances, overseeing the courts, journeying
up and down the land investigating the conduct of his officials
and examining into the condition of his people.

In religious matters Frederick was extremely tolerant ; he Religious
held that his subjects should be allowed to worship God in any in pmssia
w^ay they pleased. He was himself a 'Meist."^ Although his
kingdom had long been Protestant, there were large numbers
of Catholics in scattered parts of it. He welcomed Huguenots
and Jesuits into his kingdom with equal cordiality and admitted
Catholics as well as Protestants to his service. ''I stand neutral
between Rome and Geneva," he once said ; "he who wrongs
his brother of a different faith shall be punished ; were I to
declare for one or the other creed I slpuld excite party spirit
and persecution ; my aim, on the contrary, is to show the
adherents of the different churches that they are all fellow
citizens."

In Russia, Peter the Great had been a genuine "benevolent Catherine 11
despot," although the benevolence w^as more apparent to later r^sS^ °
generations than to his own half-Asiatic subjects.^ But in the (1762-1796)
days of Voltaire and Rousseau, the ruler of all the Russias
was a German woman, Catherine II, who is one of the most
picturesque and interesting figures in history. She was the
daughter of one of Frederick the Great's officers and had
been selected by him in 1743, at the request of the Tsarina

1 See above, p. 148.

2 Peter's visit to England included an investigation of Parliament. But he
did not imitate this western institution upon his return to Russia. On the recent
attempts to establish a parliament in Russia, see Chapter XX III, below.

Peter was succeeded in 1725 by his widow Catherine, who ruled ably for two
years. His son Alexis had been tortured to death in prison for rebellion, and
Alexis' son Peter 1 1 , who followed Catherine, was reactionary. Under Anne ( 1 730-
1740), niece of Peter I, German influence triumphed. Then came Elizabeth
( 1 741-1762), Peter's younger daughter, referred to in the text. She hated Fred-
erick II for his personal remarks about her and aided Maria Theresa against him.

164 Outlines of European History

Elizabeth, Peter's younger daughter, as a suitable wife for her
nephew, the heir to the throne. At the age of fourteen this
inexperienced girl found herself in the midst of the intrigues
of the court at St. Petersburg ; she joined the Greek Church,
exchanged her name of Sophia for that of Catherine, and, by
zealous study of both books and men, prepared to make her

Fig. 44. Catherine II

new name famous. Her husband, who ruled for six months
as Peter III, proved to be a worthless fellow, who early began
to neglect and maltreat her. Catherine won over the imperial
guard and had herself proclaimed empress. Peter was forced
to abdicate and was carried off by some of Catherine's sup-
porters, who put him to death, probably with her tacit consent.
In the spirit of Peter the Great, Catherine determined to
carry on the Europeanizing of Russia and extend her empire.-^
She was thoroughly unscrupulous and hypocritical, but she was

1 See above, pp. 73 ff.

The Spirit of Reform 165

shrewd in the choice and management of her ministers and was
herself a hard worker. She rose at six o'clock in the morning,
hurried through her toilet, prepared her own light breakfast,
and turned to the exacting and dull business of government,
carefully considering the reports laid before her relating to the
army, the navy, finances, and foreign affairs.

Catherine II showed herself almost as interested in the phi- Catherine's
losophers and reformers as did Frederick.^ She invited Diderot French ^^
to spend a month with her and was disappointed that d'Alembert, culture
the great French mathematician, would not consent to become
the tutor of the grand duke Paul, the heir to the throne. She
subscribed for the Encyclopedia, and bought Diderot's library
when he got into trouble, permitting him to continue to use the
books as long as he wished. In her frequent letters to Voltaire
she explained to him her various plans for reform.

There was some talk of abolishing serfdom in Russia, but Catherine
Catherine rather increased than decreased the number of serfs, ™rfdom but
and she made their lot harder than it had been before by for- seculanzes

■' the Church

bidding them to complain of the treatment they received at the lands
hands of their masters. She appropriated the vast property of
the churches and monasteries, using the revenue to support the
clerg}^ and monks, and such surplus as remained she devoted
to schools and hospitals.

It is clear that while Frederick and Catherine expressed Rash reforms
great admiration for the reformers, they did not attempt to of Austria
make any sweeping changes in the laws or the social order. Jf^-^^-^o)
Emperor Joseph II, who, after the death of his mother, Maria
Theresa, in 1780, became ruler of the Austrian dominions, had,
however, the courage of his convictions.^ He proposed to trans-
form the scattered and heterogeneous territories over which he
ruled into a well-organized state in which disorder, confusion,
prejudice, fanaticism, and intellectual bondage should disappear

1 For an account of Catherine by a contemporary, see Readings, Vol. I, p. 210.

2 See above, p. 97. For Joseph's statement of his views, see Readings^
Vol. I, p. 213.

1 66 Outlines of Europe mi History

and all his subjects be put in possession of their "natural" rights.
Germans, Hungarians, Italians, Poles, Bohemians, and Belgians
were all to use the German language in official communications.
The old irregular territorial divisions were abolished and his
realms divided up into thirteen new provinces. All the ancient
privileges enjoyed by the towns and the local assemblies were

%%.

Fig. 45. Joseph II

done away with and replaced by a uniform system of govern-
ment in which his own officials enjoyed the control.

Joseph visited France and was personally acquainted with
Rousseau and Turgot. In harmony with their teachings, he
attacked the Church, which was so powerful in his realms. He
was heartily opposed to the monks. '' The principles of mo-
nasticism," he declared, " are in flat contradiction to human
reason." He particularly objected to those orders whose mem-
bers devoted themselves to religious contemplation ; he conse-
quently abolished some six hundred of their monasteries and

The Spirit of Reform 167

used their property for charitable purposes and to establish
schools. He appointed the bishops without consulting the Pope
and forbade money to be sent to Rome. Marriage was declared
to be merely a civil contract and so was taken out of the con-
trol of the priests. Lutherans, Calvinists, and other heretics
were allowed to worship in their own way.

Joseph II sought to complete his work by attacking the sur- Joseph at-
viving features of feudalism and encouraging the development sm^?valsof
of manufactures. He freed the serfs in Bohemia, Moravia, feudalism and

' ' encourages

Galicia, and Hungary, transforming the peasants into tenants ; manufactures
elsewhere he reduced the services due from them to the lord.
He taxed nobles and clergy without regard to their claims to
exemption, and supplanted the confused and uncertain laws by
a uniform system which is the basis of Austrian law to-day. He
introduced a protective tariff and caused a large number of fac-
tories to be built. He showed his preference for home indus-
tries by giving away to the hospitals all the foreign wines in his
cellars, and his spirit of economy, by forbidding the use of gold
and silver for candlesticks, and prohibiting the burial of the
dead in coffins for the reason that this was a waste of wood
which might be better employed.

Naturally Joseph met opposition on every hand. The clergy Opposition
abhorred him as an oppressor, and all who were forced to reform?
sacrifice their old privileges did what they could to block his
reforms, however salutary they might be. The Netherlands,
which he proposed to transform into an Austrian province. Revolt of
finally followed the example of the American colonies and Netherlands
declared themselves independent in 1790. The same year (^79°)
Joseph died, a sadly disappointed man, having been forced to
undo almost all that he had hoped to accomplish.

It has become clear, as we have reviewed the activities of
these benevolent despots, that all of them were chiefly intent
upon increasing their own power ; they were more despotic °^^"* despots
than they were benevolent. They opposed the power of the
Pope and brought the clergy under their own control. In some

1 68

Outlines of European History

cases they took a portion of the property of the churches and
monasteries. They tried to improve the laws and do away with
the existing contradictions and obscurities. They endeavored to
" centralize " the administration and to place all the power in
the hands of their own officials instead of leaving it with the
nobles or the old local assemblies. They encouraged agriculture,
commerce, and industries in various ways. All these measures
were undertaken primarily with a view to strengthening the
autocratic power of the ruler and increasing the revenue and
the military strength of his government, for none of these ener-
getic monarchs showed any willingness to admit the people to
a share in the government, and only Joseph II ventured to
attempt to free the serfs.

Section 29. The English Limited Monarchy in the
Eighteenth Century and George III

The limited
monarchy
of England

Whig su-
premacy in
the early
eighteenth
century

In striking contrast to the absolute rule of these " despots "
on the Continent, the island of Britain was, as we have seen,^
governed by its Parliament. There the king, from the Revo-
lution of 1688 on, had owed his crown to Parliament and
admitted that he was limited by the constitution, which he
had to obey. This did not prevent at least one English king
from trying to have his own way in spite of the restrictions.
placed upon him, as we shall see.

It will be recalled that there were two great political parties
in England, the Whigs, successors of the Roundheads, who
advocated the supremacy of Parliament and championed tolera-
tion for the Dissenters, and the Tories, who, like the earlier
Cavaliers, upheld the divine right of kings and the supremacy
of the Anglican, or Established, Church. After the death of
Anne many of the Tories favored calling to the throne the son
of James II (popularly called "the old Pretender"), whereupon
the Whigs succeeded in discrediting their rivals by denouncing
1 See above, p. 55.

The Spirit of Reform 1 69

them as Jacobites^ and traitors. They made the new Han-
overian king, George I, believe that he owed everything to the
Whigs, and for a period of nearly fifty years, under George I
and George II, they were able to control Parliament.

George I himself spoke no English, was ignorant of English
politics, and was much more interested in Hanover than in his
new kingdom. He did not attend the meetings of his ministers,
as his predecessors had done, and turned over the manage-
ment of affairs to the Whig leaders. They found a skillful Robert
"boss" and a judicious statesman in Sir Robert Walpole, prhliTmin-
who maintained his own power and that of his party by avoid- ister (1721-
ing war and preventing religious dissensions at home. He
used the king's funds to buy the votes necessary to maintain
the Whig majority in the House of Commons and to get his
measures through that body. He was England's first " prime
minister."

The existence of two well-defined political parties standing Development
for widely different policies forced the king, as we have seen,^ and^hroffice
to choose all his ministers from either one or the other. The of.ppme

minister

more prominent among his advisers came gradually to form a
little group who resigned together if Parliament refused to
accept the measures they advocated. In this way the " cabinet
government," begun under William III, developed, with a
prime minister, or premier, at its head. Under weak mon-
archs the prime minister would naturally be the real ruler of
the kingdom.

It was still possible, to be sure, for the king to profit by the The position
jealousies of rival statesmen and by favoring first one, then
another, to keep the upper hand. This was especially the case
after the Tories gave up hope of restoring the Stuarts, upon
the failure of Prince Charles in 1745,^ so that the Hanoverian
kings no longer needed to rely upon the Whigs as the one
loyal party.

1 This name, applied to the supporters of James, is derived from the Latin
form of his name, Jacobus. 2 gee above, p. 56. 8 See above, p. 54, note i.

of the king

I/O

Otitlines of Ej trope an History

George III,
rules des-
potically by
bribing
Parliament

Finally, George III, who came to the throne in 1760, suo
ceeded in getting a party of his own, known as the King's
Friends, and with their aid, and a liberal use of what would now
be regarded as bribery and graft, ran the government much as
he wanted to. His mother, a German princess, had taught
him that he ought to be a king like those on the Continent;
and, in spite of the restrictions of Parliament, he did rule in

Fig. 46. An Election in the Eighteenth Century. (Drawn
BY Hogarth)

Growing de-
mand for
reform

a high-handed and headstrong way. During the war with the
American colonies he was practically his own prime minister.
The really weak spot in the English constitution, however,
was less the occasional high-handedness of the king than the
fact that Parliament did not represent the nation as a whole.
Already in the eighteenth century there was no little discontent
with the monopoly which the landed gentry and the rich enjoyed
in Parliament. There w^as an increasing number of writers to
point out to the people the defects in the English system. They
urged that every man should have the right to participate in
the government by casting his vote, and that the unwritten

The Spirit of Reform 1 7 1

constitution of England should be written down and so made
clear and unmistakable. Political clubs were founded, which
entered into correspondence with political societies in France ;
newspapers and pamphlets poured from the press in enormous
quantities, and political reform found champions in the House
of Commons.

This demand for reform finally induced the younger Pitt, The younger
son of the Earl of Chatham, who was prime minister from
1783 to 1801, to introduce bills into the House of Com-
rnons for remedying some inequalities in representation. But
the violence and disorder which accompanied the French
Revolution involved England in a long and tedious war, and
discredited reform with Englishmen who had formerly favored
change, to say nothing of the Tories, who regarded with
horror any proposal looking toward an extension of popular
government.

It is clear that England possessed the elements of a modern England had
free government, for her king was master of neither the persons elements of
nor the purses of his subjects, nor could he issue arbitrary laws. ^ modem

^ •* ' •' tree govern-

Political affairs were discussed in newspapers and pamphlets, so ment, but the
that weighty matters of government could not be decided secretly tem was not
in the king's closet without the knowledge of his subjects, ^^e^^ocratic
Nevertheless it would be far from correct to regard the English
system as democratic.

An hereditary House of Lords could block any measure
introduced in the House of Commons ; and the House of Com-
mons itself represented not the nation but a small minority
of landowners and traders. Government offices were monop-
olized by members of the Established Church, and the poor
were oppressed by cruel criminal laws administered by officials
chosen by the king. Workingmen were prohibited from form-
ing associations to promote their interests. It was more than
a century after the accession of George III before the English
peasant could go to the ballot box and vote for members of
Parliament.

1/2 Outlines of European History

QUESTIONS

Section' 26. Contrast the spirit of reform with that of conserv-
atism. What justifications are there for each? What is meant by
"progress"? What class of men is responsible for changing the
intellectual viewpoint of the eighteenth century? Name some pio-
neers of the new methods of discovering truth. Describe these
methods. Why was the discovery of natural law the most important
of all scientific discoveries? Why were conservative theologians
opposed to the new view of the world?

Section 27. What things in England most interested Voltaire?
What were Voltaire's chief claims to greatness? What were his
weaknesses ? How did Diderot's encyclopedia influence public opinion
in France ? In what way did the work of Montesquieu influence the
making of constitutions ?

How did Rousseau's doctrines lead to a criticism of despotism in
France ? Describe the evils of criminal law in the eighteenth century.
What is political economy ? W^hy was it not studied in the Middle
Ages? Who were the Mercantilists? What is meant by Laissez
/aire! Discuss the doctrines of Adam Smith.

Section 28. What is meant by the term '' benevolent despot " ?
Name the four great benevolent despots of the eighteenth century.
Give an account of the youth of Frederick the Great of Prussia.
Describe the life of Frederick the Great after he came to the throne.
What were his views on the subject of religion ?

Sketch the early life of Catherine H of Russia. Compare her
work as a ruler with that of Frederick the Great. Describe the
reforms of Joseph H of Austria. In what general way does his
work differ from that of the monarch just named ? What points of
agreement or of difference are there betv/een his policy and that of
Frederick the Great? between his policy and that of Catherine II?

Section 29. Contrast the limited monarchy of England with the
benevolent despotism of the Continent. Discuss the two great politi-
cal parties of England. W^ho was Sir Robert Walpole? Describe
the origin of the cabinet. Explain the position of the king during
the eighteenth century. What was the great cause of dissatisfaction
with parliamentary government in England in the eighteenth century ?

CHAPTER VII

THE EVE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

Section 30. The Old Regime in France

It was France that first carried out the great reforms that How the
did away with most of the old institutions and confusion that people ac-
had come down from the Middle Ages. It is true that some compiished

^ reforms

of the monarchs of the time (" benevolent despots," as they which had
are called), especially Frederick the Great, and Catherine II of benevolent
Russia, and the Emperor Joseph II, introduced some reforms, ^^^P°^s
largely in their own interests, but even in England little was
done in the eighteenth century to remedy the great abuses
of which the reformers complained. But in 1789 the king of
France asked his people to submit their grievances to him and
to send representatives to Versailles to confer with him upon
the state of the realm and the ways in which the government
might be improved so as to increase the general happiness and
the prosperity of the kingdom. And then the miracle hap-
pened ! The French National Assembly swept away the old
abuses with an ease and thoroughness which put the petty
reforms of the benevolent despots to shame. It accomplished
more in a few months than the reforming kings had done in
a century ; for the kings had never dreamed of calling in their
people to aid them. Instead of availing themselves of the great
forces of the nation, they had tried to do everything alone by
royal decrees, and so had failed.

The unique greatness of the reformation accomplished by
the French Assembly is, however, often obscured by the dis-
order which accompanied it. When one meets the words
" French Revolution," he is pretty sure to call up before his

173

174

Outlines of European History

The reai
French
Revolution
not to be
confused
with the
Reign of
Terror

Meaning of
the term
" the old
regime "

mind's eye the guillotine and its hundreds of victims, and the
Paris mob shouting the hymn of the Marseillaise as they paraded
the streets with the heads of unfortunate '* aristocrats " on their
pikes. Every one has heard of this terrible episode in French
history even if he knows practically nothing of the permanent
good which was accomplished at the time. Indeed, it has made
so deep an impression on posterity that the Reign of Terror is
often mistaken for the real Revolution. It was, however, only
a sequel to it, an unhappy accident which will seem less and
less important as the years go on, while the achievements of
the Revolution itself will loom larger and larger. The Reign of
Terror will be explained and described in good time, but it is
a matter of far greater importance to understand clearly how
the fundamental and permanent reforms were wrought out, and
how France won the proud distinction of being the first nation
to do away with the absurd and vexatious institutions which
weighed upon Europe in the eighteenth century.

AVe have already examined these institutions which were
common to most of the European countries, — despotic kings,
arbitrary imprisonment, unfair taxation, censorship of the press,
serfdom, feudal dues, friction between Church and State, — all
of which the reformers had been busy denouncing as contrary
to reason and humanity, and some of which the benevolent
despots and their ministers had, in a half-hearted way, attempted
to remedy. The various relics of bygone times and of outlived
conditions which the Revolution abolished forever are commonly
called in France the old regime.-^ In order to see why France
took the lead of other European countries in modernizing itself,
it is necessary to examine somewhat carefully the particular
causes of discontent there. We shall then see how almost every
one, from the king to the peasant, came to realize that the old
system was bad and consequently resolved to do away with it
and substitute a more rational plan of government for the long-
standing disorder.

1 From the French ancien regime, the old or former system.

The Eve c f the French Revolution

175

Of the evils which the Revolution abolished, none was more France not

important than the confusion in France due to the fact that it fzed^ state In'

was not in the eighteenth century a well-organized, homogene- ^^^ eight-
ous state whose citizens all enjoyed the same rights and privi-
leges. A long line of kings had patched it together, adding bit

The Provinces of France in the Eighteenth Century,
SHOWING Interior Customs Lines

by bit as they could. By conquest and bargain, by marrying
heiresses, and through the extinction of the feudal dynasties,
the original restricted domains of Hugh Capet about Paris
and Orleans had been gradually increased by his descendants.
We have seen how Louis XIV gained Alsace and Strassburg
and some towns on the borders of the Spanish Netherlands.

1/6

Outlines of European History

The old
provinces

Louis XV added Lorraine in 1766. Two years later the island
of Corsica was ceded to France by Genoa. So when Louis XVI
came to the throne in 1774 he found himself ruler of practically
the whole territory which makes up France to-day. But these
different parts had different institutions.

Some of the districts which the kings of France brought under
their sway, like Languedoc, Provence, Brittany, and Dauphiny,

were considerable
states in themselves,
each with its own
laws, customs, and
system of govern-
ment. When these
provinces had come,
at different times,
into the possession
of the king of
France, he had not
changed their laws
so as to make them
correspond with
those of his other
domains. He was
satisfied if a new
province paid its
due share of the

The Salt Tax

Showing the different amounts paid in the vari-
ous parts of France in the eighteenth century
for a given amount of salt

taxes and treated his officials with respect. In some cases the
provinces retained their local assemblies and controlled, to a cer-
tain extent, their own affairs. The provinces into which France
was divided before the Revolution were not, therefore, merely
artificial divisions created for the purposes of convenience, like
the modern French departements^ but represented real historical
differences. Their inhabitants generally spoke different dialects,
or, as in Brittany and parts of Provence, different languages,
1 See below, p. 207,

The Eve of the French Revolution 177

While in a considerable portion of southern France the Various sys-
Roman law still prevailed, in the central parts and in the west ^"^^ ° ^^
and north there were no less than two hundred and eighty-five
different local codes of law in force ; so that one who moved
from his own to a neighboring town might find a wholly un-
familiar legal system.

One of the heaviest taxes was that on salt. This varied
so greatly in different parts of France that the government
had to go to great expense to guard the boundary lines
between the various districts, for there was every inducement
to smugglers to carry salt from those parts of the country
where it was cheap into the regions where it sold for a high
price on account of the tax. (See map on opposite page.)

Besides these unfortunate local differences, there were class The privi-

lc£rccl classes

differences which caused great discontent. All Frenchmen did
not enjoy the same rights as citizens. Two small but very
important classes, the nobility and the clergy, were treated
differently by the State from the rest of the people. The)
did not have to pay one of the heaviest of the taxes, the
notorious taiUe\ and on one ground or another they escaped
other burdens which the rest of the citizens bore. For instance,
they v/ere not required to serve in the militia or help build
the roads.

We have seen how great and powerful the Medieval Church The Church
was. In France, as in other Catholic countries of Europe, it
still retained in the eighteenth century a considerable part of the
power that it had possessed in the thirteenth, and it still per-
formed important public functions. It took charge of education
and of the relief of the sick and the poor. It was very wealthy
and is supposed to have owned one fifth of all the land in
France. The clergy claimed that their property, being dedicated
to God, was not subject to taxation. They consented, however,
to help the king from time to time by a " free gift," as they
called it. The Church still collected the tithes from the people,
and its vast possessions made it very independent.

178

Outlines of European History

The clergy

The privi-
leges of the
nobility

The feudal
dues

The hunting
rights

A great part of the enormous income of the Church went
to the higher clergy — the bishops, archbishops, and abbots.
Since these were appointed by the king, often from among his
courtiers, they tended to neglect their duties as officers of the
Church and to become little more than "great lords with a
hundred thousand francs income." But while they were spend-
ing their time at Versailles the real work was performed —
and well performed — by the lower clergy, who often received
scarcely enough to keep soul and body together. This explains
why, when the Revolution began, the parish priests sided with
the people instead of with their ecclesiastical superiors.

The privileges of the nobles, like those of the clergy, had
originated in the medieval conditions described in an earlier
chapter. A detailed study of their rights would reveal many
survivals of the institutions which prevailed in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries, when the great majority of the people were
serfs living upon the manors. While serfdom had largely dis-
appeared in France long before the eighteenth century, and the
peasants were generally free men who owned or rented their
land, it was still the theory of the French law that there was
"no land without its lord." Consequently the lords still enjoyed
the right to collect a variety of time-honored dues from the
inhabitants living within the limits of the former manors.

The privileges and dues enjoyed by the nobles varied greatly
in different parts of France. It was quite common for the noble
landowner to have a right to a certain portion of the peasant's
crops ; occasionally he could still collect a toll on sheep and cattle
driven past his house. In some cases the lord maintained, as
he had done in the Middle Ages, the only mill, wine press, or
oven within a certain district, and could require every one to
make use of these and pay him a share of the product. Even
when a peasant owned his land, the neighboring lord usually had
the right to exact one fifth of its value every time it was sold.

The nobles, too, enjoyed the exclusive privilege of hunting,
which was deemed an aristocratic pastime. The game which

The Eve of the French Revohitioji

179

they preserved for their amusement often did great damage to
the crops of the peasants, who were forbidden to interfere with
hares and deer. Many of the manors had great pigeon houses,
built in the form of a tower, in which there were one or two
thousand nests. No wonder the peasants detested these, for they
were not permitted to protect themselves against the innumer-
able pigeons and their progeny, which spread over the fields

Fig. 47. A Chateau and Pigeon House

The round tower at the right hand in front is a pigeon house. The

wall inside is honeycombed with nests, and the pigeons fly in and out

at the side of the roof

devouring newly sown seed. These dovecotes constituted, in
fact, one of the chief grievances of the peasants.

The higher offices in the army were reserved for the nobles, Offices at
as well as the easiest and most lucrative places in the Church the Church
and about the king's person. All these privileges were vestiges of ^stn/ed'for
the powers which the nobles had enjoyed when they ruled their the nobles
estates as feudal lords. Louis XIV had, as we know, induced
them to leave their domains and gather round him at Versailles,
where all who could afford it lived for at least a part of the year.

i8o

Outlines of Eitropemi History

Only relatively few of the nobility in the eighteenth cen-
tury were, however, descendants of the ancient and illustrious
feudal families of France. The greater part of them had been
ennobled in recent times by the king, or had purchased or

flif

. 'II '

■J^^-r^^^

ttc ^

Fig. 48. Court Scene at Versailles

The king is surrounded by princes of the royal family and the greatest
nobles of France while he is dressed and shaved upon rising in the
morning (the levee). Similar ceremonies were performed when the king
went to bed at night (the conchee). The bed, hung with rich tapes-
tries, is behind the railing. The door at the left leads into a small room
— called the Bull's Eye Room {Salon de PCEil de Diviif) from the
round window above the door — where the ambassadors and other
dignitaries waited to be admitted, and while waiting often planned and
plotted how to win the king's favor. Louis XIV's bedroom at Ver-
sailles is still preserved, in much of its old-time splendor ;i for the palace
is now a museum and is open to the public

inherited a government office or judgeship which carried the
privileges of nobility with it. This fact rendered the rights and
exemptions claimed by the nobility even more odious to the
people at large than they would otherwise have been.

1 Its windows are shown in Fig, 11, on the second floor, at the end of the
courtyard, under the flag.

The Eve of the French Revolution 1 8 1

Everybody who did not belong to either the clergy or the The third
nobility was regarded as being of the third estate. The third
estate was therefore really the nation at large, which was made
up in 1789 of about twenty-five million souls. The privileged
classes can scarcely have counted altogether more than two
hundred or two hundred and fifty thousand individuals. A
great part of the third estate lived in the country and tilled the
soil. Most historians have been inclined to make out their
condition as very wretched. They were certainly oppressed by
an abominable system of taxation and were irritated by the
dues which they had to pay to the lords. They also suffered
frequently from local famines. Yet there is no doubt that the
evils of their situation have been greatly exaggerated. When
Thomas Jefferson traveled through France in 1787 he reports
that the country people appeared to be comfortable and that
they had plenty to eat. Arthur Young, a famous English
traveler who has left us an admirable account of his journeys
in France during the years 1787 and 1789, found much pros-
perity and contentment, although he gives, too, some forlorn
pictures of destitution.

The latter have often been unduly emphasized by historical Favorable
writers ; for it has commonly been thought that the Revolution the peasant
was to be explained by the misery and despair of the people, J."j^p3"e^
who could bear their burdens no longer. If, however, instead with other

countries

of comparing the situation of the French peasant under the
old regime with that of an English or American farmer to-day,
we contrast his position with that of his fellow peasant in
Prussia, Russia, Austria, Italy, or Spain, in the eighteenth cen-
tury, it will be clear that in France the agricultural classes
were really much better off than elsewhere on the Continent.
In almost all the other European countries, except England,
the peasants were still serfs : they had to work certain days in
each week for their lord ; they could not marry or dispose of j^^rease of
their land without his permission. Moreover, the fact that the population

^ in the eight-

population of France had steadily increased from seventeen eenth century

X82

Outlines of Europe aji History

Popular dis-
content, not
the excep-
tionally
miserable
condition of
the French
people,
accounts for
the Revo-
lution

France still
a despotism
in the eight-
eenth century

The king's
control of
the govern-
ment funds

millions after the dose of the wars of Lou^s XIV to about
twenty-five millions at the opening of the Revolution indicates
that the general condition of the people was improving rather
than growing worse.

The real reason why France was the first among the Euro-
pean countries to carry out a great reform and do away with
the irritating survivals of feudalism was not that the nation was
miserable and oppressed above all others, but that it was suffi-
ciently free and enlightened to realize the evils and absurdi-
ties of the old regime. Mere oppression and misery does not
account for a revolution ; there must also be active discontent ;
and of that there was a great abundance in France, as we shall
see. The French peasant no longer looked up to his lord as
his ruler and protector, but viewed him as a sort of legalized
robber who demanded a share of his precious harvest, whose
officers awaited the farmer at the crossing of the river to claim
a toll, who would not let him sell his produce when he wished,
or permit him to protect his fields from the ravages of the
pigeons which it pleased his lord to keep.

In the eighteenth century France was still the despotism that
Louis XIV had made it. Louis XVI once described it very
well in the following words : " The sovereign authority resides
exclusively in my person. To me solely belongs the power of
making the laws, and without dependence or cooperation. The
entire public order emanates from me, and I am its supreme
protector. My people are one with me. The rights and inter-
ests of the nation are necessarily identical with mine and rest
solely in my hands." In short, the king still ruled "by the
grace of God," as Louis XIV had done. He needed to render
account to no man for his governmental acts ; he was respon-
sible to God alone. The following illustrations will make clear
the dangerous extent of the king's power.

In the first place, it was he who levied each year the heaviest
of the taxes, the hated taille^ from which the privileged classes
were exempted. This tax brought in about one sixth of the

The Eve of the French Revolution 1 8 3

whole revenue of the State. The amount collected was kept
secret, and no report was made to the nation of what was done
with it or, for that matter, with any other part of the king's
income. Indeed, no distinction was made between the king's
private funds and the State treasury, whereas in England the
monarch was given a stated allowance. The king of France
could issue as many drafts payable to bearer as he wished ; the
royal officials must pay all such orders and ask no questions.
Louis XV is said to have spent no less than seventy million
dollars in this irresponsible fashion in a single year.

But the king not only controlled his subjects' purses ; he had Lettres
a terrible authority over their persons as well. He could issue
orders for the arrest and arbitrary imprisonment of any one he
pleased. Without trial or formality of any sort a person might
be cast into a dungeon for an indefinite period, until the king
happened to remember him again or was reminded of him by
the poor man's friends. These notorious orders of arrest were
called lettres de cachet, that is, sealed letters. They were not diffi-
cult to obtain for any one who had influence with the king or
his favorites, and they furnished a particularly easy and effi-
cacious way of disposing of an enemy. These arbitrary orders
lead one to appreciate the importance of the provision of
Magna Carta, which runs : "No freeman shall be taken or
imprisoned except by the lawful judgment of his peers and
in accordance with the law of the land." Some of the most
eminent men of the time were shut up by the king's order,
often on account of books or pamphlets written by them
which displeased the king or those about him. The distin-
guished statesman, Mirabeau, when a young man, was im-
prisoned several times through lettres de cachet obtained by his
father as a means of checking his reckless dissipation.

Yet, notwithstanding the seemingly unlimited powers of the Limitations
French king, and in spite of the fact that France had no written o?the^F°ench
constitution and no legislative body to which the nation sent ^^"^
representatives, the monarch was by no means absolutely free

i84

Outlines of European Histofy

to do just as he pleased. In the first place, the high courts of
law, the so-cdi\\ed parle??iefits, could often hamper the king.
The/rt;7^- These resembled the English Parliament in almost nothing

thdrVroists ^ut name. The French parlements — of which the most im-
portant one was at Paris and a dozen more were scattered about
the provinces — did not, however, confine themselves solely to

Fig. 49. A Royal Session of Parlement^ at
Versailles, 1776

The name ht de justice (bed of justice) is supposed to come from the
fact that the kmg once reclined on a couch, but here he is seated on a
throne. The members of the paflement, with long gowns and caps,
can be distinguished from the nobles and princes in their richer court
dress. Each person had his exact place assigned him, in order of rank

the business of trying lawsuits. They claimed, and quite prop-
erly, that when the king decided to make a new law he must
send it to them to be registered, for how, otherwise, could they
adjust their decisions to \0. Now although they acknowledged
that the right to make the laws belonged to the monarch, they
nevertheless often sent a " protest " to the king instead of
' ip^ an edict which they disapproved. They would urge

The Eve of the French Revolutio7t 185

that the ministers had abused his Majesty's confidence. They
would also take pains to have their protest printed and sold on
the streets at a penny or two a copy, so that people should get
the idea that the parlement was defending the nation against the
oppressive measures of the king's ministers.

When the king received one of these protests two alterna-
tives were open to him. He might recall the distasteful decree
altogether, or modify it so as to suit the court; or he could
summon the paj'Iement before him and in a solemn session
(called a lit de justice) command it with his own mouth to
register the law in its records. Tho. parlement would then re-
luctantly obey ; but as the Revolution approached, it began to
claim that a decree registered against its will was not valid.

Struggles between the parlevients and the king's ministers l\\&parle-
were very frequent in the eighteenth century. They prepared to^prepie
the way for the Revolution, first, by bringing important questions J^ r^^^"^
to the attention of the people ; for there were no newspapers, lution
and no parliamentary or congressional debates, to enable the
public to understand the policy of the government. Secondly,
the parlements not only frankly criticized the proposed meas-
ures of the king and his ministers, but they familiarized the
nation with the idea that the king was not really at liberty to
alter what they called '^ the fundamental laws '* of the State.
By this they meant that there was an unwritten constitution,
which limited the king's power and of which they were the guar-
dians. In this way they promoted the growing discontent with
a government which was carried on in secret and which left
the nation at the mercv of the men in whom the king might
for the moment repose confidence.

In addition to the parlemeiits public opinion often exercised Public
a powerful check upon the king, even under the autocratic old °P'"'*^'^
re'gime. It was, as one of Louis XVI's ministers declared, " an
invisible power which, without treasury, guards, or an army,
ruled Paris and the court, — yes, the very palace of the king."
The latter half of the eighteenth century was a period of

1 86

Outlines of European History

outspoken and acrid criticism of the whole existing social and
governmental system. Reformers, among whom many of the
king's ministers were counted, loudly and eloquently discussed
the numerous abuses and the vicious character of the govern-
ment, which gradually came to seem just as bad to the intelli-
gent people of that day as it does to us now.

Although there were no daily newspapers to discuss public
questions, large numbers of pamphlets were written and circu-
lated by individuals whenever there was an important crisis, and
they answered much the same purpose as the editorials in a
modern newspaper. We have already seen how French philos-
ophers and reformers, like Voltaire and Diderot, had been en-
couraged by the freedom of speech which prevailed in England,
and how industriously they had sown the seeds of discontent in
their own country. We have seen how in popular works, in
poems and stories and plays, and above all in the Encydopcedia^
they explained the new scientific discoveries, attacked the old
beliefs and misapprehensions, and encouraged progress.

Section 31. How Louis XVI tried to play the
Benevolent Despot

In 1774 Louis XV ^ died, after a disgraceful reign of which
it has not seemed necessary to say much. His unsuccessful
wars, which had ended with the loss of all his American pos-
sessions and the victory of his enemies in India, had brought
France to the verge of bankruptcy ; indeed in his last years
his ministers repudiated a portion of the government's debts.
The taxes were already so oppressive as to arouse universal
discontent, and yet the government was running behind seventy
millions of dollars a year. The king's personal conduct was
scandalous, and he allowed his mistresses and courtiers to
meddle in public affairs and plunder the royal treasury for

1 He came to the throne in 171 5 as a boy of five, on the death of Louis XIV,

his great-grandfather.

The Eve of the Freiich Revohition

187

themselves and their favorites. When at last he was carried off
by smallpox every one hailed, with hopes of better times, the
accession of his grandson and successor, Louis XVI.

The new king was but twenty years old, ill educated, indo-
lent, unsociable, and very fond of hunting and of pottering about

Character of
Louis XVI

Fig. 50, Louis XVI

Louis was a well-meaning man, but not clever. He enjoyed working
with tools like a locksmith or going hunting, but did not understand the
needs of France. His clever, strong-willed queen, Marie Antoinette,
was responsible for most of the few things he did to try to stop the
Revolution, and she was too headstrong to listen to wise advice

in a workshop, where he spent his happiest hours. He was a
well-meaning young man, with none of his grandfather's vices,
who tried now and then to attend to the disagreeable business
of government, and would gladly have made his people happy
if that had not required more energy than he possessed. He
had none of the restless interest in public affairs that we found
in Frederick the Great, Catherine H, or his brother-in-law,

Marie

Antoinette

1 88 Oictlines of European History

Joseph II ; he was never tempted to rise at five o'clock in the
morning in order to read State papers.

His wife was the beautiful Marie Antoinette, daughter of
Maria Theresa. The marriage had been arranged in 1770 with
a view of maintaining the alliance which had been concluded

Fig. 51. Marie Antoinette

The tragic fate of the queen has obscured the fact that she was not
a good sovereign. She was always influencing her husband the wrong
way. She prevented reform, and when the people rose in revolt they
thought of her as an Austrian princess who had no care for the well-
being of France

between France and Austria in 1756.^ The queen was only nine-
teen years old when she came to the throne, light-hearted and on
pleasure bent. She disliked the formal etiquette of the court at
Versailles and shocked people by her thoughtless pranks. She
rather despised her heavy husband, who did not care to share
in the amusements which pleased her best. She did not hesitate

1 See above, p. 87.

The Eve of the French Revolution 1 89

to interfere in the government when she wished to help one
of her favorites or to make trouble for some one she disliked.

e^^c^ At€>t^c^ ^^^^^f^^T^t^^

Fig. 52. A Letter of Marie Antoinette

A page of a letter written July 12, 1770, to her mother, Maria Theresa.
The handwriting, mistakes in spelling, and general carelessness show
what an undeveloped girl she was when she came to the gay court of
Versailles. She says in the letter that she has no other time to write
than while she is dressing and cannot reply exactly to the last letter
because she has burned it. Now she must stop in order to dress and
go to the king's mass. She adds in postscript that she is sending a
list of the wedding presents, thinking that that will entertain {auiuser)
her mother

At first Louis XVI took his duties very seriously. It seemed Turgot, con-

for a time that he might find a place among the benevolent e'i-al Om-

despots who were then ruling in Europe. He almost immedi- '7/6)
ately placed the ablest of all the French economists, Turgot,

IQO Outlines of EiL7vpea7t History

in the most important of the government offices, that of con-
troller general. Turgot was an experienced government official
as well as a scholar.
Turgot The first and most natural measure was economy, for only

ecoHomy^ in that way could the government be saved from bankruptcy
and the burden of taxation be lightened. Turgot felt that the

Fig. 53. Turcot

Turgot was the one great enlightened statesman of the time who might

have saved France from a revolution. His frankness displeased the

king, however, for he lectured him like a schoolmaster. The queen and

the gay courtiers of Versailles brought about his fall

vast amount spent in maintaining the luxury of the royal court
at Versailles should be reduced. The establishments of the
king, the queen, and the princes of the blood royal cost the
State annually about twelve million dollars. Then the French
king had long been accustomed to grant " pensions " in a
reckless manner to his favorites, and this required nearly
twelve million dollars more.

The Eve of the French Revolution 1 9 1

Any attempt, however, to reduce this amount would arouse How the
the immediate opposition of the courtiers, and it was the cour- governed
tiers who really governed France. They had ever)' opportunity ^^^^e
to influence the king's mind against a man whose economies
they disliked. They were constantly about the monarch from
the moment when he awoke in the morning until he went to
bed at night; therefore they had an obvious advantage over
Turgot, who only saw him in business hours. ^

An Italian economist, when he heard of Turgot's appoint- Turgot's
ment, wrote to a friend in France as follows : '^ So Turgot is P^^'*^^'^
controller general I He will not remain in office long enough
to carry out his plans. He will punish some scoundrels ; he
will bluster about and lose his temper ; he wdll be anxious to do
good, but will run against obstacles and rogues at every turn.
Public credit will fall ; he will be detested ; it will be said that
he is not fitted for his task. Enthusiasm will cool ; he will retire
or be sent off, and we shall have a new proof of the mistake
of filling a position like his in a monarchy like yours with an
upright man and a philosopher."

The Italian could not have made a more accurate statement Turgot dis-
of the case had he waited until after the dismissal of Turgot, ^^5^ ' ^^''
which took place in May, 1776, much to the satisfaction of
the court. Although the privileged classes so stoutly opposed
Turgot's reforms that he did not succeed in abolishing the
abuses himself,^ he did a great deal to forward their destruction
not many years after his retirement.

Necker, who after a brief interval succeeded Turgot, con- Necker »uc-
tributed to the progress of the coming revolution in two ways. ^^^ ^ ^^^^
He borrowed vast sums of money in order to carry on the war Necker's
which France, as the ally of the United States, had undertaken report^
against England. This greatly embarrassed the treasury later

1 See Turgot's outspoken letter to the king, August, 1774, in Readings, Vol. I,
pp. 237 ff.

2 Turgot succeeded in inducing the king to abolish the guilds and the forced
labor on the roads, but the decrees were revoked after Turgot's dismissal.

192

Outlines of European History

Calonne,
controller
general,
1783-1787

Calonne in-
forms the
king that
France is on
the verge of
bankruptcy,
August, 1786

and helped to produce the financial crisis which was the imme-
diate cause of the Revolution. Secondly, he gave the nation its
first opportunity of learning what was done with the public
funds, by presenting to the king (February, 1781) a report on
the financial condition of the kingdom ; this was publicly
printed and eagerly read. There the people could see for
the first time how much the taille and the salt tax actually
took from them, and how much the king spent on himself
and his favorites.

Necker was soon followed by Calonne, who may be said to
have precipitated the French Revolution. He was very popular
at first with king and courtiers, for he spent the public funds
far more recklessly than his predecessors. But, naturally, he
soon found himself in a position where he could obtain no
more money. The parlements would consent to no more loans
in a period of peace, and the taxes were as high as it was
deemed possible to make tHem. At last Calonne, finding him-
self desperately put to it, informed the astonished king that
the State was on the verge of bankruptcy, and that in order
to save it a radical reformation of the whole public order was
necessary. This report of Calonne's may be taken as the be-
ginning of the French Revolution, for it was the first of the
series of events that led to the calling of a representative
assembly which abolished the old regime and gave France a
written constitution.

QUESTIONS

Section 30. How should the French Revolution be distinguished
from the Reign of Terror? What is the meaning of "ancient re-
gime " t Why was France so ill organized in the eighteenth century .?
Give some examples of the differences which existed between the
various provinces. Who were the privileged classes, and what were
their privileges ? Give examples of the feudal dues.

In what respects was the French peasant more happily situated
than his fellows in other parts of Europe.^ What were the chief
powers of the French monarch.'' What were lettres de cachet}

The Eve of the French Revoltttion 193

What limitations were placed upon the king's power ? What did the
parlements do to forward the coming revolution? What is meant
by public opinion, and what chances does it have to express itself
to-day that it did not have in France before the Revolution?

Segjion 31. Who was Louis XVI? Tell something of his wife.
Why did Turgot fail to remedy any of the abuses ? What happened
under Necker to forward the Revolution ? Why was Calonne forced
to admit that he could not carry on the government unless reforms
were introduced ?

CHAPTER VIII

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION

Section 32. How the Estates were summoned
IN 1789

Reforms
proposed by
Calonne

Summoning
of the Nota-
bles, 1786

It was necessary, in order to avoid ruin, Calonne claimed,
"to reform everything vicious in the state." He proposed,
therefore, to reduce the taille, reform the salt tax, do away with
the interior customs lines, correct the abuses of the guilds, etc.
But the chief reform, and by far the most difficult one, was to
force the privileged classes to surrender their important exemp-
tions from taxation. He hoped, however, that if certain con-
cessions were made to them they might be brought to consent
to a land tax to be paid by all alike. So he proposed to the
king that he should summon an assembly of persons prominent
in Church and State, called Notables^ to ratify certain changes
which would increase the prosperity of the country and give the
treasury money enough to meet the necessary expenses.

The summoning of the Notables in 1786 was really a revo-
lution in itself. It was a confession on the part of the king
that he found himself in a predicament from which he could
not escape without the aid of his people. The Notables whom
he selected — bishops, archbishops, dukes, judges, high govern-
ment officials — were practically all members of the privileged
classes ; but they still represented the nation, after a fashion,
as distinguished from the king's immediate circle of courtiers.
At any rate it proved an easy step from calling the Notables to
summoning the ancient Estates General, and that, in its turn,
speedily became a modern representative body.

194

The F^-ench Revolution 195

In his opening address Calonne gave the Notables an idea of Calonne
the sad financial condition of the country. The government was the abuses
running behind some forty million dollars a year. He could not
continue to borrow, and economy, however strict, would not
suffice to cover the deficit. '' What, then," he asked, '' remains
to fill this frightful void and enable us to raise the revenue to
the desired level? The Abuses I Yes, gentlemen, the abuses
offer a source of wealth which the state should appropriate,
and- which should serve to reestablish order in the finances. . . .
The abuses which must now be destroyed for the welfare of
the people are the most important and the best guarded of
all, the very ones which have the deepest roots and the most
spreading branches. For example, those which weigh on the
laboring classes, the privileges, exceptions to the law which
should be common to all, and many an unjust exemption which
can only relieve certain taxpayers by embittering the condition
of others ; the general want of uniformity in the assessment of
the taxes and the enormous difference which exists between the
contributions of different provinces and of the subjects of the
same sovereign ; " — all these evils, which public-spirited citi-
zens had long criticized, Calonne proposed to do away with
forthwith.

The Notables, however, had no confidence in Calonne, and Calonne and
refused to ratify his program of reform. The king then dis- dismisse^d ^^
missed him, and soon sent them home too (May, 1787).
Louis- XVL then attempted to carry through some of the more
pressing financial reforms in the usual way by sending them to
t\\Q parlements to be registered.

Th^ parlejfiefit of Paris resolved, as usual, to make the king's Thefark-
ministry trouble and gain popularity for itself. This time it refuses to
resorted to a truly extraordinary measure. It not only refused [afgf a^j^"'
to register two new taxes which the king desired but asserted calls for the
that '" 0?ily the natio?i assembled m the Testates General can give General
the consent necessary to the establishment of a permanent tax"
" Only the nation," the parlemoit continued, " after it has

196

Outlines of European History

The Estates

General

summoned

General
ignorance in
regard to the
Estates
General

The old
system of
voting by
classes in
the Estates
General

Objections to
this system

learned the true state of the finances can destroy the great
abuses and open up important resources." This declaration was
followed in a few days by the humble request that the king
assemble the Estates General of his kingdom. The parleme?its
not only refused to register taxes but continued during the fol-
lowing months to do everything that they could to embarrass
the king's ministers. There seemed no other resort except to
call the representatives of the people together. The Estates
General were accordingly summoned to meet on May i, 1789.

It was now discovered that no one knew much about this
body of which every one was talking, for it had not met since
16 1 4. The king accordingly issued a general invitation to
scholars to find out all they could about the customs observed
in the former meetings of the Estates. The public naturally
became very much interested in a matter which touched them
so closely, and there were plenty of readers for the pamphlets
which now began to appear in great numbers. The old Estates
General had been organized in a way appropriate enough to the
feudal conditions under which they originated.^ All three of
the estates of the realm — clergy, nobility, and third estate —
were accustomed to send an equal number of representatives,
who were expected to consider not the interests of the nation
but the special interests of the particular social class to which
they respectively belonged. Accordingly, the deputies of the
three estates did not sit together, or vote as a single body. The
members of each group first came to an agreement among them-
selves, and then a single vote was cast for the whole order.

It was natural that this system should seem preposterous to
the average Frenchman in 1788. If the Estates should be con-
voked according to the ancient forms, the two privileged classes
would be entitled to twice the number of representatives allotted
to the nation at large. What was much worse, it seemed im-
possible that any important reforms could be adopted in an
assembly where those who had every selfish reason for opposing

1 See Part I, pp. 427 ff.

The French Revolution 197

the most necessary changes were given two votes out of three.
Necker, whom the king had recalled in the hope that he might
succeed in adjusting the finances, agreed that the third estate
might have as many deputies as both the other orders put
together, namely six hundred, but he would not consent to
having the three orders sit and vote together like a modem
representative body.

Besides the great question as to whether the deputies should The cahiers
vote by head or by order^ the pamphlets discussed what reforms
the Estates should undertake. We have, however, a still more
interesting and important expression of public opinion in France
at this time, in the cahiers} or lists of grievances and sugges-
tions for reform which, in pursuance of an old custom, the
king asked the nation to prepare. Each village and town
throughout France had an opportunity to tell quite frankly
exactly what it suffered from the existing system, and what
reforms it wished that the Estates General might bring about.
These cahiers were the " last will and testament " of the old
regime, and they constitute a unique historical document, of
unparalleled completeness and authenticity. No one can read
the cahiers without seeing that the whole nation was ready for
the great transformation which within a year was to destroy a
great part of the social and political system under which the
French had lived for centuries.

Almost all the cahiers agreed that the prevailing disorder Desire of
and the vast and ill-defined powers of the king and his minis- for a con"
ters were perhaps the fundamental evils. One of the cahiers f^^'^^^f^
says : '^ Since arbitrary power has been the source of all the an absolute,
evils which afflict the state, our first desire is the establishment
of a really national constitution, which shall define the rights of
all and provide the laws to maintain them." No one dreamed
at this time of displacing the king or of taking the government
out of his hands. The people only wished to change an abso-
lute monarchy into a limited, or constitutional, one. All that
1 Pronounced kS-ya',

198

The French Revolution 199

was necessary was that the things which the government might
7iot do should be solemnly and irrevocably determined and put
upon record, and that the Estates General should meet periodi-
cally to grant the taxes, give the king advice in national crises,
and expostulate, if necessary, against any violations of the pro-
posed charter of liberties.

With these ideas in mind, the Estates assembled in Versailles The Estates
and held their first session on May 5, 1789. The king had ^t^^'^^^i^^
ordered the deputies to wear the same costumes that had been
worn at the last meeting of the Estates in 1 6 1 4 ; but no royal
edict could call back the spirit of earlier centuries. In spite of
the king's commands the representatives of the third estate re-
fused to organize themselves in the old way as a separate order.
They sent invitation after invitation to the deputies of the clergy
and nobility, requesting them to join the people's representa-
tives and deliberate in common on the great interests of the
nation. Some of the more liberal of the nobles — Lafayette, for
example — and a large minority of the clergy wished to meet
with the deputies of the third estate. But they were outvoted. The repre-
and the deputies of the third estate, losing patience, finally, on ^f ^^e third
Tune 17, declared themselves a "National Assembly." They estate declare

-' ' ' -^ -^ themselves

argued that, since they represented at least ninety-six per cent a " National

Assembly"

of the nation, the deputies of the privileged orders might be
neglected altogether. This usurpation of power on the part of
the third estate transformed the old feudal Estates, voting by
orders, into the first modern national representative assembly
on the continent of Europe.

Under the influence of his courtiers the king tried to restore The "Tennis
the old system by arranging a solemn joint session of the three
orders, at which he presided in person. He presented a long

* The clergy, as the first estate of the realm, are seated on the right of
the king; the nobles, or second estate, on the left; the representatives
of the third estate, clad in sober black, are given what places remain.
The princes of the blood are on the platform. Necker, the minister,
is making his speech by the table belovi^ the throne.

200 Outlines of European History

program of excellent reforms, and then bade the Estates sit
apart, according to the old custom. But it was like bidding water
to run uphill. Three days before, when the commons had found
themselves excluded from their regular place of meeting on ac-
count of the preparations for the royal session, they had betaken

Fig. 55. MiRABEAU

Count Mirabeau was the greatest statesman and orator of the French
Revolution. He tried to establish a limited monarchy like that of Eng-
land. But he had led a scandalous life as a young man, and people
were suspicious of his designs and ambition. He died early in 1791
without accomplishing his plans

themselves to a neighboring building called the " Tennis Court."
Here, on June 20, they took the famous " Tennis Court " oath,
"to come together wherever circumstances may dictate, until
the constitution of the kingdom shall be established."

Consequently, when the king finished his address and com-
manded the three orders to disperse immediately in order to
resume their separate sessions, most of the bishops, some of the

The French Revolution 201

parish priests, and a great part of the nobility obeyed ; the rest The nobility
sat still, uncertain what they should do. When the master of forced^?^
ceremonies ordered them to comply with the king's commands, jj-^d^^t^t
Mirabeau, the most distinguished statesman among the deputies,
told him bluntly that they would not leave their places except
at the point of the bayonet. The weak king almost immediately
gave in and a few days later ordered all the deputies of the privi-
leged orders who had not already done so to join the commons.

This was a momentous victory for the nation. The repre- First momen.
sentatives of the privileged classes had been forced to unite of the natSn
with the third estate, to deliberate with them, and to vote " by
head." Moreover the National Assembly had pledged itself
never to separate until it had regenerated the kingdom and
given France a constitution. It was no longer simply to vote
taxes and help the king's treasury out of its continual difficulties.

Section 33. First Reforms of the National
Assembly, July-October, 1789

The National Assembly now began in earnest the great task of The court
preparing a constitution for France. The work was, however, mines to dis-
soon interrupted. The little group of noblemen and prelates who ^^Jt^ioiJaf
spent much of their time in the king's palace formed what was Assembly
known as the court party. They were not numerous but could
influence the king as no other group in the nation could do.
They naturally opposed reform ; they neither wished to give up
their own privileges nor to have the king come under the con-
trol of the National Assembly, for that would mean that he
would no longer be able to give them the pensions and lucrative
positions which they now readily obtained. This court '' ring "
enjoyed the hearty support of the queen, Marie Antoinette, and
of the king's younger brother, the count of Artois, both of whom
regarded the deputies of the third estate as insolent and danger-
ous agitators who proposed to rob the monarch of the powers
which had been conferred upon him by God himself. The queen

202

The French Revolution 203

and her friends had got rid of Turgot and Calonne, who had
endeavored to change the old order ; why should they not dis-
perse the Estates General, which was escaping from the control
of the clergy and nobility?

The king agreed to the court party's plans. He summoned Troops sent
the Swiss and German troops in the employ of France and Keeker's dis-
sent a company of them into Paris in order that they might missal, July,
suppress any violence on the part of the townspeople, should
he decide to send the arrogant deputies home. He was also
induced to dismiss Necker, who enjoyed a popularity that he
had, in reality, done little to merit. When the people of Paris
saw the troops gathering and heard of the dismissal of Necker
they became excited. Camille Desmoulins, a brilliant young Camille
journalist, rushed into the garden of the Palais Royal, where ^citjrthe^
crowds of people were discussing the situation, and, leaping Pansians,
upon a table, announced that the Swiss and German soldiers
would soon be slaughtering all the " patriots." He urged the
people to arm and defend both themselves and the National
Assembly from the attacks of the court party, which wished to
betray the nation. All night the mob surged about the streets,
seeking arms in the shops of the gunsmiths and breaking into
bakeries and taverns to satisfy their hunger and thirst.

This was but the prelude to the great day of July 1 4, when Attack on
crowds of people assembled to renew the search for arms, and j^L j^^ i^gn
to perform, mayhap, some deed of patriotism. One of the law-
less bands made its way to the ancient fortress of the Bas-
tille, which stood in the poorer quarter of the city. Here the
mob expected to find arms, but the governor of the fortress,
de Launay, naturally refused to supply the crowd with weapons.
He had, moreover, mounted cannon on the parapets, which

* This picture is from a print by an artist of the time. It shows the
few little cannon the besiegers possessed. They would have been
relatively harmless if the garrison had fought bravely, but, instead, it
was in a panic and the drawbridges were left improperly guarded, so
the attacking party assailed the central towers with little loss.

204 Outlines of European History

made the inhabitants of the region very nervous. The people
hated the castle, which they imagined to be full of dark dun-
geons and instruments of torture. It appeared to them a symbol
of tyranny, for it had long been used as a place of confinement
for those whom the king imprisoned by his arbitrary orders,
the lettres de cachet. While there seemed no hope of taking
the fortress, whose walls, ten feet thick, towered high above
them, the attempt was made. Negotiations with the governor
were opened and, during these, a part of the crowd pressed
across a drawbridge into the court. Here, for some reason that
has never been explained, the troops in the castle fired upon
the people and killed nearly a hundred of them. Meanwhile
the mob on the outside continued an ineffectual but desperate
attack until de Launay was forced by the garrison to surrender
on condition that it should be allowed to retire unmolested.
The drawbridge was then let down and the crowd rushed into
the gloomy pile. They found only seven prisoners, whom they
freed with great enthusiasm. But the better element in the
crowd was unable to restrain the violent and cruel class, rep-
resented in every mob, who proposed to avenge the slaughter
of their companions in the courtyard of the Bastille. Conse-
quently the Swiss soldiers, who formed the garrison, were
killed, and their heads, with that of de Launay, were paraded
about the streets on pikes.

The fall of the Bastille is one of the most impressive, strik-
ing, and dramatic events in modern history, and its anniversary
is still celebrated in France as the chief national holiday. On
that day the people of Paris rose to protect themselves against
the plots of the courtiers, who wished to maintain the old
despotic system. They attacked an ancient monument of
despotism, forced the king's officer in charge of it to capitu-
late, and then destroyed the walls of the fortress so that noth-
ing now remains except a line of white stones to mark its
former site. The events of the 14th of July, 1789, have been
" disfigured and transfigured by legends," but none the less

The French Revolution 205

they opened a new era of freedom inasmuch as they put an Beginning
end to the danger of a return to the Ancien Regime, It is true gradon^S^"
that the court party continued to make trouble, but its opposi- ^^^ nobles
tion served to hasten rather than to impede reform. Some of
the leaders of the group, among them the king's younger
brother, the count of Artois (who was destined to become
king as Charles X), left France immediately after the fall of
the Bastille and began actively urging foreign monarchs to
intervene to protect Louis XVI from the reformers.

It had become clear that the king could not maintain order in The national
Paris. The shopkeepers and other respectable citizens were com- ^^^^
pelled to protect themselves against the wild crowds made up of
the criminal and disorderly class of the capital and reenforced
by half -starving men who had drifted to Paris on account of the
famine which prevailed in the provinces. In order to prevent
attacks on individuals and the sacking of shops, a ''national
guard " was organized, made up of volunteers from the well-to-
do citizens. General Lafayette, one of the most liberal-minded
of the nobles, was put in command. This deprived the king of
every excuse for calling in his regular troops to insure order in
Paris, and put the military power into the hands of the bour-
geoisie^ as the French call the class made up of the more
prosperous business men.

The government of Paris was reorganized, and a mayor, Estabiish-
chosen from among the members of the National Assembly, was communes
put at the head of the new commune, as the municipal govern- JJJherckiS^
ment was called. The other cities of France also began with
one accord, after the dismissal of Necker and the fall of the
Bastille, to promote the Revolution by displacing or supplement-
ing their former governments by committees of their citizens.
These improvised communes, or city governments, established
national guards, as Paris had done, and thus maintained order.
The news that the king had approved the changes at Paris
confirmed the citizens of other cities in the conviction that they
had done right in taking the control into their own hands. We

2o6

Outlines of European History

shall hear a good deal of the commune,- or municipal govern-
ment, of Paris later, as it played a very important role in the
Reign of Terror.

By the end of the month of July the commotion reached the
country districts. A curious panic swept over the land, which
the peasants long remembered as " the great fear." A mysteri-
ous rumor arose that the '' brigands " were coming ! The ter-
rified people did what they could to prepare for the danger,
although they had no clear idea of what it was; neighboring
communities combined with one another for mutual protection.
When the panic was over and people saw that there were no
brigands after all, they turned their attention to an enemy by
no means imaginary, that is, the old regime. The peasants
assembled on the village common, or in the parish church, and
voted to pay the feudal dues no longer. The next step was to
burn the chateaux^ or castles of the nobles, in order to destroy
the records of the peasants' obligations to their feudal lords.

About the first of August news reached the National Assem-
bly of the burning of chateaux in various parts of the kingdom,
and of the obstinate refusal of the country people to pay the
tithes, taxes, rents, and feudal dues. It seemed absolutely neces-
sary to pacify and encourage the people by announcing sweep-
ing reforms. Consequently during the celebrated night session
of August 4-5, amid great excitement, the members of the
privileged orders, led by the Viscount of Noailles, a relative of
Lafayette who had fought with him in America, vied with one
another in surrendering their ancient privileges.^

1 Of course the nobles and clergy had very little prospect of retaining their
privileges even if they did not give them up voluntarily. This was bitterly
emphasized by Marat in his newspaper, The Friend of the People. " Let us not
be duped ! If these sacrifices of privileges were due to benevolence, it must be
confessed that the voice of benevolence has been raised rather late in the day.
When the lurid flames of their burning chateaux have illuminated France, these
people have been good enough to give up the privilege of keeping in fetters
men who had already gained their liberty by force of arms. When they see the
punishment that awaits robbers, extortioners, and tyrants like themselves they
generously abandon the feudal dues and agree to stop bleeding the wretched
people who can barely keep body and soul together."

The French Revolution 207

The exclusive right of the nobility to hunt and to maintain Decree abol-

their huge pigeon houses was abolished, and the peasant was feudS du^es

permitted to kill game which he found on his land. The tithes hunting

of the Church were done away with. Exemptions from the other

privilcfiTCS

payment of taxes were abolished forever. It was decreed that
'' taxes shall be collected from all citizens and from all property
in the same manner and in the same form," and that " all citi-
zens, without distinction of birth, are eligible to any office or
dignity." Moreover, inasmuch as a national constitution would
be of more advantage to the provinces than the privileges
which some of these enjoyed, and — so the decree continues —
'' inasmuch as the surrender of such privileges is essential to
the intimate union of all parts of the realm, it is decreed that
all the exceptional privileges, pecuniary or otherwise, of the prov-
inces, principalities, districts, cantons, cities, and communes, are
once for all abolished and are absorbed into the law common
to all Frenchmen." ^

This decree thus proclaimed the equality and uniformity for Unification
which the French people had so long sighed. The injustice of Sirough^^the
the former system of taxation could never be reintroduced. All abolition of

•^ ... ^"^ ancient

France was to have the same laws, and its citizens were hence- provinces and
forth to be treated in the same way by the State, whether they of the present
lived in Brittany or Dauphiny, in the Pyrenees or on the Rhine. ^^-^/^'^^^^^^^^
A few months later the Assembly went a step farther in con-
solidating and unifying France. It wiped out the old provinces
altogether by dividing the whole country into districts of con-
venient size, called departenients. These were much more numer-
ous than the ancient divisions, and were named after rivers and
mountains. This obliterated from the map all reminiscences of
the feudal disunion.

Many of the cahiers had suggested that the Estates should The Decla-
draw up a clear statement of the rights of the individual citizen. t^J Rights
It was urged that the recurrence of abuses and the insidious °^ ^^^"

1 This edict is given in the Readbigs^ section 35. The nobles were to be
indemnified for some of the important but less offensive of the feudal dues.

2o8 Oiitlmes of EiLropean History

encroachments of despotism might in this way be forever pre-
vented. The National Assembly consequently determined to
prepare such a declaration in order to gratify and reassure the
people and to form a basis for the new constitution.

This Declaration of the Rights of Man (completed August 26)
is one of the most notable documents in the history of Europe.
It not only aroused general enthusiasm when it was first pub-
lished, but it appeared over and over again, in a modified form,
in the succeeding French constitutions down to 1848, and has
been the model for similar declarations in many of the other
continental states. It was a dignified repudiation of the abuses
described in the preceding chapter. Behind each article there
was some crying evil of long standing against which the people
wished to be forever protected — lettres de cachet, religious
persecution, censorship of the press, and despotism in general.
Contents The Declaration sets forth that " Men are bom and remain

Declaration cqual in rights. Social distinctions can only be founded upon
the general good." " Law is the expression of the general
will. Every citizen has a right to participate, personally or
through his representative, in its formation. It must be the
same for all." " No person shall be accused, arrested, or im-
prisoned except in the cases and according to the forms pre-
scribed by law." " No one shall be disquieted on account of
his opinions, including his religious views, provided that their
manifestation does not disturb the public order established by
law." " The free communication of ideas and opinions is one
of the most precious of the rights of man. Every citizen may,
accordingly, speak, write, and print with freedom, being re-
sponsible, however, for such abuses of this freedom as shall be
defined by law." "All citizens have a right to decide, either
personally or by their representative, as to the necessity of the
contribution to the public treasury, to grant this freely, to know
to what uses it is put, and to fix the proportion, the mode of
assessment and of collection, and the duration of the taxes.*'
" Society has the right to require of every public agent an

The French Revolution 209

account of his administration." Well might the Assembly claim,
in its address to the people, that '' the rights of man had been
misconceived and insulted for centuries," and boast that they
were " reestablished for all humanity in this declaration, which
shall serve as an everlasting war cry against oppressors."

Section 34. The National Assembly in Paris,
October, 1789, to September, 1791

The king hesitated to ratify the Declaration of the Rights of The court
Man, and about the first of October rumors became current more plains
that, under the influence of the courtiers, he was calling together ^ counter-
troops and preparing for another attempt to put an end to the
Revolution, similar to that which the attack on the Bastille had
frustrated. A regiment arrived from Flanders and was enter-
tained at- a banquet given by the king's guard at Versailles.
The queen was present, and it was reported in Paris that the
officers, in their enthusiasm for her, had trampled under foot
the new national colors, — the red, white, and blue, — which
had been adopted after the fall of the Bastille. These things,
along with the scarcity of food due to the poor crops of the
year, aroused the excitable Paris populace to fever heat.

On October 5 several thousand women and a number of A Paris mob
armed men marched out to Versailles to ask bread of the king, king's palace
in whom they had great confidence personally, however sus- ^^m^^""
picious they might be of his friends and advisers. Lafayette f'aris
marched after the crowd with the national guard, but did
not prevent some of the people from invading the king's
palace the next morning and nearly murdering the queen,
who had become very unpopular. She was believed to be
still an Austrian at heart and to be in league with the counter-
revolutionary party.

The people declared that the king must accompany them to
Paris, and he was obliged to consent. Far from being disloyal,
they assumed that the presence of the royal family would

2IO

Outlines of Europe mi History

Disastrous
results of
transferring
the king and
the Assembly
to Paris

The new
constitution

The Legisla-
tive Assem-
t)ly estab-
lished by
the new
constitution

insure plenty and prosperity. So they gayly escorted the " baker
and the baker's wife and the baker's boy," as they jocularly
termed the king and queen and the little dauphin, to the Palace
of the Tuileries, where the king took up his residence, practi-
cally a prisoner, as it proved. The National Assembly soon
followed him and resumed its sittings in a riding school near
the Tuileries.

This transfer of the king and the Assembly to the capital
was the first great misfortune of the Revolution. The work of
reform was by no means completed, and now the disorderly
element of Paris could at any time invade the galleries and
interrupt those deputies who proposed measures that did not
meet with their approval. Marat's newspaper, The Friend of
the People^ assured the poor of the city that they were the
real " patriots." Before long they came to hate the well-to-do
middle class (the bourgeoisie^ almost as heartily as they hated
the nobles, and were ready to follow any leader who talked
to them about '' liberty " and vaguely denounced " traitors."
Under these circumstances the populace might at any time get
control of Paris, and Paris of the National Assembly. And so
it fell out, as we shall see.

But for some time there was no considerable disorder. The
deputies worked away on the constitution, and on February 4,
1790, the king visited the National Assembly and solemnly
pledged himself and the queen to accept the new form of gov-
ernment. This provided that the sovereign should rule both
by the grace of God and by the constitutional law of the
State, but the nation was to be superior to the law and the
law to the king.

The constitution naturally provided that the laws should be
made and the taxes granted by a representative body that
should meet regularly. This was to consist, like the National
Assembly, of one house, instead of two like the English Parlia-
ment. Many had favored the system of two houses, but the
nobility and clergy, who would have composed the upper house

2' Southampton 0* Dove^^ ^^

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VENDEE \4eux ) JpAuj^rs"

6' Xongitude West 4' from Greenwich 2*

^ longitude East 6* from Greenwich 8*

The French Revolution 2 1 1

on the English analogy, were still viewed with suspicion as
likely to wish to restore the privileges of which they had just
been deprived. Only those citizens who paid a tax equal to
three days' labor were permitted to vote for deputies to the
Legislative Assembly. The poorer people had, consequently,
no voice in the government in spite of the Declaration of the
Rights of Man, which assured equal rights to all. This and
other restrictions tended to keep the power in the hands of
the middle class.

Of the other reforms of the National Assembly, the most The Assem-
important related to the Church, which, as has been explained, t^e Church
continued up to the time of the Revolution to be very rich and
powerful, and to retain many of its medieval prerogatives and
privileges. Its higher officials, the bishops and abbots, received Unjust divi-
very large revenues and often one prelate held a number of revenue of
rich benefices, the duties of which he utterly neglected. The ^^^ Church
parish priests, on the other hand, who really performed the
manifold and important functions of the Church, were scarcely
able to live on their incomes. This unjust apportionment of
the vast revenue of the Church naturally suggested the idea
that, if the State confiscated the ecclesiastical possessions, it
could see that those who did the work were properly paid for
it, and might, at the same time, secure a handsome sum which
would help the government out of its financial troubles. Those
who sympathized with Voltaire's views were naturally delighted
to see their old enemy deprived of its independence and made
subservient to the State, and even many good Catholics hoped
that the new system would be an improvement upon the old.

The tithes had been abolished in August along with the The National
feudal dues. This deprived the Church of perhaps thirty de^claresthe
million dollars a year. On November 2, 1789, a decree was {J^e^j^rd!
passed providing: that '' All the ecclesiastical possessions are at to be at the

, ,. , r , . ,..,.., , disposal of

the disposal of the nation on condition that it provides properly the nation
for the expenses of maintaining religious services, for the sup-
port of those who conduct them, and for the succor of the

212 Outlines of European History

poor." This decree deprived the bishops and priests of their
benefices and made them dependent on salaries paid by the
State. The monasteries and convents were also, when called
upon, to give up their property to meet the needs of the State.-^
The assig- The National Assembly a little later ordered inventories to

currency ^^^'^ be made of the lands and buildings and various sources of
revenue which the bishops, priests, and monks had so long
enjoyed, and then the Church property was offered for sale.
Meanwhile, in order to supply an empty treasury, the Assembly
determined to issue a paper currency for which the newly
acquired lands would serve as security. Of these assignats^ as
this paper money was called, we hear a great deal during the
revolutionary period. They soon began to depreciate, and ulti-
mately a great part of the forty billions of francs issued during
the next seven years was repudiated.

After depriving the Church of its property, the Assembly
deemed it necessary completely to reorganize it, and drew up
the so-called Civil Constitution of the Clergy. The one hundred

1 The medieval monastic orders, feeble and often degenerate, still continued
to exist in France at the opening of the Revolution — Benedictines, Carthusians,
Cistercians, Franciscans, Dominicans. The State still recognized the solemn
vows of poverty taken by the monks and viewed them as incapable of holding
any property or receiving any bequests. It also regarded it as its duty to arrest
a runaway monk and restore him to his monastery. The National Assembly,
shortly after declaring the property of the monasteries at the disposal of the
nation, refused (February 13, 1790) longer legally to recognize perpetual monastic
vows, and abolished all the orders which required them. The monks and nuns
were to be free to leave their monasteries and were, in that case, to receive a
pension from the government of from seven hundred to twelve hundred francs.
Those, however, who preferred to remain were to be grouped in such houses
as the government assigned them. In a year or so a good many of the monks
appear to have deserted their old life, but very few of the nuns. Those who re-
mained were naturally the most conservative of all ; they opposed the Revolu-
tion and sided with the nonjuring clergy. This made them very unpopular with
the Legislative Assembly, which in August, 1792, ordered all the monasteries to
be vacated and turned over to the government for its use. At the same time it
abolished all the other religious communities and associations, like the Oratorians
and the Sisters of Charity, who, without requiring any solemn vows, had de-
voted themselves to teaching or charitable works. Many of these religious con-
gregations^ as the French call them, were revived in the nineteenth century and
have been the cause of a good deal of agitation. See below, section "]%,

The French Revolution

213

and thirty-four ancient bishoprics, some of which dated back The Civil
to the Roman Empire, were reduced to eighty-three, so as ofXeCler*^
to correspond with the new " departments " into which France completed,
had just been divided. Each of these became the diocese of
a bishop, who was no longer to be appointed by the king and
confirmed by the Pope ^ but was looked upon as a government
official, to be elected, like other government officials, by the
people, and paid a regular salary. The priests, too, were to be

Ikmiamesmaiwriaux.

Fig. S7- Assignat

This piece of paper money, which resembled the bank note of to-day,

was of the face value of 10 livres-, but before the Revolution was over

it was almost worthless. So many were printed, however, that one can

still find specimens in old curiosity shops, costing only a few cents

chosen by the people instead, as formerly, by the bishop or
lord of the manor; and their salaries were to be substantially
increased. In Paris 'they were to have six thousand francs, in
smaller places less, but never an amount below twelve hun-
dred francs ; even in the smallest villages they received over
twice the minimum paid under the old regime. Lastly, it was

1 The decrees abolishing the feudal system (August 11, 1789) had already
prohibited all payments to the Pope. The bishoprics were grouped into ten dis-
tricts, each presided over by a " metropolitan," who corresponded to the former
archbishop.

214

Outlines of European History

provided that clergymen, upon accepting office, must all take
an oath, like other government officials, to be faithful to the
nation, the law, and the king, and to " maintain with all their
might the constitution decreed by the Assembly."^

The Givil Constitution of the Clergy proved a serious mis-
take. While the half-feudalized Church had sadly needed re-
form, the worst abuses might have been remedied without
overturning the whole system, which was hallowed in the minds
of most of the French people by age and religious veneration.
The arbitrary suppression of fifty-one bishoprics, the election
of the bishops by the ordinary voters, who included Protestants,
Jews, and unbelievers, the neglect of the Pope's rights — all
shocked and alienated thousands of those who had hitherto
enthusiastically applauded the reforms which the Assembly
had effected. The king gave his assent to the Civil Constitu-
tion, but with the fearful apprehension that he might be losing
his soul by so doing. From that time on he became an enemy
of the Revolution on religious grounds.

The bishops, with very few exceptions, opposed the changes
and did all they could to prevent the reforms from being
carried out. Accordingly (November 27, 1790) the irritated
Assembly ordered all the bishops and priests to take the oath
to the 'Constitution (which, of course, included the new laws
in regard to the Church) within a week. Those who refused
were to be regarded as having resigned ; and if any of them
still continued to perform their functions they were to be
treated as " disturbers of the peace."

Only four of the bishops consented t,o take the required
oath and but a third of the lower clergy, although they were
much better off under the new system. Forty-six thousand
parish priests refused to sacrifice their religious scruples.
Before long the Pope condemned the Civil Constitution and
forbade the clergy to take the oath. As time went on the

1 For the text of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, see the Readings^
section 36.

The French Revolution 21$

"nonjuring" clergy were dealt with more and more harshly
by the government, and the way was prepared for the horrors
of the Reign of Terror. The Revolution ceased to stand for
liberty, order, and the abolition of ancient abuses, and came
to mean — in the minds of many besides those who had lost
their former privileges — irreligion, violence, and a new kind
of oppression more cruel than the old.

A year after the fall of the Bastille a great festival was held Celebration
in Paris to celebrate the glorious anniversary, which has been ^hjE^astille^
commemorated on the 14th of July ever since. Delegates
were sent to Paris from all parts of France to express the sym-
pathy of the country at large. This occasion made a deep im-
pression upon all, as well it might. It was more than a year
later, however, before the National Assembly at last finished
its work and dissolved, to give place to the Legislative Assembly
for which the constitution provided.

It was little more than two years that the National Assembly The extraor-
had been engaged upon its tremendous task of modernizing aJSements
France. No body of men has ever accomplished so much in P!^'?^
so short a period. The English Parliament, during an existence Assembly
of five hundred years, had done far less to reform England ;
and no monarch, with the possible exception of the unhappy
Joseph II, has ever even attempted to make such deep and
far-reaching changes as were permanently accomplished by
the first French Assembly.

Despite the marvelous success of the Assembly, as measured The hostility
by the multiplicity and the decisiveness of its reforms, it had the^poiicy^of
made many and dangerous enemies. The king and queen and *^ Assembly
the courtiers were in correspondence with the king of Prussia
and the Emperor, with a hope of inducing them to intervene
to check the Revolution. The runaway nobles were ready to
call in foreign forces to restore the old system, and many of
the clergy now regarded the Revolution as hostile to religion.
Moreover the populace in Paris and in other large towns had
been aroused against the Assembly by their radical leaders,

2i6 OiUlines of European History

their newspapers, and the political clubs. They felt that the
deputies had worked only for the prosperous classes and had
done little for the poor people, who should have been supplied
with bread and allowed to vote. They were irritated also by
the national guard commanded by that ex-noble, the marquis
of Lafayette, who looked altogether too fine on his white horse.
The members of the guard, too, were well dressed and only
too ready to fire on the " patriots " if they dared to make a
demonstration. Altogether it is easy to see that there was
trouble ahead. The Revolution had gone much too far for
some and not far enough for others.

QUESTIONS

Section 32. What were the reforms proposed by Calonne.? What
was the significance of the summoning of the Notables in 1786,'*
What was the result .? Tell of the work of the parle7ne)it of Paris
in the year i 787-1 788. Describe the organization and the methods
of voting of the Estates General.

What were the objections to the system of voting, and what
measures were taken to overcome them ? What were the ^^x^/Vrj.? On
what points did they agree .? What matter occupied the attention of
the Estates General from May 5 to June 17, 1789.? What was the
" Tennis Court " oath 1

Section 33. Describe the events of July 12 and July 14, 1789.
What was the cause of forming the " national guard '' } Who was
chosen to command it.'' What were the communes.'' What took
place in the National Assembly at the night session of August 4-5 ?
By what means did the National Assembly still further consolidate
France? When and why did the National Assembly draw up the
Declaradon of the Rights of Man? Give the terms of this Declaradon.

Section 34. What was the effect of transferring the king and
the Assembly to Paris? Mention the terms of the French consti-
tution to which the king and the queen pledged themselves on
February 4, 1 790. What kind of government did it promise France ?
What was the decree of November 2, 1789? What were the assig-
nats? Describe the Civil Consdtution of the Clergy. Discuss the
work of the National Assembly.

CHAPTER IX

THE FIRST FRENCH REPUBLIC

Section 35. The Limited Monarchy, i 791-1792

We have now studied the progress and nature of the revo-
lution which destroyed the old regime and created modern
France. Through it the unjust privileges, the perplexing irregu-
larities, and the local differences were abolished, and the people
admitted to a share in the government. This vast reform had
been accomplished without serious disturbance and, with the
exception of some of the changes in the Church, it had been
welcomed with enthusiasm by the French nation.

This permanent, peaceful revolution, or reformation, was The second
followed by a second, violent revolution, which for a time
destroyed the French monarchy. It also introduced a series of
further changes, many of which were fantastic and unnecessary
and could not endure, since they were approved by only a few
fanatical leaders. France, moreover, became involved in a war
with most of the powers of western Europe. The weakness of
her government, which permitted the forces of disorder and
fanaticism to prevail, combined with the imminent danger of an
invasion by the united powers of Europe, produced the Reign
of Terror. After a period of national excitement and partial
anarchy, France gladly accepted the rule of one of her military
commanders, who was to prove himself far more despotic than
her former kings had been. This general. Napoleon Bonaparte,
did not, however, undo the great work of 1789; his colossal
ambition was, on the contrary, the means of extending, directly
or indirectly, many of the benefits of the Revolution to other
parts of western Europe. When, after Napoleon's fall, the elder

217

2l8

Outlines of European History

The emigra-
tion of the
nobles

The conduct
of the emi-
grant nobles
discredits the
king and
queen

brother of Louis XVI came to the throne, the first thing that
he did was solemnly to assure the people that all the great
gains of the first revolution should be maintained.

While practically the whole of the nation heartily rejoiced in
the earlier reforms introduced by the National Assembly, and
celebrated the general satisfaction and harmony by that great
national festival held in Paris on the first anniversary of the
fall of the Bastille, of which mention has been made,^ some of
the higher nobility refused to remain in France. The count
of Artois (the king's younger brother), Calonne, the prince of
Conde, and others, set the example by leaving the country
just after the events of July 14, 1789. They were followed
by others who were terrified or disgusted by the burning of
the chateaux, the loss of their privileges, and the injudicious
abolition of hereditary nobility by the National Assembly in
June, 1790. Before long these emigrant nobles (efnigres),
among whom were many military officers, organized a little
army across the Rhine, and the count of Artois began to
plan an invasion of France. He was ready to ally himself
with Austria, Prussia, or any other foreign government which
he could induce to help undo the Revolution and give back to
the French king his former absolute power, and to the nobles
their old privileges.

The threats and insolence of the emigrant nobles and their
shameful negotiations with foreign powers discredited the mem-
bers of their class who still remained in France. The people
suspected that the plans of the runaways met with the secret
approval of the king, and more especially of the queen, whose
brother, Leopold II, was now Emperor, and ruler of the Aus-
trian dominions. This, added to the opposition of the nonjur-
ing clergy, produced a bitter hostility between the so-called
" patriots " and those who, on the other hand, were supposed
to be secretly hoping for a counter-revolution which would
reestablish the old regime.

J See abo<ve, p. 215.

The First French Republic

219

Had the king been willing to follow the advice of Mirabeau, Mirabeau
the tragedy of the approaching Reign of Terror might prob- strengthen
ably have been avoided. Mirabeau saw that France needed a *^^ monarchy
strong king who would
adjust himself to the
new constitution, guide
the Assembly, maintain
order, and, above all,
avoid any suspicion of
wishing for a restoration
of the old regime. His
advice, however, was not
heeded any more by the
king or queen than by
the Assembly. He died
April 2, 1 79 1, at the
age of forty-three, worn
out by a life of dissipa-
tion, and the king was
thus left with no one
to hold him back from
destruction.

The worst fears of
the people seemed to be
justified by the secret
flight of the royal family
from Paris, in June,
1 79 1. Ever since the
king had reluctantly
signed the Civil Consti-
tution of the Clergy,

flight had seemed to him his only resource. A body of regular
troops was collected on the northeastern boundary ready to
receive and protect him. If he could escape and join them he
hoped that, aided by a demonstration on the part of the queen's

The Pantheon, Paris

At the death of Mirabeau a magnificent
new church, just building on the site of
one that dated back to Clovis, the first
Frankish king, was made over to be a
monumental sepulcher for the great men
of France. Mirabeau's body was later
taken from it when it was discovered that
he had been in the pay of Louis XVI,
but many great men are buried in its
vaults. The impressive inscription can
just be read, in the picture, "To great
men, from their grateful country"

220

Outlines of Europe an History

Effect of the
king's flight

The leaders
of the new
republican
party

brother, Leopold II, Emperor of Germany, he might march back
and check the further progress of the revolutionary movement.
He and the queen were, however, arrested at Varennes, when
within twenty-five miles of their destination, and speedily brought
back to Paris.

The desertion of the king appears to have terrified rather
than angered the nation. The consternation of the people at
the thought of losing, and their relief at regaining, a poor weak
ruler like Louis XVI clearly shows that France was still pro-
foundly royalist in its sympathies. The National Assembly pre-
tended that the king had not fled but had been carried off.
This gratified France at large; in Paris, however, there were
some who advocated the deposition of the king, on the ground
that he was clearly a traitor. Indeed, for the first time a repub-
lican party appeared, though it was still small.

Of those who had lost confidence in the king and in the
monarchy, the most prominent was Dr. Marat, a physician
and scholar, who before the Revolution had published several
scientific works, but was' now conducting the very violent news-
paper already quoted. The Friend of the People. In this he
denounced in the most extravagant language both the '' aristo-
crats" and the '' bourgeoisie " — for by ''the people " he meant
the great mass of workingmen in the towns and the peasants
in the fields. Then there was the gentle and witty Camille
Desmoulins, who had made the famous address in the Palais
Royal on the 12 th of July, 1789, which roused the populace to
defend themselves against the plots of the courtiers. He too
edited a newspaper and was a leader in the radical club called
the Cordeliers} Lastly Desmoulins 's good friend Danton, with
his coarse, strong face, his big voice, and his fiery eloquence, was
becoming a sort of Mirabeau of the masses. He had much
good sense and was not so virulent in his language as Marat,

1 So named after the monastery where the club held its meetings. The monks
had belonged to the order of St. Francis and were called Cordeliers on account
of the heavy " cord," a rope with three knots, which they wore instead of a girdle

The First French Republic 221

but his superabundant vitality led him to condone violence and

cruelt]/ in carrying on the Revolution and destroying its enemies.

It was in the following September that the National Assembly

at last ut the finishing touches on the constitution which had

Fig. 59. Dantox

Danton was in favor of a policy of terror only so long as France was
really in peril. He thought that the Terror was necessary in order to
suppress rebellion and conspiracies ; but when he tried to stop it,
Robespierre's party claimed that he had himself turned traitor to the
Jacobin ideal, since that was not yet attained

occupied them for more than two years. The king swore The National
to obey it faithfully, and a general amnesty was proclaimed giteTwayto
so that all the discord and suspicion of the past few months ^!^^ Legisia-

^ ^ tive Assem-

might be forgotten. The Assembly had completed its great bly (Septem-

task, and now gave way to the regular Legislative Assembly, '

provided for in the constitution. This held its first meeting
October i, 1791.

222

Outlines of European History

In spite of the great achievements of the National Assembly
it left France in a critical situation. Besides the emigrant nobles
abroad there were the nonjuring clergy at home, and a king
who was treacherously correspo'nding with foreign powers in
the hope of securing their aid. When the news of the capture
of the king and queen at Varennes reached the ears of Marie
Antoinette's brother, Leopold II, he declared that the violent
arrest of the king sealed with unlawfulness all that had been
done in France and " compromised directly the honor of all
the sovereigns and the security of every government." He
therefore proposed to the rulers of Russia, England, Prussia,
Spain, Naples, and Sardinia that they should come to some
understanding between themselves as to how they might '' re-
establish the liberty and honor of the most Christian king and
his family, and place a check upon the dangerous excesses of
the French Revolution, the fatal example of which it behooves
every government to repress."

On August 27 Leopold, in conjunction with the king of
Prussia, had issued the famous Declaration of Pillnitz. In this
the two sovereigns state that, in accordance with the wishes of
the king's brothers (the leaders of the emigrant nobles), they
are ready to join the other European rulers in an attempt to
place the king of France in a position to establish a form of
government " that shall be once more in harmony with the
rights of sovereigns and shall promote the welfare of the
French nation." They agreed in the meantime to prepare
their troops for active service.

The Declaration was little more than an empty threat; but
it seemed to the French people a sufficient proof that the
monarchs were ready to help the seditious French nobles to
reestablish the old regime against the wishes of the nation and
at the cost of infinite bloodshed. The idea of foreign rulers
intermeddling with their internal affairs would in itself have
been intolerable to a proud people like the French, even if
the new reforms had not been endangered. Had it been the

The First French Republic

223

fr:::—^^

object of the allied monarchs to hasten instead of to prevent
the deposition of Louis XVI, they could hardly have chosen a
more efficient means than the Declaration of Pillnitz.

Political excitement and enthusiasm for the Revolution were
kept up by the newspapers which had been established, espe-
cially in Paris, since the convening of the Estates General.
Except in England there had been no daily newspapers before
the French Revolution, and those journals that were issued
weekly or at longer intervals had ^,,

little to say of politics — com-
monly a dangerous subject on
the Continent. But after 1789
the public did not need longer to
rely upon an occasional pamphlet,
as was the case earlier. Many
journals of the most divergent
kinds and representing the most
various opinions were published.
Some, like the notorious Friend
of the People, were no more than
a periodical editorial written by
one man. Others, like the famous
Mo7iiteur, were much like our pa-
pers of to-day and contained news, both foreign and domestic, re-
ports of the debates in the assembly and the text of its decrees,
announcements of theaters, etc. The royalists had their organ
called The Acts of the Apostles, witty and irreverent as the court
party itself. Some of the papers were illustrated, and the repre-
sentations of contemporaneous events, especially the numerous
caricatures, are highly diverting, as the accompanying illustra
tion shows.^

Fig. 60. Caricature:
Louis XVI as Consti-
tutional Monarch 1

The news-
papers

1 In the caricature reproduced here the formerly despotic king is represented
as safely confined by the National Assembly in a huge parrot cage. When asked
by his brother-in-law, Leopold II, what he is about, Louis XVI replies, "I am
signing my name " — that is, he had nothing to do except meekly to ratify the
measures which the Assembly chose to pass.

224 Outlines of European History

The Jacobins Of the numerous political clubs, by far the most famous was
that of the Jacobins. When the Assembly moved into Paris
some of the provincial representatives of the third estate rented
a large room in the monastery of the Jacobin monks, not far
from the building where the National Assembly itself met. A
hundred deputies perhaps were present at the first meeting.
The next day the number had doubled. The aim of this society
was to discuss questions which were about to come before the
National Assembly. The club decided at its meetings what
should be the policy of its members and how they should vote;
and in this way they successfully combined to counteract the
schemes of the aristocratic party in the Assembly. The club
rapidly grew, and soon admitted to its sessions some who
were not deputies. In October, 1791, it decided to permit
the public to attend its discussions.

Gradually similar societies were formed in the provinces.^
These affiliated themselves with the " mother " society at Paris
and kept in constant communication with it. In this way the
Jacobins of Paris stimulated and controlled public opinion
throughout France and kept the opponents of the old regime
alert. When the Legislative Assembly met, the Jacobins had
not as yet become republicans but they believed that the king
should have hardly more power than the president of a repub-
lic. They were even ready to promote his deposition if he
failed to stand by the Revolution.
Parties in the The ncw Legislative Assembly was not well qualified to
AsSmb/y^ cope with the many difficulties which faced it. It was made
up almost entirely of young and inexperienced men, for the
National Assembly, on motion of the virtuous Robespierre, had
passed a self-denying ordinance excluding all its members from
election to the new body. The Jacobin clubs in the provinces
had succeeded in securing the election of a good many of their
candidates, sometimes by resorting to violence in order to

1 By June, 1791, there were 406 of these affiliated Jacobin clubs. See Readings^
section 37.

The' First French Republic 225

defeat the more conservative candidates. Consequently the
most active and powerful party in the Legislative Assembly
was, on the whole, hostile to the king.

Many young and ardent lawyers had been elected, among The Giron-
whom the most prominent were from the department of the
Gironde, in which the important city of Bordeaux was situated.
They and their followers were called Girondists. They had
much to say in their brilliant speeches of the glories of Sparta
and of the Roman Republic ; they too longed for a republic and
inveighed against " tyrants." They applauded the eloquence of
their chief orator, Vergniaud, and frequently assembled at the
house of the ardent and fascinating Madame Roland to con-
sider the regeneration of their beloved country. But in spite of
their enthusiasm they were not statesmen and showed no skill
in meeting the troublesome problems that kept arising.

The Assembly, not unnaturally, promptly turned its atten- The emigrant
tion to the emigrant nobles. These had been joined by the ciare?
king's elder brother, the count of Provence, who had managed traitors
to escape at the time that the royal family had been arrested at
Varennes. Having succeeded in inducing the Emperor and the
king of Prussia to issue the Declaration of Pillnitz, they con-
tinued to collect troops on the Rhine. The Assembly declared
that " the Frenchmen assembled on the frontier " were under
suspicion of conspiring against their country. The count of
Provence was ordered to return within two months or forfeit
any possible claim to the throne.^ Should the other emigrh
fail to return to France by January i, 1792, they were to be
regarded as convicted traitors, and punished, if caught, with
death ; their property was to be confiscated.

The harsh treatment of the emigrant nobles was perhaps Harsh meas-
justified by their desertion and treasonable intrigues; but the Assembly
conduct of the Assembly toward the clergy was impolitic as •°J^n'^^cTei5v
well as cruel. Those who had refused to pledge themselves
to support a system which was in conflict with their religious

1 See Readings^ section 37, for the count of Provence's saucy reply.

226

Outlines of European History

The Legisla-
tive Assem-
bly precipi-
tates a war
with Europe

convictions and which had been condemned by the Pope were
commanded to take the prescribed oath within a week, on
penalty of losing their income from the State and being put
under surveillance as " suspects," As this failed to bring the
clergy to terms, the Assembly later (May, 1792) ordered the
deportation from the country of those who steadily persisted
in their refusal to accept the Civil Constitution of the Clergy.
In this way the Assembly aroused the active hostility of a great
part of the most conscientious among the lower clergy, who
had loyally supported the commons in their fight against the
privileged orders. It also lost the confidence of the great mass
of faithful Catholics, — merchants, artisans, and peasants, — •
who had gladly accepted the abolition of the old abuses, but
who would not consent to desert their priests at the bidding of
the Assembly.

By far the most important act of the Legislative Assembly
during the one year of its existence was its precipitation of a
war between France and Austria.^ To many in the Assembly,
including the Girondists, it seemed that the existing conditions
were intolerable. The emigrant nobles were forming little
armies on the boundaries of France and had induced Austria
and Prussia to consider interfering in French affairs. The
Assembly suspected — what was quite true ^ — that Louis was
negotiating with foreign rulers and would be glad to have
them intervene and reestablish him in his old despotic power.
The Girondist deputies argued, therefore, that a war against
the hated Austria would unite the sympathies of the nation
and force the king to show his true character ; for he would
be obliged either to become the nation's leader or to show
himself the traitor they believed him to be.

1 See Readings^ section 37, for reasons assigned by the French for going to war.

2 See Readings, section 37, for a letter of Louis XVI, to the king of Prussia,
suggesting the intervention of the foreign powers in French affairs.

The First French Republic 227

Section 36. The Founding of the First
French Republic

It was with a heavy heart that Louis XVI, urged on by France de-
the clamors of the Girondists, declared war upon Austria on Austria^^"^ °"
April 20, 1792. Little did the ardent young lawyers of the (^P"l2o,
Assembly surmise that this was the beginning of the most
terrific and momentous series of wars that, up to that time, had
ever swept over Europe, involving, during twenty-three years
of almost continuous conflict, every country and people from
Ireland to Turkey, and from Norway to Naples. Moreover,
although they later became wars of conquest and empire,
these wars brought the principles of the French Revolution
home to all the European peoples, everywhere slowly but
surely destroyed the old regime, and gave to the people liberty
and the control of the government.

The French army was in no condition for war. The officers, The French
who, according to the law, were all nobles, had many pf them first'attacT
deserted and joined the hnigres. The regular troops were con- °" ^^N^h^"
Sequently demoralized, and the new national guard had not yet lands
been employed except to maintain order in the towns. It was
not unnatural, therefore, that the first troops dispatched to the
frontier ran away as soon as they caught sight of Austrian
cavalry. The emigrant nobles rejoiced, and Europe concluded
that the " patriots " were made of poor stuff.

Meanwhile matters were going badly for the king of France. The king

The Assembly had passed two bills, one ordering those priests measure! of

who refused to take the oath to the constitution to leave the ^^^ Legisla-
tive Assembly
country within a month ; the other directing the formation, and dismisses

just without the walls of Paris, of a camp of twenty thousand ministers

volunteers from various parts of France as a protection to the J^gX"^""^'

capital. The king resolved, for very good reasons, to veto both

of these measures and to dismiss his Girondist ministry.

All this served to make the king far more unpopular than Rising of

ever. The " Austrian woman." or " Madame Veto," as the ^""^ ^°' '^^"^

228

Outlines of European History

queen was called, was rightly believed to be actively betraying
France, and it is now known that she did send to Austria the
plan of campaign which had been adopted before the war be-
gan. In June some of the lesser leaders of the Paris populace
arranged a " demonstration " to influence the Assembly and
the king. A crowd of '' patriots " invaded the palace of the
Tuileries. They wandered through the beautiful apartments
shouting, " Down with Monsieur Veto ! " The king might
have been killed by some ruffian had he not consented to
drink to the health of the " nation " — whose representatives
were roughly crowding him into the recess of a window —
and put on a red "liberty cap," the badge of the "citizen
patriots."

This invasion of the Tuileries seemed to the European rulers
a new and conclusive proof that the Revolution meant anarchy.
Prussia had immediately joined Austria when France declared
war against the latter in April, and now the army which Fred-
erick the Great had led to victory was moving, under his old
general, the duke of Brunswick, toward the French boundary
with a view of restoring Louis XVI to his former independ-
ent position.

The Assembly now declared the country in danger. Every
citizen, whether in town or country, was to report, under
penalty of imprisonment, what arms or munitions he possessed.
Every citizen was ordered to wear the tricolored cockade — the
red, white, and blue of the Revolution. In this way the peas-
ants, who had been accustomed to regard war as a matter of
purely personal interest to kings, were given to understand that
they- were not now called upon to risk their lives, as formerly,
because the Polish king had lost his throne, or because Maria
Theresa had a grudge against Frederick the Great. Now, if
they shed their blood, it would be to keep out of France two
"tyrants" who proposed to force them to surrender the precious
reforms of the past three years and restore to the hated run-
away nobles their former privileges.

The First French Republic

229

As the allies approached the French frontier it became
clearer and clearer that the king was utterly incapable of
defending the country, even if he were willing to oppose the
armies which claimed to be coming to his rescue and with
which he was believed to be in league. France seemed almost
compelled under the circumstances to rid herself of her traitor-
ous and utterly incompetent ruler. The duke of Brunswick,
who was in command of the Prussian army, sealed the king's
fate by issuing a manifesto in the name of both the Emperor
and the king of Prussia, in which he declared that the allies
proposed to put an end to anarchy in France and restore the
king to his rightful powers ; that the inhabitants of France who
dared to oppose the Austrian and Prussian troops " shall be
punished immediately according to the most stringent laws of
war, and their houses shall be burned." If Paris offered the
least violence to king or queen, or again permitted the Tuileries
to be invaded, the allies promised to " inflict an ever-to-be-
remembered vengeance by delivering over the city of Paris to
military execution and complete destruction."

The leaders in Paris now determined to force the Assembly
to depose the king. Five hundred members of the national
guard of Marseilles were summoned to their aid. This little
troop of "patriots" came marching up through France singing
that most stirring of all national hymns, the ''Marseillaise,"
which has ever since borne their name.^

The procla-
mation of
the duke of
Brunswick
(July 25,
1792)

The volun-
teers of Mar-
seilles and
their war
song

1 This famous song was not meant originally as a republican chant. It had
been composed a few months before by Rouget de Lisle at Strassburg. War
had just been declared, and it was designed to give heart to the French army
on the Rhine. The " tyrants " it refers to were the foreign kings Frederick
William II of Prussia and the Emperor, who were attacking France, not
Louis XVI. The " Marseillaise " begins as follows :

Allons, enfants de la patrie,

Le jour de gloire est arrive ;

Contre nous de la tyrannic

L'etendard sanglant est leve. (repeat)

Entendez-vous, dans les campagnes,

Mugir ces feroces soldats ?

lis viennent j usque dans vos bras

230 Outlines of European History

Danton and other leaders of the insurrection had set their
SecT hearts on doing away with the king altogether and establishing

(August 10, ^ republic. After careful preparations, which were scarcely
concealed, the various sections into which Paris was divided
arranged to attack the Tuileries on August 10. The men
from Marseilles led in this attack. The king, who had been
warned, retired from the palace with the queen and the dauphin
to the neighboring Riding School, where they were respectfully
received by the Assembly and assigned a safe place in the
newspaper reporters' gallery. The king's Swiss guards fired
upon the insurgents, but were overpowered and almost all of
them slain. Then the ruffianly element in the mob ransacked
the palace and killed the servants. Napoleon Bonaparte, an
unknown lieutenant who was watching affairs from across the
river, declared that the palace could easily have been defended
had not the commander of the guards been brutally murdered
before hostilities opened.
The revoiu- Meanwhile the representatives of the various quarters of

mune of Paris Paris had taken possession of the City Hall. They pushed the
members of the municipal council off their seats and took their
places. In this way a new revolutionary Commune was formed,
which seized the government of the capital and then sent mes-
sengers to demand that the Assembly dethrone the king.

The Assembly agreed with the Commune. If, as was pro-
posed, France was henceforth to do without a king, it was

lEgorger vos fils, vos compagnes !

Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons !

Marchons, qu'un sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

Que veut cette horde d'esclaves,

De traitres, de rois conjures?

Pour qui ces ignobles entraves,

Ces fers des longtemps prepares ? (repeat)

Frangais, pour nous, ah ! quel outrage I

Quels transports il doit exciter !

C'est nous qu'on ose mediter

De rendre ^ I'antique esclavage !

Aux armes, citoyens ! formez vos bataillons I

Marchons, qu'un sang impur abreuve nos sillons.

The First French Republic 231

obviously necessary that the monarchical constitution so recently The Legisla-

completed should be replaced by a republican one. Conse- caih Ae "^ ^

quently, the Assembly arranged that the people should elect Convention
delegates to a constitutional Convention.

The task of this Convention was truly appalling since it had Appalling

not only to draft a new constitution to suit both monarchists Convention
and republicans, but to conduct the government, repel invading
armies, keep down the Paris mob — in a word, see France
through the Reign of Terror.

Section 37. The Revolutionary War

The Convention met on the twenty-first of September, and France pro-
its first act was to abolish the ancient monarchy and proclaim repubUc^

France a republic. It seemed to the enthusiasts of the time that (September
^ 22, 1792)

a new era of liberty had dawned, now that the long oppression
by " despots " was ended forever. The twenty-second day of
September, 1792, was reckoned as the first day of the Year
One of French Libert}'.-^

Meanwhile the usurping Paris Commune had taken matters The Septem-
into its own hands and had brought discredit upon the cause of cSs™i;92)
liberty by one of the most atrocious acts in history. On the
pretext that Paris was full of traitors w^ho sympathized with the
Austrians and the emigrant nobles, they had filled the prisons
with three thousand citizens, including many of the priests who
had refused to take the oath required by the Constitution. On
•September 2 and 3, hundreds of these were executed with
scarcely a pretense of a trial. The excuse offered was : '' How
can we go away to the war and leave behind us three thousand
prisoners who may break out and destroy our wives and our
children ! " The members of the Commune who perpetrated -

1 a committee of the Convention was appointed to draw up a new republican
calendar. The year was divided into twelve months of thirty days each. The five
days preceding September 22, at the end of the year, were holidays. Each month
was divided into three decades^ and each " tenth day " (decadi) was a holiday.
The days were no longer dedicated to saints, but to agricultural implements,
vegetables, domestic animals, etc.

232

Outlines of European History

this deed probably hoped to terrify those who might still dream
of returning to the old system of government.

Late in August the Prussians crossed the French boundary
and on September 2 took the fortress of Verdun. It now
seemed as if there was nothing to prevent their marching upon
Paris. The French general, Dumouriez, blocked the advance
of the Prussian army, however, at Valmy, scarcely a hundred
miles from the capital, and forced the enemy to retreat with-
out fighting a pitched battle. Notwithstanding the fears of the
French, King Frederick William II of Prussia (who had suc-
ceeded his uncle, Frederick the Great, six years before) had
but litde interest in the war. As for the Austrian troops, they
were lagging far behind, for both powers were far more ab-
sorbed in dividing Poland, than in the fate of the French king.

The French were able, therefore, in spite of their disorgani-
zation, not only to expel the Prussians but to carry the Revo-
lution beyond the bounds of France. They invaded Germany
and took several important towns on the Rhine, including
Mayence, which gladly opened its gates to them. They also
occupied Savoy on the southeast. Then Dumouriez led his
barefooted, ill-equipped volunteers into the Austrian Nether-
lands. This time they did not run away, but, shouting the
" Marseillaise," they defeated the Austrians at Jemappes (Novem-
ber 6) and were soon in possession of the whole country.

The Convention now proposed to use its armies to revolu-
tionize Europe. It issued a proclamation addressed to the
peoples of the countries that France was occupying : " We
have driven out your tyrants. Show yourselves freemen and
we will protect you from their vengeance." Feudal dues, un-
just taxes, and all the burdens which had been devised by the
"tyrants" were forthwith abolished, and the French nation
declared that it would treat as enemies every people who, " re-
fusing liberty and equality, or renouncing them, may wish to
maintain or recall its prince or the privileged classes." ^

1 This decree may be found in the Readings^ section 38.

The First French Republic

233

Meanwhile the Convention was puzzled to determine what Trial and
would best be done with the king. A considerable party felt the king
that he was guilty of treason in secretly encouraging the ^^^^^^'
foreign powers to come to his aid. He was therefore brought
to trial, and when it came
to a final vote he was, by a
small majority, condemned
to death. He mounted the
scaffold on January 21,
1793, with the fortitude of
a martyr. Nevertheless it
cannot be denied that,
through his earlier weak-
ness and indecision, he
brought untold misery
"upon his own kingdom
and upon Europe at large.
The French people had
not dreamed of a republic
until his absolute incompe-
tence forced them, in self-
defense, to abolish the
monarchy in the hope of
securing a more efficient
government.

The execution of Louis
XVI had immediate and
unhappy effects. The Con-
vention had thrown down
the head of their king
Europe

Fig.

61. Louis XVI ox the
Roof of his Prison

The prison to which the royal family
was taken on August 13 was known as
the Temple, because it had been part of
the building of the Knights Templars in
Paris. It was a gloomy tower with mas-
sive walls. It was torn down in 181 1

as a challenge to the "despots" of
the monarchs accepted the challenge, and the French
Republic soon found all the powers of Europe ranged against
it. Nowhere did the tragic event of January 21 produce more
momentous results than in England. George III went into
mourning and ordered the French envoy to be expelled from

234

Outlines of European History

Pitt declares
that England
must oppose
the Revolu-
tion

France de-
clares war on
England •
(Februar}' i,
1793) and
gives her
reasons

Second parti
tion of
Poland
(1793)

French
driven from
the Nether-
lands : deser-
tion of
Dumouriez

the kingdom. The prime minister, Pitt, forgetting the work of
Cromwell and the Puritan revolutionists, declared the killing of
the French king to be the most awful and atrocious crime in
all recorded histor\'. All England's old fears of French aggres-
sion were aroused. It was clear that the Republic was bent
upon carr}-ing out the plans of Louis XIV for annexing the
Austrian Netherlands and Holland and thereby extending her
frontiers to the Rhine. Indeed there was no telling where the
excited nation, in its fanatical hatred of kings, would stop. On
February i Pitt urged, in the House of Commons, that the
Revolution was incompatible with the peace of Europe, and
England must in honor join the allies and save Europe from
falling under the yoke of France.^

On the same day that Pitt made this speech, the French
Convention boldly declared war upon England and Holland.
No one could have foreseen that England, the last of the Euro-
pean powers to join the coalition against France, was to prove
her most persistent enemy. For over twenty years the struggle
was to continue, until an English ship carried Napoleon Bona-
parte to his island prison.

The war now began to go against the French. Prussia and
Austria had been hitherto suspicious of one another, and es-
pecially afraid that Russia would take advantage of their pre-
occupation with France to seize more than her share of Poland.
The second partition was made in January, 1793,^ and the
allies then turned with new energy against France.

The war of the Revolution now took on a wholly new aspect.
When, in March, 1793, Spain and the Holy Roman Empire
joined the coalition, France was at war with all her neighbors.
The Austrians defeated Dumouriez at Neerwinden, March 18,
and drove the French out of the Netherlands. Thereupon

1 Many Englishmen sympathized with the Revolution. Against Pitt's argu-
ments some of the Whigs, especially Fox, urged in vain the bloody mani-
festo of the duke of Brunswick which had maddened the French, and the
atrocious conduct of the aUies in the partition of Poland upon which they were
just then engaged. 2 See above, p. 95.

The First Freftck Republic 235

Dumouriez, disgusted by the failure of the Convention to sup-
port him and by their execution of the king, deserted to the
enemy with a few hundred soldiers who consented to follow him.

Encouraged by this success, the allies began to consider The allies
partitioning France as they had Poland. Austria might take possible^ ^
the northern regions for herself and then assign Alsace and ^^JjJ"°" °^
Lorraine to Bavaria in exchange for the Bavarian territor}- on
her boundaries, which Austria had long wished to annex. Eng-
land could have Dunkirk and what remained of the French col-
onies. A Russian diplomat suggested that Spain and the king
of Sardinia should also help themselves. '' This done, let us
all work in concert to give what remains of France a stable
and permanent monarchical government. She will in this way
become a second-rate power which will harm no one, and we
shall get rid of this democratic firebrand which threatens
to set Europe aflame."

Section 38. The Reign of Terror

The loss of the Netherlands and the treason of their best The French
general made a deep impression upon the members of the puUrTthe"
Convention. If the new French Republic was to defend itself ^"^^^ of the

^ Committee of

against the " t\Tants " without and its manv enemies within, it Public

•^ ■ Safet)',

could not wait for the Convention to draw up an elaborate, Aprii^i793
permanent constitution. An efficient government must be de-
vised immediately to maintain the loyalty of the nation to the
Republic, and to raise arid equip armies and direct their com-
manders. The Convention accordingly put the government
into the hands of a small committee, consisting originally of
nine, later of t\velve, of its members. This famous Committee
of Public Safety was given- practically unlimited powers. " \\t
must," one of the leaders exclaimed, " establish the despotism
of liberty in order to crush the despotism of kings."

Within the Convention itself there was dissension, espe- The Giron-
cially between two groups of active men who came into bitter

236

Outlines of European History

The extreme
republicans,
called the
" Mountain "

conflict over the policy to be pursued. There was, first, the party'
of the Girondists, led by Vergniaud, Brissot, and others. They
were enthusiastic republicans and counted among their num-
bers some speakers of remarkable eloquence. The Girondists
had enjoyed the control of the Legislative Assembly in 1792
and had been active in bringing on the war with Austria and
Prussia. They hoped in that way to complete the Revolution
by exposing the bad faith of the king and his sympathy with
the emigrant nobles. They were not, however, men of suffi-
cient'decision to direct affairs in the terrible difficulties in which
France found herself after the execution of the king. They
consequently lost their influence, and a new party, called the
" Mountain " from the high seats that they occupied in the
Convention, gained the ascendency.

This was composed of the most vigorous and uncompromis-
ing republicans, like Danton, Robespierre, and Saint-Just, who
had obtained control of the Jacobin clubs and were supported
by the Commune of Paris. They believed that the French
people had been depraved by the slavery to which their kings
had subjected them. Everything, they argued, which suggested
the former rule of kings must be wiped out. A new France
should be created, in which liberty, equality, and fraternity
should take the place of the tyranny of princes, the insolence
of nobles, and the impostures of the priests. The leaders of
the Mountain held that the mass of the people were by nature
good and upright, but that there were a number of adherents
of the old system who would, if they could, undo the great
work of the Revolution and lead the people back to slavery
under king and Church. All who were suspected by the
Mountain of having the least sympathy with the nobles or the
persecuted priests were branded as " counter-revolutionary."
The Mountain was willing to resort to any measures, however
shocking, to rid the nation of those suspected of counter-
revolutionary tendencies, and its leaders relied upon the popu-
lace of Paris to aid them in carrying out their designs.

The First French Republic 237

The Girondists, on the other hand, abhorred the restless Girondist

populace of Paris and the fanatics who composed the Commune p^elled^from

of the capital. They ars^ued that Paris was not France, and ^"^^ Conven-

^ J ^ ' tion, June 2,

that it had no right to assume a despotic rule over the nation. 1793
They proposed that the Commune should be dissolved and that

Fig. 62. Maximilien Robespierre

Robespierre was an honest though narrow-minded man. It was his
intense love of liberty and equality that made him a dangerous fanatic.
He sanctioned using terror to force upon France an ideal democracy,
with the sad results that for a long time to come. Jacobinism and
democracy in France suffered from the memory of his acts

the Convention should remove to another town where they
would not be subject to the intimidation of the Paris mob.
The Mountain thereupon accused the Girondists of an attempt
to break up the Republic, "one and indivisible," by questioning
the supremacy of Paris and the duty of the provinces to fol-
low the lead of the capital. The mob, thus encouraged, rose
against the Girondists. On June 2 it surrounded the meeting

238

Outlines of European History

France
threatened
with civil
war

The revolt of
the peasants
of Brittany
against the
Convention

Revolt of
the cities
against the
Convention

French for-
tresses fall
into the
hands of
Austria
and England

(July, 1793)

place of the Convention, and deputies of the Commune de-
manded the expulsion from the Convention of the Girondist
leaders, who were placed under arrest.

The conduct of the Mountain and its ally, the Paris Com-
mune, now began to arouse opposition in various parts of
France, and the country was threatened with civil war at a
time when it was absolutely necessary that all Frenchmen
should combine in the loyal defense of their country against
the invaders who were again approaching its boundaries.

The first and most serious opposition came from the peas-
ants of Brittany, especially in the department of La Vendee.
There the people still loved the monarchy and their priests,
and even the nobles ; they refused to send their sons to fight
for a republic which had killed their king and was persecuting
those clergymen who declined to take an oath which their con-
science forbade.

The cities of Marseilles and Bordeaux were indignant at the
treatment to which the Girondist deputies were subjected in
Paris, and they also organized a revolt against the Convention.
In the manufacturing city of Lyons the merchants hated the
Jacobins and their republic, since the demand for silk and
other luxuries produced at Lyons had come from the nobility
and clergy, who were now no longer in a position to buy. The
prosperous classes were therefore exasperated when the com-
missioners of the Convention demanded money and troops.
The citizens gathered an army of ten thousand men, placed it
under a royalist leader, and prepared to bid defiance to the
Jacobins who controlled the Convention.

Meanwhile France's enemies were again advancing against
her. The Austrians laid siege to the border fortress of Conde',
which they captured on July 10, 1793, and two weeks later
the English took Valenciennes. In this way the allies gained a
foothold in France itself. Once more they were hardly more
than a hundred miles away from the capital, and there appeared
to be no reason why they should not immediately march upon

The First French Republic 239

Paris and wreak the vengeance which the duke of Brunswick
had threatened in his proclamation of the previous year. The
Prussians had driven the French garrison out of Mayence and
were ready to advance into Alsace. Toulon, the great naval
station of southern France, now revolted against the Conven-
tion. It proclaimed the little dauphin as king, under the title
of Louis XVII, and welcomed the English fleet as an ally.

The French Republic seemed to be lost; but never did a Camotor-
body of men exhibit such marvelous energy as the Committee french
of Public Safety. Carnot, who was to earn the title of Organ- ^^i^s
izer of Victory, became a member of the Committee in August.
He immediately called for a general levy of troops and soon
had no less than seven hundred and fifty thousand men. These
he divided into thirteen armies which he dispatched against the
allies. Each general was accompanied by two " deputies on
mission " who were always on the watch lest the commanders
desert, as Lafayette had done after August 10, 1792, and
Dumouriez a few months later. These Jacobin deputies not
only roused the patriotism of the raw recruits, but they let it
be known that for a general to lose a battle meant death.

Fortunately for the Convention the allies did not march on The French
Paris, but Austria began occupying the border towns and the th? allies
English moved westward to seize the coveted Dunkirk. The
French were able to drive off the English and Hanoverians
who were besieging Dunkirk, and in October General Jourdan
defeated the Austrians at Wattignies. Since Frederick William
continued to give his attention mainly to Poland, there was
little to fear from the duke of Brunswick and his army, so that
by the close of 1793 all danger from foreign invasion was over
for the time being.

As for the revolt of the cities and of the Vendean peasants, The revolt of
the Committee of Public Safety showed itself able to cope with suppressed
that danger too. It first turned its attention to Lyons. Some of ^^^^^^ ^J^'
the troops from the armies on the frontiers were recalled and Public
the city was bombarded and captured. Then Collot d'Herbois,

240 Outlines of European History

one of the stanchest believers in terrorism, was sent down to
demonstrate to the conquered city what a fearful thing it was
to rise against the Mountain. Nearly two thousand persons
were executed, or rather massacred, as traitors, within five
months. Indeed the Convention declared its intention to
annihilate the great and flourishing city and rename its site
Freedville (^Commu?te affranchie). Happily a close friend of
Robespierre, who was sent to execute this decree, contented
himself with destroying forty houses.

Bonaparte Frightened by the awful fate of Lyons, the cities of Bor-

deaux and Marseilles judged it useless to oppose the Conven-
tion and admitted its representatives, who executed three or
four hundred " traitors " in each place. Toulon held out until
an artillery officer hitherto entirely unknown, a young Corsicari
by the name of Napoleon Bonaparte, suggested occupying a
certain promontory in the harbor, from which he was able to
train his cannon on the British fleet which was supporting the
city. It sailed away with some refugees, leaving the town to
the vengeance of the Convention, December 19, 1793.

Defeat of the Although the Vendean peasants fought bravely and defeated

the Vend6e several corps of the national guard sent against them, their in-
surrection was also put down in the autumn — at least for a
time — with atrocious cruelty. A representative of the Con-
vention at Nantes had perhaps two thousand Vendean insur-
gents shot or drowned in the Loire. This was probably the
most horrible episode of the Revolution, and was not approved
by the Convention, which recalled its bloodthirsty agent, who
was finally sent to the scaffold for his crimes.

The Reign of In spite of the extraordinary success with which the Com-
mittee of Public Safety had crushed its opponents at home and
repelled the armies of the monarchs who proposed to dismem-
ber France, it was clear that the task of rendering the Revo-
lution complete and permanent was by no means accomplished.
The revolt of the Vende'e and of the cities had shown that
there were thousands of Frenchmen who hated the Jacobins.

Terror

The First French Republic

241

All such were viewed by the Convention as guilty of holding
counter-revolutionary sentiments and therefore " suspect." It
was argued that any one who was not an ardent sa?is-culotte
might at any time become a traitor to the Republic. In order

t\i4?T'

r^<^^t

Fig. 63. The Palace of Justice (Law Courts) in Paris

In the thirteenth century part of the royal palace on the island in the
Seine was made over to the lawyers of the court, and it has remained
ever since the seat of the chief law courts of France. The square clock
tower at the corner, the round towers, and the chapel (Sainte-Chapelle,
just visible at the left), all date from the old palace — also the lower
floor and cellar facing the river, made over into the prison of the Con-
ciergerie. In it Marie Antoinette and many other illustrious prisoners
were kept when tried by the Revolutionary Tribunal.

to prevent this the Convention decided that they must be ter-
rorized by observing the fearful vengeance which the Republic
wrought upon traitors. The Reign of Terror was only a sys-
tematic attempt to secure the success of the Revolution by
summarily punishing or intimidating its enemies. While it had
no definite beginning or end, it lasted, in its more acute stages,
for about ten months — from September, 1793, to July, 1794.

242

Outlines of European History

The Revolu-
tionary
Tribunal

Execution
of Marie
Antoinette
(October,
1793)

Schism in the
party of the
Mountain

Even before the fall of the Girondists a special court had
been established in Paris, known as the Revolutionary Tri-
bunal. Its function was to try all those who were suspected
of treasonable acts. At first the cases were very carefully con-
sidered and few persons were condemned. In September, after
the revolt of the cities, two new men who had been implicated
in the September massacres were added to the Committee of
Public Safety. They were selected with the particular purpose
of intimidating the counter-revolutionary party by bringing all
the disaffected to the guillotine.-^ A terrible law was passed,
declaring all those to be suspects who by their conduct or re-
marks had shown themselves enemies of liberty. The former
nobles, including the wives, fathers, mothers, and children of
the "emigrants," unless they had constantly manifested their
attachment to the Revolution, were ordered to be imprisoned.

In October Marie Antoinette, after a trial in which false and
atrocious charges were urged against her in addition to the
treasonable acts of which she had been guilty, was executed
in Paris. A number of high-minded and distinguished persons,
including Madame Roland .and a group of Girondists, suffered
a like fate. But the most horrible acts of the Reign of Terror
were, as has been noted, perpetrated in the provinces, especially
at Lyons and Nantes.

It was not long before the members of the radical party
who were conducting the government began to disagree among
themselves. Danton, a man of fiery zeal for the Republic, who
had hitherto enjoyed, great popularity with the Jacobins, became
tired of bloodshed and convinced that the system of terror was
no longer necessary. On the other hand, the radical leader of
the Paris Commune, Hubert, called on the people to complete

1 In former times it had been customary to' inflict capital punishment by
decapitating the victim with a sword. At the opening of the Revolution a cer-
tain Dr. Guillotin recommended a new device, which consisted of a heavy knife
sHding downward between two uprights. This instrument, called after him the
guillotine, which has until very recently been used in France, was more speedy
and certain in its action than the sword in the hands of the executioner.

The First French Republic 243

the Revolution. He proposed that the worship of Reason Hebertand
should be substituted for that of God and arranged a service radical?"
in the cathedral of Notre Dame where Reason, in the person
of a handsome actress, took her place on the altar.

Robespierre, who was a member of the Committee of Pub- Robespierre
lie Safety, sympathized neither with the moderates nor with jugt
Hebert and his Goddess of Reason. He himself enjoyed a
great reputation for high ideals, 'republican virtue, and incor-
ruptibility. He and Saint-Just had read their Rousseau with
prayerful attention and dreamed of a glorious republic in
which there should be neither rich nor poor ; in which men
and women should live in independence and rear healthy and
robust children. These should be turned over to the republic
at five years of age to be educated in Spartan fashion by the
nation ; they were to eat together and to live on roots, fruit,
vegetables, milk, cheese, bread, and water. The Eternal was to
be worshiped in temples, and in these temples at certain times
every man should be required publicly to state who were his
friends. Any man who said he had no friends, or was con-
victed of ingratitude, was to be banished.^

Robespierre, in his fanatical attempt to establish his ideal re- Robespierre
public, now viewed the moderation of Danton and his friends eS of both '
as treason, and coldly advocated the execution of his former themoderater

' •' and extrem-

associates for attempting to betray the Republic and frustrate ists executed
the Revolution. On the other hand, as a deist, he believed April, 1794)
that He'bert and his followers were discrediting the Revolu-
tion by their atheism. Accordingly, through his influence, the
leaders of both the moderate and the extreme parties were
arrested and sent to the guillotine (March and April, 1794).

Robespierre now enjoyed a brief dictatorship. But it was
impossible for him to maintain his power long. When he had
the Revolutionary Tribunal divided into four sections in order
fo work more rapidly, and a law passed by which it could

1 See Readings^ section 38, for extracts from Saint-Just's book on Republican
Institutions,

244

Outlines of European History

condemn any suspected " enemy of the people " on almost any
evidence, many of his colleagues in the Convention began
to fear that they might at any moment follow Danton and
He'bert to the guillotine. A conspiracy was formed against
him and the Convention was induced to order his arrest.
When, on July 27, — the 9th Thermidor of the new republican
calendar, — he appeared in the Convention and attempted to
speak he was silenced by cries of " Down with the tyrant ! "
In his consternation he could not at first recover his voice,
whereupon one of the deputies shouted, ^^ The blood of Danton
chokes him ! " Finally he called upon the Commune of Paris
to defend him, but the Convention was able to maintain its
authority and to send Robespierre and Saint-Just, his fellow
idealist, to the guillotine. It is sad enough that two of the
most sincere and upright of all the revolutionists should, in
their misguided and over-earnest efforts to better the con-
dition of their fellow men, have become objects of execration
to posterity.

In successfully overthrowing Robespierre the Convention
and Committee of Public Safety had rid the country of the
only man who, owing to his popularity and his reputation for
uprightness, could have prolonged the Reign of Terror. There
was almost an immediate reaction after his death, for the
country was weary of executions. The Revolutionary Tribunal
henceforth convicted very few indeed of those who were
brought before it. It made an exception, however, of those
who had themselves been the leaders in the worst atrocities,
as, for example, the public prosecutor, who had brought hun-
dreds of victims to the guillotine in Paris, and the terrorists
who had ordered the massacres at Nantes and Lyons. Within
a few months the Jacobin Club at Paris was closed by the Con-
vention and the Commune of Paris abolished.

The importance and nature of the Reign of Terror are so
commonly misunderstood that it is worth our while to stop a
moment to reconsider it as a whole. When the Estates General

The First French Republic

245

met, the people of France were loyal to their king but wished First stage
to establish a more orderly government; they wanted to vote
the taxes, have some share in making the laws, and abolish the
old feudal abuses, including the unreasonable privileges of the
nobility and the clergy. The nobility were frightened and be-
gan to run away. The king and queen urged foreign powers

Fig. 64. The Closing of the Jacobin Club

The hall of the Jacobins had been the scene of debates almost as im-
portant as those in the Convention, during the attempt to found a
democratic republic. When it was closed and the Commune of Paris
abolished, the wealthier classes resumed their rule

to intervene and even tried to escape to join the traitorous
emigrant nobles. Austrian and Prussian troops reached the
frontier and the Prussian commander threatened to destroy
Paris unless the royal family were given complete liberty.
Paris, aided by the men of Marseilles, retaliated by deposing
the king, and the Convention decided by a narrow majority to
execute Louis XVI for treason, of which he was manifestly
guilty. In the summer, just as Austria and England were

246 Outlines of European History

taking the French border fortresses of Conde and Valen-
ciennes, the cities of Lyons, Marseilles, and Toulon and the
peasants of the Vende'e revolted. The necessity of making
head against invasion and putting down the insurrection at
home led to harsh measures on the part of the Convention and
its Committee of Public Safety.

When the immediate danger was dispelled Robespierre,
Saint-Just, and others sought to exterminate the enemies of
that Utopian republic of which they dreamed and in which
every man was to have a fair chance in life. This led to the
second, and perhaps less excusable, phase of the Reign of
Terror. To the executions sanctioned by the government
must be added the massacres and lynchings perpetrated by
mobs or by irresponsible agents of the Convention. Yet
Camille Desmoulins was right when he claimed that the blood
that had flowed '' for the eternal emancipation of a nation of
twenty-five millions" was as nothing to that shed by the Roman
emperors (and it may be added, by bishops and kings), often
in less worthy causes.

Then it should be remembered that a great part of the
French people were nearly or quite unaffected by the Reign
of Terror. In Paris very few of the citizens stood in any fear
of the guillotine. The city was not the gloomy place that it
has been pictured by Dickens and other story-tellers. Business
went on as usual. Theaters and restaurants were crowded.
The mass of the people were little affected by the execution
of " aristocrats."

Moreover the Convention had by no means confined its
attention during the months of the Reign of Terror to hunting
down '' suspects " and executing traitors. Its committees had
raised a million troops, organized and equipped them with
arms, and sent them forth to victory. The reforms sketched
out by the National Assembly had been developed and carried
on. The Convention had worked out a great system of ele-
mentary education which should form the basis of the new

The First French Republic 247

Republic and which became a model for later reform. It had
drafted a new code of laws which should replace the confu-
sion of the ancien regime, although it was left for Napoleon to
order its revision and gain the credit of the enterprise. The
republican calendar was not destined to survive, but the rational
system of weights and measures known as the metric system, The metric
which the Convention introduced, has been adopted by most ^^^^^^
of the nations of Continental Europe and is used by men of
science in England and America.

In its anxiety to obliterate every suggestion of the old order Anxiety of
of things, the Convention went to excess. The old terms of ^on^o ^0"'
address. Monsieur and Madame, seemed to smack of the ancien °"* ^^^ ^"S"

gestions of

regime and so were replaced by " citizen " and " citizeness." the past
The days were no longer dedicated to St. Peter, St. James,
St. Bridget, or St. Catherine, but to the cow, the horse, celery,
the turnip, the harrow, the pitchfork, or other useful creature
or utensil. The Place Louis XV became Place de la Revolu-
tion. Throne Square was rechristened Place of the Overturned
Throne. The Convention endeavored to better the condition
of the poor man and deprive the rich of their superfluity. The
land which had been taken from the Church and the runaway
nobles was sold in small parcels, and the number of small land-
holders was thus greatly increased. In May, 1793, the Con-
vention tried to keep down the price of grain by passing the
Law of the Maximum, which forbade the selling of grain and
flour at a higher price than that fixed by each commune. This
was later extended to other forms of food and worked quite as
badly as the grain laws which Turgot had abolished.

The reckless increase of the paper currency, or assignats, Trouble with
and fhe efforts to prevent their depreciation by a law which
made it a capital offense to refuse to accept them at par caused
infinite confusion. There were about forty billions of francs of
these assignats in circulation at the opening of the year 1796.
At that time it required nearly three hundred francs in paper
to procure one in specie.

248

Outlines of European History

At last the Convention turned its attention once more to
the special work for which it had been summoned in Septem-
ber, 1792, and drew up a constitution for the Republic. This
was preceded by a " Declaration of the Rights and Duties of
Man and the Citizen," which summed up, as the first Declara-
tion of Rights had done, the great principles of the Revolu-
tion. The lawmaking power is vested by the Constitution of
the Year III in a Legislative Body to be composed of tv/o
chambers, the Council of Five Hundred and the Council of
the Elders. Members of the latter were to be at least forty
years old and either married or widowers. To take the place
of a king, a Directory composed of five members chosen by
the Legislative Body was invested with the executive power.

Before the Convention completed the constitution its ene-
mies had become very strong. The richer classes had once
more got the upper hand; they abhorred the Convention which
had killed their king and oppressed them, and they favored the
reestablishment of the monarchy without the abuses of the ancien
regime. The Convention, fearing for itself and the Republic,
decreed that in the approaching election, at least two thirds of
the new Legislative Body were to be chosen from the existing
members of the Convention. Believing that it could rely upon
the armies, it ordered that the constitution should be submitted
to the soldiers for ratification and that bodies of troops should
be collected near Paris to maintain order during the elections.
These decrees roused the anger of the wealthier districts of
Paris, which did not hesitate to organize a revolt and prepare
to attack the Convention.

The latter, however, chose for its defender that same
Napoleon Bonaparte who, after helping to take Toulon, had
resigned his commission rather than leave the artillery and join
the infantry as he had been ordered to do, and was earning a
bare subsistence as a clerk in a government office. Bonaparte
stationed the regulars around the building in which the Con-
vention sat and then loaded his cannon with grapeshot. When

The First Fr-ench Republic 249

the bourgeois national guard attacked him, he gave the order
to fire and easily swept them from the streets.^ The royalists
were defeated. The day had been saved for the Convention
by the army and by a military genius who was destined soon
not only to make himself master of France but to build up an
empire comprising a great part of western Europe.

QUESTIONS

Section 35. Account for the failure of Mirabeau to strengthen
the monarchy. What was the effect of the king's flight to Varennes,
June, 1 79 1? Name the leaders of the new republican party and
give an account of their work. What legislative body replaced the
National Assembly, October i, 1791 ? What problems were before
it from the beginning?

Describe the effect of the Declaration of Pillnitz on the French.
Who were the Jacobins? W^hat parties were to be found in the
Legislative Assembly ? Name the leaders of the Girondists. Give the
reasons which prompted the Assembly to declare war against Austria.

Section 36, What caused the uprising of June 20, 1792? Give
the terms of the manifesto of the duke of Brunswick. What was
its effect upon the leaders of Paris ? What problems did the Legis-
lative Assembly leave to be solved by the Convention ?

Section 37. What was the first act of the Convention? Trace
the course of the war. What effect did the death of the French king
have upon the relations of England and France ? Account for the suc-
cess of the French in the Austrian Netherlands during the autumn
of 1792. W^hat change took place in the following spring?

Section 38, Name the leading parties in the Convention and
tell about their quarrel. What was the Reign of Terror ? Describe
the work of the Revolutionary Tribunal. In what way did Robes-
pierre differ from the other factions of the Mountain ? What means
did he take to secure his ends? What was the effect of his death
upon the Reign of Terror ? Describe the Constitution of the Year IIL
How was opposition to the Convention overcome?

1 More people were killed on the 13th Vendemiaire than on August 10, 1792,
when the monarchy was overthrown.

CHAPTER X

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE

Section 39. Bonaparte's First Italian Campaign

How the
Revolution
transformed
and democ-
ratized the
army

The Napo-
leonic Period

The French army had undergone a complete transformation
during the Revolution. The rules of the a7icien regime had
required all officers to be nobles, and many of these had left
France after the fall of the Bastille. Others, like Lafayette and
Dumouriez, who had at first favored the Revolution, deserted
soon after the opening of the war which began in 1792. Still
others, like Custine and Beauharnais (the Empress Josephine's
first husband), were executed because the " deputies on mis-
sion" believed that they were responsible for the defeats that
the armies of the French Republic had suffered.

The former rigid discipline disappeared, and the hundreds of
thousands of volunteers who pressed forward to defend and
extend the boundaries of the Republic found new leaders,
who rose from the ranks, and who hit upon novel and quite
unconventional ways of beating the enemy. Any one might
now become a general if he could prove his ability to lead
troops to victory. Moreau was a lawyer from Brittany, Murat
had been a waiter, Jourdan before the Revolution had been
selling cloth in Limoges. In short, the army, like the State,
had become democratic.

Among the commanders who by means of their talents rose
to take the places of the " aristocrats " was one who was to
dominate the history of Europe as no man before him had
ever done. For fifteen years his biography and the political
history of Europe are so nearly identical that the period we
are now entering upon may properly be called after him, the
Napoleonic Period.

250

Napoleon Bonaparte

251

Napoleon Bonaparte was hardly a Frenchman by birth. It is
true that the island of Corsica where he was born, August 15,
1769, had at that time belonged to France for a year/ but
Napoleon's native language was Italian, and he was descended
from Italian ancestors who had come to the island in the
sixteenth century. His father. Carlo Buonaparte, although he
claimed to be of noble extraction, busied himself with the
profession of the law
in the town of Ajac-
cio, where Napoleon
was born. He was
poor and found it
hard to support his
eight boys and girls,
all of whom were one
day to become kings
and queens, or at
worst, princes and
princesses. Accord-
ingly he took his two
eldest sons, Joseph
and Napoleon, to
France, where Joseph
was to be educated
for the priesthood

and Napoleon, who was but ten years old, after learning a
little French was to prepare for the army in the military
academy at Brienne.

Here the boy led an unhappy life for five or six years. He
soon came to hate the young French nobles with whom he was
associated. He wrote to his father, " I am tired of exposing my
poverty and seeing these shameless boys laughing over it, for
they are superior to me only in wealth, and infinitely beneath

Fig. 65. Napoleon's Birthplace

Napoleon
Bonaparte
(b. 1769), a
Corsican by
birth, an
Italian by
descent

1 It is possible that Bonaparte was bom in the previous year, when Corsica^
still belonged to the republic of Genoa.

252

OiUlmes of European History

His political
intrigues
in Corsica

The Bona-
partes ban-
ished from
Corsica
(1793)

How Bona-
parte won
the confi-
dence of
Barras and
the Directory

Napoleon
marries
Josephine
Beauharnais

Bonaparte
made com-
mander in
chief of the
army of Italy
(1796)

me in noble sentiments." Gradually the ambition to free his
little island country from French control developed in him.

On completing his course in the military school he was made
second lieutenant. Poor and without influence, he had little
hope of any considerable advance in the French army, and he
was drawn to his own country both by a desire to play a politi-
cal role there and to help his family, which had been left in
straitened circumstances by his father's death. He therefore
absented himself from his command as often and as long as he
could, and engaged in a series of intrigues in Corsica. When
the Revolution came, he tried to turn it to his own advantage
on the island, but he and his family were banished in 1793,
and fled to France.

The next three years were for Bonaparte a period of great
uncertainty. Soon after his return his knowledge of artillery
enabled him, as we have seen, to suggest the way to capture
Toulon. This brought him some recognition ; but he refused a
chance to fight the rebels of La Vendee and remained in Paris,
waiting for something to turn up. His opportunity came two
years later, when his friend Barras selected him to defend the
Convention on the 13th Vendemiaire. This was the beginning
of his career, for Barras, now one of the Directors, introduced
him into the gay and reckless social circle to which he belonged.
Here he met and fell in love with the charming widow of
General Beauharnais, who had lost his head just before Ther-
midor. Madame Beauharnais agreed to marr}^ the pale, nervous
little republican officer in spite of his awkward manners and ill-
fitting uniform. Nine years later he was able to place an imperial
crown upon her brow.

In the spring of 1796 Bonaparte was selected by the
Directory to command one of the three armies which it was
sending against Austria. This important appointment at the
age of twenty-seven forms the opening of an astonishing
military career which can be compared only with that of
Alexander the Great.

Napoleon Bonaparte 253

France, as has been pointed out, found herself in 1793 at How Prussia
war with Austria, Prussia, England, Holland, Spain, the Holy ^gi^JtedThe
Roman Empire, Sardinia, the kingdom of Naples (that is, of war with
the Two Sicilies), and Tuscany. This formidable alliance, how- 1794
ever, only succeeded in taking a few border fortresses which
the French easily regained. Prussia and Austria were far
more interested in Poland, where the third and last partition was
pending, than in fighting the Revolution and keeping the
French out of the Austrian Netherlands. The Polish patriot,
Kosciusko, had led a revolt of the Poles against their oppres-
sors, and the Russian garrison which Catherine had placed
in Warsaw was cut down by the Polish rebels in April, 1794.
Catherine then appealed to Frederick William for assistance.
He therefore turned his whole attention to Poland,^ and Pitt
had to pay him handsomely to induce him to leave sixty thou-
sand Prussian troops to protect the Netherlands from the
French invaders. But England's money was wasted, for the
Prussians refused to take active measures, and even Austria,
after one or two reverses, decided to evacuate the Nether-
lands, in the summer of 1794, in order to center all her ener-
gies upon Polish affairs and prevent Russia and Prussia from
excluding her, as they had done the last time, when it came to
a division of the booty.

England was naturally disgusted. She had joined the war England
in order to aid Austria and Prussia to maintain the balance of check the
power and defend the Netherlands, which formed a protective qccu'^v'hoK
barrier between Holland and France. Lord Malmesbury, one land and
of the English diplomats, declared that in his dealings with region
the allies he encountered only "shabby art and cunning, ill will,
jealousy and every sort of dirty passion." By October, 1794,
the Austrians had disappeared beyond the Rhine ; the English
were forced to give up Holland and to retreat forlornly into
Hanover before the French under General Pichegru, who cap-
tured the Dutch fleet imprisoned in the ice near Texel. The
1 See above, p. 95.

254

Outlines of European History

The French
Republic
concludes the
Treaties of
Basel with
Prussia and
Spain (April
and July,
1795)

Dutch towns contained some enthusiastic republicans who re-
ceived the French cordially. The office of hereditary stadholder,
which was really that of a king except in name, was abolished,
and the United Netherlands became the Batavian Republic
under French control.

Instead of being crushed by the overwhelming forces of the
allies, the armies of the French Republic had, in the three
years since the opening of the war, conquered the Austrian
Netherlands, Savoy, and Nice ,- they had changed Holland into
a friendly sister republic, and had occupied western Germany
as far as the Rhine. The Convention was now ready to con-
clude its first treaties of peace. Prussia signed the Treaty of
Basel with the new republic (April, 1795), in which she secretly
agreed not to oppose the permanent acquisition by France of
the left bank of the Rhine provided Prussia were indemnified
for the territory which she would in that case lose. Three
months later Spain also made peace with France. Early in
1796 the Directory decided, in accordance with General Bona-
parte's advice, to undertake a triple movement upon Vienna,
the capital of its chief remaining enemy. Jourdan was to take
a northerly route along the river Main ; Moreau was to lead
an army through the Black Forest and down the Danube,
while Bonaparte invaded Lombardy, which was, since the
French had occupied the Netherlands, the nearest of the
Austrian possessions.

Italy was still in the same condition in which it had been
left some fifty years before at the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle,
when the Austrian Hapsburgs and the Spanish Bourbons had
come to a final agreement as to what each was to have for the
younger members of the two families.^ In the kingdom of
Naples^ the feeble Ferdinand IV ^ reigned with Caroline his

1 See Development of Modem Europe^ Vol. I, pp. 44-46.

2 We shall use this name hereafter instead of the more cumbersome title,
Kingdom of the Two Sicilies.

• 3 The successor of Don Carlos, who had become Charles III, king of Spain,
in 1759.

Napoleon Bonaparte 255

wife, the sister of Marie Antoinette. To the north, stretching

across the peninsula, lay the Papal States. Tuscany enjoyed

the mild and enlightened rule of the successors of Joseph of

Lorraine. Parma's duke was related to the Spanish house and

Modena's to the Austrian, but the only part of Italy actually

under foreign rule was Lombardy and its capital, Milan, which

had fallen to Austria after the War of the Spanish Succession.

The once flourishing republics of Venice and Genoa still existed,

but had long since ceased to play a role in European affairs.

The only vigorous and promising state in Italy that was not

more or less under the influence of either Austria or Spain was

the kingdom of Sardinia, composed of Piedmont, Savoy, Nice,

and the island of Sardinia.

General Bonaparte had to face the combined forces of Aus- Bonaparte

tria and Sardinia, which had joined the enemies of France in dinia to con-

1793. By marching north from Savona he skillfully separated ^[^(f^^ters^

his two enemies. He forced the Sardinian troops back toward Milan (May,

. 1796)
Turin and compelled the king to conclude a treaty by which

Savoy and Nice were ceded to France. Bonaparte was now
free to advance into Lombardy. He marched down the Po,
and the Austrians, fearing that he might cut them off, hastened
eastward, leaving Milan to be occupied by the French. Here
Bonaparte made a triumphal entry on May 15, 1796, scarcely
more than a month after the campaign opened.

As he descended the mountains into the plains of Lombardy, The French
Bonaparte had announced that the French army came to break plunder Italy
the chains of the tyrants, for the French people was the friend
of all peoples. Nevertheless the Directory expected him to
force those that he '' freed " to support the French armies.
Their directions to Bonaparte were sufficiently explicit: "Leave
nothing in Italy which will be useful to us and which the politi-
cal situation will permit you to remove." Accordingly Milan
was not only required to pay its deliverers twenty million francs
but also to give up some of the finest old masterpieces in its
churches and galleries. The dukes of Parma and Modena made

256

Outlines of European History

The cam-
paign about
Mantua
(May, 1796-
February,
1797)

Bonaparte
defeats the
Austrians
at Arcole
(November

15-^7, 1796)
and at RivoU
(January 14-
15. 1797)

Fall of
Mantua

Truce at
Leoben
(April, 1797)

similar " contributions " on condition that Bonaparte would
grant them an armistice.

Bonaparte soon moved east and defeated the Austrian army,
a part of which took refuge in the impregnable fortress of
Mantua, to which the French promptly laid siege. There is no
more fascinating chapter in the history of warfare than the
story of the audacious maneuvers by which Bonaparte success-
fully repulsed the Austrian armies sent to relieve Mantua.
Toward the end of July an Austrian army nearly twice the
size of Bonaparte's descended in three divisions from Tyrol.
The situation of the French was critical, but Bonaparte man-
aged to defeat each of the three divisions before they had an
opportunity to join forces. In five days the Austrians retired,
leaving fifteen thousand prisoners in the hands of the French.
Bonaparte now determined to advance up the river Adige into
Germany. He again routed the Austrians and took possession
of Trent. Wurmser, the Austrian commander, tried to cut him
off from Italy but was himself shut up in Mantua with the
remains of his army.

In November two more Austrian armies were sent down to
relieve Mantua, one approaching by the Adige and the other
descending the Piave. Bonaparte met and defeated the Piave
army in a three days' battle at Arcole, after which the other
Austrian division retreated. The last effort to relieve the fortress
was frustrated by Bonaparte at Rivoli (January 14-15, 1797)
and resulted in the surrender of Mantua, which gave the
French complete control of northern Italy.

All danger of an attack in the rear was now removed, and
the victorious French general could lead his army through the
mountains to Vienna. He forced back the Austrians, who
attempted to block the road, and when, on April 7, he was
within eighty miles of the capital, the Austrian commander re-
quested a truce, which Bonaparte was not unwilling to grant,
since he was now far from home, and both the other armies
which the Directory had sent out, under Moreau and Jourdan,

Napoleon Bonaparte

257

had been routed and forced back over the Rhine. A prelimi-
nary peace was accordingly arranged, which was followed by
the definitive Treaty of Campo Formio (October, 1797).

Central Europe to illustrate Napoleon's Campaigns,
1 796-1 801

The provisions of the Treaty of Campo Formio illustrate the Provisions of
unscrupulous manner in which Bonaparte and Austria disposed of^CanTpo^
of the helpless lesser states. It inaugurated the bewilderingly Fq""'^
rapid territorial redistribution of Europe which was so charac- 1797)
teristic of the Napoleonic Period. Austria ceded to France the
Austrian Netherlands and secretly agreed to use its good offices
to secure for France a great part of the left bank of the Rhine.

258

Outlines of Eu7'opea7i History

Creation of
the Cisalpine
Republic

General
Bonaparte
establishes
a court

Bonaparte's
analysis of
the French
character and
of his own
aims

Austria also recognized the Cisalpine Republic, which Bona
parte had created out of the smaller states of northern Italy,
and which was under the '' protection " of France. This new
state included Lombardy, which Bonaparte had conquered, the
duchy of Modena, some of the papal dominions, and, lastly, a
part of the possessions of the venerable and renowned but now
defenseless republic of Venice, which Napoleon had ruthlessly
destroyed. Austria received as an indemnity for the Nether-
lands and Lombardy the rest of the possessions of the Venetian
republic, including Venice itself.

While the negotiations were going on, the young general had
established a brilliant court at a villa near Milan. "His salons,"
an observer informs us, '' were filled with a throng of generals,
officials, and purveyors, as well as the highest nobility and the
most distinguished men of Italy, who came to solicit the favor
of a glance or a moment's conversation." It would appear,
from the report of a most extraordinar}^ conversation which
occurred at this time, that he had already conceived the role
that he was to play later.

"What I have done so far," he declared, "is nothing. I am
but at the opening of the career that I am to run. Do you
suppose that I have gained my victories in Italy in order to
advance the lawyers of the Directory, — the Carnots and the
Barrases ? Do you think either that my object is to establish
a republic ? What a notion ! . . . Let the Directory attempt
to deprive me of my command and they will see who is the
master. The nation must have a head, a head who is rendered
illustrious by glory and not by theories of government, fine
phrases, or the talk of idealists."

There is no doubt whom General Bonaparte had in mind
when he spoke of the needed head of the French nation who
should be " rendered illustrious by glory." This son of a poor
Corsican lawyer, but yesterday a mere unlucky adventurer, had
arranged his program ; two years and a half later, at the age
of thirty, he was the master of the French Republic.

Napoleon Bo7iaparte 259

Bonaparte was a little man, less than five feet four inches in Personal
height:. At this time he was extremely thin, but his striking Js^fcr^^'^'
features, quick, searching eye, abrupt, animated gestures,
and rapid speech, incorrect as it was, made a deep impression
upon those who came in contact with him. He possessed in
a supreme degree two qualities that are ordinarily considered
incompatible. He was a dreamer and, at the same time, a man
whose practical skill and mastery of detail amounted to genius.
He once told a friend that he was wont, when a poor lieuten-
ant, to allow his imagination full play and fancy things just as
he would have them. Then he would coolly consider the exact
steps to be taken if he were to try to make his dream come true.

In order to explain Bonaparte's success it must be remem- Sources of
bered that he was not hampered or held back by the fear of >,°apoleon's
doing wrong. He was utterly unscrupulous, whether dealing character
with an individual or a nation, and appears to have been abso-
lutely without any sense of moral responsibility. Neither did
affection for his friends and relatives ever stand in the way of
his personal aggrandizement. To these traits must be added
unrivaled militar)^ genius and the power of intense and almost
uninterrupted work.

But even Bonaparte, unexampled as were his abilities, could The poHtical
never have extended his power over all of western Europe, ^v^"ch^°"^
had it not been for the peculiar political weakness of most of rendered

^ ^ Napoleons

the states with which he had to deal. There was no strong wonderful

successes

German Empire in his day, no united Italy. The French Re- possible
public was surrounded by petty, independent, or practically
independent, principalities, which were defenseless against an
unscrupulous invader. IMoreover the larger powers were inclined
to be jealous of each other and did not support each other
properly. Prussia, much smaller than it is now, offered no
efficient opposition to the extension of French control, while
Austria had been forced to capitulate, after a short campaign,
by an enemy far from its source of supplies and led by a young
and inexperienced general.

26o

Outlines of European History

Bonaparte
conceives the
plan of an
expedition
to Egypt

Section 40. How Bonaparte made himself
Master of France

After arranging the Peace of Campo Formio, General Bona-
parte returned to Paris. He at once perceived that France, in
spite of her enthusiasm over his victories, was not yet ready to
accept him as her ruler. The pear was not yet ripe, as he ob-
served. He saw, too, that he would soon sacrifice his pres-
tige if he lived quietly in Paris like an ordinary person. His
active mind promptly conceived a plan which would forward
his interests. France was still at war with England, its most
persevering enemy during this period. Bonaparte convinced
the Directory that England could best be ruined in the long
run by occupying Egypt and so threatening her commerce in
the Mediterranean, and perhaps ultimately her dominion in the
East. Fascinated by the career of Alexander the Great, Bona-
parte pictured himself riding to India on the back of an ele-
phant and dispossessing England of her most precious colonial
dependencies.-^ He had, however, still another and a character-
istic reason for undertaking the expedition. France was on the
eve of a new war with the European powers. Bonaparte fore-
saw that, if he 'could withdraw with him some of France's
best officers, the Directory might soon find itself so embar-
rassed that he could return as a national savior. And even so
it fell out.

Accordingly General Bonaparte, under authority of the Direc-
tory, collected forty thousand of the best troops and fitted out

1 The expedition to Egypt did not establish a new empire, but it led to the
revelation of thousands of years of ancient history. A band of French scholars
accompanied the army and started collecting the remains of monuments and
tombs.

The tombs were covered with hieroglyphs which no one could read ; but in
the spoil collected — and captured by Nelson so that it is now in the British
Museum — was a stone with both Greek text and hieroglyphs in parallel columns,
which a French scholar, Champollion, used, a few years later, as a key to unlock
the literature of ancient Egypt. So it turned out that the few scientists, whom
the soldiers on the expedition heartily despised, accomplished most. See Part
I, chap. ii.

Napoleon Bonaparte

MEDITERRANEAN
SEA

<S"-

a strong fleet, which should serve to give France the control
of the Mediterranean. He did not forget to add to the expedi-
tion a hundred and twenty scientists and engineers, who were
to study the country and prepare the way for French colonists
to be sent out later.

The French fleet left Toulon, May 19, 1798. It was so for- Thecam-
tunate as to escape the English squadron under Nelson, which ^^.J^pWi^oS.
sailed by it in the ^799)

night. Bonaparte
arrived at Alexan-
dria, July I, and
easily defeated the
Turkish troops in
the famous battle
of the Pyramids.
Meanwhile Nelson,
who did not know
the destination of
the enemy's fleet,
had returned from
the Syrian coast,
where he had looked
for the French in
vain. Rediscovered

Bonaparte's ships in the harbor of Alexandria and completely Nelson de-
annihilated them in the first battle of the Nile (August i, 1798). French ffeet
The French troops were now completely cut off from Europe,

The Porte (that is, the Turkish government) having declared
war against France, Bonaparte resolved to attack Turkey by
land. He accordingly marched into Syria in the spring of
1799, but was repulsed at Acre, where the Turkish forces were
aided by the English fleet. Pursued by pestilence, the army
regained Cairo in June, after terrible suffering and loss. It was
still strong enough to annihilate a Turkish army that landed at
Alexandria; but news now reached Bonaparte from Europe

Egyptian Campaign

Syrian
campaign

262

Oictlines of European History

Bonaparte
deserts the
army in
Egypt and
returns to
Paris

The coup
d'etat of
the i8th
Brumaire
(November 9,
1799)

Bonaparte
made First
Consul

The consti-
tution of the
Year VIII

The Council
of State

which convinced him that the time had come for him to hasten
back. The powers had formed a new coalition against France.
Northern Italy, which he had won, was lost; the allies were
about to invade France itself, and the Directory was hopelessly
demoralized. Bonaparte accordingly secretly deserted his arm);
and managed, by a series of happy accidents, to reach France
by October 9, 1799.

The Directory, one of the most corrupt and inefficient gov-
ernmental bodies that the world has ever seen, had completely
disgraced itself, and Bonaparte readily found others to join with
him in a conspiracy to overthrow it. A plan was formed for
abruptly destroying the old government and replacing it by a
new one without observing any constitutional forms. This is a
procedure so familiar in France during the past century that it
is known even in English as a coup d'etat (literally translated, a
" stroke of state "). The conspirators had a good many friends
in the two assemblies, especially among the " Elders." Never-
theless Bonaparte had to order his soldiers to invade the hall
in which the Assembly of the Five Hundred was in session and
scatter his opponents before he could accomplish his purpose.
A chosen few were then reassembled under the presidency of
Lucien Bonaparte, one of Napoleon's brothers, who was a
member of the Assembly. They voted to put the government
in the hands of three men, — General Bonaparte and two
others, — to be called "Consuls." These were to proceed,
with the aid of a commission and of the Elders, to draw up
a new constitution.

The new constitution was a very cumbrous and elaborate
one. It provided for no less than four assemblies, one to pro-
pose the laws, one to consider them, one to vote upon them,
and one to decide on their constitutionality. But Bonaparte
saw to it that as First Consul he himself had practically all the
power in his own hands. The Council of State, to which he
called talented men from all parties and over which he presided
was the most important of the governmental bodies.

Napoleon Bonaparte

263

Fig. 66. Bonaparte's Coup d'Etat of the i8th Brumaire

Bonaparte's invasion of the hall of the Assembly with his soldiers, to
" restore liberty," was a military conspiracy against the existing govern-
ment. The legislators accused him of treason, and he almost lost his
nerve at the critical moment. His brother, however, harangued the
soldiers outside, telling them their general's life was in danger, and they
drove everyone from the hall. Thus Bonaparte got control of France

Bonaparte's chief aim was to centralize the government. The central-

1 SzQ.^ adminis-

Nothmg was left to local assemblies, for he proposed to con- trative sys-

trol everything from Paris. Accordingly, in each departement Sfshe?by"

he put an officer called 2. prefect; in each subdivision of the Bonaparte
departemejit a subprefect. These, together with the mayors and

264

Outlines of European History

The new
government
accepted by ;
plebiscite

Bonaparte
generally-
acceptable
to France as
First Consul

police commissioners of the towns, were all appointed by the
First Consul. The prefects — "little First Consuls," as Bona-
parte called them — resembled the former intendants, the king's
officers under the old re'gime. Indeed, the new government
suggested in several important respects that of Louis XIV.
This administrative system which Bonaparte perfected has en-
dured, with a few changes, down to the present day. It has
rendered the French government very stable in spite of the
startling changes in the constitution which have occurred.
There is no surer proof of Napoleon's genius than that, with
no previous experience, he could conceive a plan of govern-
ment that should serve a great state like France through all its
vicissitudes for a century.

The new ruler objected as decidedly as Louis XIV had done
to the idea of being controlled by the people, who, he believed,
knew nothing of public affairs. It was enough, he thought, if
they were allowed to say whether they wished a certain form
of government or not. Fie therefore introduced what he called
a plebiscite} The new constitution when completed was sub-
mitted to the nation at large, and all were allowed to vote "yes"
or " no " on the question of its adoption. Over three million
voted in favor of it, and only fifteen hundred and sixty-two
against it. This did not necessarily mean, however, that practi-
cally the whole nation wished to have General Bonaparte as its
ruler. A great many may have preferred what seemed to them
an objectionable form of government to the risk of rejecting
it. Herein lies the injustice of the plebiscite ; there are many
questions that cannot be answered by a simple " yes " or " no."

Yet the accession to power of the popular young general
was undoubtedly grateful to the majority of citizens, who
longed above all for a stable government. The Swedish envoy
wrote, just after the coup d'etat : '' A legitimate monarch
has perhaps never found a people more ready to do his

1 The plebiscitum of the Romans, from which the French derived their terra
plebiscite^ was originally a law voted in the Assembly of the plebs, or people.

Napoleon Bonaparte 265

bidding than Bonaparte, and it would be inexcusable if this
talen:ed general did not take advantage of this to introduce
a better form of government upon a firmer basis. It is liter-
ally true that France will perform impossibilities in order to
aid him in this. The people (with the exception of a despica-
ble horde of anarchists) are so sick and weary of revolutionary
horrors and folly that they believe that any change cannot fail
to be for the better. . . . Even the royalists, whatever their
views may be, are sincerely devoted to Bonaparte, for they
attribute to him the intention of gradually restoring tHe old
order of things. The indifferent element cling to him as the
one most likely to give France peace. The enlightened repub-
licans, although they tremble for their form of government,
prefer to see a single man of talent possess himself of the
power than a club of intriguers."

Section 41. The Second Coalition against France

Upon becoming First Consul, General Bonaparte found The Second
France at war with England, Russia, Austria, Turkey, and
Naples — a somewhat strange coalition which must be ex-
plained. After the treaties of Basel and Campo Formio,
England had been left to fight the Revolution single-handed.
But in 1798 Pitt, the English prime minister, found an unex-
pected ally in the Tsar Paul.-^ Like his mother, Catherine II, Russia enters
whom he succeeded in 1796, he hated the Revolution; but, EngTancTs
unlike her, he consented to send troops to fight against France, ^^'^
for which Pitt agreed to help pay. Austria was willing to take
up the war again since she saw no prospect of getting all the
territory that Bonaparte had half promised her in the Treaty

1 Paul was an ill-balanced person whose chief grievance against the French
was that Bonaparte, on the way to Egypt, had captured the island of Malta.
Malta had for centuries been held by the Order of the Knights of Malta, which
had originated during the Crusades. Now the knights had chosen Paul as their
" Protector," an honor which enchanted his simple soul and led him to dream of
annexing Malta to his empire. Bonaparte's seizure of the island interfered with
his plans and serv^ed to rouse a desire for vengeance.

266

O 7Lt lines of El Lr ope an History

The Sultan

France re-
publicanizes
her neighbors

The Roman

Republic

proclaimed

(February,

1798)

The Direc-
tory revolu-
tionizes and
plunders
Switzerland
(^798)

of Campo Formio. As for the Sultan, Bonaparte's Egyptian
expedition brought the French to his very doors and led him
to join his ancient enemy, Russia, in a common cause.

It certainly appeared to be high time to check the restless
new Republic which was busily engaged in spreading " liberty "
in her own interest. Holland had first been republicanized \ then
Bonaparte had established the Cisalpine Republic in northern
Italy ; and the French had stirred up a revolution in Genoa,
which led to the abolition of the old aristocratic government
and the founding of a new Ligurian Republic which was to be
the friend and ally of France.

Next, with the encouragement of Joseph Bonaparte, Napo-
leon's brother, who was the French ambassador in Rome, the
few republicans in the Pope's capital proclaimed a republic.
In the disturbance which ensued a French general was killed,
a fact which gave the Directory an excuse for declaring war
and occupying Rome. On February 15, 1798, the republi-
cans assembled in the ancient forum and declared that the
Roman Republic was once more restored. The brutal French
commissioner insulted the Pope, snatched his staff and ring
from his hand, and ordered him out of town. The French
seized the pictures and statues in the Vatican and sent them
to Paris and managed to rob the new republic of some sixty
million francs besides.

More scandalous still was the conduct of the Directory and
its commissioners in dealing with Switzerland. In that little
country, certain of the cantons^ or provinces, had long been
subject to others which possessed superior rights. A few per-
sons in the canton of Vaud were readily induced by the French
agitators to petition the Directory to free their canton from
the overlordship of Berne. In January, 1798, a French army
entered Switzerland and easily overpowered the troops of
Berne and occupied the city (in March), where they seized
the treasure — some four millions of dollars — which had been
gradually brought together through a long period by the thrifty

Napoleon Bonaparte 267

government of the confederation. A new Helvetic Republic, The Helvetic
" one and indivisible," was proclaimed, in which all the cantons ^^"
should be equal and all the old feudal customs and inequalities
should be abolished. The mountaineers of the conservative
cantons about the lake of Lucerne rose in vain against the in-
truders, but the French party mercilessly massacred those who
dared to oppose the changes which they chose to introduce.

The new outbreak of war against France was due to Naples, Naples re-
where Marie Antoinette's sister, Caroline, watched with horror warTo^ainst
the occupation of Rome by the French troops. Nelson, after ^,^^^^
destroying Bonaparte's fleet in the battle of the Nile, had re- 1798)
turned to Naples and there arranged a plan for driving the
French from the Papal States. But everything went badly ;
the French easily defeated the Bourbon armies and the mem- Naples
bers of the royal family of Naples were glad to embark on the the Par-
British ships and make their way to Palermo. Thereupon the ^e"°bnc"
French republicanized Naples (renaming it the Parthenopean (January,
Republic), seized millions of francs as usual, and carried off to
Paris the best works of art.

At the same time Piedmont was occupied by the French, Piedmont
and the king was forced to abdicate. He retired to Sardinia, the French
where he remained until Napoleon's downfall fifteen years later.

Early in the year 1799 the French Republic seemed every- France
where victorious. It had at last reached its " natural bounda-
ries " by adding to the Austrian Netherlands those portions of
the Holy Roman Empire which lay on the left bank^ of the
Rhine, and, to the south, the duchy of Savoy. It had reorgan-
ized its neighbors, the Batavian Republic, the Helvetic Repub-
lic, the Ligurian Republic, the Cisalpine Republic, the Roman
Republic, and the Parthenopean Republic — all of which were
to accept its counsel and aid it with money, troops, and supplies.
Bonaparte had occupied Egypt and was on his way to Syria
with gorgeous visions of subjugating the whole Orient.

1 That is to say, the bank which would He to the left of one traveling down
the river, in this case the west bank.

" natural
boundaries '
in 1799

268

Outlmes of E? trope art History

Suvaroff and
the Austrians
force the
French out
of Italy
(April-
August,
1799)

Russia with-
draws from
the war
(October,
-799)

The First
Consul
writes to
George III
and Francis
II in the
interests of
Deace

His advances
not well
"iceived

Within a few months, however, the situation was completely
changed. The Austrians defeated the French in southern Ger-
many, and they retreated to the Rhine. In Italy the brave
Russian general, Suvaroff, with the small but valiant army
which the Tsar had sent to the west, forced the French out of
northern Italy and, with the aid of the Austrians, repeatedly
defeated their armies and shut up the remains of their forces
in Genoa, to which the Austrians laid siege. Suvaroff then
turned north through the Swiss mountains, across which he
forced his way in spite of incredible difficulties, only to find
that a second Russian army, which he had expected would
join him, had been defeated by the French. Thereupon the
Tsar, attributing the reverses of his armies to the intrigues of
Austria, broke off all relations with her and recalled his gen-
erals (October, 1799).^

In November, 1799, the corrupt and inefficient Directory
was, as we have seen, thrust aside by a victorious general to
whom France now looked for peace and order. The First
Consul sought to make a happy impression upon France by
writing personal letters on Christmas Day to both George III
and Emperor Francis II, in which he deplored a continuation
of war among the most enlightened nations of Europe. Why
should they ''sacrifice to ideas of empty greatness the blessings
of commerce, internal prosperity, and domestic happiness ?
Should they not recognize that peace was at once their first
need and their chief glory ? "

The English returned a gruff reply in which Pitt declared that
France had been entirely at fault and had precipitated war by
her aggressions in Holland, Switzerland, and Egypt. England
must continue the struggle until France offered pledges of
peace, and the best security would be the recall of the Bourbon

1 Naturally the republics which had been formed in Italy under French influ-
ence collapsed. F^dinand returned to Naples and instituted a royalist reign of
terror, in which Nelson took part. His general's conduct met with hearty dis-
approval in England.

Napoleon Bonaparte 269

dynasty.^ The Austrians also refused, though somewhat more

graciously, to come to terms, and Bonaparte began secretly

collecting troops which he could direct against the Austrian

army that was besieging the French in Genoa.

Bonaparte now proceeded to devise one of the boldest and Bonaparte

most brilliant of campaigns. Instead of following one of the st^Bernard

usual roads into Italy, either along the coast to Genoa or across Pass (May,

^ 1000)

the Alps of Savoy, he resolved to take the enemy in the rear.

In order to do this he concentrated his forces in Switzerland
and, emulating Hannibal, he led them over the difficult Alpine
pass of the Great St. Bernard. There was no carriage road
then as there is now, and the cannons had to be dragged over
in trunks of trees which had been hollowed out for the purpose.
Bonaparte arrived safely in Milan on June 2, 1800, to the utter
astonishment of the Austrians, who had received no definite
news of his line of approach. He immediately restored the
Cisalpine Republic, wrote to Paris that he had delivered the
Lombards from the " Austrian rod," and then moved westward
to find and crush the enemy.

In his uncertainty as to the exact whereabouts of the Austri- The battle
ans, Bonaparte divided his forces when near the village of (june^iT^*^
Marengo (June 14) and sent a contingent under Desaix south- ^^°°)
ward to head off the enemy in that direction. In the mean-
time the whole Austrian army bore down upon the part of the
French army which Bonaparte commanded and would have
utterly defeated it if Desaix had not heard the firing and
hurried back to charge the Austrians on the flank. The brave
Desaix, who had really saved the day, was killed ; Bonaparte
simply said nothing of his own temporary defeat, and added
one more to the list of his great military triumphs. A truce
was signed next day, and the Austrians retreated behind the
Mincio River, leaving Bonaparte to restore French influence in
Lombardy. The districts that he had " freed " were obliged to

1 This suggestion irritated the French and convinced them that England was
their implacable enemy.

270

Oiitlijies of European History

Moreau de-
feats the Aus-
trian army in
the forest of
Hohenlinden
(December,
1800)

Provisions of
the Treaty of
Luneville
(February,
1801)

General
peace of
1801

Two most
important
results of
the treaties
of 1801

(a) Bonaparte
sells Louisi-
ana to the
United
States (1803)

support his army, and the reestablished Cisalpine Republic was
forced to pay a monthly tax of two million francs.

While Bonaparte had been making his last preparations to
cross the St. Bernard, a French army under Moreau, a very
able commander, had invaded southern Germany and prevented
the Austrian forces there from taking the road to Italy. Some
months later, in the early winter, when the truce concluded
after Marengo had expired, he was ordered to march on Vienna.
On December 3 he met the Austrian army in the snowy roads
of the forest of Hohenlinden and overwhelmingly defeated it.
This brought Austria to terms and she agreed to a treaty of
peace at Luneville, February, 1801.

In this, the arrangements made at Campo Formio were in
general reaffirmed. France was to retain the Austrian Nether-
lands and the left bank of the Rhine. The Batavian, Helvetic,
Ligurian, and Cisalpine republics were to be recognized and
included in the peace. Austria was to keep Venice.-^

Austria's retirement from the war was the signal for a general
peace. Even England, who had not laid down her arms since
hostilities first opened in 1793, saw no advantage in continuing
the struggle. After defeating the French army which Bonaparte
had left in Eg)'pt, she suspended hostilities and made a treaty
of peace at Amiens.

Among many merely transitory results of these treaties, there
were two provisions of momentous import. The first of these,
Spain's cession of Louisiana to France in exchange for certain
advantages in Italy, does not concern us here directly. But
when war again broke out Bonaparte sold the district to the
United States, and among the many transfers of territory that
he made during his reign, none was more important than this.
We must, however, treat with some detail the second of the
great changes, w^hich led to the complete reorganization of
Germany and ultimately rendered possible the establishment
of the present powerful German Empire.

1 The text of this treaty may be found in the Readings, section 42.

Napoleon Bonaparte 271

In the Treaty of Luneville, the Emperor had agreed on his (t) Effects of
own part, as the ruler of Austria, and on the part of the Holy oAheTeft"
Roman Empire, that the French Republic should thereafter bank of the
possess in full sovereignty the territories of the Empire which France
lay on the left bank of the Rhine, and that thereafter the Rhine
should form the boundary of France from the point where it
left the Helvetic Republic to the point where it entered the
Batavian Republic. As a natural consequence of this cession,
numerous German rulers and towns — nearly a hundred in
number — found themselves dispossessed wholly or in part of
their lands. The territories involved included, besides Prussia's
duchy of Cleves and Bavaria's possessions (the Palatinate and
the duchy of Jiilich), the lands of prince-bishops like those of
Treves and Cologne, the ancient free cities of Worms, Speyer,
and Cologne, and the tiny realms of dozens of counts and abbots.

The Empire bound itself by the treaty to furnish the heredi- Only the
tary princes who had been forced to give up their territories pri'l^ce^t^ be
to France " an indemnity within the Empire." Those who did indemnified
not belong to the class of hereditary rulers were of course the
bishops and abbots and the free cities. The ecclesiastical princes
were to be indemnified by pensions for life. As for the towns,
once so prosperous and important, they now seemed to the
more powerful rulers of Germany scarcely worth considering.

There was, however, no unoccupied land within the Empire The eccle-
with which to indemnify even the hereditary princes, — like the states^and the
elector of Bavaria, the margrave of Baden, the king of Prussia, ^''^^ ^o\^% to
or the Emperor himself, — w^ho had seen their possessions on indemnify
the left bank of the Rhine divided up into French departe- tary rulers
ments. So the ecclesiastical rulers and the free towns through-
out the Empire were obliged to surrender their lands for the
benefit of the dispossessed secular princes. This secularization
of the church lands — as the process of transferring them to lay
rulers was called — and the annexation of the free towns
implied a veritable revolution in the old Holy Roman Empire,
for the possessions of the ecclesiastical prir^ces were vast in

272

Outlines of European History

The work of
the Imperial
Commission

structmg
Germany

Destruction
of the eccle-
siastical
states and
free towns

Examples of
indemnifica-

extent and were widely scattered, thus contributing largely to
the disunion of Germany.

A commission of German princes was appointed to under-
take the reconstruction of the map ; and the final distribution
was preceded by an undignified scramble among the hereditary
rulers for bits of territor}-. All turned to Paris for favors, since
it was really the First Consul and his minister, Talleyrand, who
determined the distribution. Needy princelings are said to
have caressed Talleyrand's poodle and played '' drop the hand-
kerchief " with his niece in the hope of adding a monastery
or a shabby village to their share. At last the Imperial Com-
mission, with France's help, finished its intricate task, and the
Reichsdeputationshauptschluss, as the outcome of their labors
was officially called, was ratified by the diet in 1803.

All the ecclesiastical states, except Mayence were turned
over to lay rulers, while of the forty-eight imperial cities only
six were left. Three of these — Hamburg, Bremen, and Liibeck
— still exist as members of the new German Empire. No map
could make clear all the shiftings of territor}' which the Im-
perial Commission sanctioned. A few examples will serve to
illustrate the complexity of their procedure and the strange
microscopic divisions of the Empire.^

Prussia received in return for Cleves and other small terri-
tories the bishoprics of Hildesheim and Paderbom, a part of
the bishopric of Miinster, various districts of the elector of
Mayence, and the free towns of Miihlhausen, Nordhausen,
and Goslar — over four times the area that she had lost. The
elector of Bavaria, for more considerable sacrifices on the left
bank, was rewarded with the bishoprics of Wiirzburg, Bamberg,
Freising, Augsburg, and Passau, besides the lands of twelve
abbots and of seventeen free towns ; which materially extended
his boundaries. Austria got the bishoprics of Brixen and Trent ;

1 It has not been deemed feasible to give a map here to illustrate the innu-
merable changes effected by the Reichsdeputationshauptschluss. See map in
Shepherd's Historical Atlas.

Napoleon Bonaparte 273

the duke of Wiirtemberg and the margrave of Baden also
rounded out their dominions. A host of princes and counts
received little allotments of land or an income of a few thousand
gulden to solace their woes,^ but the more important rulers
carried off the lion's share of the spoils. Bonaparte wished to
add Parma as well as Piedmont to France, so the duke of
Parma was given Tuscany, and the grand duke of Tuscany
was indemnified with the archbishopric of Salzburg.-

These bewildering details are only given here to make clear Over two
the hopelessly minute subdivision of the old Holy Roman independent
Empire and the importance of the partial amalgamation which gSin^uished
took place in 1803. One hundred and twelve sovereign and
independent states lying to the east of the Rhine were wiped
out by being annexed to larger states, such as Prussia, Austria,
Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, Hesse, etc., while nearly a hun-
dred more had disappeared when the left bank of the Rhine
was converted into depa?ieme?its by the French.

Although Germany never sank to a lower degree of national Bonaparte's
degradation than at this period, this consolidation was never- g^in allies in
theless the beginning of her political regeneration. Bonaparte, q^^^
it is true, hoped to weaken rather than to strengthen the
Empire, for by increasing the territory of the southern states
— Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Hesse, and Baden — he expected to
gain the friendship of their rulers and so create a " third
Germany " which he could play off against Austria and Prussia.
He succeeded for a time in this design,, but the consolidation
of 1803 paved the way, as we shall see, for the creation sixty-
seven years later of the present German Empire.

1 For example, the prince of Bretzenheim, for the loss of the villages of Bret-
zenheim and Winzenheim, was given a '■ princely "' nunnery on the lake of Con-
stance ; the poor princess of Isenburg, countess of Parkstein, who lost a part of
the tiny Reipoltskirchen, received an annuity- of twent\--three thousand gulden
and a share in the tolls paid by boats on the Rhine, and so on.

2 As for the knights, who were the least among the German rulers, those who
had lost their few acres on the left bank were not indemnified, and those on the
right bank were quietly deprived of their political rights within the next two or
three years by the princes within whose territories they happened to lie.

2/4 Outlines of European History

QUESTIONS

Section 39. Outline the life of Napoleon Bonaparte to the year
1 796. What did France gain by the Treaty of Basel ? Describe the
political condition of Italy at the end of the eighteenth century.
Trace on a map Bonaparte's Italian campaign of 1 796-1 797. State
the terms of the Treaty of Campo Formio.

Section 40. Describe the political situation which made pos-
sible the career of Napoleon Bonaparte. Why did Bonaparte
undertake the Egyptian expedition.^ What was the Coup d'Etat
of the 1 8th Bmmaire,'' Outline the constitution of the Year VIII.

Section 41. What means did the Directory take to injure Eng-
land? Name the countries republicanized by France. Draw a map
showing the boundaries of France early in i 797. Indicate the change
which took place before the close of the year. Trace on a map Bona-
parte's Italian campaign of 1800.

State the terms of the Treaty of Luneville. Mention the two
most important results of the treaties of 1801. Explain fully the
problems involved in the cession of the left bank of the Rhine.
How was this difficulty settled? What was Bonaparte's reason for
insisting upon the cession of German territory?

Europe and Napoleon 277 •

General Bonaparte, although himself a deist, nevertheless Bonaparte
fully appreciated the importance of gaining the support of the the'suppo?'"
Church and the Pope, and consequently, immediately upon
becoming First Consul, he set to work to settle the religious
difficulties. He freed the imprisoned priests upon their promis-
ing not to oppose the constitution, while those who had been
exiled began to return in considerable numbers after the i8th

of the
Church

Fig. 67. Napoleon I

Brumaire. Sunday, which had been abolished by the republican
calendar, was once more generally observed, and all the revolu-
tionary holidays, except July 14, the anniversary of the fall of
the Bastille, and September 22, the first day of the republican
year, were done away with.

A formal treaty with the Pope, known as the Concordat, was The Concor-
concluded in September, 1801, which was destined to remain
in force for over a hundred years. It declared that the Roman
Catholic religion was that of the great majority of the French
citizens and that its rites might be freely observed ; that the

274

Outlines of European History

QUESTIONS

Section 40. Describe the political situation which made pos-
sible the career of Napoleon Bonaparte. Why did Bonaparte
undertake the Egyptian expedition? What was the Coup d'Etat
of the 1 8th Brumaire? Outline the constitution of the Year VIII.

Section 41. What means did the Directory take to injure Eng-
land? Name the countries republicanized by France. Draw a map
showing the boundaries of France early in 1 797. Indicate the change
which took place before the close of the year. Trace on a map Bona-
parte's Italian campaign of 1800.

Europe aiid N'apoleon

277

of the
Church

General Bonaparte, although himself a deist, nevertheless Bonaparte
fully appreciated the importance of gaining the support of the thTsuppo?^"
Church and the Pope, and consequently, immediately upon
becoming First Consul, he set to work to settle the religious
difficulties. He freed the imprisoned priests upon their promis-
ing not to oppose the constitution, while those who had been
exiled began to return in considerable numbers after the i8th

Fig. 67. Napoleon I

A formal treaty with the Pope, known as the Concordat, was The Concor

, , , . ^ , r. , • , 1 • J . daiol 1801

concluded m September, 1801, which was destmed to remam
in force for over a hundred years. It declared that the Roman
Catholic religion was that of the great majority of the French
citizens and that its rites might be freely observed; that the

^'ff

28o

Outlines of European Histoiy

General
Bonaparte
becomes
Napoleon I,
emperor of
the French
(1804)

A new royal
court estab-
lished in the
Tuileries

Bonaparte had always shown the instincts of a despotic ruler,
and France really ceased to be a republic except in name after
the 1 8th Brumaire. The First Consul was able to bring about
changes, one by one, in the constitution, which rendered his
own power more and more absolute. In 1802 he was appointed
Consul for life with the right to choose his successor. But this
did not satisfy his insatiable ambition. He longed to be a
monarch in name as well as in fact. He believed heartily in
kingship and was not averse to its traditional splendor, its
palaces, ermine robes, and gay courtiers. A royalist plot gave
him an excuse for secretly urging that he be made emperor.
Bonaparte used it to advantage.^ The Senate was induced to
ask him (May, 1804) to accept the title of Emperor of the
French, which he was to hand down to his children or adopted
heirs.^

December 2, 1804, General Bonaparte was crowned, in
the Cathedral of Notre Dame, as Napoleon I, emperor of the
French. The Pope consented to grace the occasion, but the
new monarch seized the golden laurel chaplet before the Pope
could take it up, and placed it on his own head, since he wished
the world to understand that he owed the crown not to the
head of the Church but to his own sagacity and military genius.
A royal court was reestablished in the Tuileries, and Se'gur, an
emigrant noble, and Madame de Campan — one of Marie
Antoinette's ladies-in-waiting, who had been earning an honest
livelihood by conducting a girls' school — were called in to
show the new courtiers how to conduct themselves according to
the rules of etiquette which had prevailed before the red cap of
liberty had come into fashion. A new nobility was established
to take the place of that abolished by the first National Assem-
bly in 1790: Bonaparte's uncle was made Grand Almoner;
Talleyrand, Lord High Chamberlain; General Duroc, High
Constable ; and fourteen of the most important generals were

1 See Readings^ section 42, for Napoleon's report of recent events submitted
at the close of the year 1804. 2 Josephine had borne him no children.

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Europe and Napoleon 281

exalted to the rank of Marshals of France. The stanch re-
publicans, who had believed that the court pageantry of the
old re'gime had gone to stay, were either disgusted or amused
by these proceedings, according to their temperaments. But
Emperor Napoleon would brook no strictures or sarcastic
comment.

From this time on he became increasingly tyrannical and Napoleon's
hostile to criticism. At the very beginning of his administra- the press^ °
tion he had suppressed a great part of the numerous political
newspapers an-l forbidden the establishment of new ones. As
emperor he showed himself still more exacting. His police
furnished the news to the papers, and carefully omitted all that
might offend their suspicious master. He ordered the editors
to " put in quarantine all news that might be disadvantageous
or disagreeable to France." ^ He would have liked to sup-
press all newspapers but one, which should be used for
official purposes.

Section 43. Napoleon destroys the Holy Roman
Empire and reorganizes Germany

A great majority of the French undoubtedly longed for Napoleon on
peace, but Napoleon's position made war a personal necessity oi^^xioT^
for him. No one saw this more clearly than he. " If," he said ^^"^"^^
to his Council of State in the summer of 1802, " the European
states intend ever to renew the war, the sooner it comes the
better. Every day the remembrance of their defeats grows
dimmer and at the same time the prestige of our victories

* The officers of the Prussian army were very anxious to try con-
clusions with the incredible ''upstart" Bonaparte. Napoleon fed their
zeal by insults and so brought Prussia to fight just when he wished,
w^hen she had no friends to help her. The picture opposite (Fig. 71)
shows how the young officers of the crack Prussian regiments felt
about the war before the battle of Jena.

1 When the French fleet was annihilated by Nelson at Trafalgar in 1805, the
event was not mentioned in the Moniteur^ the official newspaper.

282

Outlines of European Histo7y

Napoleon
dreams of
becoming
emperor
of Europe

Reasons for
England's
persistent
opposition to
Napoleon

War between
France and
England
renewed in
1803. Napo-
leon insti-
tutes a coast
blockade

pales. . . . France needs glorious deeds, and hence war. ... I shall
put up with peace as long as our neighbors can maintain it, but
I shall regard it as an advantage if they force me to take up my
arms again before they rust. ... In our position I shall look
on each conclusion of peace as simply a short armistice, and
I regard myself as destined during my term of office to fight
almost without intermission."

On another occasion, in 1804, Napoleon said, "There will
be no rest in Europe until it is under a single chief — an
emperor who shall have kings for officers, who shall distribute
kingdoms to his lieutenants, and shall make one man king of
Italy, another of Bavaria ; one ruler of Switzerland, another
governor of Holland, each having an office of honor in the
imperial household." This was the ideal that he now found
himself in a position to carry out with marv^elous exactness.

There were many reasons why the peace with England (con-
cluded at Amiens in March, 1802) should be speedily broken.
Napoleon obviously intended to conquer as much of Europe as
he could, and to place high duties on English goods in those
territories that he controlled. This filled commercial and indus-
trial England with apprehension. The English people longed
for peace, but peace appeared only to offer an opportunity to
Napoleon to develop French commerce at their expense. This
was the secret of England's perseverance. All the other Euro-
pean powers concluded treaties with Napoleon at some time
during his reign. England alone did not lay down her arms a
second time until the emperor of the French was a prisoner.

War was renewed between England and France, May, 1803.
Bonaparte promptly occupied Hanover, of which it will be re-
membered that the English king was elector, and declared the
coast blockaded from Hanover to Otranto. Holland, Spain,
and the Ligurian Republic — formerly the republic of Genoa
— were, by hook or by crook, induced to agree to furnish their
contingents of men or money to the French army and to ex-
clude English ships from their ports.

Europe a7id Napoleon 283

To cap the climax, England was alarmed by the appearance Napoleon
of a French army at Boulogne, just across the Channel. A invad?"^ ^^
great number of flatboats were collected and troops trained England
to embark and disembark. Apparently Napoleon harbored the
firm purpose of invading the British Isles. Yet the transpor-
tation of a large body of troops across the English channel,
trifling as is the distance, would have been very hazardous,
and by many it was deemed downright impossible.-^ No one
knows whether Napoleon really intended to make the trial. It
is quite possible that his main purpose in collecting an army at
Boulogne was to have it in readiness for the continental war
which he saw immediately ahead of him. He succeeded, at any
rate, in terrifying England, who prepared to defend herself.

The new Tsar, Alexander I,^ had submitted a plan for the Alexander I
reconciliation of France and England in August, 1803; the jaid^ Apnl
rejection of this, the aggressions of Napoleon during the next ^^°5
year, and above all, his shocking execution of the duke of
Enghien, a Bourbon prince whom he had arrested on the
ground that he was plotting against the First Consul, roused
the Tsar's indignation and led him to conclude an alliance with
England, the objects of which were the expulsion of the French
from Holland, Switzerland, Italy, and Hanover, and the settle-
ment of European affairs upon a sound and permanent basis by
a great international congress.

Russia and England were immediately joined by Austria, Austria joins
who found Napoleon intent upon developing in northern Italy of^iSoSj'bm
a strong power which would threaten her borders. He had P^'^^sia

° ^ remains

been crowned king of Italy in May, 1805, and had annexed neutral
the Ligurian Republic to France. There were rumors, too,
that he was planning to seize the Venetian territories which
had been assigned to Austria at Campo Formio. The timid

1 The waves and currents caused by winds and tides make the Channel very
uncertain for all except steam navigation. Robert Fulton offered to put his
newly invented steamboat at Napoleon's disposal, but his offer was declined.

2 Alexander had succeeded his father, Paul, when the latter was assassinated
in a palace plot, March, 1801.

284 Outlines of European History

king of Prussia, Frederick William III, could not be induced
to join the alliance, nor would he ally himself with Napoleon,
although he was offered the electorate of Hanover, a very sub-
stantial inducement. He persisted in maintaining a neutrality
which was to cost him dear.
Napoleon Napoleon had been endeavoring to get the advantage of the

comroiofthe English on the sea, for there was no possibility of ferrying his
sea and turns armies across to England so long as English men-of-war were

his attention ° fc> to

to Austria guarding the Channel. But the English fleets blockaded the
French in port, and kept England safe from invasion. Conse-
quently, August 27, 1805, four days after the declaration of
war with Austria, Napoleon suddenly turned his well-trained
Boulogne army eastward to meet an Austrian army advancing
through southern Germany.
Napoleon He misled Austria by massing troops about Strassburg, and

MaS army the Austrian general, Mack, came on as far as Ulm to meet
atuim(0c- j^jj^^ Napoleon was, however, really taking his armies around
1805) and to the north through Mayence and Coblenz, so that he occupied
Vienna Munich, October 14, and, getting in behind the Austrians, cut

them off from Vienna. Six days later General Mack, finding
himself surrounded and shut up in Ulm, was forced to capitu-
late, and Napoleon made prisoners of a whole Austrian army,
sixty thousand strong, without losing more than a few hundred
of his own men. The French could now safely march down
the Danube to Vienna, which they reached, October 31.
Battle of Emperor Francis II had retired before the approaching

(December 2, enemy and was joined by the Russian army a short distance
1805) north of Vienna. The allies determined to risk a battle with

the French and occupied a favorable position on a hill near the
village of Austerlitz, which was to be made forever famous by
the terrible winter batde which occurred there, December 2.
The Russians having descended the hill to attack the weaker
wing of Napoleon's army, the French occupied the heights
which the Russians had deserted, and poured a deadly fire
upon the enemy's rear. The allies were routed and reports of

Europe and Napoleon 285

the battle tell how thousands of their troops were drowned as
they sought to escape across the thin ice of a little lake which
lay at the foot of the hill. The Tsar withdrew the remnants of
his forces, while the Emperor in despair agreed to submit to a
humiliating peace, the Treaty of Pressburg.

By this treaty Austria recognized all Napoleon's changes in The Treaty
Italy, and ceded to his kingdom of Italy that portion of the (December^
Venetian territory which she had received at Campo Formio. ^^' ^^°5)
Moreover, she ceded Tyrol to Bavaria, which was friendly to
Napoleon, and other of her possessions to Wiirtemberg and
Baden, also friends of the French emperor. As head of the
Holy Roman Empire, Francis II also agreed that the rulers of
Bavaria and Wiirtemberg should be raised to the rank of
kings, and that they and the grand duke of Baden should
enjoy " the plenitude of sovereignty " and all rights derived
therefrom, precisely as did the rulers of Austria and Prussia.

These provisions of the Treaty of Pressburg are of vital im- Napoleon
portance in the history of Germany. By explicitly declaring sev- dependency,
eral of the larger of the German states altogether independent ^deradon^of
of the German Emperor, Napoleon prepared the way for the the Rhine
formation in Germany of another dependency which, like Hol-
land and the kingdom of Italy, should support France in future
wars. In the summer of 1806 Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden,
and thirteen lesser German states united into a league known
as the Confederation of the Rhine. This union was to be
under the ^' protection " of the French emperor and to furnish
him with sixty-three thousand soldiers, who were to be organ-
ized by French officers* and to be at his disposal when he
needed them.

On August I Napoleon announced to the diet of the Holy Napoleon
Roman Empire at Ratisbon that he had, " in the dearest in- to recognize
terests of his people and of his neighbors," accepted the title JJj^thg^HcJy^
of Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, and that he Roman
could therefore no longer recognize the existence of the Holy
Roman Empire, which had long been merely a shadow of its

286

Oj( times of European History

Francis II
of the Holy
Roman Em-
pire becomes
Francis I of

former self. A considerable number of its members had be-
come sovereign powers and its continuation could only be a
source of dissension and confusion.

The Emperor, Francis II, like his predecessors for several
hundred years, was the ruler of the various Austrian domin-
ions. He was officially known as King of Hungary, Bohemia,

Austria (1804) Dalmatia, Croatia, Galicia, and Laodomeria, Duke of Lorraine,

Fig. 70. Francis I of Austria

Venice, Salzburg, etc., etc. When, however, the First Con-
sul received as ruler of France the title of Emperor of the
French, Francis had determined to • substitute for his long
array of individual tides the brief and dignified formula,
Hereditary Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary.

After the Treaty of Pressburg and the formation of the

Confederation of the Rhine, he became convinced of the utter

impossibility of longer fulfilling the duties of his office as head

Holy Roman of the Holy Roman Empire and accordingly abdicated on

Empire is ^ r. /■ t 1 • 1 r n t

dissolved August 6, 1806. In this way he formally put an end to a Ime

Francis ab-
dicates as
Emperor
(August 6,
1806) and the

Europe a7id Napoleon 287

of rulers who had, for well-nigh eighteen centuries, proudly
maintained that they were the successors of Augustus Caesar,
the first Roman Emperor.

Napoleon went on steadily developing what he called '' the Napoleon
real French Empire," namely, the dependent states under his Naples to
control which lay outside the bounds of France itself. Imme- Joseph
diately after the battle of Austerlitz, he had proclaimed that and Holland
Ferdinand IV, the Bourbon king of Naples, had ceased to
reign. He ordered one of his generals to proceed to southern
Italy and '' hurl from the throne that guilty woman," Queen
Caroline, who had favored the English and entertained Lord
Nelson. In March he appointed his elder brother, Joseph,
king of Naples and Sicily, and a younger brother, Louis, king
of Holland.

One of the most important of the continental states, it will Prussia
have been noticed, had taken no part as yet in the opposition war with
to the extension of Napoleon's influence. Prussia, the first France
power to conclude peace with the new French Republic in
1795, had since that time maintained a strict neutrality. Had
it yielded to Tsar Alexander's persuasions and joined the coali-
tion in 1805, it might have turned the tide at Austerlitz, or at
any rate have encouraged further resistance to the conqueror.
The hesitation of Frederick William HI at that juncture proved
a grave mistake, for Napoleon now forced him into war at a
time when he could look for no efficient assistance from Russia
or the other powers.

The immediate cause of the declaration of war was the The question
disposal of Hanover. This electorate Frederick William had
consented to hold provisionally, pending its possible transfer
to him should the English king give his assent. Prussia was
anxious to get possession of Hanover because it lay just be-
tween her older possessions and the territory which she had
gained in the redistribution of 1803.

Napoleon, as usual, did not fail either to see or to use his
advantage. His conduct toward Prussia was most insolent.

288

Oiitlifiis of liuropcafi History

Napoleon's

insolent

behavior

toward

Prussia

Decisive
defeat of the
Prussian
army at
Jena, iSo6

The cam-
paign in
Poland (No-
vember-June,
iSa6-iSo7)

Napoleon
dismembers
Prussia to
create the
grand duchy
of Warsaw
and the
kingdom of
Westphalia

After setting her at enmity with England and promising that
she should have Hanover, he unblushingly offered to restore
the electorate to George III. His insults now began to arouse
the national spirit in Prussia, and the reluctant Frederick Wil-
liam was forced by the party in favor of war, which included
his beautiful queen, Louise, and the great statesman Stein, to
break with Napoleon.

The Piiissian army was, however, as has been well said,
" only that of Frederick the Great grown twenty years older " ;
one of Frederick's generals, the aged duke of Brunswick, who
had issued the famous manifesto in 1792, was its leader. A
double defeat near Jena (October 14, 1806) put Prussia en-
tirely in the hands of her enemy. This one disaster produced
complete demoralization throughout the countr)'. Fortresses
were surrendered without resistance and the king fled to the
uttermost parts of his realm on the Russian boundary.

After crushing Prussia, Napoleon led his army into what had
once been the kingdom of Poland. Here he spent a winter of
great hardships and dangers in operations against the Russians
and their feeble allies, the Prussians. He closed a difficult
campaign far from France by the signal victor}^ of Friedland
(not far from Konigsberg), and then arranged for an interview
with the Tsar. The two rulers met on a raft in the river Nie-
men (June 25, 1S07), and there privately arranged the pro-
visions of the Treaty of Tilsit bet\veen France, Russia, and
Prussia. The Tsar, Alexander I, was completely won over by
Napoleon's skillful diplomacy. He shamefully deserted his
helpless ally, Frederick William HI of Prussia, and turned
against England, whose subsidies he had been accepting.

Napoleon had no mercy upon Prussia, which he ruthlessly
dismembered by depriving it of all its possessions west of the
Elbe River, and all that it had gained in the second and third
partitions of Poland. From the lands which he forced Fred-
erick William to cede to him at Tilsit, Napoleon established
two new French dependencies by forming the Polish territories

Europe and Napoleon 289

into the grand duchy of Warsaw, of which his friend, the king
of Saxony, was made ruler; and creating from the western
territory (to which he later added Hanover) the kingdom of
Westphalia for his brother Jerome.

Russia, on the other hand, he treated with marked consid- Terms of the
eration, and proposed that he and the Tsar should form an ance of Tilsit
alliance which would enable him to have his way in western ^f^^,g"^
Europe and Alexander in the east. The Tsar consented to and the Tsar
the dismemberment of Prussia and agreed to recognize all the
sweeping changes which Napoleon had made during previous
years. He secretly promised, if George HI refused to conclude
peace, to join France against England, and to force Denmark
and Portugal to exclude English ships from their ports. In
this way England would be cut off from all of western Europe,
since Napoleon would have the whole coast practically under
his control. In return for these promises, Napoleon engaged
to aid the Tsar in seizing Finland from Sweden and annexing
the so-called Danubian provinces, — Moldavia and Wallachia,
— which belonged to the Sultan of Turkey.^

Section 44. The Continental Blockade

In arranging the Treaty of Tilsit, it is evident that Napoleon Napoleon's
had constantly in mind his most persistent and inaccessible bringing
enemy, England. However marvelous his successes by land ^J^^^^y ^'^
might be, he had no luck on the sea. He had beheld his Egyp- ruining her
tian fleet sink under Nelson's attack in 1798. When he was
making preparations to transport his army across the Channel
in 1805, he was humiliated to discover that the English were
keeping his main squadron penned up in the harbors of Brest
and Cadiz. The day after he captured General Mack's whole
army with such ease at Ulm, Nelson had annihilated off Cape
Trafalgar the French squadron which had ventured out from
Cadiz, After Tilsit, Napoleon set himself more earnestly than

1 They now form the kingdom of Roumania,

commerce

290

Old lines of E? crop e an History

iiuiiwiiHiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiijiir

^ .mHilAJJUlllllii M I

Fig. 71. Nelson's Column, Trafal-
gar Square, London

The English regard Nelson as the man who
safeguarded their liberty by the victories of
the fleet. Nelson was killed at Trafalgar
and buried with great ceremony in the
crypt of St. Paul's, under the very center
of the dome. Some years later " Trafalgar
Square " was laid out at the point where
the street leading to the Parliament build-
ings joins a chief business street — the
Strand — and a gigantic column to Nelson
erected, surmounted by a statue of the
admiral. In the distance one can see the
towers of the Parliament buildings

ever to bring England
to terms by ruining her
commerce and indus-
try, since he had no
hope of subduing her
by arms. He proposed
to make '' that race of
shopkeepers " cry for
peace by absolutely
cutting them off from
trade with the conti-
nent of Europe and so
drying up their sources
of prosperity.

In May, 1806, Eng-
land had declared the
coast from the mouth
of the Elbe to Brest to
be "blockaded," that
is to say, she gave
warning that her war
vessels and privateers
would capture any ves-
sel that attempted to
enter or leave any of
the ports between these
two points. After he
had won the battle of
Jena, Napoleon replied
to this by his Berlin
Decree (November,
1806), in which he
proclaimed that Eng-
land had " disregarded
all ideas of justice and

i 1

Europe a?id Napoleon 29 1

every high sentiment which civilization should bring to man-
kind " ; that it was a monstrous abuse on her part to declare
great stretches of coast in a state of blockade which her whole
fleet would be unable to enforce. Nevertheless he believed it
a natural right to use the same measures against her that she
employed against him. He therefore retaliated by declaring the
British Isles in a state of blockade and forbidding all commerce
with them. Letters or packages addressed to England or to an
Englishman, or even written in the English language, were not
to be permitted to pass through the mails in the countries
he controlled. All trade in English goods was prohibited. Any
British subject discovered in the countries occupied by French
troops, or in the territories of Napoleon's allies, was to be re-
garded as a prisoner of war and his property as a lawful prize.
This was, of course, only a ^' paper " blockade, since France
and her allies could do little more than capture, now and then,
some unfortunate vessel which was supposed to be coming
from, or bound to, an English port.

A year later England established a similar paper blockade England
of the ports of the French Empire and its allies, but hit upon {'J^gram
the happy idea of permitting the ships of neutral powers to ^eutraTshlps
proceed, provided that they touched at an English port, se- Napoleon's
cured a license from the English government, and paid a (December;
heavy export duty. Napoleon was ready with a still more out- ' °'^'
rageous measure. In a decree issued from '' our royal palace
at Milan" (December, 1807), he ordered that all vessels, of
w^hatever nationality, which submitted to the humiliating regu-
lations of England, should be regarded as lawful prizes by the
French privateers.

The ships of the United States were at this time the most Sad plight

1 • r ^ ^ 1 • ^u ^f the vcssels

numerous and important of the neutral vessels carr}'mg on tne of the United
world's trade, and a very hard time they had between the ^^^^^^
Scylla of the English orders and the Charybdis of Napoleon's
Berlin and Milan decrees.^ The Baltimore Eve?iing Post in

1 For the text of the Berlin and Milan decrees, see Readings, section 44.

292

Outlmes of Europeau History

The United
States tries
to defend its
shipping
interests by
an embargo

Napoleon
proposes to
render Eu-
rope inde-
pendent of
colonial
products

September, 1808, calculated that if an American ship bound
for Holland with four hundred hogsheads of tobacco should
decide to meet England's requirements and touch at London
on the way, its owners would pay one and a half pence per
pound on the tobacco, and twelve shillings for each ton of the
ship. With a hundred dollars for England's license to proceed
on her way, and sundry other dues, the total would come to
about thirteen thousand dollars. On the way home, if the
neutral vessel wished to avoid the chance of capture by an
English cruiser, she might pay, perhaps, sixteen thousand five
hundred dollars more to England for the privilege of returning
to Baltimore with a cargo of Holland gin. This would make
the total contributions paid to Great Britain for a single voyage
about thirty thousand dollars.

Alarmed and exasperated at the conduct of England and
France, the Congress of the United States, at the suggestion of
President Jefferson, passed an embargo act (December, 1807),
which forbade all vessels to leave port. It was hoped that this
would prevent the further loss of American ships and at the
same time so interfere with the trade of England and France
that they would make some concessions. But the only obvious
result was the destruction of the previously flourishing com-
merce of the Atlantic coast towns, especially in New England.
Early in 1809 Congress was induced to permit trade once more
with the European nations, excepting France and England,
whose vessels were still to be strictly excluded from all the
ports of the United States.

Napoleon expressed the utmost confidence in his plan of
ruining England by cutting her off from the Continent. He
was cheered to observe that a pound sterling was no longer
worth twenty-five francs, but only seventeen, and that the dis-
couraged English merchants were beginning to urge Parliament
to conclude peace. In order to cripple England permanently,
he proposed to wean Europe from the use of those colonial
products with w^hich it had been supplied by English ships.

Europe mid Napoleon 293

He therefore encouraged the substitution of chicory for coffee,
the cultivation of the sugar beet, and the discovery of new
dyes to replace those — such as indigo and cochineal — which
came from the tropics. This " Continental System," as it
was called, caused a great deal of distress and discontent and
contributed to Napoleon's downfall, inasmuch as he had to
resort to despotic measures to break up the old system of
trade. Then he was led to make continual additions to his
already unwieldy empire in order to get control of the whole
coast line of western Europe, from the boundaries of Prussia
around to those of the Turkish Empire.

Section 45. Napoleon at the Zenith of his
Power (1808-18 12)

France owed much to Napoleon, for he had restored order Napoleon's
and guaranteed many of the beneficent achievements of the pJance"
Revolution of 1789. His boundless ambition was, it is true,
sapping her strength by forcing younger and younger men into
his armies in order to build up the vast international federation
which he planned. But his victories and the commanding posi-
tion to which he had raised France could not but fill the nation
with pride.

He sought to gain popular approval by great public improve- Public works
ments. He built magnificent roads along the Rhine and the
Mediterranean and across the Alps, which still fill the traveler
with admiration. He beautified Paris by opening up wide streets
and quays and constructing bridges and triumphal arches that
kept fresh in the people's minds the recollection of his victories.
By these means he gradually converted a medieval town into
the most beautiful of modern capitals.

In order to be sure that the young people were brought up to The " uni-
venerate his name and support his government. Napoleon com- SiTshed^by
pletely reorganized the schools and colleges of France. These Napoleon in
he consolidated into a single '' university," which comprised

294

Outlines of European History

all the instruction from the most elementary to the most ad-
vanced. A '' grand master " was put at its head, and a uni-
versity council of thirty
members drew up regula-
tions for all the schools,
prepared the textbooks,
and controlled the teach-
ers, high and low, through-
out France. The university
had its own large endow-
ment, and its instructors
were to be suitably pre-
pared in a normal school
established for the purpose.
The government could
at any time interfere if it
disapproved of the teach-
ing; the prefect was to
visit the schools in his de-
partment and report on
their condition to the
minister of the interior.
The first schoolbook to be
drawn up was the Impe-
rial Catechism ; in this the
children were taught to

Fig. 72. Arch of Triumph

Begun by Napoleon in 1806, this largest
arch of triumph in the world was not
completed until 1836. It is 160 feet
high and stands on a slight hill, with
streets radiating from all sides, so that
it is known as the Arch of Triumph of
the Star. It is therefore visible from
all over the western part of the city.
The monument recalls the days of the
Roman Empire, upon which so many of
the institutions and ideas of Republican
and Napoleonic France were based

say:

Christians owe to

the princes who govern
them, and we in particu-
lar owe to Napoleon I,
our emperor, love, respect,
obedience, fidelity, military service, and the taxes levied for
the preservation and defense of the empire and of his throne.
We also owe him fervent prayers for his safety and for the
spiritual and temporal prosperity of the State."

aet lo^from Greenirjch 15"

Europe and Napoleon 295

Napoleon not only created a new nobility but he endeavored The new
to assure the support of distinguished individuals by making [h^Legio^rfof
them members of the Legion of Honor which he founded, ^^^o^
The " princes," whom he nominated, received an annual in-
come of two hundred thousand francs. The ministers of state,
senators, members of his Council of State, and the archbishops
received the title of Count and a revenue of thirty thousand
francs, and so on. The army was not forgotten, for Napoleon
felt that to be his chief support. The incomes of his marshals
were enormous, and brave actions among the soldiers w^ere
rewarded with the decoration of the Legion of Honor.^

As time went on Napoleon's despotism grew more and more Napoleon's
oppressive. No less than thirty-five hundred prisoners of state France ^"^ ^"
were arrested at his command, one because he hated Napo-
leon, another because in his letters he expressed sentiments
adverse to the government. No grievance was too petty to
attract the attention of the emperor's jealous eye. He ordered
the title of A Histo?'}' of Bonapa?te to be changed to The His-
tory of the Campaigns of Napoleon the Great. He forbade the
performance of certain of Schiller's and Goethe's plays in Ger-
man towns, as tending to arouse the patriotic discontent of
the people with his rule.

Up to this time Napoleon had had only the opposition of Napoleon's
the several European courts to overcome in the extension of power threat-
his power. The people of the various states which he had con- ^^ovvth^of^^

quered showed an extraordinary indifference toward the politi- national op-
position to
cal changes. It was clear, however, that as soon as the national him

1 Napoleon was, however, never content with his achievements or his glory.
On the day of his coronation he complained to his minister, Decres, that he had
been bom too late, that there was nothing great to be done any more. On his
minister's remonstrating, he added : " I admit that my career has been brilliant
and that I have made a good record. But what a difference is there if we com-
pare ours with ancient times. Take Alexander the Great, for example. When
he announced himself the son of Jupiter, the whole East, except his mother,
Aristotle, and a few Athenian pedants, believed this to be true. But now, should
I declare myself the son of the Eternal Father, there isn't a fishwife who
would n't hiss me. No, the nations are too sophisticated, nothing great is any
longer possible."

296 Outlines of European History

spirit was once awakened, the highly artificial system created by
the French emperor would collapse. His first serious reverse
came from the people, and from an unexpected quarter.
A French After concluding the Treaty of* Tilsit, Napoleon turned his

pies Portugal attention to the Spanish peninsula. He was on friendly terms
r8*o°77"^^^'^' '^^^^^ ^^ Q-ovxt of Spain, but little Portugal continued to admit
English ships to her harbors. In October he ordered the Por-
tuguese government to declare war on England and to confis-
cate all English property. Upon its refusal to obey the second
part of the order, he commanded General Junot to invade
Portugal and take charge of the government. Thereupon the
royal family resolved to take refuge in their vast Brazilian
empire, and when Junot reached Lisbon they were receiving
the salutes of the English squadron as they moved down the
Tagus on the way to their new home across the Atlantic.
Easy and simple as was the subsequent occupation of Portugal,
it proved one of Napoleon's serious mistakes.

Owing to quarrels in the Spanish royal family, Spain also
seemed to Napoleon an easy prey and he determined to add
it to his subject kingdoms. In the spring of 1808 he induced
both Charles IV of Spain and the Crown Prince Ferdinand to
meet him at Bayonne. Here he was able to persuade or force
both of them to surrender their rights to the throne,^ and on
June 6 he appointed his brother Joseph king of Spain. Murat,
one of Napoleon's ablest generals, who had married his sister,
succeeded Joseph on the throne of Naples.

Joseph entered Madrid in July, armed with excellent inten-
tions and a new constitution. The general rebellion in favor
of the Crown Prince Ferdinand, which immediately broke out,

1 Charles IV resigned all his rights to the crown of Spain and the Indies " to
the emperor of the French as the only person who, in the existing state of
affairs, can reestablish order." He and his disreputable queen retired to Rome,
while Napoleon kept Ferdinand under guard in Talleyrand's country estate
Here this despicable prince lived for six years, occasionally writing a cringing
letter to Napoleon. In 1S14 he was restored to the Spanish throne as Ferdi-
nand VII, and, as we shall see later, showed himself the consistent enemy of
reform. See below, section 53.

Europe and Napoleon

297

had an element of religious enthusiasm in it ; for the monks
stirred up the people against Napoleon, on the ground that he
was an enemy of the Pope and an oppressor of the Church.
One French army was captured at Baile'n, and another capitu-
lated to the English forces which had landed in Portugal. Be-
fore the end of July Joseph and the French troops had been
compelled to retreat behind the Ebro River.

In November the French emperor himself led into Spain a
magnificent army, two hundred thousand strong, in the best of
condition and commanded by his ablest marshals. The Spanish
troops, perhaps one hundred thousand in number, were ill clad
and inadequately equipped ; what was worse, they were over-
confident in view of their late victory. They were, of course
defeated, and Madrid surrendered on December 4.^

Decrees were immediately issued in which Napoleon abol-
ished all vestiges of the feudal system, and declared that it
should be free to every one who conformed to the laws to
carry on any industry that he pleased. The tribunal of the
Inquisition, for which Spain had been noted for hundreds of
years, was abolished and its property seized. The monasteries
and convents were to be reduced to one third of their number,
and no one, for the time being, was to be permitted to take
any monastic vows. The customs lines which separated the
Spanish provinces and hampered trade were obliterated and
the customhouses transferred to the frontiers of the kingdom.
These measures illustrate the way in which Napoleon spread
the principles of the French Revolution by arms in those
states which, in spite of their benevolent despots, still clung
to their half-medieval institutions.

Revolt in
Spain against
the foreign
ruler (1808)

Spain sub-
dued by arms
(December,

Napoleon
begins radi-
cal reform
in Spain

1 Napoleon thereupon issued a proclamation to the Spanish people in which
he said: "It depends upon you alone whether this moderate constitution that I
offer you shall henceforth be your law. Should all my efforts prove vain, and
should you refuse to justify my confidence, then nothing will remain for me but
to treat you as a conquered province and find a new throne for my brother. In
that case I shall myself assume the crown of Spain and teach the ill-disposed to
respect that crown, for God has given me the power and the will to overcome
all obstacles."

298

OiUlhies of Europe an History

Spain contin-
ues to require
the presence
of French
troops

Austria
takes the
field against
Napoleon
(April, 1809)

Battles of
Aspern and
Wagram
(May and
July, 1809)

The Treaty
of Vienna
(October,
1S09)

The next month Napoleon was back in Paris, as he saw
that he had another war with Austria on his hands. He left
Joseph on a very insecure throne, and, in spite of the arrogant
confidence of his proclamation to the Spaniards, he was soon
to discover that they could maintain a guerilla warfare against
which his best troops and most distinguished generals were
powerless. His ultimate downfall was in no small measure due
to the persistent hostility of the Spanish people.

Austria was fearful, since Napoleon had gained Russia's
friendship, that he might be tempted, should he succeed in
putting down the stubborn resistance of the Spaniards, still
further to increase his empire at her expense. She had been
reorganizing and increasing her army, and decided that it was
best to strike while some two hundred thousand of Napoleon's
troops were busy in Spain.

Napoleon hurried eastward, easily defeated the Archduke
Charles in Bavaria, and marched on to Vienna. But he did not
succeed in crushing the Austrian forces as easily and promptly
as he had done at Austerlitz in 1805. Indeed he was actually
defeated at the battle of Aspern (May 21-22), but finally gained
a rather doubtful victory in the fearful battle of Wagram, near
Vienna (July 5-6). Austria was disheartened and again con-
sented to conclude a peace quite as humiliating as that of
Pressburg.

She had announced that her object in going to war once
more was the destruction of Napoleon's system of dependent
states and had proposed '' to restore to their rightful pos-
sessors all those lands belonging to them respectively before
the Napoleonic usurpation." The batde of Wagram put an
end to these dreams and the emperor of Austria was forced
to surrender to the victor and his friends extensive territories,
together with four million Austrian subjects. A strip of land,
including Salzburg, was given to the king of Bavaria; on the
north, Galicia (which Austria had received in the first partition
of Poland) was ceded to Napoleon's ally, the grand duke of

Europe and Napoleo7i 299

Warsaw ; and finally, along the Adriatic, Napoleon exacted a
district which he added to his own empire under the name of
the Illyrian Provinces. This last cession served to cut Austria
entirely off from the sea.

The new Austrian minister, Metternich, was anxious to es-
tablish a permanent alliance with the seemingly invincible

Fig. 73. Music Room in the Palace of Compiegne

Napoleon used the various palaces erected by the previous rulers of
France. That at Compiegne, fifty miles from Paris, was built by
Louis XV. The smaller harp was made, it is said, for Napoleon's heir,
"the King of Rome," as his father called him. The boy was but three
years old, however, when Napoleon abdicated in 1814, and was carried
"off to Austria by his Austrian mother, Maria Louisa. He was known
by the Bonapartists as Napoleon II, but never ruled over France

emperor of the P>ench and did all he could to heal the breach Napoleon
between /Austria and France by a royal marriage. Napoleon Archduche^ss
ardently desired an heir to whom he could transmit his vast fl^"fi ^g^'^^f
dominions. As Josephine had borne him no children, he decided
to divorce her, and, after considering and rejecting a Russian
princess, he married (April, 18 10) the Archduchess Maria
Louisa, the daughter of the Austrian emperor and a grand-
niece of Marie Antoinette. In this way the former Corsican

300

Outlines of European History

Napoleon
"reunites"
the Papal
States to
France
(1809)

Annexation
of Holland
and the
Hanseatic
towns (1810)

Maximum
extent of
Napoleon';
power

adventurer gained admission to one of the oldest and proudest
of reigning families, the Hapsburgs. His second wife soon
bore him a son, who was styled " King of Rome."

While Napoleon was in the midst of the war with Austria, he
had issued a proclamation " reuniting " the Papal States to the
French Empire. He argued that it was Charlemagne, emperor
of the French, his august predecessor, who had given the lands
to the Popes and that now the tranquillity and welfare of his
people required that the territory be reunited to France.

Holland, it will be remembered, had been formed into a
kingdom under the rule of Napoleon's brother Louis. The
brothers had never agreed,^ and in 18 10 Holland was annexed
to France, as well as the German territory to the north, includ-
ing the great ports of Bremen, Hamburg, and Liibeck.

Napoleon had now reached the zenith of his power. All of
western Europe, except England, was apparently under his
control. France itself reached from the Baltic nearly to the
Bay of Naples and included a considerable district beyond the
Adriatic. The emperor of the French was also king of Italy
and '' protector " of the Confederation of the Rhine, which now
included all of the German states except Austria and the re-
mains of the kingdom of Prussia. Napoleon's brother Joseph
was king of Spain, and his brother-in-law, Murat, king of
Naples. Poland once more appeared on the map as the grand
duchy of Warsaw, a faithful ally of its " restorer." The pos-
sessions of the emperor of Austria had so shrunk on the west
that Hungary was now by far the most important part of
Francis I's realms, but he had the satisfaction of beholding
in his grandson, the king of Rome, the heir to unprecedented
power. Surely in the history of the world there is nothing com-
parable to the career of Napoleon Bonaparte I He was, as a sage
Frenchman has said, " as great as a man can be without virtue."

1 Louis Bonaparte, the father of Napoleon III, and the most conscien-
tious of the Bonaparte family, had been so harassed by Napoleon that he had
abdicated.

Eii7vpe and N^apoleoti 301

Section 46. The Fall of Napoleon

But all Napoleon's military genius, his statesmanship, his insecurity of
tireless vigilance, and his absolute unscrupulousness could acWevem'eri
not invent means by which an empire such as he had built
up could be held together permanently. Even if he could, by
force or persuasion, have induced the monarchs to remain his

entF

Fig. 74. The Duke of Wellington

vassals, he could not cope with the growing spirit of nationality
among their subjects which made subordination to a French
ruler seem a more and more shameful thing to Spaniards, Ger-
mans, and Italians alike. Moreover there were two governments
that he had not succeeded in conquering — England and Russia.

The English, far from begging for peace on account of the Wellington
continental blockade, had annihilated the French sea power and Hsh in Spa^n
now began to attack Napoleon on land. Sir Arthur Wellesley
(a commander who had made a reputatiort in India, and who is
better known by his later title of the Duke of Wellington) had

(1808-1812)

302

Outlines of European History

The lines of

Torres

Vedras

Relations
between
Napoleon
and Alexan-
der I of
Russia

Russia could
not afford to
enforce the
continental
blockade

landed English troops in Portugal (August, 1808) and forced
Junot and the French army to evacuate the country. While
Napoleon was busy about Vienna in 1809 Wellesley had in-
vaded Spain and gained a victory over the French there. He
then retired again to Portugal v^^here he spent the winter con-
structing a system of fortifications — the lines of Torres Vedras
— on a rocky promontory near Lisbon. f>om here he could
carry on his operations against the French with security and
success. He and his Spanish allies continued to occupy the
attention of about three hundred thousand of Napoleon's troops
and some of his very best generals. So Napoleon never really
conquered Spain, which proved a constant drain on his re-
sources, a source of humiliation to him and of 'exultation and
encouragement to his enemies.

Among the continental states Russia alone was entirely out
of Napoleon's control. Up to this time the agreement of Tilsit
had been maintained. There were, however, plenty of causes
for misunderstanding between the ardent young Tsar, Alexan-
der I, and Napoleon. Napoleon was secretly opposing, instead
of aiding, Alexander's plans for adding the Danubian provinces
to his possessions. Then the possibility of Napoleon's rees-
tablishing Poland as a national kingdom, which might threaten
Russia's interests, was a constant source of apprehension to
Alexander.

The chief difficulty lay, however, in Russia's unwillingness
to enforce the continental blockade. The Tsar was willing, in
accordance with the Treaty of Tilsit, to continue to close his
harbors to English ships, but he refused to accede to Napo-
leon's demand that he shut out vessels sailing under a neutral
flag. Russia had to dispose of her own products in some way
and to obtain English manufactures, as well as coffee, sugar,
spices, and other tropical and semi-tropical products which she
had no hope of producing herself. Her comfort and prosperity
depended, therefore,* upon the neutral vessels which visited
her Baltic ports.

Ei-^-' Europe and Napoleon 303

Napoleon viewed the open Russian ports as a fatal flaw in Napoleon de-
his continental system and began to make preparations for an attark"Russia
attack upon his doubtful friend, who was already beginning to ('^^2)
look like an enemy. In 1812 he believed that he was ready to
subdue even distant Russia. His more far-sighted counselors
vainly attempted to dissuade him by pointing out the fearful
risks that he was taking. Deaf to their warnings, he collected
on the Russian frontier a vast army of half a million men, com-
posed to a great extent of young French recruits and the con-
tingents furnished by his allies.

The story of the fearful Russian campaign which followed Napoleon's
cannot be told here in detail. Napoleon had planned to take h^^RSia
three years to conquer Russia, but he was forced on by the (^^^2)
necessity of gaining at least one signal victory before he closed
the first season's campaign. The Russians simply retreated and
led him far within a hostile and devastated country before they
offered battle at Borodino (September 7). Napoleon won the
battle, but his army was reduced to something over one hun-
dred thousand men when he entered Moscow a week later.
The town had been set on fire by the Russians before his
arrival ; he found his position untenable, and had to retreat as
winter came on. The cold, the lack of food, and the harassing
attacks of the people along the route made that retreat the most
signal military tragedy on record. Napoleon regained Poland
early in December, accompanied by scarcely twenty thousand
men of the five hundred thousand with whom he had opened
the campaign less than six months before.^

He hastened back to Paris, where he freely misrepresented Napoleon
the true state of affairs, even declaring that the army was in new army
good condition up to the time when he had turned it over to
Murat in December. While the loss of men in the Russian

1 This does not mean that all but twenty thousand had been killed. Some of
the contingents, that of Prussia for example, did not take an active part in the
war. Some idea of the horrors of the Russian campaign may be obtained from
the descriptions given in the Readings^ section ^6.

304

Oiitlmes of European History

What Prus-
sia had suf-
fered from
Napoleon

Reform of
Prussia after
the battle of
Jena

Prussia
forced to
undertake
reforms

Serfdom

abolished,

1807

campaign was enormous, just those few had naturally survived
who would be most essential in the formation of a new army,
namely, the officers. With their help Napoleon soon had a force
of no less than six hundred thousand men with which to return
to the attack. This contained one hundred and fifty thousand
conscripts who should not have been called into service until
1814, besides older men who had been hitherto exempted.

The first of his allies to desert Napoleon was Prussia — and
no wonder. She had felt his tyranny as no other country had.
He had not only taken her lands ; he had cajoled and insulted
her ; he had forced her to send her ablest minister, Stein, into
exile because he had aroused the French emperor's dislike ; he
had opposed every measure of reform which might have served
to strengthen the diminished kingdom which he had left to
Frederick William HI.

Prussia, notwithstanding the reforms of Frederick the Great,
had retained its half-feudal institutions down to the decisive de-
feat of Jena. The agricultural classes were serfs bound to the
soil and compelled to work a certain part of each week for their
lords without remuneration. The population was still divided
into three distinct castes — nobles, burghers, and peasants — who
could not acquire one another's land. The overwhelming defeat
of the Prussian army at Jena and the provisions of the Treaty
of Tilsit, which reduced Prussia to territorial insignificance,
forced the leaders of that old-fashioned country to consider
whether its weakness was not partly due to its medieval in-
stitutions. Neither the king nor his usual advisers were ready
for thoroughgoing reform, but there were some more progres-
sive spirits, among whom Baron vom Stein and Prince Harden-
berg were conspicuous, who induced the government to alter
the old system.

The first step was taken in October, 1807, when a royal
decree was issued which declared its purpose to be nothing
less than '' to remove every obstacle that has hitherto prevented
the "individual from attaining such a degree of prosperity as he

Europe and Napoleon 305

is capable of reaching." Serfdom was abolished, and the old
class system done away with, so that any one, regardless of social
rank, was legally free to purchase and hold landed property,
no matter to whom it had formerly belonged. '

Fig. 149. Stein

It is important to note that while serfs had practically dis- Continued
appeared in England and France hundreds of years earlier, it prJ^sia^of"
was not until the opening of the nineteenth century, and then ^uJ^i'^J^JJg
under the stress of dire calamity, that Prussia sufficiently mod-
ernized herself to abolish the medieval manor and free the
peasants until then bound to the soil and sold with it. But the
manorial lords, the so-called Junkers, remained rich and influ-
ential, and have continued down to this day, with their ancient
notions of kingship by the grace of God and of military prowess,
to exercise a fatal influence on the Prussian government. More-
over, the mass of the Prussian people seem to retain something
of their old servile attitude toward their masters.

3o6

0?(tlines of EuropccDi History

Origin of
the modem
Prussian
army

Fichte's
addresses

(1807-1808)

Fatal effects
of the teach-
ing of Fichte
and other
German
writers

The old army of Frederick the Great had been completely
discredited, and a few days after the signing of the Treaty of
Tilsit a commission for military reorganization was appointed.
The object of the reformers was to introduce universal military
service. Napoleon permitted Prussia to maintain only a small
force of not more than forty-two thousand men, but the
reformers arranged that this army should be continually recruited
by new men, while those who had had some training should
retire and form a reserve. In this way, in spite of Napoleon's
restrictions on the size of the regular Prussian army, there were
before long as many as a hundred and fifty thousand men
sufficiently trained to fight when the opportunity should come.
This system was later adopted by other European states and
was the basis of the great armies of the Continent at the
outbreak of the Great War in 19 14.

While serfdom and the old system of social classes were being
abolished in Prussia, attempts were being made to rouse the
national spirit of the Germans and prepare them to fight against
their French conquerors. A leader in this movement was the
well-known philosopher Fichte. He arranged a course of public
addresses in Berlin, just after the defeat at Jena, in which he laid
the foundation for the modern German arrogance from which
the world has suffered so much. He told his auditors, with
impressive warmth and eloquence, that the Germans were the
one really superior people in the whole world. All other nations
were degraded and had, he was confident, seen their best days ;
but the future belonged to the Germans, who would in due
time, owing to their supreme natural gifts, come into their own
and be recognized as the leaders of the world. The German
language was, he claimed, infinitely stronger than the feeble
speech of the French and Italians, borrowed from ancient Latin.
Unhappily, later German writers, economists, philosophers, and
even the clerg^^men, as we shall see, have followed Fichte 's lead
in cultivating the Germans' self-esteem and their ill-concealed
contempt for every other race.

Ejirope and Napoleon 307

The University of Berlin, whicli, before the Great War, was University
one of the largest institutions in the world, was founded in the opened'(i8io)
interest of higher education. Four hundred and fifty-eight stu-
dents registered the first year (1810-1811). A League of
Virtue was formed to foster fidelity to the Fatherland and to
cultivate hatred of Napoleon and the French. In this way the
Prussian people were roused from their lethargy and prepared
to join their leaders in an attack on their foreign oppressors.

The Prussian contingent which Napoleon had' ordered to Yorck
support him in his campaign against Alexander was under Napoleon
the command of Yorck. It had held back and so was not
involved in the destruction of the main army. On learning of
Napoleon's retreat from Moscow, Yorck finally resolved to j.oin
the Russians in spite of the fact that his timid king was still
afraid to declare war on Napoleon.

This action of Yorck and the influence of public opinion Prussia joins
finally induced the faint-hearted king, who was still apprehen- agaSS Na-
sive of Napoleon's vengeance, to sign a treaty with the Tsar Pol^on (Feb-
(February 27, 18 13), in which Russia agreed not to lay down
arms until Prussia should be restored to a total area equal to
that she had possessed before the fatal battle of Jena. It was
understood that she should give up to the Tsar all that she
had received in the second and third partitions of Poland and
be indemnified by annexations in northern Germany. This
proved a very important stipulation. On March 17 Frederick
William issued a proclamation " 1 o my People," in which he
summoned his subjects — Brandenburgers, Prussians, Silesians,
Pomeranians, and Lithuanians — to follow the example of the
Spaniards and free their country from the rule of a foreign
tyrant.

Napoleon's situation was, however, by no means desperate Napoleon's
so long as Italy, Austria, and the Confederation of the Rhine \^ saxony
stood by him. With the new army which he had collected (^^^3)
after his disastrous campaign in Russia the previous year, he
marched to Leipzig, where he found the Russians and the

3o8

Outlines of European History

Austria and
Sweden turn
against
Napoleon

Napoleon
defeated in
the battle of
Leipzig
(October,
1813)

Prussians under Bliicher awaiting him. He once more de-
feated the allies at Liitzen (May 2, 18 13), and then moved on
to Dresden, the capital of his faithful friend, the king of
Saxony. During the summer he inflicted several defeats upon
the allies, and on August 26-27 he won his last great victory,
the battle of Dresden.

Metternich's friendship had grown cold as Napoleon's posi-
tion became more and more uncertain. He was willing to
maintain the alliance between Austria and France if Napoleon
would abandon a considerable portion of his conquests since
1806. As Napoleon refused to do this, Austria joined the
allies in August. Meanwhile Sweden, which a year or two
before had chosen one of Napoleon's marshals, Bernadotte,
as its crown prince, also joined the allies and sent an army
into northern Germany.

Finding that the allied armies of Russia, Prussia, Austria,
and Sweden, under excellent generals like Bliicher and Berna-
dotte, had at last learned that it was necessary to cooperate if
they hoped to crush their ever-alert enemy, and that they
were preparing to cut him off from France, Napoleon re-
treated early in October to Leipzig. Here the tremendous
'' Battle of the Nations," as the Germans love to call it, raged
for four days. No less than one hundred and twenty thousand
men were killed or wounded, and Napoleon was totally defeated
(October 16-19J.

As the emperor of the French escaped across the Rhine with
the remnants of his army the whole fabric of his vast political
edifice crumbled. The members of the Confederation of the
Rhine renounced their protector and joined the allies. Jerome
fled from his kingdom of Westphalia, and the Dutch drove the
French officials out of Holland. Wellington had been steadily
and successfully engaged in aiding the Spanish against their
common enemy, and by the end of 18 13 Spain was practically
cleared of the French intruders, so that Wellington could press
on across the Pyrenees into France.

Europe and Napoleon

309

In spite of these disasters, Napoleon refused an offer of Occupati^

peace on condition that he would content himself henceforth
with France alone. The allies consequently marched into France,
and the almost superhuman activity of the hard-pressed em-
peror could not prevent their occupation of Paris (March 31,
18 1 4). Napoleon w^as forced to abdicate, and the allies, in
seeming derision, granted him full sovereignty over the tiny

Fig. ']']. The Abdication of Napoleox — the Document
IN HIS Own Handwriting 1

of Paris by
the allies
(March 31,
1814)

island of Elba, off the coast of Tuscany, permitting him to retain Napoleon ab-
his imperial title. In reality he was a prisoner on his
king^dom, and the Bourbons rei2:ned ao:ain in France.

. 1 1 dicates and
island is banished
to the island
of Elba

affairs in Europe. The Americans succeeded in capturing a surprising number
of English ships and preventing the enemy from invading New England or tak-
ing New Orleans. On the other hand, the English succeeded in defending the
Canadian boundary' and took and destroyed Washington (August, 1S14) just
before the opening of the Congress of Vienna. Peace was concluded at Ghent
before the end of the year, after about a year and a half of hostilities.

1 The document reads as follows : '' Les puissances alliees ayant proclame
que I'Empereur Napoleon etait le seul obstacle au retablissement de la paix en
Europe, I'Empereur, fidele a son serment, declare qu'il renonce pour lui et pour
ses successeurs, aux trones de France et d'ltalie et qu'il, fidele a son serment,
n'est aucun sacrifice personnel, meme celui de la vie qu'il ne soit pret a faire aux
interets de la France." Which, being translated, reads :

" The allied powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon was the
sole obstacle to the reestablishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor, faithful
to his oath, proclaims that he renounces, ior himself and his successors, the
thrones of France and of Italy, and that, faithful to his oath, there is no personal
sacrifice, even that of life, that he is not ready to make for the interests of France."

3IO

Outlines of European History

Return of
Napoleon

Within a year, encouraged by the dissensions of the allies
and the unpopularity of the Bourbons, he made his escape,
landed in France (March i, 1815), and was received with
enthusiasm by a portion of the army. Yet France as a whole

W^'

Fig. ']%. The Return of Napoleon from Elba

Napoleon landed almost alone in France, but had a triumphal march
to Paris. The old soldiers of the armies of the empire responded to his
call, and even those sent against him yielded to the spell of his person-
ality and joined his small but growing army. Louis XVIII fled from
Paris and took refuge with the allies, until Waterloo ended this last
great adventure of Napoleon, one hundred days later. The period is
often known as "the Hundred Days"

was indifferent, if not hostile, to his attempt to reestablish his
power. Certainly no one could place confidence in his talk of
peace and liberty. Moreover, whatever disagreement there
might be among the allies on other matters, there was perfect
unanimity in their attitude toward " the enemy and destroyer

Europe and Napoleo7i

311

of the world's peace." They solemnly proclaimed him an out-
law, and proceeded to devote him to public vengeance.

Upon learning that
English troops under
Wellington and a Prus-
sian army under Bliicher
had arrived in the
Netherlands, Napoleon
decided to attack them
with such troops as he
could collect. In the first
engagements he de-
feated and drove back
the Prussians. Welling-
ton then took his station
south of Brussels, at
Waterloo. Napoleon ad-
vanced against him
(June 18, 18 1 5) and
might have defeated the
English had they not
been opportunely re-
enforced by Bliicher's
Prussians, who had re-
covered themselves. As
it was, Napoleon lost
the most memorable of
modern battles. Yet
even if he had not
been defeated at Water-
loo, he could not long
have opposed the vast
armies which were being concentrated to overthrow him.

The fugitive emperor hastened to the coast, but found it so
carefully guarded by English ships that he decided to throw

Battle of
Waterloo,
June, 1S15

^^:C^>ZW

Fig. 79. Tomb of Napoleon

Napoleon died at St. Helena in 182 1.
The body was brought to Paris in 1840
and placed with great military splendor in
this sarcophagus of reddish-brown gran-
ite, which was hewn in Finland out of a
solid block weighing sixty-seven tons.
Around it in the pavement are inscribed
the names of Napoleon's greatest victo-
ries, while some sixty captured banners
stand beside colossal statues of victory.
The tomb is under the lofty gilded
dome of the church which is connected
with the old soldiers' asylum, known as
the Invalides

312

Outlines of European History

himself upon the generosity of the English nation. The British
government treated him, however, as a dangerous prisoner of
war rather than as a retired foreign general and statesman of
distinction who desired, as he claimed, to finish his days in
peaceful seclusion. He was banished with a few companions
and guards to the remote island of St. Helena.^ Here he
spent the six years until his death on May 5, 182 1, brooding
over his past glories and dictating his memoirs, in which he
strove to justify his career and explain his motives.

'' For the general history of Europe the captivity at St. Helena
possesses a double interest. Not only did it invest the career
of the fallen hero with an atmosphere of martyrdom and pathos,
which gave it a new and distinct appeal, but it enabled him to
arrange a pose before the mirror of history, to soften away all
that had been ungracious and hard and violent, and to draw in
firm and authoritative outline a picture of his splendid achieve-
ments and liberal designs. . . . The great captain, hero of ad-
ventures wondrous as the Arabiaii Nights, passes over the
mysterious ocean to his lonely island and emerges transfigured
as in some ennobling mirage." ^

QUESTIONS

Section 42. Outline Bonaparte's domestic policy in general.
What was the Concordat? What was the importance of the Code
NapoleoiO. Why did Napoleon revive the splendors of a court.?
Why did France accept him as emperor.?

Section 43. What did Napoleon consider the ideal government
for Europe? Account for England's hostility to France. Describe
Napoleon's foreign policy. Give the terms and state the importance
of the Treaty of Pressburg. Describe the Confederation of the
Rhine. When and under what circumstances did the Holy Roman

1 An isolated rocky island lying south of the equator between Brazil and the
African coast, from which it is separated by some thirteen hundred miles of water.

2 H. A. L. Fisher in the Cambridge Modem History, Vol. IX, p. 757. Some
historians have accepted Napoleon at his own valuation, among them J. S. C.
Abbott, whose popular but misleading life of Napoleon has given thousands of
readers a wholly false notion of his character and aims.

Europe and Napoleon 3 1 3

Empire cease to exist? Continue the sketch of Napoleon's foreign
policy from the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire to the alliance
of Tilsit

Section 44, Outline the various stages in Napoleon's continental
blockade. Who suffered most by it? Why was England able to
endure it so well?

Section 45. Name some of the public works for which Napo-
leon was reponsible. Describe the university system which he es-
tablished. What was the Legion of Honor? Describe the despotic
character of the latter part of Napoleon's rule. Outline his cam-
paigns in Portugal and Spain.

Take Spain as an example to show the manner in which Napo-
leon introduced the reforms of the French Revolution into the
countries which came under his sway. Describe the Austrian cam-
paign of 1809. Draw a map of Europe and on it indicate the
greatest extent of Napoleon's power.

Section 46. Describe the relations bet^veen France and Russia
which led to Napoleon's attack on the latter country. Give an
account of the Russian campaign. Describe the regeneration of
Prussia. Outline Napoleon's campaign of 181 3 and describe the
downfall of his empire. Discuss the terms offered to Napoleon by
the allies. Give an account of the return from Elba and of the cam-
paign which ended with W^aterloo. Describe Napoleon's last years.

CHAPTER XII

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE AT THE
CONGRESS OF VIENNA

Section 47. The Congress of Vienna and its Work-

Extreme diffi- The readjustment of the map of Europe after Napoleon's
justmg the downfall was an extremely perplexing and delicate operation.
ro^^aft^The Boundary lines centuries old had been swept away by the
great changes storms of war and the ambition of the conqueror. Many
leonic Period ancient States had disappeared altogether — Venice, Genoa,
Piedmont, the Papal States, Holland, and scores of little Ger-
man principalities. These had been either merged into France
or the realms of their more fortunate neighbors, or formed into
new countries — the kingdom of Italy, the kingdom of West-
phalia, the Confederation of the Rhine, the grand duchy of
Warsaw. Those which had survived had, with the exception
of England and Russia, received new bounds, new rulers, or
new institutions. When Napoleon was forced to abdicate, the
princes whose former realms had vanished from the map, or
who had been thrust aside, clamored to be restored to their
thrones. The great powers, England, Austria, Russia, and
Prussia, whose rulers had finally combined to bring about his
overthrow, naturally assumed the role of arbiters in the settle-
ment. But they were far from impartial judges, since each
proposed to gain for itself the greatest possible advantages in
the reapportionment of territory.
Some matters The least troublesome points were settled by the allies in
first Peace oi ^^"^^ ^^^^ Treaty of Paris, which had been concluded in May,
Paris, May 30, ^^14, immediately after Napoleon had been sent to Elba. They
readily agreed, for instance, that the Bourbon dynasty should be

314

< 8

■ ^ O

< S

Reconstruction of Etirope at Coiigress of Vienna 315

restored to the throne of France in the person of Louis XVI's
younger brother, the count of Provence, who took the title of
Louis XVIIL^ They at first permitted France to retain the
boundaries she had had on November i, 1792, but later de-
prived her of Savoy as a penalty for yielding to Napoleon after
his return from Elba." The powers also agreed, at Paris, upon
a kingdom of the Netherlands, with increased territories, to be
established under the House of Orange ; the union of Germany
into a confederation of sovereign states ; the independence of
Switzerland ; and the restoration of the monarchical states of
Italy. The graver issues and the details of the settlement were
left to the consideration of the great congress which was to con-
vene at Vienna in the autumn.^

This Congress of Vienna continued the old policy of carving Holland
out and distributing states — especially the smaller ones — with- dcmi^and'"^
out reo^ard to the wishes of the people concerned. The allies f^^'^" ^^f

*=■ ^ ' former Aus-

confirmed their former decision that Holland should become an trian Nether-
hereditary kingdom under the House of Orange, which had so
long played a conspicuous role in the Dutch republic. In order
that Holland might be better able to check any encroachments
on the part of France, the Austrian Netherlands (which had
been seized by the French Convention early in the revolu-
tionary wars) were joined to the new Dutch kingdom. The
fact that most of the inhabitants of the Austrian Netherlands
were not closely connected by language,^ traditions, or religion
with the Dutch was ignored just as it had been in former times

1 The young son of Louis XVI had been imprisoned by the Convention and,
according to reports, maltreated by the jailers set to guard him. His fate has
been a fruitful theme of historical discussion, but it is probable that he died in
1795. Though he never exercised power in any form, he takes his place in the
line of French kings as Louis XVII.

2 The second Peace of Paris (November, 1S15) also provided for the return
of the works of art and manuscripts which Napoleon had carried off from Venice,
Milan, Rome, Naples, and elsewhere. But not all were returned.

3 On the rivalry of the rulers at the Congress of Vienna, see Readings,
Vol. I, p. 375.

4 About half the people of Belgium to-day speak French, while the remainder
use Flemish, a dialect akin to Dutch, and a few speak German.

3i6

Outlines of European History

The consoli-
dation of Ger-
many leaves
only thirty-
eight surviv-
ing states

Strength-
ening of
Germany's
western
boundary

In the read-
justment of
Italy, Austria
is assigned a
predominat-
ing influence

when the provinces had passed to Spain by inheritance and,
later, to Austria by conquest.

The territorial settlement of Germany did not prove to be
so difficult as might have been expected. No one except the
petty princes and the ecclesiastics desired to undo the work of
1803 and restore the old minute subdivisions which had been
done away with by the Reichsdepiitationshauptschluss. The res-
toration of the Holy Roman Empire could not be seriously con-
sidered by any one, but they all felt the need of some sort of
union between the surviving thirty-eight German states. A
very loose union was therefore created, which permitted the
former members of the Confederation of the Rhine to continue
to enjoy that precious '' sovereignty " which Napoleon had
granted them. Formerly that portion of Germany which lies
on the Rhine had been so broken up into little states that
France was constantly tempted to take advantage of this dis-
integration to encroach upon German territory. After 18 15
this source of weakness was partially remedied, for Prussia was
assigned a large tract on the Rhine, while Baden, Wiirtemberg,
and Bavaria stood by her side to discourage new aggressions
from their dangerous enemy on the west.

Italy was not so fortunate as Germany in securing greater
unity than she had enjoyed before the French Revolution.
Napoleon had reduced and consolidated her various divisions
into the kingdom of Italy, of which he was the head, and the
kingdom of Naples, which he had finally bestowed on Murat,
while Piedmont, Genoa, Tuscany, and the Papal States he had
annexed to France.-^ Naturally the powers had no reason for
maintaining this arrangement and determined to restore all the
former monarchical states. Tuscany, Modena, the Papal States,
and Naples were given back to their former princes, and litde
Parma was assigned to Napoleon's second wife, the Austrian
princess, Maria Louisa. The king of Sardinia returned from

1 Nothing need be said of a half dozen petty Italian territories — Lucca,
San Marino, Benevento, etc.

Reconst7iictio7i of Europe at Congress of Vieima 317

his is^'and and reestablished himself in Turin. There were few
at the congress to plead for a revival of the ancient republics
of Genoa and Venice. The lands of the former were therefore
added to those of the king of Sardinia, in order to make as firm

Fig. 82. General Berxadotte, King Charles XIV of
Sweden

The son of a lawyer in southern France, Bernadotte (1763-1844) won
his way in the French army by merit and was one of Napoleon's great-
est marshals. In 1810 he was surprised by the news that some Swedish
statesmen were proposing him as successor to the throne, owing to his
kindness to Swedish prisoners he had taken once, and also in order to
secure Sweden against Russia by having a warrior king, a good friend of
Napoleon. Elected, he became very popular, and after the Napoleonic
wars his reign was peaceful

a bulwark as possible against France. Austria deemed the terri-
tories of Venice a fair compensation for the loss of the Nether-
lands, and was accordingly permitted to add Venetia to her old
duchy of Milan and thus form a new Austrian province in
northern Italy, the so-called Lombardo-Venetian kingdom.

3i8

Oiitlities of European History

Switzerland

Personal
union of
Sweden and
Norway
under the rule
of the House
ofBemadotte

Russia and
Prussia agree
upon the
fate of the
grand duchy
of Warsaw
and of the
kingdom of
Saxony

Switzerland gave the allies but little trouble. The Congress
of Vienna recognized the cantons as all free and equal, and
established their " neutrality " by agreeing never to invade
Switzerland or send troops through her territory. The cantons
(which had been joined by the former free city of Geneva)
then drew up a new constitution, which bound them together
into a Swiss federation consisting of twenty-two little states.

The Congress of Vienna ratified an arrangement by which
Sweden and Norway were joined under a single ruler, one of
Napoleon's generals, Bernadotte (see Fig. 84). The Norwe-
gians protested, drew up a constitution of their ow^n, and elected
a king, but Bernadotte induced them to accept him as their
ruler on condition that Norway should have its own separate
constitution and government. This was the origin of the " per-
sonal union "^ of Sweden and Norway under Bernadotte and
his successors, which lasted until October, 1905.'^

In these adjustments all was fairly harmonious, but when it
came to the rewards claimed by Russia and Prussia there de-
veloped at the congress serious differences of opinion which
nearly brought on war between the allies themselves, and which
encouraged Napoleon's return from Elba. Russia desired the
grand duchy of Warsaw, which Napoleon had formed princi-
pally out of the territory seized by Austria and Piussia in the

1 This is the term applied in international law to describe the union of two or
more independent states under a single ruler.

2 This personal union worked very well so long as the joint king was tolerably
free from control by the Swedish parliament, for the Norwegians had their own
constitution and parliament, or Storthing, as it is called, and they could regard
themselves as practically independent under a sovereign who also happened to
be kmg of Sweden. However, especially near the close of the nineteenth cen-
tury, the interests of the two countries diverged more and more widely. With
the development of parliamentary government the diets of both countries desired
to control the king's choice of ministers and the foreign policy of the two king-
doms. So, after a long period of friction, the two' states agreed to separate on
October 26, 1905. Sweden retained her old king, Oscar II (1872-1907), while
Norway elected as king Prince Carl, second son of Frederick, king of Denmark,
and gave him the title of Haakon VII. The Norwegians still retain the con-
stitution which was drawn up in 1814, but it has been several times modified by
democratic measures.

12° Longitude East fruui Gr

Plevna

'S'

PhmppopoL« ^^^.^^^j

'nstanii^opli

Fig. 83. Three Important Members of the Congress of
Vienna

319

320

Outlines of European History

England,
Austria, and
France pre-
pare to op-
pose the
plans of
Russia and
Prussia

Skillful
diplomacy of
Talleyrand

The Tsar
gets Poland,
and Prussia
becomes
powerful on
the Rhine

partitions of the previous century. The Tsar proposed to
increase this duchy by the addition of a portion of Russian
Poland and so form a kingdom to be united in a personal
union with his other dominions. The king of Prussia agreed
to this plan on condition that in return for the loss of such
a large portion of his former Polish territories he should be
allowed to annex the lands of the king of Saxony, who, it was
argued, had deserved this punishment for remaining faithful to
Napoleon after the other members of the Confederation of the
Rhine had deserted him.

Austria and England, on the other hand, were opposed to
this arrangement. They did not approve of dispossessing the
king of Saxony or of extending the Tsar's influence westward
by giving him Poland ; and Austria had special grounds for ob-
jection because a large portion of the duchy of Warsaw which
the Tsar proposed to take had formerly belonged to her. The
great French diplomatist, Talleyrand, now saw his chance to
disturb the good will existing between England, Prussia, Austria,
and Russia. The allies had resolved to treat France as a black
sheep and arrange everything to suit themselves. But now that
they were hopelessly at odds Austria and England found the
hitherto discredited France a welcome ally. Acting with the
consent of Louis XVIII, Talleyrand offered to Austria the aid
of French arms in resisting the proposal of Russia and Prussia,
and on January 3, 181 5, France, England, and Austria joined
in a secret treaty against Russia and Prussia, and even went so
far as to draw up a plan of campaign. So France, the disturber
of the peace of Europe for the last quarter of a century, was
received back into the family of nations, and the French ambas-
sador joyfully announced to his king that the coalition against
France was dissolved forever.

A compromise was, however, at length arranged without
resorting to arms. The Tsar gave up a small portion of the
duchy of Warsaw, but was allowed to create the kingdom of
Poland on which he had set his heart. Only about one half of

Reco7istntction of Europe at Congress of Vieiuia 321

the possessions of the king of Saxony were ceded to Prussia,
but as a further indemnity Prussia received certain districts on
the left bank of the Rhine, which had belonged to petty lay
and ecclesiastical princes before the Peace of Luneville. This
proved an important gain for Prussia, although it was not
considered so at the time. It gave her a large number of
German subjects in exchange for the Poles she lost, and so
prepared the way for her to become the dominant power in
Germany.

If one compares the map of Europe as it was reconstructed Map of
by the representatives of the great powers at Vienna, with the fs K°as com-
situation after the Treaty of Utrecht a hundred years before, pared with

■' •' ' the condi-

several veiy important changes are apparent. A general con- tjons estab-
solidation had been effected. Holland and the Austrian Nether- 'neaty of
lands were united under one king. The Holy Roman Empire, ^'^''^^^^
with its hundreds of petty principalities, had disappeared and a
union of thirty-eight states and free towns had taken its place.
Prussia had greatly increased the extent of its German terri-
tories, although these remained rather scattered. The kingdom
of Poland had reappeared on the map, but had lost its inde-
pendence and been reduced in extent. Portions of it had fallen
to Prussia and Austria, but the great mass of Polish territory
was now brought under the control of the Tsar, who was no
longer regarded by the western nations as an eastern poten-
tate, but was regularly admitted to their councils. Austria
had lost her outlying provinces of the Netherlands, which
had proved so troublesome, but had been indemnified by
the lands of the extinct Venetian republic, while her future
rival in Italy, the king of Sardinia, had been strengthened
by receiving the important city of Genoa and the adjacent
territory. Otherwise, Italy remained in her former state of dis-
ruption and more completely than ever under the control of
Austria.

The gains of England resulting from the Napoleonic con-
flict, like all her other acquisitions since the War of the Spanish

322

Outlines of European History

England
gains Ceylon
and the Cape
of Good Hope

Vast extent
of England's
colonial pos-
sessions in
1815

Succession, were colonial. The most important of these
were Ceylon, off the southeastern coast of the Indian penin-
sula, and the Cape of Good Hope. The latter had been
wrested from the Dutch (1806) while Holland was under
Napoleon's influence. This seemingly insignificant conquest
proved to be the basis of further British expansion, which has
secured for England the most valuable portions of southern
Africa.^

In spite of the loss of the American colonies on the eve of
the French Revolution, England possessed in 18 15 the foun-
dations of the greatest commercial and colonial power which
has ever existed. She still held Canada and all the vast north-
west of the North American continent, except Alaska. Im-
portant islands in the West Indies furnished stations from
which a lucrative trade with South America could be carried
on. In Gibraltar she had a sentinel at the gateway of the
Mediterranean, and the possession of the Cape of Good Hope
afforded not only a basis for pressing into the heart of the
most habitable part of Africa but also a halfway port for
vessels bound to distant India. In India the beginnings of
empire had already been made in the Bengal region and along
the east and west coasts. Finally, in Australia, far away in the
southern Pacific, convict settlements had been made which were
in time to be supplanted by rich, populous, and prosperous
commonwealths. In addition to her colonial strength England
possessed the most formidable navy and the largest mercantile
marine afloat.

The Congress of Vienna marks the condemnation of one of
the most atrocious practices which Europe had inherited from

1 England also received from France the island of Mauritius in the Indian
Ocean, east of Madagascar; Tobago, a small island north of the mouth of the
Orinoco River; and Saint Lucia, one of the Windward Islands. From Spain
England got the island of Trinidad near Tobago, and from Denmark the island
of Heligoland, commanding the mouth of the Elbe (ceded to Germany in 1890).
In the Mediterranean England held Malta and, as a protectorate, the Ionian
Islands off the coast of Greece, thus securing a basis for operations in the
eastern Mediterranean.

Recoiistniction of Europe at Congress of Vienna 323

ancient times, namely, the slave trade.^ The congress itself did The Congress
no more than declare the traffic contrary to the principles of civi- under the'
lization and human right ; but, under the leadership of England, E^gfa^^jJ °^
the various states, with the exception of Spain and Portugal, condemns the
were already busy doing away with the trade in human beings.
The horrors of the business had roused the conscience of the
more enlightened and humane Englishmen and Frenchmen in
the eighteenth century. Finally, in March, 1807, three weeks
after the Congress of the United States had forbidden the im-
portation of slaves,^ Parliament prohibited Englishmen from
engaging in the traffic. Sweden followed England's example
in 18 13, and Holland a year later. Napoleon, on his return
from Elba, in order to gain if possible the confidence of Eng-
land, abolished the French slave trade.

Napoleon had done more than alter the map of Europe and Disregard of
introduce such reforms in the countries under his control as before the
suited his purposes ; he had aroused the modern spirit of ^^^^^^^^^
nationality^ which is one of the forces that helped to make
the nineteenth century different from the eighteenth. Before
the French Revolution kings went to war without consulting
their subjects, and made arrangements with other monarchs
in regard to the distribution, division, and annexation of terri-
tory without asking the consent of those who lived in the
regions involved. Practically no attention was paid to differ-
ences in race, for kings gladly added to their realms any lands
they could gain by conquest, negotiation, marriage, or inherit-
ance, regardless of the particular kind of subjects that they
might bring under their scepters.

1 The slave trade had been greatly stimulated by the discovery that African
slaves could be profitably used to cultivate the vast plantations of the New World.
The English navigator, Hawkins, had carried a cargo of three hundred negroes
from Sierra Leone to Hispania in 1562, and so introduced English seamen to a
business in which Portugal, Spain, and Holland were already engaged. It is
estimated that previous to 1776 at least three million slaves had been imported
into French, Spanish, and English colonies, while at least a quarter of a million
more had perished during the voyages.

2 England abolished slavery throughout all her colonies in 1833.

324

Outlines of European History

The French
National
Assembly
declares the
monarch re-
sponsible to
the nation,
and so awak-
ens political
life among
the people

The awaken-
ing of nation-
alism

However, the French Declaration of the Rights of Man in
1789 had proclaimed that the law was the expression of the
general will, and that every citizen had a right, personally or
through his representatives, to participate in its formation. The
king and his officials were made responsible for their public
acts not to God but to the people. This idea that the nation
had a right to control the making of the laws and the granting
of the taxes, and to choose or depose its ruler, who was respon-
sible to it, served to rouse a general interest in political ques-
tions, which could not possibly have developed as long as
people were content to believe that God had excluded them
from all participation in affairs of State. Political leaders ap-
peared, the newspapers began to discuss public questions, and
political societies were formed.

The various nations became more and more keenly conscious
that each had its own language and traditions which made it
different from other peoples. Patriotic orators in Germany,
Italy, and Greece recalled the glorious past of the ancient
Germans, Romans, and Hellenes, with a view to stimulating
this enthusiasm. National feeling may be defined as a general
recognition that a people should have a government suited to
its particular traditions and needs, and should be ruled by its
own native officials, and that (if nations were entitled to politi-
cal rights, as the French Revolution had taught) it is wrong
for one people to dominate another, or for monarchs to divide,
redistribute, and transfer territories v/ith no regard to the
wishes of the inhabitants, merely to provide some landless
prince with a patrimony.

We shall have to reckon hereafter with this national spirit,
which continued to spread and to increase in strength during
the nineteenth century. It has played a great part in the unifi-
cation of Italy and Germany, in the emancipation of Greece
and the Balkan States from Turkish dominion, and finally in
the causes of the great war of 19 14.

Reconstruction of Europe at Congress of Vienna 325

Section 48. The Holy Alliance : Metternich be-
comes THE Chief Opponent of Revolution

In June, 18 15, the Congress of Vienna brought together Horror of
the results of all the treaties and arrangements which its and°suspicion
various members had agreed upon among themselves, and "f^g^^^g^-
issued its " Final Act," in which its work was summed up for
convenient reference.^ A few days later the battle of Water-
loo and the subsequent exile of Napoleon freed the powers
from their chief cause of anxiety during the past fifteen
years. No wonder that the restored monarchs, as they com-
posed themselves upon their thrones and reviewed the wars
and turmoil which had begun with the French Revolution and
lasted more than a quarter of a century, longed for peace at
any cost, and viewed with the utmost suspicion any individ-
ual or party who ventured to suggest further changes. The
word " revolution " had acquired a hideous sound, not only to
the rulers and their immediate advisers, but to all the aristo-
cratic class and the clergy, who thought that they had reason
enough to abhor the modern tendencies as they had seen
them at work.

It was clear that the powers which had combined to reestab- The Holy
lish order must continue their alliance if they hoped to maintain devised by
the arrangements they had made and stifle the fires of revo- ^geptembeJ,
lution which were sure to break out at some unexpected point 1^15)
unless the most constant vigilance was exercised. Alexander I
proposed a plan for preserving European tranquillity by the
formation of a religious brotherhood of monarchs, which was
given the name of '' The Holy Alliance." This was accepted
by the emperor of Austria and the king of Prussia, and pub-
lished in September, 18 15. In this singular instrument their
majesties agreed to view one another as brothers and compa-
triots, as " delegates of Providence to govern three branches
of the same family." All the other European powers which

1 The chief provisions are given in the Readings^ Vol. I, p. 381.

326

Outlines of Europe aii History

The Holy
Alliance not
a union to
prevent
revolution

Mettemich's

political

creed

Any devel-
opment of
the spirit of
nationality
dangerous to
Austria

recognized the sacred principles of the act were to be welcomed
cordially and affectionately into this '' holy alliance." ^

The Tsar and Frederick William, who were pious men, took
the alliance seriously, but to most of the diplomats who had
participated in the scramble for the spoils at Vienna, and who
looked back upon the habits of monarchs in dealing with one
another, it was an amusing vagary of the devout Tsar. It was
not, as has often been supposed, a conspiracy of despotic mon-
archs to repress all liberal movements. It contained no definite
allusions to the dangers of revolution or to the necessity of
maintaining the settlement of Vienna. The name " Holy Alli-
ance " came nevertheless to be applied by the more liberal
newspapers and reformers to a real and effective organization
of the powers opposed to change. In this case the monarchs
did not unite in " the name of the Most High " to promote
Christian love, but frankly combined to fight against reform,
under the worldly guidance of Clement Wencelaus Nepomuk
Lothaire, Prince of Metternich-Winneburg-Ochsenhausen.

Metternich, who was destined to succeed Napoleon as the
most conspicuous statesman in Europe, was born in 1773 and
had followed the course of the French Revolution from the
beginning, with hatred and alarm. All talk about constitu-
tions and national unity was to him revolutionary, and there-
fore highly dangerous.^

He was doubtless much strengthened in his hostility to
reform by the situation of Austria, whose affairs he had been
guiding since 1809. No country, except Prussia, had suffered
more from the Revolution, which it had been the first to op-
pose in 1792. Should the idea of nationality gain ground the
various peoples included in the Austrian Empire — Germans,
Czechs, Poles, Hungarians, Italians, and the rest — would
surely revolt and each demand its own constitution. Liberal
ideas, whether in Austria, Italy, or Germany, foreboded the

1 See the text of this interesting document in the Readings^ Vol. I, p. 384.
? For Mettemich's viewg on politics, see Readings, V9I. I, p. 386.

Reco7istruction of Europe at Congress of Vienna 327

destruction of the highly artificial Austrian realms, which had
been accumulated through the centuries by conquest, marriage,
and inheritance, without regard to the great differences between
the races which were gathered together under the scepter of
Francis I. Consequently, to Metternich the preservation of
Austria, the suppression of reformers and of agitators for
constitutional government, and '^ the tranquillity of Europe "
all meant one and the same thing.

On November 20, 18 15, Austria, Prussia, England, and Secret alli-
Russia entered a secret agreement to keep peace in Europe. vember2or
In order to effect their ends the powers agreed to hold peri- ^^'5
odical meetings with a view to considering their common
interests and taking such measures as might be expedient for
the preservation of general order. Thus a sort of international
congress was established for the purpose of upholding the
settlement of Vienna,

The first formal meeting of the powers under this agree- Congress
ment took place at Aix-la-Chapelle in 18 18, to arrange for chapelle"
the evacuation of France by the troops of the allies, which ^^^^
had been stationed there since 18 14 to suppress any possible
disorder. France, once more admitted to the brotherhood of
nations, . joined Mettemich's conservative league, and that
judicious statesman could report with complacency that the
whole conference was a brilliant triumph for those principles
which he held dearest.

Section 49. Thought and Culture at the Opening
OF THE Nineteenth Century

It must not be imagined that, because histories deal almost ex- The historj'
clusively with the politics of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic includes
periods, the people of that time were continually and completely ["hanyoi'ti^s
immersed in wars and treaties. During all these years artisans
worked at their trades, farmers gathered in their harvests and
grumbled at high prices and the weather, manufacturers were

328 07itlines of European History

seeking new markets, and inventors were contriving new
machines to do the world's work. For instance, just as
Napoleon was landing from Elba for his desperate adventure
which ended at Waterloo, a poor young fireman at a Newcasde
colliery, named George Stephenson, was perfecting the loco-
motive, by which vaster continents were to be conquered for
the arts of peace than even Napoleon ever dreamed of. The
changes in industry and the methods of work due to the appli-
cation of science, which were taking place at that time, is so
large a subject that we shall describe it by itself below.^ But
alongside the busy, unresting world of commerce and industry,
there are other fields of achievement hardly less important —
those of literature, art, and philosophy. In all of these, great
masters were at work through the whole period just described.
The influence During the eighteenth century the literatures of all Europe
uponlitera- were profoundly under the influence of the culture of France,
ture in the ^]^q poctry was Stately and formal, such as Dryden and Pope
century wrote in England ; the prose, although often witty and clever,

seems to us, nowadays, rather artificial and affected. This was
partly due to the fact that ever since the work of the humanists
of the Renaissance, education had been largely taken up with
studying the Greek and Latin classics. Ancient masters of
rhetoric like Cicero were imitated by all writers of correct
prose, and the tranquil dignity of Vergil's poetry furnished
the model for thousands-of rather monotonous lines of courtly
The influence versc. Thcsc writers used only a limited number of words,
upon liter- which v/ere sanctioned by good taste as properly belonging
ature ^^ literature. In the choice of subjects, too, they were limited,

for this lofty, " classical " style was regarded as suited only to
lofty subjects. The result was that literature did not deal with
the common affairs of daily life as it does now, but with some-
what unreal events and persons, generally the heroes and hero-
ines of antiquity. In the hands of a master like Voltaire one
did not feel the restraint which such formality imposed, but

1 See the chapter on The Industrial Revolution, below.

Reconstmction of Europe at Congress of Vienna 329

upon the whole, the effect was to make both prose and poetry
commonplace.-^ Rousseau's great success as a writer had been
partly due to his passionate revolt against the stiffness and
formality which French good taste had insisted upon.

Britain had no Rousseau, but the popularity of Robert Burns, Nature and
the plowman poet, and of Wordsworth and his friends who fn Ht^rature
sought to '' get back to nature " was a sign of the same kind
of revolt against artificiality. It also pointed to the rise of a
less courtly audience than that of noble patrons for whose favor
and gold authors used to write, namely, the great middle class
now rapidly acquiring wealth and the leisure to read.

At the opening of the nineteenth century, and especially after Romanticism
the Napoleonic w^ars, this new reading public was entertained
by a new theme — the romantic glorification of the past. During
the eighteenth century and the Revolutionary era, the past had
been decried, and people looked forward to the future for inspi-
ration. Now writers turned to the despised Middle Ages and
depicted in glowing terms the picturesque life of feudal times.
One of the main leaders in this movement, which is called
Romanticism, was Sir Walter Scott, w^hose poems and novels
of the days of chivalry were read everywhere. The movement
spread through France ^ and Germany. It fitted admirably with
the conservative ideas of the period after Waterloo, and yet
even its extravagant praise of the past, which, to progressive
minds, seemed to obscure the duties of the present, had one
important result — the rise of scientific history.

The past which the Romanticists wrote about was an unreal The modem

, , , , , . - , . . . . , ,1 historians

world, largely the creation of their imagination, where noble
warriors and fair ladies v>rere true heroes and heroines, with
even the cruelty and triviality of their lives touched with the
attraction of romance. But this attraction led others to study

1 A clever writer like Voltaire could manage to make one see that, while pre-
tending to talk about an ancient king, he often had the king of France and present
politics in mind. In this way he could poke fun at absurdities in his own day, or
denounce them roundly without being forbidden by the censor.

2 In France one of the greatest Romanticists was Victor Hugo.

330

Outlines of European History

the past more critically, and scientific scholars set to work de-
ciphering documents in dusty libraries in order to find out the
truth. These historians were also animated by a deep interest
in the story of politics and the rise of that most important
factor in modern times — the nation. The French Revolution
had, as we have seen, brought out strongly in the peoples of
the Continent that national sentiment which the English had
possessed for at least two centuries. Now the French, German,
and other historians began the great task of recovering the
sources of their national history. As this scientific work was
extended to cover the nations of antiquity as well, the later
nineteenth. and twentieth centuries have been enabled to know
more about the history of civilization than any previous age.
Such little manuals as this could not have been written but
for the patient labor of these great scholars,^ to whose works
it is hoped that it may offer an introduction.

This study of history was especially developed in Germany,
where the War of Liberation had profoundly stirred the patri-
otism of the people. In the great deeds of their forefathers,
the Germans who submitted to the tyranny of Metternich
could find some consolation for the present. Indeed, these
historians have been largely responsible for the remarkable
growth of the spirit of nationality in Germany, which the great
war of 19 1 4 has revealed.

But German literature and thought, at the opening of the
nineteenth century, were enriched by great contributions in
philosophy and poetry as well as in histor)^ Immanuel Kant^

1 It should be noted that their work is by no means done, Histor}' is not an
unchanging repetition of an old tale. It is, like any other branch of learning, a
constantly changing body of facts, in proportion as new research and greater
enlightenment bring other data to prominence. Until recently it has been
largely a branch of literature, with emphasis upon the picturesque or dramatic.
Now it is tending to pay more attention to economics and commonplace things.

•-2 Kant's grandfather was a Scotchman; hence his Scottish name. He lived all
his life (1724-1804) in Konigsberg, where he was professor of philosophy. His
life followed such a steady routine for thirty years that it was a jocular saying
that people in Konigsberg could set their clocks by his regular appearance on
the way to his lectures.

Fig. 84. Count Rumford

One of the most distinguished pioneers in the development of Ger-
many was Benjamin Thompson, who won the title Count Rumford for
his services to the Elector of Bavaria in the years just before the
French Revolution. Like Benjamin Franklin, he combined a scientific
genius with great statesmanlike qualities, only in his case these were
devoted to a foreign country. Rumford's life reads like a romance.
Born in 1753, the son of a Massachusetts farmer, he left for England
at the time of the Revolution. There he held public office and at the
same time carried on scientific experiments. Going to fight against
the Turks, he was given the post of minister by the Elector of Bavaria.
He boldly advocated reforms in government so that problems of social
welfare, such as the care of the poor and the treatment of criminals, or
the development of the country's resources, should be met by scientific
study instead of by old-fashioned remedies. It is part of the romance
that when he was made a count of the Holy Roman Empire he chose
as his title the name of the little village of Rumford, now Concord,
New Hampshire, where his wife's home had been.

33'

332

0?itli?ies of Europeafi History

stands first among modern philosophers. One of his most
important doctrines was that we live in a moral world as well
as in a physical one, and he emphasized the importance of
duty as the fundamental principle in life. Other philosophers,
especially Fichte and Hegel, taught that this duty should be
first of all obedience to the State, — and they taught that the
German people and its ideals were the choicest product of
world history.

The greatest German of the period was the poet and scientist
Goethe.^ He is best known by his drama Faust. The hero,
Faust, is a scholar who sells himself to the devil (Mephistopheles)
in order to taste to the full all the pleasures of the world — a
theme so vast and varied that through the story of Faust's own
experiences and the sufferings of others, Goethe is able to lay
bare the deeper passions and impulses of life in tragic form.
But this greatest dramatist was also the greatest lyric writer
of Germany and a distinguished scientist and thinker as well.
As a student of plant and animal life he was a forerunner of
Darwin in announcing the theory of evolution. His novels long
exerted a strong influence on the writers of the best German
fiction. The ideal he set before him was the old Greek one of
the well-balanced mind and life. Like the poet Heine (1797-
1856) he disliked the Prussians heartily and says many harsh
and scornful things of their brutal militaristic characteristics.

The rise of the modern German literature, which reached
its climax in the works of Goethe, is all the more remarkable
when we recall that as recently as the days of Frederick the
Great, German had not been regarded as a literary language.
Frederick had written his poems and books in French. It was
only after his victories had given a new self-confidence to the
North Germans that they ventured to use the tongue of Luther

1 Pronounced g'e'te. The greater part of his life (1749-1832) was spent at
the small court of the Duke of Weimar. He was not much disturbed by the con-
quests of Napoleon, and cannot be counted among the distinctively patriotic
Germans of his day. His wider outlook kept this greatest German poet from
mere local sympathies and absorption in temporary problems.

Reconstr2ictio7i of Europe at Congress of Vieiina 333

as a rival to that of the court of Versailles. Thus the rapid rise
of German literature is of great importance in the creation of
that new and dangerously arrogant national feeling which has
cost the world so much suffering in recent years.

It is clear that, with the rise of the middle class and the The new age
great increase in the number of readers, a new era dawned ° ^^^ '"^
at the opening of the nineteenth century in the literatures of
Europe, In addition to the histories, the poetry and novels,
which for the first time began to attract thousands of readers,
newspapers and other periodicals began to take the place of
pamphlets. Improvements in the printing press made it pos-
sible to print as many as eight hundred pages in an hour,^
instead of a few score, and so the great age of reading began.

This involved more education. In the eighteenth century the The slow be-
mass of the inhabitants of Europe could not read or write, national °
Education was largely in the hands of the clergy and, beyond J^ance^^d"
a grounding in the merest rudiments, was generally confined England
to the well-to-do. In France, as we have seen,^ an attempt had
been made during the Reign of Terror to establish a national
free public school system, but it was not carried out. In
England little was done to improve matters until the second
half of the nineteenth century.

In Prussia a new school system was part of the work of re- Prussian edu-
generation begun by the group of men around Stein, of whom
Karl Wilhelm Humboldt was a distinguished leader. The
founding of the University of Berlin in 18 10 was one of the
most noticeable events in this important movement. Before
the opening of the Great War in 19 14 the German universities
attracted many foreigners. But the attitude of German pro-
fessors, who have almost without exception supported and loudly
defended the atrocious policy of their government, has brought
German learning into disrepute among other nations.

1 This was printed on only one side. Now there are presses which can print
almost one hundred thousand newspapers an hour, consuming paper at the rate
of seven hundred miles an hour. 2 See above, p. 246.

334 Outlines of European History

QUESTIONS

Section 47. Outline the work accomplished by the Treaty of
Paris. Describe the work of territorial redistribution in the Congress
of Vienna. Give an account of Talleyrand's diplomacy. What was
the result of the compromise between Russia and Prussia ?

Draw two maps, one showing Europe in 171 5, the other, in 181 5.
Show on a map the colonial possessions gained by England in 181 5.
Account for the awakening of the spirit of nationality towards the
end of the eighteenth century.

Section 48. What was the Holy Alliance.? Describe Metternich's
political aims. Who were the members and what was the purpose
of the quadruple alliance formed November 20, 181 5.?

Section 49. What effect did the study of the Greek and Latin
classics have upon the style of authors in the eighteenth century.?
When and how did writers begin to write differently? What is
romanticism.? Describe Goethe's views.

CHAPTER XIII '

EUROPE AFTER THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA

Section 50. The Restoration in France and the
Revolution of 1830

When, in 18 14, the allies placed on the throne the brother The French
of Louis XVI, a veteran emigre, who had openly derided the oppose the
Revolution and had been intriguing with other European ^u^^g'^^^' u" °^
powers for nearly twenty years to gain the French crown, in 18 14
there w^as no organized opposition to the new king. There
had never been a majority in France in favor of a republic.
The doctrines of the Jacobins had been held by no more than a
vigorous minority. The French were still monarchical at heart.

There was, however, no danger that Louis XVIII would Louis xviil
undo the great work of the Revolution and of Napoleon. He lempted to
was no fanatic like his younger brother, the count of Artois. ""^° *^^
In his youth he had delighted in Voltaire and the writings of Napoleon
the philosophers ; he had little sympathy for the Church party. Revolution
His sixty years, his corpulence, his gout, and a saving sense of
humor prevented him from undertaking any wild schemes for
restoring the old regime which might be suggested to him by the
emigrant nobles, who now returned to France in great numbers.

The Constitutional Charter which he issued in June, 18 14, The Consti-
was indeed a much more liberal form of government than that Jer granted^to
which Napoleon had permitted the French to enjoy, and sug- France by
gested in some ways the English constitution.^ There was June, 1814
to be a parliament consisting of two chambers — a house of
peers chosen by the king, and a chamber of deputies elected

1 The leading provisions pf the Charter are to be found in th? Readings^
Vol. II, p. 2,

335

336

Outlines of European History

The moder-
ate royalists

by the wealthier citizens. -The king alone could propose laws,
but the chambers could petition the sovereign to lay before
them any measure which they thought desirable.

In addition to establishing representative government the
Charter guaranteed almost all the great principles of reform
laid down in the first Declaration of the Rights of Man. It
proclaimed that all men were equal before the law and equally
eligible to offices in the government and the army ; taxation
was to be apportioned according to the wealth of each citizen ;
personal and religious liberty was assured, although the Roman
Catholic faith was to be the religion of the State ; freedom of
the press was guaranteed, but subject to such laws as might be
passed for the purpose of checking the abuses of that freedom.

Naturally different political parties soon appeared. The re-
actionary group, known as the ultra-royalists, was composed
largely of emigrant nobles and clergy, who wished to undo the
work of the past twenty-five years and to restore the old regime
in its entirety. They clamored for greater power for the clergy,
for the restriction of the liberal press, for the king's absolute
control over his ministers, and for the restoration of the prop-
erty that they had lost during the Revolution. This party,
though small in numbers, was composed of zealots, and with
the king's brother, the count of Artois, at their head, they
formed an active and influential minority.

The most valuable and effective support for the king, how-
ever, came from a more moderate group of royalists who had
learned something during the last quarter of a century. They
knew that the age of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette could
not return, and consequently they urged the faithful observ-
ance of the Charter, and sought, on the one hand, to induce
the reactionary nobility and clergy to accept the results of the
Revolution, and, on the other hand, to reconcile the people to
the restored monarchy. The two royalist parties — extreme
and moderate — doubtless made up the greater portion of
the nation.

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 337

A third party was composed of liberals, who, though loyal The liberals
to the king, did not believe the Charter gave as much power
to the people as it should. They favored a reduction of the
amount of property which a man was required to own in
order to vote, and they maintained that the king should be
guided by ministers responsible to the parliament.

Then there was a large group of persons who were irrecon- The irrecon-
cilable enemies of the Bourbons and everything savoring of
Bourbonism. Among them were the Bonapartists, soldiers The Bona-
of Napoleon, who remembered the glories of Austerlitz and P^"^^^^
Wagram and were angered by the prestige suddenly given to
hundreds of Frenchmen who had borne arms against their
country, but who now crowded around the king to receive
offices, rewards, and honors.^ While Napoleon lived they
longed for his return, and after his death in 182 1 they placed
their hopes upon his youthful son,^ " Napoleon II," as they
called him.

On the other hand, there were the republicans, who detested The repub-
Bonapartism no less than Bourbonism and wished to restore
the republic of 1792.

As long as Louis XVI II lived the party loyal to him grew views of
stronger, and at the time of his death in 1824 the restored (1824-1830)
Bourbon line seemed to have triumphed completely over its
enemies. Had his brother, who succeeded him as Charles X,
been equally wise, he too might have retained the throne until
his death. But he frankly declared that he would rather chop
wood than be king on the same terms as the king of England.
During the early years of his reign the clergy and Jesuits exer-
cised a great deal of influence upon the policy of the govern-
ment, and the nobles, who had been deprived of their lands

1 See Readings^ Vol. II, p. 6.

2 The son of Napoleon and Maria Louisa, born in iSii, to whom his father
gave the title " King of Rome," was taken to Vienna after Napoleon's overthrow,
and given the title of " Duke of Reichstadt." He lived at his grandfather's court
until his death in 1832, and is the hero of Rostand's popular drama, L^Aiglon
(The Eaglet).

338

Outlines of Europe ati History

The July
ordinances,
July 25 1830

The protests
of the
journalists

The republi-
cans start an
insurrection
in Paris,
July 27

A new candi-
date for the
throne
appears

during the Revolution, were granted a thousand million francs
by way of indemnity.

Charles's policy naturally aroused violent antagonism. But
he did not heed the warnings, and in July, 1830, determined
upon a bold stroke. Acting under a provision of the Charter
which empowered him to make regulations for the security of
the realm, he and his ministers issued a series of ordinances
establishing press censorship, increasing the property qualifi-
cations for voters, and confining the proposing of laws to the
king.^ These ordinances practically destroyed the last vestiges
of constitutional government and left the French people with-
out any guaranty against absolutism.

The day following the promulgation of the ordinances,
July 26, 1830, the Paris journalists published a protest, which
became the signal for open resistance to the king. They de-
clared that they would issue their newspapers in spite of the
king, and that all citizens were freed from their allegiance by
this attack on their rights.

The revolt, however, w^hich brought about the overthrow of
Charles X was the work of the fearless though small republican
party which faithfully cherished the traditions of 1792. On
July 27 they began tearing up the paving stones for barricades,
behind which they could defend themselves in the narrow streets
against the police and soldiers.

On July 29 the entire city of Paris was in the hands of the
insurgents. The king, now realizing the seriousness of the
situation, opened negotiations with the members of the parlia-
ment and promised to repeal the obnoxious ordinances. It
was, however, too late for concessions ; a faction of wealthy

* The picture represents Louis Philippe riding through the streets
of Paris after the fighting had ceased, in the revolution of July, He is
going from his residence, in the center of the city, to the Hotel de Ville,
or City Hall, where the leading revolutionists, the aged Lafayette at
their head, await him. Notice the barricades in the street, formed of
paving stones and other obstacles.

1 See the ordinance against the press, in the Readings^ Vol. II, p. ii.

'^m

Fig. 86. The Monument to the Revolutionists of
July, 1830*

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 3 39

bankers and business men was busily engaged in an intrigue
to place upon the throne Louis Philippe, the son of that duke
of Orleans who had supported the reformers in the early days
of the first revolution and had finally been executed as a '' sus-
pect " during the Reign of Terror. The son had been identified
with the Jacobins and had fought in the army of the Republic
at Valmy and Jemappes. He was later exiled, and spent some
time in England. When he returned to France after the resto-
ration he sought popularity by professing democratic opinions,
going about like a plain citizen, and sending his children to
ordinary schools instead of employing private tutors. He was
therefore the logical candidate of those who washed to preserve
the monarchy and yet establish the middle class in power in
place of the nobles and clergy.

Charles X, despairing of his ability to retain the crown for him- Charles x
self, abdicated in favor of his grandson, the duke of Bordeaux. LouiT^^^'
He then charged Louis Philippe with the task of proclaiming J^iiippe
the young duke as King Henry V, and fled with his family to lieutenant

England. Though this arrangement might very well have met
the approval of the nation at large, Louis Philippe was not in-
clined to execute the orders of Charles X. On the contrary he
began to seek the favor of the republicans who had done the
actual fighting, and who had already formed a provisional
government with the aged Lafa^'^tte at its head.

This committee occupied the City Hall and was surrounded
by the insurgents who supported it. Louis Philippe forced his
way through the throng, and, in a conference with Lafayette,
won him over to his cause by fair promises. The two men
then went out on the balcony and Lafayette embraced his com-
panion before the crowd as a sign of their good understanding,

* This column was erected in memory of those who fell in the street
fighting in Paris in July, 1830. It stands on the site of the Bastille, which
was torn down after its capture in 1789. The stones of the Bastille were
used for bridges and other public works ; but when the Paris subway
was dug through the square recently the foundations of the old building
were found, and are used as walls for a station.

general

340

Outlines of European History

The Chamber
of Deputies
calls Louis
Philippe to
the throne

while the duke on his part showed his sympathy for liberal
doctrines by waving the tricolored flag, — the banner of the
Revolution, — which had not been unfurled in Paris since the
last days of Napoleon. The hopes of the republicans who had
borne the brunt of the Revolution were now at an end, for
they realized that they formed too small a party to prevent
Louis Philippe's accession to the throne.-^

Louis Philippe convoked the Chamber of Deputies on August 3
and announced the abdication of Charles X, carefully omitting
any allusion to the fact that the dethroned king had indicated
his grandson as his successor. Four days later the Chamber
of Deputies passed a resolution — which was ratified by the
Chamber of Peers — calling Louis Philippe to the throne as
" king of the French " ; he accepted their invitation, declaring
that " he could not resist the call of his country."

1 The Bourbon Kings

Henry /F(the first of the Bourbon line; d. 1610)

Louis XIII (d. 1643)

Louis XIV (d.. 17 15)
1

Philip, duke of Orleans (d. 1701)

Louis XV {6.. 1774)

Philip the

Regent (d. 1722)

great-grandson of Louis XIV

Louis (d. 1752)

Louis the Dauphin (d. 1765)

T.onis Philinne M. i78c^

Louts XVI Louis

1
XVIII

1
Charles X

Philippe

(d. 1793)

(d.

1824)

(deposed 1830)

(Egalite)

count of Provence

count of Artois

(d. 1793)
1

Louis XVII (6.. 1795)

Louis
Phihppe I

(deposed

Louis

Charles

1848)

duke of

Angouleme

Berri

Duke of

(d. 1844)

(d. 1820)

(Duke of

Bordeaux

later count

of Chambord)

"Henrv V"

Orleans
(d. 1842)

1
Count
of Paris
(d. 1894)

(d.

1S83)

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 341

The parliament undertook to make the necessar}- changes in The charter
the existing Charter which Louis XVIII had granted, and re-
quired the new king to accept it before his coronation. The
preamble of the Charter was suppressed because it wounded
national dignity " in appearing to grant to Frenchmen the
rights which essentially belonged to them." Freedom of the
press and the responsibility of the ministers to the parliament
were expressly proclaimed. Lastly, the provision establishing
the Roman Catholic religion as the religion of the State was
stricken out.

In reality, however, the Revolution of 1830 made few inno- The slight
vations. One king had been exchanged for another who pro- Revolution
fessed more liberal views, but the government was no more °^ ^^3°
democratic than before. The right to vote was still limited to
the few wealthy taxpayers, and government by clergy and
nobility had given place to government by bankers, specula-
tors, manufacturers, and merchants. The tricolored flag of
the Revolution was adopted as the national flag instead of
the white banner of the Bourbons, but France was still a
monarchy, and the labors of the republicans in organizing the
insurrection had gone for naught.

Section 51. Establishment of the Kingdom of
Belgium

The Revolution of 1830 in France was the signal for an Grievance of

. A • -NT 1 1 1 1 ' the Belgians

outbreak m the former Austrian Netherlands, where many against the
grievances had developed since the Congress of Vienna had gov'Jrnment
united the region with the Dutch Netherlands under the rule
of William of Orange. In the first place, the inhabitants of his
southern provinces were dissatisfied with William's government.
He had granted a constitution to his entire kingdom on the
model of the French Charter, but many people objected to his
making the ministers responsible to himself instead of to the
parliament, and also to the restricted suffrage which excluded

342

Outlines of European History

all but the well-to-do from the right to vote. Although the
southern provinces had over a million more inhabitants than
the Dutch portion of the kingdom, they had only an equal
number of representatives. Moreover, the Dutch monopolized
most of the offices and conducted the government in their own

Palace of Justice at Brussels

Belgium was for centuries one of the busiest and most thrifty sections
of Europe. Its rich, industrial cities, like Brussels, Ghent, Bruges, and
Antwerp, were nurseries of democracy during the Middle Ages. The
sturdy self-dependence of the Belgians was shown in many wars against
their own feudal rulers and neighboring monarchs. This picture shows
how the great courthouse at Brussels towers over the roofs of the city.
It is not a monument of the old days, however, but of the new kingdom
of the nineteenth century

and Catholics

Religious interests. There were religious difficulties too. The southern
aSe bluveen provinccs were Catholic, the northern mainly Protestant. The
Protestants Ymg was a Protcstant, and took advantage of his position to

convert Catholics to his own faith.^

Louis Philippe had been seated on his throne only a few

days when the agitation over these grievances broke out into

I For the Belgians' statement of their grievances, see Readings^ Vol. II, p. 14.

Europe after the Congress of Vieima 343

open revolt at Brussels. The revolution spread ; a provisional The inde-
government was set up; and on October 4, i83o,*it declared: dom of Bd-^
" The province of Belgium, detached from Holland by force, ^^""^r^ j
shall constitute an independent state." The declaration was
soon followed by the meeting of a congress to establish a per-
manent form of government. This assembly drew up a consti-
tution based on the idea of the sovereignty of the people, and
decided that the head of the new government should be a king
constrained by oath to observe the laws adopted by the people.
The Belgians were therefore very much in the same position as
the English in 1688 when they made William of Orange their
king on their own terms. They finally chose as their sovereign
Leopold of Coburg, and in July, 1831, he was crowned king of
the new state. -^

Section 52. Formation of the German
Confederation

The chief effects of the Napoleonic occupation of Germany Three chief

were three in number. First, the consolidation of territory that Napoleon's

followed the cession of the left bank of the Rhine to France, '^^^^^^ '"
as explained previously, had done away with the ecclesiastical

states, the territories of the knights, and most of the free towns, i. Disap-

^ , , . . , ^ -IT r r , pearance of

Only thirty-eight German states, including four free towns, were ^ost of the
left when the Congress of Vienna took up the question of form- ^'"^^ ^^^^^^
ing a confederation to replace the defunct Holy Roman Empire.^

1 The constitution which the Belgians drew up for themselves in 1831, with
some modifications, is the basis of their government to-day, and Leopold II, the
son of their first king, Leopold I, was their sovereign until 1909, when he was
succeeded by his nephew, King Albert.

The loss of Belgium made no important change in the government of the Neth-
erlands. In 1848 King William II was forced to grant his subjects a new and en-
lightened constitution in place of the charter which he had issued some thirty
years before. On the death of William III in 1890 his daughter, Wilhelmina,
came to the throne, and as the grand duchy of Luxemburg was hereditary only
in the male line it passed to a relative of the deceased king, the duke of Nassau.

2 The leading provisions of the Act of Confederation are given in the
Readings, Vol. II, pp. 16 ff.

344

Outlines of European History

2. Advanta-
geous posi-
tion of
Prussia

3. Demand
for constitu-
tional govern-
ment

The German
Confedera-
tion of 1815

Secondly, the external and internal conditions of Prussia had
been so changed as to open the way for it to replace Austria
as the controlling power in Germany. A great part of the Slavic
possessions gained in the last two partitions of Poland had been
lost, but as an indemnity Prussia had received half of the king-
dom of Saxony, in the very center of Germany, and also the
Rhine provinces on the west, where the people were thoroughly
imbued with the revolutionary doctrines "that had prevailed in
France. Prussia now embraced all the various types of people
included in the German nation and was comparatively free from
the presence of non-German races. In this respect it offered a
marked contrast to the heterogeneous and mongrel population
of its great rival, Austria.

The internal changes in Prussia were no less remarkable.
The reforms carried out after the battle of Jena by the distin-
guished minister Stein and his successor, Hardenberg, had done
for Prussia somewhat the same service that the first National As-
sembly had done for France. The abolition of the feudal social
castes and the liberation of the serfs made the economic devel-
opment of the country possible. The reorganization of the whole
military system prepared the way for Prussia's great victories in
1866 and 1870, which led to the formation of a new German
Empire under her headship.

Thirdly, the agitations of the Napoleonic Period had aroused
the national spirit.-^ The appeal to the people to aid in freeing
their country from foreign oppression, and the idea of their par-
ticipation in a government based upon a written constitution, had
produced widespread discontent with the old absolute monarchy.

When the form of union for the German states came up for
discussion at the Congress of Vienna, two different plans were
advocated. Prussia's representatives submitted a scheme for a
firm union, in some respects like that of the United States, in
which the central government should control the individual states
in all matters of general interest. This idea was successfully

1 See above, p. 322.

Europe after the Congress of Vie7i7ia

345

opposed by Metternich, supported by the other German rulers.
Austria realized that her possessions, as a whole, could never
be included in any real German union, for even in the western
portion of her territory there were many Slavs, while in Hungary
and the southern provinces there were practically no Germans
at all. On the other hand, she felt that she might be the leader

Fig. 88. The Palace of the Eiviperor of Austria at \'ienxa

Under the influence of Metternich, Vienna became almost as much the

center of European politics after Waterloo as Paris had been under

Napoleon. The vast palace of the Hapsburgs stands in the center of

the city, which is one of the most beautiful in Europe

in a very loose union in which all the members should be left
practically independent. Her ideal of a union of sovereign
princes under her own headship was almost completely realized
in the constitution adopted.

The confederation was not a union of the various countries
involved, but of '' The Sovereign Princes and Free Towns of
Germany," including the emperor of Austria and the king of
Prussia for such of their possessions as were formerly included
in the Holy Roman Empire ; the king of Denmark for Holstein ;

346

Outlines of European History

The insignifi-
cant diet at
Frankfort

Weakness of
the German
union

Political
associations
of German
students

and the king of the Netherlands for the grand duchy of Luxem-
burg. The union thus included two sovereigns who were out-
and-out foreigners, and, on the other hand, did not include all
the possessions of its two most important members.^

The assembly of the confederation was a diet which met at
Frankfort. It was composed (as was perfectly logical) not of
representatives of the people, but of plenipotentiaries of the
rulers who were members of the confederation. The diet had
very slight powers, for it could not interfere in the domestic af-
fairs of the states, and the delegates who composed it could not
vote as they pleased, since they had to obey the instructions of
the rulers who appointed them, and refer all important questions
to their respective sovereigns. So powerless and so dilatory
was this assembly that it became the laughingstock of Europe.

The members of the confederation reserved to themselves the
right of forming alliances of all kinds, but pledged themselves
to make no agreement threatening the safety of the union or
of any of its members, and not to make war upon any member
of the confederation on any pretense whatsoever. The con-
stitution could not be amended without the approval of all the
governments concerned. In spite of its obvious weaknesses, the
confederation of 1815 lasted for half a centur)^, until Prussia
finally (in 1866) expelled Austria from the union by arms, and
began the formation of the present German federation.

The liberal and progressive party in Germany was sadly
disappointed by the failure of the Congress of Vienna to weld
Germany into a really national state. The university students
denounced the reactionary party in their meetings, and drank
to the freedom of Germany. On October 18, 18 17, they held
a celebration in the Wartburg to commemorate both Luther's
revolt ^ and the anniversary of the battle of Leipzig. Speeches
were made in honor of the brave who had fallen in the war
against Napoleon,

1 Observe the boundary of the German Confederation as indicated on the
map, pp. 318-319. 2 The tercentenary of the outbreak.

Europe after tJie Congress of Vienna 347

This innocent burst of enthusiasm excited great anxiety in The murder
the minds of the conservative statesmen of Europe, of whom
Metternich was, of course, the leader. The murder by a fa-
natical student of a newspaper man, Kotzebue, who was sup-
posed to have influenced the Tsar to desert his former liberal
policy, cast further discredit upon the liberal party. It also
gave ]\Ietternich an opportunity to emphasize the terrible re-
sults which he anticipated would come from the students' asso-
ciations, liberal governments, and the freedom of the press.

Metternich called together the representatives of the larger The " Carls-
states of the confederation at Carlsbad in August, 18 19. Here tions,"^i8i9
a series of resolutions were drawn up with the aim of checking
the free expression of opinions in newspapers and universities
hostile to existing institutions, and of discovering and bringing
to justice the revolutionists who w^ere supposed to exist in
dangerous numbers. These " Carlsbad Resolutions " were laid
before the diet of the confederation by Austria and adopted,
though not without protest.-^

The attack upon the freedom of the press, and especially
the interference with the liberty of teaching in the great insti-
tutions of learning, which were already beginning to pride them-
selves on their scholarship and science, scandalized some of the
progressive spirits in Germany ; yet no successful protest was
raised, and Germany as a whole acquiesced for a generation
in Metternich's system of discouraging reform of all kinds.

Nevertheless, important progress was made in southern The southern
Germany. As early as 18 18 the king of Bavaria granted states^r'eceive

his people a constitution in which he stated their rights and constitutions,

^ ^ ° 1818-1820

admitted them to a share in the government by establishing a

parliament. His example was followed within two years by the

rulers of Baden, Wiirtemberg, and Hesse. Another change was Formation of

the gradual formation of a customs union, which permitted union^^

goods to be sent freely from one German state to another ^[/^'^^gsia

without the payment of duties at each boundary line. This at its head

1 See Readings, Vol. II, p. 20, for the " Carlsbad Resolutions."

348 Otitlmes of European History

yielded some of the advantages of a political union. This
economic confederation, of which Prussia was the head and
from which Austria was excluded, was a harbinger of the
future German Empire (see Chapter XVIII, below).

Section 53. Restoration in Spain and Italy

State of The restoration in Spain after Napoleon's downfall was

jSph^BlTna- ^ore thoroughgoing than in any other country involved in the
parte revolutionary conflicts. Napoleon's efforts to keep his brother

Joseph on the Spanish throne had led to a war which brought
misery and demoralization upon the country until the autumn
of 18 1 2, when Wellington drove the French invaders over the
Pyrenees. During this entire period the Spanish people steadily
resisted French dominion and maintained the semblance of an
independent government.

The Cortes, or parliament, was loyal to the dethroned Bour-
bon, Ferdinand VII, but it took advantage of his absence to
draw up a liberal constitution in 18 12.
Ferdinand When Ferdinand VII (who had spent the previous six years

tVe^ctlTsto^ in France surrounded by Napoleon's guards) was, in 18 14, r&-
tion stored to power by the strength of English arms, he repudiated

entirely this liberal government. He declared that the Cortes
which had drawn up this instrument had usurped his rights
by imposing on his people " an anarchical and seditious con-
stitution based on the democratic principles of the French
Revolution." _He accordingly annulled it and proclaimed those
who continued to support it guilty of high treason and worthy
of death.^ With the old absolute government, he restored the
Inquisition, feudal privileges, and the religious orders. The
Jesuits returned, the books and newspapers were strictly cen-
sored, free speech was repressed, monastic property was returned
to the former owners, and the liberals were imprisoned in large
numbers or executed.

1 This manifesto is printed in the Readings^ Vol. II, p. 23.

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 349

Turning to Italy, we find that the Congress of Vienna had Italy only" a
left it, as Metternich observed, merely '' a geographical expres- fxpfe?sion"^
eion " ; it had no political unity whatever. Lombardy and ^^"^^^ ^^^5
Venetia, in the northern part, were in the hands of Austria,
Ivhile Parma, Modena, and Tuscany belonged to members of
the Austrian family. In the south the considerable kingdom of
Naples was ruled over by a branch of the Spanish Bourbons.
In the center, cutting the peninsula in twain, were the Papal
States, which extended north to the Po. The presence of
Austria, and the apparent impossibility of inducing the Pope
to submit to any government but his own, seemed to preclude
all hope of making Italy into a true nation.

Although Napoleon had governed Italy despotically, he had Reforms
introduced many important reforms. The vestiges of the feudal |JJ itaiy'^^
reVime had vanished at his approach ; he had established an ^"""f *^^

^ . . Napoleonic

orderly administration and had forwarded public improvements, occupation
But his unscrupulous use of Italy to advance his personal am-
bitions disappointed those who at first had received him with
enthusiasm, and they came to look eagerly for his downfall.

The king of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel I, entered his capi- Abolition of
tal of Turin on May 20, 18 14, amid great rejoicing, but im- piedmont
mediately proceeded to destroy with a stroke of his pen all the
reforms which the Revolution had accomplished in Piedmont
during his absence. He gave back to the nobility their ancient
feudal rights; he restored to the clergy their property, their
courts, and their press censorship ; religious freedom was
suppressed.

The same policy was adopted in the States of the Church, The clergy
where, in 18 14, an edict was issued which swept away French temporal
legislation and restored the old order. In the zeal to destroy ^^pa/'stJeg^
the work of the French, root and branch, vaccination and street
lighting at Rome were abolished as revolutionary innovations.

In Lombardy and Venetia, where Austrian sovereignty was The Austrian
established, the reforms instituted during the Napoleonic Period \^ itaiy'
were practically nullified. In order to fasten securely their

350

Outlmes of Europeaii History

government on these provinces, the Austrians set up a public
and secret police system, which constantly interfered with indi-
vidual liberty in the most arbitrary fashion.

In addition to his Lombardo-Venetian kingdom in the
northern part of Italy, the Austrian emperor enjoyed a pro-
tectorate over Modena ; by treaty the duke of Tuscany prac-
tically surrendered his duchy to him ; Maria Louisa of Parma
turned the administration of her domain over to his officers ;
and Ferdinand of Naples was bound to him in a defensive and
offensive alliance. In short, only Sardinia and the Papal States
retained their freedom from '' German " domination.

Though dismembered and subjected to a foreign yoke, the
Italy of 1815 was not the Italy which Napoleon had found when
he first entered it at the head of the French army in 1796.
Despite the restoration, traces of the Revolution were every-
where apparent, not only in law and government but, above all,
in the minds of men. National aspirations had been awakened
which the Austrian police could not stamp out; Italians, high
and low, came to know and appreciate French reforms at first
hand, though they might loathe the memory of Napoleon as a
conqueror and a tyrant.

Section 54. The Spanish-American Colonies and
THE Revolution of 1820

The very thoroughness with which Metternich's ideas were
carried out in Spain and Italy led to renewed attempts on the
part of the liberals to abolish despotism. It was not, therefore,
in Germany or France, as the allies had feared, but in Spain
and then in Italy, that the spirit of revolution was first to
reawaken.

Spain itself was, of course, but a small part of the vast
Spanish empire, which included Mexico (and the regions to
the northwest later acquired by the United States), Central
America, and large portions of South America, besides her

Europe after the Congress of Vienfia

351

island possessions. The Spanish colonies had from the first The Spanish
been the victims of the selfish commercial policy of the mother Northland
country, which forced them to carry on all their trade with one South Amer-

•^ ica begin to

or two favored Spanish ports. The success of the North Amer- dream of in-
ican colonies in throwing off the yoke of England suggested ^^^"
ideas of independence to the Spanish colonies. These suddenly
broke out into revolt when the news reached the colonies that

^ ,, ^^:r^

Fig. 89. Bolivar

Napoleon had placed his brother on the Spanish throne and
proposed to control the Spanish commerce in his own interests.
Beginning in 1810, the colonies of Mexico, New Granada
(now Colombia), Venezuela, Peru, Buenos Ayres, and Chile,
while they still professed to be loyal to Ferdinand VII, took
their government into their own hands, drove out the former
Spanish agents, and finally rejected Spanish rule altogether.
At first the revolt was put down with great cruelty, but in
181 7, under the leadership of Bolivar, Venezuela won its inde-
pendence, and during the following five years the Spaniards lost

Revolt of
the Spanish
colonies,
1S10-1825

352

Outlines of Etiropean History

England
opposes re-
conquest of
the Spanish
colonies

Restora-
tion of the
constitution
of 1812 in
Spain, 1820

News of the
Spanish revo-
lution reaches
Italy

New Granada, Peru, Ecuador, Chile, Mexico, and lastly (1825)
Upper Peru, which was renamed Bolivia after its liberator.

Ever since his restoration Ferdinand VII had been sending
thousands of men to die of fever and wounds in the vain attempt
to subdue the insurgents. He had called upon the other powers
to help him, on the ground that his colonies were guilty of
revolutionary crimes which it was to the interest of all the allied
monarchs to aid in suppressing. He was disappointed however.
England did not wish to lose the trade which had grown up with
South American ports since they were freed from the restric-
tions of the mother country.

At last, in January, 1820, the soldiers who were waiting in
Cadiz to be sent to America, well aware of the sufferings of the
regiments which had preceded them, were easily aroused to
revolt by two adventurous officers. The revolutionists proclaimed
the restoration of the constitution of 18 12, which Ferdinand had
abolished on his return. Their call was answered by the liberals
in the larger towns, including Madrid, where a mob surrounded
the palace (March 9), and forced the king to take the oath to
the constitution of 18 12.

News of the Spanish revolt spread quickly throughout Italy,
where the spirit of insurrection had been at work among the
secret societies which had everywhere been organized. By far the
most noted of these was that which called itself the Carbonari,
that is, charcoal burners. Its objects were constitutional govern-
ment and national independence and unity. When the Nea-
politans heard that the king of Spain had been forced by an
insurrection to accept a constitution, they made the first attempt
on the part of the Italian people to gain constitutional liberty
by compelling their king (July, 1820) to agree to accept this
same Spanish constitution of 18 12. The king, however, at once
began to cast about for foreign assistance to suppress the revo-
lution and enable him to return to his former ways.

He had not long to wait. The alert Mettemich invited
Russia, Prussia, France, and England to unite, in order to

Europe after the Congress of Vie7ina 353

check the development of " revolt and crime." " Revolution " Mettemich
appeared to him and his sympathizers as a fearful disease that [udon^L^r^^
not only destroyed those whom it attacked directly, but spread terrible
contagion wherever it appeared. Therefore prompt and severe
measures of quarantine were justified, in view of the necessity
of stamping out the devastating plague.

A conference was called in January, 1821,^ for the purpose Austrian
of taking practical measures to restore absolutism in southern Jn^iSuT^^^"
Italy. To this conference King Ferdinand of Naples was sum-
moned, and once safely away from the reformers, he heartily
concurred in the plan to send an Austrian army to Naples to
abolish the noxious constitution. The leaders of the revolt were
executed, imprisoned, or exiled, and the king was freed from the
embarrassments of the constitution.

Meanwhile the revolution in Spain had developed into a civil The Con-
war, and the representatives of the great powers, Russia, Austria, fona^ ^822^
Prussia, France, and England, met at Verona in 1822 to discuss
their common interests and decide what should be done about
the Spanish crisis.^ England refused to interfere in any way;
so finally it was left to Louis XVIII, urged on by the clerical
and ultra-royalist party, to send an army across the Pyrenees France aids
" with the purpose of maintaining a descendant of Henry IV vi\ toTup-

on the throne of Spain." This interference in the affairs of a ^l^^^ reform,
^ 1823-1825

neighboring nation which was struggling for constitutional
government disgusted the French liberals, w^ho saw that France,
in intervening in, favor of Ferdinand VII, was doing just what
Prussia and Austria had attempted in 1792 in the interests of
Louis XVI. But, unlike the duke of Brunswick, the French
commander easily defeated the revolutionists and placed Ferdi-
nand in a position to stamp out his enemies in such a ferocious
and bloodthirsty manner that his French allies were heartily
ashamed of him.

While France was helping to restore absolutism in Spain the
Spanish colonies, as we have seen, were rapidly winning their

1 It met at Laibach. 2 See Readings, Vol. II, p. 38.

Outlines of European History

Question of
the revolted
Spanish
colonies

The Monroe
Doctrine

England
recognizes
the independ-
ence of some
Spanish
colonics

Portuaral

independence, encouraged by the United States and England.
At the Congress of Verona all the powers except England were
anxious to discuss a plan by which they might aid Spain to get
the better of her rebellious colonies, since it was the fixed pur-
pose of the allies to suppress " rebellion in whatever place and
under whatever form it might show itself/'

The threats of Metternich and his friends led President
Monroe, in his message to Congress, December, 1823, to call
attention to the dangers of inter\'ention as practiced by the
European alliance of great powers, and clearly state what has
since become famous as the '' Monroe Doctrine,"^ namely, that
the United States would consider any attempt on the part of the
European allies to extend their system to any portion of this
hemisphere as dangerous to the peace and safet}- of the United
States and as an unfriendly act.

About the same time the English foreign secretary, Canning,
informed the French ambassador in London that any attempt
to bring the Spanish colonies again under their former submis-
sion to Spain would prove unsuccessful ; and that while Eng-
land would remain neutral in the troubles between the mother
countrv- and her American dominions, it would not tolerate the
intervention of a third party. Toward the close of 1824 Eng-
land recognized the independence of Buenos A\Tes, Mexico,
and Colombia, and paid no heed to the remonstrance of the
continental powers that such an action " tended to encourage
the rev^olutionar\' spirit which it had been found so difficult to
restrain in Europe,"

A word may be said here of Spain's little neighbor Portugal.
It will be remembered that when Napoleon dispatched his
troops thither Ir 1S07 the royal family fled across the Adantic
to their colony of Brazil. After the expulsion of the French by
the English, the government was placed in the hands of an
English general, Beresford, who ruled so despotically that

1 See Readings^
famous message.

Vol. II, p. 42, for an extract from President Monroe's

Eiirope after the Congress of Vienna 355

he stirred up a revolt in 1820, at the time when the insur-
rection in Spain was in progress. The insurgents demanded
the return of the royal family from Brazil and the granting of
a constitution. The king, John VI, accordingly set sail for
Portugal, leaving his elder son, Pedro, to represent him
in Brazil.-^

It will have become apparent that Metternich's international Mettemich's
police system, designed to prevent innovation and revolution, po^u^^system
was for all practical purposes a failure. The action of Great ^^^^^
Britain and the United States had weakened it. The struggle
of the Greek revolutionists against Turkey for independence,^
which finally involved Russia in a war with the Sultan and
ended in victory for the Greeks, demonstrated that even
Russia would not hesitate to aid and abet revolution if she
could thereby advance her own interests. The climax was
reached in 1830 by the revolution in France described above,
which deposed the older Bourbon line and established a liberal
government, thus violating the principles for which Metternich
had fought with so much determination. In fact, the Holy
Alliance, as such, never accomplished any great work, and it
went to pieces as much through its own inherent weakness
as through the growth of revolutionary spirit.

QUESTIONS

Section 50. Account for the fact that the French people did not
oppose the restoration of 181 4. Describe the Constitutional Charter
granted to France, June, 181 4. Account for the origin of political
parties in France. State the principles for which they stood.

Contrast the political views of Charles X with those of his brother
Louis XVIII. What were the July ordinances? Describe the way in
which Louis Philippe secured the tide of king. Give the terms of the
revised Charter. What gains were made by the Revolution of 1830?

1 In 1822 Pedro proclaimed the independence of Brazil and took the title of
emperor. In 1831 he abdicated in favor of his son, who retained the crown un-
til he was deposed by the revolution of 18S9, which established the United States
of Brazil as a republic. 2 See below, p. 577.

35^ Outlines of European History

Section 51. State the objections of the Belgians to the Dutch
government. Describe the government established in the new king-
dom of Belgium.

Section 52. What were the most important results of Napoleon's
influence in Germany.? What plans for German union were discussed
in the Congress of Vienna? What objections were made to any of
these plans .-^ Describe the plan adopted in the German Confedera-
tion of 1 81 5. Point out the weaknesses of this union. Mention two
important changes in the government of the German states during
the first quarter of the nineteenth century.

Section 53. Describe the condition of Spain from 18 12 to the
restoration of Ferdinand VII. Draw a map showing the territory
held by Austria in Italy. What was the kingdom of Sardinia?

Section 54. Describe the revolt of the Spanish-American col-
onies. In what way did Spain regain the constitution of 181 2?
What was the effect of the Spanish revolt upon the people of Italy?
What hindrances were placed in the way of constitutional govern-
ment in Spain from 1823 to 1825?

Who was Bolivar? What is the Monroe Doctrine? When and
why was it first stated? Give a brief outline of the history of
Portugal from 1807 to the restoration of the House of Braganza.

CHAPTER XIV

THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION

Section 55. Invention of Machinery for Spinning
AND Weaving

In the preceding chapters we have reviewed the startling The Indus-
changes and reforms introduced by the leaders of the French tion duJto"
Revolution and by Napoleon Bonaparte, and the reconstruction pechanical

J ^ r ' inventions

of Europe at the Congress of Vienna. These were mainly the
work of statesmen, warriors, and diplomats — who have cer-
tainly done their part in making Europe what it is to-day. But
a still more fundamental revolution than that which has been
described had begun in England before the meeting of the
Estates General.

The chief actors in this never stirred an assembly by their
fiery denunciation of abuses, or led an army to victory, or con-
ducted a clever diplomatic negotiation. On the contrary, their
attention was concentrated upon the homely operations of every-
day life — the housewife drawing out her thread with distaff or
spinning wheel, the slow work of the weaver at his primitive
loom, the miner struggling against the water which threatened
to flood his mine. They busied themselves perseveringly with
wheels, cylinders, bands, and rollers, patiently combining and
recombining them, until, after many discouragements, they
made discoveries destined to alter the habits, ideas, and pros-
pects of the great mass of the people far more profoundly than
all the edicts of the National Assembly and all the conquests of
Napoleon taken together.

The Greeks and Romans, notwithstanding their refined civi-
lization, had, as has been pointed out, shown slight aptitude for

357

358

Outlines of European History

Few new
inventions
added to the
old stock
before the
eighteenth
century

Improve-
ments in
spinning and
weaving

mechanical invention, and little had been added to their stock of
human appliances before the middle of the eighteenth century.
Up to that time the people of western Europe for the most
part continued to till their fields, weave their cloth, and saw and
plane their boards by hand, much as the ancient Egyptians had
done. Merchandise was still transported in slow, lumbering
carts, and letters were as long in passing from London to Rome

as in the reign of Constantine.
Could a peasant, a smith, or a
weaver of the age of Caesar
Augustus have visited France or
England eighteen hundred years
later, he would have recognized
the familiar flail, forge, distaff,
and hand loom of his own day.
Suddenly, however, a series
of ingenious devices were in-
vented, which in a few genera-
tions eclipsed the achievements
" of ages and revolutionized every
branch of business. This Indus-
trial Revolution serves to explain
the world in which we live, with
Fig. 90. Distaff and its busy cities, its gigantic factories
piNDLE ^ijg^ ^-^^ complicated machinery,

its commerce and vast fortunes,
its trade-unions and labor parties, its bewildering variety of plans
for bettering the lot of the great mass of the people. This story
of mechanical invention is in no way inferior in importance to
the more familiar history of kings, parliaments, wars, treaties,
and constitutions.

The revolution in manufacture which has taken place in the
last hundred and fifty years can be illustrated by the improve-
ment in making cloth, which is so necessary to our comfort and
welfare. In order to produce cloth one must first spin (that is,

The Indzistrial Revolution

twist) the wool, cotton, or flax into thread ; then by means of a
loom the thread can be woven into a fabric. A simple way of
spinning thread was discovered thousands of years ago, but it
was possible by the old methods for a person to make only a
single thread at a time.^ By 1767 James Hargreaves, an Eng-
lish spinner, invented what was called a spinning jenny, which
enabled a single workman, by turning a wheel, .to spin eight
or ten threads at once, and thus do the work of eight or ten
spinners. A year later a barber, Richard Arkwright,^ patented
a device for drawing out thread by means of rollers, and made
a large fortune —
for his time — by
establishing a great
factory filled with
power-driven ma-
chines. In 1779
Samuel Crompton
made a happy com-
bination of Har-
greaves's spinning
jenny and Ark-

wright's roller ma- yig. 91. The First Spinning Jenny
chine, which was

called the mule. Before the end of the eighteenth century,
machines spinning two hundred threads simultaneously had
been invented, and as they were driven by power and required
only one or two watchers, the hand workers could by no means

1 The hand spinner had bunches of wool, which had been combed into loose
curls, on the end of a stick, or distaff, and then pulled and twisted this with her
fingers into a yarn, which she wound on the spindle (see Fig. 90). By whirl-
ing the spindle around she could help twist. The spinning wheel was invented
to give a better twist to the spindle. It was used by our great-grandmothers, and
became common in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. By means. of the
spinning wheel it was possible in some cases for one person to make two threads,
one in one hand and the other in the other.

2 See picture opposite page 366. Arkwright is often spoken of as the founder
of the factory system. He was not only an inventor but also a clever business
man, and knew how to make large profits from the machines he set up.

36o

Outlines of European History

compete with them. Such inventions as these produced the
factory system of manufacture.

The enormous output of thread and yarn on these new-
machines made the weavers dissatisfied with the clumsy old
hand loom, which had been little changed for many centuries
until the eighteenth century. At length, in 1738, John Kay in-
vented a fly shuttle, a contrivance by which the weaver, without

FuHT^imiN^IOSiJUii 0 1..

Fig. 92. Spinning Mule

This huge frame is in principle much like Hargreaves's, though now

the long row of spindles — which the boy is touching — moves in and

out instead of the spinner with the wool. The combed wool is held on

the frame behind, to be pulled out and spun from the spindle tops

any assistant, could drive the shuttle to and fro, by means of a
handle placed conveniently near his stool. This improved hand
loom was in use during the entire eighteenth century, although
in 1784 Dr. Cartwright, a clergyman of Kent, patented a new
loom, which automatically threw the shuttle and shifted the
weft. Cartwright's self-acting loom, however, did not supplant
the hand loom for almost fifty years, when its mechanism was
so perfected that the hand workers could no longer compete
with it. It was steadily improved during the nineteenth century

The htdustrial Revolution 361

until now a single machine watched by one workman can do
as much weaving in a day as two hundred weavers could do
with old-fashioned hand looms. Other inventions followed.
The time required for bleaching was reduced from several
months to a few days by the use of acids, instead of relying
principally upon the sunlight. In 1792 Eli Whitney, in the
United States, invented a power '' gin," which enabled one
man to take the seeds out of over a thousand pounds of cotton
a day instead of five or six pounds, which had been the limit for
the hand worker.

The effect of these inventions in increasing the amount of
cloth manufactured was astonishing. In 1764 England im-
ported only about four million pounds of raw cotton, but by
1 841 she was using nearly five hundred million pounds annually.
At the close of the Napoleonic wars Robert Owen, a distin-
guished manufacturer and philanthropist (see 'below), declared
that his two thousand workmen at New Lanark could do as
much work with the new machinery which had been invented
during the past forty years as all the operators of Scotland
could do without it.

Section 56. The Steam Engine

In order that inventions could further develop and become iron and
widely useful, two things were necessary : In the first place, sa^^Yor^h?'
there must be available a sufficiently strong material out of development

J ^ of machinery

which to construct the machinery, and for this purpose iron
and steel have, with few exceptions, proved the most satisfac-
tory. In the second place, some adequate power had to be
found to propel the machinery, which is ordinarily too heavy
to be run by hand or foot. Of course windmills were common,
and waterfalls and running streams had long been used to turn
water wheels, but these forces were too restricted and uncer-
tain to suffice for the rapid development of machinery which
resulted from the beginnings we have described. Consequently

3^2

Outlines of European History

while Arkwright, Hargreaves, and Crompton were successfully
solving the problem of new methods of spinning and weav-
ing, other inventors were improving the ways of melting and
forging iron for the machines and of using steam to run them.
Although iron had been used for tools, weapons, and armor
for hundreds of years, the processes of reducing the iron from

the ore and of working
it up were very crude.
It was not until 1750
that coal began to be
used instead of charcoal
for melting, or soften-
ing, the metal. The old-
fashioned bellows gave
way to new ways of pro-
ducing the blast neces-
sary for melting iron,
and steam hammers
were invented to pound
out the iron instead of
doing it by hand.

Contrary to popular
impression, James Watt
did not invent the steam
engine. Important parts
of the engine — the
boiler, the cylinder, and
the piston — had been
invented before he was
born, and crude engines had been employed for a long time
in pumping water. Indeed, Watt's inteiest in the steam engine
seems to have been awakened first during the winter of 1763-
1764, when, as an instrument maker in Glasgow, he was
called upon to repair the model of a steam engine which had
been invented sixty years before by an ingenious mechanic

Fig. 93. Newcomen's Steam Engine

Newcomen's steam engines were run by
condensing the steam in the cyHnder [a]
by cold water {g), so that the air on the
piston [5) pressed it down on the vacuum.
Watt covered both ends of the cyhnder
and used steam instead of air to push
the piston

The Industrial Revolution 363

named Newcomen. Watt, however, was a brilliant and indus-
trious experimenter, and, building upon the work of Newcomen
and other men, he was able to make the steam engine a prac-
tical machine for furnishing power to the new factories. In
1785 the steam engine was first applied to run spinning
machinery in a factor}^ in Nottinghamshire. Arkwright adopted

Fig. 94. James Watt

Watl was enabled to make his invention a success by securing the

financial support of a rich iron manufacturer of Birmingham. The firm

to Boulton and Watt soon supplied most of the engines for the whole

country. Their first use was as a pump in the mines

it in 1790, and by the end of the century steam engines were
becoming as common as wind and water mills.

England was the first countr}^ to develop the modern use of The indus-
machiner)^ for manufacturing. It was not until after the estab- tion in France
lishment of peace in 18 15 that the Industrial Revolution really
began in France. Napoleon endeavored to foster and protect
French industries and stimulate the employment of machinery in

364 Outlines of Europe mi History

manufacturing ; but in spite of his best efforts, French industry
remained in a backward state. On the eve of his downfall there
was only one small steam engine employed in French industry
— at a cotton factory in Alsace ; but by 1847 France had nearly
five thousand steam engines with a capacity of sixty thousand
horse power. Germany was also much behind England.

The consumption of raw cotton was multiplied fivefold in
thirty years, and in 1847 there were over one hundred thou-
sand spinning machines with three and a half million spindles
at work. By 1848 France had many important manufacturing
centers. Paris alone had three hundred and forty-two thousand
working people, and other cities, such as Lyons, Marseilles,
Lille, Bordeaux, and Toulouse, had their great factories and
whole quarters peopled by factory laborers. And the working
class had begun by that time to form unions and organize
strikes against their employers for the purpose of increasing
wages and reducing the hours of labor.

Section 57. Capitalism and the Factory System

The " domes- Having seen how machinery was introduced into England in
of industry the latter part of the eighteenth century and how steam came
to be utilized as a motive power, we have now to consider the
important results of these inventions in changing the conditions
under which people lived and worked. Up to this time the
term " manufacture " still meant, as it did in the original Latin
{manu facere), "to make by hand." Artisans carried on trades
with their own tools in their own homes or in small shops, as
the cobbler does to-day. Instead of working with hundreds of
others in great factories and being entirely dependent upon his
wages, the artisan, in England at least, was often able to give
some attention to a small garden plot, from which he derived a
part of his support. This " domestic system," as it is called, is
graphically described by the journalist Defoe, as he observed it
in Yorkshire during a journey through England in 1 724-1 726 :

The hidus trial Revolution 365

" The land was divided into small enclosures of from two Defoe's de-
acres to six or seven acres each, seldom more, every three or Yorkshire^'
four pieces having a house belonging to them ; hardly a house ^j^^isans
standing out of speaking distance from another. We could see
at every house a tenter and on almost every tenter a piece of
cloth, or kersie, or shalloon. At every considerable house there
was a manufactory. Every clothier keeps one horse at least
to carry his manufactures to market, and every one generally
keeps a cow or two, or more, for his family. By this means
the small pieces of enclosed land about each house are occu-
pied, for they scarce sow corn [that is, grain] enough to feed
their poultry. The houses are full of lusty fellows, some at
their dye vat, some at their looms, others dressing the cloth;
the women and children carding or spinning, all being employed
from the youngest to the eldest."

As the Industrial Revolution progressed, these hand workers Principle of
found themselves unable to compete with the swift and tireless systenT"
machines. Manufacturing on a small scale with the simple old
tools and appliances became increasingly unprofitable. The
workers had to leave their cottages and spend their days in
great factories established by capitalists who had enough money
to erect the huge buildings and install in them the elaborate and
costly machinery and the engines to run it.

One of the principal results of this factory system -^ is that it Chief results
makes possible a minute division of labor. Instead of work- auction of
ing at the whole process, each worker concentrates his atten- "machinery
tion upon a single stage of it, and by repeating a simple set i. Division
of motions over and over again acquires wonderful dexterity.
At the same time the apprenticeship is shortened, because each
separate task is comparatively simple. Moreover the invention
of new machinery is increased, because the very subdivision of
the process into simple steps often suggests some way of sub-
stituting mechanical action for that of the human hand.

^ For an account of the way in which Arkwright founded the factory system,
see Readings^ Vol. II, p. 63.

of labor

366

Outlines of European History

Printing

3. Growth of
great manu-
facturing
towns

An example of the greatly increased output rendered possible
by the use of machinery and the division of labor is given by
the distinguished Scotch economist, Adam Smith, whose great
work, The Wealth of Nations, appeared in 1776. Speaking of
the manufacture of a pin in his own time, Adam Smith says •.
" To make the head requires two or three distinct operations ;
to put it on is a peculiar business, to whiten the pin is another.
It is even a trade by itself to put them into the paper, and the
important business of making a pin is, in this manner, divided
into about eighteen distinct operations." By this division, he
adds, ten persons can make upwards of forty-eight thousand
pins in a day. This was when machinery was in its infancy.
A recent writer reports that an English machine now makes
one hundred and eighty pins a minute, cutting the wire, flat-
tening the heads, sharpening the points, and dropping the pins
into their proper places. In a single factory which he visited
seven million pins were made in a day, and three men were all
that were required to manage the mechanism.

Another example of modern mechanical work is found in
printing. For several centuries after Gutenberg printed his first
book, the type was set by hand, inked by hand, each sheet of
paper was laid by hand upon the type and then printed by
means of a press operated by a hand lever. Nowadays our
newspapers, in the great cities at least, are printed almost alto-
gether by machinery, frorri the setting up of the type until they
are dropped, complete, and counted out by hundreds, at the
bottom of a rotary press. The paper is fed into the press from
a great roll and is printed on both sides and folded at the rate
of five hundred or more newspapers a minute.

Before the coming of machinery, industry was not concen-
trated in a few great cities, but was scattered more or less
evenly over the country in the hands of small masters, or in-
dependent workmen, who combined manufacturing with agri-
culture on a small scale. For example, the metal workers of
West Bromwich and the cutlers of Sheffield (already famous

Fig. 95. Richard Arkwkight

Arkwright was one of the first men to acquire wealth from the use of

machinery in the factories, and so is sometimes termed the father of

the Factory System

Fig. 96. A Workixg-Class Demoxstration in England
AGAINST Unemployment

The Industrial Rezwhitiofi 367

in Chaucer's day) lived in cottages with small plots of land
around them, and in dull seasons, or to change their occupa-
tion, engaged in gardening. The factory system put an end to
all this. The workmen now had to live near their work ; long
rows of houses, without gardens or even grassplots, were
hastily built around the factory buildings, and thus the ugly
tenement districts of our cities came into existence.

This great revolution in the methods of manufacturing pro- 4. Appear-
duced also a sharp distinction between two classes of men itafitt^ciass^^
involved. There were, on the one hand, the capitalists who
owned the buildings and all the rnechanism, and, on the other,
the workmen whom they hired to operate the machines. Previ-
ous to the eighteenth century those who owned large estates
had been, on the whole, the most important class in political
and social life. But, alongside of the landed aristocracy, a
powerful mercantile class had arisen, whose wealth, gained by
commerce and trade, gave them influence in the affairs of the
nation.^ With the improvements in machinery there was added
the new class of modem capitalists, who amassed fortunes by
establishing great manufacturing industries.^

The workingman necessarily became dependent upon the 5. The work-
few who were rich enough to set up factories. He could no dependent ^
longer earn a livelihood in the old way by conducting a small ^^^"Jj^j
shop to suit himself. The capitalist owned and controlled the
necessary machinery, and so long as there were plenty of work-
men seeking employment in order to earn their daily bread, the
owner could fix a low wage and long hours. While an indi-
vidual employee of special ability might himself become a capi-
talist, the ordinary workman would have to remain a workman.
The question of the proportion of the product which should

1 See Defoe's description of eighteenth-century merchant princes, Readings,
Vol. II, p. 67.

2 The industrial capitalist began to appear even before the days of Arkwright
and Watt, for there were employers earlier, who in some cases collected ten,
twenty, or more looms in a town and employed workmen who had no tools of
their own, thus creating something like the later factory system.

368

Outlines of European History

Problem of
labor vs.
capital

6. Women
and children
in the fac-
tories

The Indus-
trial Revolu-
tion relieves
some women
of their
former duties

go to the workers, and that which may properly be taken by
the capitalist, or manager, who makes a successful business pos-
sible, lies at the basis of the great problem of capital and labor.

The destruction of the domestic system of industry had also
a revolutionary effect upon the work and the lives of women
and children. In all except the heaviest of the mechanical
industries, such as ironworking or shipbuilding, the introduc-
tion of simple machines tended greatly to increase the number
of women and children employed compared with the men. For
example, in the textile industry in England during the fifty
years from 1841 to 189 1, the number of males employed in-
creased fifty-three per cent, and the number of females two
hundred and twenty-one per cent. Before the invention of
the steam engine, when the simple machines were worked by
hand, children could be employed only in some of the minor
processes such as preparing the cotton for spinning. But in
the modern factory labor is largely confined to watching ma-
chines, piecing broken threads, and working levers, so that
both women and children can be utilized as effectively as men,
and much more cheaply.

Doubtless the women were by no means idle under the old
system of domestic industry, but their tasks were varied and
performed at home, whereas under the new system they must
flock to the factory at the call of the whistle, and labor monot-
onously at a speed set by the foreman. This led to many grave
abuses which, as we shall see,^ the State has been called upon
to remedy by factory legislation, which has served to save the
women and children from some of the worst hardships, although
a great deal still remains to be done. On the other hand, thou-
sands of women belonging to the more fortunate classes have
been relieved of many of the duties which devolved upon the
housewife in the eighteenth century, when many things were
made at home which can now be better and more cheaply
produced on a large scale.

1 See below, p. 512,

The Industrial Revoltition 369

Before the Industrial Revolution there had been no sudden 7. Broaden-
change in the life and habits of the people, since the same tools mfchankal °^
had been used in the same way, often by the same family, from progress on

■' ■' ■' the working'

generation to generation. When invention began change began, man
and it seems likely to become more and more rapid, since new
and better ways of doing things are discovered daily. Old
methods give way to new ones, and the workman of to-day
may successively engage in a considerable variety of occupa-
tions during his life as industries rise, are transformed, and
decline under the stress of competition and invention. This
serves to shake the workingman out of the old routine, encour-
ages him to move from place to place as circumstances dictate,
and so widens his experience and broadens his mind. He has
also learned to combine with his fellows into national unions,
and even international congresses of workingmen are held to
consider their common interests and agree upon general policies.

To these changes still another may be added, that is, the 8. Expansion
expansion of commerce. In spite of the development of trade ° conimerce
before the eighteenth century, a great part of the goods pro-
duced was destined to be consumed in the neighborhood,
whereas, after the invention of machinery, it became cus-
tomary to manufacture goods to be sold in any part of the
world ; so that one would find the products of Manchester
or Birmingham in Hongkong, Melbourne, or Bulawayo. Ac-
cording to official estimates, the exports of England, which
amounted to less than fourteen million pounds sterling in 1783,
exceeded twenty-nine millions thirteen years later.-^

The Industrial Revolution, in addition to changing funda- 9. Effect of
mentally the old methods of living, traveling, and working. Revolution
gave an entirely new direction to European politics and to ^g^tTand
theories of government and industry. The two great classes politics
created by the Industrial Revolution, namely, the middle class
and the working class, each entered politics on its own ac-
count; and the struggle of these two groups against the

1 See p. 648 for the output to-day.

370

Outlines of Europeaft History

The middle
class

Political
economy

The theory of
individualism

large landlords and the clergy constitutes a very large portion
of the political history of Europe during the nineteenth century.
The contest of the manufacturers of Europe to win markets
for their products in the four corners of the earth is largely
responsible for the opening up of backward places in the
Orient and Africa.

The enterprising mill owners and merchants handling prod-
ucts naturally were discontented with the way in which feudal
landlords and absolute monarchs monopolized, or attempted to
monopolize, government. They also were dissatisfied with the
attempts of governments to maintain many of the restrictions
on industry and business enterprise which originated in the
Middle Ages, and which only hampered the individual initiative
of the man who wanted to run his business in his own way
and sell his goods as he pleased.

This middle class of manufacturers and traders developed a
theory of government suited to their particular interests, which
they called political economy. According to this theory of
government or political economy, which was formulated by
Adam Smith and developed by later writers, the government
should keep its hands off of industry. It should not attempt
to regulate prices of goods or pass upon their quality. Neither
should it interfere with the employer and his workmen, nor
prescribe the hours or conditions of labor in factories.^

The principle on which this early political economy was
based was that everj person was the best judge of what was
good for himself, and, if left alone, would rise or fall in the
scale of prosperity according to his individual efforts and abili-
ties. Prices would be kept at the lowest possible point by
competition among manufacturers, and a " natural " rate of
wages would be established in each industry under the law
of supply and demand. This theory was peculiarly acceptable

1 This was known as the doctrine of laissez faire, from the French phrase
meaning "let things be," which was used by the economists of the eighteenth
century. See above, p. 159.

The hidiistrial Revolution

371

to the prosperous middle class of merchants and manufacturers,
and they assumed that their doctrines were not only sound and
productive of the greatest happiness, but partook of the char-
acter of " natural laws " which could not be broken by govern-
ments or by organizations of workingmen without disastrous
consequences.

The chief trouble with this political economy was that it did
not work well in practice. On the contrary, the great manu-
facturing cities, instead of being filled with happy and prosper-
ous people, became the homes of a small number of capitalists
who had grown rich as the owners and directors of the factories
and multitudes of poor working people with no other resources
than their wages, which were often not enough to keep their
families from starvation. Little children under nine years of
age working from twelve to fifteen hours a day and women
forced to leave their homes to tend the machines in the fac-
tories were now replacing the men workers. After their long
day's work they returned to miserable tenements in which
they w^ere forced to live.

After the close of the Napoleonic wars as things got worse
rather than better, there were increasing signs of discontent in
England. This led to various attempts to improve matters. On
the one hand there were those who hoped to secure reforms by
extending the right to vote, in order that the working classes
might be represented in Parliament and so have laws passed
to remedy the worst evils at least. In this movement some of
the wealthier class often joined, but the working people were
naturally chiefly interested and they embodied their ideas of
reform in a great '' people's charter," which is described below
in Chapter XXI.

In addition to this attempt to secure reform by political
action, the workingmen formed unions of their own in the
various trades and industries, in order to protect themselves by
dealing in a body with their employers. This trade-union
movement is one of the most important things in modern

Sad results of
the Industrial
Revolution

Attempts to
secure laws
to help the
working
classes

Origin of
trade-unions

372

Outlines of European History

times. It began in the early part of the nineteenth century.^
At first the formation of unions was forbidden by English law,
and it was regarded as a crime for workingmen to combine
together to raise wages. Men were sentenced to imprisonment
or deportation as convicts because they joined such " combina-
tions," or unions. In 1824 Parliament repealed this harsh law,
and trade-unions increased rapidly. They were hampered, how-
ever, by various restrictions, and even now, although they have
spread widely all over the world, people are by no means agreed
as to whether workingmen's unions are the best means of im-
proving the conditions of the laboring classes.

The third general plan for permanently bettering the situa-
tion of the working people is what is known as socialism.
As this has played a great role in the history of Europe
during the past fifty years we must stop to examine the
meaning: of this word.

Section 58. The Rise of Socialism

Socialism teaches that '' the means of production "" should
belong to society and not be held as the private property of
individuals. ^' The means of production " is a very vague phrase,
and might include farms and gardens as well as tools ; but when
the Socialist uses it he is generally thinking of the machines
which the Industrial Revolution has brought into the world and
the factories which house them, as well as the railroads and
steamships which carry their goods. In short, the main idea of
the Socialists is that the great industries which have arisen as a
result of the Industrial Revolution should not be left in private
hands. They claim that it is not right for the capitalists to own
the mills upon which the workingman must depend for his
living; that the attempt of labor unions to get higher wages

1 The craft guilds described in a previous chapter (see above, p. 126) somewhat
resembled modem labor unions, but they included both capitalists and laborers.
Our labor unions did not grow out of the medieval guilds but were organized to
meet conditions that resulted from the Industrial Revolution.

The Indies trial Revolution 373

does not offer more than a temporary relief, since the system
is wrong which permits the wealthy to have such a control over
the poor. The person who works for wages, say the Socialists,
is not free ; he is a '^ wage slave " of his employer. The way
to remedy this is to turn over the great industries of the

Fig. 97. Robert Owen

Robert Owen rose from a mill worker to be a rich factory owner. He
was convinced that mankind is naturally good and that the evil in society
comes from bad surroundings. One of the worst influences, he thought,
was the competitive system, which makes people try to get the best of
one another ; while common ownership would, he thought, make each
interested in the other's welfare

capitalists to national, state, or local ownership, so that all
should have a share in the profits. This ideal state of society,
which, they say, is sure to come in the future, they call the
Cooperative Commonwealth.

The first Socialists relied on the kind hearts of the capital- The early
ists to bring the change, once the situation was made clear,
They dreamed of a future civilization which would be without

Socialists

374 Outlines of Etiropean History

poverty, idleness, or ugliness.-^ Of these early Socialists the
most attractive figure was Robert Owen, a rich British mill
owner, who had much influence in England in the period of
hard times after Waterloo. To him, probably, is due the word
'^ socialism." There were also Socialist writers and teachers
in France who exercised a great influence over the working
classes there during the second quarter of the century (see
next chapter).

Modern Socialists, however, regard these early Socialists as
dreamers and their methods as impracticable. They do not
think that the rich will ever, from pure unselfishness, give up
their control over industries. So they turn to working people
only, point out the great advantage to them of socialism, and
call upon them to bring it about in the face of the opposition
of the capitalists. They claim that wealth is produced by labor,
for which capital but furnishes the opportunity, and that labor
is justified in taking what it produces.^

The great teacher of this modern doctrine of socialism was
Karl Marx, a German writer who lived most of his life in Lon-
don. He was a learned man, trained in philosophy and political
economy, and he came to the conclusion from a study of history
that just as the middle class or capitalists ^ had replaced feudal
nobles, so the working class would replace the capitalists in the
future. By the working class he meant those who depend upon
their work for a living. The introduction of the factory system
had reduced the vast majority of artisans to a position in which
the capitalist was able to dictate the conditions upon which this
work should be done. Marx, in an eloquent appeal to them

1 Among these dreamers may be mentioned Sir Thomas More, who, in the
time of Henry VIII, wrote the famous little book called " Utopia," or "the land
of nowhere," where everything was arranged as it should be, and where men lived
together in brotherly love and prosperity. Since his day those who advocate any
fundamental revolution in society have commonly been called Utopians.

2 This does not mean that Socialists would divide up all private property.
Socialists claim only that there shall be no unearned wealth in private hands, con-
trolling, as now, the industries of the country. Brain workers are also " workers."

3 The French term bourgeoisie is often used by Socialists for this class.

The hidiLsU'ial Revohitioji 375

in 1847,^ called upon the members of this " proletariat,"
"who have nothing to lose but their chains,"' to rise and seize
the means of production themselves. His appeal had almost

Fig. 98. Karl Marx

Karl Marx was born in 18 18 in Treves, reared in an enlightened home,
and educated at the universities of Bonn and BerHn. He had early de-
cided upon the career of a university professor, but the boldness of his
speech and his radical tendencies barred his way, and consequently he
entered journalism. His attacks on the Prussian government led to the
suppression of his paper in 1843, ^^id he soon migrated to Paris. He was,
however, expelled from France, and after some wanderings he finally
settled in London, where he studied and wrote until his death, in 1883

no effect at the time, but it has been an inspiration to later
generations of Socialists and is frequently quoted by them.

Modern, or ''Marxian," socialism is therefore a movement Socialism and

r 1 1 • 1-1 r democracy

of the working class. As such, it must be viewed as part 01

1 The Communist Manifesto, written jointly with Frederick Engels. Marx
used the word " communism " to distinguish his plan from the socialism of Owen
and the " dreamers " who looked to capitalists to help.

international
movement

376 Outlines of European History

the history of democracy. It is never satisfied with partial re-
forms so long as the conditions remain which make possible
the control of the work of one man by another for the latter's
benefit. So it insists that the workers shall keep one aim clearly
in mind and not be drawn into other political parties until the
Cooperative Commonwealth is gained.
Socialism an There is one other important element in socialism. It is inter-
national. It regards the cause of workers in different countries
as a common cause against a common oppressor — capitalism.
In this way socialism was a force for peace between nations until
the war of 191 4.

QUESTIONS

Section ^$. What do you mean by the Industrial Revolution?
Describe the contribution to the Industrial Revolution of each of the
following men, giving dates of their inventions : Kay, Hargreaves,
Arkwright, Crompton, Cartwright, Whitney.

Section 56. Give an account of the invention of the steam
engine. Give a short sketch of the Industrial Revolution in France.

Section 57, What was the domesdc system of industry? Con-
trast this system with the factory system. Oudine the main results
of the factory system. What is political economy? What is meant
by individualism ?

Section 58. What is meant by socialism? Give a brief account
of the life of Karl Marx." W^hat difference is there between the
socialism of Marx and that of the earlier Socialists?

CHAPTER XV

REVOLUTION OF 1848 IN FRANCE

Section 59. Unpopularity of Louis Philippe's
Government

The Revolution of 1830 gave the final blow in France to character of
the divine right of kings. The sovereignty of the people was Philippe
proclaimed in the revised Charter which Louis Philippe ac-
cepted from the parliament. He added to the former title —
" King of the French by the Grace of God " — the significant
phrase " and the Will of the Nation." But in spite of these
externals, only a small fraction of the nation had any part in
the new government. The revised election law, which reduced
the voting age from forty to thirty years and the property
qualification by one third, still excluded the majority of French-
men from political life. The king himself announced that his
policy would be the golden mean between conservatism and
liberalism.

The so-called " July monarchy " was therefore stoutly op- The Legiti-
posed by two types of extremists — the adherents of the older "^^^^^
Bourbon line (or Legitimists, as they were called) and the
Republicans. The former regarded as their lawful king a
grandson of Charles X whom they called Henry V (see table,
p. 340). This party was numerically small; it was mainly re-
cruited from the nobility and the clergy, and was not given to
violent measures, such as throwing up barricades and seizing
public buildings.

It was an altogether different matter with the Republicans, The Repubii-
who cherished the memories of 1793 and continued to threaten
France with another violent revolution. This party carried on

377

378

Outlines of European History

its work mainly through secret societies, similar to the Car-
bonari in Italy, which spread rapidly in the new manufacturing
towns. Remembering the ease with which they had shaken a
monarch off the throne in 1830, the Republicans made several

Fig. 99. Louis Philippe

Louis Philippe lived without the pomp of royalty, and was fond of
going shopping, almost unattended, carrying his green umbrella under
his arm. He was cautious, grasping, and avaricious, and as time wore
on he grew more and more conservative. His reign of eighteen years
was a period of political stagnation

futile attempts to organize insurrections, which were speedily
put down, however, by Louis Philippe's troops.

In addition to their other efforts to destroy the monarchy, the
Republicans published a number of papers which attacked the
government and even ventured to make sport of the king.
The administration thereupon determined to suppress entirely
this revolutionary party by strict police supervision of socie-
ties and by press censorship. By the use of these vigorous

Revolution 0/1848 in France 379

and tyrannical methods the Republicans, as a political party,
were reduced for the time being to insignificance.

Meanwhile there was growing up in the large industrial cities The
a socialistic party, which no mere change of rulers or extension °^*^ ^^*^
of the suffrage would satisfy. Its members had seen the re-
public, the empire, and the Bourbon monarchy come and go,
and constitutions made and unmade, leaving the peasants and
workingmen in the same poverty as before. On the other
hand, they had seen the nobles deprived of their privileges
and the clergy of their property, and it was only natural that
bold thinkers among them should demand that the triumphant
m^iddle class, who owed their wealth to commerce and the new
machinery, should in turn be divested of some of their riches
and privileges in the interest of the working classes.

Denunciations of private property and of the unequal distri- Babceufadvo-
bution of wealth had been heard during the first French Revo- [sdrsys^terrT
lution and even earlier, but they had attracted little attention, during the

-^ Reign of

Baboeuf (i 760-1 797) had declared in the days of the Terror Terror
that a political revolution left the condition of the people
practically unchanged. What was needed, he claimed, was
an economic revolution. " When I see the poor without the
clothing and shoes which they themselves are engaged in
making, and contemplate the small minority who do not work
and yet want for nothing, I am convinced that government is
still the old conspiracy of the few against the many, only it has
taken a new form." His proposal to transfer all property to
the State and so administer it that every one should be assured
employment, speedily found adherents, and a society was formed
to usher in the new order. The organization was soon suppressed
and Baboeuf himself executed ; but his writings were widely
circulated, and after the July revolution in 1830 several groups
of Socialists began to agitate their plans of social revolution.

Some of these were dreamers, like Fourier, who wished to "Utopian"
establish groups of cooperative workers in well-arranged settle-
ments, living by themselves, where all would be happy in each

380 Oiitliiies of European History

other's welfare. Fourier relied, as Robert Owen did, upon the
kind hearts of philanthropists to start the movement. Of a
different character, however, was the practical program of
Louis Blanc's Louis Blanc, whose volume on The Organization of- Labor ^
of Labor \%Iq published in 1839, gave definiteness to the vague aspirations
of the reformers.-^ Blanc proclaimed the right of all men to
employment and the duty of the State to provide it. He pro-
posed that the government should furnish the capital to found
national workshops which should be managed by the workmen,
who were to divide the profits of the industry among themselves,
thus abolishing the employing class altogether. The " organi-
zation of labor " became the battle cry of the labor leaders ;
it was heard even in the Chamber of Deputies. Nevertheless,
there was no well-organized socialist party ready to enter the
political field or to work for a definite aim.
Views of The political power at this time was really in the hands of

Guizot two groups of statesmen, one headed by Thiers, and the other

by Guizot, both famous as historians and men of letters. Thiers
wished to have a constitution like that of England, where, as
he was wont to say, " the king reigns but does not rule."
Guizot wished the king to exercise real power; he did not
want the throne to become an '' empty armchair," and re-
garded further changes in the constitution as undesirable. In
1840 he became prime minister, and he and the king together
ruled France for eight years. Though personally honorable,
Guizot placed the government on a thoroughly corrupt basis
and then attempted to stifle protest by police measures and
the prosecution of newspaper editors. He steadily refused
to undertake any legislation for the benefit of the working
classes and opposed all efforts to extend the suffrage, main-
taining that there were not more than one hundred thousand
persons in all France '' capable of voting with good judgment
and independence." This extreme conservatism, which checked
reform, brought instead a revolution.

1 For Blanc's labor program, see Readings, Vol. II, p. 76.

Revolution 0/1848 in France 381

Section 60. The Second French Republic

In spite of Guizot's strong position, there were, in Febru- The Febru-
ary, 1848, disturbances in the streets of Paris which fright- tiSiiTn Paris
ened Louis Philippe and led to the resignation of the unpopular
minister. But this did not restore quiet, for the leaders in the
street disturbances wanted far more than a change in the
ministry. During the evening of the twenty-third they made
a formidable demonstration before the Foreign Office, where
Guizot resided ; thereupon the soldiers on guard fired upon and •
killed several of the rioters. This roused the anger of the
populace to fever heat; the bodies of the victims were placed
on a'cart and carried through the boulevards in a weird torch-
light procession. Before the dawn of February 24 the eastern
part of the city was covered with barricades. In the narrow
winding streets a cart or two and a heap of cobblestones formed
an effective fortification, while the tall houses on either side en-
abled a few defenders to check a considerable body of soldiers.

The entire city was soon in the hands of the insurgents, and Abdication
Louis Philippe in despair abdicated in favor of his grandson, phiiippe,
the count of Paris. Both the Republicans and the labor party fg^^g^"^^ ^4>
were determined to have no more royalty, so they proclaimed
a republic on the afternoon of the twenty-fourth, subject to A republic
the ratification of the people in a national assembly to be P^^'^^^"^^
summoned immediately.

The moderate Republicans were quite satisfied with merely How the
abolishing the monarchy, but the workingmen, whose active coop- was^able^to
eration had put the revolutionists in power, had set their hearts ^^"trol the

^ ^ ' provisional

on introducing the whole scheme advocated by Louis Blanc. So government
they induced the provisional government to issue a decree estab-
lishing " national workshops," and empowering the minister of
public works to put the plan into execution.

As a further concession to the labor element the provisional
government established in the Luxembourg palace, the former
meeting place of the House of Peers, a committee charged

382

Outlines of Europe aii History

A labor com-
mission es-
tablished at
the Luxem-
bourg

The labor
parliament
assembles in
the hall
hitherto occu-
pied by the
House of
Peers

The national
workshops a
mere tem-
porary ex-
pedient
unworthy
the name

with the special task of looking after the interests of the work-
ing classes. This was really a shrewd move on the part of the
opponents of the " Socialists," for it sent the latter away from
the City Hall to waste their time in making fine speeches and
expounding theories for carrying out which no money had
been appropriated.

The Luxembourg committee, headed by Louis Blanc and a
leader of the workingmen named Albert, began its sessions on
March i, and at once proceeded to organize a labor parliament
composed of delegates from each trade. This was opened on
March lo with a speech by the eloquent Blanc. He declared
that as he beheld the workmen assembled in the Hall of the
Peers, hitherto the sanctuary of privilege, in which so many
laws directed against them had been made, he felt an emotion
which he could with difficulty repress. ^' On these same seats,"
he exclaimed, " once glittering with embroidered coats, what do
I see now ? Garments threadbare with honorable toil, some
perhaps bearing the marks of recent conflict." The labor par-
liament, however, accomplished very little, for the government
had furnished them with no money, and consequently Louis
Blanc and his supporters were powerless to carry out their
plan for cooperative workshops, which they regarded as the
most vital of all their reforms.-^

The provisional government had, it is true, ordered the estab-
lishment of national workshops and issued a decree guarantee-
ing employment to all, but with very different motives from
those of the labor committee. Louis Blanc and his followers
sought to organize the various trades into permanent, self-
supporting cooperative industries, financed in the beginning by
the State, but managed by the workingmen themselves. The
provisional government, on the contrary, merely desired to allay
the restlessness of the unemployed by fair promises. It, opened
relief works accordingly, which offered more or less useless
occupation to the idle men who thronged to Paris. It attempted

1 Blanc's version of this experiment is given in the Readings, Vol. II, p. S2.

RevohUion 0/1848 in France 383

no more than merely to organize into brigades those who ap-
plied for work, and set them to digging ditches and building
forts at a uniform wage of two francs a day. In fact the min-
ister placed in charge of these so-called '' national workshops "
was opposed to the whole scheme.

This crude temporary expedient was put into operation
March i, and in fifteen days six thousand men had enrolled in
the government employ. In April the number reached a hun-
dred thousand, and several million francs were being expended
to pay these labor gangs. The plan, however, realized the orig-
inal object of the government — it kept the idle busy and pre-
vented disorder until the conservative classes could regain their
usual ascendency.

On May 4 the provisional government gave way to a National The National
Assembly elected by practically universal manhood suffrage, ex^hfbTts no
which was called upon to draft a new republican constitution- sympathy for

^ ^ socialism

for the country. The majority of the deputies were moderate
Republicans who were bitterly opposed to all socialistic tendencies.
The rural districts which had taken no part in the Revolution
could now make themselves felt, and it was clear enough that
the representatives of the peasants did not sympathize in any
way with the projects and demands of the Paris workingmen.

Before it could proceed to consider seriously the form of the The terrible
new constitution the National Assembly was forced to take 0/^848 ^^^
decisive measures in regard to the " national workshops," to
which crowds continued to flock, draining the treasury to pay
for their useless labor. It soon resolved to close the " work- •
shops," and ordered the men either to join the army or leave
the city. The people at once set up the cry of " bread or lead,"
and the most terrible street fighting that Paris had ever wit-
nessed ensued. The streets of the districts inhabited by the
working classes were again torn up for barricades, and from
Friday, June 23, until the following Monday a desperate con-
flict raged. The Assembly, fearing the triumph of the labor
party, invested General Cavaignac with dictatorial power to

384

Outlines of European History

crush the revolt. Victory was inevitably on the side of the gov-
ernment troops, who were well disciplined and well equipped,
while the insurgents fought irregularly and were half-starved.
In its hour of triumph the government's retaliation was most

unjustifiably severe; for
about four thousand citi-
zens were transported
without trial, thirty-two
newspapers were sup-
pressed, and the leading
writers among the radi-
cals imprisoned. Order
was restored, but the
carnage of the " June
days " left a heritage of
undying hatred between
the workingmen and the
capitalists of Paris.

After this cruel " so-
lution " of the labor
problem the Assembly
turned to the work of
drawing up a constitu-
tion. In spite of a strong
royalist minority, the
Assembly had declared
itself in favor of a re-
public on the very first
day of meeting. It re-
vived the motto of "Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity," and
urged all Frenchmen to forget their former dissensions and
" to constitute henceforth but a single family."

After six months of debate a new constitution was promul-
gated. It proclaimed the sovereignty of the people and guaran-
teed religious freedom and liberty of the press. The government

Fig. I go. Conflict between Work-
ingmen AND THE Troops in Paris,
June, 1848

Revolution 0/1848 in France 385

was vested in a single chamber elected by popular vote, and in
a president, to be chosen, also by popular vote, for a term of
four years.

After the establishment, of the constitution, interest centered The candi-
in the first presidential election, held on December 10, 1848, presidency ^
Three leading candidates entered the contest, Ledru-Rollin,
representing the labor party, General Cavaignac, who had so
ruthlessly suppressed the June insurrection, and Louis Napoleon,
a nephew of Napoleon I.

The last of these candidates had up to this time led a varied Checkered
and interesting life. He was born in Paris while his father, Loufs^^
Louis Napoleon, was king of Holland. After his uncle's down- ^'^po'eon
fall, when he was six years old, he was expelled from France
with his mother, who wandered about with him for some time.
She continually impressed upon his youthful mind the fact that
one who bore the great name of Bonaparte was destined to
accomplish something in the world, and he came firmly to be-
lieve that it was his mission to reestablish the Napoleonic
dynasty on the throne of France.

After the death of Napoleon Fs son in 1832^ he put himself
forward as the direct claimant to the imperial crown, and four
years later he attempted to provoke a military uprising at
Strassburg, designed to put him on the throne of France. This
proved a m.iserable failure. He then settled in England, where
he published in 1839 a volume on Napoleonic Idcas^ in which

1 Chief members of the Napoleonic House.

Carlos Buonaparte

Joseph Napoleon I Louis Caroline Jerome

king of Spain 1 king of Holland m. Murat, king of Westphalia

I I king of Naples I

Napoleon II Napoleon III I

king of Rome \ Napoleon Joseph

<L 1832 Eugene Louis (Plon Plon)

(killed in Zululand, I

1879) ,,.l

Victor

2 Extracts from this work are printed in the Readings, Vol. II, p. 84.
II

The caricaturist rep-
resents Louis Napoleon
fallen upon evil times.
But as lie sits in his Lon-
don lodgings despondent
over his past failures to
make himself master of
France, his pet eagle
alights upon the Inist of
his famous itncle. Napo-
leon I, and prophesies
a great future for his

Fig. loi. English Caricature of Louis Napoleon (1848;

386

Revolution of 1848 in France 387

he represented Napoleon as the servant of the principles of the Louis Napo-
Revolution, his empire as the guardian of the rights of the peo- l^^Zde^
ple, and his fondest desire, the progress of democracy. In short, ^'"'^ ^'^^^^
he created a fictitious Napoleon who hoped and labored only
for the good of the people, and who was overthrown by tyrants.

In 1840 it seemed to Louis Napoleon that the time was ripe
for another attempt to win the coveted crown. He landed with
a few companions at Boulogne, bringing with him a tame eagle
as an emblem of the empire. This second enterprise, like the
first, proved a fiasco, and the unhappy leader was shut up in a
fortress, from which, in 1846, he escaped to England to await the
good fortune to which he still firmly believed himself destined.

The insurrection in 1848 offered just the opportunity he de- Louis Napo-
sired, and four days after the proclamation of the republic he ^^ France in
announced his presence in Paris to the provisional government, ^^4^
pledged himself to support it, and declared that he had no
other ambition than that of serving his country. Shortly after-
ward he was elected a member of the National Assembly and
soon found favor with the populace.

He had for years professed himself a democrat and pro- He concili-
claimed his belief in the sovereignty of the people.-^ He had of all classes
written several essays in which he had expressed sympathy ^"fgj^enTof'^
with the working^ classes, and he was known to have interested the French

rr 1 1 • ir Republic

himself in the projects of Louis Blanc. He now offered himself
as a candidate for the presidency and issued a campaign mani-
festo, as adroitly worded as many of his famous uncle's procla-
mations, in which he promised the working classes special laws
for their benefit; but, on the other hand, he distinctly repudi-
ated all socialistic schemes and reassured the middle classes by
guaranteeing order and the security of property. This time his
plans worked admirably, for he was elected president by an over-
whelming majority of five and a half million votes to less than
one million and a half cast for the two other candidates combined.

1 An interesting characterization of Louis Napoleon by one who knew him is
given in the Readings^ Vol. II, p. 92.

l88

Oiitlmes of E7i7'opeaii History

How Louis
Napoleon be-
gan to work
toward rees-
tablishing the
empire

Ccnip cfetat
of December

The presi-
dent is given
dictatorial
power by a
plebiscitum

Section 6i. Louis Napoleon and the Second
French Empire

It soon became dear that the man whom the French had
put at the head of their second republic was bent on making
himself emperor.

He speedily began to work for a revision of the constitution
that would extend his term of office from four to ten years.
He selected his ministers from among his personal friends,
courted the favor of the army and the government officials,
and by journeys through the country sought to arouse the
enthusiasm of the people for the restoration of the empire.

As the Assembly refused to cooperate in his plans he finally
determined to risk a coup diktat, which he had been meditating
for some time. After a social function held in his palace on the
evening of December i, 185 1, he gathered about him a few
of his most trusted advisers and confided his designs to them.
When the morning of December 2 — the anniversary of the
glorious victory of Austerlitz — broke, the w^alls of Paris were
placarded with copies of a decree issued by the president, dis-
solving the Assembly, reestablishing universal suffrage, and
ordering a new election.-^

Finally, he submitted to the people of France the following
proposition : " The French people desire the maintenance of
the authority of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and delegate to him
the necessary powers in order to make a constitution on the
basis announced in his proclamation of December 2." Every
Frenchman twenty-one years of age was permitted to vote
" yes " or " no " on this proposition, and the result was offi-
cially estimated at 7,740,000 for the measure and 646,000
against it. The figures were doubtless quite inaccurate, but
the coup d'etat was approved by the people, and what may be
called the constitutional absolutism of the first Napoleon was
again introduced into France.

1 For Louis Napoleon's appeal to the French, see Readings^ Vol. II, p. 88.

Revolution 0/1848 in France 389

Save for a little bloodshed in Paris on December 4, this Peaceful
revolution was accomplished very quietly. About a hundred theTevofu-
thousand opponents of Napoleon throughout aie country, in- tion of De-^
eluding the leaders of the opposition in the Assembly, were
arrested, and nearly ten thousand were exiled from France, but
the people at large accepted the situation without protest. The
workingmen generally rejoiced in the overthrow of the politicians
who had waged war on them in the bloody June days of 1848.

The president was now master of France. He appointed Reestablish-
officers, proposed laws, declared war, made peace, and in fact ^pire, No-
himself constituted the real power in the government. Though member, 1852
already an emperor in reality, he was not satisfied until he se-
cured the title, and it was evident that the country was ready
for the fulfillment of his hopes, for wherever he went he was
greeted with cries of " Long live the Emperor." Part of this
public sentiment was doubtless inspired by the president's
officials, but the name of Napoleon awakened glorious mem-
ories, and there was a genuine desire throughout France to see
the empire reestablished.

Toward the close of 1852 Louis Napoleon, in a speech at
Bordeaux,^ at last openly announced his belief that France was
ready for the abolition of the second republic. Inasmuch as the
members of the senate were chosen by Louis Napoleon himself
they readily agreed to pass a decree making him Napoleon III,
emperor of the French. This decree was submitted to popular
vote (November, 1852) and ratified by an overwhelming major-
ity. The dream of Louis Napoleon's life was at last realized —
the Napoleonic dynasty was restored.

For over ten years his government was a thinly veiled des- Despotic
potism. Though the imperial constitution confirmed the great Napoleon
principles of the Revolution, a decree abolishing the liberty of J^^gn^t ^°^'^"^'
the press was immediately issued. No periodical or newspaper
treating of political or social economy could be published with-
out previous authorization on the part of the government.

1 Readings^ Vol. II, p. 91.

390 Outlines of European History

Moreover the government officers could suppress journals at
will. Napoleon III had promised liberty of instruction, but he
compelled the teachers in the university to take an oath of alle-
giance to himself. Instruction in history and philosophy was
discouraged, and the university professors were directed to
shave their moustaches " in order to remove from their appear-
ance, as well as from their manners, the last vestiges of anarchy."

Fig. 1 02. Napoleon III

Prosperity of Notwithstanding this autocratic re'gime, the country was pros-
the second perous and the people fairly contented. If the emperor was a
empire, 1852- (jgspot, he endeavored — and with no little success — to be an
enlightened one. Benevolent institutions increased in num.ber.
Railway construction was rapidly pushed forward, and great
trunk lines which had been begun under Louis Philippe were
completed. The city of Paris was improved and beautified ;
the narrow streets were widened and broad avenues laid out.
The great exposition of 1855 testified to the industrial and
scientific advance of France ; and if litde of all this progress is

Revolution 0/1848 in France 391

to be attributed to the emperor's initiative, it nevertheless re-
mains a fact that it was accomplished under his rule. Moreover,
in 1870, he yielded to the imperative demand of the liberals
for a reform of the constitution, and established the responsi-
bility of his ministers to parliament. If it had not been for a
series of foreign events which weakened his reputation at home.
Napoleon III might have remained securely on his throne until
his death.

QUESTIONS

Section 59. Give a sketch of the two parties which opposed the
" July monarchy," Discuss the work of Babceuf and Blanc. Contrast
the political views of Thiers and Guizot.

Section 60. Give an account of the February revolution in Paris.
Describe the part taken in the provisional government by the labor
party. What were the ''June days of 1848".'* Describe the consti-
tution of the Second French Republic. Sketch the life of Louis
Napoleon to the year 1848.

Section 61. What means did Louis Napoleon take to reestablish
the empire? Characterize the government of Napoleon III. What
did the empire do for France.^

CHAPTER XVI

The issues
of the Revo-
lution of 1848
broader than
those of the
First French
Revolution

REVOLUTION OF 1848 - AUSTRIA, GERMANY, ITALY

Section 62. The Fall of Metternich

When Metternich heard of the February revolution in France
all his old fears were revived. '' Europe finds herself to-day,"
he declared, "in the presence of a second 1793." Great
changes had, however, taken place during the fifty-five years
which had elapsed since France first offered to aid other
nations to free themselves from their '' tyrants " and throw off
the trammels of feudalism. In 1848 the principles proclaimed
in the Declaration of the Rights of Man were accepted by the
liberal parties which had come into existence in every state of
Europe, and which were actively engaged in promoting the
cause of popular government, a free press, equality of all be-
fore the law, and the abolition of the vestiges of the feudal
system. Moreover the national spirit which had awakened
during the Napoleonic Period was at work, and served more
than anything else to excite opposition to the existing order.
Lastly, the Industrial Revolution was beginning to quicken the
thought and arouse the aspirations of the great mass of the
population. Those who lived by the labor of their hands and
were employed in the new industries which were rapidly devel-
oping, now had their spokesmen, especially in France and Eng-
land, and claimed the right to vote and to mold the laws to
meet their particular interests. So in 1848 the rights of nations
and of the laborer were added to the rights of man, which had
constituted the main issue in 1793.

In nearly every European country the liberals were encour-
aged by the successful February revolution in Paris to undertake

392

Revolution 0/1848 — Austria, Germany, Italy 393

to win, by violence if necessary, the reforms which they had The agitation
so long been advocating. In England a body of workingmen, g^al thrmigh-
known as " Chartists," made a desperate though futile effort 5?^ western

' ^ ° Europe

to wring from Parliament the right to vote.^ The Swiss, who
had just passed through a civil conflict, swept away the consti-
tution which had been adopted in 18 14, and drew up a new
one.^ But the chief agitations of 1848, outside of France, were
directed against the governments of Germany, where Metternich
had for forty years been doing his best to prevent any hint
of change.

But before proceeding it will be necessary to consider more Extraordi-
carefully than we have hitherto done the singular composition "f p'eopier^
of the realms of the House of Hapsburg. The regions west of "j.'ian ^uie^
Vienna, extending to Switzerland and Bavaria, were inhabited
chiefly by Germans. To the south, in the provinces of Carniola,
Styria, Carinthia, and Istria, there were many Slavs ; and to
the north, in Bohemia and Moravia, were the Czechs, inter-
spersed among twice their number of Germans. On the
borders of Russia dwelt the Poles, whose territories the em-
peror had received at the partition of their kingdom. The

1 See below, p. 497.

2 The settlement of 1815 in Switzerland, like that in Germany, Italy, and
other European countries, met with opposition from the liberals. It had left the
internal government of each canton in the hands of a small minority of the
wealthy classes, and had modeled the diet on that of Germany, making it merely
a congress of ambassadors with slight powers. Agitation for a revision of this
system was begun immediately after its establishment, but it was opposed es-
pecially by the Catholics, who were in a slight minority and feared that a stronger
central government would be used by the Protestants to restrict their rights. In
1841 the government of Aargau precipitated a civil conflict by suppressing the
monasteries within its jurisdiction. Although the Swiss constitution guaranteed
the monasteries in their rights, the federal government refused to interfere with
the domestic concerns of Aargau. Thereupon the Catholic cantons, under the
leadership of Lucerne, Uri, and Zug, formed a Catholic alliance, or Sotiderbimd,
which defied the entire democratic and nationalist party. After some skirmishes
which scarcely deserve the name of war, this party of disunion was suppressed,
and in 1848 a new federal constitution was drawn up. Instead of a diet of ambas-
sadors it provided for a senate representing the states, and for deputies elected
by the people at large on the plan of the government of the United States.
This constitution was revised in 1874, when still larger powers were given to
the federal government.

394

Revohition 0/1848 — Austria, Germany , Italy 395

inhabitants of the kingdom of Hungary included, besides the
Magyars, or Hungarians proper, who dwelt in the vast plains
of the Danube valley, Roumanians in the south and east, and
the independence-loving Croats (Croatians) in the south and
west. Beyond the Alps was the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom
inhabited by Italians. Among this mass of people of different
tongues and traditions, the most important were the Germans
of Austria, the Czechs of Bohemia, the Magyars of Hungary,
and the Italians in Lombardy and Venetia.

In the provinces of the Austrian Empire, Ferdinand I ruled The govern-
personally through ministers whom he appointed and dismissed. Austria
Laws were made, taxes levied, and revenues spent without con-
sulting the people. Newspapers, books, theaters, and teachers
were watched closely by the police to prevent the introduction
of any new ideas. Travel abroad was restricted by a decree
which required every citizen leaving the realm to have a govern-
ment passport. Scholars were therefore largely cut off from
the thought of western Europe, and Metternich boasted that
the scientific spirit had been kept out of even the universi-
ties. The nobles still enjoyed their ancient authority over their
serfs, including the right to prevent their leaving the villages
without permission, and to exact from them the old feudal
services. The clergy were as powerful as they had been be-
fore the French Revolution, and non-Catholics were excluded
entirely from government offices.

In the kingdom of Hungary the government was under the Hungary
control of the proud and tyrannical Magyar nobles, who still by the
enjoyed their old feudal privileges. There was a diet, or parlia- ^^^f^^^^
ment, composed of an upper house of nobles, and a lower house
of representatives chosen by the smaller landlords. Although
the Magyars, or Hungarians proper,^ constituted less than one

1 The Hungarians — who belong to a very different race from the Slavic
peoples, more akin to the Mongolian or Tartar, and speak the Magyar tongue —
invaded the Danube valley in the year 895, and wedged themselves in between
the Slavic Russians and Poles on the north and the " South Slavs " composed
of Croats, Slovaks, Montenegrins, and Serbians,

396

Outlines of Eiiropeaii History

half of the population, they held their neighbors, the Croats,
Roumanians, and Slovaks, in contempt, and denied them all
national rights. There were, however, enlightened liberals in
Hungary, whose program included the admission of the public to
the discussions in the diet ; a parliamentary journal in which the
debates should be published in full ; regular yearly meetings of
the diet ; equal taxation of all classes ; the abolition of the forced
labor required of the peasant, and all other vestiges of serfdom.

The government did all it could to suppress these tenden-
cies. The publication of reform speeches was forbidden, and a
prominent Hungarian leader, Kossuth, was imprisoned for cir-
culating them in manuscript. Undaunted by this punishment,
however, Kossuth, on his release, established a newspaper at
Pesth and began to advocate radical reforms in the Hungarian
government itself, as well as greater freedom from Austrian
interference. With fiery zeal he wrote and spoke on the aboli-
tion of feudal privileges, the introduction of trial by jury, re-
vision of the barbarous criminal law, and similar questions
which had long agitated the rest of Europe.

The Italians in Lombardo-Venetia were no less dissatisfied
than the Hungarians. The Austrian government there was in
the hands of police officials and judges who arrested and im-
prisoned freely all advocates of Italian rights. Tariffs were so
arranged as to enrich the emperor's treasury and check Italian
industries in favor of those of Austria. The forts were garri-
soned with Austrian troops which the government employed to
suppress any violent demonstrations.

The ground w^as therefore thoroughly prepared for the seeds
of insurrection when the overthrow of Louis Philippe encour-
aged the opponents of Metternich in Germany, Austria, Hun-
gary, and Italy to hope that they could destroy his system at
once and forever. On March 13, 1848, a number of students
proceeded to the assembly hall in Vienna where the local
diet was in session, and, supported by the crowd that quickly
gathered, invaded the building. Outside, the mob continued to

Revolution 0/1848 — A^Lstria, Germany, Italy 397

increase, barricades were built, street fighting began, and shouts Fall of
of " Down with Metternich ! " penetrated the imperial palace.
The aged minister, convinced that it was no longer possible to
check the rising torrent of revolution, tendered his resignation.

Fig. 103. Louis Kossuth

Kossuth was a wonderful orator, speaking with passionate, fiery elo-
quence. He was largely responsible for the Magyars' revolt in 1S48,
and became their virtual dictator during it. After it was crushed he
fled to Turkey, then visited France, England, and the United States.
He had learned in prison the tongue of Shakespeare and the King
James Bible, and surprised everyone by his eloquent command of
English. His great popularity was later clouded by the protests of other
refugees that he was claiming altogether too much for himself. From
1859 to his death, in 1894, he lived in Italy, refusing to return home
while a Hapsburg was ruling over Hungary

He fled from Austria and. found refuge in England, where he
was heartily welcomed by his old friend, the duke of \\' ellington,
who was himself occupied with a threatened uprising in London.
After the flight of Metternich a new ministry was formed, which
began to draft a constitution.

Metternich

398

Outlines of European History

Two days after the uprising in Vienna the Hungarian diet
at Pressburg, by a unanimous vote, dispatched a delegation to
the emperor, demanding a responsible ministry, freedom of the
press, trial by jury, and a national educational system. Then
the Hungarian diet, under the influence of the zealous patriot,
Kossuth, swept away the old offices through which the emperor
had ruled in Hungary, and established its own ministries of
finance, w^ar, and foreign affairs — a first step toward inde-
pendence. It also emancipated the peasants without provid-
ing compensation to the landlords, leaving that as a '' debt of
honor" to be paid in the future. The king, owing to the in-
surrection in Vienna, was in no position to reject even these
revolutionary measures.

His troubles were, moreover, not yet at an end, for on
March 15 the patriotic Czechs in the city of Prague held a
mass meeting at which a petition for civil liberty and the abo-
lition of serfdom was drawn up. Solemn mass was then said,
and a delegation bearing the petition left by special train for
Vienna amid the cheers of the crowd and the waving of Czech
flags. The emperor addressed the Bohemian delegates, to their
great joy, in their own language, and approved most of their
proposals. It will be observed that so far neither in Hungary
nor in Bohemia had the patriots shown any desire to throw off
their allegiance to their Austrian ruler.

In Italy, however, the Austrian rule was thoroughly hated.
Immediately on hearing the news of Metternich's fall the
Milanese expelled the imperial troops from their city, and the
Austrians were soon forced to evacuate a great part of Lombardy.
The Venetians followed the lead of Milan and set up once more
their ancient republic, which Napoleon had suppressed. The
Milanese, anticipating a struggle, appealed to Charles Albert,
king of Sardinia, for aid. By the middle of March a great part
of Italy was in revolt, and constitutions had been granted by the
rulers in Naples, Rome, Tuscany, and Piedmont. The king of
Sardinia was forced by public opinion to assume the leadership

Revolution 0/1848 — Austria, Germany, Italy 399

in the attempt to expel Austria from Italy and ultimately
perhaps to found some sort of an Italian union which would
satisfy the national aspirations of the Italian people. Pope
Pius IX, who was just beginning his long and celebrated pon-
tificate of more than thirty years, and even the Bourbon king
of Naples, were induced to consent to the arming of troops in
the cause of Italian freedom, and thus Italy began her first
war for independence.

The crisis in Vienna and the war in Italy now made it im- The Prus-
possible for Austria to continue to exercise the control over the a constitution
German states which she had enjoyed for more than thirty
years. Consequently there were almost simultaneous risings in
Baden, Wiirtemberg, Bavaria, and Saxony. The news of the
February revolution in Paris caused great excitement also in
Berlin, where deputations were sent to the king, asking him to
grant Prussia a constitution. On March 18 a crowd gathered be-
fore the royal palace and the police tried to disperse it ; fighting
ensued, and barricades were constructed after the Paris fashion
in the districts in which the w^orking people lived. Frederick
William IV, hoping to avoid more disorder and bloodshed, prom-
ised to summon an assembly to draft the desired constitution.

Now that Mettemich was overthrown there was some hope A national
of reorganizing the weak German confederation and forming a convoked at
new and firm union which would at last make a real nation Jlf,'J^f°'^ ^°

UlaW up d.

of the Germans. At the instio^ation of the liberals the diet of new constitu-

^ tion for

the confederation convoked a national assembly made up of Germany,
representatives chosen by popular vote in all the states. This ^'
met at Frankfort, May 18, 1848, amid high hopes, and pro-
ceeded to take up the difficult question of drafting a constitu-
tion which should please at once the German princes and their
liberal-minded subjects.^

1 The events of the year 1848 moved so rapidly that one is likely to be at first
confused by them. But it must be remembered that the revolutionary movements
in the various countries of Germany, such as Austria and Prussia, were quite dif-
ferent from the attempt to reform the whole confederation, which has just been
referred to.

400

Outlines of Europe aii History

Bright out-
look for
reform in
March, 1848

How the
radicals aided
the conserva-
tives to re-
gain their
power

Divergent
views of the
Czechs and
Germans in
Bohemia

Section 63. Failure of the Revolution in
Bohemia and Hungary

By the end of March, 1848, the prospects of reform seemed
bright indeed. Hungary and Bohemia had been granted the
rights which they had so long desired ; a committee in Vienna
was busy drawing up a constitution for the Austrian provinces ;
Lombardy and Venetia had declared their independence ; four
other Italian states had obtained their longed-for constitutions ;
a Prussian convention to reform the government had been
promised ; and, lastly, a great national assembly was about
to be convened at Frankfort to prepare a constitution for a
united Germany.

The reformers who had gained these seeming victories had,
however, only just reached the most difficult part of their task.
For, as in France, so also in the other countries, the revolutionists
were divided among themselves, and this division enabled the
reactionary rulers and their supporters to recover from the
extraordinary humiliations which they had suffered during
the various uprisings in March.

The first notable victory for the reaction was in Bohemia,
where race rivalry proved favorable to the reestablishment of
the emperor's former influence. The Czechs hated the Ger-
mans, while the Germans, on their part, feared that they would
be oppressed if the Czechs were given a free hand. They there-
fore opposed the plan of making Bohemia practically independent
of the government at Vienna, for it was to German Vienna that
they were accu§tomed to look for protection against the enter-
prises of their Czechish fellow countrymen. The German ele-
ment in Bohemia also wanted to send delegates to the Frankfort
convention and were very anxious that Bohemia should not be
excluded from the reorganized German confederation.

The Czechs, on the other hand, determined to offset the
movement toward German consolidation by a Pan-Slavic con-
gress, which should bring together the various Slavic peoples

Revolutio7i 0/1848 — Aust7'ia^ Germany, Italy 401

comprised in the Austrian Empire. To this assembly, which The Pan-
met at Prague early in June, 1848, came representatives of grels^ forced
the Czechs, Moravians, and Ruthenians in the north, and the !° '^f^f'^ °" .

' _ \ 'its debates r

Serbians and Croatians in the south. Unfortunately the several German
Slavonic languages differ from one another quite as much as
English, Swedish, Dutch, and German, and after trying French as
a common tongue, the delegates had to fall back upon German,
which was the only language with which they were all familiar.

The congress accomplished nothing and was about to dis- windisch^
solve on June 12, when some of the more radical students and fn?tothe^^'
workingmen began singing Bohemian songs and denouncing Bohemian
General Windischgratz, the Austrian commander of the troops June 18, 1848
in Prague, who was especially hated on account of his aristo-
cratic bearing and sentiments. A street fight broke out between
the crowd and his soldiers, which was followed by an attack on
his residence. On June 17 he retaliated by bombarding the
town, which caught fire. The next day he entered the flaming
streets and announced that the revolution in Bohemia was at an
end. This was Austria's first real victory over her rebellious
subjects.

In Vienna affairs were going from bad to worse. Frightened windisch-
by the growing disorder, the incompetent emperor fled to Inns- ^ards and'
bruck (May 18). A provisional government was set up and an Q^fA,^'^""^'
assembly called to draft a new cohstitution, but nothing was 1848
accomplished. Meantime the turmoil increased. The emperor's
government was helpless, and finally Windischgratz announced
his intention of marching on Vienna and, with the emperor's
approval, putting an end to revolution there as he had done in
Prague. The Viennese attempted to defend the city, but all in
vain. After a cruel bombardment Windischgratz entered the
capital on October 31, and once within the walls, he showed
little mercy on the people.^

A reactionary ministry was soon formed, and a new Metter-
nich discovered in the person of Schwartzenberg, who forced

1 An account by an eyewitness is given in the Readings^ Vol. II, p. loi.
II

402

Outlines of European History

the weak Ferdinand to abdicate, December 2, in favor of his
youthful nephew, Francis Joseph, who still (19 16) sits on the
Austrian throne.

It will be remembered that after the fall of Metternich the
emperor had not been in a position to refuse the demands of

Fig. 104. Franxis Joseph at his Accession

Francis Joseph was born in 1830, so that he witnessed the revolutions

of 1848 at the age of eighteen and the great war of 191 4 at the age of

eighty-four. Pictures of him as an old man are familiar ; but this one of

him at his accession recalls to us his long reign

the Hungarians, and that they had succeeded in gaining prac-
tical independence for their kingdom. But the spirit of na-
tionalism had also been awakened in the other races which the
Magyars had so long dominated. The Slavs in Hungary,
southern Austria, and the neighboring Turkish Empire had
long meditated on the possibility of a united Slavic kingdom
in the south, and when the Magyars attempted to force their
language on the Croats, one of the Slav leaders hurled back

RevohUion 0/1848 — Austria, Germa?iy, Italy 403

at them : " You Magyars are only an island in an ocean of
Slavs. Take heed that the waves do not rise and overwhelm
you." Indeed, the Croats and Serbians were, on the whole,
friendly to the Vienna government, and ready to fight the
Hungarians.

The emperor finally threw off the mask and, in a manifesto Austria, with
on October 3, declared the Hungarian parliament dissolved and crushes^ the '
its acts void. In December Windischgratz, the conqueror of JJ^"jf^^^^"
Prague and Vienna, crossed into Hungary at the head of an August, 1849
army, and on January 5 entered Pesth. The war seemed for a
time at an end, but the Hungarians, inspired by Kossuth, rallied
in a mighty national uprising against the Austrians, and on
April 19, 1849, they declared their complete and eternal separa-
tion from the Vienna government. They might have succeeded
in maintaining their independence had not the Tsar, Nicholas I,
placed his forces at the disposal of Francis Joseph. Attacked
by an army of a hundred and fifty thousand Russians, who
marched in from the east, the Hungarians were compelled, by
the middle of August, to give up the contest. Austria took terri-
ble vengeance upon the rebels. Thousands were shot, hanged,
or imprisoned, and many, including Kossuth,^ fled to England
or the United States. The ancient kingdom of Hungary seemed
about to be reduced to the state of an insignificant Austrian
province, but, as we shall see,^ within less than twenty years
she was able to secure substantially the coveted independence.

Section 64. Austria regains her Power in Italy

Austria was no less successful in reestablishing her power Defeat of

in Italy than in Hungary. The Italians had been unable to yn^er

drive out the Austrian army which, under the indomitable gen- ^fiD^gJ^ of

eral, Radetzky, had taken refuge in the neighborhood of Sardinia

July, 1840

Mantua, in the so-called Quadrilateral, where it was protected

1 Kossuth's version of the revolution is given in the Readings^ Vol. II,
pp. 103 ff. 2 See below, p. 439.

404

Outlines of European History

by four great fortresses.^ Charles Albert of Sardinia found him^
self, with the exception of a few volunteers, almost unsupported
by the other Italian states. The best ally of Austria was the
absence of united action upon the part of • the Italians and the
jealousy and indifference which they showed as soon as war had
actually begun. Pius IX decided that his mission was one of
peace, and that he could not afford to join in a war against
Austria, the stanchest friend of the Roman Church. The king
of Naples easily found a pretext for recalling the troops that
public opinion had compelled him to send to the aid of the king
of Sardinia. Charles Albert was defeated at Custozza, July 25,
and compelled to sign a truce with Austria and to withdraw his
forces from Lombardy.

The Italian republicans were undismayed, however, and now
attempted to carry out their own program. Florence followed
the example of Venice and proclaimed itself a republic. At
Rome the liberal and enlightened Rossi, whom the Pope had
placed at the head of affairs, was assassinated in November
just as he was ready to promulgate his reforms. Pius IX fled
from the city and put himself under the protection of the king
of Naples. A constitutional assembly was then convoked by
the revolutionists, and in February, 1849, under the influence of
Mazzini, it declared the temporal power of the Pope abolished,
and proclaimed the Roman Republic.

While these local insurrections were weakening the already
distracted Italy, the truce between Piedmont and Austria ex-
pired, and in March, 1849, Charles Albert renewed the war
which had been discontinued after the disaster at Custozza.
The campaign lasted but five days and closed with his crushing
defeat at Novara (March 23), which put an end to the hopes
of Italian liberty for the time being. Charles Albert abdicated
in favor of his son, Victor Emmanuel II, who was destined
before many years to exchange the title of "King of Sardinia"
for that of " King of Italy."

1 See the map of Napoleon I's campaigns in this country, p. 257.

Revolution 0/1848 — Austria^ Germany, Italy 405

After bringing tlie king of Sardinia to terms, Austria pushed Austria
southward, reestablishing the old order as she went. The newly the former
established Italian republics were unable to offer any effectual jS^^^exceT
resistance. The former rulers were restored in Rome, Tuscany, i" Piedmont
and Venice, and the new constitutions were swept away from
one end of the peninsula to the other, except in Piedmont, the

^*^

Fig. 105. Pius IX

most important part of the king of Sardinia's realms. There
Victor Emmanuel not only maintained the representative gov-
ernment^ introduced by his father, but, by summoning to his
councils men known throughout Italy for their liberal senti-
ments, he prepared to lead the Italian states once more against
their foreign oppressors.

1 Extracts from the constitution are given in the Readmgs, Vol. IlJ p. 109.

4o6

Ontliiies of Europe a7i History

Section 65. Outcome of the Revolution of 1848
IN Germany

In Germany, as elsewhere, Austria profited by the dissen-
sions among her opponents. On May 18, 1848, the national
assembly, consisting of nearly six hundred representatives of
the German people, had met at Frankfort. It immediately
began the consideration of a new constitution that should sat-
isfy the popular longings for a great free German state, to be
governed by and for the people. But what were to be the con-
fines of this new German state.'' The Confederation of 18 15
did not include all the German inhabitants of Prussia, and did
include the heterogeneous western possessions of Austria —
Bohemia and Moravia, for example, where many of the people
were Slavs. There was no hesitation in deciding that all the
Prussian territories should be admitted to the new union. As
it appeared impossible to leave out Austria altogether, the
assembly agreed to include those parts of her territory which
had belonged to the confederation formed in 18 15. This
decision rendered the task of founding a real German state
practically impossible ; for the new union was to include two
great European powers which might at any moment become
rivals, since Prussia would hardly consent to be led forever
by Austria. So heterogeneous a union could only continue
to be, as it had been, a loose confederation of practically
independent princes.

The improbability that the assembly at Frankfort would
succeed in its undertaking was greatly increased by its unwise
conduct. Instead of proceeding immediately to frame a new
form of government, it devoted several months to formulating
the general rights of the German citizen. Consequently by
the time that the constitution itself came up for discussion,
Austria had begun to regain her influence and was ready to
lead the conservative forces once more. She could rely upon
the support of the rulers of the states of southern Germany,

Revolution 0/1848 — Austria, Genna?iy, Italy 407

for they were well satisfied with the old confederation and the
degree of independence that it gave them.

In spite of her partiality for the old union, Austria could not The assem-
prevent the assembly from completing its new constitution, king 0/ ^
This provided that there should be an hereditary emperor at P^'y^sia

^ ^ ^ to become

the head of the government, and that exalted office was tendered emperor of
to the king of Prussia. Frederick William IV had been alienated
from the liberal cause, which he had at first espoused, by the
insurrection in Berlin. He was, moreover, timid and conserva-
tive at heart ; he hated revolution and doubted whether the
national assembly had any right to confer the imperial title.
He also greatly respected Austria, and felt that a war with her, Frederick
which was likely to ensue if he accepted the crown, would be refuses the
dans^erous to Prussia. So he refused the imperial title and ™pe"^l

" '^ crown

announced his rejection of the new constitution (April, 1849).
This decision rendered the year's work of the national assem- The national
bly fruitless, and its members gradually dispersed. Austria now dSperse^ an*
insisted upon the reestablishment of the old diet and Germany ^^^ °^^ ^^^^

^ -'is restored

returned once more to its old ways.

Yet amid the meager results of the Revolution of 1848 there Prussia
was one gain of seeming importance for the future of Germany ; fon"tkutton
Prussia emerged from the turmoil of the period with a written teM^^'^'^Yv^
constitution which established a legislative assembly and admitted (January,
a portion of the people to a slight share in the government. As ^
we have seen, the news of the revolution in France caused great
excitement in Berlin, and the king, fearing a continuance of
violence, promised to convoke an assembly to formulate a con-
stitution. This convention met at Berlin in May of the same
year, and, amid prolonged debates, advocated many radical
measures which displeased the king. It proposed to abolish
the nobility and to strike from the royal title the phrase '' King
by the Grace of God." Meanwhile there was disorder in the
quarters occupied by the working class, and on June 14 a mob
stormed the arsenal. This situation frightened the king, and *
he withdrew to Potsdam. He then ordered the assembly to

4o8

Outlines of European History

The Prussian
constitution
disappoints
the liberals

adjourn to Brandenburg, some distance away, and on its refusal,
he dissolved it in spite of its protests. After getting rid of the
popular assembly, the king, in 1849, submitted a constitution
of his own to a more tractable convention of carefully selected
subjects. This document, which was promulgated in January,
1850, remains, with some minor changes, the constitution of
Prussia to-day.

It proved, however, a great disappointment to the liberals,
who had hoped for a really democratic form of government.
It provides for a ministry, but makes it responsible to the king
rather than to the diet. The latter comprises a house of lords
— consisting of princes, nobles, life peers selected by the king,
representatives of the universities, and burgomasters of the
large towns — and a house of deputies.

All men over twenty-five years of age may vote for the elec-
tors, who in turn select the deputies to the lower house, but the
constitution carefully arranges to give the rich a predominating
influence in the election. Those who stand first on the tax list,
and pay together one third of the total taxes, are permitted to
choose one third of the electors. The second third on the list
also choose a third of the electors, and, finally, the great mass
of the poorer people, whose small contributions to the treasury
make up the remaining third of the revenue, are entitled to cast
their votes for the remaining third of the electors assigned to the
district. It may happen that a single wealthy man, if he pays
a third of the taxes, has as much influence in electing represent-
atives from his district as all the working people combined.^

QUESTIONS

Section 62. Show the effect of the February revolution upon
the English and the Swiss. Over what lands and peoples did the
House of Hapsburg rule in 1848? Describe the government of
Austria; of Hungary. Who was Kossuth? What were the objec-
tions of the Italians in Lombardo-Venetia to Austrian rule.? Describe

1 F"or further discussion of the Prussian constitution, see below, pp. 445 f.

Revohition 0/1848 — Austria ^ Germany, Italy 409

the March revolution in Vienna. Give an account of the reform
legislation of the Hungarian diet. What were the demands of the
Bohemians in March, 1 848 1 Trace the course of the revolution in
Italy. What were the demands of the Prussians at this period?
How were they met?

Section 63. With what two groups of people were the reformers
of 1 848 forced to deal ? Describe the manner in which the different
revolutionary movements were put down.

Section 64. Account for the defeat of the Italians at Custozza,
July, 1 848, by the Austrian forces. Describe the result of the defeat
by Austria of the king of Sardinia at Novara.

Section 65. What problem faced the members of the national
assembly which met at Frankfort, May, 1 848 ? Account for the re-
fusal of Frederick William IV to accept the imperial tide offered to
him by the national assembly. What was the effect of his act upon
the work of this assembly? What permanent gain was made by
Prussia as a result of the Revolution of 1 848 ? Describe the Prus-
sian constitution.

CHAPTER XVII

THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY

Section 66. Cavour and Italian Unity

1850 The efforts of the Italian liberals to expel Austria from the
peninsula and establish constitutional governments in the vari-
ous Italian states had failed, and after the battle of Novara
it seemed as if the former political conditions were to be re-
stored. The king of Naples broke all the promises which he
had made to his subjects, revoked the constitution which he
had granted, and imprisoned, exiled, or in some cases executed
the revolutionists. The Pope, with the assistance of France,
Austria, Naples, and Spain, was able to destroy the Roman
Republic which had been set up and to place the government
again in the hands of the clergy. In northern Italy Austria
was once more in control, and she found faithful adherents
in the rulers of Modena, Parma, and Tuscany, who looked to
her for continued support. The leading spirits of the revolution
who had escaped prison or death fled to foreign countries to
await a more auspicious opportunity to secure their ends, for
they did not surrender the hope that Austria would sometime
be driven from their country, and all the Italian states brought
together in a federation or perhaps united into a single mon-
archy or republic.

However, those who, since the fall of Napoleon I, had been
interested in promoting Italian independence and liberty dif-
fered among themselves as to the best way in which to make
Italy a nation. There were the republicans, who became more
and more disgusted with monarchy and believed .that nothing
could be accomplished until the various rulers should give way

410

The U7iification of Italy 4 1 1

to a great democratic republic, which should recall the ancient
glories of Rome ; others were confident that an enlightened
Pope could form an Italian federation, of which he should be
the head ; lastly, there was a practical party, whose adherents
placed their hopes in the king of Sardinia, who seemed to them
to be the natural leader in the emancipation of Italy. Little as

1805-1872

Fig. 108. AIazzini

the Revolution of 1848 had accomplished, it had at least given
Sardinia a young and energetic king and a new constitution.

Among the republican leaders the most conspicuous was the Mazzim,
sensitive and highly endowed Giuseppe Mazzini. Born in 1805,
he had, as he tells us, become a republican from hearing his
father discuss the achievements of the French Revolution, and
had read eagerly the old French newspapers which he found
hidden behind the medical books in his father's library. He
joined the secret society of the Carbonari, and in 1830 was
caught by the police and imprisoned in the fortress of Savona,

412

Oiitlines of European History

" Young
Italy"

Progressive
government
of Victor
Emmanuel

west of Genoa. Here he arranged a secret code, which enabled
him to keep in communication with the revolutionists.

Becoming disgusted with the inefficiency and the silly mystery
of the Carbonari, Mazzini planned a new association, which he
called " Young Italy." This aimed to bring about the regen-
eration of Italy through the education of young men in lofty
republican principles. Mazzini had no confidence in princes or
in foreign aid. He urged that all the Italians should be brought
together into a single republic, for he feared that any form
of federation would leave the country too weak to resist the
constant interference of neighboring nations. Mazzini was not
a man to carry through a successful revolution, for he lacked the
necessary practical, business sense, but he inspired the young
Italians with almost religious enthusiasm for the cause of Italy's
liberation.^ Still other patriots, however, who dreamed of a new
Italy, placed their hopes, not in a republic in which the common
man should have a voice in the- conduct of the government, but
in a federation of princes under that most ancient of all Italian
princes, the bishop of Rome.

The future, however, belonged neither to the republicans
nor to the papal party, but to those who looked to the king
of Sardinia to bring about the salvation of Italy. Only under
his leadership was there any prospect of ousting Austria, and
until that was done no independent union could possibly be
formed. Practical men therefore began to turn to the young
Victor Emmanuel, whose devotion to the cause of freedom in
the war with Austria in 1848, and whose frank acceptance of
the principles of constitutional government, distinguished him
from all the other rulers of Italy. His father, Charles Albert,
had granted Piedmont a constitution in 1848, which provided
for a parliament with two houses and a responsible ministry.
This constitution (which was later to become that of a united
Italy) Victor Emmanuel maintained in spite of Austria's de-
mands that he suppress it.

1 For Mazzini's doctrines, see Readings, Vol, II, pp. 115 ff.

The Unificutio7i of Italy 413

Victor Emmanuel was wise enough to call to his aid one Count
of the most distinguished of modern statesmen, Count Cavour, is^o-^isei
who had long been an advocate both of constitutional govern-
ment and of Italian unity.-^ Cavour, however, did not believe
that unity could be secured without foreign aid, for Sardinia
was a rather insignificant kingdom when compared with the
more important countries of Europe. It had a population of

Fig. 109. Cavour

less than five millions and consisted of four distinct regions
which were more or less hostile to one another. In view of
this fact Cavour held that it was impossible to disregard the
other powers of Europe, who had so long interfered freely
in Italian affairs. In particular he looked to France. He early
declared, " Whether we like it or not, our destinies depend
upon France ; we must be her partner in the great game which
will be played sooner or later in Europe."

'^Readings, Vol. II, pp. iigff.

414 Outlines of Etiropean History

Sardinia joins An opportunity soon offered itself for Sardinia to become
Crimean"war the ally of France. The Crimean War^ had broken out in
1854 between England and France on the one side, and Russia
on the other, and in 1855 Cavour signed an offensive and de-
fensive alliance with France and sent troops to her aid in the
Crimea. This gave him an opportunity to take part in the
European congress which met in Paris in 1856 to conclude
a peace. There he warned the powers that Austrian control
in northern Italy was a menace to the peace of Europe, and
succeeded in enlisting the interest of Napoleon III in Italian
affairs ; — it will be remembered that in his younger days the
French emperor had sympathized with the Carbonari, and
he had a number of Italian relatives who besought his aid
in forwarding the cause of Italian unity.
Position and There were other reasons, too, why Napoleon was ready
Napoleon III ^^ Consider interfering in Italy. Like his distinguished uncle,
he was after all only a usurper. He knew that he could not
rely upon mere tradition, but must maintain his popularity by
deeds that should redound to the glory of France. A war with
Austria for the liberation of the Italians, who like the French
were a Latin race, would be popular, especially if France could
thereby add a bit of territory to her realms and perhaps be-
come the protector of the proposed Italian confederation,
A conference was arranged between Napoleon and Cavour.
Just what agreement was reached we do not know, but
Napoleon no doubt engaged to come to the aid of the king
of Sardinia, should the latter find a pretense for going to war
with Austria. Should they together succeed in expelling Austria
from northern Italy, the king of Sardinia was to reward France
by ceding to her Savoy and Nice, which belonged to her geo-
graphically and racially.
Victories at By April, 1859, Victor Emmanuel had managed to involve
Sotfe^rino^" himself in a war with Austria. The French army promptly
joined forces with the Piedmontese, defeated the Austrians at

1 See below, pp. 578 f.

-H. ENO'., BUFFALO 10

- >

Garibaldi,
1807-1882

416

Outlines of European History

In southern Italy, on the contrary, the king of Naples stub-
bornly refused either to form any kind of an alliance with the
king of Sardinia or to grant his people a constitution. Gari-
baldi, an ardent disciple of Mazzini, thereupon determined to

t!:^^

Fig. 1 10. Garibaldi

Garibaldi shares with Victor Emmanuel the national enthusiasm of Italy,
and his monument, one of the finest in Rome, looks proudly over the
Eternal City from a high hill. He was a republican, a convert of Maz-
zini, and had lived a restless life, having fought in South America and
living for a time in New York (where his house is preserved as a me-
morial). At the head of his " legion " of volunteers, clad in their gay red
blouses, he was a most picturesque figure, and his rapid success in the
south lent an element pf romance to the unification of Italy

bring him to terms and prepare the way for the union of
southern Italy and Sicily with the expanding Sardinia. This
bold sailor, warrior, and revolutionist accordingly set sail from
Genoa for Sicily in May, i860, on his own responsibility, with
a band of a thousand " Red Shirts," as his followers were called

The Unification of Italy

417

i!i

infltaly,

from their rough costume.^ He gained an easy victory over
the few troops that the king of the Two Sicilies was able to
send against him, and made himself dictator of the island in
the name of Victor Emmanuel. He then crossed over to the
mainland, and after a slight skirmish he was received in Naples
with enthusiasm on September 6.

Garibaldi now proposed to march on Rome and proclaim Napoleon 11 1
there the kingdom of Italy. This would have imperiled all the prev^n"the
previous gains, for Napoleon HI could not, in view of the ^"jJe^to^the^
strong Catholic sentiment in France, possibly permit the occu- kingdom of
pation of Rome and the destruction of the political independ-
ence of the Pope. He agreed that Victor Emmanuel might
annex the outlying papal possessions to the north and reestab-
lish a stable government in Naples instead of Garibaldi's dic-
tatorship. But Rome, the imperial city, with the territory
immediately surrounding it, must be left to its old master.
Victor Emmanuel accordingly marched southward and occu-
pied Naples (October). Its king capitulated and all southern
Italy became a part of the kingdom of Italy.

In February, 1861, the first Italian parliament was opened
at Turin, and the process of really amalgamating the hetero-
geneous portions of the new kingdom began. Yet the joy of
the Italians over the realization of their hopes of unity and
national independence was tempered by the fact that Austria
still held one of the most famous of the Italian provinces, and
that Rome, which typified Italy's former grandeur, was not
included in the new kingdom.

riis

Section 6j . The Kingdom of Italy since 1861

The fact that Italian unification was not complete did not Attitude of

cause the patriots to lose hope. In a debate in the very first toward the

parliament held in the new kingdom of Italy, Cavour directed jjfn'^dom^
the thoughts and energies of the nation to the recovery of the

1 Readings^ Vol. II, p, 126.

4i8

Outlines of European History

\* Eternal City and the Queen of the Adriatic." Meanwhile,
however, Pius IX excommunicated the king of Sardinia and
his ministers and declared the new constitution to be a crea-
tion of revolution, which was a thing to be struck down like a
mad dog wherever it showed itself. And Napoleon III, at the

Map of the Unification of Italy

instigation of the French Catholics, sent a French garrison to

Rome with a view to protecting the Pope from attack.

How Venetia Help, however, soon came from an unexpected quarter. In

tlTe kingdom ^^ early months of 1866 Prussia and Austria were on the

of Italy, 1866 eve of war, and in order to gain the support of Italy, Prussia

concluded a treaty with Victor Emmanuel in April of that

year. When the war came in July the Italians as well as the

Prussians attacked Austria. The Italians were worsted in the

The Unificatio7i of Italy 419

battle of Custozza, but the Prussians more than made up for
this defeat by their memorable victory at Sadowa. Thereupon
Austria consented to cede Venetia to Napoleon III, with the
understanding that he should transfer it to Italy. The efforts
of the Italians to wrest Trent and Trieste from Austria failed,
however, for their fleet was defeated, and they were forced to
content themselves with Venetia, which they owed rather to
the victories of others than to their own.

Four years later, in 1870, when war broke out between Rome occu-
France and Prussia, Napoleon III was forced to withdraw the king of Italy,
French garrison from Rome, and Victor Emmanuel, having ^^^o
nothing further to fear from French intervention, demanded
of Pius IX that he make terms with the kingdom of Italy.
The Pope refused, whereupon the Italian troops blew open a
gate of the city and, without further violence, took possession
of Rome, while the Pope withdrew to the Vatican palace and
proclaimed himself the prisoner of the Italian government. The
inhabitants, however, welcomed the invaders, and, by a vote of
one hundred and thirty thousand to fifteen hundred, Rome and
the remaining portions of the Papal States were formally an-
nexed to the kingdom of Italy in January, 187 1.

Italy was at last free and united from the Alps to the sea, Rome be-
and, as King Victor Emmanuel said at the opening of the capital of
parliament of 187 1, ''It only remains to make our country of^ita^y^iSTi
great and happy." The capital, which had been transferred
from Turin to Florence in 1865, was moved to Rome in 187 1,
and the king made his solemn entry into the city, announcing
to the people, " We are at Rome and we shall remain here."
The Sardinian constitution became the constitution of the king-
dom of Italy.

It was a difficult problem to determine the relations which Position of
should exist between the new government and the head of * ^ °^^
the Christian Church, who for a thousand years had regarded
the city of Rome as his capital. By a law of May, 187 1, the
Pope was declared to enjoy perfect freedom in all his spiritual

420

Outlines of European History

functions, and his person was made sacred and inviolable like
that of the king. He was to continue to enjoy the honors and
dignity of a sovereign prince, and to send and receive diplo-
matic agents like any other sovereign. Within the trifling domain

Fig. III. The Papal Gardens at the Vatican, Rome

These few acres, along with a summer residence which the Popes never
use, and the two churches of the Vatican and the Lateran in Rome, are
all that is left of the temporal sovereignty of the Papacy. The Pope
refuses to leave this little territory, claiming that he is practically a pris-
oner of the Italian government, and has never given up his claim to
rule Rome. He maintains a small guard of picturesque Swiss soldiers,
who keep watch along the garden walls with bayonets fixed on their
rifles, as if they were in perpetual siege. The Vatican palace has over
a thousand rooms and galleries, many of them decorated by the greatest
artists, like Raphael and Michael Angelo. The dome of the church
rises directly over the shrine, or tomb, of St. Peter

which was left to him, he may live as an independent ruler,
since no officer of the Italian government is permitted to enter
these precincts on any business of State. In order to indem-
nify him decently for the loss of his possessions, the Italian
government assigned him something over six hundred thousand

The Unification of Italy 421

dollars a year from the State treasury. The Pope, however,
has not only always refused to accept this sum, but he per-
sistently declines, down to the present day, to recognize the
Italian government, and continues to consider himself the
prisoner of a usurping power,-^

In order to maintain the dignity of her new position, Italy Italy
adopted the expensive policy of rapidly increasing her army and European
navy. Modem warships were constructed, the principle of uni- pow^'^
versal military service was introduced, and the army reorganized
on the Prussian model. This nearly doubled the military ex-
penses and served to produce a deficit, which amounted in 1887
to $83,000,000.

Nevertheless, Italy cherished ambitions of expansion and Italy joins
colonial empire. Just across the Mediterranean lay the ancient AlUance ^
territory of Carthage, modern Tunis, and from sentimental as
well as practical reasons, Italy coveted it. But in 1882, before
it could act, France seized the land, which bordered on its prov-
ince of Algeria. This increased Italy's bitterness toward France,
and Bismarck used the occasion to win Italy over to sign the
famous triple alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary ^ —
an alliance which lasted until the great war of 19 14.

Frustrated in northern Africa, the Italians next turned their Italy's colo-

,.,, . ., . c Kt •• i^ial policy in

attention to wmnmg colonial domains m the region of Abyssinia, Africa
near the outlet of the Red Sea. An army of occupation was
dispatched thither in 1887, and after some fifteen years of in-
termittent warfare, treaties, negotiations, and massacres of the
Italian troops by the natives, the Italians were able to make
themselves masters of an area about twice the size of the state
of Pennsylvania, inhabited by half a million of nomad peoples.
More recently the Italians have waged war on the Turks for
the purpose of securing dominion in northern Africa by the
conquest of Tripoli.^

1 For Pius IX's protest, see Readings, Vol. II, p. 136.

2 This triple alliance was renewed in 1902.

3 See below, p. 588.

422

Outlines of European History

It is clear that the old ideals of Cavour and King Victor
Emmanuel have been left far behind. The heavy burden of
taxation which the Italians have had to bear, in order to play
the part of a European power and pay for the very expensive
luxury of colonization, has roused deep discontent among the
peasants and workingmen. The patriotic feelings which had
nerved the people to heroic service in behalf of unity and
independence gave way later to a spirit of selfishness in the
various provinces, the interests of which were by no means
identical, for the conditions in Naples were essentially different
from those of Venetia or Piedmont. The republicans, who still
clung to the ideas of Mazzini and Garibaldi, continued to oppose
the monarchy, while the ideals of socialism, as elsewhere in
Europe, appealed strongly to the workingmen. Lastly there
were the defenders of the Pope's political power, who were
among the bitterest enemies of the new government.

Notwithstanding these adverse circumstances, the kingdom
has made remarkable progress during the last generation. Italy
is rapidly becoming an industrial state, and to-day more than
one third of its population is engaged in manufacturing and
commercial pursuits. Silk, cotton, and woolen mills export large
quantities of goods to foreign markets.

Many laws have been passed for the improvement of the
public schools, in the hope of diminishing the illiteracy which is
a reproach to the kingdom. The republicans and socialists
are not satisfied, however, with the amount of money voted for
education ; they admit that there has been a steady reduction in
the number of persons over twenty years of age who are un-
able to read and write, — from 73 per cent in 1862 to 52 per
cent in 1901, — but they contend that it is a disgrace for the
nation to spend six or eight times as much a year on the army
and navy as it does for the schools.-^

1 In 1901, 28 per cent of the population of northern Italy over six years of
age could not read or write, and in southern Italy, whence a large proportion of
the American immigrants come, 70 per cent were illiterate.

The Unification of Italy 423

In proportion to its wealth, the Italian nation has had the Burden of
largest debt and the heaviest taxation of any country in Eu-
rope.-^ It has had to pay the land tax, the income tax, the house
tax, the inheritance tax, the stamp tax, the excise, the customs
duties, in addition to the government monopolies of tobacco,
lotteries, salt, and quinine. These are so distributed that the
most burdensome of them fall on the workingmen and the peas-
ants, who receive very low wages, so that it is estimated that
the poor pay over one half of the revenue of the government.

The heaviest taxes are imposed on the necessities of life,
such as grain and salt ; and in times of scarcity this has been a
source of serious bread riots in the towns. As for the salt, the
government in 1900 was charging eight dollars for a quintal
(two hundred and twenty pounds) of salt, which cost it only
thirty cents. An Italian economist estimated in 1898 that the
family of a Florentine workingman was forced to pay in local
and national taxes no less than one fourth of its income,
whereas in England the government demanded less than one
twentieth of the earnings of a workman in a similar position.

Yet it should be remembered that in most of the Italian
states before the union, there was as heavy taxation, combined
with bad government. United Italy has at least spent much of
its money on national improvements, on railways and public
buildings, as well as on colonial enterprises.

Victor Emmanuel died in 1878. His son and successor, Assassina-
Humbert I, although personally courageous and faithful to the Humbert ^"^
constitution, was not the man to undertake the reforms neces-
sary to relieve the prevailing discontent. He did not control
the government either for or against reform ; nevertheless the
anarchists marked him as one of their victims, and on July 29,
1900, he was assassinated while distributing prizes at a great
public meeting. He was succeeded by his son, Victor Emman-
uel III,^ who has continued the general policy of his father.

1 Readings^ Vol. II, p. 141,

2 The title is reckoned from the former kingdom of Sardinia,

424

Outlines of European History

The discontent continues, and if emigration can be taken as
in any sense a measure of it, the year after the assassination
of Humbert was a period of exceptional distress. In 1888
Italy lost by emigration one hundred and nineteen thousand
subjects; this had increased by 1900 to three hundred and

Fig. 112. Monument to Victor Emmanuel, at Rome

On the northwestern slope of the Capitoline Hill the Italians have
erected the most imposing monument in Europe, to commemorate the
unification of Italy. Its size is indicated in the picture by the relative
size of people and buildings. A colossal statue of Victor Emmanuel
adorns the center, while a vast colonnade surmounts the hill. The
Forum of ancient Rome lies just behind it ; but it faces in the opposite
direction down a broad, busy street of the modern city, which is grow-
ing rapidly. Electric cars now connect the seven hills, and arc lights
shine beside the Colosseum (cf. Outlines^ Part I, pp. 250 and 273)

fifty-two thousand, and in 1901 to over half a million. Italy had
never come into possession of any of those new territories which
her sons, Columbus, Cabot, and Verrazano, had laid claim to
in the name of other European nations, and her. acquisitions in
Africa were entirely uninviting to her discontented peasants and
workingmen. Those who leave Italy, therefore, go to foreign

The Unification of Italy 425

lands — to Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay ; while
hundreds of thousands settle in the United States. In 19 10,
however, no less than 147,000 returned from abroad.

This enormous emigration does not appear to relieve the
discontent. In 1905 the strength of the socialists became so
alarming that Pope Pius X instructed faithful Catholics to aid
in the struggle against socialism by taking part in the elections,
from which they had hitherto been admonished by the Church
to abstain. Others, on the contrar}^, have reached the conclusion
that the socialist party is an effective instrument for arousing
the more conservative people to undertake important reforms.

QUESTIONS

Section 66. Describe the political condition of Italy in 1850.
What were the views of those who desired the unification of Italy?
Describe the government of Victor Emmanuel. What was the for-
eign policy of Cavour .? What was the outcome of the participation
of Sardinia in the Crimean War,? Outline the war waged by Sardinia
and France against Austria. What gains were made by Sardinia as
a result of this war .?

Describe the changes which took place in Parma, Modena, Tus-
cany, and the Romagna in 1859. What part was played by Garibaldi
in the unification of Italy ? What prevented the complete unification
of Italy in i860.? Draw a map of Italy in 1848 showing the chief
political divisions. Draw a map of Italy in 1861 showing the changes
effected between these two periods.

Section 6j. Describe the attitude of Pope Pius IX toward the
new Italian kingdom. By what means did the kingdom of Italy
gain possession of Venetia in 1866? When and in what way was
Rome finally made the capital of Italy } What has been the position
of the Pope in Italy since 1871? Describe Italy's colonial policy.
Discuss the advantages to Italians of a united Italy. How is the
burden of taxation injuring the country.?

CHAPTER XVIII

FORMATION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE AND THE
AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN UNION

Section 68. Prussia assumes the Leadership
IN Germany

Industrial
Revolution
in Germany

Commercial
disadvan-
tages of the
division of
Germany into
practically
independent
states

The failure of the liberals to bring about the unity of Ger-
many at the congress at Frankfort in 1848 was largely due to
the tenacity with which the numerous German rulers clung to
their sovereignty and independence. However, industry and
commerce were silently but surely welding the German people
into a nation. In 1835 the first railway line had been built and
the era of steam transportation begun ; a network of telegraph
lines quickly brought the separate states into close and con-
stant touch with one another; and the growth of machine in-
dustry compelled them to seek wider markets beyond their
borders. A solid foundation for unity was thus laid by steam,
electricity, and machinery, and the growth of common business
interests.

Statesmen as well as leaders in commerce and industry began,
shortly after the settlement of 18 15, to realize the disastrous
effects of the existing division of Germany into numerous in-
dependent countries. Each of the thirty-eight states had its
own customs line, which cut it off from its German neighbors
as well as from foreigners. How this hampered trade can be
readily seen by examining the map of Germany at that time.
One who traveled in a straight line from Fulda to Altenburg,
a distance of some one hundred and twenty-five miles, crossed
on the way thirty-four boundary lines and passed through
the dominions of nine sovereign and independent monarchs.

426

Formation of the Germmi Empii-e

427

A merchants' association complained to the diet of the Confeder-
ation in 18 19 that in order to trade from Hamburg to Aus-
tria, or from Berlin to Switzerland, one had to cross ten states,
study ten different customs systems, and pay ten tariff charges.
In January, 1834, a ZoUverei7i, or tariff union, was formed,
which was composed of seventeen states with a combined

« SWITZERLAND

50 100 150 200

Wji ZoUverein in 1834

r^ Later additions

The ZoUverein

population of twenty-three millions. Goods were allowed to The customs
pass freely from one of these states to another, while the entire (^zollverein)
group was protected against all outsiders by a common tariff
frontier. Austria, after some hesitation, decided not to join
this union, but other German states were from time to time
compelled by their own interests to do so.

As the center of this commercial reorganization of Germany, Accession of
Prussia gathered strength for the coming conflict with her 1858^1861)
great rival, Austria; and with the accession of William I in

428

Outlines of Eiiropea7i History

The strength-
ening of the
Prussian
army

Bismarck
sets out to
Prussianize
Germany

1858/ a new era dawned for Prussia. A practical and vigorous
man was now at the helm, whose chief aim was to expel Austria
from the German Confederation, and out of the remaining
states to construct a firm union under the leadership of Prussia,
which would then take its place among the most powerful
nations of Europe. He believed that war must come sooner
or later, and therefore made it his first business to develop
the military resources of his realms.

The German army, which owes much of its power to the
reforms of William I, has proved so fatal to the peace of the
world that its organization merits attention. Fifty years before,
the necessity of expelling Napoleon had led Scharnhorst to
revolutionize the military strength of the kingdom by making
military service compulsory for all healthy male citizens, who
were to be trained in the standing army in all the essentials of
discipline and then retired to the reserve, ready for service at
need. The first thing that William I did was to increase the
annual levy from forty to sixty thousand men and to see that
all the soldiers remained in active service three years. They
then passed into the reserve, according to the existing law, where
for two years more they remained ready at any time to take up
arms should it be necessary. William wished to increase the
term of service in the reserve to four years. In this way the
State would claim seven of the years of early manhood and
have an effective army of four hundred thousand, which would
permit it to dispense with the service of those who were ap-
proaching middle life. The lower house of the Prussian parlia-
ment refused, however, to make the necessary appropriations
for thus increasing the strength of the army.

The king proceeded, nevertheless, with his plan, and in 1862
summoned to his side the most commanding figure among
the statesmen of modern times. It was an evil moment in the
world's history when Otto von Bismarck was called to the

i He ruled until 1861 as regent for his brother, Frederick William IV, who
had become incapacitated by disease.

Formation of the German Empire 429

presidency of the Prussian cabinet. He was a Prussian of the
Prussians, and dedicated his great abilities to the one supreme
object of Prussianizing all Germany — and with such success
that his country has become a fearful menace against which a
great part of the civilized world has been summoned to fight.
Bismarck firmly believed in the divine right of the Hohen-
zollerns ; he hated parliaments and freely displayed his contempt
for the ideas of the liberal party which had attempted to unify
Germany in 1848. He had every confidence in the mailed fist
and shining sword, by which he foresaw he must gain his ends.
He belonged to the highly conservative class of Prussian landed
proprietors, — the so-called Junkers, — the same group who had
so much to do with precipitating and prolonging the war of
19 1 4. To accomplish his purposes he started three wars, and
by his policy prepared the way for a fourth which after his
death should involve the whole globe.

In order to raise Prussia to the position of a dominating Fourele-

T-i T->- 1 • 1 1 r 1 • merits in the

European power Bismarck perceived that four things were accomplish-
essential: (i) The Prussian army must be greatly strength- B^marck's
ened, for without that he could not hope to carry out his P^^^
audacious program. (2) Austria, hitherto so influential in Ger-
man affairs, must be pushed out of Germany altogether, leaving
the field to Prussia. (3) Prussian territory must be enlarged
and consolidated by annexing those German states that sepa-
rated the eastern possessions of the Hohenzollerns from the
Rhine districts. (4) And, lastly, the large South German
states, which disliked Prussia and suspected her motives, must
in some way be induced to join a union under her headship.
The task seemed hopeless, for attempts to consolidate Germany
had failed from the times of Otto the Great down to those of
William I. Nevertheless, within ten years Bismarck had, by a
combination of diplomacy, deceit, and violence, succeeded in
uniting Germany under the Hohenzollerns.

The first obstacle Bismarck encountered was the refusal of
the lower house of the Prussian parliament to grant the money

430

Outlines of European History

necessary for increasing the army. But Bismarck was not
the man to be stopped. In defiance of the lower house and
of the newspapers he carried on the strengthening of the
army without formal appropriations by parliament, on the
theory that the constitution had made no provision in case
of a deadlock between the upper and lower houses and that
consequently the king, in such a case, might exercise his former
absolute power.^ In one of his first speeches in parliament he
said with brutal frankness, " The great questions of the time
are to be decided not by speeches and votes of majorities, but
by blood and iron." For a time it seemed as if Prussia was
returning to a pure despotism, for there was assuredly no
more fundamental provision of the constitution than the right
of the people to control the granting of the taxes. Yet after
Bismarck had succeeded in his policy of " blood and iron,"
he was eventually fully forgiven by the Germans, on the ground
that the end had justified the means.

Prussia now had a military force sufftcient to encourage
hope of victory should she undertake a war with her old rival.
In order to bring about the expulsion of Austria from the
Confederation, Bismarck took advantage of a knotty problem
that had been troubling Germany, known as the Schleswig-
Holstein affair. The provinces of Schleswig and Holstein,
although inhabited largely by Germans, had for centuries
belonged to the king of Denmark. They were not considered
a part of Denmark, however, any more than Hanover had been
a part of Great Britain. But in 1847 the king of Denmark
proclaimed that he was going to incorporate these provinces
into the Danish kingdom in spite of the large proportion of
Germans in the population. This aroused great indignation
throughout Germany. The controversy over the relation of
these provinces to Denmark continued, and finally, in 1863,
just after Bismarck's ascension to power, Schleswig was definitely
united with the Danish kingdom.

1 Readings^ Vol. II, p. 143.

Formation of the German Empire 431

Bismarck saw a way of settling the whole matter by annex- Bismarck's
ing the Danish provinces to his dear Prussia and at the same ^ ^^^^ ^^"^^
time securing an excuse for a fight with Austria, for which
he now felt himself ready. His first step was politely to ask
Austria to cooperate with Prussia in an effort to settle the
question of the provinces. The king of Denmark refused to The victory
make any concessions, and so the two great German powers ^^j-k, 1864
declared war on him (February, 1864). The little Danish
army was no match for them, and a few months later Denmark
ceded the duchies to Austria and Prussia. They were to make
such disposition of the provinces as they saw fit. Bismarck
did everything to prevent any permanent rearrangement, for
he was anxious to fall out with Austria and at the same time
get both the Danish provinces for Prussia. He boldly began
to turn Kiel, on the Baltic coast of Holstein, into a Prussian *

naval station, and did all in his power to irritate Austria.^

Section 69. The War of 1866 and the Formation
OF the North German Federation

In April, 1866, Bismarck made a treaty with Italy that, Prussia
should the king of Prussia take up arms during the following German Con-
three months, it too would immediately declare war on Austria, Jjgg^JfJg^"
with the hope, of course, of obtaining Venetia. The relations June, 1866
between Austria and Prussia grew more and more strained,
until finally, in June, 1866, Austria induced the diet to call out
the forces of the Confederation for the purpose of making war
on Prussia. Prussia's representative in the diet declared that
this act put an end to the existing union.

1 Prussia definitely annexed the provinces in 1866. Later the Germans built
a canal across Holstein from Kiel to the mouth of the Elbe and so connected
the two stretches of German coast which are separated by the Danish peninsula.
The Danes of northern Schleswig were promised the right to say whether or no
they desired to be united with Denmark. But Prussia has paid no attention to
this pledge, and these Danes send to the present German parliament a deputy
who takes every opportunity to protest against the ugly efforts of the Prussian
government to compel them to adopt the German language.

432

Outlines of European History

War declared
between
Austria and
Prussia

Prussia wins
the battle of
Sadowa,
July 3, 1866

The North

German

Federation

Require-
ments of
the proposed
constitution

On June 14 war was declared between Austria and Prussia.
With the exception of Mecklenburg and the small states of the
north, all Germany sided with Austria against Prussia. Bis-
marck immediately demanded of the rulers of the larger North
German states — Hanover, Saxony, and Hesse-Cassel — that
they stop their warlike preparations and agree to accept Prus-
sia's plan of reform. On their refusal, Prussian troops imme-
diately occupied these territories and war actually began.

So thorough was the organization of the Prussian army that
all resistance on the part of the states of the north w^as promptly
prevented; Austria was miserably defeated on July 3 in the
decisive battle of Koniggratz, or Sadowa,^ and within three
weeks after the severance of diplomatic relations the war was
practically over. Austria's influence was at an end, and Prussia
had won the right to dictate to the rest of Germany.

Prussia was aware that the larger states south of the river
Main were not ripe for the union that she desired. She there-
fore organized a so-called North German Federation, which
included all the states north of the Main. Prussia had seized
the opportunity to increase considerably her own boundaries
and round out her territory by annexing the North German
states (with the exception of Saxony) which had opposed her
in the war. Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and the free city
of Frankfort, along with the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein,
all became Prussian.

Prussia, thus enlarged, summoned the lesser states about
her to confer upon a constitution that should accomplish three
ends. First, it must give to all the people of the territory
included in the new union, regardless of the particular state in
which they lived, a voice in the government. A popular assembly
satisfied this demand. Secondly, the predominating position of
Prussia must be secured ; but at the same time, thirdly, the
self-respect of the other monarchs whose lands were included
must not be sacrificed. The king of Prussia was therefore

1 Bismarck's account of the battle is given in the Readings^ Vol. II, p. 147.

Formation of the Germa7t Empire

433

made " president " of the federation but not its sovereign.
The chief governing body was the Federal Council (Bufidesrat).
In this each ruler, however small his state, and each of the three
free towns — Hamburg, Bremen, and Liibeck — had at least
one vote; thus it was arranged that the other rulers should
not become subjects of the king of Prussia. The real sovereign

German States seized by Prussia in 1866

of the North German Federation was not the king of Prussia,
but '' all of the united governments." At the same time, by-
distributing the votes as in the old diet, Prussia, including the
territory she seized in 1866, enjoyed seventeen votes out of
forty-three. Moreover, Prussia could count upon the support
of some of the lesser states. Lastly, the constitution was so
arranged that when the time came for the southern states —
Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden, and South Hesse. — to join the
union, there would be litde need of change.

434 Outlines of European History

Section 70. The Franco-Prussian War and the
Foundation of the German Empire

Foreign No one was more chagrined by the abrupt termination of

Napoleon III the war of 1866 and the victory of Prussia than Napoleon III.
He had hoped that both combatants might be weakened by a
long struggle, and that in the end he might have an opportunity
to arbitrate, and incidentally to gain something for France, as
had happened after the Italian war. His disappointment was
the more keen because he was troubled at home by the demands
of the liberals for reform, and had recently suffered a loss of
prestige among his people by the failure of a design for getting
a foothold in Mexico.-^ Napoleon was further chagrined by his
failure to secure the grand duchy of Luxemburg, which its
sovereign, the king of Holland, would have sold to him if it
had not been for the intervention of Prussia. In other diplo-
matic negotiations also it was believed that Napoleon had
been outwitted by Bismarck, and a war fever developed both

1 This Mexican episode is one of the most curious incidents in the checkered
career of Napoleon III. He desired to see the Latin peoples of the western
world develop into strong nations to offset the preponderance of the Anglo-
Saxons in North America; and furthermore, like his uncle, he cherished imperial
designs outside of the confines of Europe. What appeared to him to be an excel-
lent opportunit)' to build up a Latin empire under his protection was afforded by
disorders in Mexico. In the summer of 1861, at the opening of the great Civil
War in America, the republic of Mexico suspended payments on its debts. Eng-
land, France, and Spain made a joint demonstration against Mexico in favor of
their subjects who held Mexican bonds. Napoleon then entered into negotiations
with some Mexicans who wanted to overthrow the republic, and he offered to
support the establishment of an empire if they would choose as their ruler Arch-
duke Maximilian, brother of the Austrian emperor, to which they agreed. Little
realizing how few of the Mexican people wanted him for their ruler, Maximilian
landed in his new realm in 1864, strongly supported by French troops. As soon
as the Civil War in the United States was brought to a close, the American gov-
ernment protested, in the name of the Monroe Doctrine, against foreign inter-
vention in Mexican affairs, and as Napoleon III was in no position to wage war
with so formidable a power, he withdrew his soldiers and advised Maximilian to
abdicate and return to Europe. The new emperor, however, refused to leave
Mexico, and shortly afterwards he was captured and shot (June, 1867). The
whole affair cost France a great deal of money and the lives of many soldiars,
and discredited Napoleon's ability as a statesman.

Fig. io6

Formation of the German Empire 435

in France and Germany, which was fostered by the sensa-
tional press of Paris and Berlin. Frenchmen began to talk
about " avenging Sadowa," and the Prussians to threaten
their " hereditary enemy " with summary treatment for past
wrongs.

In the midst of this irritation a pretext for war was afforded Question of
by the question of the Spanish throne, then vacant as the result sion to the
of the expulsion of Queen Isabella in 1868. After the flight of ^^^^^^ °^
the queen a national Cortes was summoned to determine upon
a form of government, and after long deliberations it finally
tendered the crown to Leopold of Hohenzollern, a distant
relative of William I of Prussia. This greatly excited the
journalists of Paris, who loudly protested that it was only
an indirect way of bringing Spain under the influence of
Prussia. The French minister of foreign affairs declared that
the candidacy was an attempt to reestablish the empire of
Charles V. This belief was unfounded, for, in spite of the
apprehensions of the French, the mass of the Spanish people
were more anxious to see the restoration of the Bourbon line
in the person of Alfonso, the son of Queen Isabella, than they
were to have as their ruler Leopold of Hohenzollern, or Ama-
deus (the son of the king of Italy), who was finally induced
in 1870 to accept the crown.^

1 Amadeus was an enlightened prince, and endeavored to rule according to
the wishes of his new subjects, but he found himself opposed by the Carlists,
who supported a grandson of Don Carlos as their candidate ; by the clergy, who
opposed the new constitution because it granted religious liberty ; and by the
moderate royalists, who favored placing Isabella's son, Alfonso, on the throne.
After little more than two years' experience, Amadeus laid down his crown, and
the revolutionists proclaimed a republic (February 12, 1873), which lasted only
about a year. At last, in 1875, ^^ crown was given to Isabella's son, who took
the title of Alfonso XII, and after a short civil war with the Carlists a new con-
stitution was drawn up in 1876 providing for a parliament of two houses — a
senate composed of grandees, appointed dignitaries, and elected persons, and
a lower house of representatives chosen by popular suffrage. (By the electoral
law of 1890 all male Spaniards twenty-five years of age are entitled to vote.)
This is the present constitution of Spain. Alfonso XII died in 1885, and was
succeeded by the present king, Alfonso XIII, who was bom a few months after
his father's death.

436

Outlines of European History

Attitude of
France
toward the
candidacy of
Leopold of
Hohenzollem

But the war parties in France and Prussia were looking for
a pretext for a conflict, and consequently the candidacy of
Prince Leopold was given an exaggerated importance. In
June, 1870, with the consent of the king of Prussia, Leopold
accepted the proffered crown; but when the French govern-
ment protested he withdrew his acceptance, also with the ap-
probation of the Prussian king. The affair now seemed to be
closed, but the French ministry was not satisfied with the out-
come and demanded that the king of Prussia should pledge
himself that the candidacy should never be renewed. This
William refused to do, and Bismarck, anxious both to force
a war and to throw the blame for it upon the French, with
gleeful malice, so edited the account given to the German
newspapers of the refusal as to make it appear that the French
ambassador had insulted King William, and had been rebuffed.-^
This excited the "jingoes" in both countries to a state of
frenzy, and although the war party in France was a small
minority, that country' nevertheless declared war against Prussia
on July 19, 1870.

The French minister proclaimed that he entered the conflict
v/ith a " light heart," but it was not long before he realized the
folly of the headlong plunge. The hostility which the South
German states had hitherto shown toward Prussia had encour-
aged Napoleon III to believe that so soon as the French troops
should gain their first victory, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Baden
would join him. But that first victory was never won. War
had no sooner been declared than the South as well as the
North Germans ranged themselves as a nation against a na-
tional assailant. The French army, moreover, was neither well
equipped nor well commanded. The Germans hastened across
the Rhine and within a few days were driving the French
before them. In a series of bloody encounters about Metz,
one of the French armies was defeated and finally shut up
within the fortifications of the town. Seven weeks had not
I For Bismarck's version of the affair, see Readings, Vol II, pp. 158 ff.

Formation of the German Empire 437

elapsed after the beginning of the war before the Germans had
captured a second French army and made a prisoner of the
emperor himself in the great battle of Sedan, September i, 1870.

The Germans then surrounded and laid siege to Paris. Siege of Paris
Napoleon III had been completely discredited by the disasters the Franco-
about Metz and Sedan, and consequently the empire was abol- Prussian War
ished and France for the third time was declared a republic.^
In spite of the energy which the new government showed in
arousing the nation against the invaders, prolonged resistance
was impossible. The capital surrendered on January 28, 187 1,
after a memorable siege, and an armistice was concluded.

In arranging the terms of peace their exultation led the Ger- The Germans
mans to make a mistake for which not only they but the whole cession of
world is now paying. When Bismarck concluded the war with LoTrSne
Austria he wisely took precautions to leave as little bitterness
behind as possible. With France it was different. The Germans
wished a visible sign that they had had their revenge. They
forced the French to cede to them two provinces — Alsace and
northeastern Lorraine.^ In this way France was cut off from
'' the German Rhine," and the crest of the Vosges mountains
became the frontier. Many of the Alsatians, it is true, spoke a
German dialect, and the provinces had long before been a part
of the extinct Holy Roman Empire. But the people felt them-
selves to be an integral part of the French nation, and rather
than submit to the hated rule of the Germans many of them left
their homes and settled in France. Those who remained have
never ceased to protest against the harsh attempts of the Ger-
man government to prevent the expressions of their resentment.

1 See below, Chapter XX.

^ Alsace had, with certain reservations, — especially as regarded Strassburg
and the other free towns, — been ceded to the French king by the treaty of
Westphalia at the close of the Thirty Years' War. Louis XIV disregarded the
reservations and seized Strassburg and the other towns (1681), thus annexing
the whole region to France. The duchy of Lorraine had fallen to France in
1766, upon the death of its last duke. It had previously been regarded as a part
of the Holy Roman Empire. In 187 1 less than a third of the original duchy of
Lorraine, including the fortified city of Metz, was ceded back to Germany.

438

Outlines of Europe a?i History

Proclamation
of the Ger-
man,Empire,
January i,
1871

The Germans exacted a heavy war indemnity from France —
a billion dollars — and proclaimed that German troops would
remain in France until the sum was paid. The French people
made pathetic sacrifices to hasten the payment of the indemnity
in order to free their country from the presence of the detested
" Prussians." The bitter feeling between France and Germany
dates from this war. The longing for revenge on the part of the
French, and the suspicions of the Germans, not only prevented
the nations from becoming friends but had much to do with
the sudden and inexcusable attack which Germany made on
France in August, 19 14. The fate of Alsace-Lorraine is one
of the crucial issues of the Great War. It is one of the most
troublesome questions that will have to be decided at the peace
table when the awful struggle is over.

As Bismarck had hoped, the successful war against France
completed his work, begun in 1866, of creating a German
empire. The southern states, — Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden,
and South Hesse, — having sent their troops to fight side by
side with the Prussian forces, consented, after their common
victory over France, to join the North German Federation. By
a series of treaties it was agreed, among other things, that the
name " North German Federation '' should give way to that of
" German Empire " and that the king of Prussia, as president
of the union, should be given the title of " German Emperor."
Surrounded by German princes, William, king of Prussia and
president of the North German Federation, was proclaimed
German Emperor in the former palace of the French kings at
Versailles, January 18, 187 1.

French politicians and newspaper men certainly played into
Germany's hands when, imposed upon by Bismarck's garbled
edition of the Ems dispatch, they urged a declaration of war
against their neighbor. France had to pay for this terrible mis-
take by losing her* provinces and watching Germany increase
in population and wealth until Prussian ambition and insolence
reached such a point that, forty-three years later, the German

Formation of the German Empire 439

armies; once more swept into France, this time without any
plausible excuse whatsoever. In 1870 Europe and the United
States either sympathized on the whole with Germany or at
least observed strict neutrality during the conflict. In 1 9 1 4, on
the contrary, the conduct of Germany speedily aroused the
hostility of most of the other nations of the world, and they
gradually formed a gigantic alliance against her and her allies.

Section 71. Austria-Hungary since 1866

The defeat at Sadowa and the formation of the North Problems
German Federation had served to cut off Austria from Ger- Austfiain
many altogether, and she was left to solve as best she might ^^^^
the problems of adjusting her relations with Hungary, recon-
ciling the claims of the various races within her borders, and
meeting the demands of the liberals for constitutional govern-
ment and reforms in general.

An attempt had been made in 1861 to unite all the posses- The Austro-
sions of Francis Joseph into a single great empire with its parlia- dual mon-
ment at Vienna, but the Hungarians obstinately refused to take ^shed!n^867
part in the deliberations and, by encouraging the Bohemians,
Poles, and Croats to withdraw, caused the plan to fail.

Soon after the defeat of Austria by Prussia in 1866 the rela-
tions between the Austrian Empire and the kingdom of Hun-
gary were finally settled by a compromise (^Aiisgleich, as the
Germans call it).^ Francis Joseph agreed to regard himself as
ruling over two separate and practically independent states :
(i) the Austrian Empire, which includes seventeen provinces,
— Upper and Lower Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, Carinthia,
Carniola, and the rest ; and (2) the kingdom of Hungary, in-
cluding Croatia and Slavonia. While each of these had its own
constitution and its own parliament, one at Vienna and the
other at Pesth, and managed its own affairs under the guid-
ance of its own ministers, the two governments, in dealing with

1 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 165 ff., for extracts.

440

Outlines of European History

foreign nations, declaring war, and concluding treaties, were to
appear as one state, to be called Austria-Hungary. They were
to have a common army and navy and to be united commer-
cially by using the same coins, weights, and measures, and
agreeing upon a common tariff. Although this particular kind
of union between two states was a new thing in Europe, it has
proved to be strong enough to last to the present.

In order to manage the affairs common to the two states,
their joint monarch appoints three ministers — of foreign affairs,
war, and finance. These ministers are responsible to a curious
kind of joint parliament, called the Delegations^ one section of
which is chosen by the Austrian parliament, and the other by
the Hungarian diet. These Delegations consist of sixty mem-
bers each and hold their sessions alternately at Vienna and at
Pesth, in order to avoid all jealousy. They sit as separate
bodies, one carrying on its discussions in German and the
other in Hungarian, and ordinarily communicate with each
other in writing, except in cases of disagreement, when the
two Delegations come together and vote as a single body,
but without debate.

The problem of satisfying the various races, with their dif-
fering languages and their national aspirations, has been the
most serious difficulty which both Austria and Hungary have
had to face. In 1867 there were in Austria 7,100,000 Ger-
mans, 4,700,000 Czechs, 2,440,000 Poles (in Galicia), 2,580,000
Ruthenians (in eastern Galicia), 1,190,000 Slovenians (princi-
pally in Carniola), 520,000 Croats (in Dalmatia and Istria),
580,000 Italians (in Trieste and southern Tyrol), and 200,000
Roumanians (in Bukowina).^ The Germans held that the
German town of Vienna, the old seat of the court, was the
natural center of all the provinces, and that the German lan-
guage, since it was spoken more generally than any other in
the Austrian provinces and was widely used in scientific and
literary works, should be given the preference everywhere by

1 See map, p. 394.

Formation of the German Empire 44 1

the gcvernment. The Czechs and Poles, on their part, longed
for their old freedom and independence, wished to use their
own language, and constantly permitted their dislike of the
Germans to influence their policy in the parliament at Vienna.^

The three most noteworthy achievements in Austria during Power of the
the past fifty years have been the establishment of a consti- duced in
tutional system in 1867, the readjustment of the relations be- -^"^tna
tween Church and State in 1 867-1 868, and the extension of
the suffrage in 1906. After the settlement of 1867 the German
liberal party forced through the Austrian parliament a series
of laws which restricted the time-honored prerogatives of the
Catholic clergy.^ Every individual was given the right to choose
his own religion and to worship as he pleased. Government
offices and positions in the schools were thrown open to all
citizens, regardless of creed ; the State, not the Church, was
thereafter to manage the schools ; civil marriage was instituted
for those who did not wish to have a priest officiate at their
marriage, as well as for those whom the priests refused to
unite. The Pope vigorously condemned the constitutional laws
of 1867, which had guaranteed complete religious liberty; the
laws of 1868 he pronounced ^'abominable," and null and void.
Nevertheless the reforms which Joseph II had striven to intro-
duce before the French Revolution were at last secured.

Austria, like the other European states, has been profoundly Question of
affected by the Industrial Revolution. The ever-increasing
numbers of workingmen began to urge that the old system of
voting, which permitted the richer classes to choose the mem-
bers of the parliament, should be changed so as to allow the
great mass of the people to send representatives to Vienna.^

1 In the newspapers we read of the " Young " Czechs, who agree with the
" Old " Czechs in working for Bohemian independence, but are more progressive
than their fellow representatives. 2 Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 169 ff.

3 The system adopted in 1867, according to which the local diets of the prov-
inces elected the deputies, was later abolished, and the right to select the 425
deputies w^s put into the hands of four classes : the landowners were assigned
85 seats; the chambers of trade and commerce, 21 ; the towns, 118; the rural
districts, 129. The adult males were permitted to choose the remaining 72.

442

Outlines of European History

At last, in 1906, the suffrage was extended to all males over
twenty-four years of age. The first election under the new law
took place in May, 1907.^ The socialists gained over fifty seats,
many of which they secured at the expense of the Czechs.
But, on the other hand, the conservative clerical party also
gained. It remains to be seen whether the various little parties
formed on the basis of race issues will give way in time to
those representing grave economic and social problems such
as ejyst in the other European states.

Fig. 113. Farming Scene in Hungary

The vast plains of Hungary are now farmed much like the prairies of

America, with implements made by American firms. But the peasants

on the great feudal estates are still dressed in quaint costumes, the kilts

of the men being almost indistinguishable from women's skirts

The history of Hungary since 1867 has resembled that
of Austria in some respects. The Magyars have, however,
been more successful than the Germans in maintaining their
supremacy. The population of Hungary proper in 19 11 was
about eighteen millions, of which the Magyars formed some-
thing over half. Croatia and Slavonia had together slightly
more than two and a half millions. In the lower house of the
diet four hundred and thirteen deputies are chosen in Hungary,
and only forty in Croatia and Slavonia. Magyar is naturally the
language chiefly used in the diet, and by government officials
and railway employees, and in the universities. The government

1 Readings, Vol. II, pp. 171 ff.

l}V.» \ J • 10 Longitude Ea^

/Pilsen

H)e MIA

J J (Tioi'.lTajj'!

,Tal;.n- ,^^ p[lo ij ^J y J

<4y

Greenwich 20'

Formation of the German Empire 443

encoui^ages the migration of the people to the cities, especially
to Budapest, for it is the rapidly growing cities which are the
strongholds of the Magyars, and the number of those who
speak their language is steadily increasing.

Croatia and Slavonia have been dissatisfied with the way Race discon-
they have been treated in the national parliament at Budapest. Hungary
The Serbians are discontented, and some of the extremists
among them have been cherishing the hope that the region
they inhabit might be annexed some day to the kingdom of
Serbia ; while the Roumanians look longingly to the independ-
ent kingdom of Roumania, of which they feel they should
form a part.-^ It was this racial discontent which furnished the
cause for the events leading to the great war of 19 14 (see below,
Chapter XXVII).

QUESTIONS

Section d^. What was the effect of the Industrial Revolution
upon the German states t Describe the Zollverein of 1 834. By what
means was Prussia enabled to assume the leadership of the German
states ? Describe the way in which the Prussian army was strength-
ened. Give an account of Bismarck's views and aims.

Section 69. What use did Bismarck make of the Schleswig-
Holstein question.? Show on a map the position taken by the
different German states in the Austro-German war of 1866. Trace
on a map the extent of the North German Federation, indicating
the gains made by Prussia as a result of the war with Austria. Con-
trast the constitution of the North German Federation with that of
the German Confederation.

Section 70. Describe the foreign policy of Napoleon III.
Describe the situation which led to the war between France and
Prussia in 1870. Outline the main events of this war. What were
the terms of peace? Discuss the effect of this war upon German
unity.

Section 71. Show the result of Austria's war with Prussia, in
1866, on the relations between Austria and Hungary. Describe the
government of the dual monarchy. What are the internal problems
which confront Austria at the present day 1

1 For the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, sec below, p. 586.

CHAPTER XIX

THE GERMAN EMPIRE

Section 72. The German Constitution

The war of
1914 makes
the German
government
a world issue

President

Wilson's

arraignment

of the

German

government

Prussian
origin of
the German
constitution

Few persons outside of Germany knew much about the
German constitution and methods of government before the
opening of the Great War in 19 14. Then suddenly these
became a matter of world-wide interest. The ravaging of a
helpless, blameless little country like Belgium, with no further
excuse than that it suited the interests of the German high
military command to pass through that country in order to
crush France, woke other nations to the dangers that lurked
in the German system.

When, in April, 19 17, the policy of the German military
authorities finally forced, the United States into the war, Presi-
dent Wilson explained to Congress that Germany had " an'
irresponsible government which has thrown aside all considera-
tions of humanity and of right and is running amuck " ; that
" the Prussian autocracy was not and could never be our
friend " ; that, with its control of the German military machine,
it was the " natural foe to liberty " ; that '' no autocratic govern-
ment could be trusted to keep faith " ; and that since the German
Empire had become a menace to the peace and freedom of the
world the United States should combine with other democratic
nations against it and, if necessary, '' spend the whole force of
the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power."

In the previous chapter the origin of the present German
Empire was described. Its constitution was originally drawn up
after Prussia defeated Austria in 1866, and was designed to
secure Prussian predominance in Germany. Even if some little

444

The Gerniari Empire 445

influence was granted to the representatives of the people, we
might be sure that Bismarck, with his autocratic ideas and his
confidence in kings and armies, would not consent to any essen-
tial weakening of the monarch's power or of the control enjoyed
by the military and landowning classes (Junkers)^ to which
he himself belonged.

In the North German Federation of 1866 Prussia, with the Predomi-
German states she had seized, constituted nearly the whole Prussia
union. When, after the successful war with France in 18 70-
187 1, the southern states of Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, and
South Hesse were induced to join the federation and so com-
plete the present German Empire, little change was made in
the original constitution framed four years earlier. In spite
of the addition of the states south of the Main River, Prussia
still forms nearly two thirds of the empire, and her citizens
amount to nearly two thirds of the population of Germany.

So before considering the constitution of the empire, we must The Prussian

. ■ _ . ^ , ... constitution

see the nature 01 the Prussian government under which a ma- of 1850
jority of the Germans live. When, in 1850, the king of Prussia
'' granted " his people a constitution, Bismarck heartily opposed
the measure; and, when, as we have seen, in 1862, he decided
that the army must be increased he paid no attention to the
refusal of the Prussian lower house to grant him the necessary
money. The king of Prussia still rules by the grace of God ; he
and the Austrian rulers are the only old-fashioned autocrats left
in Europe since the overthrow of the Tsar of Russia. The
militaristic landowning class are in control of the upper house
of the Prussian parliament, or diet. The method of electing
members to the lower house is so arranged as to give the richer
classes an overwhelming influence.

The members of the lower house are elected indirectly, that is, " The three-
by conventions, the delegates to which are chosen in each elec- of voting
toral district. Every man who has reached the age of twenty-five
years is permitted to vote, but care is taken that if he is poor
and discontented with the government his vote shall count for

446

Outlines of Eitropean History

Character of

Prussian

elections

Powerless-
ness of the
lower house

practically nothing. This is effected by dividing the voters into
three classes, according to the amount of taxes they pay. Those
who are richest and together pay a third of the taxes have a
third of the votes ; those who pay the second third have a third ;
and, finally, the great mass of the people who make up the other
third have a right to select a third of the deputies to the elec-
toral convention, which meets to select representatives of the
district to sit in the diet.

Sometimes it happens that a single rich Junker^ or even a
Berlin sausage manufacturer, may elect a third of the delegates
in his district. In 1900 the Social Democrats cast a majority
of votes for members of the conventions and found themselves
with only seven seats in the diet out of nearly four hundred, the
rest having been filled by the richer, conservative classes. But
not satisfied with the workings of " the three-class system,"
the Prussian government makes everyone vote aloud, so that
the government officials can tell what his sentiments are.
Moreover, it shamelessly interferes with the elections, as one
of the Prussian chancellors frankly admits in his memoirs,
to prevent the election of deputies opposed to the plans of
the small group which controls the policy of Prussia.

Even when the lower house gets together, it has little power.
The king is in control of the upper house, the members of
which are 'elected as he wishes. He initiates all laws and has
an absolute veto on all measures passed by the parliament.
He manages the administration, which is in the hands of a
permanent bureaucracy of the most conservative militaristic
type. The members of the lower house can talk, so far as
they think it prudent, and can refuse to approve appropria-
tions ; but there are various forms of pressure that can be
brought to bear on them to support the king and his advisers.
These are the facts which justify one in calling Prussia, which
is the predominating state of the German Empire, auto-
cratic, or highly aristocratic, in its frame of government and
methods. We must now turn to the federal constitution and

The Germa7i Empire 447

note the ingenious manner in which the control of Prussia
and its king is extended over the whole empire.

It will be remembered that the constitution of the North Position of
German Federation had been drawn up with the hope that EmSo?^"
the South German states would consent in time to join
this union which Prussia arranged in 1866. Consequently,
when the new German Empire was proclaimed, four years
later, fewer changes needed to be made than might have been
expected. The ancient title " German Emperor " {Deutscher
Kaiser) was bestowed on King William I of Prussia and his
successors on the throne of tl>^ Hohenzollerns forever. He
was not, however, regarded as the sovereign of Germany, for
this would have offended the pride of the various German
kings and princes, like the kings of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg,
who would not consent to be subkings under the chief king
of Prussia. So the Kaiser was only given the " presidency "
of the empire. It is true that William II is accustomed to
talk as if he ruled Germany by the grace of God, but he has
no constitutional right to make this claim.

The emperor does not have the right directly to veto the Powers of
measures passed by the imperial parliament, but he exercises ^ ^'^^"^
many of the powers that would fall to an absolute monarch.
He appoints and dismisses the chancellor of the empire, who,
with his " all-highest " self, is the chief official spokesman of
Germany. What is most dangerous for the rest of the world,
the Kaiser commands the unconditional obedience of all
German soldiers and sailors and appoints the chief officers in
the army and navy. He has only to say that the fatherland is
attacked and he can hurl the German army against any inno-
cent neighbor he chooses without asking anyone's approval.
This he did when he ordered the invasion of Belgium and
France in 19 14.

The sovereignty of the empire is theoretically vested not in The
the Kaiser but in a sort of composite monarch called the
Federal Council {Bimdesrat), the most peculiar, important.

448

Outlines of European History

and least understood feature of the German system. This
is made up of the personal representatives of the twenty-two
monarchs and of the three free cities included in the federation
(see above, p. 433)- The Bundesrat^ like the Senate of the
United States, consists of representatives of the individual
states of the union ; but, unlike the senators, its members are
agents of their respective governments, which they represent,
and not of the people of the several states. They have to vote
as their rulers command. The king of Prussia has seventeen
votes, to which he adds the three assigned to Alsace-Lorraine,
which he controls ; this insurgs him twenty out of a total of
sixty-one. The king of Bavaria has six, the ruler of Saxony
four, the ruler of Wiirtemberg four, and a great part of the
smaller countries only one.-^

1 Composition of the German Empire

Population
Dec. I, 1910

(in Round
Numbers)

Number of
Members

Present Nuji-

BER OF ReITvE-

Names of the States

IN the

BUNDES-
RAT

sentatives

IN THE

Reichstag ,

Kingdom of Prussia

40,100,000

236

Kingdom of Bavaria

6,800,000

Kingdom of Saxony

4,800,000

Kingdom of Wiirtemberg

2,400,000

Grandduchy of Baden

2,100,000

Grandduchy of Hesse

1,200,000

Grandduchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin

639,000

Grandduchy of Saxe-\V eimar ....

417,000

Grandduchy of Mecklenburg-Strelitz .

106,000

Grandduchy of Oldenburg

482,000

Duchy of Brunswick

494,000

Duchy of Saxe-l\Ieiningen

278,000

Duchy of Saxe-Altenburg

216,000

Duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha ....

257,000

Duchy of Anhalt

331,000

Principality of Schwarzburg-Sonders-

hausen

89,000
100,000

Principality of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt

Principality of Waldeck

61,000

Principality of Reuss, elder line . . .

72,000

Principality of Reuss, junior line . . .

152,000

Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe . .

46,000

Principality of Lippe

150,000

• J

Free town of Liibeck

Free town of Bremen

298,000

Free town of H amburg

Imperial territory of Alsace-Lorraine .

1,800,000

Total (details added)

64,903,423

397

The Gernimt Empire 449

The democratic element in the government is the Reichstags The Rekhs-
or House of Representatives, which consists of about four House of
hundred members distributed among the various states accord- R^presenta-

^ tives

ing to their population. The constitution provides that every
German citizen twenty-five years of age may vote for members
of the Reichstag. The representatives are elected for a term
of five years, but the house may at any time be dissolved by
the emperor with the consent of the Bundesrat. Members
of the Reichstag, under a law of May, 1906, are paid for
their services.

The chief minister of the empire is the chancellor, who is The chan-
appointed by the Kaiser from among the Prussian delegates
in the Bundesrat and may be dismissed by him at will without
regard to the rise and fall of parties in the Reichstag. The
chancellor is not bound by any resolutions or votes of the
Reichstag ; he is entirely at the command of the emperor, from
whom alone he derives his authority. He presides over the
Bundesrat, appoints the federal officers in the name of the
emperor, and supervises the discharge of their duties.

In short, Germany has never introduced the cabinet system No cabinet
of government which prevails in other European countries.-^ the German
The Kaiser exercises, through the chancellor and in view of Empire
his position as king of Prussia, a power unrivaled by any of
the constitutional rulers of Europe, and the Reichstag serves
rather as a critic of, and a check on, the government than as
the directing force.

When German unity was finally achieved in 1871 by the Necessity for

r • r ^ • i • 1-^1 unifomi laws

formation of the empire, the new nation was very much in the for the whole
position of the United States after the adoption of the Consti- ernp"^
tution in 1789. A federation had been entered into by states
bound together by ties of a common race and language, but
its permanence was by no means assured. The various German
rulers were zealous in safeguarding their dignity and their own

1 See above, pp. 56, 168. See Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 176 ff., for Bismarck's
view.
II

450

Outlines of European History

Powers of
the imperial
government

Imperial
legislation

particular rights, and they were not altogether pleased with the
preeminence assumed by the king of Prussia. Each state had
its own traditions of independence, its own peculiar industrial
interests, and its own particular form of government. Realizing
the strength of these local tendencies, the imperial government
undertook to establish stronger national ties through the intro-
duction of uniform laws for the whole German people, to
supplant the diverse laws of the various states.

The leadership in this nationalizing movement fell naturally
to Bismarck, chancellor of the empire and president of the
Prussian ministry. Fortunately for him the constitution con-
ferred on the federal legislature wide powers in regulating
matters which in the United States are reserved entirely to
the states. The imperial parliament is given the power to regu-
late commerce and intercourse between the states and with for-
eign nations, to coin money, to fix weights and measures, and to
control the banking system, railways, telegraph, and post office,
besides other general powers. But, more than this, the federal
government in Germany is empowered by the constitution to
make uniform throughout the empire the criminal and civil law,
the organization of the courts, and judicial procedure, whereas in
the United States each state defines crimes, regulates the form
of contracts, and so forth. Consequently the Prussian chancellor
could proceed to direct the reform of all Germany according to
his ideas of what was best for her.

The parliament at once set to work to exercise the im-
portant powers conferred upon it. In 1873 a uniform cur-
rency law was passed, and the bewildering variety of coins
and paper notes of the separate states was replaced by a
simple system of which the 7nark (about twenty-five cents)
is the basis. The new coins bore on one side the effigy of
the emperor and on the other the arms of the empire, *' to
preach to the people the good news of unity." In 187 1 a
uniform criminal code was introduced; in 1877 a law was
passed regulating the organization of the courts, civil and

The German Empire 451

criminal procedure, bankruptcy, and patents; and from 1874
to 1887 a commission was busy drafting the civil code, which
went into effect in 1900.

Although the champions of states' rights looked with disfavor The Kultur-
upon Bismarck's policy of strengthening the imperial govern-
ment and making uniform laws for the whole empire, the
greatest opposition came from the Catholics, who feared the
growing influence of Protestant Prussia. At the first imperial
elections in 1871 the Catholics returned sixty-three members
to parliament, and in this the chancellor saw, or pretended to
see, a conspiracy of clerical forces against the state. The de-
crees of the Vatican Council, issued in 1870, definitely asserted
that the secular governments might not interfere with the Pope
in his relations with the clergy or with lay Catholics in church
matters. Bismarck insisted on the supremacy of the civil law, and,
mainly over a question of control of schools, began what was called
the Kulturkampf, or ^' war in defense of civilization," by laws
expelling the Jesuits and other religious societies" and imposing
penalties upon the clergy for any criticism of the government.-^
This was followed by other harsh legislation in Prussia; and
the Pope and German clergy in general were moved to resist
Bismarck's anti-clerical policy. Instead of submitting, the
Catholics were welded into a strong political party, which
elected ninety-one members to the Reichstag in 1874.

Finding the Catholic opposition growing stronger, and dis- Bismarck
covering a new danger to his policy in the rapid rise of a wkhThe^'^'"^
socialistic party, Bismarck came to terms with the Church, Catholic
repealed nearly all of the measures directed against the clergy,
and established cordial relations with the Vatican. The Catholic
political party — whose representatives in the Reichstag are
called the Center — was not, however, broken up by the re-
versal of the government policy ; and the attempt to destroy
the Socialist party, which Bismarck was now free to make,
proved no more successful.

1 See i^^^a'm^j, Vol. II, p. 183.

452

Outlines of European History

Section 73. Bismarck and State Socialism

Beginnings
of socialism
in Germany

Karl Marx

Lassalle

The Social
Democrats
organize in
i86q

The Socialist party had grown up in Germany practically
within Bismarck's own time. In 1842 a German professor
had declared that Germany had nothing to fear from that
movement since the country had no distinct working class.
But within less than a quarter of a century Germany, like
England and France, underwent a radical industrial revolution
Large manufacturing towns sprang up; railways were built;
the working classes inevitably combined to protect and advance
their own interests ; and all the problems of capital and labor
were suddenly thrust upon the German people.

The Socialist view of the labor problems and their solution
had been elaborated by a German scholar, Karl Marx, before
the Revolution of 1848,^ but it was not until nearly twenty
years later that a party championing his doctrines entered
German politics. Under the leadership of Lassalle, a radical
thinker and a brilliant orator, a General Workingmen's Asso-
ciation was formed at a labor congress in Leipzig in 1863.
After more than a year's vigorous agitation Lassalle had,
however, mustered less than five thousand members for his
association, and he was thoroughly discouraged when he met
his end in a duel over a love affair in 1864.

Notwithstanding the death of Lassalle, the campaign which
he had begun continued to be prosecuted with greater vigor
than before, although by no means all of the workingmen
believed in his program. Some of the more radical among
them, under the influence of the teachings of Marx, founded
at Eisenach, in 1869, a new association, which bore the name
of the Social Democratic Labor Party of Germany. The two
groups worked side by side until 1875, when, at a general
labor congress held at Gotha, they combined and issued an
important statement of the views and purposes of the party.^
In the elections of that year for the Reichstag the Socialists

1 See above, p. 375. 2 See Readings^ Vol. II, p. 493.

The German Empire 453

polled three hundred and forty thousand votes and began
to arouse the apprehension of the government, which was
naturally suspicious of them.

Bismarck resented the attitude of the Socialists, and after Bismarck
two attempts had been made upon the life of the emperor, cSsh"i'ur*°
which he ascribed without justification to Socialist conspiracies, socialism,
he had a law passed in 1878 designed to suppress socialistic
agitation altogether. It prohibited meetings, publications, and
associations having for their purpose "the overthrow of the
social order " or the promotion of socialistic tendencies danger-
ous to the public peace, and authorized the government to
proclaim martial law in any city threatened by labor disturb-
ances. This repressive law remained in force for twelve years
and completely disorganized the party as far as national politics
were concerned. It failed, however, in accomplishing its full
purpose, for the Socialists continued to form local societies
in spite of the precautions of the police, and to spread their
doctrines by secret propaganda in the factories and the
army and by means of papers smuggled in principally from
Switzerland.^

While these attempts were being made to suppress the Social Origin of
Democrats, there was growing up in Germany a new school of socialist"^
political economists known as " State socialists," who maintained ^^^
that the government should adopt a number of the socialistic
schemes for the benefit of the working classes in order to re-
move the causes of their discontent. The practical proposals
of the State socialists were exceedingly numerous. They ad-
vocated providing steady employment for the working classes,
reduction of the hours of labor, improvement of the sanitary
and moral conditions in factories, restriction of the labor of
women and children, and adequate precautions against accidents
and sickness. They proposed to equalize the distribution of
wealth by taxing those whose incomes were derived from
rents, interest, or speculation, and favored government ownership

1 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 185 ff.

454 Outli7tes of European History

of railways, canals, and all means of communication and trans-
port, water and gas works, a large portion of the land within
city limits, markets, and the business of banking and insurance.
Attitude of Bismarck himself took a deep interest in the theories of the

toward^ social- State Socialists, and from 1878 to the close of his administration
ism and the j^g advocated a number of reforms for the benefit of the work-

workmg

classes ing people and carried out a few of them. In undertaking

these measures he frankly admitted that he was only renewing
the old Brandenburg policy of paternal interest in the welfare
of the people and in increasing the power and prosperity of the
State. He accepted the capitalist system of industry and the
division of society into rich and poor as a natural and perma-
nent arrangement, but considered it the duty of the State to
better the condition of the working people by special laws, as
well as to encourage industry by protective tariffs.
State insur- He looked upon certain reforms in favor of the working

interest of classcs as the bcst means of undermining the influence of the
dasse^^^^"^ Socialists. In 1882 the government introduced two bills pro-
viding for accident and sickness insurance, which were given
their final form after two years of deliberation and went into
Accident and effect in 1 885. According to the provisions of the first law.

Sickness

insurance employers are obliged to provide a fund to insure their em-
ployees against accidents. From this fund the workmen are
compensated when partially or totally disabled, and in case of
death provision is made for the family of the deceased. The
sickness insurance law compels working men and women to
insure themselves against sickness, but helps them to bear
the burden by requiring the employer to pay a portion of the
premium and to be responsible for carrying out the law.
Insurance for These measures were supplemented in 1889, after the acces-
incapacitated sion of the present Kaiser, by an old-age insurance law which
compels every workman with an income under five hundred
dollars a year to pay a certain proportion into a State fund
which provides an annual pension for him after he has reached
the age of seventy years. In case h^ is incapacitated earlier

The German Empire 455

in life he may begin to draw the pension before he reaches
that age. As in other forms of workingmen's insurance, the
employers pay a portion of the premium ; and the State also
makes a regular contribution to every annuity paid.^ In 1913
over twenty-five million persons were insured under these laws.

These measures by which the government assumes a large state social-
degree of oversight over the welfare of the working class con- bTsociaS"^
stitute what is known as State socialism. Socialists, however,
insist that one most important element of socialism is lacking,
namely, democratic control. It is a revival and extension of
the paternalism so familiar to Prussia in the days of Frederick
the Great, and, however valuable as philanthropy, Socialists claim
that it still leaves the system of capitalist ownership which keeps
the poor from a fair share of what they earn. However, the
State has kept enlarging its ownership of railways and of mines,
and has engaged in other forms of productive employment.^

Section 74. Germany's Policy of Protection
AND Colonization ; Foreign Affairs

Closely connected with Bismarck's paternal attitude toward Demand for
the working classes was his policy of protecting German Indus- German^" °
tries against foreign competition. The successful war with industries
France, the establishment of the empire, and, above all, the
payment of the French indemnity had created a great " boom "
in Germany. New enterprises multiplied ; in Prussia alone the
number of joint-stock companies increased from 410 in 1870
to 2267 in 1874; wages rose rapidly and times were "good"
until the inevitable reaction due to overspeculation set in.
Prices and wages then began to fall, companies failed, and
factories closed. The manufacturers then commenced to de-
mand that they be protected from foreign competition, and the
farmers asked that high duties be placed upon the grain that
was being shipped into the country from the United States and

1 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 189 ff. 2 See below, p. 651.

456

Outlines of Europemi History

Germany
establishes a
protective
system in
1879

African
colonization

Togoland

and

Kamerun

Russia. It was urged that the German " infant " industries
(of which we have heard so much in the United States) could
not maintain themselves without aid from their government
when rival nations, especially England, were so much better
equipped with machinery, experience, and natural resources.

It was under these circumstances that the imperial chan-
cellor presented to the Reichstag in 1878 a program of tariff
revision embodying two main points : (i) protective duties de-
signed to give German industries the advantage over foreign
producers ; (2) a reduction of duties on raw materials not pro-
duced within the empire. In the following year the Reichstag
adopted the new tariff laws by a large majority and thus ini-
tiated a system under which Germany has become one of the
greatest manufacturing countries in the world.

German manufacturers were, however, not satisfied with
securing preference over foreign competitors in their domestic
trade ; they soon began to demand government aid in finding
new markets abroad. In spite of many misgivings about the
ultimate value of distant colonies peopled by barbarous races,
Bismarck was induced to take steps toward the acquisition of
territory in Africa.

He sent out Dr. Gustav Nachtigal in 1884 for the purpose of
establishing German control at certain points along the western
coast of Africa. In a short time the German agent had induced
native chiefs to acknowledge a German protectorate over two
large provinces, Togoland in Upper Guinea, a region about the
size of the state of Indiana, and Kamerun, adjoining the French
Congo — in all an area of over two hundred thousand square
miles. ^ In the same year Herr Liideritz, a Bremen merchant,
acting under orders from Bismarck, raised the- German flag at
Angra Pequena (a point on the west coast a short distance
above the English possessions at the Cape), where German mer-
chants and traders had been active for some time. Within a few
years the German government carved out a block of territory

1 See map of Africa below, p. 622.

The German Empire

457

East Africa

Bismarck

estimated at over three hundred and twenty thousand square
miles, an area far greater than that of the entire German Empire.
This colony was given the name of German Southwest Africa,
but its entire European population is less than fifteen thousand.

Even larger territories were secured by Germany in East German
Africa. In 1884 the Society for German Colonization sent
Dr. Karl Peters to determine what could be done in that region.
The sultan of Zanzibar was induced in 1888 to lease a narrow
strip of territory over six hundred miles long to the Germans,
and in two years transferred all his rights to the German Empire
for a million dollars. The few German settlers then established
plantations of cocoa palms, coffee, vanilla, tobacco, caoutchouc,
sugar, tea, etc., and the government founded several experiment
stations for determining the possibilities of profitable agriculture.-^

In foreign affairs Bismarck was very active. Russia had been
a valued friend during the period of German unification, and affairs^^'^
for some years afterwards the three emperors of Germany
Russia, and Austria stood together against any chance of French
revenge on Germany. But in 1878 Austria turned against
Russia to check the latter's successful career in the Balkans.^
Bismarck then sided with Austria, making an alliance with it
the next year. This alliance was joined by Italy ^ in il
was known as the Triple Alliance. In the summer of 19 14 Ger-
many's friendly attitude toward Austria was one of the direct
causes of the outbreak of the world war, as we shall see. But
Italy, soon after the conflict began, repudiated the unnatural
Triple Alliance and joined Germany's enemies.

1 About the same time German agents found their way into the Pacific and
occupied a region in New Guinea to which the name of " Kaiser Wilhelm's Land "
was given. The CaroHne Islands (except Guam, which belongs to the United
States) and a part of the Solomon group were also acquired. German mei chants
and investors also developed railways in Asia Minor, Syria, and Mesopotamia
with a view to opening up the natural resources. Their activities -in Morocco
brought them into conflict with the French, who believed that they possessed
special rights there, and for a time there was talk of war, but matters were ad-
justed in 1906 at a congress of European powers held at Algeciras on the Strait
of Gibraltar and later (in 191 1) by a special arrangement between France and
Germany (see Chapter XXVII). 2 See below, p. 581. 3 See above, p. 421.

i2, and The Triple
Alliance

458 Outliftes of Europe afi Histo7y

Section 75. Reign of William II

Accession of With the accession of the present emperor, William 11,^ in
1888*^"^ ' 1888, Prince Bismarck lost his power. He had been implicitly
trusted by the old Kaiser, William I, who had been content to
leave the practical management of the empire largely in the
hands of the chancellor. The new emperor proved a very
different man. He was fond of making speeches ^ in which he
had much to say of the power which God had given him;
indeed, he seemed to be a stout adherent of that conception
of kingship which Bossuet extracted from the Holy Scriptures
and urged upon the willing Louis XIV.^ On his accession to
the throne he expressed himself as follows : " Summoned to
the throne of my fathers, I have taken up the reins of govern-
ment, looking for aid to the King of kings. I have sworn to
God to follow the example of my fathers and be to my people
a just and firm ruler, to nurture piety and the fear of God,
to cherish peace, and to be a helper of the poor and oppressed,
and a faithful guardian of justice."
Bismarck It is not Strange that Bismarck should have found it hard to

Mar^h%89o tolerate the intervention of the inexperienced young emperor.
In March, 1890, he presented his resignation, and, amid a great
demonstration of popular feeling, the " Iron Chancellor " retired
to private life. Upon the announcement of Bismarck's resigna-
tion William II declared, with his usual unction : '' I am as
much afflicted as if I had lost my grandfather anew, but we
must endure whatever God sends us, even if we should have
to die for it. The post of officer of the quarterdeck of the
ship of state has fallen to me. The course remains unchanged.
Forward, with full steam 1 "

1 William II is the eldest son of Frederick (who succeeded his father,
William I, in March, 1888, and died in June of the same year) and of Victoria,
the daughter of Queen Victoria of England. Frederick was the third of that
name in the royal line of Prussia.

2 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 193 ff., 198 ff,

3 See Readmgs, Vol. I, pp. 5 ff.

The German Empire 459

For a time it seemed as if William II proposed to conciliate Attitude of
the Socialist party, although he could not possibly have had tovUnT
any real sympathy with its aims. The legislation against socialism
the Socialists which Bismarck had inaugurated in 1878 was
allowed to lapse in 1890, and they now carried on their
agitation openly and with vigor and success. The emperor
pledged himself to continue the social legislation begun by
his grandfather, since he deemed it one of the duties of the
State to relieve poverty ; and he declared that the welfare
of the workingman lay close to his heart. Irritated, however,
at his failure to check the expression of discontent on the
part of the working classes,^ he grew angry and pronounced
the Social Democrat as '' nothing better than an enemy of
the empire and his country."

United Germany, as we have seen, embarked on a colonial Germany in
policy, and William II showed himself very ready to partici-
pate in world politics. At the close of the war between
China and Japan, in 1895, he joined with Russia and France
in preventing Japan from occupying the Liaotung peninsula.
Two years later the Germans seized the port of Kiaochow
on the Shantung peninsula opposite Korea.

Notwithstanding Germany's extensive colonial dominion and Doubtful
commercial adventures in the Far East, the whole enterprise many's^ex-^'^'
proved of doubtful value. None of the lands acquired were periments in

^ . colonization

really suitable for settlement by German people who wish to
emigrate from the fatherland.^ Especially in Africa the native
races under the German flag are very warlike, and in 1905-
1906 the government spent the sum of nine million dollars in
suppressing local uprisings, while the value of the exports and
imports of the provinces scarcely exceeded two million dollars.
(When the Great War began Germany lost all her colonies. It
is impossible to say whether they will ever be returned or not.)

1 See table below, p. 460, note.

2 In 1910 there were only 340 Germans in Togoland, 1132 in Kamerun, about
10,000 in German Southwest Africa, and 2700 in East Africa,

460

Outlines of European History

Sources of
dissatisfac-
tion on the
part of the
liberals and
Socialists

However, both the colonial policy and the system of auto-
cratic government represented by the Kaiser were not without
powerful opponents, for in spite of the fact that the imperial
government is founded on a written constitution and the
Reichstag is elected by popular vote, the German govern-
ment is the least democratic in western Europe. The emperor
is not controlled by a ministry representing the majority in
parliament, and public criticism of the government is liable
to cause the arrest and imprisonment of the offender. Fur-
thermore, the Reichstag can scarcely be regarded as really
representing the views of the nation. The government has
refused to revise the apportionment of representatives as it
was arranged in 187 1, although great changes have taken
place since that year. As a result Berlin, for instance, has
only six members in the Reichstag, although its population
of two million inhabitants would entitle it to twenty. This
accounts for the relatively small number of Socialists and the
large number of conservatives in the parliament, for in 1907
the Socialists, although they could muster 3,250,000 voters,
returned only 43 members, whereas the conservatives secured
83 seats with less than 1,500,000 supporters, mainly in the
country districts. In the elections of 1 9 1 2 the Socialists made
large gains in spite of the unequal distribution of seats.-^

There has been no large liberal party in Germany to oppose
the ancient Prussian despotism and militarism. This task has
fallen on the Social Democrats, who have in general talked
freely against militarism and imperialism and have derided the
Kaiser's solemn nonsense about his partnership with God. But
when the war came, in 19 14, only a minority of the Socialists
were proof against the war spirit. Some of them, however,

1 The steady increase of socialism is shown by the following table :

Year of
election

Socialist
votes

Members
elected

Year of
election

Socialist
votes

Members
elected

1877
1881
1887
1890

493,288

311,961

763,000

1,497,298

12
12

1903
1907
1912

3,008,000
3,251,009
4,250,300

81
43
no

The German Empire 461

have bravely continued to assert that the fearful conflict was a
criminal enterprise of the Jiuikers and generals.-^

QUESTIONS

Section 72. What powers are given to the German emperor by
the constitution of the German Empire? Give an account of the
legislative branch of the imperial government. Who are permitted
to vote for members of the Reichstag? Describe the office of im-
perial chancellor. Outline the powers of the imperial government.
What was the KMlturkampft

Section 73. Give an account of the Socialist movement in Ger-
many through the year 1875. What was the purpose of the legisla-
tion of 1878 with reference to socialism? What is meant by State
socialism ? What were the proposals of the State Socialists of Ger-
many ? Discuss Bismarck's attitude toward socialism. Describe the
system of State insurance for the working classes.

Section 74. Account for the policy of protection of German
industries. Describe the tariff adopted in 1879. What was the effect
of the development of German industries upon colonization in Africa?
in other parts of the world ?

Section 'j^. Under what circumstances did Bismarck resign the
chancellorship? What has been the attitude of William II toward
socialism? Discuss the German colonial policy in the Far East.
What criticism of the government is made by the Socialists?

1 For more recent developments m Germany, see below, pp. 648 f.

CHAPTER XX

FRANCE UNDER THE THIRD REPUBLIC

Section 76. Establishment of the Third French
Republic

The Third

French

Republic

proclaimed,

September 4,

1870

The Germans
invade
France and
lay siege to
Paris

On September 3, 1870, Napoleon III telegraphed from
Sedan to Paris, " The army is defeated and captured, and I
am a prisoner."^ This meant an immediate collapse of the
empire which he had established some twenty years before.
The Chamber of Deputies was invaded by a mob shouting for
the republic, and a motion was made to dethrone Napoleon
and his dynasty. Next day Gambetta, a fiery young orator
from the south of France, and the deputies representing the
city of Paris betook themselves to the old revolutionary storm
center, the City Hall, and there proclaimed the reestablish-
ment of a republic. This was sanctioned by an overwhelming
majority of the Parisians. Meanwhile other large cities, such as
Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Lyons, took similar action.

The terrible defeat at Sedan and the capture of the emperor
did not, as we know, bring the war to a close. The German
invaders pressed on ; city after city was taken ; the strongly
fortified Strassburg fell at the end of September after a terrific
bombardment, and the fortress of Metz a month later. Paris
itself was surrounded by an immense German army, and the
king of Prussia took up his quarters at Versailles. Gambetta,
escaping from Paris in a balloon, floated safely over the lines
of the besieging Germans and reached Tours. Here he invoked
the memories of 1793 and sought to organize a national army

1 After the conclusion of peace between France and Germany the Germans .
set Napoleon III free and he retired to England, where he died in 1873.

462

France under the Third Republic 463

of volunteers ; but the raw French battalions were easily de-
feated by the disciplined German regiments which had been
set free by the surrender of Metz. In January, 187 1, the •
French made their last effort to bring the enemy to terms by
endeavoring to cut off his communications with Germany, but
the attempt failed and a considerable part of the French
forces were compelled to take refuge in the neutral territory
of Switzerland, whither the Germans could not pursue them.
Paris, reduced after a terrible siege to the point of starvation,^
capitulated on January 28, and an armistice was concluded.

Since the fall of the government of Napoleon III early in The National
September, France had had no opportunity to work out a new elected Feb-
constitution, and had drifted on under a provisional " Govern- ^"^'^' ^^^^i,

' ^ proves to be

ment of the Public Defense," which Gambetta and others among strongly

... . , ,^- monarchical

the former deputies had improvised. There was some doubt
whether this revolutionary body was authorized to conclude a
peace, and accordingly it was arranged, upon the surrender
of Paris, ^that the French should elect a national assembly
which would legally represent the nation in dealing with the
victorious enemy. The result of the elections was surprising,
for only two hundred republican candidates were chosen as
against five hundred monarchists of various kinds, namely,
Legitimists, who adhered to the grandson of Charles X, Or-
leanists, who were in favor of the grandson of Louis Philippe,
and a few Bonapartists. This was largely due to the fact that
Gambetta and other prominent republicans had talked so fer-
vidly of continuing the war at any cost that the mass of the
people was fearful lest if put in power they might prolong
the disastrous conflict which was ruining the country. The
National Assembly, aware that Paris was strongly republican
in its sentiments, determined to meet in Bordeaux, where it
held its first session on February 12.

Foremost among the brilliant men who composed this body Adolphe

.... 1 Thiers

was Adolphe Thiers, the historian, journalist, and politician, who

1 For a description by an eyewitness, see Readings^ Vol II, pp- 208 ff.

464 Outlines of European History

for more than forty years had been a prominent figure both
in literature and in affairs of State. In the grave crisis in which
France found herself in February, 187 1, he appeared to be
the natural leader. His popularity was demonstrated by the

Fig. 115. Gambetta

Gambetta, who was only thirty-two years old in 1870, was a lawyer and
journalist from southern France, who had already become prominent
before the war by his attacks upon the empire. After the war he be-
came the leader of the republicans against the monarchists and an
emphatic opponent of clh'icalisme. He also advocated a policy of
social reform. He died suddenly at the age of forty-four

fact that in the elections for the National Assembly he had
received over two million votes. The National Assembly there-
fore appointed him " Head of the Executive Power of the
French Republic" and provided that he should exercise his
authority through ministers of his own choice. This was, of
course, a temporary arrangement, and the vital question whether

Fraiice tmder the Third Republic 465

France was to remain a republic or to be reconverted into a
monarchy was deferred until the hated Germans should be got
rid of. Thiers declared that in the face of the trying situation

t^^-

9^W

f^'-

J:'iG. 1 10. Thiers

Thiers, as a young man, had been one of the leaders of the Revolution
of 1830, a minister of Louis Philippe, then a strong opponent of his
policy. He was also partly responsible for the Revolution of 1848. After
Sedan he visited the various courts of Europe in the vain effort to win
help for France. Then, as president of the French Assembly, he had
to make the treaty which closed the war and arrange to pay the German
indemnity. The title '' liberator of the country " is applied to him by the
middle classes of France, but the working class charge him with much
cruelty in the suppression of the Commune

in which France found herself, all enlightened and patriotic
citizens, whatever their individual views of government, should
unite to free their country from the invader and restore her to
her former prosperity.

466

Outlines of European History

The conclu-
sion of peace
with the
Germans.
Treaty of
Frankfort,
May 10, 187 1

The National
Assembly
moves to
Versailles,
March, 1871

The first step in the realization of this policy was the con-
clusion of a final peace with the Germans, for the armistice
which had been agreed upon at the capitulation of Paris had
almost expired. On February 21 Thiers hurried to Versailles
to open negotiations with the German emperor and Bismarck,
and on the twenty-sixth, after many stormy scenes, the terms of
the preliminary treaty were formulated. France was to re-
nounce Alsace and a part of Lorraine, which together included
a population of almost 1,600,000 ; pay an enormous indemnity
of five billion francs ; and submit to the presence of German
troops until the last payment was made. The Assembly, con-
vinced that a renewal of the war would be futile, accepted
the terms imposed by the victorious Germans, and the peace
documents were formally signed at Frankfort on May 10.^

As soon as peace had been duly concluded with Germany
the republican minority urged that the National Assembly
should dissolve itself, since it had now fulfilled its purpose.
The majority, however, insisted upon continuing to govern
France and proceeding to draft a constitution. The Assembly
refused to remove to Paris, where the monarchists had good
reason to fear the strong republican sentiment, so they chose
Versailles as their place of meeting.^ Louis Blanc warned the
members that "if they thus neglected the claims of Paris as
the seat of government, there might arise " from the ashes of
a horrible war with the foreigner a still more horrible civil con-
flict." His fears proved only too well founded, for Paris rose
in revolt against an assembly which it regarded as made up of
obstinate and benighted " rustics " who still clung to monarchy
and had no sympathy with the needs of the great cities.

1 The Germans were disappointed in their hope that the indemnity would
seriously cripple France, for the first loan of two billion francs was secured in
1871 with ease, and the next year the second loan of three billions was subscribed
twelve times over — thus demonstrating both the patriotism and the credit of
the French people. In the autumn of 1873 ^^ amount was paid in full and the
last German soldier left the soil of France.

2 Not until 1879 did the French legislature again return to Paris.

France tmder the Third Republic 467

Troable had been brewing in Paris for several months. The Paris resolves
siege had thrown tens of thousands out of work and had gJice to die
produced general demoralization. The revolutionary group, ^ssembl
which was speedily formed and which now attempted to govern
Paris, included republicans, socialists, communists, anarchists,
and some who could scarcely be said to have had much interest
in anything except disorder. Many of the leaders were honest
men of high ideals, who were determined to defend the republic,
even by the sacrifice of their lives, as the ''only form of gov-
ernment compatible with the rights of the people and the
development of a free society." They all agreed in demanding views of the
that every commime, or municipality, should be left free to °'^"^""^'' ^
manage its own affairs in the interests of its own people.
France would then become a sort of federation of communes,
each community electing its own officers and introducing freely
such social reforms as suited local conditions. It was this
exalted confidence in the commune, or local government, that
gained for the leaders the name of " Communards." ^

The doctrines of the Communards failed, however, to gain The Com-
any considerable support in the other cities of France, and the ^ressed^with
Assembly at Versailles determined to reduce rebellious Paris to Jj^ife^and ^
subjection. Toward the close of April, Thiers ordered a bom- property,

11 r ^ r -n • i i • r i • April-MaV,

bardment of the fortifications on the outskirts of the city pre- 1871
paratory to its capture. This was the beginning of a desperate
struggle ; the Versailles troops, under orders, refused to accord
to the Communards the rights of soldiers, and shot, as traitors
and rebels, all who fell into their hands. After three weeks of
fighting on the outskirts, the forces of the Assembly entered
Paris by an unguarded gate on May 21, arid then began a ter-
rible period of war, murder, and arson in the city itself. For a

1 The word " communist " is often unhappily applied to the Communards.
But " communist " is best reserved for those who advocate the more or less
complete abolition of private property and maintain that society as a whole
should own and control, in the interests of all, the capital which is now left in
the hands of individuals. Many of the Communards were communists, but the
terms are not synonymous.

468

Oiitlijies of European History

whole week the fratricidal strife raged, until finally, on May 28,
Marshal MacMahon, who was in command of the troops, was
able to announce the close of the conflict and the restoration of
order. The slaughter, however, was not yet at an end, for the
monarchists set up courts-martial and, with scarcely the sem-
blance of a trial, shot hundreds of the prisoners that had been
taken. Unlike the government of the United States after the
close of the Civil War, that of France under the leadership
of Thiers — once a revolutionist himself — forgave no one.
Seventy-five hundred of the insurgents were sent to the penal
colony in New Caledonia and thirteen thousand were condemned
to imprisonment at hard labor or sent into exile.

The National Assembly was at last free to turn to the vexed
question of settling upon a permanent form of government for
the distracted country. There would have been little difficulty
in reestablishing the monarchy if the monarchists had not been
hopelessly divided among themselves. Some of them, known
as the Legitimists because they regarded the older Bourbon
line as the lawful one, were in favor of bestowing the crown
on the count of Chambord, a grandson of Charles X, who
had been deposed by the Orleanist revolution in 1830. The
Orleanists, who wished to see a restoration of the House
of Orleans which had been overthrown in 1848, had a strong
candidate in the person of the count of Paris, a grandson of
Louis Philippe. These two groups of monarchists had nothing
in common but their opposition to a republic ; their hatred of
each other was bitter and uncompromising.

In view of these divisions all factions were willing to post-
pone for a time the final solution of the problem, each hoping
meanwhile to gain strength by delay. This policy was sanctioned
by Thiers, who, elected president of the republic in August,
1 87 1, urged the Assembly to devote its attention to the press-
ing task of strengthening the army and restoring the prosperity
of France. Smarting under the humiliation of their defeat by
the Germans, the Assembly passed a new army law modeled

France under the Third Repitblic 469

upon that of Prussia, which bound every Frenchman to military
service for five years in the active service and fifteen years in
the reserve force.^ The frontier defenses were strengthened,
the army equipped with the most improved instruments of war,
and the war department completely reorganized.

At last, in December, 1872, Thiers, who had been an Orlean- Thiers over-
ist, declared himself for the republic, arguing that its overthrow MacMahon
would mean a new revolution. His conservative republicanism, ^e^nt^^STT^^
however, did not save him from attacks by Gambetta and the
radical republicans of the extreme left ; while the monarchists,
angered by his defection, determined on his downfall. In May,
1873, they secured a majority vote in the Assembly for a reso-
lution condemning Thiers's policy, and he thereupon resigned,
leaving the government in the hands of the monarchists, who
chose Marshal MacMahon as president and formed a coalition
ministry representing Orleanists, Legitimists, and Bonapartists.

The various monarchist parties soon saw that they must The Legiti-

, , mists and

arrange a compromise if they wished to restore the monarchy, orleanists
Accordingly the Orleanists and Legitimists agreed that the count
of Chambord should be recognized as Henry V, and that since 1873
he had no children he should be succeeded by the count of Paris,
the candidate of the Orleanists. The thorny question whether
France should cling to the tricolored flag, which suggested revo-
lution, or adopt the ancient white banner of the Bourbons was
deferred until the monarchy should be securely established.

In this adjustment of affairs the parties had not reckoned The count

TT T- ^^ Chambord

with the character of the count of Chambord. He was then refuses to
over fifty years of age and had spent most of his life as an fhlte^fl^g^o^f
exile in Scotland, Germany, Austria, and Italy. He had been the Bourbons
educated by pious Catholics and ardent supporters of the Legiti-
mist cause, who had imbued him with a passionate devotion to

1 This was gradually reduced later to two years in active service and eleven
years in the reserve. In 19 13, however, the term of active service was length-
ened to three years, in order to keep pace with the increasing German army.
See below, section 116.

agree on a
compromise,

470

Outlines of European History

MacMahon's
term pro-
longed to
seven years

The Assem-
bly at last
agrees to
sanction a
republican
form of gov-
ernment,
January, 1875

the ancient rights of his house and with an equally passionate
hatred of revolution in every form. Immediately after the sup-
pression of the Paris Commune he had issued a manifesto in
which he declared, " France will come to me, and I to her,
just as I am, with my principles and my flag." He consented
to negotiate with the count of Paris only on condition that he
himself should be recognized as the legitimate head of the
family and the lawful king. He then published an open letter
in which he declared that he would not renounce the white flag
which had so long been the standard of his house.

The Orleanists, enraged by the conduct of the fusion candi-
date, determined that he should not ascend the throne upon
his own terms and took measures to prevent his coronation,
although he had come to Versailles to superintend the prepara-
tions. They turned to the Bonapartists and republicans with
a proposition to prolong the term of Marshal MacMahon, as
president of the republic, for a period of seven years, in the
hope that by the time his term expired they could gain sufficient
strength to place their own candidate on the throne.

The Assembly meanwhile continued its confused and heated
debates, the republicans demanding the establishment without
further delay of a republican constitution ; the Legitimists, the
retirement of Marshal MacMahon in favor of the count of
Chambord ; and the Orleanists, the president's continuance in
office until 1880. Finally, at the beginning of the year 1875,
four years after the election of the Assembly, it at last took up
seriously the consideration of a permanent form of government,
and on January 29 a motion was carried by a majority of one,
providing that the president of the republic should be elected
by the Senate and Chamber of Deputies meeting in a joint
assembly. Thus the republicans finally, by the narrowest pos-
sible margin, secured the statement in the constitution itself
that France was to be a republic.

The restoration of the monarchy having now become impos-
sible, for the time being at least, the Assembly proceeded with

France under the Third Republic 471

the work of completing a form of government, not by drafting Peculiar form
an elaborate constitution but by passing a series of laws. These consdtudon"^
separate laws, supplemented by later amendments, form the °^ France
constitution of the Third Republic, which consequently differs
in many fundamental ways from all the previous French con-
stitutions. It contains no reference to the sovereignty of the
people ; it includes no bill of rights enumerating the liberties of
French citizens ; and it makes no definite provision for main-
taining a republican form of government. It, in fact, bears
throughout the marks of hasty compilation, designed as it was
to tide the nation over a crisis until one of the contending
parties in the Assembly could secure a triumphant majority.
Nevertheless, despite the expectations of many who took part
in its making, it has lasted longer and provided a more stable
government than any of the numerous constitutions France has
had since 1789. Indeed many students of politics now regard
it as one of the best constitutions in existence.

Under this new constitution the president of the French Position of
republic occupies a position rather more like that of the king of^the^French
of England than that of the president of the United States — ^public
he presides over the government but leaves the conduct of
affairs to a premier and cabinet ; he is more an ornamental
than an active head of the State, representing it in great official
functions, but exercising little of the power he outwardly seems
to possess. He is elected for a term of seven years, not by the
people at large but by the Senate and Chamber of Deputies,
which meet as one body in Versailles for the purpose. There
is no vice president, and in case of the death or resignation of
the president a new one is immediately chosen for the full term
of seven years. He selects his cabinet principally from among
the members of the chambers, and the ministers thus chosen
exercise a powerful control over his policy and appointments.
The real head of the government is the prime minister, as in
England. The president has no veto, but may return a measure
to the Chamber and Senate for reconsideration.

472

Outlines of European History

The parliament consists of two houses, differing in this re-
spect from the legislative bodies established in 1791 and 1848.
The members of the Chamber of Deputies (about 600 in num-
ber) are chosen for a term of four years directly by the people,
and every man over twenty-one years of age — unless he be in
active service in the army — is permitted to vote. The three
hundred senators are chosen indirectly for a term of nine years
— one third of them each three years — by a small group of
local government officers in each department.

It will be observed that the French parliament is more power-
ful than the Congress of the United States. It not only elects
the president, who is under the control of a ministry represent-
ing the majority in the chambers, but it may by meeting in
joint session amend the constitution without the necessity of
submitting the changes to the people for their ratification.
There is no supreme court in France to declare the measures
of parliament unconstitutional, and the president cannot veto
them. Like the members of the English cabinet, the French
ministers resign when they find their policy is no longer sup-
ported by a majority in the Chamber of Deputies.

Section 'jj . The Third French Republic since
1875 ; THE Dreyfus Affair

The National Assembly, after completing the laws which now
serve France as a constitution, dissolved on December 31,
1875, ^^^ ^ regular election was held throughout France for
the purpose of choosing the members of the Senate and
Chamber of Deputies. This resulted in an overwhelming
majority for the republicans in the Chamber, and even in the
Senate there were enough of them to give them the balance
of power among the conflicting royalist factions. The Orleanist
president, Marshal MacMahon, found himself unable to work
in harmony with the deputies, and in 1877 he dissolved the
Chamber with the hope that by meddling in the elections and

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474

Outlines of European History

manipulating the returns he could secure at last a monarchical
majority. This coup d^etat failed. The new election left the
republicans still in power; they denounced the president's
policy and refused to approve the budget that he presented.
After continuing the struggle until 1879, MacMahon resigned
and was succeeded by an unmistakable republican, Jules Grevy.

Still further strengthened by the elections of 1881, the re-
publicans undertook a number of urgent reforms. The press
had been declared free in 1789 and in 18 15, but the govern-
ment had constantly watched the newspapers and punished
editors who offended it by too frank criticism. At last, in 1881,
the licenses previously required of those who wished to under-
take new publications were abolished, publishers were no longer
forced to make deposits in order to insure their respectful treat-
ment of the government, and the police courts were deprived
of their right to try those accused of defaming government
officials. Akin to this reform was the right extended to any
group of citizens to hold public meetings, on condition that
they should merely announce their intention to the authorities.
In 1884, after nearly a hundred years of harsh repressive
legislation directed against all labor associations, a law was
passed permitting workingmen to form unions. Finally, the
government undertook a series of measures with a view of
freeing the schools from the influence of the clergy, who were
accused of undermining the loyalty of the children to the
republic. These measures will be considered presently.

Year by year the French republic gained in the number of
its adherents and in the confidence of the other powers of
Europe. The death of the son of Napoleon III in 1879 was a
fatal blow to the already declining hopes of the Bonapartists,
and the death of the childless count of Chambord in 1883 left
the Legitimist faction without a head. A few Orleanists clung
to their candidate, the count of Paris, until his death in 1894,
but the elections of the preceding year, which resulted in the
choice of only seventy-three royalist deputies, — Legitimists,

France under the Third Republic 475

Orleanists, and Bonapartists, — had shown that France was at
last irrevocably committed to the republic.

Only twice since the formation of the republic has it been Boulanger's
seriously threatened by political disturbances. Gambetta was overtum*^the
in favor of a policy of reform, with the aim of winning the sup- ^^pubhc
port of the working class. But there were many republicans
who, in such matters, were as conservative as the monarchists,
and these succeeded in frustrating Gambetta's program. After
his death, in 1881, the government attempted by colonial enter-
prises abroad, particularly in Tonkin, China, to turn people's
minds away from conditions at home. But the working class
was discontented, and, encouraged by this situation, a popu-
lar officer, General Boulanger, began courting the favor of the
army and the workingmen in somewhat the same way that
Napoleon III had done when he was planning to make himself
master of France. In 1889 he was reelected to the Chamber
of Deputies by an overwhelming majority, and it seemed for a
time that he might be able to gain sufficient popularity to enable
him to get control of the government.^ His enemies charged him
with threatening the safety of the State, and he was tried and
condemned to life imprisonment. He escaped from France,
however, and in 189 1 committed suicide, leaving his party
to go to pieces. This episode served rather to discredit the
monarchists than to weaken the republic.

France had scarcely settled down after the Boulanger episode The opening
before a singular incident rent the country into angry factions fus^affair^^"
and stirred up the most bitter animosity which had distracted ^^94
the nation since the Franco-German War and the suppression
of the Commune. In 1894 Captain Alfred Dreyfus, a Jew from
Alsace, in the French artillery service, was charged with having
been a spy in the pay of the German army. He was secretly
tried by a military tribunal, condemned to life imprisonment,
degraded from his rank, and sent into solitary confinement on
the lonely Devil's Island off the coast of French Guiana.

1 For a defense of Boulanger, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 216 ff.

4/6

Outlines of European Histor)'

France
roused to
frenzy over
the affair

Dreyfus at
last declared
innocent
1906

Dreyfus protested all the time that he was entirely innocent
of the charge, and his friends began to work for a new trial.
Prominent military officers, however, were determined that the
Dreyfus affair should not be reopened for fear, apparently, that
something discreditable to the army might be unearthed.

The supporters of Dreyfus charged the army officers with
unscrupulousness and corruption ; his opponents, on the other
hand, appealed to the country in the name of the honor of the
army ; churchmen attacked him as a Jew and as an enemy of
Christian France. Government officials in general maintained
his guilt, but many politicians, journalists, and prominent radicals
declared their belief in his innocence and accused those in
power of shielding criminal injustice. Monarchists cited the
whole scandal as conclusive evidence of the failure of repub-
lican government. Thus the Dreyfus affair became a military,
religious, and political question, which created a sort of frenzy
in France and aroused the interest of the whole civilized world.-^

The controversy reached a crisis in 1898 when the well-
known novelist, iSmile Zola, published an article^ accusing all the
officials connected with the trial and conviction of Dreyfus not
only of wanton injustice but of downright dishonesty. Zola's
charges greatly increased the excitement, and distinguished
scholars and men of letters raised their voices in defense of
Dreyfus. Zola was tried and condemned for his bold indict-
ment,^ but the reconsideration of the whole case could not
be postponed any longer, and a new trial was ordered, which
began at Rennes in the summer of 1899. This resulted in the
condemnation of Dreyfus to six years' imprisonment, but he
was immediately pardoned by President Loubet. It was hoped
that the credit of those who had originally condemned Dreyfus
might in this way be saved and yet no penalty be imposed on

1 There was clear evidence that somebody had been a traitor to France ; the
only point at issue was whether Dreyfus was the guilty one or not.

2 An extract is given in the Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 219 ff.

3 He escaped punishment by retiring to England.

France tmder the Third Republic 477

an innocent man. Naturally enough, however, this did not
satisfy Dreyfus, who wanted not freedom as a pardoned crimi-
nal but a judicial declaration of his innocence. Consequently
his numerous sympathizers continued to work for a new trial,
and finally, in 1906, the highest court in France completely
exonerated Dreyfus.

The affair was thus at an end, but the effects of the contro Effects of the
versy on the political situation in France could not be undone. It ^" ^versy
produced an alliance, called the '' bloc,'' among the republicans The forma-
of all shades, including the Socialists, for the purpose of reduc- ^^bio%
ing the political importance of the army and the Church. The
army was republicanized by getting rid of the royalist officers ;
the destruction of the political power of the clergy was by no
means so easy a matter.

Section 78. The Separation of Church
AND State

The Catholic clergy had from the first been hostile to the Natural
republic, for they had reason to fear that the new government, the clergy to
composed largely of anti-clericals, insisting upon freedom of republfc"^^
the press and public schools, would sooner or later undermine
their authority. The head of the Church, Pius IX, in a solemn
statement called the Syllabus of 1864, had denounced in no
uncertain terms what he regarded as the great dangers and
errors of the age. Among these were religious toleration,
liberty of conscience, freedom of the press and of speech,
separation of Church and State, and secular education. The
republicans were therefore pledged to just those things which
the Pope condemned. It was inevitable, therefore, that the
clerical party should do all in its power to discredit the republic
and bring about a restoration of the monarchy. The Jesuits
and other religious orders who maintained schools aroused in
the children's minds a distrust of the government, and the
clergy actively engaged in electioneering whenever there was

478

Outlines of Europe a7i History

The republi-
cans become
anti-clerical

Main objects
of the anti-
clericals dur-
ing the past
twent}^-five
years

Establish-
ment of pub-
lic schools
under purely
secular
influence

hope of electing deputies who would favor their cause. The
religious newspapers represented the republic as an unfortunate
accident w^hich had put ungodly men in power but which would
doubtless speedily give way to a more legitimate form of
government.

This attitude on the part of the clergy naturally made the
republicans more strongly anti-clerical than ever. They came to
hate the clergy and all they stood for. Gambetta declared that
clericalism was ''''the enemy." Indeed, it was not until 1892
that Leo XIII admonished the French bishops and priests to
" accept the republic, that is to say, the established power
which exists among you ; respect it and submit to it as repre-
senting the power which comes from God."

In spite of this peaceful advice on the part of the head of
the Church, peace did not follow. On the contrary the struggle
between Church and State in France grew in bitterness, until
finally the republic proved the victor and succeeded in depriving
the Church of a great part of those sources of political influence
which remained to it after the losses it suffered during the
French Revolution. The opponents of the Church have had
two main objects in view: (i) to take the schools from the
control or influence of the clergy and thus prevent the children
of France from being brought up as monarchists, and (2) to
relieve the government from the burden of paying the salaries
of the clergy and to bring about the complete separation of
Church and State.

The first step was to increase the number of public schools
which might serve to attract pupils away from the convent and
other Church schools. Over two hundred millions of dollars have
been appropriated for this purpose during the past thirty years;
By laws passed in 1 881- 1886 instruction was made free in
the primary public schools, no clergyman was to be employed
as a teacher in them, and compulsory education for children
between six and thirteen years was established. The private
schools were also placed under strict government supervision.

France under the Third Republic 479

Many of the monastic orders and various other religious Opposition
associations which had lost their property and then been g^ous^astoda-
abolished during the first revolution had been reestablished, ^'°"^
and new ones had been created. Most of them were devoted
to charitable work or to education. The Jesuits, however,
were accused of working in the interests of the Pope, and the
Dominicans of preaching openly against the republic, while the
innumerable schools in the convents and elsewhere were re-
proached with instilling monarchical and reactionary ideas into
the tender minds of the children committed to their charge.

From time to time some anti-clerical deputy would propose The Associa-
the abolition of all the religious associations, and finally, in ^^^l
1900, Waldeck-Rousseau, then prime minister, committed him-
self and his cabinet to a measure for greatly reducing their
number, declaring, '' There are too many monks in politics
and too many monks in business." ^ The following year the
Associations Law was passed. This provided that no reli-
gious order could continue to exist in France without a specific
authorization from the parliament, and that no one belonging
to a nonauthorized association should be permitted to teach or
to conduct a school. At the time of the passage of the law
there were about one hundred and sixty thousand members
(mainly women) in the various religious associations, which
maintained about twenty thousand establishments. The parlia-
ment refused to grant most of the applications made by the
many unauthorized associations, and as a result numerous
teaching, preaching, and commercial societies which had been
organized under the auspices of the Catholic Church were
broken up, and within two years ten thousand religious schools
were closed. In the year 1909-19 10 there were over five
million French children in the public and other secular schools

1 Sometimes the orders carried on a little industry' in the interests of their
convent. For example, the monks of the great Carthusian monaster)- above
Grenoble manufactured the famous liqueur known as Chartreuse. The labor
parties denounced the monks for thus going into business and competing with
other manufacturers.

480 Outli7tes of European History

and less than one hundred thousand enrolled in those connected

with religious associations. A law of 1904 provided that within

ten years all teaching by religious associations should cease.

The Con- The attack on the religious orders was only the prelude to

estabHshedr the complete separation of Church and State which had been

close relation advocated for a century by the opponents of the Church. It

between j j i i

Church and will be remembered that the French Convention proclaimed
this separation in 1795 and refused longer to pay the salaries
of the clergy, or in any way to recognize the existence of the
Church except as a voluntary association which should be
supported by those who wished to belong to it. Bonaparte,
however, partially restored the old system in the Concordat
which he arranged with the Pope in 1801.^ This, with a
supplementary act, remained the basis of the relations between
Church and State in France down to 1906." Bonaparte did not
give back the property of the Church of which it had been
deprived by the first French Assembly in 1789, but he agreed
that the government should pay the salaries of the bishops and
priests whose appointment it controlled. Although the Catholic
religion was recognized as that of the majority of Frenchmen,
the State also helped support the Reformed and Lutheran
churches and the Jewish religious communit}^
Power of the From the standpoint of the government this was in many
the'^Sne^^^^^ ways an excellent arrangement, for it was thus enabled pro-
foundly to influence public opinion through its control over the
clergy. Consequently, amid all the later political changes, the
settlement reached by Bonaparte was retained essentially
•unaltered. Louis XVIII, Charles X, Louis Philippe, and
Napoleon III had no desire to do away with the Concordat
which afforded them such great political power.

1 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 224 f.

2 The policy of the leaders of the French Revolution and of Eonaparte in
regard to the clergy and the religious associations has already been carefully
described with a view of preparing the way for an understanding of the recent
important legislation in France affecting the Church. See above, pp. 211 ff., 225,
and 276 ff.

teenth
century

Frmice imder the Third Republic 48 1

But with the establishment of the republic all this was Final separa-
changed, owing to the strong monarchical sympathies of the church and
clergy. There were, moreover, large numbers of Frenchmen '^^^^^ *" ^905
who, if not actively opposed to the Church, had no interest in
religion. To this class it seemed wTong that the government
should be paying forty million francs a year to clergymen for
teaching the people what they did not believe in, especially since
they were so openly opposed in politics. Nevertheless, it was
no easy task to put asunder Church and State, which had been
closely associated with each other from the times of Constantine
and Theodosius the Great. It was not until December, 1905,
that the Separation Law was promulgated.

The main provisions of the new law were relatively simple. Main provi-

_ 1 11 • ■ r -i- • sions of the

It suppressed all government appropriations tor religious pur- separation
poses, but provided pensions for clergymen of long service -^^^
and the gradual extinction of the salaries of others. It de-
clared that cathedrals, churches, the residences of bishops,
and other ecclesiastical buildings belonged to the government,
but should be placed at the disposal of congregations and their
pastors free of charge. The management of these edifices and
the control of other property of the Church were vested in
" associations for religious worship " (associations culttielles)
composed of from seven to twenty-five persons according to
the size of the commune. The Concordat concluded in 1801
was, of course, expressly abolished.^

It soon became evident that the Pope and a large Catholic The Pope
party were determined not to accept these provisions. Crowds oppo'se't¥e
collided with the soldiers sent to guard the churches while "^^ ^^*
inventories were being made of the property to be handed
over to the "associations for religious worship." In February,
1906, the Pope condemned the entire law in a long letter to
the archbishops and bishops of France in which he protested

1 The statesman who had most to do in framing and applying this law was
Aristide Briand, who won a great reputation for combined tact and firmness.
He has been premier several times, especially during the Great War, from 1915.

482 Outlines of European History

especially against the religious associations for which it pro-
vided/ Unfortunately he did not advise the French clergy
just how to get out of the predicament in which they found
themselves.
National The clcrgy, obedient to the commands of the head of the

uphoid'the Church, refused to countenance the formation of associations,
government ^^^ most of them declined the proffered pensions. The nation
at large, however, evidently supported the government in its
plans, for the elections held in May, 1906, returned a large
majority of radicals. Socialists, and progressives committed to
the full execution of the law.
The govern- When the year allowed for the formation of the religious
the^continu- ^ associations expired in December, 1906, the Church property
ance of public ^yhich had no legal claimants passed into the hands of the gov-

worship by a & r &

new law, ernment. However, the minister of public worship, M. Briand,

December, ^ . ' . .,,. ,. . . ,

1906 a former Socialist, unwilling to stop religious services, took

steps to allow the churches to remain open in spite of the
failure to comply with the law. At his instigation the French
parliament passed a very important supplementary measure,
which provided that buildings for public worship and their en-
tire furniture should remain at the disposal of priests and their
congregations even if the associations required by the original
law were not formed.

In January, 1907, the Pope again denounced the govern-
ment, which, he declared, was confiscating Church property
and attempting to destroy Christianity in France ; and he
has not yet been reconciled to the policy of the government.
Nevertheless, it is quite clear that the republic means to render
permanent the separation of Church and State. Subsidies to
the clergy are no longer provided, although the promised
pensions are paid to such clergy-men as apply for them. In
the budget of 19 12 only about $50,000 was set aside for
" the assistance of retired clergymen." The government leaves
the Church to choose its own bishops and priests and hold

1 The protest is printed in the Readings, Vol. II, pp. 226 ff.

France under the Third Republic 483

conventions when and where it wishes. It has converted the
palaces of the bishops, the parsonages, and the seminaries into
schools, hospitals, or other public institutions, although it still
pernyts the churches to be used for public worship.

Section 79. Political Parties in France

The parties and factions in the French parliament are Parties in
bewildering in number. The election of 1906 sent to the parliament
Chamber of Deputies representatives of the following groups :
radicals, socialist radicals, dissident radicals, independent social-
ists, unified socialists, republicans of the left, progressivists,
nationalists, monarchists and Bonapartists, and a few other
minor factions. With the exception, of course, of the monarch-
ists and Bonapartists, they all agree that the republic shall be
maintained, and they have been able to unite upon many
important measures, such as those relating to education and
the relations of the State to the Church, but they differ on
other questions of reform which are constantly coming up.
Some are pretty well satisfied with things as they are, while
others, especially the various socialist groups, would like to see
the government undertake a complete social and economic
revolution for the benefit of the laboring classes. The State
should, they believe, take possession of lands, mines, mills,
and other sources of wealth and means of production, and
see that they are used for the benefit of those who do the
work and no longer serve to enrich men who seem to them
to sit idly by and profit by the labor of others.

The socialistic party, which figured so prominently in the Socialism
Revolution of 1848 and the revolt of the Paris Commune, dis- underThe
appeared for a time after the suppression of the insurrection ^g'^^^iic
in 187 1, but again reappeared shortly after the final establish-
ment of the republic. In 1879 the Socialists held their first
congress under the republic at Marseilles, where they may be
said to have initiated the present socialist movement in France.

4S4 Outlines of European History

The following year a general amnesty was granted to all who
had been connected with the Commune, and a great labor
convention was immediately held in Paris, where the doctrines
of Karl Marx were accepted as the fundamental principjes of
French socialism.
Divisions Notwithstanding their general agreement as to their ends,

Socialists— the French Socialists have from the very first been divided
"FosSbihsts^' ^^^^ ^^ question of the best methods of attaining their aims.
Broadly speaking, there have been two groups, each with
varying shades of opinion. In the first place there have been
the Marxians, — who are in general strongly opposed to voting
for candidates of other parties, though willing to wring conces-
sions from them in the Chamber of Deputies, — who expect
socialism to be ushered in by a crisis in which the workingmen
will seize the supreme power and use it for their own benefit,
as the middle class did in the previous revolutions. The second,
and more numerous, socialist group goes by the name of the
" Possibilists," because they do not believe that socialistic ideas
can be carried into effect as the result of a violent revolution,
but hope to see them realized by a gradual process in which
the government will assume control and ownership of one
industry after another.
The Socialists The various socialistic factions, numbering six or seven at
times, united at the general election in 1893, and by remark-
able energy succeeded in returning about fifty members to the
Chamber of Deputies, thus inaugurating a new era in French
politics. The socialist vote steadily increased until in 1899 the
prime minister, Waldeck-Rousseau, was forced to accept a
Socialist, M. Millerand, as Minister of Commerce in order to
control enough votes in the Chamber to carry on the govern-
ment. Since then the Possibilists have from time to time been
represented in the cabinet, and they have worked for their ends
by combining with other parties.-^

1 For a speech by the former prime minister, Clemenceau, on socialism, see
Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 233 ff.

become a

political

factor

France tinder the Third Republic 485

In England and the United States there are two great Contrast

parties, one of which is ordinarily in unmistakable control. In F^enchVar^

France there are so many parties that no single one can ever ties and those

long command a majority of votes in the Chamber of Deputies, and the

. , 1 • 1 . 1 , , United States

As a result measures cannot be carried simply because the
leaders of one party agree on them, but they must appeal to
a number of groups on their own merits. Minorities, conse-
quently, have an opportunity to influence legislation in France,
and there is litde chance for machine politics to develop. It is
true that French ministries rise and fall at very short intervals,
but nevertheless the laws which do pass receive more careful
attention, perhaps, than they would if pushed through as party
measures.-^

The opponents of a ministry in the Chamber of Deputies " inter-
take advantage of the privilege of asking the ministers ques- ^^
tions in regard to their policy and thus force them to explain
their motives. When a deputy formally announces that he
is going to '' interpellate " the ministers, he must be given
an opportunity to do so within a certain period at a regular
session of the Chamber. These " interpellations " are more
common in France than elsewhere, but are not unknown in
other governments.

Section 80. Expansion of France

While solving grave problems at home the Third Republic French
has pushed forward its commercial, exploring, and military dominion in
enterprises until it has built up a colonial dominion vaster than ^^7°
that lost during the eighteenth century in the conflicts with
England, though less valuable and less inviting to French
emigrants. When the Third Republic was established French
colonial possessions consisted of Algeria in northern Africa,
the Senegal region on the west coast of Africa, some minor
posts scattered along the Gulf of Guinea down to the Congo

1 For recent social legislation in France, see below, p. 657.

486

Outlines of Europe mi History

The French

annex

Algeria

The French
in Senegal

River, a foothold in Cochin China, and a number of small
islands in various parts of the world. The basis of territorial
expansion had thus been laid, and after the quick recovery
which followed the reverses of the German War, the French
government frankly committed itself to a policy of imperialism.

After the defeat of France by Germany in 1870, there was
a serious revolt in the African province of Algeria, which had
been seized in 1830 on account of the refusal of the native
ruler to give satisfaction for having slapped the French consul
general in the face at a public reception. This insurrection was
not put down until more than two hundred battles and skir-
mishes had been fought. The great province of Algeria is only
slightly smaller than France itself, and has a population of over
five millions, of whom only about eight hundred thousand are
of European origin.-^ To the east of Algeria lies the province
of Tunis, equaling in area the state of New York and having
a population akin to that of Algeria in race and religion.
Tunisian tribes were accused by the French of disturbing the
peace of the Algerian border, and in 1881 France dispatched
troops into Tunis. After some serious fighting the province
was occupied and the Bey was virtually forced to surrender
the administration of his possessions to the French govern-
ment, in whose hands it remains.^

While these enterprises were bringing northern Africa under
French dominion, a series of daring explorations and conquests
in western and central Africa were adding vast regions and
millions of African natives to the French colonial domain.
France had taken formal possession of the province of Senegal
on the west coast as early as 1637, but no serious efforts to
extend her control inland were made until the annexation of
Algeria called attention to the possibility of joining the two
provinces. After the middle of the nineteenth century steady
pressure inland began and Timbuktu was conquered in 1894.

1 The French have also been mapping out and occupying the vast desert to
the south. 2 See above, p. 421.

France under the Third Republic 487

A post on the equator at the mouth of the Gabun River, French
bought in 1839, became the base for celebrated expeditions °"^°
headed by du Chaillu and de Brazza, which added a vast
region north of the Congo River more than twice the size of
France and now known as French Congo.^ The vast extent of
the French possessions in northwestern Africa will become
apparent as one glances at the map, p. 622, below.

While the French explorers were pushing their way through The annexa-
the jungles of the Senegal and Congo regions, or braving the Madagascar,
sand-storms of the Sahara,^ French missionaries and commer- ^^^6
cial agents were preparing the way for the annexation of the
island of Madagascar. Using as a pretext the murder of some
French citizens by the natives, the French waged war on the
ruler of Madagascar (i 882-1 885), and succeeded in estab-
lishing a protectorate over the entire island. Later they ac-
cused Queen Ranavalona III of bad faith and of inability to
suppress brigandage. A second war which broke out in 1895
ended in the deposition and expulsion of the queen.

In the year 1898 Marchand, a French explorer, pressed The
eastward across the Sahara desert from the French possessions incident''
on the west and reached the Nile region, where he raised the
French flag at Fashoda, in the Sudan, over lands claimed by the
English. An English force, however, compelled Marchand to
lower the flag, and for a time it looked as if the two countries
might come to blows. Fortunately, however, the French with-
drew, and the two nations arranged the disputed boundaries
between them. Indeed, the " Fashoda incident," as it was
called, which threatened to plunge the two nations into war,
thus became the basis of an '' understanding," or " entente,"

1 In addition to their larger African dependencies the French control French
Guiana, south of Senegal, the Ivory Coast, and the native kingdom of Dahomey.

'■^ In the contest for the east coast of Africa the French have taken little part.
In 1862 they purchased from a native chief the post of Obock, but it was not
actually occupied until 1884. Since that time, however, slight additions of land
have been made, and the post has grown into French Somaliland, a province of
about six thousand square miles.

488

Outlines of European History

as the French call it, between England and France. For while
France withdrew from Egypt and the Sudan, England with-
drew from any claims upon Morocco, which was the next
tempting bit of Africa to divide up. France then was free,

apparently, to round
out its great empire
of northwest Africa.
But one neighbor
had been left out of
account in this agree-
ment between Eng-
land and France,
namely Germany, and
no sooner had France
started to penetrate
Morocco than Ger-
many protested, as
we shall see.^

The Third Repub-
lic also has extensive
colonial dominions in
Asia, where French
missionaries and trad-
ers had been attracted
under Colbert's ad-
ministration. Interest
in the province of
Anam was renewed
about 1850, when
some French missionaries were murdered there. Napoleon III
waged war on the king in 1857, forcing from him the payment
of an indemnity and the cession of a small portion of his terri-
tory. The foothold thus obtained formed the basis for rapid
expansion in every direction ; a protectorate was extended over

1 See below, section 115.

FiG. 118. The " Fashoda Incident"

The English expedition, which has just come
up the Nile in the steamboats, is surprised
to find the tricolor of France floating at Fa-
shoda. Colonel Marchand is just receiving
the Sirdar, as the English commanding offi-
cer in Egypt was termed

France tinder the Third Republic 489

the kingdom of Cambodia in 1864; and in 1867 Cochin China
was entirely annexed. An attempt in 1873 to force the opening
to navigation of the Red River in Tonkin led to a war with
the ruler of that province which resulted in the extension of
a protectorate over all of Anam, of which Tonkin was a dis-
trict. This defiance of the Chinese emperor's claims at length
stirred him to resistance; but the war of 1884 which resulted
cost him all his rights over Tonkin and the remainder of Anam.
In 1893 France extended her authority over the territory of
Laos to the south. The French possessions are thus in close
contact with the provinces of southern China, into which French
influence is already penetrating in the form of railways and
mining concessions.-^

COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES OF FRANCE

In Asia^: Five towns in India, Anam, Cambodia, Cochin China,
Tonkin, and Laos.

In Africa : Algeria, Tunis, Sahara, Senegal, Upper Senegal and
Niger, French Guinea, Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Congo, Somaliland,
Mauretania, Madagascar, the islands of Reunion and Mayotte, and the
Comoro Isles.

In America: Guiana, Guadeloupe, Martinique, St. Pierre, and
Miquelon.

In Oceania: New Caledonia and dependencies. Various stations
in the Pacific.

Total area, 4,776,126 square miles. Population, 41,653,650.

QUESTIONS

Section '](>. Under what circumstances did the Third French
Republic come into existence.^' Outline the course of the Franco-
Prussian War from the batde of Sedan to the capitulation of Paris,
For what purpose was the National Assembly elected in 1871.?
Describe the means by which the Assembly accomplished this pur-
pose. What was the cause of the ill feeling between the people of
Paris and the National Assembly in March, 1871 }

1 On the recent tendencies in French thought and society see Chapter
XXVI, below.

490 Ojitlincs of European History

Who were the Communards and what were their views on
government? Describe the suppression of the Commune. What
parties were to be found in the National Assembly? What was
the effect of their inability to agree upon the form of government
established in France in August, 1871? Describe the means taken
in 1 87 1 to strengthen the position of France.

What led to the resignation of Thiers? Who succeeded Thiers
as president of France? Upon what problem were the monarchist
parties at work from 1873 to 1875? Describe the constitution of
France. Compare the position of the president of the French
republic with that of the king of England and the president of
the United States. Describe the legislative branch of the French
government, contrasting it with that of the United States.

Section ']']. Under what circumstances did Marshal MacMahon
resign the presidency? Mention the reforms instituted by the republi-
cans in the years 1 881-1884. Outline the Dreyfus case. What effect
did it leave upon the political situation in France ?

Section 78. Account for the hostility between Church and State
in France. What has been the program of the anti-clerical party
during the last twenty-five years? Outline the relations of Church
and State in France from 1901 to 1905. What was the nature of
the public-worship law passed in December, 1 906 ?

Section 79. Give a brief account of the history of political
parties in France. In what way does the party system of France
differ from that of England and the United States? What is an
" interpellation " ?

Section 80. Locate on a map the colonial possessions of France
before 1870. Trace on maps the colonial expansion of France since
the establishment of the Third Republic. Sketch the whole of the
" Fashoda incident."

CHAPTER XXI
POLITICAL AND SOCIAL REFORMS IN ENGLAND

Section 8i. Parliamentary Reform

In the eighteenth century the English government had been Political

extolled by students of politics as by far the most liberal and En"giand S

enlightened in Europe. Although they had no written constitu- ^Jj^th^n^ine?

tion, the Endish had won two important safeguards for their teenth

r r ^ ' r 1 CCIltUry

liberties — a parliament, free from royal mterterence, to make
their laws, and a good system of courts, equally free from
royal interference, to see that the laws were properly carried
out. But in the nineteenth century it became apparent that
there was great need of reform in both branches of the
government, and that the mass of the people, if free from
the tyranny of a king, were, after all, not trusted with the
right of self-government

The reform of Parliament was the most pressing need ; for " Rotten
Parliament had ceased to represent the nation at large and had ^'^^"^ ^
become a council of wealthy landlords and nobles. This was
due to two things. In the first place there were the so-called
"rotten boroughs." Such towns as had in earlier' times been
summoned by the king to send their two representatives each
to Parliament, continued to do so at the opening of the nine-
teenth century, regardless of the number of their inhabitants,
and no new boroughs had been added to the list since the
reign of Charles II. Dunwich, which had been buried under
the waters of the North Sea for two centuries, was duly repre-
sented, as well as the famous borough of Old Sarum, which
was only a green mound where a town had once stood. On
the other hand, mere villages had grown into great cities, and

491

492

Outlines of Euivpean History

Few persons
permitted to
vote

Many seats
controlled
by Lords

Situation in
the country
districts

Prevalence
of bribery

the newer towns which had developed under the influence
of the Industrial Revolution, like Birmingham, Manchester,
and Leeds, had no representatives at all. Moreover it was
not only in the towns that representation was wholly unequal.
The county of Cornwall, with a population of a quarter of
a million, had forty-four representatives, while all Scotland,
with eight times that population, was entitled to only one
more member.

In the second place, few persons had a right to vote, even
in the towns which had representation in Parliament. In some
boroughs all taxpayers had the right to take part in elections,
but this varied greatly. In one of these — Gatton — there
were only seven voters. In other boroughs the right of choos-
ing the members of Parliament was exercised by the mayor
and town council, who were often not elected by the people
at all.

Many of the boroughs were owned outright by members of
the House of Lords or others, who easily forced the few voters
to choose any candidate they proposed.^

In the country districts matters were no better. It is true
that every person owning land which brought in forty shillings
a year was permitted to vote for members of Parliament, but
the disappearance of most of the small farmers had reduced
the voters to the few who owned large estates. To take an ex-
treme case, in the Scottish county of Bute, with its population
of fourteen' thousand inhabitants, there were twenty-one voters,
of whom all but one were nonresidents.

Bribery was prevalent and was fostered by the system of
public balloting. The election was held in the open air. The
sheriff, presiding, read off the list of candidates and the voters

1 The duke of Norfolk chose eleven members of the House of Commons,
Lord Lonsdall, nine, and Lord Darlington, seven ; while other peers had one or
more representatives in the Commons. In 1828 the duke of Newcastle evicted
over five hundred of his tenants because they refused to vote for his candidate,
and when this led to a protest in Parliament he replied, " Have I not a right to
do as I like with my own ? "

Political and Social Reforms in England 493

shouted and raised their hands to show their choice. A defeated
candidate might then demand a roll call, and each voter had
then to sign his name in a poll book so that every one might
know how he voted. Naturally there was much intimidation
and electioneering as well as bribery.-^

Thus, through the gross inequalities in apportioning the England
members, the curious methods of balloting, open bribery, and emed by^n
ownership of boroughs, the House of Commons was ordinarily oligarchy
under the control of a comparatively few men. A very cautious
scholar of our own day estimates that not more than one third of
the representatives in the House of Commons were fairly chosen.

The whole system was so obviously preposterous that it is Proposals
not surprising that objections to it had long been common. As before the
early as the middle of the eighteenth century the abuses were "entu^"^^
severely attacked, and during the democratic agitation which
preceded and accompanied the French Revolution several at-
tempts were made to induce Parliament to reform itself. The
elder Pitt (Lord Chatham), in 1770, and later his distinguished
son, the younger Pitt, proposed changes. But the French The French
Revolution came before anything was done, and the excesses puts an end
of the French Convention during the Reign of Terror put an [^^j^op^^of
end to all hope of reform for some time. Even t-he more cool- reform in

England

headed and progressive among the English statesmen were dis-
couraged by the apparently disastrous results in France of
permitting the people at large to vote. Indeed, until 1830 Eng-
land was under Tory rule, and the government adopted harsh
measures to prevent all agitation for reform.

After the overthrow of Napoleon, orators, writers, and agita- The " Peter-

1 1 1 1 1 • rr 1-1 l<^o massa-

tors redoubled their efforts to arouse the working classes to
action. Hampden clubs were founded to propagate reform doc-
trines, and monster demonstrations and parades were organized

1 Hogarth, the great artist, shows the humorous side of such an election in
the picture which is reproduced on page 170, above. The crippled, the sick, and
the old are brought to the election booth, where they are being persuaded to vote
one way or another. The secret ballot was established m 1872 ; see below, p. 501.

494

Outlines of European History

to prove to the government the strength of the popular feeling.
At one of these meetings in Manchester in 1819, the police and
soldiers charged the populace without provocation and killed

Fig. 119. The Parliament Buildings, London

This massive pile stands on the site of an old royal palace, between
Westminster Abbey, which is not shown but is just across the street
at the right, and the river Thames, which runs along the other side.
The House of Commons met in the chapel of this palace — St. Stephens
— from the middle of the sixteenth century until 1834, when the palace
was burned down, with the exception of the great hall with the plain
roof in the foreground. The new building, completed in 1867, is richly
ornamented. From its main tower, 340 feet high, a flag is flown by
day when Parliament is in session, and by night a light shines over the
clock tower, which stands by Westminster Bridge

and wounded a large number.^ The government was frightened
by the popular outcry and passed a series of laws known as the
Six Acts, which restricted the rights of free press, free speech,
and public meeting.

1 This assault, known as the " Peterloo massacre," occurred in St. Peter's
Field, then on the outskirts, but now in the heart, of Manchester.

Political and Social Reforms in Ejigland 495

This attempt at repression could not last, however, for it was Merchants
not only the working classes but the rich and powerful mer- frcturers"
chants and manufacturers as well who demanded the revision '^^sm to

urge reform

of a system which excluded them from political power. The
Whigs, under the leadership of Lord John Russell, urged
parliamentary reform again and again in the Commons. The
Revolution of 1830 in France added impetus to the agitation in
England, and that stanch Tory, the duke of Wellington, was
obliged to resign his premiership under pressure of a growing
public opinion that seemed verging on open violence.

The Whigs, or "Reformers," then were called to power, and The passage
in March, 1831, Lord John Russell introduced a reform bill Bill of 1832"^
into the House of Commons,^ where it was violently opposed.
A new election was then held, resulting in a triumph for the
reform party, which then carried the bill through the Commons
by a substantial majority. It was, however, rejected by the
House of Lords. The Commons then replied by passing an-
other bill of the same character as the first, and the country
awaited with breathless anxiety the action of the peers. Finally,
King William IV gave way to the Reformers and granted per-
mission to the prime minister " to create such a number of
peers as will insure the passage of the reform bill." The lords,
realizing that further opposition was useless, gave way, and in
June, 1832, the long-debated bill became a law.

According to its provisions fifty-six '' rotten boroughs," each Provisions of
containing less than two thousand inhabitants, were entirely gjn Qf 13^^^
deprived of representation ; thirty-two more, with less than
four thousand inhabitants, lost one member each ; and forty-
three new boroughs were created with one or two members
each, according to their respective populations. The counties
were divided into election districts and assigned a representa-
tion corresponding more nearly than heretofore with the num-
ber of their inhabitants. The suffrage was given in the towns

1 For Lord John Russell's speech on parliamentary reform, see Readbtgv,
Vol. II, pp. 239 ff, A speech in opposition is printed on pp. 2.^2 ff.

496

Outlines of European History

The Reform
Bill of 1832
far from a
democratic

The demands
of the Charter

The Chartist
movement

to all citizens who owned or rented houses worth ten pounds
(about fifty dollars) a year, and to renters as well as owners of
lands of a certain value in the country. In this way the shop-
keepers and manufacturers and some of the more prosperous
people in the country were given the right to vote, but nearly
all workingmen and agricultural laborers were still excluded
from the franchise.

The great Reform Bill of 1832 was therefore not really a
triumph for democrac}'. It was estimated from official returns
in 1836 that out of a total number of 6,023,752 adult males
there were only 839,519 voters. The thousands whose parades
and demonstrations had frightened the duke of Wellington and
the king into \ielding were naturally dissatisfied with the out-
come. The fact that those who came into power under the new
bill — mostly representing the new capitalistic class — showed
little inclination to relieve the condition of the working classes,
whose wages were pitiably low and whose homes were miserable
hovels, added bitterness to their disappointment.

The Reform Bill had scarcely been signed before a veritable
flood of pamphlet literature appeared, proposing more radical
measures.^ Translations of Magna Carta and reprints of the
Bill of Rights and the acts of the Long Parliament abolishing
the House of Lords and the kingship were circulated as leaflets
among the working classes. At last six demands were embodied
in a "charter"; to wit, universal suffrage, vote by secret ballot,
annual election of Parliament, payment of members of Parlia-
ment, abolition of property qualifications for members of
Parliament, and equal electoral districts.

In the opening year of Queen Victoria's reign,^ this charter
won thousands of adherents, to whom the name of " Chartists "

1 For extracts from contemporary pamphlets on the extension of the suffrage,
see Readings, Vol. II, pp. 245 ff.

2 George III died in 182c. He had been insane for some years, during w-hich
his son, afterward George IV, was regent- George IV's reign lasted from 1820
to 1830, when his brother, William IV, succeeded. Their niece, Victoria, suc-
ceeded in 1837, reigning until 1901.

Political and Social Reforms iji England 497

was given. Local Chartist clubs were founded in ever}- manu-
facturing town, and in 1S40 a national Charter Association was
organized for the purpose of federating the various clubs. Lead-
ers of remarkable oratorical ability sprang into prominence;
papers were established ; Chartist songs and poems were com-
posed, and national conventions assembled. Great meetings
and parades were held all over England; the charter was trans-
formed into a petition to which it was claimed that over a million
signatures were obtained. This petition was presented to
Parliament in 1839 only to be rejected by a large vote.

Despairing of securing reforms by peaceful means, some of Some of the
the leaders began openly to advocate revolutionar}^ violence, ad\x)cate^
and rioting spread to such an extent that the government had violence
to resort to extraordinary police measures to suppress it. The
disorders did not amount to much, however, considering the
size of the Chartist movement, and the main agitation con-
tinued on peaceful lines. ^ Several Chartist members were
elected to Parliament, and another petition was submitted
to that body.

The Revolution of 1848 in France and the establishment of Final Chart-
the Second Republic gave the signal for the last great outburst of fs^s °"
of Chartist enthusiasm. Owing to the hard times in that year,
thousands of workmen were unemployed, and the poor were
roused to bitter hatred for a government that replied to demands

1 The Chartists were violently attacked by the opponents of their democratic
proposals, which seem harmless enough to-day. The statements of these conser\-a-
tive people, on the contrary', seem ver\' absurd. In 1840 the Reverend E. Jenkins
issued a book called Chartism Unmasked, in which he made the following obser-
vations : '■ What would you gain by universal suffrage ? 1 am certain that you
would gain nothing but universal confusion, universal setting of workmen against
each other. . . . All workmen would then become politicians — they would neglect
their vocations in life — spend their time, their strength, their talents in what
would increase their poverty. Vote by ballot would be nothing but a law for
rogues and knaves, nothin? but a cloak for dishonesty, insincerity-, hx-pocrisy and

lies With respect to having members of Parliament paid and void of property

qualifications — really this is too absurd for an idiot to be the author of it The

famous Chartist doctrine of EqualiU' is diametrically opposed to Nature and the
word of God : it is a doctrine taught only by lying prophets — men who are of
their father the 06%^!, for his works they do."
II

498

Ojctliftes of Europea7i History

Gladstone
espouses the
cause of
parliamen-
tary reform
in 1866

for reform by police measures. Preparations were made to pre-
sent another gigantic petition to the House of Commons, to
which it was claimed that six million names had been secured,
and the Chartist leaders determined to overawe Parliament by
a march on London. Though this show of force was frustrated
by the aged duke of Wellington, then commander of the troops
policing London, the petition was finally presented to the House
of Commons. It was there referred to a committee, which re-
ported that there were less than two million names and that
many of these were evident forgeries, such as '' Victoria Rex,"
" the Duke of Wellington," " Pugnose," and '' Snooks." The
petition was thereby greatly discredited, and Parliament refused
to take any action on it. Chartism, as an organized movement,
thereupon collapsed.

The cause of parliamentary reform was not, however, lost
with the failure of the Chartist movement. The doctrines of
democracy had been spread among the people by the agita-
tion, and from time to time advocates were found to introduce
reform measures in the House of Commons. Although these
proposals were easily defeated, there was a steadily growing
recognition that some changes were inevitable, and at length,

* Victoria was much beloved by the British, and. her name was con-
nected with the proudest age of the British empire. English literature
and art of the last half of the nineteenth century are often spoken of as
belonging to the Victorian age, and it was in her reign that the colo-
nies became real, self-governing " dominions." The celebration of the
Diamond Jubilee of the queen's reign in 1897 was the most magnificent
spectacle of modern times. It was attended by practically all the other
sovereigns of Europe, including Victoria's grandson, the German
emperor, and it brought together, for the first time, the statesmen of
the widely scattered " dominions beyond the seas." One should have
in mind all this splendor and power of the empress-queen when one
looks at this picture of the young girl who was roused from her sleep
on June 20, 1837, by the Archbishop of Canterbury and another official,
to be Jtold of the death of her uncle, William IV, and her accession to
the throne. Victoria received them with quiet dignity, although clad
with wrapper and shawl, with her hair falling over her shoulders and
her feet hurriedly thrust into slippers.

Platk \'. QuEKN Victoria xottfikd of her Accession

TO THE ThKOXE*

Political and Social Reforms in E^igland 499

in 1866, Gladstone, as leader of the House of Commons, made
the question an issue of practical politics. Mr. Gladstone was
then fifty-seven years old. He had entered Parliament as a
Tory at the first election after the Reform Bill of 1832, and
had quickly shown himself a commanding orator and a capable 1

politician. At. the end of a few years his views on public ques-
tions began to change, and at length he broke with the
conservative traditions of his youth. In a debate on parliamentary
reform in 1864 he maintained that the burden of proof rested
on those ''who would exclude forty-nine fiftieths of the working
classes from the franchise." The very next year the veteran
reformer of 1832, Lord Russell, now elevated to the peerage,
was called upon to form a new ministr}^, and he selected
Gladstone as leader of the lower house.

At the opening of Parliament in 1866 Gladstone proposed Disraeli

succcccis

a moderate extension of the franchise, which was still based Gladstone
on property .qualifications. This measure- displeased many of ^^ Ihe^House
Gladstone's followers because it went too far, and others be- of Commons
cause it did not go far enough. Consequently the cabinet felt
compelled to resign, and a Conservative ministry was formed
under the leadership of Lord Derby, who was represented in the
House of Commons by Benjamin Disraeli (afterwards created
Lord Beaconsfield), one of the most striking figures in the
political life of England during the nineteenth centurs'-. When a
young man of twenty-two he had sprung into prominence as the
author of a successful novel, Vivia7i Grey, and at the age of
thirty-three he entered upon his political career as a Conserva-
tive member of Parliament. His Jewish origin, his obtrusive
st)'le of dress, and his florid oratory immediately brought him
into conspicuous notoriety ; but those who laughed at him at
first soon came to recognize him as a leader of great force
and a politician of remarkable ability.

The Conservatives, as the old Tory party had come to be
called, were alarmed by the general demand for reform and
some rioting which took place in Hyde Park, but Disraeli was

Soo

Outlines of European History

Disraeli's
reform bill of
1867 doubles
the number
of voters

able to secure the passage of a reform bill in spite of the de-
nunciations of some of his fellow Conservatives and the smiles
of the Liberals,^ who taunted him with advocating changes which
he had long opposed.^ The new law of 1867 granted the right
to vote to every adult male in the larger towns who occupied
for twelve months, either as owner or tenant, a dwelling within
the borough and paid the local poor tax ; also to lodgers who

Fig. 120. Disraeli

paid ten pounds or more a year for unfurnished rooms. In the
country it permitted those to vote who owned property which
produced an income of at least five pounds net a year, and all
renters paying at least twelve pounds annually. This served tc
double the previous number of voters.^

1 The followers of Gladstone were termed Liberal rather than Whig, fronr.
which party most of them came. The old name " Reformer," however, persisted.

2 Extracts from a contemporary speech against giving the vote to working-
men are given in the Readings^ Vol. 1 1, pp. 251 ff.

8 It may be said here, once for all, that in England, as in most European
countries, it is customary to exclude from the suffrage all paupers, criminals, the
insane, and certain other classes of nersons.

Political and Social Reforms in England 501

A further reform was the adoption of the secret ballot in
1872, instead of the old, disorderly method of public elections,
described above. ^

In 1884 the Liberal party, again lihder Gladstone's leader-
ship, resolved to carry still further the reforms of 1832 and

Fig. 121. Men rioting for the Suffrage in
Hyde Park (1866)

The great reforms in England in the nineteenth century were achieved

with Httle disorder, but there would have been more if the government

had not yielded in time

1867, for over two million men, chiefly agricultural laborers. Extension of
were denied the right to vote.^ By extending the suffrage 10^1884"^ '^^
to them the Liberals hoped to gain their support to offset the
control of the rural districts which had hitherto been enjoyed

1 See p. 493. The form of ballot used was copied from that in use in the
colony of Victoria, Australia, and is known as the Australian ballot. It has been
adopted in many countries.

2 For Gladstone's speech on suffrage in 1884, see Readings^ Vol. II.
pp. 255 ff.

502 Outlines of European History

by the Conservatives. The new law which they succeeded in
passing provided that the franchise established for the larger
towns in 1867 should be extended to all towns, and to the
country districts as well, thus introducing general uniformity
throughout the United Kingdom. While this measure seemed
to establish something approaching the manhood suffrage
already common on the Continent, many men are still ex-
cluded from voting, especially unmarried laborers who, owing
to the low rents in England, do not pay as much as ten pounds
(fifty dollars) a year for unfurnished lodgings.

For twenty years the matter of the franchise excited little
attention, for the Conservatives were in power and were satis-
fied to leave things alone. But when the Liberal party was
again called to the helm in 1906, it had to face not only
the question of including more men among the voters but the
much more novel demand that women also should be allowed
to vote. The Industrial Revolution, by opening up new em-
ployments to women, has given them a certain kind of inde-
pendence which they never before had. During the latter part
of the nineteenth century women were admitted to universities,
and colleges began to be established for them as well as for
men. All these things have produced the demand that women
be given the right to vote.

In 1870 the women of England were given the right to vote
for members of the newly created school boards, and in 1888

* Royalty in England keeps up its splendor for the most part upon
social occasions, when distinguished or wealthy people are " presented
at court," which means that they pass in line before the monarchs and
bow their way out. But the monarchs also appear in state upon one
political occasion, — outside of royal marriages, funerals, coronations, and
the like, — and this is when they go to open Parliament in the midst of
a pageant, which this .picture represents. When the king mounts the
throne in the House of Lords, however, and all the members of Parlia-
ment are summoned to hear " the king's speech," he has to read the
words set before him by the prime minister and cabinet. The Houses
then meet and debate it with little regard for the feelings of the real
authors.

Political and Social Reforms in Engla7id 503

and 1894 they were admitted to the franchise in certain local Steady exten-
government matters. In 1893 women were enfranchised in suffrage to
New Zealand. Shortly after the establishment of the new Com- "^"^^^
monwealth of Australia in 1901 full parliamentary suffrage was
granted to them. In 1906 the women of Finland, and in 1907,
19 1 2, and 19 1 5 the women of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark
respectively, were given the vote on the same terms as men.
The British government, however, steadily refused to grant
woman suffrage. As a result, some leaders of the suffrage
movement, notably Mrs. Pankhurst, resorted to violent demon-
strations, but this apparently alienated lukewarm supporters, and
Parliament finally, in 19 13, rejected a bill proposing a general
reform of the suffrage, in which women should share.

Section 82. The English Cabinet

These reforms, which permit a large number of voters to The position
select the members of the House of Commons, have left un- Hshsoverefgn
touched, so far as appearances are concerned, the ancient and
honorable institutions of the king and the House of Lords.-^
The sovereign is crowned with traditional pomp ; coins and
proclamations still assert that he rules " by the grace of God " ;
and laws purport to be enacted " by the king's most excellent
Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Commons
in Parliament assembled ." ^ Justice is executed and the colo-
nies are governed in the name of the king. The term " royal "
is still applied to the army, the navy, and the mail service,
reserving, as a wit once' remarked, the word "national" only
for the public debt.

There was a time, of course, when sovereign power was
really exercised by the king of England. Henry VIII, for
example, appointed his own ministers and dismissed them at

1 For recent attacks on the Lords, see below, pp. 644 f.

'- Prior to the Parliament Act of 191 1 the formula ran "by and with the
consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament
assembled."

504

Outlines of European History

The cabinet

How the
members of
the cabinet
are chosen

will. He made war and peace at his pleasure, and exercised
such an influence on the elections that Parliament was filled
with his supporters. The long struggle, however, between the
king and the Parliament in the seventeenth century, and the
circumstances of the Revolution of 1688 which placed William
and Mary on the throne, made Parliament the predominant
element in the English government. The king is still legally
empowered to veto any bill passed by Parliament, but he never
exercises this power. He has in reality only the right to be
consulted, the right to encourage, and the right to warn. He
cannot permanently oppose the wishes of the majority in Par-
liament, for should he venture to do so, he could always be
brought to terms by cutting off the appropriations necessary to
conduct his government.

The king of England must now act through a ministry
composed of the heads of the various departments of the
government, with the prime minister as their head.^ The devel-
opment of this ministry, which is known as the cabinet, has
been described in an earlier chapter.^ It was pretty firmly
established under George I and George II, who were glad to
let others manage the government for them. While the king
nominally appoints the members of the cabinet, that body is
in reality a committee selected from the party which has
a majority in the House of Commons. The leader of the
party which secures the majority in a parliamentary election
is charged by the king with the task of naming the other
cabinet ministers, who may be selected from among the
lords as well as the commons.^ Thus, unlike the president
of the United States and his cabinet, who in general communi-
cate with Congress through written messages, reports, or
other indirect means, the prime minister and the heads of

1 Gladstone's description of the cabinet system is given in Readings^ Vol. II,
pp. 258 ff. 2 See above, pp. 55 ff.

3 He may choose some distinguished man not in Parliament at the time, but
in that case the nominee must be immediately elected a member. This can be
done by inducing some obscure member to resign so as to have a by-election.

Political and Social Reforms in England 505

departments in England themselves sit in Parliament and are
obliged therefore to present and defend their own proposals.

The cabinet drafts
the more important
measures to be laid
before Parliament and
presents its general
program at the open-
ing of each session
of Parliament in the
form of " the king's
speech," which is read
by the sovereign or
his representative. In
all matters the cabinet
acts as a unit, and
whenever a member
cannot agree with the
majority on an im-
portant point he is
bound to resign. The
cabinet, therefore, pre-
sents a united front
to Parliament and the
country.^

Whenever it hap-
pens that the House of
Commons expresses
its disapproval of the
policy of the ministry,
either by defeating an

Fig. 122. The Residence of the
Prime Minister, 10 Downing Street,

LOXDOX

The official residences of the prime minister
of England and of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, respectively, are these two plain-
looking buildings on a little street near the
Parliament buildings, named after a Sir
George Downing, who was a nephew of Gov-
ernor John Winthrop of Massachusetts and
a graduate of Harvard College. Downingwas
a strong partisan of Cromwell, but on the
restoration of Charles II abandoned the
principles "he had sucked in" in America
and was rewarded for services by a gift of
this land

1 An interesting illustration of this is to be found in the story told of a prime
minister of the middle of the century, Lord Melbourne. His cabinet was divided
on the question of the duty on grain, and with his back against the door, he de-
clared to them ; " Now, is it to lower the price of com, or is n't it? It does not
matter much what we say, but mind, we must all say the same thing."

5o6 Outlines of European History

important measure or by a direct vote of censure, the cabinet
is bound to do one of two things. It may resign in a body and
thus give way to a new ministry made up from the opposite
party. If, however, the ministers feel that their policy has pop-
ular support' outside of Parliament, they may "go to the coun-
try " ; that is, they may ask the king to dissolve the existing
Parliament and order a new election in the hope that the peo-
ple may indicate its approval of their policy by electing their
supporters. The further action of the ministry is then deter-
mined by the outcome of the election. A failure to gain a
majority is the signal for the resignation of the entire ministry
and the transference of power to their opponents.
The English As the members of the House of Commons are not elected
more™nder ^01* 2- definite term of years (though according to a law passed
of^ ublkf "^^ ^^ 191 1 elections must be held at least every five years), that
opinion than body may be dissolved at any time for the purpose of securing
United States an expression of the popular will on any important issue. It is
thus clear that the British government is more sensitive to
public opinion than are governments where the members of
the legislatures are chosen for a definite term of years. For
example, in the United States, Congressmen are elected for
two years and Senators for six ; consequently when a crisis
arises it usually has to be settled by men who were not chosen
according to their views on that particular question, while in
England a new election can be held with direct reference to
the special issue at hand.
The House Nevertheless, the reader will naturally ask how it is that

the British government could be so democratic and yet retain,
in its upper house, a body of hereditary peers responsible to
no constituents. The explanation is that the House of Com-
mons, by reason of its ancient right of initiating all money bills,
could control the king and force him, if necessary, to create
enough new peers to pass any measure blocked by the House
of Lords. In practice the king has not had to do more than
threaten such a measure to bring the House of Lords to terms.

Political and Social Reforms in England 507

Although many bills have been defeated in the House of Unpopularity
Lords during the nineteenth century, a sort of constitutional of Lords°"^^
understanding has grown up that the upper house must yield
to an unmistakable and definite expression of public opinion
in favor of a measure which it has previously opposed. How-
ever, the House of Lords is increasingly unpopular with a large
class in England. Its members for the most part take little or
no interest in their duties and rarely attend the sessions. The
opposition of the peers to an educational bill introduced in
1906, and also to the budget of 1909, again raised the ques-
tion of the abolition or complete reorganization of the upper
house, and the result was the important Parliament Act of
19 1 1, by which, under certain circumstances, the House of
Commons may force a bill through in spite of the Lords.-^

Section 83. Freedom of Speech and Opinion, and
Reform of the Criminal Law

While England was transforming herself into a democracy
by remodeling her Parliament, the people gradually gained the
right freely to discuss political questions in the newspapers
and in public meetings, and to express religious opinions differ-
ing from those sanctioned by the government without thereby
sacrificing the possibility of holding office.

Freedom of the press from governmental censorship is Taxes on
commonly regarded as having been established in 1695 by the "nd other"
refusal of Parliament to renew an eld law providing for such publications

1 According to the terms of this important act, any bill relating to raising
taxes, or making appropriations, which the House of Commons passes and sends
up to the House of Lords at least one month before the close of a session may
become a law even if the House of Lords fails to ratify it. Other bills passed by
the Commons at three successive sessions and rejected by the Lords may also
be presented to the king for his signature and become laws in spite of their
rejection by the upper house. In this way control of the financial policy of the
government is practically taken out of the hands of the House of Lords, and in
the case of all other laws the House of Commons is able, by a little patience and
waiting a couple of years, to do what it pleases without regard to the sentiments
of the peers.

5o8

Outlines of European History

Freedom of
the press

Freedom of
speech

control. However, in times of disturbance the government
adopted repressive measures, as, for instance, during the French
Revolution and in 1819, when there was extensive popular
unrest. Moreover the stamp duties on newspapers and adver-
tisements hampered the publication of cheap journals spreading
political information among the masses. The necessity of
paying an eight-cent tax on each copy made the average price
of a newspaper fourteen cents, while the price of the London
Times was eighteen cents. In addition to these stamp duties
there was a special tax on paper, which increased its cost about
fifty per cent.

These ''' taxes on knowledge," as they were called, were
attacked by those who advocated popular education, and by
the political reformers who wanted cheap newspapers through
which to carry on agitation.^ At length, in 1833, the tax on
advertisements, and in 1836 the stamp taxes, were reduced,
bringing the price of most London papers down to ten cents.
Twenty years later these taxes were swept away altogether,
and in 186 1 the duty on printing paper was removed, and thus
England secured a free press. The government, however,
does not give low postal rates to the newspapers as in the
United States.

No less important to democracy than freedom of the press is
the right to hold public meetings and to criticize the government
Although during the eighteenth century English laws were less
oppressive than those on the Continent,^ it was not until the
middle of the nineteenth century that full liberty of speech was
attained. Now England is very proud of this necessary
institution of a free people, and every one agrees that it does
no harm to let people talk.^

1 For Bulwer-Lytton's speech in favor of a free press, see Readings, Vol. II,
pp. 270 ff.

2 See above, p. 140.

3 A somewhat amusing illustration of the extent of this tolerance is the way
the British police will protect from his audience an anarchist or a republican
attacking the monarchy.

Political and Social Reforms in England 509

It was natural that, in the midst of this general movement Religious
for political liberty and freedom of the press, the Dissenters ^
and Catholics should have put in a claim for the abolition of
the laws which placed them under many disabilities. The Dis-
senters, although they enjoyed a certain liberty of religious

Fig. 123. Westminster Abbey, London

Westminster Abbey is the famous church in which are buried the most
distinguished statesmen, authors, artists, and scientists of England. It
stands on the site of a church founded in Anglo-Saxon times, but the
present building dates mainly from later centuries, the last notable
addition having been added by the fifteenth century. The tombs of
Chatham, Pitt, Beaconsfield, Gladstone, and other great statesmen 'lie
just inside the door shown in the picture. The Parliament buildings
stand just across the street from the church, to the left of the picture

worship, were excluded from municipal offices and from all
places of trust, civil and military, in the government, although,
curiously enough, they were not forbidden to sit in Parliament
— a disability imposed on Catholics in addition to exclusion
from public offices. The rapid increase of the dissenting sects
in wealth, numbers, and influence, especially after the appear-
ance of the Methodists, at last forced Parliament to respect

5IO Outlines of European History

their demand, and in 1828 the old laws against them were
repealed, and they were admitted freely to public offices on
condition that they would take an oath " upon the true faith of
a Christian " not to use their influence to injure or weaken the
Established Church. The following year the Catholics secured
the passage of the famous Emancipation Act, which admitted
them to both houses of Parliament and to practically all munic-
ipal and government offices, upon condition that they would
take an oath renouncing the temporal supremacy of the Pope
and disclaiming any intention of injuring the Protestant
religion.^
Religion and Thcsc reforms by no means took religious controversies out

the schools .....__,,, ^ , ... .,,

01 politics in England, for the religious sects are still at war
over the question as to who shall control the schools. Anglicans,
Catholics, and Dissenters during the nineteenth century built
schoolhouses and maintained schools of their own, and when
the demand for free popular education became so strong that
in 1870 the government provided for the erection and equip-
ment of schools at public expense, religious bodies began to
contend among themselves for a representation on the school
boards having charge of the government schools. All of the
sects agreed that education without religious instruction was
bad, but they differed hotly on the particular kind of religious
instruction that should be given. The problem of how to
satisfy the demands of the several bitterly contending sects has
constituted one of the main issues of English politics up to the
present time. Nevertheless, the efficiency of the schools has
steadily increased, and there has been a corresponding decline
in illiteracy. In 1843 thirty-two per cent of the men and forty-
nine per cent of the women had to sign their names in the
marriage registers with a cross. In 1903 only two per cent of
the men and three per cent of the women were unable to write
their own names in the registers.

1 For speeches for and against religious toleration, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp.
274 ff.

Political and Social Reforms in England 5 1 1

While some reformers were busy with securing freedom of The crimi-
the press and removing religious disabilities, others were attack- "^ ^^
ing the criminal law, which, at the opening of the nineteenth
century, as an English writer has observed, sacrificed the lives
of men with a reckless barbarity worthier of an Eastern despot
than of a Christian state.-^ This drastic code included no less
than two hundred and fifty offenses for which the death penalty
was imposed. It is estimated that between 18 10 and 1845

v-^-

^M$k

iS^i^.

Fig. 132. Till-: Ruixs of Melrose Abbey

there were fourteen hundred executions for acts which were
not regarded as capital offenses after the latter date.

It required many years of agitation, however, to move the Reform of
British Parliament, and although some of the worst abuses i^^
were gotten rid of in the third decade of the century, the list
of capital offenses was not reduced to three until 1861. In
1835, after a parliamentary investigation had revealed the
horrible conditions of prisons, a law was passed providing for
government inspection and the improvement of their administra-
tion, and this marked the beginning of prison reform, which

1 See /headings, Vol. II, pp. 279 ff.

512 Outlines of European History

includes sanitary buildings, separation of the sexes, separation
of the hardened criminals from the younger offenders, and a
more enlightened treatment of criminals generally, with ^ view
to reforming them ^ while protecting society.

Section 84. Social Reforms

Wretched- The Cruelty of the criminal law had its origin in the Middle

in the Agcs, but with, the coming of the Industrial Revolution in the

facSries reign of George III new forms of inhumanity had arisen.

These were the result of the factory system, which brought
untold misery to the working classes of England.^ Great
factory buildings were hastily erected by men ignorant of the
most elementary principles of sanitary science, and often too
avaricious to care for anything but space enough to operate the
machines and light enough to enable the laborers to do their
work. To these industrial centers flocked thousands of landless
and homeless men and women entirely dependent upon the
factory owners for the opportunity to earn their daily bread.
Fluctuations in trade caused long periods of enforced idleness,
which resulted in great uncertainty in the life of the workman.
Child labor The introduction of steam-driven machinery had made pos-

sible the use of child labor on a large scale, and it was the
condition of the children which first attracted the attention of
philanthropists and reformers. Thousands of little paupers
were taken from the poorhouses and nominally apprenticed,
but practically sold, to the proprietors of the mills. Necessity
or greed on the part of parents, and the demand for " cheap
labor" on the part of manufacturers, brought thousands of
other children into industrial life.

1 It should be stated that the attitude of the English toward such matters as
crime and its punishment was shared by the other nations as well, although no
place can be found in this history to describe them. The proper treatment of
criminals and the causes of crime are still subjects but little understood.

2 For extracts from parliamentary reports on conditions in the factories, see
Readiyigs^ Vol. II, pp. 282 ff.

Political and Social Reforms in England 513

The conditions of adult labor, save in the most skilled General
classes, were almost as wretched as those of child labor. Sctory hands
Women and ^irls were employed in great numbers in mills and ^?^ opera-
even in the dark and dangerous recesses of the mines, which mines
were badly ventilated and perilous to work in ; dangerous
machinery was not properly safeguarded, and the working
time was excessively prolonged. The misery of the poor is
reflected in Mrs. Browning's poem, " The Cry of the Children,"
in the bitter scorn which Carlyle poured out on the heads of
the factory owners, in the impassioned pages of Kingsley's
Alton Locke, and in the vivid word pictures of Dickens.

The working classes were excluded from representation in Opposition
Parliament, they were denied opportunities for education, and andTtates-^*^^
the statesmen of the time refused to take action in their behalf ^^" ^^

factory

until after long and violent agitation. In this refusal Parliament legislation
was supported by the economic theorists, who defended the
rights of mill owners as Bossuet had defended the divine right
of kings. These theorists believed that government inter-
ference with industry or commerce would only make matters
worse,^ since the business men knew what was good for their
business better than members of Parliament. If capitalists
were obliged to shorten hours of labor, they claimed that it
would make profits impossible, thus closing the factories and
bringing still greater hardships for the workers.

The result of such a theory was that during the first thirty Early agita-
years of the nineteenth century the government did almost factoiy^aws
nothing to remedy conditions. In 1802 an act reduced the
hours of pauper children in cotton mills to seventy-two per
week and made some other reforms, such as compelling em-
ployers to furnish at least one suit of clothes a year. But even
this act was not enforced and conditions remained as bad as
ever. From 1815 to 1819 Robert Owen, the great philanthro-
pist,^ labored to secure a better law for the protection of chil-
dren. He had shown by the conduct of his own factories the
1 See above, p. 160. 2 See above, p. ^73-

514

Outlines of Europe a7i History

Parliament
at last begins
to adopt
reforms

The report
of the factory-
commission
appointed by
Parliament
in 1832

Agitation for
a ten-hour
day for
women and
children

advantage of treating employees well, and appealed to other
manufacturers to help secure such conditions in the mills as
would produce healthier and happier workers. But his appeal
fell on deaf ears, and the bill he finally got passed was but a
slight part of his demands. It only forbade the employment of
children under nine in the cotton mills, and limited the working
time of those between nine and sixteen to twelve hours per day.

During the following years, however, ardent reformers dis-
regarding the advice of the theorists, and discontented workmen
filling the country with unrest, at last forced Parliament to
undertake to improve conditions. Indeed, the bad ventilation,
scanty food, long hours, and lack of sanitation led to the spread
of epidemics in the factory districts, and action could not longer
be delayed without endangering the health of the well-to-do.
A group of men, aroused by these conditions, of whom the
most notable was Lord Ashley, by unselfish and untiring labors
so stirred public opinion that Parliament in 1832 appointed a
select commission for the purpose of investigating the whole
question of factory legislation. The appalling disclosures of
this commission resulted in a new bill still further reducing
the working hours for children and providing for the first time
for regular factory inspectors. In 1842 Lord Ashley carried
through Parliament a mining law which forbade the employ-
ment of women and children in underground occupations.

These laws did not satisfy the reformers, and they now
began to work for another measure, restricting the labor of
women and children in mills to ten hours per day exclusive of
meal times. This proposition gave rise to a heated contest in
the House of .Commons between manufacturers and landed
proprietors. In vain did John Bright (champion of the aboli-
tion of slavery in the United States) denounce the proposition
as '' most injurious and destructive to the best interests of the
country," " a delusion practiced upon the working classes,"
and " one of the worst measures ever passed." ^ Nevertheless,

1 Extracts from Bright's speech are given in Read'mgs^ Vol. II, pp. 2S5 f.

Political and Social Reforms in England 5 1 5

in 1847 the ten-hour bill for women and children became a law.
In practice it applied to all adults as well, for the mills could
not run after the women and children had stopped working.

With this great victory for the reformers the general resist- John Mor-
ance to state interference was broken down, and year after t^on^o/^^"^'^"
year, through the long reign of Queen Victoria (1837-1901) England's
and those of her successors, new measures were carried through protecting

-r^ ,. . . , , . ,. 1 -1 , the laboring

Parliament, revismg and supplementmg earlier laws, until to-day classes
England does more than any other European country to pro-
tect the factory operatives. In the language of Lord Morley,
England has " a complete, minute, voluminous code for the
protection of labor ; buildings must be kept clear of effluvia ;
dangerous machinery must be fenced ; children and young per-
sons must not clean it while in motion ; their hours are not only
limited but fixed ; continuous employment must not exceed a
given number of hours, varying with the trade, but prescribed
by law in given cases; a statutable number of holidays is im-
posed ; the children must go to school, and the employer must
every week have a certificate to that effect ; if an accident
happens, notice must be sent to the proper authorities ; special
provisions are made for bakehouses, for lacemaking, for col-
lieries, and for a whole schedule of other special callings ; for
the due enforcement and vigilant supervision of this code of
minute prescriptions, there is an immense host of inspectors,
certifying surgeons, and other authorities, whose business it is
to ' speed and post o'er land and ocean ' in restless guardian-
ship of every kind of labor, from that of the woman who plaits
straw at her cottage door to the miner who descends into the
bowels of the earth, and the seaman who conveys the fruits
and materials of universal industry to and *fro between the
remotest parts of the globe."

Important as are the measures thus summarized, far more
revolutionary legislation for the working class has been enacted
during the last decade than during the entire nineteenth century.^

'^ See below, Chapter XXVI.

Si6

OiLtliiies of European History

Section 85. Free Trade

Policy of
protection in
England
before the
nineteenth
century

Manufac-
turers
demand a
repeal of
the duties
on grain

The Com
Laws

From the fourteenth century onward England endeavored,
by high tariffs, navigation laws, and numerous other measures,
to protect her manufacturers, farmers, and ship owners against
foreign competition. Special tariffs were imposed on the manu-
factured goods of other countries ; bounties were paid from the
government treasury to encourage various forms of commercial
enterprise ; Englishmen were obliged to import their goods from
the colonies in English ships, no matter how much cheaper they
could get them carried by Dutch merchantmen ; and high duties
were imposed on grain.

Adam Smith and other economists denounced this system of
protection, claiming that it hampered commerce and so injured
industry as well. However, the free-trade movement which in
the middle of the nineteenth century opened British markets
freely to the products of all nations was mainly the work of
the owners of the new factories, who objected to the tariffs on
grain, which, they argued, made the bread of their workmen
dear. They contended, as well, that undeveloped countries like
Russia or America would be happy to buy English cloth, shoes,
and cutlery if they could freely send to England, in return, a
portion of their great crops of wheat, rye, oats, and barley.
Having little fear of foreign competition in their industries,
and owning no land, they wanted no protection for them-
selves or the farmers.

The manufacturers began, therefore, to attack the Corn
Laws,^ as the tariff acts protecting grain were called. The
duties on grain had been made especially high after 18 15,
when the fall of the inflated war prices threatened to ruin
the farmers.

To secure the repeal of these duties on grain and to propa-
gate the principles of free trade generally, the manufacturers

1 The term " corn," usually confined to Indian com, or maize, in the United
States, is commonly used in England to mean grain in general.

Political and Social Refo7"ms in England 5 1 7

founded in 1838 the Anti-Corn-Law League, and for almost The Ami.
ten years this organization, under the brilliant leadership of Le^'u^^^8^8
Richard Cobden ^ and John Bright, carried on one of the most
thoroughgoing campaigns of popular education in the history
of democracy, expending in one year over a million dollars in
publications and meetings. The attack was concentrated on
the Corn Laws because it was easier to rouse feeling against
the landlords than in favor of any abstract theories of polit-
ical economy. It was a war on the landed aristocracy.

The agitation was brought to a crisis in 1845 by a failure of Sir Robert
crops in England and a potato famine in Ireland, which raised thTre^pearof
the price of food stuffs enormously and brought thousands to Law^^ig 6
the verge of starvation, especially in Ireland. In the midst and opens
of such distress it appeared to thinking men nothing short of free trade
criminal to maintain high prices of grain by law. Consequently
Sir Robert Peel, then prime minister, determined that the Com
Laws must go, in spite of the fact that he had hitherto de-
fended them, and in 1846 he succeeded in carrying through
Parliament a law which led to their practical repeal. Though
compelled to resign immediately after the passage of this bill.
Peel had given the whole protective system in England its
death blow, since it was chiefly the tariff on grain that could
claim any really active defenders.

Within ten years all of the old navigation laws were abolished Free trade
and English ports opened freely to the ships of other nations. 1852-1867 '
Gladstone, as Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1852, removed
the duties on one hundred and twenty-three articles entirely,
and reduced them on one hundred and thirty-three more. On
his return to office, some fifteen years later, he made a clean
sweep of all protective duties, retaining, for revenue purposes,
those on tea, wines, cocoa, and a few other articles.

The tendency toward free trade was not confined to Eng-
land. Indeed, until the seventies, it looked as if a network of

1 Some of Cobden's arguments against the Corn Laws are given in the
Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 287 ff.

518

Outlines of European History

Tendency
toward free
trade in
Europe fol-
lowed by a
reaction in
the seventies

Growing dis-
satisfaction
with free
trade in
England

commercial treaties, combined with low tariffs, would carry all
Europe into a free-trade policy. The liberals in France under
Napoleon III favored it, and, as we have seen, Germany had
accepted it in a modified form until Bismarck's tariff law of
1879. At last, however, a reaction set in. The protectionists
rose to power in the continental countries ; the United States
converted what was once regarded as a temporary policy of
encouraging infant industries and of increasing the revenue
during the Civil War into a permanent policy of high protec-
tion ; and foreign competitors, having free access to England's
markets, began to undersell her at home as well as abroad.

This radical change in the economic conditions in the conti-
nental countries and the United States has convinced many
Englishmen that 'some alteration will have to be made in Eng-
land's free-trade policy. In the election of 1906 Mr. Chamber-
lain sought to make the establishment of some form of a
protective tariff the leading campaign issue. Although the
free traders carried the day and the possibility of a change
in policy seemed remote, yet the arguments of the protection-
ists have gained a new force through the war of 19 14, and
the continuance, to some degree, of tariffs adopted during the
war finds many adherents.

The land
question

Section 86. The Irish Question

In addition to the important problems the English have
had to solve at home, they have been constantly involved in
perplexities in their dealings with the Irish, who belong to
the Celtic race and the Roman Catholic faith and differ essen-
tially from their English neighbors in sentiments and traditions.
The principal troubles with Ireland have been over the land
question, religious differences, and Home Rule.

The first of these questions, the land question, grew out
of the fact that Ireland had been frequently invaded by the
English, and Irish estates had been handed cxver to English

Political and Social Reforms in England 519

warriors, fortune hunters, and royal favorites. These invasions Conquests
dated back to the twelfth century, when, under Henry II ments
(1154-1189), certain eastern districts around Dublin, known
as the '* Pale," were wrested from the Irish. In the sixteenth
century, during the reign of Queen Elizabeth, revolts of the Under
Irish led to new conquests, particularly of Ulster in the north. ^
Under James I Protestant colonists from Scodand and England Under
were setded in Ulster, adding a permanent element of discord. ^^^^^
A little later, when the Puritans in England were fighting
Charles I, the Catholic Irish rose in revolt, but as they were
hopelessly divided into factions, Oliver Cromwell's well-disci- Under
plined army crushed them all. Cromwell took terrible and ^ '"^
bloody vengeance, scourging the country with fire and sword
and confiscating more land. During the English Revolution of
1688 the Irish again rose for their Catholic king, James II, and
drove the Protestants out or into a few strongholds.^ Finally
William III defeated James at a battle by the river Boyne, Under
July I, 1690. The Ulster Protestants annually celebrate this ' **"^
deliverance by " William of Orange," and their lodges of
'' Orangemen " keep alive the spirit of opposition to the Irish
Catholics and the fear of what might happen if they got control
of the country.^

The result of these unsuccessful rebellions was that still Evil of
more lands were taken from the Irish. Now the English landlordism
landlords, to whom these estates were given, and their de-
scendants, for the most part, lived in England. In the nine-
teenth century millions of pounds yearly were drained away
from Ireland to pay absentee landlords, who rarely set foot
in that country and took little or no interest in their tenants
beyond the collection of their rents. If the tenants did not
pay or could not pay, they were speedily evicted from their

1 One of these, Londonderry, held out heroically, with but slight resources,
till help came. The town owes its name to the settlement of Derry by Protes-
tants from London.

2 The first Orange lodges date from 1795, but the movement began earlier.

520

Outlines of European Histoiy

The condi-
tion of the
peasantry

The potato
famine

The Protes-
tant Estab-
lished Church
in Ireland

cottages and lands. It was estimated in 1847 that about one
third of the entire rental of Ireland was paid to absentee
landlords.

Throughout large portions of Ireland the peasants were
constantly on the verge of starvation. They were deprived of
nearly all incentive to work at the improvement of their little
holdings, because they were liable to be evicted and lose the
results of their own labors. Whenever there was a failure of
the potato crop, on which from one third to one half the
population depended for food, there w^ere scenes of misery
in Ireland which defy description. This was the case in the
" Black Year of Forty-Seven," when the potato crop failed
almost entirely and thousands died of starvation in spite of
the relief afforded by the government.-^ It was in the midst
of this terrible famine that the stream of emigration began
to flow toward America. Within half a century four million,
emigrants left the shores of Ireland for other countries, princi-
pally the United States, taking with them their bitter resentment
against England.

The second source of trouble in Ireland was the Established'
Church. When England adopted the Protestant faith an at-
tempt was made to force it upon the Irish, who however clung
steadfastly to the Pope and their ancient Church. The monas-
teries were suppressed and their lands confiscated. Catholic-
clergy were expelled from their parishes and Protestant priests,
installed in their places, to be supported by tithes collected fromi
a people still loyal to their old faith. Even in the darkest days;
of the nineteenth century, when Irish peasants were starving,,
the Established Church in Ireland continued to draw its ample-
revenues from the tithes and endowments, although its mem-
bers numbered but one tenth of the population. These tithes,,
however, were collected from the peasants only with the utmost
difficulty and pitched battles were sometimes fought between

1 For contemporary accounts of suffering during famines in Ireland, see
Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 297 ff.

Political and Social Reforms in England 521

them and the police when the latter undertook to drive off the
last cow to pay the dues to the hated priest of an alien faith.^

It is small wonder, therefore, that the Irish were deeply
embittered on the religious question and began a movement to
overthrow the Anglican Church in their midst. By the Catholic
Emancipation Act, mentioned above, Irish Catholics, along
with the English Catholics, had been admitted to Parliament,

Disestablish-
ment of the
EngHsh
Church

.:%

Fig. 124. Dublin

The fine buildings along this beautiful street were badly injured in the

street fighting in 1916, mentioned at the end of the chapter. The slums

of Dublin furnish a sad contrast with the impressive public buildings in

the main street, and most of the rebels were from the very poor

as well as to other public offices ; and they carried on an agita-
tion which ended in 1869 in the passage of an act by Parlia-
ment which disestablished the English Church in Ireland and
abolished its tithes.^ The Anglicans, however, were allowed to
retain the beautiful buildings which had been seized during the
period of the Reformation, and the clergy were recompensed

1 For extracts from parliamentary reports showing the difficulties of collect-
ing tithes, see Readings, Vol. II, pp. 293 ff.

2 For John. Bright's plea for disestablishment, see Rcadhiss, Vol. II, pp. 295 f.

522 Otitli7ies of European History

for the loss of the tithes, which they found it difficult to collect,
by a large grant of money from the government.

Although the burden of the tithes was thus removed from
the peasants, the evils of absentee landlordism remained ; and
finding themselves victorious in the struggle against the
Anglican Church they undertook an agitation for a drastic
land reform.
Parnell and In 1 879 a great Land League, with Charles Stewart Pamell,

League, 1879 ^ member of Parliament, at its head, was established with the
aim of securing three things for the Irish peasant — fair rent,
fixed holding, and fair sale ; that is to say, they asked for
legislation providing that the rent should not be fixed by the
landlord at any amount he thought he could get, but by a
court taking into consideration the fair value of the land ; that
the tenant should hold his land as long as he paid the rent so
fixed ; and finally that, in case he surrendered his holding, he
should be allowed to sell his improvements to the tenant who
succeeded him.
The Irish Parnell, with the support of the Irish members in Parlia-

1881-1903 ment, resorted to '' filibustering " until that body was forced in
188 1 to pass a land act granting these three demands. This
measure has been supplemented by land-purchase acts by which
the government puts at the disposal of the tenants money to
buy their holdings, with the privilege of repayment on the in-
stallment plan. One of these acts, passed in 1903, appropriates
a practically unlimited amount for this purpose, and off"ers a
considerable inducement to landlords to sell, so that the land
question seems in a fair way to be settled to the satisfaction
of the peasantry.^

The third source of trouble between England and Ireland
has been the contest over Home Rule. Until 1801 Ireland

1 The Land-Purchase Act of 1885, passed by Lord Salisbury, set apart twenty-
five million dollars; that of 1888, a second sum of the same amount; that of 1891
devoted one hundred and seventy million dollars to the purchase of lands, and
that of 1903 an almost unlimited sum.

Political and Social Reforms i7i E^igland 523

had maintained a separate parliament of her own ; but in that
year the English government determined to suppress it, as a
result of an uprising in 1798 led by Wolfe Tone, a Protes-
tant who had imbibed socialistic principles in France. The Act Act of Union,
of Union of 1801 abolished the Irish parliament and provided
that Ireland should be represented by one hundred members
in the House of Commons and, in the House of Lords, by

1801

^^0^^'' #(i>>\r%^f>^ \4 ^\.jl \^^^.^^

Fig. 125. Irish Cottages

•
The pictures show the contrast between the quaint, but filthy and un-
sanitary, old thatched cottages of Ireland and the clean and comfortable,
if unpicturesque, new ones. The American traveler often regrets the
disappearance of these old houses from the landscape of the Old
World, but wherever the peasantry of Europe is prosperous, as in
Ireland now, it is replacing picturesqueness by comfort. Hence much
of the Old World looks as new as America

twenty-eight peers chosen by the Irish baronage. This Act of
Union was resented by the Irish patriots. Accordingly, they
at once began an agitation for Home Rule, that is, for a par- Home Rule
liament of their own in which they can legislate on their own ^^' ^ '°"
affairs instead of being forced to rely upon the British Parlia-
ment, where the English and the Scotch have an overwhelming
majority.

The repeal of the Act of Union was warmly urged by Daniel Daniel
O'Connell after the emancipation of 1829, and at the general
election of 1834 fortv members of Parliament favored Home

524 Outlines of Europe mi History

Rule. A Repeal Association was organized, monster meetings
were arranged by O'Connell, and the examples of Belgium and
Greece in winning independence were cited as indications of
what the Irish might do. All Ireland seemed on the verge of
rebellion, and Irish Americans planned an invasion of Canada.
The British government met this agitation by stationing thirty-
five thousand troops in the island, and O'Connell, in spite of
his violent and inflammatory speeches, shrank from the test
of civil war.
Gladstone O'Connell died in 1847, but the cause of Home Rule did

causeS Irish riot perish with him, for it was taken up by the Fenians and
1886^^ ^"'^' the Land League, who inaugurated a reign of terror for the
landlords and thus kept steadily before the people. In 1882
the shocking murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish, the chief
minister for Ireland, and his secretary took place in Phoenix
Park, Dublin. This deed aroused the horror of the civilized
world and convinced Gladstone that nothing short of Home
Rule could solve the perennial Irish problem. After the parlia-
mentary election of 1886, which gave him a small majority in
the Commons and made him dependent upon the Irish mem-
bers for their support, he undertook to secure the repeal of the
Act of Union.^ Many of his followers, who did not believe in
the policy of Home Rule, broke away from his leadership and
formed the party of the Liberal LTnionists, thus defeating the
bill by about thirty votes. Seven years later Gladstone brought
forward a new Home Rule bill providing that the Irish should
have a parliament of their own at Dublin and also retain repre-
sentation in that of the United Kingdom. This bill, though
passed by the Commons, was rejected by the House of Lords.
The Home For some years thereafter the issue almost dropped out of

of 1914 English politics, but the majority of the Irish members of Par-

liament continued to agitate the question, and in 19 14 the
Liberal government passed a Home Rule bill which almost

1 Extracts from Gladstone's speech on Home Rule in 1886 are given in the
Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 301 f.

Political and Social Reforms in Englaiid 525

threatened to plunge Ireland into civil war. The inhabitants of

Ulster, in northern Ireland, are mainly Protestant and they

have been the bitterest opponents of Home Rule, fearing the

rule of a Catholic majority. When the bill v^as on the point of

becoming law, they prepared to rebel, and openly armed and

drilled a small army of volunteers. Protestant army officers The protest

declared that they would refuse to put down the '' Ulsterites," ^^ ^'^*^^

and the government, to avoid bloodshed, modified the bill so as

to allow the various divisions of Ulster to decide for themselves

whether they would send their members of parliament to

London or to Dublin.^ This did not suit extreme Home Rulers

or extreme Unionists, but the Liberals sought to calm them

by proposing a federal system for other parts of the United

Kingdom as well, with parliaments for Wales and Scotland,

much like the system in use in Canada. The European war,

however, put an end to these plans, and the actual application

of Home Rule, along with other such schemes, was postponed.

Meanwhile, although the old discontent burst out in the Revolt of
spring of 19 16 into a revolt which was not crushed without ^^^
serious damage to Dublin and heavy loss of life, new prosperity
has come to the island since the British government, some
half-dozen years ago, voted money to aid the Irish peasant
to buy his land instead of holding it as a tenant. Much prog- New pros-
ress has been made in establishing cooperative dairies and Ireland"
farmers' banks. Ireland is now probably more prosperous
than she has ever been before.

QUESTIONS

Section 81. Give an account of the political situation in Eng-
land at the opening of the nineteenth century. What were the
'' rotten boroughs " .? Who enjoyed the right to vote ? Describe an
election before the introduction of the secret ballot. Discuss the
attempts made to secure parliamentary reform before 1832.

1 At the end of six years all should send members to Dublin, and so Home
Rule would be gradually established.

526 Outlines of European History

Describe the passage of the Reform Bill of 1832. State the pro-
visions of the bill. Outline the history of the Chartist movement.
Sketch the course of parliamentary reform from 1 848 to 1 884, giving
the terms of the bills of 1867 and 1884. What problems connected
with the extension of the franchise are yet to be solved ?

Section 82. What powers does the king of England possess?
What is the English cabinet? Describe the method of selecting cabi-
net officers ; the manner in which the cabinet acts. What is meant
by the '' rise and fall of ministries " ?

For what reason is the English government said to be more under
the influence of public opinion than that of the United States? What
effect did the Parliament Act of 191 1 have upon the power of the
House of Lords ?

Section 83, What were the "taxes on knowledge"? When
were they abolished? When and by what means was religious liberty
secured by Dissenters and Roman Catholics ? Describe the criminal-
law system at the beginning of the nineteenth century and the
reforms instituted after the parliamentary investigation of 1835.

Section 84. Give a brief account of the abuses of the factory
system. Account for the opposition to factory legislation. Outline
the history of factory legislation.

Section 85. Discuss the policy of protection in England. Give
the arguments of those who favored free trade. Indicate the steps
by which free trade was established. What is the present-day feeling
in England about the free-trade policy ?

Section 86. Outline the history of England's relations with Ire-
land from the twelfth to the eighteenth century. What have been
the three sources of trouble between England and Ireland in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries ? What attempts have been made
to remove these causes of discontent in each case ?

* W. E. Gladstone was one of the greatest orators and statesmen of
England. He began as a Tory, but grew more and more liberal and
forced along much reform legislation. The picture shows him, at the
age of eighty-two, introducing the Home Rule Bill of 1893. '^^^ House
of Commons is crowded with the most distinguished men of the day.
Note how it is divided into opposing rows of benches, the party in
power holding those on the right, the opposition party those on the
left, of the Speaker, who sits in the thronelike chair, clad in quaint
robes and wfearing a wig, as do the clerks in front of him. On this
occasion the aisle in the foreground is as crowded as the benches.

Fig. 126. Gladstone addressing the House of Commons on
THE Home Rule Bill*

Fig. 127. The Imperial Durbar, India

CHAPTER XXII

THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

Section 87. The Extension of British Dominion
IN India

The story of the British struggles for colonial dominions and The British
world markets — the rivalry with the Dutch in the Spice Islands, eSph-t whiL
the wars for Spanish trade, the struo^srle with France in India making

^ °^ reforms at

and North America — we have brought down to the settlement home
at Vienna, which left England foremost among the commercial
and colonial powers of all time. The task of developing the re-
sources acquired in India, Africa, Canada, and Australasia, was
one of the important problems which the eighteenth century
bequeathed to the nineteenth.

Turning first to India, the British rule, in the opening years British
of the nineteenth century, extended over the Bengal region and india"at"he
far up the Ganges valley beyond Delhi. A narrow strip along opening of
the eastern coast, the southern point of the peninsula, and the teenth
island of Ceylon had also been brought under England's con- ^^" ^^
trol, and in the west she held Bombay and a considerable area
north of Surat.^ In addition to these regions which the English
administered directly, there were a number of princes, such as
the Nizam of Hyderabad, over whom they exercised the right
of " protection." They had secured a foothold which made it
evident that the Mogul emperor, who retained but the shadow

* In a great ceremonial gathering, or dtirbar, the princes of India
meet to offer allegiance to the British ruler upon his accession. The
last imperial durbar was a scene of great magnificence, as this proces-
sion of bejeweled princes and elephants shows. The actual ceremony
was upon too vast a scale to be reproduced in a single picture.

1 See map above, p. ro6.

527

528

Outlines of European History

of power at Delhi, could never recover the shattered dominions
of the great Aurangzeb. The French and Portuguese posses-
sions had declined into mere trading posts along the coast, and
in the heart of India only one power disputed the advance of
the English toward the complete conquest of the peninsula.

Fig. 128. Scene on the Ganges

Benares, the religious center of Hinduism, rises from the curving shore
of the sacred Ganges River, its many dom.es and minarets giving it an
appearance of great splendor. Along the river are many richly orna-
mented landing places built by pious devotees. The narrow streets
behind are crowded with Brahmans and religious pilgrims

The Mahratta

wars

This one political power was a union of native princes,
known as the Mahratta Confederacy. The country occupied
by this confederation extended inward from the Bombay coast
and was inclosed on the western border by mountain ranges.
The ruling princes, however, who had formed the confederation,
were usually warring with one another, except when dangers
from without compelled them to unite. If it had not been for
the jealousy amongst these princes, they might have checked the

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 529

growing power of the English and seized India for themselves
as it fell from the relaxing grasp of the Great Mogul. But
they were generally contending among themselves, and where
their territory bordered on British dominion the people were
kept in constant turmoil by their restless and unsettled life. At
length the English determined to suppress them altogether and
in a great war (18 16-18 18) they were finally conquered, a large
part of their territories was annexed, and some of the princes
were transformed into feudal lords under British sovereignty
— a position which they retain to-day.

While pacifying the interior of India the British were also The British
occupied with the defense and extension of their frontiers on the borders
the north, east, and west. For six hundred miles along the ^^ ^^'"^
northern frontier, where the foothills of the Himalayas gradually
sink into the valley of the Ganges, there was chronic disorder
fomented by the Gurkhas — a race composed of a mixture of
the hill men and the Hindu plain dwellers. Periodically the
Gurkha chieftains, like the Highlanders of Scotland or the
Mahrattas of western India, would sweep down into the valley,
loot the villages of the defenseless peasants, and then retire to
their mountain retreats. A few of the most powerful of these
chieftains succeeded in building up a sort of confederation,
under a rajah in whose name they governed Nepal, as their
kingdom was called. They then sought to extend their sway
at the expense of the British in the Ganges valley, but were
badly beaten in a two years' war (181 4- 181 6) and compelled
to cede to the British empire a vast northern region, which
brought the Anglo-Indian boundary at that point to the borders
of Tibet, high up in the Himalaya mountains.

While the British were busy with the Mahrattas and Nepa- Annexation
lese, the Burmese were pressing into the Bengal districts from 1826-1885
the east, and as they had never met the disciplined Europeans
in armed conflict, they were confident that they would be able to
expand westward indefinitely. Their ambitions were, however,
checked by the British (182 4-1 82 6), and they were compelled

530

Outlines of European History

Conquest of
the Sindh
and Punjab
regions

to cede to the victors a considerable strip of territory along the
east coast of the Bay of Bengal. Having thus made their first
definite advance beyond the confines of India proper, the
British, after twent}'-five years of peace with the Burmese,
engaged in a second war against them in 1852 and made
themselves masters of the Irawadi valley and a long narrow-
strip of coast below Rangoon.^

After the gains made at the expense of the Burmese, the
northwestern frontier next attracted the attention of the con-
quering British. In the valley of the Indus, where the soldiers
of Alexander the Great had faltered on their eastward march,
there was a fertile region known as the Sindh, ruled over by an
Ameer, who seems to have shown an irritating independence in
his dealings with the British. On the ground that the Ameer's
government was inefficient and corrupt, the British invaded his
territory in 1843, and after some brilliant campaigning they
wrested his domain from him and added it to their Indian
empire, thus winning a strong western frontier. This enter-
prise was scarcely concluded when a war broke out with the
Sikhs in the northwest, which resulted in the addition of the
great Punjab region farther up the valley of the Indus, north-
east of Sindh, and the extension of the boundary of the Anglo-
Indian empire to the borders of Afghanistan.^ In addition to
this policy of annexation through war with the natives, a process
of " peaceful assimilation " was adopted under the governorship

1 Additional annexations were made after another Burmese war in 1884-1885.

2 The province of Baluchistan on the northwest has been brought under
British dominion by gradual annexations beginning in 1876 and extending down
to 1903. Several of the districts were formally organized as British Baluchistan in
1887. In attempting to extend their authority over the neighboring Afghanistan,
the British have waged two wars with the ruler of that country, one in 1837-
1843 and the last in 1878-1880. The problem how to maintain control over
Afghanistan and use it as a protecting state against Russia's southeasterly ad-
vance has constituted one of the fundamental issues of Anglo-Indian politics.
Recently, however, Russia and England have come to terms on the question of
the boundaries, and they have proceeded to divide up Persia, Russia taking the
north and Britain the south, leaving only a strip of autonomous territory be-
tween. See map, p. 610.

The British Empire iji the Nineteenth Centicry 531

of Lord Dalhousie (1848-185 6), who quietly transfonned
" protected " states into British provinces whenever the direct
line of the ruling houses became extinct.^

It was inevitable that the conquest and annexation of so Causes of
many native Indian states should stir up intense hatred against in^india"
the British aggressors. In the provinces which were under the
direct administration of the British, ruling families and the
official classes attached to them had been set aside, and in
those which were merely under the suzerainty of the con-
querors as feudal states, the rulers chafed at their vassalage.
The Mohammedans cherished a religious abhorrence for the
Christian intruders in addition to their bitterness at the loss
of their former power. The native Mahrattas had good reason
to feel that only the advent of the British had prevented them
from transforming the peninsula into a Mahratta empire.^

There were embers of discontent everywhere, and they were introduction
fanned into a consuming flame in 1857 by several military carfrkfges
reforms undertaken by the English government. The year ^^S^g
before, the British had become impressed with the advantages
of a new rifle invented by a Frenchman. It was loaded with a
paper cartridge containing powder and ball, which was slipped
into the barrel and then rammed down into place. In order to
slide more easily into the gun the paper was greased, and the
soldier had to tear off one end of it with his teeth so that the
powder would take fire when the cap was exploded.

The introduction of this new rifle seemed innocent enough. The sepoys
but the government had not taken into account certain religious ^^}l^^ '"
scruples of the sepoys, as the native troops were called. The
Hindu regarded touching the fat of a cow as contamination
worse than death, and to Mohammedans the fat of swine was
almost as horrifying. The government soon heard of this
grievance and promised not to use the objectionable grease.
Peace was thus maintained for a time, but in May, 1857, some

1 For Dalhousie's justification for annexations, see Readings,Yo\. II, pp. 307f.
3 For a summary of Indian grievances, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 310 ff.

532

O^itlines of European History

The rebellion
crushed

Queen
Victoria
assumes the
East India
Company's
political
power, 1858

soldiers at Meerut, in the broad plain between the Jumna and
the Ganges, refused to receive the cartridges served out to
them and were thereupon sentenced to prison for ten years.
Their native companions rallied to their support and rose in
rebellion ; the next day, May 1 1 , the soldiers mutinied at Delhi,
massacred the English inhabitants of the city and besieged the
garrison ; in a few days the entire northwest was in full revolt.
Lucknow, with its population of seven hundred thousand
natives, rose against the British and besieged them in their
fortifications. At Cawnpore, about forty miles to the south, a
thousand British men, women, and children were cruelly massa-
cred after they had surrendered, and by the middle of July all
Oudh and the northwest seemed lost.

Immediately after the insurrection at Meerut the governor
general telegraphed to Bombay, Madras, and Ceylon for instant
help. Though there were as yet no railroads in the rebellious
provinces, the telegraph helped to save the empire. Aid was
at once sent to Lucknow under the command of General Colin
Campbell, a hero of the Napoleonic and Crimean wars, and
in November he succeeded in relieving the brave garrison,
which had held out for nearly six months. Many of the sepoys
remained loyal, and with aid from the coast provinces city
after city was wrested from the mutineers until by the end
of November British India was saved, but at a frightful cost.
In the punishment of the rebels the frenzied English showed
themselves as cruel as the natives had been in their treatment
of English prisoners.

After the suppression of the sepoy rebellion the Parliament
of Great Britain revolutionized the government of India. The
administration of the peninsula was finally taken entirely out
of the hands of the East India Company, which had directed
it for more than two hundred and fifty years, and vested in the
British sovereign, to be exercised under parliamentary control.
In November, 1858, a royal proclamation^ announced to the

1 For the proclamation, see Readings, Vol. II, pp. 312 ff.

The British Empire i^i the Nineteenth Cetittiry 533

inhabitants of British India that all treaties made under the
authority of the East India Company would be maintained,
the rights of feudatory princes upheld, and religious toleration
granted. The governor general of the company in India was
supplanted by a viceroy, and the company's directors in Lon-
don surrendered their power into the hands of the Secretary
of State for India. The Mogul of Delhi, successor of the great
Aurangzeb, was expelled from his capital, but w^hen, nearly
twenty years later (on January i, 1877), Victoria was proclaimed Queen
Empress of India amid an illustrious gathering of Indian princes prodaJmed
and British officials, the pomp and mas^nificence of the ancient f "?P''^^^ °^

^ ^ ° India, 1877

Moguls were invoked to bind their former subjects more closely
to their English conquerors. George V, Emperor of India,
now rules over about three hundred millions of Indian subjects
inhabiting a domain embracing 1,773,000 square miles.

Since the great mutiny the British government in India has Progress in
been concerned chiefly with problems of internal reform and the mutiny
administration and with the defense of the frontiers, especially
in the northwest. The proportion of natives to white men in
the army was greatly reduced and the artillery placed almost
entirely in charge of the latter. Codes of law and of criminal
procedure were introduced in i860 and 186 1. The construc-
tion of railway lines was pushed forward with great rapidity Railroads
for military and economic purposes, so that the vast interior
might be quickly reached by troops, and an outlet opened for
its crops of cotton, rice, wheat, indigo, and tobacco. Cotton
mills are rising by the tombs of ancient kings, cities are in-
creasing rapidly in population, and the foreign trade by sea has
multiplied twenty-fold in the past seventy years. About eight
hundred newspapers, printed in twenty-two languages, including
Burmese, Sanskrit, and Persian, are published ; educational
institutions have been provided for nearly five million students.
In short, an industrial and educational revolution is taking place
in India, and the Indians are beginning to be discontented with
a government in which they have little share.

papers

534

Outlines of European History

Section

The Dominion of Canada

The French
in Canada
obtain a
Uberal gov-
ernment by
the Quebec
Act, 1774

Loyalists
settle in
Canada
during the
American
Revolution

Canada
divided into
two prov-
inces, Ontario
and Quebec

When the English government was established in Canada
after the capture of Montreal in 1760, only about two hundred
of the sixty-five thousand inhabitants were of English origin ;
the . rest were French. Barriers of race, language, laws, and
religion separated the conquerors from the conquered. For
a few years the English administration, not unnaturally, was
badly adapted to the needs of its new subjects, but in 1774,
on the eve of the war with the American colonies, the British
Parliament, in order to insure the allegiance of the Canadians,
passed the famous Quebec Act — one of the most remarkable
enactments in the history of English law. In an age of intoler-
ance it recognized the Catholic faith, allowed the clergy to
collect their tithes, perpetuated the French civil law, and left
French customs and traditions undisturbed.

Under this act the new colony stood patriotically by England
during the American Revolution, and though France was herself
allied with the revolting colonies, the Canadians repulsed their
advances and received fugitive loyalists in great numbers. The
latter, known as the United Empire Loyalists, settled in what
are now the Maritime Provinces and also in Upper Canada —
the region lying along the Great Lakes, which was to become
the province of Ontario. It is estimated that by 1806 about
eighty thousand loyalist immigrants had crossed the frontier
from the United States — the British government offering lands
and subsidies to encourage their coming.

The influx of an English population necessitated a change
in the government, which had been designed especially for
the French. Consequently ^^ in 1791, representative government
was established in Canada by a new act of Parliament. The
country was divided into two provinces — an upper one, Ontario,
lying mainly along the Great Lakes, which was being rapidly
settled by the English, and a lower Qne< Quebec^ which had long
been fhe home of the French,

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 535

Under this new government the English and French in- French
habitants once more showed their loyalty to England when loyaUcT"^
the armies of the United States prepared to invade Canada ^"^f,P ^" .

^ ^ the War of

during the War of 181 2; for the old loyalists in Ontario 1812
still remembered with bitterness their expulsion during the
American Revolution. The French Canadians likewise flocked
to the support of the English cause. The invasion failed, and
the result of the conflict was merely to increase the ill will
already felt for the neighboring republic, whose designs of
annexation were regarded with distrust and aversion.

Amicably as the Canadians in the two provinces cooperated The Cana-
against the United States, they were troubled by domestic dis- ^f ig^^ ^nd
sensions. In Upper Canada (now Ontario), United Empire Rg'^ort"'^
Loyalists were in control of the government. They were
mostly Tories, and the ruling group was known as the " Family
Compact" because it was largely composed of relatives or
intimate friends. The Liberals became exasperated at the
lack of responsible government, and a section of them took
up arms in rebellion in 1837. In Lower Canada (now Quebec)
rebellion broke out as well, due to irritation of the French at
British rule. Both rebellions were easily crushed, but the
British sent over an investigator. Lord Durham, whose report
(1840), advocating self-government for the colonies, marks a Self-
turning point in the attitude of England toward the treatment colonies"^
of her possessions beyond the seas. From that time on, it has
been a matter of principle in British politics to give self-
government to the colonies so far as it can be done. This is one
of the most important revolutions in the history of government.
The British self-governing colonies even make their own treaties,
and are practically free nations.

The report was followed by a union of the two provinces Act of Union
under one government, which was responsible to the people.^

1 In Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island there were
demands for more local rights, and about the middle of the century they were
granted self-government through responsible ministries.

S36

Outlines of European History

This was an important step in the direction of the Canadian
federation, which was organized a few years later. By the British
North America Act of 1867 Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick,
and Nova Scotia were united into the Dominion of Canada,
with the provision that the remaining provinces and territories
might be admitted later. This federation was given a constitu-
tion providing for a governor general representing the sovereign
of England, who is a mere figure head; a Senate, the members

Fig. 129. The Parliament Buildings, Ottawa

Parliament Hill is beautifully situated beside the Ottawa River. The
main building was burned, February, 19 16

of which are appointed for life by the governor general ; and a

House of Commons, which is the real governing body, elected

by popular vote. The new plan of federation went into effect

on July I, 1867 — a day which is celebrated as the Canadian

national holiday, like the Fourth of July in the United States.

New prov- Since the formation of the federation, the history of the

mitted to the dominion has been characterized by rapid material develop-

federation ment and the growth of a national spirit among the Canadian

people. The great western regions have been divided into

territories and then into provinces, just as the western part

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Cetttury 537

of the United States has been organized into territories and
then into states. In 1869 the extensive rights which the
Hudson Bay Company had possessed for more than two
hundred years over vast regions encircling Hudson Bay were
purchased. The province of Manitoba was laid out in 1870;
in 187 1 British Columbia, which had been occupied after the
settlement of the Oregon controversy with the United States,
was admitted to the federation ; Prince Edward Island followed
two years later; and in 1905 the great provinces of Alberta
and Saskatchewan came into the union, leaving only New-
foundland outside. The tide of immigration has slowly risen,
and the population, which was a little over half a million in
1820, was more than five millions at the close of the century,
and is now nearly eight millions.

The development of Canadian industries under the encour- Growth of
agement of protective tariffs and government bounties is in- spirit in
timately connected with the growth of a feeling that Canada Canada
constitutes a nation by herself, in spite of her position as a
member of the British empire. The close trading relations
which were once fostered between Canada and the United
States by reciprocity treaties, guaranteeing mutual interests,
were long hampered by the protective policy which the gov-
ernment at Washington followed after the close of the Civil
War. As a result, Canada was driven to look more and more
to Great Britain as her industrial ally rather than to the neigh-
boring republic. In the seventies Sir John MacDonald, leader
of the Conservative party, made the idea of a ''national policy,"
or protection for Canadian interests, a current political issue,
and since that time both the Conservative and Liberal parties
have labored to make Canada an independent manufacturing
nation. In the fostering of this '' colonial nationalism," as it is
aptly called, there has been found no more ardent advocate
than the former premier. Sir Wilfrid Laurier,^ who, as a

1 Extracts from one of Laurier's speeches on his attitude toward England
are given in the Readings, Vol. II, pp. 320 ff.

538

Outlines of European History

Liberal, had once been for free trade. The way in which
Canada rejected the plan for trade reciprocity with the United
States in 191 1 shows that there is little support for anything
that has the faintest resemblance to annexation to the republic.
In the election of that year the Conservative party, which stands
for closer ties with the mother country and a protective tariff
against the United States, was returned to .power with a very
large majority. Sir Robert Borden, its leader, as premier, has
been prominent in imperial conferences held from time to
time in England.

Section 89. The Australasian Colonies

The British The Australasian colonies of Great Britain — Australia,

contend wddi^'^ Tasmania, New Zealand, and some of the minor islands —
many natives ^^gj-g practically unoccupied when the English colonists began
to flock there in the nineteenth century. The aborigines of
Australia and Tasmania were never very numerous or war-
like. The English were therefore free, in these vast regions,
to work out in their own way a democratic government
suited to the conditions in which they found themselves. They
have neither been forced into conflict with other European
peoples, as in Canada, nor have they had to control alien races,
as in India.

The continent of Australia, with the neighboring island of
Tasmania, somewhat exceeds in extent the area of the United
States, while New Zealand alone is somewhat larger than the
island of Great Britain. Although a great part of Australia
lies in the temperate zone, the northern region nearest the
equator is parched in summer, and the whole central portion
suffers from a scarcity of water, which makes vast areas of
the interior permanently uninhabitable unless some means of
irrigation on a large scale can be introduced. The eastern and
southern coasts have always been the chief centers of coloni-
zation. Melbourne, in the extreme scruth, lies in a latitude

The extent
and natural
resources of
Australasia

lOOLoii-itiuleBO WisL GO from ■J0Gieeii\vicli20

^ 'P'A c\l FIC

O CEAN

Tropic of Cancer

•■\i<^ \r^7 "^1t;:<l^. .;:i^ Equator -^^..^c:^^^<^

Guam
Caroline Islan

'^ cM^

-_ , .'t/vAFRiCASeyclielle.-l l.s.. ^N >

• '— ---^^--^ - - 1/ Is: %?.^Ksflin_,' I Th, i.st:.ias I,

JSisiiiarek-' *^^

^Arcliipelago'

- - ^.« JSoloinon •-•,

Santa CruzTs^ =^

*'- •^ l-E OF^ij^ SOITH .y^ICA

^^T'ort Elizffljeth

Cai>e Towi

THK BRITISH EMPIRE

British Po^9scssions are colored
in Pink

1000 2000 3000 4000 5000

Scale of Miles along the Equat

20Loiigitiifle40 East 60 from 80 Gn-onwiililOO

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 539

corresponding to that of Washington, St. Louis, and San
Francisco in the northern hemisphere. The country affords
gold, silver, coal, tin, copper, and iron. Tasmania and New
Zealand are more fortunate than Australia in the diversity of
their scenery and the general fertility of their soil, while their
climate is said to possess all the advantages of the mother
country without her fog and smoke.

The English occupation of Australasia belongs to the nine- Early ex-
teenth century. The Portuguese, in their eager hunt for the AuSalasia"
Spice Islands, may perhaps have come upon Australia, but it ~^^P^^'"
long remained an unknown portion of the globe, as shown by voyages
the rude outline of Terra Australis (or Southern Land) which
appears on the maps of the Elizabethan age. In 1642 a Dutch
seaman, Tasman, discovered the island which now bears his
name (originally called Van Dieman's Land). He also sighted
in the same year the islands to the east, which, in spite of their
almost Alpine character, were named New Zealand, after the
low-lying meadows at the mouth of the Rhine. The Dutch did
not, however, occupy these lands, which were later brought to
the attention of the English by the famous voyages of Captain
Cook. He skirted around the entire coast of New Zealand in
1 769-1 7 70, and then sailed westward to Australia, reaching
land at a point which, owing to its luxuriant foliage, he called
Botany Bay. He took possession of the continent in the name
of the English sovereign, and it was called New South Wales,
on account of its fancied resemblance to the Welsh shore line.

In 1787 England began the colonization of Australia by Founding the
transporting to Botany Bay a number of convicts. Just north colonies
of Botany Bay lies an excellent harbor, and the town of
Sydney, which grew up on its shores, became the chief city
of New South Wales, the first of six sister states, which now
form the Australian federation. Tasmania, with the town of
Hobart established in 1804, and Western Australia also began
as penal stations. Some settlements which had grown up
around the town of Melbourne were united in 1851 to form

540

Outlines of European History

The Aus-
tralian
Common-
wealth
formed by
the union of
six colonies

The settle-
ment of New
Zealand

the colony of Victoria. Shortly after, the region to the north of
Sydney was organized into the colony of Queensland. South
Australia, with its town of Adelaide, sprang up as an inde-
pendent setdement of free men, never having had the misfor-
tune of being used as a station for criminals. The discovery of
gold in Australia in 185 1 brought in many settlers, and as the
colonies advanced in wealth and prosperity, protest was made
against the transportation of criminals, and the British govern-
ment finally abandoned it. Civil government supplanted the
military rule which had been exercised over the penal stations,
and each colony at length secured self-government, that is, a
parliament and a ministry of its own, under the general sover-
eignty of the British crow^n.

It was natural that in time the people of these colonies,
speaking the same language and having the same institutions,
should seek a closer union. The question of a federation was
long discussed, and at last, in 189 1, a general convention com-
posed of delegates from all the states drafted a federal consti-
tution, which was submitted to the people for their ratification.
In 1900 the British Parliament passed an act constituting the
Commonwealth of Australia on the basis of this draft.^ The
six states — New South Wales, Tasmania, Victoria, Queens-
land, South Australia, and Western Australia — are now
formed into a union similar to that of the United States.
The king is represented by a governor general ; the federal
parliament is composed of two houses, a Senate, consisting of
six senators from each state, and a House of Representatives
chosen in the same way as in the United States. This body
has extensive power over commerce, railways, currency, bank-
ing, postal and telegraph service, marriage and divorce, and
industrial arbitration.

To the southeast of Australia, twelve hundred miles away,
lie the islands of New Zealand, to which English pioneers began
to go in the early part of the nineteenth century. In 1840 the

1 Extracts from the constitution are given in the Readings, Vol. II. pp. 326 f.

The British Empire in the Ni^ieteenth Century 541

English concluded a treaty with the native Maoris, by which the
latter were assigned a definite reservation of lands on condition
that they would recognize Queen Victoria as their sovereign.
The English settlers established the city of Auckland on North
Island, and twenty-five years later New Zealand became a
separate colony, with the seat of government at Wellington.
Under the auspices of the New Zealand Company colonization
was actively carried on, and before long the whites began to
press in upon the reservations of the Maoris. This led to two
revolts on the part of the natives (i860 and 187 1), which were,
however, speedily repressed and have not been repeated.

New Zealand has recently become famous for its experiments Social reform
in social reform.^ During the last decade of the nineteenth Zealand
century the workingmen became very influential, and they have
been able to carry through a number of measures which they
believe to be to their advantage. Special courts are established
to settle disputes between employers and their workmen ; a
pension law helps the poor in their old age. Various measures
have been adopted for discouraging the creation of large estates,
which are heavily taxed, while small farms pay but little. The
right to vote is enjoyed by w^omen as well as by men.^

The colony of Victoria has vied with New Zealand in re- Victoria
spect to social reform. The government has attempted to stop ma^JJJain
'' sweating " in the poorly paid industries, and public boards ^^^^^^^^
composed of employers and workmen have been established workingmen
for the purpose of fixing the minimum wages and standards
of work, so that these matters are no longer arranged by pri-
vate bargaining between individuals. The system of secret vot-
ing which originated in Australia — the so-called " Australian
ballot" — is one of the reforms which has already spread
beyond Australasia, and is in use both in England and in the
United States.

1 For a summary of the principles of reform, see Readings^ Vol. II,
pp. 322 ff.

2 In Australia women are also permitted to vote for members of the federal
parliament and in the local elections of all the states.

542

Outlines of European History

Section 90. Growth of the British Empire
IN Africa

Early conflict
between the
British and
Dutch in
South Africa

Many thou-
sand Boers
leave Cape
Colony for
the interior

The chief centers of British advance in Africa have been
two — the Cape of Good Hope at the extreme south and
Egypt ^ in the north. The Cape Colony was permanently ac-
quired, as we have seen, at the Congress of Vienna in 18 14,
some eight years after its actual seizure from the Dutch during
the war v/ith Napoleon. When this colony passed into the
hands of the British it contained slightly over twenty-five thou-
sand people of European descent, mainly Dutch, and it is from
this original Dutch stock that the majority of the present white
inhabitants are derived, although immigration from England
set in after the fall of Napoleon. These Dutch settlers were a
sturdy, resolute people, strongly attached to their customs,
including slavery, and though of peaceable spirit, they were
unwilling to submit to interference. It was just these charac-
teristics which the new rulers overlooked. Shortly after their
occupation the British reconstructed the system of local govern-
ment and the courts ; they insisted on the use of the English
language; and finally, in 1833, they abolished slavery.

Owing to these grievances, about ten thousand of the Boers ^
left the Cape during the years 1836 to 1838, and, pressing
northeastward beyond the Orange River into the interior, partly
inhabited by warlike savages, set up a new colony. During the
succeeding years large numbers of the Boers pushed farther
eastward and northward into the regions now known as Natal
and the Transvaal. For a time they had their own way in
these barren wildernesses.

Natal, however, was on the seacoast, and the British had
no desire to see a strong unfriendly state established there.

1 The circumstances which led England to interfere in Egyptian affairs will
be considered below, pp. 627 ff.

'■^ This is the Dutch word for " farmer " and has come to be especially applied
to the Dutch population of South Africa.

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 543

Consequently they sent troops over to occupy Durban (then called The British
Port Natal), which had formerly been the seat of some English (1842) and
settlers. These troops came into conflict with the Dutch there Riv^'^cSony
in 1842 and drove them out — adding more bitterness to the (1848)
ill will which the Boers already felt for the English. The con-
querors cared little, however, for Dutch opinion, and six years
later (in 1848) they seized the Orange River Colony, which
the Boers had founded between the Orange and Vaal rivers.

Once more a great Boer migration began, this time into the The Trans-
region beyond the Vaal, where pioneers had already broken the f^ndedTnd
way. There the Transvaal Colony was founded. The British ^*^ independ-

•' _ -^ ence recog-

believed that the vast inland wilderness was good only for cattle nized by the
raising and rude agriculture and was therefore not worth the " '
trouble of annexation and defense. Accordingly, in 1852, by a
treaty known as the Sand River Convention, they recognized
the independence of the Boers in the Transvaal region, guaran-
teeing them the right "to manage their own affairs and to govern
themselves according to their own laws, without any interference
on the part of the British government." This was followed, two independ-
years later, by the recognition of the independence of the Orange orSige Free
River Colony under the name of the Orange Free State, until ^^ ^^°^'
the recent war brought it again under British sovereignty.

In the Transvaal the Dutch lived a rude wild life, having
little government and desiring little. They were constantly
embroiled with the natives, and as time went on the British
began to complain, as they had previously of the Orange River
Colony, that their disorders constituted a standing menace to
the peace of the neighboring colonies. Whether or not there
was any justification for this claim, Great Britain in 1877 The British
annexed the Transvaal Republic,^ whose independence it had xransvS
recognized twenty-five years before. The government thus Republic,
imposed upon the Boers was extremely galling, and in 1880
they organized an insurrection and destroyed at Majuba Hill
(1881) a small detachment of English troops.

1 See Readings, Vol. 11. pp. 328 ff.

544 Outlines of European History

But Glad- At that time Gladstone was in office, and turning a deaf ear

Du'tch^'^^"^^ to the demands of the imperialists for vengeance, he determined
independence |-q nri-ant to the Dutch that independence for which they had

again ° r j

fought Consequently he concluded a convention with the
Transvaal provisional government by which autonomy under
the suzerainty of the queen of England^ was granted to the
Boers, except that their foreign affairs were to be subject to
British control. Regarding this measure not as an act of mag-
nanimity on the part of the British government but as a con-
cession wrung from it by force of arms, the Boers determined
to secure complete independence, and succeeded in 1884 in
obtaining a new convention recognizing the Transvaal as free
and independent in all respects except the conclusion of treaties
with foreign powers. They thus regained, for all practical
purposes, the freedom which they had enjoyed before the
annexation of 1877.
Thediscov- The very next year (1885) gold was discovered in the

the Transvaal southem part of the Transvaal, and wild lands which the
negroes had despised and from which the Boers could scarcely
wring a scanty living now became exceedingly valuable. Thou-
sands of miners, prospectors, speculators, and the customary
rabble of the mining camp began to flow into the Transvaal,
and within a short time the population had trebled. The Boers
were now outnumbered by the newcomers, the Uitlanders^ or
foreigners, as they were called. The Dutch, in order to retain
their supremacy, put all sorts of obstacles in the way of the
newcomers who wished to acquire citizenship and the right
to vote.

It was now the turn of the Uitlanders (who were largely
English) to protest.^ They declared that their energy and

1 Just what " suzerainty " meant was to be a matter of dispute. The term
eomes from feudal days when a lord was the suzerain of his vassal, leaving him
free to do much as he wanted to, so long as the vassal recognized his dependence
and complied with the conditions.

2 For a summary of English grievances against the Boers, see Readings,
Vol. II, p. 332.

The British Empire iii the Ninetee^itJi Century 545

enterprise had transformed a poor and sparsely settled country The British
into a relatively populous and prosperous one ; that they had J^^i protesT'
enriched the treasury of an almost bankrupt government ; and ^g^'^st the

•' r o 5 government

that since they also had a stake in the country, they should be as managed

,, , . . 1 . , , 1-1 ^ • • . by the Dutch

allowed a voice m making the laws and in the administration
of justice. They tried to effect a change in the Transvaal con-
stitution, and, failing that, they planned in 1895 an insurrection
against the Boer authorities.

The conspiracy was encouraged by Cecil Rhodes, prime The Jameson
minister of Cape Colony and head of the British South Africa ^^^ ' ^ ^^
Company. It is alleged that he was supported in this by some
of those who were then in control of the home government.
Dr. Jameson, an agent of the company, who was much inter-
ested in promoting some of Rhodes's great schemes, started
for the interior of the Transvaal at the head of an armed band
of the company's forces with the intention of cooperating with
those who were preparing for an uprising at Johannesburg.
The enterprise miscarried, however, and the insurgents were
captured by the Boers.

This "Jameson raid," as it is called, only served further to President
embitter the Boers and afforded them a pretext for collecting refufes'^to
large military supplies in self-defense. The president of the ^^"^A^^f^gj^
Transvaal Republic, Paul Kruger, was firmly opposed to all
compromise with the British.^ He was practically master of
the little oligarchy that controlled the republic ; he persistently
disregarded the petitions of the Uitlanders, and entered into an
offensive and defensive alliance with the Orange Free State to
the south.

The English now began to claim that the Boers would not The Boer
_ be satisfied until they had got control of all the British posses- ^'^' ^ ^^
sions in South Africa. The Boers with more reason, as it
seemed to the rest of the world, declared that England was only
trying to find an excuse for annexing the two republics which the

1 For Kruger's appeal to the Boers to resist the British, see Readings^ Vol. II,

PP-333f-
II

54^ Outlines of European History

Dutch farmers had built up in the wilderness after a long fight
with the native savages. Finally, in 1899, the weak Transvaal
and the Orange Free State boldly declared war on England.
The Boers made a brave fight and the English managed the
war badly. Many Englishmen thought it a shame to be fighting
Paul Kruger and his fellow farmers, and Germany especially,
among foreign nations, was in full sympathy with the Boers.

W"^

^f _■

FiG. 130. General Louis Botha

But no foreign power intervened, and finally England, after
some humiliating defeats, was victorious and annexed the two
Boer republics.
Formation of With a wisc liberality toward the conquered Boers, Britain
African proceeded to give them self-government like other parts of thfe

empire. In 19 10 an act of Parliament formed a South African
Union on the model of Canada and Australia. This includes
the flourishing Cape Colony, with its great diamond mines
about Kimberley, Natal to the northeast, and the two Boer

Union

The Bntish Empire in the Nineteenth Century 547

republics — the Orange Free State and the Transvaal These are
now managed as a single federation by a representative of the
British ruler and a par-
liament which makes
laws for the whole union.
When war broke out
between England and
Germany in 19 14 the
Germans expected the
Boers to rise against
England, but they were
disappointed. The prime
minister of the South
African Union, General
Botha, who had been the
best Boer general in the
war against England
fifteen years before, not
only easily suppressed a
rising of some of his old
comrades but conquered
German Southwest Africa
for the British empire.
In addition, South Afri-
can troops have invaded
German East Africa and
have fought on the main
battle line in France.
The British look with
much natural pride upon
this tribute to their wis-
dom in granting freedom and self-government to the Boers.^

1 There are about six millions of people in the South African Union, but a
large portion of these are colored. The white population, including both those
of English and those of Dutch descent, do not equal in number the inhabitants
of Philadelphia.

Fig. 131. Bridge across the Zam-
besi River, near Victoria Falls

Built in 1905 on the " Cape to Cairo " rail-
way, this bridge crosses the great canon
in which for 40 miles the river runs
below the falls. The falls are twice the
height of Niagara and over a mile wide.
They occur about midway in the 2000-mile
course of the river

possessions
in Africa

548 Otitlmes of Europe a7i History

Other British In addition to these colonies Great Britain has three enor-
mous provinces in Africa occupied almost entirely by negroes.
North of the Cape lies the Bechuanaland protectorate, inhabited
by peaceful native tribes. Beyond Bechuanaland and the Trans-
vaal is Rhodesia, which was acquired through the British South
Africa Company by two annexations in 1888 and 1898 and,
with subsequent additions, brought under the protection of the
British government. On the east coast, extending inland to the
great lakes at the source of the Nile, lies the valuable ranching
land of British East Africa. It is of especial value as control-
ling the southern approach to the Sudan and Egypt, which are
so important to Britain.

In addition to these colonies in Africa, British Somaliland
was secured on the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb in 1884 in con-
nection with the establishment of the English power in Egypt.
Along the west coast Great Britain has five centers, Gambia,
Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast, Lagos, and Nigeria — the begin-
nings of which date back to the days of Drake and Hawkins,
when the British were ravaging the coast for slaves to carry
to the New World. The English now, however, are making
atonement for the past by helping the natives to become
civilized, sending physicians to fight tropical diseases and
governing well.

Several railways have been built in South Africa, one running
through the whole country from Cape Town to the northern
border of Rhodesia. There was once much talk of an " all
British line from the Cape to Cairo " across Africa, but the
extension of the Belgian Congo Free State on the northwest,
and especially of German East Africa on the northeast, blocked
this plan. The hope was revived, however, by the victories of
the Boer armies fighting for England against the Germans in
Africa during the great war of 1 9 1 4. The fate of these sections
of Africa will be one of the most important matters to be
settled after the war.

The British Empire in the Nijieteenth Century 549

TABLE OF PRINCIPAL BRITISH POSSESSIONS

In Europe: The United Kingdom, Gibraltar, and Malta.

In Asia : Aden, Perim, Sokotra, Kuria Muria Islands, Bahrein
Islands, British Borneo, Ceylon, Cyprus, Hongkong, India and depend-
encies, Labuan, the Straits Settlements, the Federated Malay States,
Weihaiwei.

In Africa : Ascension Island, Basutoland, Bechuanaland Protecto-
rate, British East Africa, Cape of Good Hope, Nyasaland Protectorate,
Zanzibar, Mauritius, Natal, Orange River Colony, Rhodesia, St. Helena,
Tristan da Cunha, Seychelles, Somaliland, Transvaal Colony, Swaziland,
Northern Nigeria, Southern Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Gambia, Sierra
Leone.

In North and South America : Bermudas, Canada, Falkland
Islands, British Guiana, British Honduras, Newfoundland and Labrador,
the West Indies, including Bahama Islands, Barbados, Jamaica, Leeward
Islands, Trinidad, and Windward Islands.

In Australasia and the Pacific Islands : The Commonwealth
of Australia (including New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South
Australia, Western Australia, and Tasmania), New Zealand, New Guinea
(British), Fiji Islands, Tonga or Friendly Islands, and other minor
islands in the Pacific.

Total area, 11,447,954 square miles. Population, 419,401,371.

QUESTIONS

Section 87. Describe the position of the British in India at the
opening of the nineteenth century. Show on a map the extension
of British control over India in this century. Mention the causes
of discontent in India prior to the Indian mutiny. What was the
immediate cause of the mutiny of 1857? What change in govern-
ment resulted from this uprising? Show the progress which has
been made in India since 1857.

Section 88. Outline the history of the British in Canada from
1760 to 181 2. What was the cause of the Canadian rebellion of
1837? Describe the federation of the Canadian provinces in 1867.
Draw a map of Canada, showing the additions to the federation
down to the year 1905.

Section 89. Give a short account of Australian exploration
and colonization. Describe the Australian Commonwealth. Give
an account of social reform in New Zealand.

5 50 Outlines of European History

Sectiox 90. How did the British gain possession of the Cape
of Good Hope? Describe the relations between the Boers and the
British down to 1848, and from that date to 1881. What was the
result of Gladstone's South African policy? Show the effect of
the discovery of gold upon the relations of the British and the
Dutch in South Africa from 1885 to 1899.

Give a brief account of the Boer War. What colonies make up
the South African Union ? Describe the form of government of the
South African Union. Draw a map showing the British possessions
in South Africa.

SJ'J

%f^'fjm Hnf**ry

Participation
of Alex-
ander I in
European
affairs

552 Outlines of European History

When, in 18 15, Tsar Alexander I returned to SL-PetetsbuFg
after the close of the Congress of Vienna, he could view his
position and recent achievements with pride. He had par-
ticipated in Napoleon's overthrow, and had succeeded in uniting
the rulers of western Europe in that Holy Alliance which he

Fig. 134. The Kremlin, Moscow

The Kremlin is a walled inclosure occupying a hill of about 100 acres
in the heart of Moscow. Five gates surmounted with towers open into
its picturesque courts, where some three cathedrals, a convent and a
monastery, a palace of the Tsars, and various other remarkable buildings
are found, in which are priceless treasures of art as well as sacred relics
venerated through all Russia. Note the peculiar architecture of the
churches, due largely to oriental and Byzantine influence

had so much at heart. But his chief interests lay, of course, in
his own vast empire. He was the undisputed and autocratic ruler
of more than half of the whole continent of Europe, not to
speak of the almost interminable reaches of northern Asia
which lay beneath his scepter.

Under Alexander's dominion there were many races and
peoples, differing in customs, language, and religion — Finns,

The Rtissian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 553

Germans, Poles, Jews, Tartars, Armenians, Georgians, and Mon- Heterogene-
gols.^ The Russians themselves, it is true, had colonized the south- of the Rus-
em plains of European Russia and had spread even into Siberia. ^^^" empire
They made up a large proportion of the population of the empire,
and their language was everywhere taught in the schools and
used by the officials. The people of the grand duchy of Finland,
speaking Swedish and Finnish, did not like their incorporation
with Russia ; and the Poles, recalling the time when their king-
dom far outshone the petty duchy of Moscow among the Euro-
pean powers, still hoped that the kingdom of Poland might form
an independent nation with its own language and constitution.

In the time of Alexander I the Russians had not begun to
flock to the cities, which were small and ill-constructed com-
pared with those of western Europe. The great mass of the
population still lived in the countr}^ and more than half of them
were serfs, as ignorant and wTctched as those of France or
England in the twelfth century.

, Alexander I had inherited, as " Autocrat of all the Russias," Absolute
a despotic power over his subjects as absolute as that to which {^e Tsar
Louis XIV laid claim. He could make war and conclude peace
at will, freely appoint or dismiss his ministers, order the arrest,
imprisonment, exile, or execution of any one he chose, without
consulting or giving an account to any living being. Even the
Russian national Church was under his personal control. There
was no thought of any responsibility to the people, and the
Tsar's officials ruled corruptly and tyrannically.

During his early years Alexander entertained liberal ideas,
but after his return from the Congress of Vienna he began to
dismiss his liberal advisers.^ He became as apprehensive of

1 The Cossacks, or light cavalry, who constitute so conspicuous a feature of
the Russian army, were originally lawless rovers on the southern and eastern
frontiers, composed mainly of adventurous Russians with some admixture of other
peoples. Certain districts are assigned to them by the government, on the lower
Don, near the Black Sea, the Urals, and elsewhere, in return for militar)' service.

2 For a contemporary account of Alexander's liberal ideas, see Readings,
Vol. II, pp. 338 ff.

554

Outlines of European History

How Tsar
Alexander
became the
enemy of
revolution
and of
liberal ideas

The "Decem-
brist" revolt
of 1825

Polish

rebellion,

1830-1831

revolution as his friend Metternich, and threw himself into
the arms of the " Old Russian " party, which obstinately
opposed the introduction of all Western ideas. The Tsar was
soon denouncing liberalism as a frightful illusion which threat-
ened the whole social order. He permitted his officials to do
all they could to stamp out the ideas which he had himself
formerly done so much to encourage. The censorship of the
press put an end to the liberal periodicals which had sprung up,
and professors in the universities were dismissed for teaching
modern science. The attraction of the new ideas was, however,
too strong for the Tsar to prevent some of his more enlightened
subjects from following eagerly the course of the revolutionary
movements in western Europe and reading the new books
dealing with scientific discoveries and questions of political and
social reform.

Alexander I died suddenly on December i, 1825. The revo-
lutionary societies seized this opportunity to organize a revolt
known as the '' Decembrist conspiracy." But the movement
was badly organized ; a few charges of grapeshot brought the
insurgents to terms, and some of the leaders were hanged.

Nicholas I never forgot the rebellion which inaugurated his
reign, and he proved one of the most despotic of all the long
list of autocratic rulers. His arbitrary measures speedily pro-
duced a revolt in Poland. The constitution which Alexander I
had in his liberal days granted to the kingdom was violated.
Russian troops were stationed there in great numbers, Russian
officials forced their way into the government offices, and the
petitions of the Polish diet were contemptuously ignored by the
Tsar. Secret societies then began to promote a movement for
the reestablishment of the ancient Polish republic, which Cathe-
rine II and her fellow monarchs had destroyed. Late in 1830 an
uprising occurred in Warsaw ; the insurgents secured control
of the city, drove out the Russian officials, organized a provi-
sional government, and appealing to the European powers for
aid, proclaimed the independence of Poland, January 25, 1831.

alone could
save Russia

The Russian Empire iii the Nineteenth Century 555

Europe, however, made no response to Poland's appeal for Nicholas
assistance. The Tsar's armies were soon able to crush the revolt^and^
rebellion, and when Poland lay prostrate at his feet, Nicholas p^?"^f^ .
gave no quarter. He revoked the constitution,^ abolished the constitution
diet, suppressed the national flag, and transferred forty-live
thousand Polish families to the valley of the Don and the
mountains of the Caucasus. To all intents and purposes
Poland became henceforth merely a Russian province, governed,
like the rest of the empire, from St. Petersburg.^

Nicholas I sincerely believed that Russia could only be saved Nicholas I's
from the " decay" of religion and government, which he believed autocracy
to be taking place in western Europe, by maintaining autocracy,
for this alone was strong enough to make head against the de-
structive ideas which some of his subjects in their blindness mis-
took for enlightenment. The Russian-Greek Church ^ and all its
beliefs must be defended, and the Russian nation preserved as
a separate and superior people who should maintain forever the
noble beliefs and institutions of the past.* Certainly a great
many of his advisers were well content with the system, and
his army of officials were loath to recommend reform.

1 His proclamation is printed in the Eeadi7tgs,\o\. II, pp. 343 f.

2 Thirty years later, in 1863, the Poles made another desperate attempt to free
themselves from the yoke of Russia, but without success. Napoleon III refused
to assist them, and Bismarck supported the Tsar in the fearful repression that
followed.

8 The Russians were converted to Christianity by missionaries from Con-
stantinople, the religious capital of the Eastern, or Greek, Church, which had
gradually drifted away from the Latin, or Roman Catholic, Church in the seventh
and eighth centuries. For many centuries the Russian Church remained in close
relations with the patriarch of Constantinople, but after that city fell into the
hands of the infidel Turks it occurred to the Russian rulers that the Tsars must
be the divinely appointed successors of the Eastern emperors. Old Rome, on
the Tiber, and new Rome, on the Bosporus, had both fallen on account of their
sins. Russia thus became the " third Rome," and the Tsar, the head of all true
Christians who accepted the only orthodox faith, that of the Greek Church.
Under Peter the Great the Russian Church was brought completely under the
control of the government.

4 Nicholas introduced into the schools a catechism which recalls that of
Napoleon I : " Question. What does religion teach us as to our duties to the
Tsar? Answer. Worship, fidelity, the payment of taxes, service, love, and
prayer — the whole being comprised in the words worship and fidelity."

556

Oictlines of European History

Accordingly, in the name of Russian nationality, the Tsar
adopted strong measures to check the growth of liberalism.
The officials bestirred themselves to prevent in every way the
ingress into Russia of western ideas. Books on religion and
science were carefully examined by the police or the clergy ;
foreign works containing references to politics were confis-
cated or the objectionable pages were blotted out by the
censors. The government officials did not hesitate freely to open
private letters committed to the post. It may be said that, ex-
cept for a few short intervals of freedom, this whole system
has been continued down to the present time.

Section 92. The Freeing of the Serfs and the
Growth of the Spirit of Revolution

In 1854 the efforts of Russia to increase her influence in
Turkey led to a war with France and England. The Russians
were defeated, and their strong fortress of Sebastopol, in the
Crimea, was captured by the allies.-^ Nicholas I died in the midst
of the reverses of the Crimean War, leaving to his son, Alexander
II, the responsibility of coming to terms with the enemy, and
then, if possible, strengthening Russia by reducing the flagrant
political corruption and bribery which had been revealed by the
war and by improving the lot of the people at large.

Nearly one half of the Tsar's subjects were serfs, whose
bondage and wretched lives seemed to present an insurmount-
able barrier to general progress and prosperit}^ The landlord
commonly reserved a portion of his estate for himself and
turned over to his serfs barely enough to enable them to keep
body and soul together. They usually spent three days in the
week cultivating their lord's fields. He was their judge as well
as their master and could flog them at will. The serf was
viewed as scarcely more than a beast of burden.^

1 See next chapter.

2 For an account of Russian serfdom, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 345 ff.

The Russian Emph-e in the Nineteenth Ceritiiry 557

From time to time the serfs, infuriated by the hard condi-
tions imposed upon them, revolted against their lords. Dur-
ing the reign of Catherine the Great a general uprising had
taken place which grew to the proportions of a civil war and
was only put down with terrible bloodshed and cruelty. Under
Nicholas I over five hundred riots had occurred, and these

Peasant
revolts

Fig. 135. Russian Peasant's Home

seemed to increase rather than decrease, notwithstanding the
vigilance of the police and the severity of the government.

Alexander II, fearful lest the peasants should again attempt Emancipa-
to win their liberty by force, decided that the government must serfs March,
undertake the difficult task of freeing forty millions of his sub- ^^^'
jects from serfdom. After much discussion he issued an eman-
cipation proclamation, March 3, 1861,^ on the eve of the great

1 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 348 ff. According to the Russian calendar the
date is February 19, for Russia has never followed the example of the western
nations and rectified her mode of indicating dates by adopting the Gregorian
calendar.

558 Outlines of European History

Civil War, which was to put an end to negro slavery in the
United States.' In his anxiety to prevent any loss to the land-
owners, who constituted the ruling class in the Russian govern-
ment, the Tsar did his work in a very half-hearted manner. It
is true the government deprived the former lord of his right to
force the peasants to work for him and pay him the old dues ;
he could no longer flog them or command them to marry against
their will ; but the peasants still remained bound to the land,
for they were not permitted to leave their villages without a
government pass. The landlords surrendered a portion of their
estates to the peasants, but this did not become the property
of individual owners, but was vested in the village conwumity
as a whole. The land assigned to each village was to be
periodically redistributed among the various families of the
community so that, aside from his hut and garden, no peasant
could lay claim permanently to any particular plot of land
as his own.

The government dealt very generously with the landlords,
as might have been anticipated. It not only agreed that the
peasants should be required to pay for such land as their
former masters turned over, to them, but commonly fixed the
price at an amount far greater than the real value of the land
— a price which the government paid and began to collect from
the serfs in installments. His new freedom seemed to the peas-
ant little better than that enjoyed by a convict condemned to
hard labor in the penitentiary. Indeed, he sometimes refused
to be " freed " when he learned of the hard bargain which the
government proposed to drive with him. There were hundreds
of riots while the readjustments were taking place, which were
sternly suppressed by the government. The peasants were com-
pelled by force of arms to accept their " liberty " and pay the
land tax which emancipation imposed upon them.

Naturally, if the people in a given community increased, the
size of the individual allotments inevitably decreased, and with
that the chances of earning a livelihood. At present, more than

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Ceittttry 559

fifty years after the '' freeing " of the serfs, the peasant has,
on the average, scarcely half as much land as that originally
assigned to him. Although he lived constantly on the verge of
starvation, he fell far behind in the payment of his taxes, so
that in 1904 the Tsar, in a moment of forced generosity, can-
celed the arrears, which the peasants could, in any case, never
have paid. A little later the Tsar issued an order permitting

..y^'^

Fig. 136. Alexander 11

the peasants to leave their particular village and seek employ-
ment elsewhere. They might, on the other hand, become
owners of their allotments. This led to the practical abolition
of the ancient mir^ or village community.-^

Alexander IPs despotic regime developed among the more Original
cultivated classes a spirit of opposition, known as Jtihilism? This << nihilism "

1 These village communities had long existed in Russia, since the lords had
usually found it convenient to have the village redistribute the land from time
to time among the serfs as the number of inhabitants changed.

2 The term " nihilist" was first introduced in Russia by Turgenev in his novel,
Fathers and Children. It was applied to the chief character on account of his
denial of the authority of all tradition. vSee Readings, Vol. IT, p. 353.

56o

Outli7tes of European History

was not in its origin a frantic terrorism, as commonly supposed,
but an intellectual and moral revolt against tyranny in the State,
bigotry in the Church, and all unreasonable traditions and un-
founded prejudices. In short, the nihilist would have agreed
with Voltaire, Diderot, and the Encyclopedists in exalting reason
as man's sole guide in this mysterious world.

The government officials regarded the reformers with the
utmost suspicion and began to arrest the more active among
them. The prisons were soon crowded and hundreds were
banished to Siberia. The Tsar and his police seemed to be
the avowed enemies of all progress, and any one who advanced
a new idea was punished as if he had committed a murder. The
peaceful preparation of the people for representative govern-
ment could not go on so long as the police were arresting men
for forming debating clubs. It seemed to the more ardent re-
formers that there was no course open to them but to declare
war on the government as a body of cruel, corrupt tyrants who
would keep Russia in darkness forever merely in order that
they might continue to fill their own pockets by grinding down
the people. They argued that the wicked acts of the officials
must be exposed, the government intimidated, and the eyes of
the world opened to the horrors of the situation by conspicu-
ous acts of violent retribution. So some of the reformers be-
came terrorists, not because they were depraved men or loved
bloodshed, but because they were convinced that there was no
other way to save their beloved land from the fearful oppression
under which it groaned.

The government fought terrorism with terrorism. In 1879
sixteen suspected revolutionists were hanged and scores sent
to the dungeons of St. Petersburg or the mines of Siberia.^
The terrorists, on their part, retaliated by attacks on the
Tsar and his government. A student tried to kill the Tsar as
the head and representative of the whole tyrannical system.

1 For a description of the horrors of Siberian exile life, see Readings, Vol. II.
pp. 354 ff.

The Ritssian Empire in the Nineteenth Ce^itury 561

Attempts were made to blow up a special train on which the
Tsar was traveling, and, in another effort to kill him, the
Winter Palace in St. Petersburg was wrecked by a revolu-
tionist disguised as a carpenter.

In short, the efforts of the Tsar's officials to check the revo- Alexander 1 1
lutionists proved vain, and the minister, to whom the Tsar had permit the
given almost dictatorial powers to suppress the agitation, finally [f^^^^nh'
saw that the government must make some concessions in order people to

•r • • 1 1-1*1 ITT give their

to pacify Its enemies ; so he advised Alexander II to grant a opinion on

species of constitution, in which he should agree to convoke an j^^^s^^^^

assembly elected by the people and thereafter ask its opinion

and counsel before making new and important laws. The Tsar Assassina-

finally consented, but it was too late. On the afternoon that anderll 1881

he gave his assent to the plan he was assassinated as he was

driving to his palace (March, 1881).^

The reign of Alexander II had not been entirely given up The Balkan
to internal reforms and repression, however. In 1877 Russia jg^J ^ '^'^~
was again at war with Turkey, aiding the ^' south Slavs " —
Serbians, Montenegrins, and Bulgarians — in their attempt to
throw off the Turkish yoke. Successful in arms, Russia was,
however, obliged to relinquish most of her gains and those of
her allies by a congress of the European powers held at Berlin
in 1878. But all this is described in the next chapter.

While the body of the murdered Tsar, Alexander II, was still Terrorism
lying in state, the executive committee of the revolutionists dedines after
issued a warning to his son and successor, Alexander III, ^.^ ^^^^^ °^
threatening him with the evils to come if he did not yield to
their demand for representative government, freedom of speech
and of the press, and the right to meet together for the discus-
sion of political questions.^ The new Tsar was not, however,
moved by the appeal, and the police redoubled their activity.
The plans of reform were repudiated, and the autocracy settled
back into its usual despotic habits. The terrorists realized
that, for the time being, they had nothing to gain by further acts

1 See Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 362 f. 2 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 364 ff.

562 Outlines of European History

of violence, which would only serve to strengthen the govern-
ment they were fighting. It was clear that the people at large
were not yet ready for a revolution.
Belief of the The reign of Alexander III (1881-1894) was a period of

rc3.ction3.rics

that Russia quiet, during which little progress seemed to be made. The
"frozen "^^^ people Suffered the oppression of the government officials with-
out active opposition. Their occasional protests were answered
by imprisonment, flogging, or exile, for Alexander III and his
intimate advisers believed quite as firmly and religiously in
autocracy as Nicholas I had done. Freedom and liberalism,
they agreed, could only serve to destroy a nation.

Section 93. The Industrial Revolution in Russia

The Indus- It became increasingly difficult, however, to keep Russia

don overtakes ''frozen,'"' for during the last quarter of the nineteenth century'
Russia ^he spread of democratic ideas had been hastened by the

coming of the steam engine,. the factory, and the locomotive, all
of which served to unsettle the humdrum agricultural life which
the great majority of the people had led for centuries. In spite
of her mineral resources Russia had lagged far behind her
western neighbors in the use of machinery. She had little
capital and no adequate means of transportation across the vast
stretches of country that separated her chief towns, and the
governing classes had no taste for manufacturing enterprises.^
The liberation of the serfs, with all its drawbacks, favored
the growth of factories, for the peasants were sometimes per-
mitted to leave their villages for the manufacturing centers
Rapid growth which were gradually growing up. The value of the products
industHeT ^^ ^^ &iv^i industries doubled between 1887 and 1897 ; and the
1887-1897 number of people employed in them increased from 1,318,048
to 2,098,262. If Napoleon could come once more to Moscow,
he would not recognize the city which met his gaze in 18 12.
It has now become the center of the Russian textile industries,

1 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 368 ff.

WESTERN PORTION OF THE

KUSSIAX EMPIRE

IL_^ Boundary of tlie Russian Empire
0 100 200 300 400 500

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 563

and the sound of a thousand looms and forges announces the
creation of a new industrial world. There are in Russia to-day
twenty-five cities with a population of one hundred thousand
or more, and two of them — Petrograd and Moscow — have
over a million each. The industrial cities have developed espe-
cially in the densely populated Polish, or central western, part
of Russia.

Along with this industrial development has gone the con- Railway
struction of great railway lines, built largely by the government £* R^s*ia °"
with money borrowed from capitalists in western Europe. Some
of the railroads have been constructed chiefly for political and
military purposes, but others are designed to connect the great
industrial centers. Railway building was first seriously under-
taken in Russia after the disasters of the Crimean War, when
the soldiers suffered cruel hardships in consequence of the diffi-
culty of obtaining supplies. By 1878 upward of eight thousand
miles had been built, connecting the capital with the frontiers
of European Russia. In 1885 the railway advance toward the
frontiers of India^ was begun, and within a short time Afghan-
istan was reached and communication opened to the borders
of China. Important lines have also been built in the region
between the Black Sea and the Caspian.

1 The expansion of Russia to the southeast has been very rapid. In 1846 the
southern boundary ran along the lower edge of the Aral Sea. In 1S63 Russia,
claiming that the Turkestan tribesmen pillaged caravans and harried her frontiers,
sent forces which captured the cities of Turkestan, Chemkent, and Tashkent, and
two years later organized the region into the new province of Russian Turkestan.
Shortly afterward the Ameer of Bokhara declared war on the Tsar, only to have
the Russians occupy the ancient cit)^ of Samarkand (where Alexander the Great
had halted on his eastward march) and later establish a protectorate over Bokhara,
which brought them to the borders of Afghanistan. In 1S72 the Khan of Khiva
was reduced to vassalage. During the following years (1S73-1886) the regions to
the south, about Mer\', down to the borders of Persia and Afghanistan, were
gradually annexed. In 1S76 the province of Kokand on the boundary of the
Chinese empire was seized and transformed into the province of Ferghana. By
securing railway concessions and making loans to the Shah, the Russians have
become powerful in Persia, and thus all along their southeastern frontiers they
are struggling for predominance against British influence. In 1907 the British
and Russian governments marked off their spheres of influence in Persia. See
above, p. 530, and map, p. 610, also Chapter XXVI, below.

564

Outlines of European History

The Trans-
Siberian
railroad

The greatest of all railway undertakings was the Trans-Sibe-
rian road, which was rendered necessary for the transportation
of soldiers and military supplies to the eastern boundary of the
empire. Communication was established between St. Peters-
burg and the Pacific in 1900, and a branch line from Harbin
southward to Port Arthur was soon finished.^ One can now

Fig. 137. Harbin, a City on the Trans-Siberian Railway

Cities have sprung up along the great Russian railway just as they did
along the transcontinental lines in the United States or Canada. This
Western-looking town is northeast of Peking, in the farming country of
Manchuria, nominally a part of the Chinese republic but in reality
held by Russia

travel in comfort, with few changes of cars, from Havre to
Vladivostok, via Paris, Cologne, Berlin, Warsaw, Moscow,
Irkutsk on Lake Baikal, and Harbin, a distance of seventy-
three hundred miles. In addition to the main line, some impor-
tant branches have been built, and more are planned. By means
of these the vast plains of central Asia may, before long, be
peopled as the plains of America have been. Russian migration
has been moving eastward.

1 See map below, p. 6io.

The Russian Empire i7t the Nineteenth Century 565

Section 94. The Struggle for Liberty under
Nicholas II

When Nicholas II succeeded his father, Alexander III, in Nicholas 11
1894,^ he was but twenty-six years old and there was some d^s^pels^the
reason to hope that he would face the problems of this new '^^Pf.? °^ ,

^ the hberals

industrial Russia in a progressive spirit. He had had an op-
portunity in his travels to become somewhat familiar with the
enlightened governments of western Europe, and one of his
first acts was to order the imprisonment of the prefect of police
of St. Petersburg for annoying the correspondents of foreign
newspapers. Nicholas, however, quickly dispelled any illusions
which his more liberal subjects entertained. '' Let it be under-
stood by all," he declared, " that I shall employ all my powers
in the best interests of the people, but the principle of autoc-
racy will be sustained by me as firmly and unswervingly as it
was by my never-to-be-forgotten father."

The censorship of the press was made stricter than ever. Censorship
one decree alone adding two hundred books to the already ^ ^ ^^^^^
long list of those which the government condemned.^ The

1 On page 163 we have indicated the line of Russian rulers from Peter the Great
to Catherine II. From Catherine to the present the line runs as follows:

Catherine II (the Great)
( 1 762-1796)

Paul I
(1796-1801)

Alexander I Nicholas I

(1801-1825) (1825-1855)

Alexander II
(1855-1881)

Alexander III
(1881-1894)

Nicholas II
(1894- )
2 Among the books which the government prohibits in public libraries are the
Russian translation of Mill's Political Economy^ Green's History of the English
People, Bryce's Atnerican Commonwealth, and Fyffe's Modern Europe.

566

Outliftes of European History

Attempt to
■ Russify
Finland
given up

Harsh policy
of von Plehve

distinguished historian, Professor Milyoukov, was dismissed
from the University of Moscow on the ground of his " gen-
erally noxious tendencies," and other teachers were warned
not to talk about government.^

Nowhere did the Tsar show his desire for absolute control
more clearly than in his dealings with Finland. When Alex-
ander I had annexed that country in 1809 he had permitted
it to retain its own diet and pass its own laws, although it
of course recognized the Tsar as its ruler under the title of
Grand Duke. The Finns cherished their independence and
have in recent times shown themselves one of the most pro-
gressive peoples of Europe. In 1899, however, Nicholas began
a harsh and determined Russification of Finland. He sent
heartless officials, like von Plehve, to represent him and crush
out all opposition to his changes. He placed the Finnish army
under the Russian minister of war, deprived the diet of the
right to control the lawmaking, except in some minor and
purely local matters, and undertook to substitute the Russian
language so far as possible for the Finnish.

Finally, on June 17, 1904, the Russian governor of Finland
was assassinated by the son of one of the senators, who then
killed himself, leaving a letter in which he explained that he
had acted alone and with the simple purpose of forcing on
the Tsar's attention the atrocities of his officials. The new
governor permitted the newspapers to be started once more
and forbade the Russian officials to mterfere in the elections.
A year later the Tsar, under the influence of revolution at
home and disaster abroad, consented to restore to Finland
all her former rights.

We must now trace the history of the terrible struggle
between the Russian people and their despotic government,

1 One may judge of the sober, high-minded scholars upon whom the Russian
autocracy believed it essential to make war by reading Professor Milyoukov's
Russia and its Crisis, which is based on a series of lectures which he delivered
in the United States during the year 1903-1904.

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 567

which oegan openly in 1904, In 1902 an unpopular minister
of the interior had been assassinated, and the Tsar had ap-
pointed a still more unpopular man in his place, namely,
von Plehve, who was notorious for his success in hunting
down those who criticized the government and for the vigor
with which he had carried on the Russification of Finland.

Von Plehve connived at the persecution of those among the Massacres
Tsar's subjects who ventured to disagree with the doctrines
of the Russian official Church, to which every Russian was sup-
posed to belong. The Jews suffered especially. There were
massacres at Kishinef ^ and elsewhere in 1903 which horrified
the western world and drove hundreds of thousands of Jews
to foreign lands, especially to the United States. There is good
reason to believe that von Plehve actually arranged these
massacres.

Von Plehve was mistaken, however, in his belief that all the The liberals.
trouble came from a handful of deluded fanatics. Among those tional demo-
who detested the cruel and corrupt government which he rep- '^^^^^
resented were the professional men, the university professors,
the enlightened merchants and manufacturers, and the public-
spirited nobility. These were not at first organized into a
distinct party, but in time they came to be known as the
constitutional de?nocrats. They hoped that a parliament elected
by the people might be established to cooperate with the Tsar
and his ministers in making the laws and imposing the taxes.
They demanded freedom of speech and of the press, the right
to hold public meetings to discuss public questions, the aboli-
tion of the secret police system, of arbitrary imprisonment and
religious persecutions, and the gradual improvement of the con-
dition of the peasants and workingmen through the passage
of wise laws.

In the towns a socialistic party had been growing up which The social
advocated the theories of Karl Marx.^ It desired, and still de-
sires, all the reforms advocated by the constitutional democrats

1 See Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 371 f. 2 See above, pp. 375 ff.

568 Outlines of European History

just described, but looks forward to the time when the working-
men will become so numerous and powerful that they can seize
the government offices and assume the management of lands,
mines, and industries, which shall thereafter be used for the
benefit of all rather than for the small class of rich men who
now own them. Unlike the reformers next to be described,
they do not believe in terrorism or in murderous attacks upon
unpopular government officials.
The socialist In contrast with these were those Russian agitators who
party" ^ ^'^ belonged to the socialist revolutionary part}', which was well
organized and was responsible for the chief acts of violence
during the years of the revolution. They maintained that it
was right to make war upon the government which was op-
pressing them and extorting money from the people to fill the
pockets of dishonest officeholders. Its members selected their
victims from the most notoriously cruel among the officials, and
after a victim had been killed they usually published a list of
the offenses which cost him his life. Lists of those condemned
to death were also prepared, after careful consideration, by their
executive committee. They did not practice, or in any way ap-
prove of, indiscriminate assassination, as is sometimes supposed.
Great unpop- The more von Plehve sought to stamp out all protest against
war with -he autocracy, the more its enemies increased, and at last, in

beSninFeb- ^9°4' ^^ open revolution may be said, to have begun. On
ruary, 1904 February 5 of that year a war commenced with Japan, which
was due to Russia's encroachments in Korea and her evident
intention of permanently depriving China of Manchuria. The
liberals attributed the conflict to bad management on the part
of the Tsar's officials, and declared it to be inhuman and
contrary to the interests of the people.
Russian The Japanese succeeded in beating back the Russians,

destroying their vessels, and besieging their fortress of Port
Arthur, which they had cut off from any aid or supplies. The
liberal-minded among the Russians regarded these disasters with
a certain satisfaction. The reverses, they held, were due to

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 569

the in:ompetence and corruption of the Tsar's officials, and
served to make plain how very badly autocracy really worked
in practice.

Von Plehve continued, however, in spite of the rising indig- Assassina-
nation, to encourage the police to break up scientific and literary p°ehve,yuly
meetings, in which disapprobation of the government was pretty ^9^4
sure to be expressed, and to send men eminent in science and
literature to prison or to Siberia, until, on July 28, 1904, a
bomb was thrown under the minister's carriage by a former
student in the University of Moscow and his career was brought
to an abrupt close.

Meanwhile disasters and revolt met the government on every General
hand. The Japanese continued to force back the Russians in
Manchuria in a series of terrific conflicts south of Mukden. In
one long battle on the Sha-ho River sixty thousand Russians
perished. Their fleets in the East were annihilated, and on
January i, 1905, Port Arthur fell, after the most terrible siege
on record. The crops failed and the starving peasants burned
and sacked the houses and barns of the nobles, arguing that
if the buildings were destroyed, the owners could not come
back, and the Tsar's police could no longer make them their
headquarters.

The war had produced a stagnation of commerce and indus-
try, and strikes became common. It became known that the
government officials had been stealing money that should have
gone to strengthen and equip the armies ; rifles had been paid
for that had never been delivered, supplies bought which never
reached the suffering soldiers, and — most scandalous of all —
high Russian dignitaries had even misappropriated the funds of
the Red Cross Society for aiding the wounded.

On Sunday, January 22, 1905, a fearful event occurred. The "Red Sun-
workingmen of St. Petersburg had sent a petition to the Tsar aS'W, 1905
and had informed him that on Sunday they would march to the
palace humbly to pray him in person to consider their suffer-
ings, since they had no faith in his officials or ministers. When

570

Outlines of European History

Sunday morning came, masses of men, women, and children,
wholly unarmed, attempted to approach the Winter Palace in
the pathetic hope that the " Little Father," as they called the
Tsar, would listen to their woes. Instead, the Cossacks tried
to disperse them with their whips, and then the troops which
guarded the palace shot and cut down hundreds, and wounded
thousands in a conflict which continued all day.^ " Red Sunday ''

Fig. 138. The Winter Palace, Petrograd
The massacre took place just in front of the palace

was, however, only the most impressive of many similar encoun-
ters between citizens and the Tsar's police and guards.

The day after " Red Sunday " all the leading lawyers and
men of letters in St. Petersburg joined in the following declara-
tion : " The public should understand that the government has
declared war on the entire Russian people. There is no further
doubt on this point. A government which is unable to hold
intercourse with the people except with the assistance of sabers
and rifles is self-condemned. We summon all the vital energies
of Russian society to the assistance of the workingmen who
began the struggle for the common cause of the whole people."

) For a contemporary newspaper account, see Readings, Vol. 11, pp. 3/ iff.

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 571

Finally, the Tsar so far yielded to the pressure of public The Tsar

opinion that on August 19 he promised to summon a Duma, or summon^ the

council, which should meet not later than January, 1906.^ It was P^"^^

to represent all Russia, but to have no further power than that 1905)
of giving to the still autocratic ruler advice in making the laws.

This was a bitter disappointment to even the most moderate

liberals. It was pointed out that both the workingmen and the The great

professional men were excluded by the regulations from voting, ffrikes Octo-

A more effective measure in bringing the Tsar and his advisers ^^^ t"^ ^^

° ^ vember, 1905

to terms was a great general strike in the interest of reform
which began late in October. All the railroads stopped running;
in all the great towns the shops, except those that dealt in pro-
visions, were closed ; gas and electricity were no longer furnished ;
the law courts ceased their duties, and even the apothecaries,
refused to prepare prescriptions until reforms should be granted.

The situation soon became intolerable, and on October 29 The Tsar
the Tsar announced that he had ordered '' the government " ("oSober 29,
to grant the people freedom of conscience, speech, and associa- ^905) that
tion, and to permit the classes which had been excluded in his go into force
first edict to vote for members of the Duma. Lastly, he agreed Duma's
" to establish an immutable rule that no law can come into ^^^^"*
force without the approval of the Duma."

The elections for the Duma took place in March and April, The Duma
1906, and, in spite of the activity of the police, resulted in an [he^Ts^ar, ^
overwhelming majority for the constitutional democrats. The ^^^ ^°' ^9°^
deputies to the Duma assembled in no humble frame of mind.
Like the members of the Estates General in 1789, they felt that
they had the nation behind them. They listened stonily to the
Tsar's remarks at the opening session, and it was clear from
the first that they would not agree any better with their
monarch than the French deputies had agreed with Louis XVI
and his courtiers.

The Tsar's ministers would not cooperate with the Duma in
any important measures of reform, and on July 21 Nicholas IT

1 For the manifesto calling the first Duma, see Readings, Vol. II, pp. 373 ff.

572

Outlines of European History

declared that he was " cruelly disappointed " because the deputies
had not confined themselves to their proper duties and had
commented upon many matters which belonged to him. He
accordingly dissolved the Duma,^ as he had a perfect right to
do, and fixed March 5, 1907, as the date for the meeting of a
new Duma.

The revolutionists made an unsuccessful attempt in August
to blow up the Tsar's chief minister in his country house and
continued to assassinate governors and police officials. The
" Black Hundreds," on the other hand, murdered Jews and
liberals while the government established courts-martial to in-
sure the speedy trial and immediate execution of revolutionists.
In the two months, September and October, 1906, these courts
summarily condemned three hundred persons to be shot or
hanged. During the whole year some nine thousand persons
were killed or wounded for political reasons.

A terrible famine was afflicting the land at the end of the
year, and it was discovered that a member of the Tsar's
ministry had been stealing the money appropriated to furnish
grain to the dying peasants. An observer who had traveled
eight hundred miles through the famine-stricken district reported
that he did not find a single village where the peasants had
food enough for themselves or their catde. In some places the
peasants were reduced to eating bark and the straw used for
their thatch roofs.

In October a ukase permitted the peasants to leave their
particular village community and join another, or to seek em-
ployment elsewhere. On November 25 the peasants were
empowered to become owners of their allotments, and all
redemption dues were remitted. This constituted the first step
toward a practical abolition of the system of common owner-
ship by village communities, described above, which was finally
achieved by a law of June 27, 19 10. Thus, although autocracy
remains in Russia, great social changes are in operation.

1 For the decree dissolving the first Duma, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp= 377 f-

The Russian Eniph^e hi the Nineteenth Centuiy 573

The Tsar has continued to summon the Duma regularly, The Dumas
but has so changed suffrage that only the conservative sections Se^T^ar's
of the nation are represented, and his officials do all they can "^misters
to keep out liberal deputies. In spite of this the fourth Duma,
elected in 19 12, showed much independence in opposing the
oppressive rule of the Tsar's ministers. Although parliamentary
government is by no means won in Russia, many important
reforms have been achieved. The Tsar continues to retain the
title of "Autocrat of all the Russias," and his officials go on
violating all the principles of liberty and persecuting those who
venture to criticize the government.

QUESTIONS

Section 91. Explain the racial problem which confronts the
Russian government. Why have the Tsars of Russia borne the
title of " Autocrat of all the Russias " t Account for the changed
attitude of Alexander I after 181 5. Tell of the revolt of the Poles
under Nicholas I.

Section 92. Describe the life of the Russian serfs. What change
in their condition resulted from the emancipation proclamation of
1861.^ Define nihilism. Account for the origin of terrorism.

Section 93. What were the effects of the Industrial Revolution
in Russia? Show on a map the advance of Russia to the southeast
and the line of the Trans-Siberian railroad.

Section 94. Describe the attempt to russify Finland. Outline
the platforms of the three great political parties of Russia. Describe
the Russo-Japanese War of 1 904-1 905. What was " Red Sunday " ?
Mention the other important events of the year 1905.

Describe the first session of the Duma. What change in the life
of the peasant resulted from the ukase of November, 1906? Describe
the session of the second Duma. What changes in the election regu-
lations were made before the third Duma assembled ?

CHAPTER XXIV
TURKEY AND THE EASTERN QUESTION

Section 95. The Greek War of Independence

In our narrative reference has been made now and again to
the Sultan of Turkey, and especially to his troubles with his
neighbors, Russia and Austria. In order to understand this
''Eastern question," — which has involved the gradual expul-
sion of the Turks .from Europe, the interminable quarrel over
the Sultan's government and finances, and the formation of
the new states of Serbia, Roumania, Greece, and Bulgaria, —
it is necessary to turn back, for the moment, to the origin of
the Turkish empire in Europe.

Although there had been an almost steady conflict between
the Cross and the Crescent ever since the days of Mohammed,
it was not until the fourteenth century that southeastern Europe
was threatened by a Mohammedan invasion. Under Othman
(died 1326) a Turkish tribe from western Asia established
itself in Asia Minor, across the Bosporus from Constantinople.
From their leader they derived the name of Ottoman Turks,
to distinguish them from the Seljuk Turks, with whom the
Crusaders had in earlier centuries come in contact. Under
successive sultans the Ottoman Turks extended their dominion

* The colored picture opposite shows the Bosporus as one looks
across it to Asia, from a point near the grounds of Robert College,
Constantinople. The towers in the foreground form part of " the Castle
of Europe," built by the Turkish invaders when attacking Constanti-
nople, 1452. On the opposite shore is " the Castle of Asia," so that the
Turks who held both sides could soon control Constantinople. The
towers are now in ruins, and American teachers play lawn tennis almost
under their shadow.

574

Turkey and the Easteric Question 575

into Asia Minor, Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, while to the west
they conquered the Balkan regions and Greece. In 1453 the
capital of the Eastern Empire, Constantinople, fell into their
hands, and for two hundred and fifty years thereafter they
were a source of serious apprehension to the states of western
Europe.

The Turks pushed up the valley of the Danube almost to
the borders of the German Empire, and for nearly two cen-
turies the republic of Venice and the House of Hapsburg were
engaged in an almost continuous war with them. In 1683
they laid siege to Vienna, but were defeated by the Polish
king, John Sobieski, who came to the relief of the Austrians.
The following year, the Emperor, Poland, and Venice formed
a Holy League, which for fifteen years waged an intermittent
war against the infidels (in which Peter the Great joined)
and which, by 1699, succeeded in forcing the Turks out of
Hungary.

While Turkey ceased, thereafter, to be dangerously aggres- Catherine the
sive, she was able for several decades to resist the efforts of territo^ on
Russia and Austria to deprive her of further territory. In 1774 the Black Sea
Catherine the Great managed to secure the Crimea and the
region about the Sea of Azof, thus giving Russia a permanent
foothold on the Black Sea. Moreover the Porte, as the Turkish
government is commonly called, conceded to Russia the right
to protect the Sultan's Christian subjects, most of whom were
adherents of the Orthodox Greek Church, the State Church
of Russia.-^

These and other provisions seemed to give the Russians an Russian
excuse for intervening in Turkish affairs, and offered an oppor- \^ Turkey
tunity for fomenting discontent among the Sultan's Christian
subjects. In 181 2, just before Napoleon's march on Moscow,
Alexander I forced Turkey to cede to him Bessarabia on the
Black Sea, which still remains the last of Russia's conquests
toward the southwest.

1 See above, p. 555, note ?.

576

Outlines of European History

Serbia be-
comes a
tributary
principality
in 1817

The national
spirit is
awakened
in Greece

The inde-
pendence of
Greece de-
clared, Janu-
ary, 1822

Sympathy
of western
Europe for
the cause of
Greek inde-
pendence

Shortly after the Congress of Vienna, the Serbians, who had
for a number of years been in revolt against the Turks, were
able to establish their practical independence (18 17), and Ser-
bia, with Belgrade as its capital, became a principality tributary
to Turkey. This was the first of a series of states which
have emerged, during the nineteenth century, from beneath the
Mohammedan inundation.

The next state to gain its independence was Greece, whose
long conflict against Turkish despotism aroused throughout
Europe the sympathy of all who appreciated the glories of
ancient Greece. The inhabitants of the land of Plato, Aristotle,
and Demosthenes were, it is true, scarcely to be regarded as
descendants of the Greeks, and the language they spoke bore
little resemblance to the ancient tongue. At the opening of
the nineteenth century, however, the national spirit once more
awoke in Greece, and able writers made modern Greek a
literary language and employed . it in stirring appeals to the
patriotism of their fellow countrymen.

In 182 1 an insurrection broke out in Morea, as the ancient
Peloponnesus is now called. The revolutionists were supported
by the clergy of the Greek Church, who proclaimed a savage
war of extermination against the infidel. The movement spread
through the peninsula ; the atrocities of the Turk were rivaled
by those of the Greeks, and thousands of Mohammedans —
men, women, and children — were slaughtered. On January 27,
1822, the Greek National Assembly issued a proclamation of
independence.^

To Metternich this revolt seemed only another illustration
of the dangers of revolution, but the liberals throughout Europe
enthusiastically sympathized with the Greek uprising, since it
was carried on in the name of national liberty. Intellectual
men in England, France, Germany, and the United States
held meetings to express sympathy for the cause, while to the
ardent Christian it seemed a righteous war against infidels
1 See Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 384 ff.

Turkey and the Eastern Question 577

and persecutors. Soldiers and supplies poured into Greece.
Indeed, the Greeks could scarcely have freed themselves had
the European powers refused to intervene.

It is needless to follow the long negotiations between the The powers
various European courts in connection with Greek affairs. In the war for
1827 England, France, and Russia signed a treaty at London Greek mde-
providing for a joint adjustment of the difficulty, on the ground
that it was necessary to put an end to the sanguinary struggle
which left Greece and the adjacent islands a prey " to all the
disasters of anarchy, and daily causes fresh impediments to
the commerce of Europe." The Porte having refused to accept The Turks
the mediation of the allies, their combined fleets destroyed that N^varino^
of the Sultan at Navarino in October, 1827. Thereupon the ^" ^^^^7
Porte declared a '' holy war " on the unbelievers, especially the
Russians. But the latter were prepared to push the war with
vigor, and they not only actively promoted the freedom of
Greece, but forced the Sultan to grant practical independ- Wallachia
ence to the Danubian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, (Rournanfa^'
which came thereby under Russian influence and later were to
become the kingdom of Roumania. Turkey was no longer Estabiish-
able to oppose the wishes of the allies, and in 1832 Greece kingdom^ of
became an independent state, choosing for its king Prince Greece, 1832
Otto of Bavaria.

Section 96. The Crimean War (1854-1856)

A fresh excuse for interfering in Turkish affairs was afforded The intema-
the Tsar in 1853. Complaints reached him that Christian pil- versy over the
grims were not permitted by the Turks (who had long been ^^hj^stjans \l
in possession of the Holy Land and Jerusalem) freely to visit Turkey -
the places made sacred by their associations with the life of
Jesus. Russia seemed the natural protector of those, at least,
who adhered to her own form of Christianity, and the Russian
ambassador rudely demanded that the Porte should grant the
Tsar a protectorate over all the Christians in Turkey.

5/8 Outlifies of European History

France and When news of this situation reached Paris Napoleon III,

dJdare war '^^'^0 had recently become emperor and was anxious to take
on Russia ^ hand in European affairs, declared that France, in virtue of
earlier treaties with the Porte, enjoyed the right to protect
Catholic Christians. He found an ally in England, who feared
that if Russia took Constantinople it would command the route
to India, and who accordingly advised the Sultan not to accede
to Russia's demands. When the Tsar's troops marched into the
Turkish dominions France and England came to the Sultan's
assistance and declared war upon Russia in 1854.
The Crimean The Crimean War, which followed, owes its name to the fact
^'^' ^ ^^ that the operations of the allies against Russia culminated in
the long and bloody siege of Sebastopol, in the southern part
of the Crimean peninsula. Every victory won by the allies
was dearly bought. The English soldiers suffered at first in
consequence of the inefficiency of the home government in
sending them the necessary supplies. The charge of the light
brigade at Balaklava, which has been made famous by Tenny-
son's poem, and the engagement at Inkerman were small com-
pensation for the immense losses and hardships endured by
both the French and the English. Russia was, howe\4er, dis-
heartened by the sufferings of her own soldiers, the inefficiency
and corruption of her officials, and the final loss of the mighty
fortress of Sebastopol.-^ She saw, moreover, that her near
neighbor, Austria, was about to join her enemies. The new
Tsar, Alexander II, therefore, consented in 1856 to the terms
of a treaty drawn up at Paris. ^
Terms of This treaty recognized the independence of the Ottoman

of^Pari? empire and guaranteed its territorial integrity. The " Sublime

1856 Porte " was also included within the scope of the international

law of Europe, from which it had hitherto been excluded as a

1 For a description of scenes in the storming of Sebastopol, see Readings^
Vol. II, pp. 391 ff.

2 It will be remembered that Sardinia had joined the allies against Russia,
and in this way forced the powers to admit it to the deliberations at Paris, where
Cavour seized the opportunity to plead the cause of Italy. See above, p. 414.

Turkey and the Eastern Question 579

barbarous government, and the other powers agreed not to The Black
interfere further with the domestic affairs of Turkey. The neutral^ ^^^
Black Sea was declared neutral territory and its waters were
thrown open to merchant ships of all nations, but no warships

Fig. 139. Florence Nightingale

The most famous of nurses was a wealthy English woman who, having
studied medicine and directed a hospital of her own, took with her
some forty nurses to the Crimea, where the soldiers were suffering
from cholera as well as from wounds. Her heroic work won her the
devotion of the soldiers. The Red Cross organization for nursing sol-
diers dates only from an international convention at Geneva in 1864,
which arranged that such nurses should not be fired on in battle

were to pass through the Bosporus or Dardanelles. In short,
Turkey was preserved and strengthened by the intervention
of the powers as a bulwark against Russian encroachment into
the Balkan peninsula, but, although the Sultan made liberal
promises, nothing was really done to reform the Turkish
administration or to make the lot of the Christian subjects
more secure.

58o

Outlines of European History

Section 97. Revolts in the Balkan Peninsula

Terrible con-
ditions in
Bosnia and
Herzegovina
under Turk-
ish rule

The Bulga-
rian atroci-
ties (1876)

Gladstone
pleads with
his country-
men to aid
the Balkan
Christians

Some idea of the situation of the people under the Sultan's
rule may be derived from the report of an English traveler
(Mr. Arthur Evans) in 1875. ^^ ^^^ Turkish provinces of
Bosnia and Herzegovina he found that outside the large towns,
where European consuls were present, there was no safety for
the honor, property, or lives of the Christians, because the author-
ities were blind to any outrage committed by a Mohammedan.
The Sultan's taxes fell principally on the peasants, in the form
of a tenth of their produce. It was a common custom for
the collectors (who were often not Mohammedans but brutal
Christians) to require the peasant to pay the tax in cash be-
fore the harvesting of the ripe crop, and if he could not
meet the charges, the taxgatherer simply said, " Then your
harvest shall rot on the ground till you pay it." When this
oppression was resisted the most cruel punishments were
meted out to the offenders.

In 1874 a failure of crops aggravated the intolerable condi-
tions and an insurrection broke out in Bosnia and Herzegovina
which set the whole Balkan peninsula aflame. The Bulgarians
around Philippopolis, incited to hopes of independence by the
events in the states to the west, assassinated some of the
Turkish officials and gave the Ottoman government a pretext
for the most terrible atrocities in the history of Turkish rule in
Europe, murdering thousands of Bulgarians in revenge.

While the European powers, in their usual fashion, were ex-
changing futile diplomatic notes on the situation, Serbia and
Montenegro declared war on the Sultan, and the Christians in
the Balkan region made a frantic appeal to the West for im-
mediate help. A good deal naturally depended on the position
taken by England — the stanch defender of Turkey. Glad-
stone, then leader of the Liberals, urged his countrymen to
break the unholy alliance between England and ''the unspeak-
able Turk." But Gladstone's party was not in power, and

Ttirkey and the Eastern Question 581

Lord Beaconsfield was fearful that English encouragement to
the Slavic rebels in the Sultan's dominions would only result in
their becoming independent and allying themselves with Eng-
land's enemy, Russia. The English believed that in the interest
of their trade they must continue to resist any movement which
might destroy the power of the Sultan, who was not likely to
hamper their eastern commerce.

The negotiations of the powers having come to nothing, Russia over-
Russia determined, in 1877, to act alone. Her declaration of sukanlna^
war was shortly followed by Russian victories, and in 1878 a ^J^'^^^^j^
Russian army entered Adrianople — which was equivalent to an
announcement to the world that Ottoman dominion in Europe
had come to an end. England protested, but the Sultan was
forced to sign the Treaty of San Stefano with the Tsar and
to recognize the complete independence of Serbia, Montenegro,
and Roumania,^ while Bulgaria was made independent except
for the payment of tribute to the Sultan.

England and Austria had naturally serious objections to England
this treaty, which increased the influence of Russia in the settlement
Balkans. They therefore forced Tsar Alexander II to submit "^^r^s'^^n^^
the whole matter to the consideration of a general European the Berlin

Conference

congress at Berlm, where, after prolonged and stormy sessions, in 1878
the powers agreed that Serbia, Roumania, and little Montenegro
should be entirely independent and that Bulgaria should also be
independent except for the payment of a tribute to the Sultan.^
The Tsar was permitted to annex a district to the east of the
Black Sea, including the towns of Batum and Kars. The prov-
inces of Bosnia and Herzegovina were to be occupied and ad-
ministered by Austria-Hungary.^

1 In 1862 the so-called '' Danubian provinces" of Moldavia and Wallachia
had formed a voluntary union under the name " Roumania." In 1866 the
Roumanians chose for their ruler a German prince, Charles of Hohenzollern-
Sigmaringen, who in 1881 was proclaimed King of Roumania as Carol I. He
died in 1914 and was succeeded by his nephew Ferdinand.

2 For extracts from the Treaty of Berlin, see Readings, Vol. II, pp. 397 f.

3 They were finally annexed by Austria-Hungary in 1908, See below,
pp. 690 ff., and Readings, Vol. II, p. 401.

582

Outlines of European History

The Bulga-
rians discon-
tented with
the BerHn
Treaty

Union of
Bulgaria and
Eastern Rou-
melia, 1885

Turkish
dominion in
Europe re-
stricted to the
Macedonian
region in-
habited by
Greeks, Bul-
garians, Ser-
bians, Rou-
manians, and
Albanians

The territorial settlement at Berlin, like that at Vienna half
a century before, disregarded many national aspirations. The
Bulgarians were especially disappointed with the arrangement,
for, instead of being all united in one state, as they had hoped,
only the region between the Danube and the Balkans, with
some slight additions, was recognized as the principality of
Bulgaria. Those dwelling just south of the Balkans were left
under the Turkish province, Eastern Roumelia, although under
a Christian governor general. As for Macedonia and the
region about Adrianople, where there were also many Bul-
garians, it was left under the direct administration of Turkish
officials.

Under the terms of the treaty the inhabitants of the Bul-
garian principality proceeded to frame a constitution and chose,
as their prince, Alexander of Battenberg (succeeded by Ferdi-
nand of Coburg in 1886). They adopted as their watchword
" Bulgaria for the Bulgarians," and took the first step toward
the reunion of their race by a bloodless revolution in 1885
which joined Eastern Roumelia and Bulgaria. At length, in
1908, they refused to pay the Sultan's tribute and took their
place among the independent nations of the world.

Thus the Turkish Empire in Europe was cut down to a
narrow strip of territory — less in extent than the state of
Missouri — extending from the Black Sea to the Adriatic, to
the main part of which the name Macedonia is generally
applied. This area is broken everywhere by mountain ranges
and is inhabited by such a complicated mixture of races that
it has been aptly called " a perfect ethnographic museum."
Along the coast line of the y^gean Sea and the borders of
Greece the Greeks, numbering roughly three hundred thousand,
predominate. To the north and east, over against Bulgaria and
Eastern Roumelia, dwell the Macedonian Bulgarians. In the
north are the Serbs, a nation of sturdy peasant farmers, owning
their own farms. They resemble the thrifty Bulgarians of the
northeast in somewhat the same way as the Irish resemble the

Turkey and the Eastei'u Qiiestio7i 583

wScotch. They speak somewhat similar languages but are rivals
of each other in the Macedonian regions.^ In the west, border-
ing on the Adriatic, are the Albanians, a wild people, primitive
in their civilization and lawless in their habits. Almost two
thirds of them have accepted Mohammedanism, and they are
often used by the Sultan to overawe their Christian neighbors
in the rest of Macedonia. Scattered through all this Balkan
region there are also, naturally, some Turks.

Clearly a population representing so many races, and varying Disorders in
in stages of culture from wild mountain outlaws to orderly in-
dustrial communities, would present grave problems even to a
government which was entirely honest and efficient. Unfortu-
nately the Turkish rule over Macedonia was neither. Christian
bandits would carry off other Christians into the mountains and
hold them for ransom ; isolated uprisings often resulted in the
assassination of the Mohammedan officials in the district; and
constant friction between the two faiths made orderly govern-
ment impossible. The Turkish administration in Macedonia
was bound to excite opposition and disorder, in which it cannot
be denied that many of the Christians delighted to share. ^

Section 98. The Independent Balkan States

Unhappy as the Macedonian peoples have been who re-
mained under direct rule of the Turks, it can scarcely be said
that the success of the independent states — Greece, Serbia,
Roumania, and Montenegro — has been such as to encourage
greatly those who advocate self-government for the minor na-
tions in the Balkan regions.

The Greeks found their Bavarian king, Otto, inclined to Development
be a despot and, after considerable trouble, expelled him from since inde-
his kingdom in 1862 and chose in his stead George I, son of pendence

1 Throughout the central districts there are also Macedonian " Roumans," of
old native stock, but roughly latinized in language and civilization by the Roman
colonists vi^ho settled in this country after the Roman conquest of Greece.

2 For recent revolutionary events in Turkey, see below, pp. 586 ff.

584 Outlines of Europe mi History

the former king of Denmark.^ The country has made prog-
ress slowly. In the mountain regions bands of brigands were
long so powerful as to defy the police and make traveling dan-
gerous. The fertile soil of the valleys is badly tilled by an
ignorant peasantry overburdened with taxes, and the persistent
efforts of the government to educate the people still leave
about one third of the population illiterate.
Efforts to Nothwithstanding adverse circumstances, the Greeks are am-

Greeks within bitious to bccome a great and enlightened nation, and they
have^scfflr™ have driven themselves almost into bankruptcy in the con-
failed struction of canals, railways, and roads, and in the maintenance
of a large army. They have regarded themselves as morally
bound to free, as soon as possible, their fellow Greeks still under
Ottoman rule in Macedonia, Asia Minor, Crete, and the other
islands in the eastern Mediterranean, and in 1897 they declared
war on Turkey in the hope of accomplishing their long-cherished
designs. Though sadly w^orsted in this war, they continued to
encourage agitation in Crete, where disorders became so com-
mon that Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy undertook to
guard it in the name of the Sultan, finally, in 1906, allowing the
king of Greece to name the governor of the island. Still dis-
contented, in 1908 Crete declared its annexation to Greece in
spite of the powers, and in 19 13 Turkey formally gave it up.
Revolutions Nowhere in the Balkan regions has the experiment of self-
government been less successful than in the kingdom of Serbia,
which was declared independent in 1878 after about sixty years
of practical exemption from Turkish authority. Its ruler, who,
in 1882, assumed the tide of King Milan I, proved to be
both despotic and immoral, and the radicals among his subjects
forced him to call a national assembly, which drew up a new con-
stitution in 1889. Angered at this interference, Milan abdicated,

1 After the expulsion of Otto the Greeks drew up a constitution (1864), which
provided for a parliament of one chamber elected by popular vote. In 1911 it
was modified and a sort of second chamber established. George I was assassi-
nated in 19 1 3 and was succeeded by his son, Constantine I, who had married a
sister of Kaiser William II.

Turkey and the Eastern Qtiestion 585

declaring that he would not be a puppet king. His son, Alexan-
der, proved even less acceptable to the nation, for he suspended
the new constitution and recalled his father from exile. In 1903
King Alexander was assassinated by some discontented army
officers, and the Serbians then chose for their ruler Peter
Karageorgevitch, the grandson, of Kara George, or " Black
George," who in the early part of the nineteenth century had
led the struggle for independence and become a national hero.

Although the Roumanian kingdom has undergone no palace Roumania
revolutions like the neighboring Serbia, it has suffered from with agra-
political agitations and agrarian disorders. The constitution is ^lan disorders
so arranged as to vest nearly all political power in the hands
of those possessing considerable property ; and this state of
affairs rouses the constant protests of a rapidly growing radical
party. Even more serious, however, than the political agitation
is the unrest among the peasants, who compose the vast majority
of the nation. They claim that ever since the emancipation of
the serfs, in 1864, they have been the victims of grasping money
lenders and tyrannical landlords. Roumania, however, has suf-
fered less than the other countries from the wars of the last
few years, as we shall see.

The new state, Bulgaria, which secured its independence in Bulgaria
1908, is in many respects the most progressive of alL It has a proTpSity
population of over four millions, and good order is being main-
tained there under a democratic constitution. Through the
growing trade at the ports on the Black Sea the wealth of
the kingdom is increasing rapidly.

The petty kingdom of Montenegro, smaller in area than the Montenegro
state of Connecticut and with a population of about two hundred sdtutiona?"'
and thirty thousand, has caused Europe more trouble than its government

•' '^ in 1905

size warrants. From 1878, when it became independent, until
1905 it was governed by an absolute prince, but he was at last
forced to adopt the fashion of western Europe and establish
constitutional government with a parliament elected by popular
vote. In 1910 the prince assumed the title of king.

586 Outlines of European History

Section 99. ICxtinction of Turkkv in Europe

The massa- TuiUoy was naturally anxious to hold on to Macedonia, the

Macctluiiia ''^^^ ii'miianl of her once large dominion in l'*urope, but she
did not mind the subject people lighting one another when
they were so inclined. The Kuropean p(jwers were well aware
of the horrible local massacres, assassinations, and robberies
that were constantly going on in Macedonia, but they dreaded
the general war that might come if any attempt was made
to take the region from 'J'urkey and divide it up among the
independent Balkan states, — Oeece, Serbia, and Bulgaria, —
for each of these countries declared that Macedonia rightfully
belonged to it.
The Till kish III recent years a small party of reformers, known as Young
o/ioos"*" lurks, developed, especially in the army, f(^r as officers they
had had to study the methods of Western nations. In 1908
a so-called "Committee of Union and I'rogress " was formed
in tlu' Turkish ])ort of Salonica. In July this committee declared
thai Turkry must have a constitution and that the reformers
would march on Constantinople if the -Sultan did not yield.
The aged Sultan, Abdul Ilamid, did not feel himself in a posi-
tion t() opi)()se the movement, and so even Turkey got a consti-
tution at last. The election of representatives to the Turkish
parliament took j)lace, and the assembly was opened by the
Sultan with gnat pomp in December, 1908. This "bloodless
revolution " attracted the attention of Kurope, and every one
wondered whether the \'oung Turks, who were few in number
and impracticable in tiieir notions of government, would really
succeed in reforming such a thoroughly corrupt government as
that of Abdul Ilamid, who iiad hated and cruelly suppressed
every tendency toward betterment during his long reign.
Austria Bulgaria immediately seized the occasion to declare itself

nllsnta^aiui entirely inde|)endent of Turkey. Next Austria proclaimed the
Herzegovina atiuexation t)f Bosnia and Herzegovina, two Slavic provinces
of Turkey which she had been managing since the settlement

Turkey and the Eastern Question

587

of 1878 at the Congress of Berlin. She set to work to Germanize
them as completely as possible and suppress all tendencies to
join their Slavic relatives in Serbia. A glance at the map will
show how important these provinces are for Austria, since they
connect her other main possessions with Dalmatia and her
ports on the Adriatic. It was in the capital of Bosnia that the
event occurred which led to the general European war of 19 14.

^^^

Fig. 140. Turkish Parliament Buildings

A representative parliament in Turkey would naturally include Arme-
nians, Greeks, Bulgarians, Albanians, and Arabs. But the Young Turk
party managed it so that the Turks should rule

The Young Turks encountered ever-increasing difficulties.
They naturally thought that it would be a wise thing to deprive
the unruly populations of Albania and Macedonia of their arms.
This led to a vast amount of trouble, for the people were at-
tached to their guns and swords, and besides they might need
them any minute either to kill their neighbors or defend them-
selves. The Albanians had always been willing to fight for the
Turks, but on their own terms, and they had no inclination to

Difficulties
of the
Young Turks

588

Outlines of European History

War between
Italy and
Turkey

The Balkan
alliance
against
Turkey

The first
Balkan War,
1912

join the regular army or to pay taxes, as the new government
wished. So there were successive revolts in Albania and Mace-
donia, and the disorder under the new constitution was worse
than under the old despotism. Then the officials and politicians
who liked the old ways of doing things organized a revolt in
Constantinople which had to be put down. Old Abdul Hamid
was deposed and imprisoned, and his brother was made Sultan
under the title of Mohammed V. In spite of this the Young
Turks found it increasingly difficult to maintain their position
against their many opponents.

In September, 191 1, Italy determined to declare war on
Turkey, on the ground that Italian subjects in Tripoli were not
properly treated. All Europe protested against this " high-
handed " action by Italy ; but Italy replied that she was merely
following the example set by other countries — protecting the
lives and property of her citizens by annexing a country beset
by chronic disorders. Turkey was no match for Italy. There
was not a great deal of fighting, but Italy took possession of
such portions of Tripoli as she could hold with her troops, and
also captured the island of Rhodes. The Young Turks did not
feel that they could face the unpopularity of ceding these to
Italy, but after the war had dragged on for a year they were
forced in October, 19 12, by the oncoming of a new Balkan
war, to cede Tripoli, reserving only a vague Turkish suzerainty.
Italy continued to hold Rhodes too.

Venizelos, who had been reorganizing Greece with the ability
of a Cavour, secretly arranged an alliance with Bulgaria, Serbia,
and little Montenegro for a war with Turkey, which began in
October, 19 12. The Turkish army disappointed ever)' one, and
the Bulgarians were able in a few days to defeat it, invest the
important fortress of Adrianople, and drive the Turkish forces
back close to Constantinople. The Greeks advanced into
Macedonia and Thrace, and the Montenegrin and Serbian army
defeated the Turkish army sent against them and attacked
Albania.

Turkey and the Eastern Qttestion

589

Austria now began to get very nervous lest the Serbians Austria

should establish themselves on the Adriatic. She forbade Serbia
to hold the port of Durazzo. Had Russia been inclined to sup-
port Serbia at that moment the general European war would
probably have broken out at the end of 19 12 instead of two

balks Serbia

The Rival Claims of the Balkan Powers

Each of the Balkan powers claims that it should hold the land where
members of its nation or race live. Since these are intermingled, there
is constant source of quarrel, especially in Macedonia, where Bulgars,
Serbs, and Greeks are all found, along with Turks. The .^gean islands
and parts of the coast of Asia Minor are also claimed by Greece

years later. Serbia, however, backed down. A truce was ar-
ranged and representatives of the Balkan states and of Turkey
met in London to see if peace could be arranged. The powers
advised Turkey to give up everything in Europe except Con-
stantinople and the region immediately to the west. The Young
Turks decided, however, to fight a little longer, and the war was
resumed in January. Everything went against them, and in May

590

Outlines of Eu7'opean History

Treaty of
London

Second
Balkan War,

preliminaries of peace were signed in London in which Turkey
turned over Macedonia and Crete ^ to the Balkan allies.

But Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece were all jealous of one an-
other, and the division of the booty led immediately to Bulgaria's
turning around to wage war on Greece and Serbia. There was
a month of frightful war (July, 19 13) and then the Bulgarians,

Fig. 141. Trees from which War Victims have eaten
THE Bark

Most of the atrocities of the Balkan wars are too horrible even to repeat.

This grove of trees, on a small island, was stripped of bark by the

starving victims imprisoned there without food. Each side seems to

have been guilty of cruelty and murder

Treaty of
Bucharest

defeated on all sides, — for even the Turks recovered Adrianople
and the Roumanians invaded on the east, — agreed to consider
peace, and delegates met in Bucharest, the capital of Roumania,
The treaties concluded at Bucharest between the Balkan
kingdoms disposed of practically all of Turkey's possessions in
Europe. The Sultan was left with Constantinople and a small
area to the west including the important fortress of Adrianople.

1 This island had revolted from Turkey in 1908 and raised the Greek flag

Turkey and the Eastern Qtiestion 591

The great powers, particularly Austria, had insisted that Albania
should be made an independent state, so as to prevent Serbia's
getting a port on the Adriatic. The rest of the former Turkish
possessions were divided up between Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria,
and Montenegro. Greece got the important port of Salonica and
the island of Crete as well as a considerable area in Macedonia.
Bulgaria was extended to the yEgean Sea on the south. Serbia
was nearly doubled in area, and Montenegro as well. (See map.)

QUESTIONS

Section 95. Outline the rise and fall of Turkish power in Europe.
Describe the relations between Russia and Turkey in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries. What state in Europe first freed itself from
the yoke of Turkey ? Give a short history of the Greek struggle for
independence. Describe the part played in this war by Great Britain,
France, and Russia. Which of the Balkan states owes its origin to the
war of Greek independence .?

Section 96. W^hat circumstances led to the Crimean War ? Give
the terms of the Treaty of Paris, 1856.

Section 97. Describe conditions in Bosnia and Herzegovina
under Turkish rule. W^hat was Gladstone's attitude on the Turkish
question? State the terms of the Treaty of San Stefano. Men-
tion the most important changes made in the treaty by the Congress
of Berlin, 1878. What are the two most important events in Bulgarian
history since this date ?

Section 98. Trace the history of Greece as an independent state.
Outline the history of Serbia from 1878 to the present war. What
have been Roumania's problems in the past half century.'' What
change has taken place in Montenegro in the past few years?

Section 99. Give a short account of the Turkish revolution of
1908. In what way did Bulgaria and Austria take advantage of the
situation in Turkey in 1908? Mention some of the difficulties which
confronted the Young Turks. What reason did Italy give for making
war on Turkey ? W^hat was the outcome of the war ?

Outline the history of the Balkan states from the formation of the
Balkan alliance to the Treaty of Bucharest. Show on a map the
territory in Europe under Turkish rule; the territorial changes in
the Balkans since the Treaty of Bucharest,

CHAPTER XXV

THE EXPANSION OF EUROPE AND THE SPREAD OF
WESTERN CIVILIZATION

Section ioo. The Growth of International
Trade and Competition : Imperialism

The foreign
trade of
Europe

Beginnings
of steam
navigation

Robert
Fulton

As a result of the Industrial Revolution, Europe has become
a busy world of shops and factories, which produce much more
than Europeans can use. So new markets are constantly
sought in distant parts of the world. The trade with the Far
East, which, as we have seen, led to the discovery of America,
has grown in the nineteenth century to enormous extent, scat-
tering the wares of London, Paris, or Hamburg through China
and India and the islands of the Pacific. This world trade is
one of the great facts of history ; for it has led the European
nations to plant new colonies and to try to monopolize markets
in Asia and Africa and wherever else they could. This has
brought rivalries between the nations at home, and it was one
of the causes of the great European war.

This prodigious expansion of commerce was made possible by
the discovery that steam could be used to carry goods cheaply
and speedily to all parts of the earth. Steamships and railways
have made the world one great market place.

The problem of applying steam to navigation had long occu-
pied inventors, but the honor of making the steamship a success
commercially belongs to Robert Fulton. In the spring of 1807
he launched his Oennont at New York, and in the autumn of
that year the "new water monster" made its famous trip
to Albany. Transoceanic steam navigation began in 18 19
with the voyage of the steamer Savannah from Savannah to

592

The Expansion of Europe

593

Liverpool, which took twenty-five days, sails being used to help steady
the engine. The Great Western, which startled the world in 1838 Jhelke ^d
by steaming from Bristol to New York in fifteen days and ten ^P^^^ °^ ,

J ^ J ocean vessels

hours, was a ship of 1378 tons, 212 feet long, with a daily
consumption of 36 tons of coal.-^ Now a commercial map of
the world shows that the globe is crossed in every direction by
definite routes which are followed by innumerable freight and

Fig. 142. The Savannah

passenger steamers passing regularly from one port to another,
and few of all these thousands of ships are as small as the
famous Great Westerfi.

The East and the West have been brought much nearer
together by the piercing of the Isthmus of Suez, which for-
merly barred the way from the Mediterranean Sea to the
Indian Ocean. This enterprise was carried out under the

1 Compare this with the Lusitania, which had a tonnage of 32,500 tons,
engines of 68,000 horse power, was 785 feet long, and carried a supply of over
5000 tons of coal for its journey across the Atlantic, which lasted less than five
days. A German vessel, the Imperator, was launched in 1912, having a tonnage
of over 50,000 tons.
II

The Suez
Canal com-
pleted in
1869

594

OiUlines of EiLwpean History

Panama
Canal

The begin-
nings of
steam loco-
motion on
land

direction of the great French engineer Ferdinand de Lesseps.
After ten years of work the canal was opened to traffic in
November, 1869. Now annually over five thousand vessels
take advantage of it, thus avoiding the long voyage around the
Cape of Good Hope.

The construction of a canal through the Isthmus of Panama
was undertaken in 1881 by a French company organized by
de Lesseps. But those promoting the enterprise were guilty of
wholesale bribery of members of the French parliament, and
the work itself was mismanaged. This was disclosed in 1892,
and the scandal led to the dissolution of the company. In 1902
the Congress of the United States authorized the President to
purchase for forty million dollars the property in which the
French investors had sunk so much money. Arrangements
with the republic of Colombia for the construction of the canal
by the United States having come to naught, the state of
Panama, through which the line of the proposed canal passes,
seceded from Colombia in 1903, and its independence was
immediately recognized by President Roosevelt. A treaty in
regard to the canal zone was then duly concluded with the
new republic, and after some delays the work of the French
company was resumed by the United States and practically
completed in 19 15.

Just as the gigantic modern steamship has taken the place
of the schooner for the rapid trade of the world, so, on land,
the merchandise which used to be dragged by means of horses
and oxen or carried in slow canal boats is being transported in
long trains of capacious cars, each of which holds as much as
fifteen or twenty large wagons. The story of the locomotive,
like that of the spinning machine or steam engine, is the history
of many experiments and their final combination by a successful
inventor, George Stephenson.

In 18 1 4 Stephenson built a small locomotive, known as '* Puff-
ing Billy," which was used at the mines, and in 1825, with the
authorization of Parliament, he opened between Stockton and

The Expansion of Europe

595

Darlington, in the northern part of England, a line for the con-
veyance of passengers and freight. About this time a road was
being projected between Liverpool and Manchester, and in
an open competition, in which five locomotives were entered,
Stephenson's " Rocket " was chosen for the new railroad, which
was formally opened in 1830. This famous engine weighed
about seven tons and ran at an average speed of thirteen miles
an hour — a small affair when compared with the giant loco-
motive of our day, weighing a hundred tons and running fifty
miles an hour.^
Within fifteen
years trains were
running regularly
between Liver-
pool, Manches-
ter, Birmingham,
and London, and
at the close of
the century Great
Britain had

twenty-two thou-
sand miles of rail-
way carrying over
a billion passen-
gers annually.

The first railway was opened in France in 1828; the first
in Gerniany in 1835, t»ut the development of the system was
greatly hindered by the territorial divisions which then existed.
Now Europe is bound together by a network of over two
hundred thousand miles of railway.

Railway construction is also rapidly advancing in Africa
and Asia, preparing cheap outlets for the products of Western

^^%~^

-f* .

1-^

-I

-j:

. r^

- ^

t « L

^S5&-

f ^

'<4

—

— -_, —

^>9S

^^-^^

fe^' z

- - , '^ ^'-

- -«v-«„^~ ~

AKa2o}'^''-~-

■ ■=;

■^ — —ji.—

~T~

Fig. 143. A Locomotive built by George
Stephenson

Stephenson forced the exhaust steam up the
smokestack to get a hot fire

George
Stephenson
(1781-1848)
and the de-
velopment of
railways in
England

Railways in
Germany
and France

1 It will be noted that this is the average speed on regular runs. For short
distances the " Rocket" made thirty-five miles an hour, while the modern loco-
motive, as is well known, sometimes runs over a hundred miles an hour.

596

Outlines of European History

Railways as
pioneering
enterprises

The penny
post

mills and mines. As we have seen, the Trans-Siberian road
has connected Europe overland with the Pacific/ and Russia
has also pushed lines southward toward Persia and Afghanistan ;
British India has some thirty-five thousand miles. Even Africa
has been penetrated, and now trains run many thousands of
miles through forest, plain, and jungle, where no white man
had ever gone before the nineteenth century. These railroads
are of the greatest importance, for those who own them are
placed in a position to control, to a very large degree, the
economic or even the political life of the regions through which
they pass. Therefore, as we shall see, the various European
nations have been jealous of each other's railroad enterprises
in the undeveloped countries. For instance, the importance of
the new railroads in China and Turkey was so great as to in-
volve the rival European nations interested in them, and so
contribute a cause of war.^

Quite as essential to the world market as railway and steam-
ship lines are the easy and inexpensive means of communica-
tion afforded by the post, telephone, telegraph, and cable. The
English " penny post " is now so commonplace as no longer to
excite wonder, but to men of Frederick the Great's time it would
have seemed impossible. Until 1839 in England the postage on
an ordinary letter was a shilling for a short distance, and the
cost varied with the distance sent. In that year a reform
measure long advocated by Rowland Hill was carried; estab-
lishing a uniform penny post throughout Great Britain. The
result of reducing the rate of postage to this nominal sum sur-
prised every one, in vastly increasing the frequency with which
people wrote to one another. Moreover, in cheapening the rate
for sending mail, the isolation of the past was broken up, and

1 See above, p. 564.

2 See below, p. 691. The Japanese and Russians have used the railways of
Manchuria to establish themselves along the route. The German concession
from Turkey of a railroad from Constantinople to Bagdad was very unwelcome
to English and Russians. The United States has the greatest railroad systems
in the world, extending over two hundred and fifty thousand miles.

The Expansion of Europe 597

people were able to lead more intelligent lives. Other European
countries followed the example of Great Britain in reducing
postage, and now the world is moving rapidly in the direction
of a universal two-cent rate. Already letters may be carried
from China to New York for two cents in less time than it took
news to cross the Atlantic when penny postage was begun.

No less wonderful is the development of the telegraph and Telegraph
telephone systems, the former an invention of 1837, the latter phone ^'
as recent as 1876.^ Distant and obscure places in Africa and
Asia are being brought into close touch with one another and
with Europe. China now has lines connecting all the important
cities of the republic and affording direct overland communica-
tion between Peking and Paris. In October, 1907, Marconi
established regular communication across the Atlantic by means
of the wireless system of telegraphy discovered some years be-
fore ; and now the wireless telephone can carry the voice from
Washington to Paris, and perhaps twice as far.

The industrial revolution which enables Europe to produce Competition
far more goods than it can sell in its own markets, and the markets'^"
rapid transportation which permits producers to distribute their
commodities over the whole surface of the globe, have com-
bined to produce a keen competition for foreign markets. The
European nations have secured the control of practically all the
territory occupied by defenseless peoples in Africa and Asia,
and have introduced Western ideas of business into China and
Japan, where steamships now ply the navigable rivers, and
railroads are being rapidly built.

The process of colonization and of Westernizing the oriental
peoples has been further hastened by European and American

1 The electric-telegraph instrument was invented in America by Morse, and
in England by Cooke and Wheatstone at the same time. Alexander Graham Hell
invented the telephone just in time to exhibit it at the Centennial Exposition,
celebrating one hundred years of American independence, in Philadelphia, 1876.
Now the combined length of wire used for messages in the United States is about
fifteen million miles. Telegrams are cheaper in Europe than in the United States
and therefore more frequently used.

598

Outlines of European History

Various
forms of
imperialism

The mission-
ary as an
agent of im-
perialism

capitalists investing in railroads and mines in backward coun-
tries. Great Britain alone is said to have about ten billion
dollars invested abroad ; one fifth of Russian industrial enter-
prises are financed by foreigners, who are also to a consider-
able extent constructing the railroads in China. The -Germans
supply the money for large banking concerns in Brazil, Buenos
Aires, and Valparaiso, which in turn stimulate industry and
the construction of railways.

These two powerful forces — factories seeking markets and
capital seeking investment — are shaping the foreign and com-
mercial policies of every important European country. They
alone explain why the great industrial nations are embarking
on what has been termed a policy of imperialisin, which means
a policy of adding distant territories for the purpose of con-
trolling their products, getting the trade with the natives, and
investing money in the development of natural resources.
Sometimes this imperialism takes the form of outright annex-
ation, such as the acquisition of Hawaii by the United States,
or of Togoland by Germany. Again, it assumes the form of a
" protectorate," which is a declaration on the part of a nation
somewhat as follows : " This is our particular piece of land ; we
are not intending to take all the responsibility of governing it just
now ; but we want other nations to keep out, for we may annex
it sooner or later." Sometimes imperialism goes no farther
than the securing of concessions in undeveloped countries,
such as foreigners have obtained in China or citizens of the
United States in Mexico.-^

The way for imperialism had been smoothed by the mission-
aries.^ There have always been ardent Christians ready to obey
the command, " Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel
to every creature " (Mark xvi, 15). No sooner was a new coun-
try brought to the attention of Europeans than missionaries

1 For an argument in favor of imperialism, see Readings, Vol. II, pp. 411 ff.

2 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 415 ff. On the explorations of Jesuits in
America, see above, p. 105,

TJie Expansion of Europe . 599

flocked thither with the traders and soldiers. When America
was discovered and the sea route opened to the East, the Fran-
ciscan and Dominican friars braved every danger to bring the
gospel to them that sat in darkness. They were reenforced
about 1540 by the powerful Jesuit order.

In 1622 the great missionary board of, the Roman Catholic The Roman
Church was given its final organization and the name it still SollS^Jmoie-
retains — Congt'egatio de propaganda Fide. It has its head- "^^"'^
quarters at Rome and is composed of twenty-nine cardinals
and their assistants. In its colleges and schools missionaries are
trained for their work and taught the requisite languages. The
Roman Catholic Church now reckons millions of adherents in
Turkey, Persia, Arabia, India, Siam, Indo-China, Malaysia, the
Chinese republic, Korea, Japan, Africa, and Polynesia.

For a long time after the Protestant Revolt the reformed Protestant
churches showed little ardor for foreign missions. The Dutch ™^^^'°"^
undertook to Christianize the East Indies in 1602, and their
rivals, the English, also did something to promote missions.
Among the earliest Protestant missionary associations was the
Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, founded in
1695 and conducted under the auspices of the Church of Eng-
land. In the eighteenth century the Methodists and Baptists
joined in the efforts to convert the heathen. The United States
entered the field in 18 10, when the American Board of Foreign
Missions was organized. As time went on, practically all the
Protestant denominations established each its board of foreign
missions, and the United States has rivaled Europe in the dis-
tinction and energy of the missionaries it has sent out and
in the generous support its people have given them. Bible
societies have been engaged in translating the Scriptures
into every known language and scattering copies of them
broadcast.

Missionaries have not alone spread the knowledge of the Missionaries
Christian religion, but have carried with them modern scientific and'teachers
ideas and modern inventions. They have reduced to writing the

6oo

Outlines of European History

How mis-
sions have
led to the
extension of
European
control in
Asia and
Africa

languages of peoples previously ignorant of the existence of an
alphabet. They have conquered cruel superstitions, extirpated
human sacrifices and cannibalism, and done much to make the
lot of woman more tolerable. Their physicians have introduced
rational methods of treating the sick, and their schools have
given an education to millions who without them would have
been left in complete barbarism. Finally, they have encouraged
thousands of Japanese, Chinese, and representatives of other
peoples to visit Europe and America, and thus prepare them-
selves to become apostles of Western ideas among their fellows.
The explorations and investigations carried on by the mission-
aries have vastly increased the knowledge of the world and its
inhabitants. Their maps and their scientific reports on lan-
guages and customs have often proved of the highest value.
They have also created a demand for Western goods and
opened the way for trade.

In some instances injudicious missionaries have doubtless
shown too little appreciation of the ancient culture of India,
China, and Japan, and have rudely denounced the cherished
traditions and the rooted prejudices of the peoples to whom
they came. Even the most prudent and sagacious among them
could hardly have avoided arousing the hostility of those whose
most revered institutions they felt it their duty to attack. So it
has come about that the missionaries have often been badly
treated, have undergone great hardships, and have even been
murdered by infuriated mobs.

This has generally led to the armed interference of their
respective governments, and has more than once, as we shall
see, served the none too religious ambitions of these govern-
ments as an excuse for annexing the territory in which these
outrages have happened, or at least establishing protectorates
and spheres of influence. Some illustrations of the role of
the missionaries will be found in the following sections.
We shall turn first to the development of Europe's interest
in China.

The Expansion of Europe 60 1

Section 10 i. Relations of Europe with China

The relations of Europe to China extend back into ancient Early knowi-
times. Some of the Roman emperors, including Marcus ^^^s^^^^^^"^
Aurelius, sent embassies to the Chinese monarch, and in the
Middle Ages some missionaries labored to introduce Christianity
into China. It was not, however, until after the opening of the
water route around the Cape of Good Hope that European
trade with China became important. Early in the sixteenth
century Portuguese merchants appeared in Chinese harbors,
offering Western merchandise in exchange for tea and silks. In
1537 the Portuguese rented a trifling bit of land of Macao, off
Canton — a post which they hold to-day.

However, the Chinese did not welcome foreign interference. Europeans
Their officials regarded the European merchants as barbarians, fr^onl' china
When, in 1655, the Dutch sent two envoys to the Chinese em-
peror, they were received only on condition that they would
prostrate themselves before his throne and strike their heads
nine times on the earth as evidence of their inferiority. In spite
of this treatment Dutch and English merchants flocked to
Canton, the sole port at which the Chinese emperor permitted
regular commerce with foreign countries.

Repeated efforts were made, particularly by the English, to The "Opium
get into direct communication with the government at Peking,
but they were steadily rebuffed and were only able to establish
the commercial relations which they sought by an armed con-
flict in 1840, known as the "Opium War." The Chinese had
attempted to prevent all traffic in this drug, but the English
found it so profitable that they were unwilling to give up the
trade. When, in 1839, the Chinese government seized many
thousand chests of opium and informed the British that the
traffic would have to stop, war broke out.

The British, of course, with their modern implements of war- The opening
fare, were speedily victorious, and the Chinese were forced to ports
agree, in the Treaty of Nanking, to pay a heavy indemnity, to

602

Outlines of European History

cede to the British the island of Hongkong, which lies at the
mouth of the Canton River, and to open to foreign commerce
the ports of Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo, and Shanghai on the
same terms as Canton. The United States, taking advan-
tage of this war, secured similar commercial privileges in 1844.

i-:& ^^^^/>s^.^

Fig. 144.. The Great Wall of China at the Nankow Pass

This great wall, 15 to 30 feet high and 15 to 25 feet broad, extends for
1400 miles along the northern borders of China. Part of it was built in
the third century B.C., part in the fourteenth century A.D., as a barrier
to the Tartar tribes. The civilization of China is very old and the
Chinese have been proudly disdainful of Western ways and inventions
until recently, when nations supplied with these inventions have been
threatening the very independence of China

From the Opium War to the present date China has been

Napoleon III, supported by the
English, waged war on China in 1858 and forced the emperor

The French

Tn China^^ troubled with foreign invasions.

* The picture opposite shows how the thrifty Chinese have terraced
the hills so that not a drop of water is wasted nor a foot of the fertile
ground left uncultivated.

Fig. i4n. Cili-Mi:^^ CuuLii^-, HAULING A BoAT *

The Expajtsio7i of Ewvpe 603

to open new ports to European trade, including Tientsin,
which was dangerously near the imperial city of Peking. Re-
cently China has been thrown open to the foreign merchants
to a very great extent, and the " concessions " demanded by
the great powers have caused some fear that the whole country
might be divided among them.^

Section 102. Japan becomes a World Power;
Intervention in China

To the northeast of China lies a long group of islands which, The extraor-
if they lay off the eastern coast of North America, would ex- of'Ta'^an^*'''^
tend from Maine to Georgia. This archipelago, comprising
four main islands and some four thousand smaller ones, is the
center of the Japanese Empire. Fifty years ago Japan was still
almost completely isolated from the rest of the world ; but now,
through a series of extraordinary events, she has become one
of the conspicuous members of the family of nations. American
newspapers deal as fully with her foreign policy as with that of
France or Germany ; we are familiar with the portraits of her
statesmen and warriors, and her exquisite art has many enthusi-
astic admirers in England and America. Her people, who are
somewhat more numerous than the inhabitants of the British
Isles, resemble the Chinese in appearance and owe to China
the beginnings of their culture and their art, for it was Buddhist
missionaries from Korea who, in the sixth century, first aroused
Japan from its previous barbarism.

Little is known of the early Mikados (emperors) of Japan, The feudal
and during the twelfth century the shogiui^ or commander in japSi
chief of the empire, was able to bring the sovereign powers

* The picture opposite gives an example of cheap Chinese labor.
Each coolie received one fourteenth of one cent for hauling the ship
up the rapids. Now the rocks have been cleared away by dynamite,
and steamboats have displaced the coolies. See below, p. 612.

1 See below, p. 6io.

6o4

Outlines of Europe mi History

into his own hands (somewhat as the mayor of the palace
had done in the Frankigh kingdom), while the emperor began
to live in retirement in his capital of Kyoto. Conditions in
Japan resembled those in western Europe during the same
period. Scattered about the country were the castles of
powerful feudal lords (the daimios), who continued, until the

"^> ^ \ SI «i ^^\ ^^

Fig. 147. Japanese Feudal Castle

Contrast this stronghold of feudal days in Japan with the grim castles

of Europe in the Middle Ages. Rival parties among the Japanese

nobles now contend only in parliament

Brief period
of intercourse
with Euro-
peans in the
late sixteenth
and early
seventeenth
centuries

nineteenth century, to enjoy powers similar to the vassals of
the medieval European kings.

Rumors of the existence of Japan reached Europe through
the Venetian traveler, Marco Polo, at the end of the thirteenth
century, but the Portuguese navigator Pinto appears to have
been the first European to reach Japan, in the year 1542.
Some years later the great Jesuit missionary, Francis Xavier,

The Expansion of Europe 605

accompanied by some Japanese who had been converted to
Christianity at Goa, made the first attempt to preach the
Christian faith in the island. Spanish missionaries from
Manila carried on the work, and it is reported that within
thirty years two hundred Christian churches had been erected
and fifty thousand converts made.

The arrogance of the bishops, however, led the Japanese Persecution
government to issue an edict, in 1586, forbidding the Japanese mis^kJi^rfe"
to accept Christianity, and ten years later some twenty thou- and expulsion

^ . -'of foreigners

sand converts are said to have been put to death. For a time
the shoguns favored the few Dutch and English merchants
who came to their shores and permitted factories to be opened
at Yedo and elsewhere, but the quarrels between the Dutch
and English and the constant drain of silver paid out for
foreign merchandise led the Japanese to impose restrictions
on foreigners, so that in the time of Louis XIV all of them
had departed, except a few Dutch on the island of Deshima.
From that time on, for nearly two hundred years, Japan
remained a nation apart, with practically no intercourse with
foreigners.

In 1853 Commodore Perry visited Yokohama with a mes- Commodore
sage from the United States government to the '' Sovereign negotiations
of Japan," asking that arrangements be made to protect the ^^^"^ '^^.
property and persons of Americans wrecked on the coasts, and 1S53
that the right be extended to Americans to dispose of their
cargoes at one or more ports.^ Supposing that the shogun
was the ruler of Japan, Commodore Perry presented his de-
mands to him. These led to a long and earnest discussion
in the shogun's council, as to whether foreigners should be
admitted or not, but their demands were finally conceded, and
two ports were opened to American and English ships.

Within the next few years several of the European powers Foreigners
had arranged to trade at three or four of the ports (Hakodate, the name of
Yokohama, Nagasaki, and a little later at Kobe). Attacks, the Mikado

1 See Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 424 ff.

6o6

Outlines of Etiropean History

however, were made upon foreigners in the name of the
emperor, who disapproved the shogun's action. An English-
man by the name of Richardson was killed in 1862, on the
great highroad between Yedo and Kyoto, by the retainers
of the powerful daimio of Satsuma, whereupon the English
bombarded Kagoshima, the stronghold of the Satsuma clan.

This produced an
extraordinary change
of heart in this lead-
ing clan, one of the
most powerful in
Japan, for it saw that
the foreigners were
much more powerful
than the Japanese,
and that Japan would
suffer as China had
done unless she ac-
quainted herself with
foreign science and
i||ri ,. . . ^ « I ^ . « ^ , SI H . . ' „„ inventions. The next

IIl 'J. y^^^ English ships

bombarded another
port (Shimonoseki),
on account of the
refusal of its feudal
ruler to permit them
to pass freely through
the Inland Sea. This produced an effect similar to the bom-
bardment of Kagoshima, and public opinion in Japan gradually
changed in favor of the admission of foreigners.

In 1867 the late Mikado, Mutsuhito (d. 19 12), then fifteen
years of age, ascended the throne. In March of the next year,
he invited Sir Harry Parkes, a representative of Great Britain,
as well as the representatives of France and the Netherlands,

Fig. 1 48. Japanese Warriors

The men who led the Japanese armies in

the great war with Russia had learned, as

boys, to fight in armor with sword and spear,

like these warriors

6o7

6o8

Ontlmes of European History

The Mikado
orders his
people to
cease mal-
treating
Europeans,
1868

Revolution
in Japan.
Disappear-
ance of the
shogunate
and of
feudalism

The Indus-
trial Revolu-
tion in Japan

to Kyoto. He was deeply chagrined by an attack made upon
the retinue of Sir Harry Parkes and publicly declared that any
one who committed any deed of violence toward foreigners
would be acting in opposition to his Majesty's express orders.
With this episode the period of resistance to the foreigners,
their trade and their religion, may be said to have closed.

Meanwhile a great revolution was taking place in Japan ;
the power of the shogun was rapidly declining, and in October,
1867, he was forced to resign his office. This left the Mikado
not only the nominal but the real ruler of Japan. He emerged
from his ancient seclusion in the sacred city of Kyoto, and
removed the capital to Yedo, which was given the new name
of Tokyo, or '^ northern capital." The feudal princes, who had,
in general, sided with the Mikado against the shogun, now
agreed peacefully to surrender their titles and prerogatives in
the interests of their country, and in July, 187 1, feudalism was
formally abolished throughout the empire. Serfdom was also
done away with and — a fact of great importance — the army
and navy were reformed in accordance with Western models.

Since that date the modernizing of Japan has progressed
with incredible rapidity. Although the Japanese still continue
to carry on their ancient industries, kneeling on their straw
mats, with a few simple implements and no machinery. Western
industries have been introduced side by side with the older
arts. Students were sent abroad to investigate the most recent
achievements in science, a university was established at Tokyo,
and the system of education completely revolutionized. There
was not a steam mill in the islands when Commodore Perry
cast anchor there; now there are about a hundred great cotton
factories, with over two million spindles. Since the railroad
between Tokyo and the neighboring port of Yokohama was
opened in 1872, several thousand miles of railways have been
constructed, and the Japanese, who are very fond of travel, can
go readily from one end to the other of their archipelago.
Great towns have sprung up. Tokyo has over two million

tional gov-
ernment es-
tablished
in Japan,
i8qo

The Expansio7i of Europe 609

inhabitants, and the manufacturing city of Osaka more than
a million. The total population of the islands is now about
fifty-four millions, more than one half that of the United States,
but crowded into an area of about one hundred and sixty thou-
sand square miles.

With this progress came inevitably a demand for representative Constitu-
government, and as early as 1877 petitions for a constitution were
laid before the emperor. Four years later he announced that
a parliament would be established in 1890, and a commission
was sent to Europe to study constitutional government there.
In 1889 a constitution was completed which vested the powers
of government in the Mikado and a parliament of two houses.-^

Section 103. War between Japan and China and
ITS Results

After carrying out the various reforms mentioned above, japan seeks
Japan found herself confronted, like the Western nations, with for her^
the necessity of extending her trade and securing foreign mar- Products
kets. Her merchants and her ships became the rivals of the
Europeans in the neighboring seas, where her commerce has
increased far more rapidly than that of the W^estern nations.

On the opposite side of the Sea of Japan lies Korea, a land The Chino-
which has become well known throughout the world on account war'cTver
of the two bloody wars to which the question of its possession J^^^^^^'g
has given rise. For a long time China and Japan were rival
claimants to the Korean kingdom. When Japanese trade devel-
oped, the question of control in Korea became an important
one, and in 1894 it led to war between the two countries. But
the Chinese, with their ancient weapons and organization, were no
match for the Japanese, who had eagerly adopted every device
of Western warfare, and in a short time the Chinese armies
had been driven from Korea and the campaign was transferred

1 For extracts, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 431 ff.

6io

Outlines of Europe an History

Russia,
France, and
Germany
drive Japan
from the
mainland

Russia there-
upon gains
valuable con-
cessions in
China

to the neighboring Manchuria, where the Japanese took Port
Arthur. China then called upon the Western powers for assist-
ance, but they did not take action until Japan, in the Treaty
of Shimonoseki, had forced China's representative, Li Hung
Chang, to recognize the complete independence of Korea
(which practically meant opening it up to the Japanese) and to
cede to Japan Port Arthur, the Liaotung peninsula on which
it lies, and the island of Formosa.

Russia, France, and Germany had watched the course of
events with jealous eyes, and now intervened to prevent Japan
from securing a foothold on the mainland. Russia was the real
leader in this intervention, for she coveted just the region which
had been ceded to Japan, Japan was exhausted by the war
with China and at that time had no adequate navy. Therefore
the Mikado, at the demand of the three powers, withdrew from
Manchuria.

The result of this compromise was to throw China into the
arms of Russia, which proceeded to take every advantage of
the situation. China had been forced to pay a heavy indemnity
to Japan in order to get the Liaotung peninsula back agam ;
and when the Chinese government attempted to borrow a large
sum from England to meet this obligation, Russia interfered
and herself loaned China eighty million dollars without security.
In this way China became dependent upon her as a creditor.
The Russians were permitted by the Chinese emperor to build
their great Trans-Siberian railroad across his territoiy, which
would enable them to reach Vladivostok by a direct line from
Irkutsk. Moreover, in order to guard the railway line, Russian
soldiers were to be introduced freely into Manchuria. It is
clear that these arrangements gave Russia a great advantage
over the other European powers, since she controlled the
Chinese government through its debt and occupied Manchuria
with her soldiers.

Meanwhile the Germans found an excuse for strengthening
themselves in the same region. A German missionary having

THE MATTHEWS-NORTHRUP WORKS

Longitude 50° East

tT<>*.

The Expansion of Europe 6 1 1

been murdered in the province of Shantung, which lies opposite Germany

seizes terri-
tory in the

Korea, a German squadron appeared in Kiaochow Bay, in No-
vember, 1897, landed a force of marines, and raised the Ger- Shantung
man flag. As a compensation for the murder of the missionary,
Germany demanded a long lease of Kiaochow, with the right to
build railways in the region and work mines. Upon acquiring
Kiaochow the Germans built harbors, constructed forts, military
barracks, machine shops, etc. In short, a model German town
was constructed on the Chinese coast, which, with its defenses,
constituted a fine base for further extension of Germany's
sphere of influence.

At first the Tsar hoped to balk the plans of Germany, but Russia
decided, instead, to secure additional advantages for himself. Arthur
Accordingly Port Arthur and the waters adjacent to the Liao-
tung peninsula, upon which it lies, were leased by China to
Russia, in March, 1898, for a period of twenty-five years, sub-
ject to renewal by mutual consent. Port Arthur was to be
open only to Chinese and Russian vessels, and Russia immedi-
ately began to build fortifications which were believed to render
the town impregnable. A railway was constructed to Harbin,^
connecting Port Arthur with Vladivostok and the Trans-Siberian
railway. This at last gave Russia a port on the Pacific which,
unlike Vladivostok, was free from ice the year round.

Great Britain, learning of the negotiations, sent a fleet north- The British
ward from Hongkong to the Gulf of Chihli (or Pechili), and hTiwei and
induced China to lease to her Weihaiwei, which lay just be- ^^g" ^'^^f ^ni
tween the recent acquisitions of Germany and Russia. England, ance with

Japan

moreover, believed it to be for her interest to be on good terms
with Japan, and in 1902 an offensive and defensive alliance
was concluded between the two powers, binding each to as-
sist the other in case a third party joined in a conflict in
which either was involved. For example, under the provisions,
England had to aid Japan in a war with Russia, should France
or Germany intervene*.

1 See picture of Harbin, p. 564.

6l2

Outlines of Eiiropean History

Section 104. Changes in China; the Boxer Rising

The foreigners were by no means content with establishing
trading posts in China ; they longed to develop the neglected
natural resources of the empire, to open up communication by
railroads and steamships, and to Westernize the Orientals, in
order that business might be carried on more easily with them
and new opportunities be found .for profitable investments.

The first railroad in China was built by British promoters in
1876, from Shanghai to a point some fifteen miles to the north
of that city. The Chinese, however, were horrified by this in-
novation, which they felt to be a desecration of the graves of
their ancestors. Yielding to popular prejudice the government
purchased the railroad, only to destroy it and throw the locomo-
tives into the river. Nevertheless, five years later, the Chinese
themselves, with the aid of British capital, began the construc-
tion of an imperial railroad system, and in 1895 other foreigners
besides the Russians were once more permitted to undertake
the construction of railway lines, and there are now several
thousand miles of road open for traffic. The French and Ger-
mans are also interested in opening up the regions within their
spheres of influence, and the British are planning to push into
the interior of China a line running northward from Rangoon
through Mandalay. Thousands of miles of railway are now
projected, one of the most important running south from
Peking, through Hankow to Canton, thus for the first time
linking north China with the south, which is quite different
in many ways. The result will be to help unify the Chinese
and develop a stronger nationality. Doubdess within half a
century China will be covered with a network of lines which
cannot fail to do much to revolutionize her ancient habits and
civilization.

In 1898 the internal waterways of China were opened to
foreign ships. Several lines of well-equipped steamships now
ply on the Canton River and follow the waters of the Yangtze

The Expansion of Europe 613

River for a thousand miles inland. Many thousand miles of
telegraph lines are in operation, affording overland connection
with Europe, while wireless stations have been planted even
in the inland cities. The post office, organized in 1897, has
branches throughout the country.

It was inevitable that intercourse with European nations China begins
should affect the whole policy and ideals of the Chinese govern- onSSrmT^*
ment. In 1889 a decree was issued establishing an annual
audience in which the emperor might show his " desire to treat
with honor all the foreign ministers resident in Peking." A
few years later the cumbersome ancient ceremonial was abolished,
and foreigners were received in a manner which indicated the
recognition of their equality with Chinese of the same rank.
In 1898, when Prince Henry of Prussia visited Peking, he
was cordially greeted by the emperor, who shook hands with
him in Western fashion and conversed with him on a familiar
footing.

In the same year a series of decrees was issued with the
object of reforming the army on models offered by those nations
that had given so many proofs of their military superiority.
New schools and colleges were planned with a view of starting
the country on the road to progress. Chinese students were
sent to Europe to study foreign methods of government,
agricultural schools were built, patent and copyright laws were
introduced, and a department of mines and railroads was
established, in order that China might no longer be obliged to
leave these matters entirely in the hands of foreigners. Jour-
nalists were even encouraged to write on political questions.

These abrupt reforms aroused the superstitious horror of The conserv-
the conservative party. They found a sympathetic leader in the Jeforms^ir^^
Dowager Empress, who had been regent during the early years ^^^"^
of the emperor's reign. She succeeded in regaining her influ-
ence and in putting an end, for the time being, to the distasteful
reforms. The Europeans, both missionaries and business men,
nevertheless continued their activities, and the conservatives

6i4

Outlines of European History

The powers
intervene and
settle affairs
in China

believed it necessary, therefore, to organize a great movement
to drive out the '' foreign devils," who had been, in their eyes,
steadily undermining the ancient traditions of China.

Among those hostile to the foreigner none were more con-
spicuous than the secret society of the " Boxers," or, as they
appear to have called themselves, the '' Order of the Patriotic
Harmonious Fists." They were quite willing to cooperate with
the Dowager Empress in carrying out her designs against
foreign influence. They proclaimed that the Western nations
were '' lacerating China like tigers " ; and summoned every
patriotic Chinaman to rise in defense of his country.

The party in favor of meeting the '' Christian Peril " by
violence rapidly increased. The Boxers, who were arming and
drilling, knew very well that neither the Chinese officials nor
the imperial troops would interfere with them. Missionaries
and traders were murdered in the provinces, and although the
government at Peking always declared that it was doing all it
could to suppress disorder, the representatives of foreign nations
in the capital became thoroughly alarmed. On June 20, 1900,
the Boxers, supported by the troops, killed the German ambas-
sador. Baron von Ketteler, while on his way to the palace to
expostulate with the government. The Europeans were then
besieged in the several legations and in the Catholic cathedral,
but, for some reason which is not clear, the Chinese did not
murder them all, as they might easily have done.

The powers determined upon immediate intervention, and
in August a relief expedition, made up of Japanese, Russian,
British, American, French, and German troops, fought its way
from Tientsin to Peking, and brought relief to the imprisoned
foreigners. The Chinese court left Peking, and the royal palace
was desecrated and pillaged by the European troops, whose
scandalous conduct disgraced the Western world. Negotiations
were now opened, and the aged Li Hung Chang rendered his
last services by concluding an agreement in which China made
certain reparations, including the payment of an indemnity of

The Expmision of Europe 615

three hundred and twenty million dollars, and promised to
repress all anti-foreign societies.-^

Although the Dowager Empress still retained her power, the The Chinese
work of reform was again undertaken. The work of reorganiz- mentTenewed
ing the army was renewed, and students were again sent abroad
in large numbers to investigate Western methods of industry
and government. By one of the most m.omentous decrees in
the intellectual history of the world, the ancient classical system
of education, which had for centuries been deemed an essential
preparation for public office, was abolished in 1905.^ Students
preparing for the government service are no longer examined
upon Confucius and asked to write essays on such subjects as
^' How the moonlight sleeps on the lake " ; for the new ex-
amination questions deal with the history of the West, with
Metternich and Bismarck, and w4th such grave questions as the
relation of capital to labor and the methods of stimulating
modern industry. Even the Dowager Empress was obliged to
yield to the progressive party, and in September, 1906, she
went so far as to announce that China should prepare herself
for the introduction of representative government and of a
parliament.^

Section 105. The Russo-Japanese War; the
Revolution in China

Scarcely had the troubles due to the Boxer rising been Russo-jap-
ad justed when a new war. cloud appeared in the East. The fn KorTa^a^d
interest of Japan in findins: markets has already been mentioned. Manchuria

■' ' leads to war,

The occupation of Manchuria and Port Arthur by the Russians February,
seriously threatened Japanese extension in that direction ; and
when Russia secured from Korea a lumber cession in the

■^ For an account of the Boxer rising, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 436 ff. The
United States returned its share of the indemnity, and China, in gratitude, is
spending it to educate students in America.

2 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 441 ff.

3 For the revolution of 1911-1912 in China, see below, p. 618.

1904

6i6

Outlines of Europe a7i History

Yalu valley and sent Cossacks to build forts in that region,
Japan, which regarded Korea as lying within her sphere of
influence, could hardly fail to protest. Russia had agreed
repeatedly to withdraw from Manchuria, but had always failed
to keep her promises when the time came. She had, moreover,
guaranteed the integrity of Korea, upon whose territory she
was now encroaching. Accordingly, the Japanese, determined
to have Korea for themselves, after spending some months in
futile negotiations with the Tsar's government, broke off diplo-
matic relations on February 5, 1904, and opened hostilities
with Russia.

Japan was well prepared for war and was, moreover, within
easy reach of the field of conflict. The Russian government,
on the contrary, was rotten to the core and was already
engaged in a terrible struggle with the Russian nation.^ The
eastern boundary of European Russia lay three thousand miles
from Port Arthur and the Yalu River, and the only means of
communication was the single line of badly constructed railroad
that stretched across Siberia to the Pacific.

Three days after the war opened the Japanese fleet surprised
the Russian battleships lying off Port Arthur, sank four of
them, and drove the rest into the harbor, where they succeeded,
in the main, in keeping them " bottled up." A second fleet
which had been stationed at Vladivostok was defeated early in
May, thus giving Japan control of the seas. At the same time
the Russians were driven back from the Yalu, and the Japa-
nese under General Oku landed on the Liaotung peninsula, cut
off Port Arthur from communication with Russia, and captured
the town of Dalny, which they made their naval headquarters.
General Oku then began pushing the Russians northward
toward Mukden, while General Nogi was left to besiege Port
Arthur. For months the world watched in suspense the heroic
attacks which the Japanese, at deadly cost to themselves, made
upon the Russian fortress. Meanwhile fighting continued to
1 See above, pp. 568 ff.

The Expaiision of Europe 6 1 7

the north along the line of the railroad. In October the Japa-
nese were victorious in a fearful battle which raged south of
Mukden for days, thus putting an end to General Kuropatkin's
designs for relieving Port Arthur. As winter came on, the
Japanese redoubled their efforts and the fortress at last sur-
rendered, on January i, 1905, after a siege of seven months,
the horrors of which were then perhaps without a parallel.

The conduct of the war on the part of the Japanese affords Mukden
one of the most extraordinary examples on record of military the7apanese
organization and efficiency. By means of an ingenious system March, 1905
of telephones they kept every division of the army in direct
communication with the war office in Tokyo, and by the
strictest discipline they checked disease and contagion in the
hospitals. The Russian sanitary service was also of high order,
as compared with previous wars. Late in February fighting
again began, and for three weeks the Russians struggled
against the combined Japanese armies ; but on March 9 they
deserted Mukden and moved northward, after forty thousand
of them had been killed and over a hundred thousand wounded.

On learning of the destruction of the fleets in the Pacific the Togo de-
Russian government determined to dispatch its Baltic squadron Ru^skn fleet
to the Orient. After some strange adventures, which aroused '" S^ Straits

° of Korea,

both the amusement and the disgust of those who were follow- May 27, 1905
ing the war,^ the fleet arrived in May in the Straits of Korea,
where Admiral Togo was waiting for it. In a few hours he
sank twenty-two of the Russian vessels and captured six. The
Tsar's fleet was practically annihilated, with terrible loss of life,
while the Japanese came out of the conflict almost unscathed.^
Lest the war should drag on indefinitely, President Roosevelt,
acting under the provisions of the Hague Convention,^ took

1 As the squadron was passing through the North Sea the Russians fired
upon a fishing fleet off Dogger Bank, and alleged later that they mistook the
poor fishermen for Japanese. This is but one of numerous examples of the
incompetence which was shown by the Russians throughout the war.

2 For Admiral Togo's account of the battle, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 445 f.

3 See below, p, 683.

6i8

Outlines of European History

measures which brought about a peace. After consulting the
representatives of Japan and Russia at Washington and ascer-
taining the attitude of the neutral powers, he dispatched notes
to the Tsar and Mikado, urging them to open negotiations.^
This invitation was accepted, and on August 9 the first session
of the conference was held at Portsmouth, New Hampshire.
On September 5 the Treaty of Portsmouth was signed. This
recognized the Japanese influence as paramount in Korea,
which, however, was to remain independent.^ Both the Japa-
nese and Russians were to evacuate Manchuria ; the Japanese
were, however, given the rights in the Liaotung peninsula and
Port Arthur which Russia had formerly enjoyed. Lastly, the
southern part of the Russian island of Sakhalin was ceded
to Japan.

Thus this great conflict produced by the friction of the
powers in the East was brought to an end, but the wealth of
China and the fact that it has not yet organized a strong army
or navy leave it as attempting prize for further aggression.
Nevertheless, China has been changing as rapidly during the
last five years as Japan ever did. Students of Western coun-
tries returning home determined to overthrow the Manchu (or
Manchurian) dynasty, which had ruled for two hundred and
sixty-seven years, and their corrupt officials. After a heroic and
bloody struggle they forced the court, on February 12, 191 2,
to declare the abdication of the boy-emperor then on the throne
and the creation of a republic. But the emperor's prime minis-
ter, Yuan Shih-kai, skillfully had himself granted full power to
establish the republic which the revolutionists had" won. In this
way he prevented the ardent republicans, who had done the

1 See Readings^ Vol. II, p. 447,

2 The Japanese have not left Korea independent. They immediately took
control of the administration, and in the summer of 1907 forced the Korean em-
peror most unwillingly to abdicate. Finally, by the treaty of August 23, 1910,
Korea was annexed to the Japanese empire and named " Chosen." There are
now many thousand Japanese colonists in it, and the country, which was very
backward, is being rapidly developed.

The Expansion of Europe 619

fighting, from carrying out their program of immediate reform. President
Instead, he secretly thwarted their plans, and when he had a kai^attempts
sufficient pretext he lessened the powers of the new Chinese buf^^iilf"^^'
parliament so that it was unable to oppose his will. Having become
thus prepared the way for a coup d^etat^ he announced in the
autumn of 19 14 that he would assume the title of " Emperor
of China." The protest of Japan, and possibly of other powers,

^-\.

Fig. 150. Yuan Shih-kai

against this move led him to postpone the actual assumption of
the crown ; for Japan feared that with a strong emperor China
might defend itself successfully, and even become a dangerous
rival. Then the republicans revolted, and Yuan Shih-kai finally,
March, 19 16, fearing to lose all, declared that he would never
accept the tide '' emperor," and that the whole incident had
been a mistake. This did not satisfy the republicans, however,
who rose in revolt against a president who seemed to them to
be steadily violating the principles of republican rule. During

-•/^» Hitf^rr

f» X

J>m

xfonsu^

ft^bikig, ffwn carrAir.;: .

InstcaH ^- tiv Um-

8uflio< ^■< k-vkcncd

parliimcnt to thait « wm
thus prcporad the way for
autumn of 1914 that he
The pcotcit

Vxi.. 1

af^ainst this mmx led him to post-

the crown ; for Japa" ^■-^r.-.X •• •

mi^ht dt!!.-nd itself -

riN-al. Then the republicans r

March, 19 16. fearing to lose .»ii. vj««

accept the title "emperor/* and tl

been a mistake. This did not satiJthc republicans, however,

who XT- -- - '♦ - ^-^ — ^od to them to

be ste.. rule. During

1 Ix-come a '

i Yuan ^

rd that he

the whole incident ha<'

622

Outlines of European History

Advance of
France and
England in
Africa during
the first half
of the nine-
teenth
century

Explorations
of Living-
stone and
others

Tunis, and Algeria. Morocco was, however, an independent
state, as it still is nominally, under the sultan of Morocco.
France maintained her foothold at the mouth of the Senegal ;
the most important Portuguese possessions were in Lower
Guinea and on the east coast opposite the island of Mada-
gascar ; the British held some minor posts along the west
coast, and had wrested Cape Colony from the Dutch during
the Napoleonic wars. The heart of Africa was still unknown ;
no European power contemplated laying claim to the arid
waste of the Sahara desert, and the more attractive regions
of the upper Nile were ruled by semicivilized Mohammedan
chiefs.

For fifty years after the Congress of Vienna the advance of
European powers in Africa was very slow indeed. England
and France were, it is true, gradually extending their spheres
of influence, and explorers were tracing the rivers and moun-
tain chains of the interior. France, as has been explained, con-
quered Algiers during this period,^ and formally annexed it
in 1848. The Dutch Boers, disgusted with English rule, had
migrated to the north, and laid the foundations of the Trans-
vaal and Orange River colonies.^

The latter half of the nineteenth century was, however, a
time of active exploration in Africa. It is impossible here even
to name all those adventurers who braved the torrid heat and
fevers and the danger from savages and wild beasts. Under
the auspices of the Royal Geographical Society of England a
search was begun for the mysterious sources of the Nile, and
a lake lying just south of the equator was discovered in 1858
and named Victoria Nyanza. In 1864 Sir Samuel Baker dis-
covered another lake, Albert Nyanza, to the northwest, and
explored its connections with the Nile River. Livingstone had
visited Bechuanaland twenty years before, and pushed up the
valley of the Zambesi River, tracing it nearly to its source.. In
1866 he explored the regions about the lakes of Nyasa and

1 See above, p. 486. 2 See above, pp. 542 ff .

4/°X,

3i e d i t e 7' y.

Cape Town\

C. 0/ Good Hope-

The Expansion of Europe 623

Tanganyika, and reached a point on the upper Congo. This
expedition attracted general attention throughout the civilized
world. His long absence roused the fear that he was, perhaps,
the prisoner of some savage tribe, and on his return to Lake
Tanganyika he was met by Henry Stanley, another explorer,
who had been sent out by the New York Herald to search for
him.^ Livingstone, who was both missionary and explorer, con-
tinued his work until his death in 1873.

Two years later Stanley set out upon an expedition which is Stanley's
regarded as the most important in the annals of African ex-
ploration. After visiting lakes Victoria Nyanza and Tangan-
yika, he journeyed across the country to the headwaters of
the Congo, down which he found his way to the Atlantic.
Meanwhile other explorers, French and German, as well as
English, were constantly adding to the knowledge of a hitherto
unknown continent.

Stanley's famous journey through the heart of " Darkest Rapid parti-
Africa " naturally aroused the intense interest of all the Euro- ^'°" ""^ ^^^""^
pean powers, and within ten years after his triumphant return
to Marseilles in 1878, the entire surface of Africa had been
divided up among the powers, or marked out into '* spheres
of influence." A generation ago a map of Africa was for the
most part indefinite and conjectural, except along the coast.
To-day its natural features have been largely determined, and
it is traversed by boundary lines almost as carefully drawn as
those which separate the various European countries. The
manner in which the English, French, and Germans have
asserted their claims in Africa has been briefly explained in
preceding chapters.

The northwestern shoulder of the continent, from the mouth French
of the Congo to Tunis, belongs, with some exceptions, to P^^^^^^^°"^
France.^ It must be remembered, however, that a very con-
siderable portion of the French claim is nothing but a desert,

1 For Stanley's account of the meeting, see Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 449 ff-

2 See above, p. 488.

624

Ciitlines of European History

German
possessions

The Bel-
gian Congo

The Berlin
conference
on the
Congo
territory

totally useless in its present state. On the east coast of Africa
France controls French Somaliland, and her port of Jibuti,
which lies at the mouth of the Red Sea, gives her somewhat
the same advantages that Aden affords the English. The
French also hold the island of Madagascar. Their attempt to
penetrate Morocco, mentioned above, was one of the remoter
causes of the war .of \<^\\y

Between 1884 and 1890 Germany acquired four consider-
able areas of African territory, which include together nearly
a million square miles : Togoland, Kamerun, German South-
west Africa, and German East Africa. The Germans have
made heroic efforts to develop these regions by building
railways and schools, and expending enormous sums in other
ways, but the wars with the natives and the slight commerce
which has been established, leave the experiment one of doubt-
ful value.

Wedged in between German East Africa and the French
Congo is the vast Belgian Congo, the history of which began
with a conference held in Brussels in 1876 under the auspices
of the king of Belgium. Representatives of most of the Euro-
pean countries were invited to attend, with a view to consider-
ing the best methods of opening up the region and of stopping
the slave trade which was carried on by the Mohammedans in
the interior. The result was the organization of an international
African Association with its center at Brussels. The enterprise
was, however, in reality the personal affair of King Leopold,
who supplied from his own purse a large portion of the funds
which were used by Stanley in exploring the Congo basin,
establishing posts, and negotiating hundreds of treaties with
the petty native chiefs.

The activity of the African Association aroused the appre-
hensions of the European powers interested in Africa, especially
England and Portugal, and a congress was called at Berlin to
consider the situation. This met in November, 1884, and every
1 See below, pp. 626 f.

The Expansion of Europe 625

European state except Switzerland sent delegates, as did the
United States. The congress recognized the right of the Afri-
can Association to the vast expanse drained by the Congo
River, and declared the new territory a neutral state, the
Congo Free State, open to the trade of all nations.

The following year King Leopold announced to the world
that he had assumed sovereignty over the Congo Free State,
and that Le proposed to unite it in a personal union with Bel-
gium. He gradually filled the government offices with Belgians
and established customs lines with a view to raising revenue.

During the opening years of the twentieth century the Bel- Alleged
gians were charged with practicing atrocious cruelties on the ment of the
natives.^ There is reason to think that the hideous reports co^ng?Free^
published in the newspapers were much exaggerated, but there State
is little doubt that the natives, as commonly happens in such
cases, have suffered seriously at the hands of the European
invader. King Leopold claimed ownership over the vacant
land, and in this way roused the hatred of the peoples who
had been used to roaming freely in every direction. By a
system of '' apprenticeship " many of the blacks had been
reduced to the condition of slaves. Labor was hard to secure,
for the natives, accustomed to a free life in the jungle, did
not relish driving spikes on railways or draining swamps for
Belgian capitalists. The government therefore required native
chiefs to furnish a certam number of workmen, and on their
failure to supply the demand it had been customary to burn
their villages. The government also required the natives to
furnish a certain quantity of rubber each year ; failure to com-
ply with these demands had also brought summary punishment
upon them. Finally, protests in England and America led the
Belgian ministry to take up the question of the Congo, and at
length, in 1908, the government assumed complete ownership
of the Free State, which then took the name of the Belgian
Congo.

1 See Readings^ Vol. II, pp. 453 f.

626

Outlmes of Eiiropean History

African pos-
sessions of
Portugal,
Italy, and
Spain

Morocco

The confer-
ence at
Algeciras

The Portuguese still control remnants of the possessions to
which they laid claim when South Africa was first brought to
the attention of Europe, namely, Guinea, Angola, and East
Africa. Italy has the colony of Eritrea on the coast of the
Red ?ea, and Italian Somaliland to the south of Cape Guarda-
fui, and in 19 12 wrested Tripoli from Turkey by a costly war.^
Spain's two colonies, one on the Strait of Gibraltar, the other
on the Gulf of Guinea, only serve to remind her of the vast
colonial empire which she has lost.

Morocco still remains nominally independent of European
powers, but has been an object of contention among them.
Its population, which is a curious mixture of Berbers, Arabs,
and negroes, has not materially changed its civilization during
the past thousand years. The fierce tribesmen often defy the
rule of their sultan at Fez. A bandit leader, Raisuli, seized
an English envoy to the sultan. Sir Harry McLean, during the
summer of 1907 and held him a prisoner for several months.
This is but one of many instances which illustrate the inability
of the sultan of Morocco to control his subjects and protect
foreigners.

The French, who are neighbors of the Moors on the east,
have, in spite of many difficulties, gradually been developing
relations with Morocco. They carry on a trade in almonds, gum,
and the famous Moroccan goatskin, and have also lent money
to the sultan. It will be recalled that, after the settlement of the
" Fashoda incident," Britain allowed France a free hand, so far
as Britain was concerned, in dealing with Morocco, The French
soon found either the necessity or the pretext for interv^ention,
and were proceeding to deal with " the Moroccan problem " as
though it were their own affair when Germany protested that
it too had interests in Morocco. The result was a conference
of the powers, including the United States, at Algeciras, Spain
(just across the bay from Gibraltar), in 1906. Their represent-
atives agreed on the formation of a police force under French

1 See above, p. 588.

The Expansion of Enrope 627

and Spanish officers, and the organization of a state bank, which
should be controlled by the powers.^

The English, as we have seen already, have built up a great The English
federal dominion in South Africa, which is the most important ^^ ^^"^^
of all the European colonies in Africa. They also hold valuable
territories on the east coast, running inland to the great lakes.
But much more interesting to the historian is their control over
Egypt.

This ancient center of civilization had, as we have seen, been Mehemet AH
conquered by the Arabs in the seventh century. Through the h^msdf^an^d
late Middle Ages it was ruled by a curious military class known his successors

"^ -^ as rulers of

as the Mamelukes, and only fell to the Ottoman Turks in 15 17. Egypt
With the decline of the Sultan's power the country fell under
the domination of Mameluke beys, or leaders; and it was against
these that Bonaparte fought in 1798. Shortly after Nelson and
the English had frustrated Bonaparte's attempt to bring Egypt
under French rule, a military adventurer from Albania, Mehemet
xA.li, compelled the Sultan to recognize him as governor of Egypt
in 1805. A few years later he brought about a massacre of the
Mamelukes and began a series of reforms. He created an army
and a fleet, and not only brought all Egypt under his sway, but
established himself at Khartum where he could control the
Sudan,^ or region of the Upper Nile. Before his death in 1849
he had induced the Sultan to recognize his heirs as rightful ^
rulers, khedives,^ of Egypt.

The importance of Egypt for the Western powers was greatly
increased by the construction of the Suez Canal, begun in 1859,''
for both Port Said on the Mediterranean and Suez on the Red
Sea are Egyptian ports. The English were able to get a foothold

1 A continuance of disorder in Morocco enabled France to use the situation
for further penetration, which led to a second German protest. But this belongs
rather to the history of Europe than of Africa, as it was one of the causes of the
great war of 19 14.

2 The term " Sudan " (see map) was applied by the Mohammedans to the whole
region south of the Sahara desert, but as now used it commonly means Anglo-
Egyptian Sudan only. 8 This title was assumed with the consent of the Sultan,

4 See above, p. 593.

628

Outlines of European Histoiy

in Egypt through the improvidence of the Egyptian ruler,
Ismail I, who came to the throne in 1863, and by reckless
extravagance involved his country in a heavy debt which forced
him to sell a block of his canal shares to the British government
at a low price. Still heavily in debt, however, Ismail was forced
by his English and French creditors to let them oversee his

Fig. 151. Gordon College, Khartum

This college, named for their murdered general, was erected by the
British to teach the sons of their former enemies the arts of civiliza-
tion. On the campus is a mosque, for the British do not interfere with
the religion of these Sudanese tribesmen

financial administration. This foreign intervention aroused dis-
content in Egypt, and the natives revolted in 1882, demanding
" Egypt for the Egyptians." Inasmuch as France declined to
join in suppressing the rebellion, England undertook it alone,
and after putting down the uprising assumed a temporary
occupation of the country and the supervision of the army and
finances of Egypt. The British continued their " temporary "'
occupation, until shortly after the opening of the war of 19 14,
when Britain assumed a permanent protectorate over Egypt,
which was declared independent of Turkey.^

1 The khedive, remaining loyal to the Turks, was dethroned, the title abolished,
and the new ruler acclaimed as sultan.

The Expansion of Europe 629

Shortly after the British conquest of Egypt, a revolt arose in The Mahdi
the Sudan, under the leadership of Mohammed Ahmed, who of Gordon
claimed to be the Messiah, and found great numbers of fanat-
ical followers who called him El Mahdi, '' the leader." ^ General
Gordon was in charge of the British garrison at Khartum.
Here he was besieged by the followers of the Mahdi in 1885,
and after a memorable defense fell a victim to their fury, thus
adding a tragic page to the military history of the British
empire. This disaster was avenged twelve years later, when
in 1897-1898 the Sudan was reconquered and the city of
Khartum was taken by the British under General Kitchener.

During the occupation of Egypt by the British the progress Results of
of the country has been unquestioned ; industry and commerce occupation
are growing steadily, public works have been constructed, and °^ Egypt
financial order has been reestablished under the supervision of
the British agent, whose word is law. A large dam has been
built across the Nile at Assuan to control the floods, and also
to increase greatly the fertility of the valley. There is strict
honesty in the government, and, in spite of some racial irritation
against the European " unbelievers " who are running the coun-
try, Egypt has never, in all its long history, been so prosperous.

Section 107. Decline of the Spanish World
Empire ; Portugal

In striking contrast to the colonial expansion of the other Decline of
powers of Europe stand the two which, in the era of discovery, colonial ^
led them all in enterprise and achievement — Spain and Portu- P^^^'^
gal. Spain, who could once boast that the sun never set on her
empire, was already in decline from the days of Philip II. After
losing her colonies on the American continents in the early nine-
teenth century,^ she made no compensating gains in other parts
of the world, and at the close of thejiineteenth century received
the final blow in a war with the United States.

1 See Readings^ Vol, II, pp. 456 ff. 2 See above, pp. 350 ff.

630

Outlines of European History

The cause of this war was the chronic disturbance which
existed in Cuba under Spanish government and which led the
United States to decide upon the expulsion of Spain from the
western hemisphere. In 1895 the last of many Cuban insurrec-
tions against Spain broke out, and sympathy was immediately
manifested in the United States. Both political parties during the
presidential campaign of 1896 declared in favor of the Cubans,
and with the inauguration of McKinley a policy of intervention
was adopted. The American government demanded the recall of
General Weyler — whose cruelty had become notorious — and a
reform in the treatment of prisoners of war. In February, 1898,
the battleship Maine was mysteriously blown up in the harbor of
Havana, where it had been sent in American interests. Although
the cause of this disaster could not be discovered, the United
States, maintaining that the conditions in Cuba were intolerable,
declared war on Spain in April.

The war was brief, for the American forces were everywhere
victorious. Cuba and Porto Rico were lost to Spain, and by the
capture of the city of Manila in May, the Philippine Islands also
fell to the United States. Peace was reestablished in August, and
representatives were shortly sent to Paris to arrange the final
terms. Cuba w^as declared independent ; Porto Rico, with the
adjoining islands of Vieques and Culebra, and the Philippines
were ceded to the United States.^ The following year the Car-
oline and Pelew islands were transferred to Germany, and thus
the territory of Spain was reduced to the Spanish peninsula, the
Balearic and Canary islands, and her small holdings in Africa.

By the Spanish-American War, therefore, Spain lost its
colonial empire and the United States began its career as
a world power.

As for Portugal, which had lost its greatest possession,
Brazil, about the same time as Spain had lost its South
American colonies, it still retains considerable stretches of

i Spain also ceded to the United States the island of Guam in the Ladrgne
archipelago.

The Expansion of Etirope 631

Africa, as a glance at the map will show, but its holdings in
Asia are reduced to the posts of Macao in China, Goa in India,
and two small islands. In foreign affairs it is closely allied
with England.

The chief event in recent Portuguese history, however, took Assassination
place at home. The attempt of the king, Carlos I, to establish carios^
a dictatorship and squander the revenues without account-
ability, raised up a party determined upon his overthrow, and
on February i, 1908, King Carlos and the Crown Prince,
while riding in the streets of Lisbon, were assassinated. The
late king's eighteen-year-old son was at once proclaimed as
Manuel II, but he found that he had received a troublesome
heritage. The little realm was disturbed by party dissensions ;
finances were in a bad way ; workingmen were discontented ;
the radicals were waging war against the clergy and the
monks ; and the republicans daily gained in strength in spite
of the promises of reform made by the young ruler.

Early in October a revolt broke out at the capital. After The estab-
some serious street fighting and the bombardment of the royal the Portu-
palace, the king fled to England, protesting that his hasty flight fjc^j^^o^"^
did not mean abdication. The republicans at once set up a
provisional government and began the expulsion of the monks
and nuns and the confiscation of their property.-^ In May, 191 1,
elections were held for a constitutional convention, which met
in June. This convention drafted a constitution providing for
a legislative body of two chambers, one elected directly by uni-
•versal manhood suffrage and the other indirectly by the munici-
palities ; for a president to be elected for four years by the
legislature ; and for a ministry responsible to parliament.

The government under the new constitution began the Troublesome
difficult task of conciliating the factions which the revolution ^^^ republic
had left behind. The Catholic priests and bishops were offered
pensions, but ^ they declined to receive them. The Pope issued

1 Monastic establishments were suppressed in 1834, and the new republic
reenforced the old law.

63^ Outlines of European History

an encyclical condemning the anti-clerical measures of the re-
public, which granted toleration to all religions ; and the republic
replied by confiscating the government securities held by the
clergy to the amount of $25,000,000. The finances of the
government have been in critical shape ; there has been some
unrest among the workingmen of the industrial centers ; but
the young republic seems to have gained in stability in spite
of the continued efforts of the monarchists to overturn it.

QUESTIONS

Section too. Contrast the commercial position of Great Britain
in 1 81 5 with that of the other nations of Europe and the United
States. Describe the earliest attempts at steam navigation. Give
a brief account of the construction of the two great interoceanic
canals. Outline the history of railroad development in Europe,
Asia, and Africa.

Sketch the history of each of the following: the post; the tele-
phone ; the telegraph ; the cable. What is meant by imperialism ?
Describe the work of missionaries. What is the connection between
the Industrial Revolution and imperialism ?

Section loi. What were the relations betvveen China and Europe
prior to the nineteenth century.? Show on a map the ports opened
to Western commerce as a result of the Opium War of 1840, and
the war waged by England and France against China in 1858.

Section 102. Outline the early history of Japan through the
twelfth century. Describe the relations of Japan with Europe in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Give a brief account of
the relations of the United States and Japan in 1853.

Why did Great Britain bombard certain of the Japanese ports in
1 863- 1 864? Describe the revolution which took place in Japan after
the accession of the Mikado Mutsuhito. What was the effect of the
Industrial Revolution on the form of government of Japan .?

Section 103. What gave rise to the war between China and
Japan in 1 894-1 895 ? Give the terms of the Treaty of Shimonoseki,
What changes were made in this treaty as a result of the intervention
of Russia, France, and Germany ? What did Russia gain as a result
of the compromise effected? In what way and when did Germany
get possession of territory in the Shantung peninsula?

The Expansioji of Europe 633

What compensation did Russia seek in 1898? What was the
importance of this acquisition to Russia? How did Great Britain
secure possession of W^eihaiwei? What arrangement was made by
Great Britain and Japan in 1902? Draw a map of the east coast
of Asia and on it show the territory leased to foreigners by China.

Section 104. What led to the Boxer uprising? Describe the Peking
insurrection and the intervention of the powers to restore order.

Sectiox 105. Describe the circumstances which led to the Russo-
Japanese War. Outline the history of the war and give the terms
of the Treaty of Portsmouth. Give a short account of the history
of China since 191 2.

Section 106. Outline the history of Africa to 181 5. Describe
the situation in Africa in the year 181 5. What progress in the
opening up of Africa during the first half of the nineteenth century
was made by France and England? Indicate on a map the parts of
Africa explored by Livingstone and Stanley.

Describe the development of the Belgian Congo and discuss the
problems involved. What has England had to do with the French
occupation of Morocco? Briefly sketch the history of Egypt to the
middle of the nineteenth century. In what way did Great Britain
gain a foothold in Egypt?

What was the position of Great Britain in Egypt from 1882 to
1 91 4? What has been Great Britain's position in Egypt since 191 4?
Describe the revolt in the Sudan in 1885 and the conquest of the
territory in 1 897-1 898. What are the results of the British occu-
pation of Egypt?

Section 107. Review the story of Spain in the nineteenth century.
How did it lose its colonies ? W^hat colonial possessions has Portugal?
Sketch conditions in Portugal during the last ten years.

CHAPTER XXVI

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY IN EUROPE, PRIOR TO
THE GREAT WAR

Section io8. Review of the Previous Chapters

Review of In the preceding twenty chapters we have tried to bridge the

chapter? '"^ gap which separates the Europe of Louis XIV from the world
of to-day. We have seen how, in the eighteenth century, the
European monarchs light-heartedly made war upon one another
in the hope of adding a bit of territory to their realms, or of
seating a relative or friend on a vacant throne. Such enter-
prises were encouraged by the division of Germany and Italy
into small states which could be used as counters in this royal
game of war and diplomacy. But nevertheless in the eighteenth
century European history was already broadening out. The
whole eastern half of the continent was brought into relation
with the West by Peter the Great and Catherine, and merchants
and traders were forcing the problem of colonial expansion upon
their several governments. England succeeded in driving France
from India and America and in laying the foundation of that
empire, unprecedented in extent, over which she rules to-day.
Portugal and the Netherlands, once so conspicuous upon the
seas, had lost their importance, and the grasp of Spain upon
the New World was relaxing.

We next considered the condition of the people over whom
the monarchs of the eighteenth century reigned — the serfs,
the townspeople with their guilds, the nobility, the clergy,
and the religious orders. We noted the unlimited authority
of the kings and the extraordinary prerogatives and privileges
enjoyed by the Roman Catholic clergy. The origin of the
Anglican Church and of the many Protestant sects in England

634

The Twentieth Centtiiy in Europe 635

was explained. We next showed how the growing interest in
natural science served to wean men from their reverence for
the past and to open up vistas of progress ; how the French
philosophers, Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau, and many others,
attacked existing institutions, and how the so-called enlightened
despots who listened to them undertook a few timid reforms,
mainly with a view of increasing their own power. But when
at last, in 1789, the king of France was forced to call together
representatives of his people to help him fill an empty treasury,
they seized the opportunity to limit his powers, abolish the old
abuses, and proclaim a program of reform which was destined
to be accepted in turn by all the European nations.

The wars which began in 1792 led to the establishment of
a temporary republic in France, but a military genius, the
like of which the world had never before seen, soon brought
not only France but a great part of western Europe under his
control. He found it to his interest to introduce many of the
reforms of the French Revolution in the countries which he
conquered and, by his partial consolidation of Germany and
the consequent extinction of the Holy Roman Empire, he
prepared the way for the creation later of one of the most
powerful European states of to-day.

Since the Congress of Vienna, which readjusted the map of
Europe after Napoleon's downfall, a number of very important
changes have occurred. Both Germany and Italy have been con-
solidated and have taken their places among the great powers.
The Turk has been steadily pushed back, and a group of states
unknown in the eighteenth century has come into existence
in the Balkan peninsula. Everywhere the monarchs have lost
their former absolute powers and have more or less gracefully
submitted to the limitations imposed by a constitution. Even
the Tsar, while still calling himself " Autocrat of all the Rus-
sias," has promised to submit new laws and the provisions
of his yearly budget to a parliament, upon which he and his
police, however, keep a very sharp eye.

636 Outlines of Europe a7i History

Alongside these important changes an Industrial Revolution
has been in progress, the influence of which upon the lives
of the people at large has been incalculably greater than all
that armies and legislative assemblies have accomplished. It
has not only given rise to the most serious problems which
face Europe to-day but has heralded an imperialism which
carries European civilization through all the world. During
the latter half of the nineteenth century the European powers,
especially England, France, Germany, and Russia, have been
busy opening up the vast Chinese Empire and other Asiatic
countries to European influences, and in this way the whole
continent of Asia has, in a certain sense, been drawn into
the current of European history. Africa, the borders alone
of which were known in 1850, has, during the past fifty
years, been explored and apportioned out among the European
powers. It will inevitably continue for many years to be com-
pletely dominated by them. These are perhaps the most
striking features of our study of the past two hundred years.

It remains for us to see what Europe itself was like in the
opening years of the twentieth century, to examine how it took
over the heritage of the past and what further contributions it
offered to civilization.

Section 109. The Social Revolution in England,
1906-19 I 4

England At the closc of the nineteenth century England was, to all

servat^e appearances, as conservative as any nation in western Europe.

The enthusiasm for the extension of the suffrage and for the
reform of ancient abuses, which had stirred the country for a
hundred years, seemed to have died away. Contentment with
the existing order, and interest in great imperial enterprises in
South Africa and other parts of the world, characterized English
politics. During the twenty years from 1886 to 1906 (except
for a short period in 1892-1895) the Conservative party was

The Tzventieth Ce^ittLvy in Europe 637

in cortrol of the House of Commons and the government.
Liberalism appeared to be dead, and the agitation of the Social-
ists apparently made no impression on the workingmen.

But the general election of 1906 brought a startling change.
The Conservatives were completely defeated by the Liberals,
and no less than fifty labor representatives were elected to
Parliament. Several of these were avowed Socialists.-^ In the
next ten years the Liberals, with their radical and laborite
colleagues, made such sweeping reforms as to amount to a real
revolution in British society and politics.

The change in English sentiment was clearly expressed by Social reform
a Liberal, Mr. Winston Churchill, in a political speech at Not- "n^Engknd"^
tingham, on January 30, 1909 : "The main aspirations of the
British people are at the present time social rather than polit-
ical. They see around them on every side, and almost every
day, spectacles of confusion and misery which they cannot
reconcile with any conception of humanity or justice. They see
that there are in the modern state a score of misfortunes that
can happen to a man without his being at fault in any way.
They see, on the other hand, the mighty power of science,
backed by wealth and power, to introduce order, to provide
safeguards, to prevent accidents, or at least mitigate their con-
sequences. They know that this country is the richest in the
world ; and in my sincere judgment the British democracy will
not give their hearts to any party that is not able and willing
to set up that larger, fuller, more elaborate, more thorough

1 Socialism made very little progress in Britain during the nineteenth century.
In 1883 a Social Democratic Federation had been formed to promote the teach-
ings of Marx, but it had little success. The Independent Labor party appeared
in 1893, under the leadership of Keir Hardie, a miner who was elected to Parlia-
men.t. It was moderately socialistic and grew slowly. The Fabian Society, of
which Sidney and Beatrice Webb, G. B. Shaw, and H. G. Wells have been mem-
bers, believes in reaching the socialists' goal by going slowly (like the old Roman
general, Fabius, who gained his end by going slowly). So it has advocated
municipal or national ownership of land and industrial capital. But the Fabians
do not form a political party. It was not until the trade-unions " entered
politics" in 1905, cooperating with the Independent Labor party, that anything
much was accomplished.

638

Outlines of European History

Recent Eng-
lish labor
laws

Booth's sur-
vey of Lon-
don poverty

social organization, without which our country and its people
will inevitably sink through sorrow to disaster and our name
and fame fade upon the pages of history."

In this spirit the Liberal government began, shortly after
its accession to power in 1906, a series of laws designed to
mitigate, at least, if not to abolish, the evils of poverty, sweat-
ing, unemployment, and industrial accidents. The provisions
of the Workmen's Compensation, Act of 1897 were extended
to agricultural laborers and domestic servants. Under this law
employers in the industries covered are required to pay com-
pensation to workmen injured in their employ, except when the
accident is due to the " serious and willful misconduct of the
injured workman himself." At the same time (1906) a law was
passed exempting the funds of trade-unions from the liability of
being attached for damages caused by their officials in strikes
and industrial conflicts generally. Two years later (1908)
Parliament passed an act providing that, subject to certain inci-
dental reservations, " a workman shall not be below ground in
a mine for the purpose of his work and of going to and from
his work, for more than eight hours during any consecutive
twenty-fours hours."

Measures for the benefit of trade-unionists, miners, and in-
jured workmen, however important they may be, do not solve
the problem of poverty, due to low wages, uncertain employ-
ment, illness, and causes other than those which may be ascribed
to individual faults. Undoubtedly poverty on a large scale has
been one of the inevitable accompaniments of the Industrial
Revolution, and in England the amount of depressing, hopeless
poverty is enormous. Several years ago Mr. Charles Booth, a
wealthy shipowner, feeling that there was no accurate informa-
tion available in regard to the condition of the working people
of London, undertook a house-to-house canvass at his own ex-
pense. With a large corps of helpers he set about ascertaining
the " numerical relations which poverty, misery, and deprav-
ity bear to regular earnings and comparative comfort," and

The Twentieth Centitry in Europe 639

published, as the result of his survey, The Life and Labor of
the People of Londofi, in sixteen volumes. In the district of East
London, embracing a population of nearly a million, he found
that more than one third of the people belonged to families
with incomes of a guinea (about $5.15) or less a week; that
forty-two per cent of the families earned from about $5.50 to
$7.50 a week ; and that only about thirteen per cent had more
than $7.50 a w^eek to live on. His studies further revealed
terrible overcrowding in squalid tenements which were badly
lighted, poorly equipped with water and sanitary arrangements,
and reeking with disease. He reached the startling conclusion
that throughout the vast city of London nearly one third of
the people were in poverty ; that is, lived on wages too low to
provide the necessaries for a decent physical existence, to say
nothing of comforts or luxuries.

It might at first sight seem that the poverty of London is indications
exceptionally great, but Mr. Rowntree, in an equally careful povert>' in
survey, proved that in the city of York, with its population of not"exce^
less than eighty thousand inhabitants, toward one third of the tional
people are also, as in London, in dire poverty.^ He showed,
too, that the physical development of the children, the preva-
lence of disease, and the death rate corresponded with the rate
of wages ; in short, that health, happiness, and well-being in-
creased as wages increased. There is reason to believe that
conditions are essentially the same in many other modern cities,
not only in England but throughout the world, although this
has not as yet been demonstrated by scientific investigations.

Formerly it was generally assumed that poverty was inevita- Possibility of
ble and that little could be done to remedy it, since there was poverty
not enough wealth in any given community to make everybody
comfortable ; but the progress of practical inventions and of
scientific discovery has roused the hope in the minds of many
that if industries were reorganized in a way to avoid waste
and to promote efficiency, if the idle were set to work and
1 See Readings, Vol. II, pp. 487 f,

640

Outlines of European History

The English
government
declares war
on poverty

Government
employment
bureaus

Regulation
o'f wages in
" sweated "
trades

precautions taken to distribute the wealth in such a way that
a few could not, as they can now, appropriate vast fortunes,
there might sometime be enough for all who were willing to do
their part, so that all could live in comfort and bring up their
children in healthful surroundings, thus greatly reducing vice
and disease. As the kindly Pope Leo XIII well said, '' There
can be no question that some remedy must be found, and
that quickly, for the misery and wretchedness which press so
heavily at this moment on a large majority of the very poor."

The English government boldly grappled with the situation
and proceeded to " make war on poverty " a part of its official
program. In 1908 it passed an old-age pension law, the lead-
ing provisions of which follow : The recipient of a government
pension must be seventy years of age, a British subject, neither
a pauper nor in receipt of a private income of more than $150
(;^3i IDS.). Criminals and those who have not honestly worked
for their self-support are debarred. The maximum pension
allowed is about $1.25 per week (5 s.) to those having incomes
not exceeding about $100 (^£21 4 s.) a year.

To help in reducing the large amount of unemployment, Par-
liament passed an act in 1909 authorizing the establishment of
labor exchanges throughout the country to collect information
as to employers requiring working people and as to laborers
seeking employment. Provisions were also made whereby the
government may advance loans to laborers to pay their travel-
ing expenses to the places where employment may be found
for them by the labor exchanges.

Parliament has sought to raise the level of wages in some
industries which do not pay the employees enough to uphold a
fairly decent standard of life. By an act passed in 1909, pro-
vision is made for the establishment of trade boards in certain
of the "sweated" trades, such as tailoring, machine lace-making,
and box-making industries, or any other trade which may fall
below decent standards of wages oi* conditions of labor. These
trade boards consist of representatives of the working people

The Twentieth Century in Europe 64 i

and of the employers and also persons appointed by the gov-
ernment, and are empowered to fix minimum rates of wages
for time work and general minimum rates for piece work in
^.heir respective trades. Agreements for wages lower than
those fixed by the board are forbidden, and employers paying
under the minimum are liable to heavy fines.

Meanwhile the opposition to these sweeping reforms was The House
becoming intense among the Conservatives. As they were in blocks ^
a minority in the House of Commons, however, they were un- J'^form
able to do more than to protest that the country was going to
ruin and that the upper and middle classes would be submerged
by the rising power of democracy. The Conservatives, how-
ever, were firmly intrenched in the House of Lords, where they
had a large majority, and there they began to take up arms
against measures which were, in their opinion, nothing short of
revolutionary. In December, 1906, the Lords mutilated a bill
which the Commons had passed for the support of a system of
national, free secular schools — like those of America — at a
disadvantage to those of the Established Church, and a few days
later they threw out a plural-voting bill abolishing the ancient
practice of allowing a man to vote in all counties in which he
had the requisite property to entitle him to the ballot. Such
action angered the Commons, which claimed that the principles
of representative government were violated by it.

The real clash between the Lords and Commons came in The " revo-
1909 over the budget — that is, over the taxes which the budget'of
Liberals proposed to lay and the expenses they proposed to ^909
incur. In April of that year, Mr. Lloyd-George, Chancellor of
the Exchequer in Mr. Asquith's government, laid before the
House of Commons a scheme of taxation which stirred up a
veritable hornets' nest. In this '' revolutionary budget " he
proposed a high tax on automobiles, a heavy income tax with
a special additional tax on incomes over ;!{^5ooo, — heavier on
unearned than on earned incomes, — and an inheritance tax on
a new scale, varying according to the amount of the inheritance

642

Outlines of European History

A budget
for war
on poverty

The Conserv-
atives attack
the budget

up to fifteen per cent of estates over ;^ 1,000, 000. He also
proposed a new land tax, distinguishing sharply between land-
owners who actually worked their lands and the owners of
mineral lands and city lots who exacted royalties and made
large profits from growth in land values. The budget also in-
cluded a twenty per cent tax on unearned values in land, pay-
able on its sale or transfer, so that any one who sold property
at a profit would have to pay a good share of the gain to the
public treasury. The chancellor also proposed a special tax on
undeveloped and on mineral lands.

These special taxes, in addition to the other taxes, made a
heavy budget; but the chancellor defended it on the ground
that it was a war budget for '' waging implacable war against
poverty." He concluded his opening speech in defense of his
policy by expressing the hope "that great advance will be made
during this generation toward the time when poverty with its
wretchedness and squalor will be as remote from the people
of this countr)^ as the wolves which once infested the forests."

The budget was at once hotly attacked by the Conservatives
as socialistic and revolutionary. They claimed that the distinc-
tion between " earned " and " unearned " incomes was an un-
warranted and invidious attack on the rights of property. " If a
man," asked one, "is to be more heavily taxed on an income
that he has not earned than on an earned income, on the
ground that he does not have the same absolute right to both
incomes, why may not the government advance step by step
until it takes away all unearned incomes on the theory that their
possessors have no right to them at all ? " Some of the m.ore
conservative defenders of the budget shrank from answering
this question, and contented themselves by replying that it was
a matter of degree, not of fundamental principles. Other sup-
porters of the budget frankly declared that a man's right to
his property depended upon the way in which he got it.

Speaking on this point, Mr. Winston Churchill said : " For-
merly the question of the taxgatherer was, ' How much have

The Twentieth Centiuy in Europe 643

you got ? ' . . . Now a new question has arisen. We do not a new ques-

only ask to-day, 'How much have you got?' we also ask, 'How tSation

did you get it? Did you earn it by yourself, or has it been left ■
to you by others ? Was it gained by processes which are in

Fig. 152. David Lluvd-Geokge

The son of a Welsh school-teacher, Mr. Lloyd-George knew himself
the meaning of that poverty he has tried to lessen in Britain. Studying
law he entered politics, and was elected to ParHament at the age of
twenty-seven. He bitterly opposed the Boer War, and was noted as a
fearless radical, as well as the leader of Welsh nationalism. Becoming
a cabinet minister when the Liberals came to power in 1905, he con-
tinued his radical attacks on " property " but combined with them much
far-seeing statesmanship. It was mainly due to him that England went
so far in its "war against poverty." When the great war of 1914 came
Lloyd-George was the one whose energy and skill did most to awaken
England to its danger and to prepare to meet it

themselves beneficial to the community in general, or was it
gained by processes which have done no good to anyone, but
only harm ? Was it gained by the enterprise and capacity neces-
sary to found a business, or merely by squeezing and bleeding the

644

Outlines of European History

The Lords
reject the
budget

The Com-
mons protest

The cam-
paign for the
election of
January, 1910

The Lords
pass the
budget

owner and founder of the business ? Was it gained by supply-
ing the capital which industry needs, or by denying, except at
extortionate price, the land which industry requires ? Was it de-
rived by active reproductive processes, or merely by squatting on
some piece of necessary land till enterprise and labor, national
interests and municipal interests, had to buy you out at fifty
times the agricultural value ? Was it gained by opening new
minerals to the service of man, or by drawing a mining royalty
from the toil and adventure of others ? . . . How did you get
it ? ' That is the new question which has been postulated, and
which is vibrating in penetrating repetition through the land."

The arguments in favor of the budget convinced the House
of Commons, and it was carried by a handsome majority. In
the House of Lords, however, it was defeated by a vote of
350 to 75.

The Liberals immediately took up the gage thus thrown
down. On December 2, Mr. Asquith moved in the House of
Commons a resolution ''That the action of the House of Lords
in refusing to pass into law the financial provision made by the
House for the services of the year is a breach of the Constitu-
tion and a usurpation of the rights of the House of Commons."
This resolution was carried by a vote of 349 to 134, showing
that there was little hope for a compromise on the issue. Then,
to test the feeling of the country upon the matter, a new
election was held, January, 1910.

The election campaign was unusually bitter, being marked
by open violence. in some places. The Socialists, radicals, and
Irish demanded the speedy abolition of the House of Lords,
but the moderate Liberals were content to lessen its power.
The election still gave the Liberals a majority, although they
lost almost one hundred seats. Their majority was so small,
however, that for working purposes they had to cultivate
friendly relations with the Labor and Irish members.

When Parliament met, the Lords, threatened with loss of
their powers, passed the obnoxious budget. But the Liberals

The Twentieth Century in Europe 645

were determined, none the less, to render that ancient seat of
privilege harmless to thwart the will of the Commons in future.

In the midst of this constitutional crisis, King Edward VII The election
died (May 6, 19 10), and a sort of truce was made between the iQio^)^on the
leaders. This was followed by conferences between the repre- J^o"f^ ?f

■' ^ Lords' issue

sentatives of the Liberals and Conservatives, at which attempts
were made to arrive at a compromise. These efforts failed, and
at the opening of Parliament in November it was found that the
deadlock was as fast as ever. Thereupon the Liberals dissolved
Parliament and appealed to the country in a new election that
closed on December 19, 19 10. The result of this campaign
was as unsatisfactory as that of the preceding January, for the
Liberals only made slight gains in spite of a hard fight.

Shortly after the opening of the new Parliament in February, The House
191 1, a bill designed to check the exercise of the ''veto" conquered
power by the Lords was introduced in Commons and passed
by a good round majority. The measure was then sent to the
House of Lords, and Mr. Asquith announced that he had re-
ceived the consent of King George V to create enough new
peers to insure its passage in case the Conservative opponents
were able to defeat it. Thus intimidated, the upper house, on
August 18, 191 1, passed the Parliament Act, or the Lords' Veto
Bill as it was called, the leading provisions of which follow.

If any money bill — that is, a bill relative to raising taxes and The Lords'

. . ' . . . 11/-. ^ Veto Bill

making appropriations — is passed by Commons and sent up to
the Lords at least one month before the end of a session, and
is not passed by the Lords within one month without amend-
ment, the bill may be presented to the king for his signature
and, on being approved, becomes a law notwithstanding the
fact that the Lords have not consented to it. Any public bill
(other than a money bill, or a bill changing the provision for a
maximum term of five years for a parliament), passed by the
House of Commons at three successive sessions and rejected
by the Lords at each of the three sessions, may be presented
to the king and, on receiving his approval, will become a law

646

Outlines of Eitropean History

National
insurance
against ill
health and
unemploy-
ment

vjreat Britain
finally a
democracy
in politics
though re-
taining social
^.ristocracy

without the consent of the Lords — provided that two years
have elapsed between the date of the second reading of the
bill in the Commons in the first of those sessions and the date
on which it passes the Commons in the third of those sessions.
The veto bill also fixed five years instead of seven years as the
time which any parliament may last. That is, under the law
of August 18, a new parliamentary election must be held at
least every five years, although of course a dissolution may
be ordered at any time by the cabinet. Provision was also
made in 191 1 to pay members of the House of Commons
;^4oo a year. Thus one more demand of the Chartists was
realized.

With the House of Lords curbed, the Liberal government pro-
ceeded with further reforms. The most comprehensive of all
recent measures is the National Insurance Act of 191 1, which
went into effect in July, 19 12. One part of this law requires
the compulsory insurance of nearly all employees (except those
not engaged in manual labor and enjoying an income of more
than ;^i6o a year) against ill health of every kind. The insured
persons, the employers, and the government are all contributors
to the fund. Among the benefits for the insured are medical
treatment and attendance, sanatorium treatment for tuberculosis,
payments during sickness, disablement allowances, and the pay-
ment of 30 s. to each mother on the birth of a child. A second
portion of the act requires employers and employees in certain
trades to contribute a small sum weekly to a fund for insur-
ance against unemployment, and provides government assistance
as well.

By these measures we can see that political democracy has at
last been achieved in Great Britain. The British are still at-
tached to their monarch, and they retain a genuine respect for
the nobility in social life. But political power has passed into the
hands of the great majority, who are using it with but slight
regard for the feelings or pockets of the aristocracy. Even
the so-called upper classes accept this transformation of British

The Twentieth Cefitury in Europe 647

politics as a settled fact, and have confined their efforts to
preventing further change. But the program of social legisla-
tion in the hands of Asquith and Lloyd-George has been as
progressive as ever, down to the outbreak of the great war of
1914.-^ Indeed, the Liberal government has been charged by
the Conservatives with having been so absorbed with these
problems of social reform at home — or, as they call it, with
confiscating their property — as to have been blind to the
danger of war, until it suddenly burst upon an unprepared
country. This charge seems hardly fair, however, for not
only had Sir Edward Grey, the foreign minister, been ener-
getic, as we shall see in the next chapter, in keeping on terms
of close friendship with France and arranging a friendly under-
standing with Russia, but the minister in charge of naval
defense had the British fleet ready on the opening day of
the war.

Parallel with these measures of Parliament for the nation as Local
a whole, there has gone on a movement for civic betterment, mun^ielpal
Local self-government for the cities as well as for the country ^^^1^^^^'^ °^
districts was reorganized in 1835, when representative bodies utilities
replaced the old authorities whose offices had lasted down
from the Middle Ages. In recent years there has been much
increase in municipal enterprise and ownership of public utili-
ties. Cities, like Manchester and Birmingham, as well as Lon-
don, have undertaken great public works. Most of them own
their street railways as well as gas and electric-light plants
and experiments in the development of model suburbs or
workmen's houses, and are proud of the success of their enter-
prises. There is still much dire poverty in Britain, and little
has been done to check the evil of intemperance, but the nation
has been awakened to new possibilities.

1 Among Lloyd-George's further plans was a heavy tax on the land, arranged
so as to hit the great landowners, mainly nobles, very hard, and so perhaps
bring back under cultivation the vast parks which have formed many of the
beauty spots of England but do not help feed the people nor pay much to the
State. The war taxes since 19 14 promise to accomplish this in any case.

648

Outlmes of European History

Prosperity
in Great
Britain

Finally, in spite of the prophecies, by conservative people, of
financial disaster if the country were to meet the burden of
these taxes for social regeneration. Great Britain kept steadily
increasing in prosperity. Its commerce, just before the war,
reached stupendous figures, the imports into the United King-
dom in 19 1 3 being worth over three and a half billion dollars
and the exports about three billion. Industries have prospered
in like manner. The total output of the main textile industries,
in which, it will be recalled, the Industrial Revolution largely
began, has grown in a century from slightly over a hundred
million to almost a billion dollars a year, and in 19 13 was
supporting over five million people.

Section iio. Recent History in Germany

Germany be-
comes a world

German
prosperity

The iron
and steel
industries

The Great War which opened in 1 9 1 4 has completely altered
the attitude of the rest of the world toward Germany. No one
can view the history of that country in the same way that he
did before the Prussian military party precipitated the terrific
conflict which is described in a later chapter. The chief interest
of Germany's development after the dismissal of Bismarck in
1890 is likely to lie hereafter in the manner in which her gov-
ernment reached a degree of power and insolence which tempted
them to defy the world, and which has made her such an inter-
national menace that even our great republic, separated from
her by the broad Atlantic, was forced finally to array its whole
strength against her.

During the reign of William II, Germany has grown aston-
ishingly in wealth as well as in population. The foundations
for this prosperity lie partly in the fact that the country has
been unified politically into an empire. But almost as impor-
tant has been the development of German manufactures, which
in its turn has largely depended upon the growth of the great
iron and steel industries that center in western Prussia, along
the Rhine, and in Saxony. Strangely enough, it was a young

The Twefitieth Century in Europe 649

English engineer, Mr. Sidney G. Thomas, who invented in 1878
the process upon which much of this vast industry and, there-
fore, also, much of the might of modern Germany rests. The
iron ore of Germany, particularly that in the great deposits
along the Moselle River, in Lorraine, which was seized by'
Germany in 187 1, contained a good deal of phosphorus, and
the system of making steel then most in use, the Bessemer
system, did not convert this into steel satisfactorily. Hence
England, whose iron industry did not suffer from the handicap
of too much phosphorus in the ore, had developed great
steel works much more successfully than Germany could.
Mr. Thomas solved the problem, however, and his invention,
introduced in the cities along the Rhine, enabled Germany
ultimately to surpass the English, whose supply is more limited.
At the beginning of the war Germany stood next to the United
States in the output of her iron industries.

Parallel with the increase in wealth has come an increase in Growth of
population. The population in 1870 was about 40,000,000; in numbers'^"
1914 it was almost 68,000,000, — a larger increase than was and wealth
shown in any other country in western Europe. Vast new
cities therefore grew up ; old ones did away with their narrow
streets, destroyed their slums, and spread out along miles of
wide boulevards as new as those of Chicago.

A number of municipalities, like Berlin, Munich, Leipzig, Municipal

, TT 1 11 r 1 J socialism in

and Hanover, have purchased enormous areas 01 land so as oermanv
to gain the profit arising from the increase in value and make
it easier to prevent congestion. Several cities are laid out into
zones, and the building in each zone is restricted by law, to stop
overcrowding. Some of the more progressive towns own their
street-car lines, gas works, electric-light plants, and slaughter-
houses, manage theaters, operate pawnshops, build houses for
workingmen, and attempt to plan their growth in such a way
as to obviate the hideous and unsanitary features which have
too often been supposed to be quite unavoidable in factory
towns.

The German
business men
controlled by
the State

650

Outlines of En7'opean History

Germany's trade increased surprisingly. German steamship
lines, heavily subsidized by the government, developed rapidly,
and their vessels were soon sailing on every sea. The farmers
and manufacturers flourished owing to the new markets
throughout the world opened by the new German merchant
marine. Workmen stopped emigrating to the United States

Fig. 153. Bridge across the Rhine at Mainz

This long bridge spans the Rhine where, over nineteen hundred years

before, Julius Caesar built a bridge to subdue the barbarian Germans

of that day. Wooden stakes and iron spikes of Caesar's bridge are

kept in the museum at Mainz

and South America because times were good ever)' where in
Germany and it was easy to get enough to do at home.

But Germany did not play the game fairly. Individual
Englishmen and individual English companies had built up
England's world commerce. But German business men were
generally backed by the German government, which put its
power and money at their disposal. So they did not work simply
for themselves, but the State saw to it that they worked for the
aggrandizement of the German government.

TJie Twentieth Cetiticjy in Europe 651

From a relatively poor country in 187 1 Germany became Ugly spirit

of German
competition

rich and insolent. Commercial spies were everywhere on the ° erman

alert to gain some advantage for Germans as Germans. Instead
of acting in a spirit of decent competition they formed a sort
of gigantic conspiracy utterly regardless of the rights of others.
Although the Germans were freely received by all other nations,
including England and France, they abused the hospitality
granted them by their neighbors. They judged others by them-
selves. They imagined that they were surrounded on all sides
by an "■ iron ring " of enemies. When by. peaceful means they
were becoming a highly important commercial nation they
nevertheless began to denounce England as a pirate and to talk
of making "a place in the sun" for themselves by crushing her
as their chief enemy.

Unfortunately the other nations did not take this German How the
talk seriously. Few imagined that the old Prussian spirit of the happened
Great Elector, Frederick the Great, and Bismarck and the silly
talk of Fichte and other German philosophers, historians, and
economists about German superiority would take the form of
an armed attempt to put the theories into practice. Neverthe-
less this has happened. The German conception of the State The Germans
is quite different from that which prevails in democratic coun- revere*^ the
tries. Lincoln once defined democracy as '' the government ■^^^^^^"'^
of the people, by the people, for the people." But in Ger-
many the people are taught by their officials that the State is
something more precious than the interests of all those who
compose it. And it is the duty of the people not to control the
State in their own interests but to obey the government officials
and believe what the government tells them. There has been
no large liberal party in Germany to oppose ancient Prussian
despotism and militarism. The Social Democrats, it is true,
have often talked against autocracy and militarism and the
Kaiser's nonsense about his partnership with God. But few
of them were proof against the war spirit when the Kaiser
and his advisers precipitated the great conflict in 19 14.

652

Outlines of European Histoiy

Constant
strengthen-
ing of the
German
army

The German
navy

Germany's astonishing growth in wealth and commercial
importance produced in some classes a spirit of arrogant self-
confidence. Her military leaders fostered pride in her '' invin-
cible " army ; they recalled the victories of the past, especially
those of 1866 and 1870-1871, and suggested that "the next
war " might give her further opportunities for subduing her
jealous neighbors and enhancing her power and glory. The
Reichstag was induced in 19 13 to grant money to increase
the army in time of peace. There was no intermission in war-
like preparations. Great attention was given to the manufacture
of improved artillery and the invention of high explosives, to
the development of gigantic dirigible balloons (Zeppelins), and
to the opening possibilities of undersea warfare. When the
Germans considered that they possessed an army of four million
men, more carefully trained and more fully and ingeniously
equipped than those of any other State, and that they had,
besides, six million men who could be summoned in case of war
to fill gaps or guard the fatherland, it seemed impossible that
they could suffer defeat, no matter who should attack them.

But they were not satisfied with their superior army; they
must have a powerful navy as well, — one that would vie with the
sea power of Germany's chief rival. Great Britain. Accordingly,
urged on by the Kaiser, Germany began in 1898 to construct
a huge modern navy. She added cruiser to cruiser and dread-
naught to dreadnaught, until she was second only to England in
the size and equipment of her marine. She has two stretches
of seacoast, separated by the Danish peninsula. By means of
a canal (opened in 1895) between her war port of Kiel and the
mouth of the Elbe River she connected her coasts from the
Dutch to the Russian boundary, and her ships passed easily back
and forth between the Baltic and the North Sea. But when the
war really came England promptly blockaded Germany's ports
on the North Sea, and except for one sally with doubtful results
a great part of the German navy remained during the first four
years of the war peacefully ensconced in her own ports.

The Twentieth Century in Europe 653

The Prussian crown prince certainly expressed the views views of the
of many German leaders and writers when he said, in 1913 : crown^"
" Our country is obliged more than any other country to place P""^^
all its confidence in its good weapons. Set in the center of
Europe, it is badly protected by its unfavorable geographic
frontiers, and is regarded by many nations, without affection.
Upon the German Empire, therefore, is imposed more emphati-
cally than upon any other people of the earth the sacred duty
of watching carefully that its army and its navy be always
prepared to meet any attack from the outside. It is only by
reliance upon our brave sword that we shall be able to maintain
that place in the sun which belongs to us, and which the world
does not seem very willing to accord us."

But to many Germans the '' safety " and " defense " of the German idea
fatherland means the right to expand in various ways at the and defen^se
expense of its neighbors. Other countries must be weakened, fatherland
especially England, before Germany is really safe. She must
have European dependencies as well as colonial possessions in
Africa, Asia, and South America. It would be quite impossible
here to set down all the schemes of national aggrandizement
suggested by German writers during the past twenty years.^
Before the war little attention was paid to these seemingly wild
projects. As President Wilson said in June, 191 7, most people
" regarded what German professors expounded in their class-
rooms, and German writers set forth to the world . . ., as the
dream of minds detached from practical affairs, as preposterous
private conceptions of German destiny." But since the opening
of the war and Germany's occupation of Belgium, northern
France, and large portions of Russia, it has been necessary to
take account of that fierce party in Germany which seems
willing to cast aside every obligation of international law and
humanity in order to make Germany a " world power."

1 The United States government has published for free distribution an invalu-
able selection of extracts from German writers, called Co7iquest and Kultur ;
Aims of the Gejtnans in their Own Words.

654

Outlines of Eiiropea^i History

German
application
of Darwin's
theory

The supreme
issue of the

Many Germans hold that Darwin's idea that the fittest
survive in the constant struggle for existence should be ap-
plied to modern States, War, or its equivalent, they argue,
has always been nature's way of eliminating the weak and
inferior and leaving the field to the strong and resourceful.
But the German might be reluctant to welcome war if he was
not assured by his philosophers, clergymen, and government
leaders that his race is superior to all others and his civiliza-
tion unequaled elsewhere. German victories in the past, Ger-
man science and art and learning, all combine to prove to
the German's satisfaction that his people are undoubtedly the
'^ fittest." They should therefore welcome war, not only be-
cause they think that they are sure to win but because it is
their natural duty and prerogative, as they assume, to spread
their civilization ^^Kultur) among the inferior peoples abcrut them.^

Their opponents in the Great War are bent on showing the
Germans that this theory is the result of criminal self-delusion.
The fact that a country has a big army is no sign that it is
" fittest " to play a part in our modern world. Germany was
able to crush little Belgium in 19 14 and to sink the Ltisitania
in 19 1 5, but the world refuses to think these are proofs of
her superior civilization. It would seem that only defeat can
force the Kaiser and the Prussian war party to conclude that
military glory and conquest are outworn ambitions which the
present world cannot tolerate.

Section

France in the Twentieth Century

The contri- Perhaps no country in Europe has contributed more to the

France °to history of civilization than France. A home of new ideas, of
civilization freedom in thinking and experiment in politics, it has also been

the main center, through most of the modern period, for the

development of art.

1 The ideas that the Germans harbor of themselves and their mission are
somewhat more fully stated in the supplementary chapter, in the section dealing
with the problem of reestablishing peace.

The Tzventieth Ceiittiry in Eitrope

655

Paris is the painters' city. Not only do its vast galleries Paris the
contain priceless treasures of the worid's masterpieces, but its of^Europ?
schools of art draw students from every country. In this way
it has influenced the taste and ideals of the whole art world.

Fig. 154. The Opera House, Paris

The Opera House stands in the very center of the city. It is the most
magnificent building devoted to music in the world, and was begun by
Napoleon III but completed under the Third Republic. On opening
nights high officials of the government come in state. But once a month
free performances by the best artists are given, open to the people of
Paris ; for the French government, like other European governments,
supports art by national subsidies

It is also a great musical center. The great masters and geniuses
in music, whether they come from Germany, Italy, Poland,
or Russia, regard the manner of the reception of their work in
the great opera house in Paris as a matter of the first importance.

Although France stands so high in the realm of art and has France mis-
made contributions to science not less phenomenal,^ yet, until by foreigners
the war of 19 14 revealed the courage and moral devotion of

1 See next section.

656

Outlines of European History

The consen'-
ativism of
the French

The French
parHament
controls its
cabinet

the people, it was the custom for foreigners to refer to the
France of the Third Republic as an outworn country, which
was already in decline. The main reason for this was that those
who wrote about modern France did not really know their sub-
ject. The serious, hard-working, thrifty Frenchmen and French-
women, of which the nation is mainly composed, have not
interested pleasure-seeking travelers who write about their ex-
periences abroad. These writers have been struck by small
things, differences in ways and manners, and have failed to see
beneath the quick wit and lively expression the real seriousness
of the French people.

The modern history of France, if studied superficially, adds
to this impression of "the volatile French." Paris is "the home
of revolutions." But Paris is not France, and the country as a
whole is rather conservative in many ways. It is mainly a coun-
try of prosperous peasant farmers, who own their land and in-
vest their savings at interest rather than spend them on such
luxuries as automobiles or piano players. They are quite happy
to leave things as they are, and object to reforms that increase
the taxes. The shrewd, well-to-do merchants of the towns are
of much the same mind. Hence when really vital reforms are
proposed they are likely to meet with sufficient opposition to
bring about some sort of a political crisis.-^

During the earlier years of the history of the Third Republic
the cabinet was defeated every few months, and a new prime
minister would be called to power. This was regarded in Eng-
land and America as a sign of political instabilit}'. But if one
examines the situation more closely, one sees that the change
of cabinet did not matter in France as it would have mattered
in England or America. For in most cases the policy was

1 See above, p. 485. On the other hand, this also explains the success of
revolutions in which apparently so few people took part. The mass of the nation
was rather indifferent to politics so long as things went along about as they had
been going ; and the successive governments, republic or monarchy, generally
made little change in the great administrative structure, which dates from
Napoleon and the Revolution, or even from the old regime.

The Twentieth Century in Europe 657

unchanged. The new cabinet would often be just a more compe-
tent group of men to accomplish the same end. The point to
be kept in mind is that, whereas in the English system the
cabinet tends to run the Parliament, in the French system the
parliament controls the cabinet.

This is the result of the "group system" of political parties. The group
The government is faced with the possibility of a hostile coali- panS °
tion of the various groups at any time, whereas with the bi-party
system the government is practically sure of the support of its
party, which, in the nature of the case, is in the majority.

As we have intimated above, France has been a little slow Social
to follow the example of Germany and England in matters of
social reform, partly because the problems of poverty have not
been so pressing there. But in 19 10, building upon earlier laws, France fol-
it established a thorough-going system of old-age and disability e° ample of
pensions. The law requires all wage workers and salaried em- England ana

^ no Germany

ployees to be insured, and permits certain other workers to
take advantage of the law if they wish. Employers and em-
ployees make equal contributions to the fund, and the govern-
ment also lends its aid. The pension begins at the age of
sixty-five — five years earlier than in Germany — and will nor-
mally amount to about $75 per annum for men and $60 per
annum for women. Provisions are also made for those disabled
through sickness or accident ; and widows and orphans receive
certain death benefits. In 19 13 over eight million persons were
registered under this scheme.

The Napoleonic tradition of military glory was the worst The Third
handicap of France during the nineteenth century. The memo- be^comes
ries of the empire, when Paris was the capital of most of P^^^^^
Europe, continued to haunt a certain section of the people,
mainly the aristocracy, down to the disastrous war of 1870.
During the Third Republic the military party, particularly
the Bonapartists, tried to keep up the old spirit by harping
upon the need for reconquering Alsace-Lorraine from Ger-
many. Demonstrations in Paris were held before the statue

658 Outlines of Europe aii History

representing the lost city of Strassburg. But in recent years
the jingoes have had little support either in parliament or out
of it. The demonstrations have been witnessed by smaller
and smaller crowds of bystanders, and a strong pacifist move-
ment has been noticeable in the republic.-^ The growth of the
Socialist party, which was strongly antimilitarist, was a definite
sign of the new spirit, and the government, at least in the
eyes of the militarists, did not support a consistent policy of
preparedness.
The effect This attitude was changed, however, by the trouble with

Morocro Germany over Morocco in 1911.^ After that, France was thor-

^ ^^^ oughly alarmed, and all but the Socialists were for increasing

the army. The great Socialist leader, Jaures, one of the great-
est orators and statesmen in Europe, continued, even up to the
outbreak of the war, to argue against any yielding to a warlike
policy. But upon the actual outbreak of the war in 19 14, many
people thought his idealism no longer patriotic. He was assas-
sinated just as the invasion of France began.

Section 112. Progress and Effects of Natural
Science

This story of politics and social reform, and of achievement
in producing wealth and penetrating continents, which has been
our main theme during the last twenty chapters, has, however,
left almost unmentioned a phase of the histoiy which is per-
haps of more lasting importance than anything else that has
taken place — indeed, more important than anything else that
has ever been accomplished by mankind in all its long history
— the rise of modern science.

In Chapter VI the extraordinary advance of natural science
in the eighteenth century was briefly described. Through
careful observation and experimentation, and the invention

1 As an illustration of the popular outlook see the vote for Pasteur referred
to below, p. 672. 2 See below, p. 685.

The Twentieth Century in Europe 659

of scientific instruments like the microscope and telescope, Great im-
and by laborious watching, musing, and calculating, men of scientific °
science — Newton, Linnaeus, Buffon, Lavoisier, and hundreds research on

' ' ' ' the lives of

of Others — laid the foundations of our modern sciences, as- men
tronomy, botany, zoology, chemistry, physics. Their researches
greatly increased man's knowledge of himself, of the animals
and plants about him, of the minerals and gases which he
had hitherto so ill understood, of the earth itself, and of the
universe in which it revolves. These scientific discoveries have
not served merely to gratify a noble curiosity ; they have
deeply affected the lives even of those who never heard of oxy-
gen and hydrogen or the laws of motion. Scarcely any human
interest has escaped the direct influence of natural science, for
it has not only begotten a spirit of reform but is supplying the
means for infinitely improving our human lot by bettering the
conditions in which we live.^

Great as were the achievements of the eighteenth century, Some exam-
those of the nineteenth were still more startling. In order to fific advance^
appreciate this we have only to recollect that the representa- ^y""g Jjjj
tives of the European powers who met together at Vienna century
after Napoleon's fall had not only never dreamed of telegraphs,
telephones, electric lights, and electric cars, which are everyday
necessities to us, but they knew nothing of ocean steamships
or railways, of photography, anaesthetics, or antiseptics. Such
humble comforts as matches, kerosene oil, illuminating gas,
and our innumerable India-rubber articles were still unheard of.
Sewing machines, typewriters, and lawn mowers would have
appeared to them wholly mysterious contrivances whose uses
they could not have guessed. Probably none of them had ever
heard of the atomic theory ; certainly not of the cellular theory,
the conservation of energy, evolution, the germ theory of dis-
ease — all these, which every college boy and girl now finds in
the textbooks, would have been perfectly strange to Stein or
Alexander I.

Unfortunately, it is also capable of heightening the horrors of war.

66o

Outlines of European History

The progress of science in the twentieth century bids fair,
with our ever more refined means of research, to solve many
another deep mystery and add enormously to man's power and
resources. Yet, so far, each discovery has suggested problems
hitherto unsuspected. The universe is far more complicated
than it was once believed to be, and there seems, therefore,
to be no end to profitable research. It should be the aim of
every student of modern history to follow the development of
science and to observe the ways in which it is constantly chang-
ing our habits and our views of man, his origin and destiny.
It will be possible here to do no more than suggest some of
the more astonishing results of the scientific research which
has been carried on during the past hundred years with ever-
increasing ardor, both in Europe and America.

To begin with the earth itself, practically every one in
Europe fifty years ago believed that it had existed but five or
six thousand years, and that during the successive days of a
single week God had created it and all the creatures upon it
and had set the sun and moon in the firmament to light it.
For this conception of creation the geologist, zoologist, paleon-
tologist, anthropologist, physicist, and astronomer have been
substituting another, according to which all things have come
to their present estate through a gradual process extending
through millions, perhaps billions, of years.

The earth is now commonly believed to have once been a
gaseous ball which gradually cooled until its surface became
hardened into the crust upon which we live.-^ Geologists do
not agree as to the age of the earth in its present state, and
there appears to be no means of definitely settling the question.

1 Some distinguished scientists hold that there are weighty reasons for sup-
posing that this crust is not more than thirty or forty miles thick, and that the
volcanoes are openings which reach down to the molten and gaseous interior.
Other geologists, however, either believe that the globe is solid, or humbly con-
fess that we can form no satisfactory conclusions as to its interior, since we have
no means of determining the condition of matter under such a tremendous pres-
sure. Recently the theory has been advanced that the earth was gradually built
of particles previously flying about in space, and was never a molten mass.

The Twentieth Century iri Enrope 66 1

They infer, however, that it must have required from a hun-
dred to a thousand millions of years for the so-called sedi-
mentary rocks to be laid down in the beds of ancient seas
and oceans. Many of these rocks contain fossils which indi-
cate that plants and animals have existed on the earth from
the very remote periods when some of these older strata were
formed. Accordingly it seems possible that for at least a hun-
dred million years the earth has had its seas and its dry land,
differing little in temperature from the green globe familiar
to us.

Even if we reduce this period by one half, it is impossible to
form more than a faint idea of the time during which plants
and the lower forms of animals have probably existed on
the earth. Let us imagine a record having been kept during
the past fifty million years, in which but a single page should
be devoted to the chief changes occurring during each suc-
cessive five thousand years. This mighty journal would now
amount to ten volumes of a thousand pages each ; and scarcely
more than the last page. Volume X, page looo, would be as-
signed to the whole recorded history of the world from the
earliest Assyrian and Egyptian inscriptions to the present day.

As for the starry universe of which our sun and his little
following of planets form an infinitesimal part — that seems
to our poor minds to have existed always and to be boundless
in extent. Nevertheless the revelations of the spectroscope and
the samples of substances which reach the earth in the form
of meteoric dust and stones indicate that heavenly bodies are
composed of the same chemical constituents with which we
are familiar — hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, carbon, sodium,
iron, and so forth.

As early as 1795 ^^ Scotch geologist, James Hutton, pub- Lyeirs
lished his conclusion that the earth had gradually assumed its opGeology
present form by slow natural processes ; and he roused a f^^j^g^ ^^^^"^^
storm of protest by declaring that he found "' no traces of
a beginning and no prospect of an end," In 1830 Sir Charles

662

Outlines of European History

Buffon, 1707-
1788, dis-
covers signs
of a gradual
evolution of
vegetable and
animal life

The idea of
evolution
adopted by a
very few
advanced
thinkers in
the first half
of the nine-
teenth
century

Lyell published his famous Principles of Geology, in which he
explained at great length the manner in which the gradual con-
traction of the globe, the action of the rain and the frost,
had, through countless seons, and without any great general
convulsions or cataclysms, formed the mountains and valleys
and laid down the strata of limestone, clay, and sandstone.
He showed, in short, that the surface of the earth was the
result of familiar causes, most of which can still be seen in
operation. The work of more recent geologists has tended
to substantiate Lyell's views.

And just as the earth itself has slowly changed through the
operation of natural forces, so plants and animals appear to
have assumed their present forms gradually. Buffon, a French
naturalist who was busy upon a vast Natural History at the
time that Diderot's Encyclopcedia was in the course of publi-
cation, pointed out that all mammals closely resemble each
other in their structure, unlike as they may .appear to the
casual observer. If a horse be compared point by point to
a man, " our wonder," he declares, " is excited rather by the
resemblances than by the differences between them." As he
noted the family resemblances between one species and another
he admitted that it looked as if Nature might, if sufficient time
were allowed, " have evolved all organized forms from one
original type."

In other passages Buffon forecast the great theory of evolu-
tion, and in the opening decade of the nineteenth century his
fellow countryman, Lamarck, published a work in which he
boldly maintained that the whole animal world has been
gradually developed. He was half a century in advance of
his times in this conviction, although the causes of develop-
ment which he assigned would not seem at all adequate to
modem zoologists. Nevertheless other investigators were im-
pressed by the same facts which had led Buffon and Lamarck
to their conclusions, and in 1852 Herbert Spencer, in one of
his very earliest works, gave many strong and seemingly

The Twentieth Century in Rjirope

663

unanswerable arguments to support the idea that the whole
visible universe — the earth, the plants and animals, even
man himself and all his ideas and institutions — had slowly
developed by a natural process.

Seven years later (1859) Charles Darwin's The Origin of Darwin's
Species by Means of Natural Selectio?i — the result of years of natural °
the most patient study of plants and animals — finally brought election

Fig. 155. Darwin

Charles Darwin (1809-1882), after college days and a trip around the
world (1832-1836) as naturalist to a scientific exploration, spent a
secluded but studious and busy life in an English village. He pub-
lished many books ; one of the best known was " The Descent of
Man" (187 1)

the whole theory of evolution to the attention of the world at
large. Darwin maintained that the various species of animals
and plants — all the different kinds of monkeys, sparrows,
and whales, of maple trees, blackberries, and violets — were

664

Outlines of Eu7'opean History

The nature
of " the
struggle for
existence "

Variation
and the
survival of
the fittest

not descendants from original separate and individual species
created in a certain form which they had always kept, but that
these species as they exist in the world to-day were the result
of many changes and modifications which have taken place
during the millions of years in which plants and animals have
lived upon the earth.^

Darwin pointed out that if any animal or plant were left
free to multiply it would speedily fill the earth. For instance, a
single pair of robin redbreasts, or sparrows, if allowed to live
and breed unmolested, would under favorable circumstances in-
crease to more than twenty millions in ten years. Consequently
since the number of plants and animals shows no actual general
increase, it is clear that by far the greater portion of the eggs
of birds and fishes, the seeds of plants, and the young of mam-
mals are destroyed before they develop. Heat and cold, rain
and drought, are largely responsible for this, but organisms
also kill one another in a thousand different ways, often by
merely crowding out one another and consuming all the avail-
able food. There is thus a perpetual struggle for existence
among all organisms, whether of the same or different species,
and few only can possibly survive — one in five, or in ten, or
in a thousand, or, in some cases, in a million.

'' Then comes the question. Why do some live rather than
others ? If all the individuals of each species were exactly alike
in every respect, we could only say that it is a matter of chance,
but they are not alike. We find that they vary in many different
ways. Some are stronger, some swifter, some hardier in consti-
tution, some more cunning. An obscure color may render con-
cealment more easy for some ; keener sight may enable others

1 In the introduction to his book he says : " Although much remains obscure,
I can entertain no doubt, after the most deliberate and dispassionate judgment of
which I am capable, that the view which most naturalists till recently entertained,
and which I formerly entertained, — namely, that each species has been independ-
ently created, — is erroneous. I am fully convinced that species are not immu-
table, but that those belonging to what are called the same genera are lineal
descendants of some other and generally extinct species."

The Twentieth Century m Eu7vpe 66$

to discover prey or escape from an enemy better than their
fellows. Among plants the smallest differences may be useful
or the reverse. The earliest and strongest shoots may escape
the slugs ; their greater vigor may enable them to flower and
seed earlier in wet autumn ; plants best armed with spines or hair
may escape being devoured ; those whose flowers are most con-
spicuous may be soonest fertilized by insects. We cannot doubt
that, on the whole, any beneficial variation will give the posses-
sor of it a greater probability of living through the tremendous
ordeal they have to undergo. There may be something left
to chance, but on the whole the fittest will survivey^

Darwin's theory was, in short, that species did not endure
unchanged, but, owing to the constant variations, those best
fitted to survive escaped destruction in the constant struggle for
existence and transmitted their advantageous characteristics to
their offspring. This idea that all plants and animals, and even
man himself, had developed instead of being created in their
present form, and that man belonged, physically, to the " pri-
mates," the group of animals which includes the apes, shocked
a great many people, and the subject began to be discussed
with no little heat and sometimes with much indignation
by men of science, theologians, and the cultivated public in
general.

Among those who enthusiastically w^elcomed Darwin's book The theory
were Spencer, Alfred Wallace (who had reached the same con- findrde-''°"
elusion before he knew of Darwin's work), Huxley, and the fenders and

' -^ IS now ac-

American botanist, Asa Gray, all of whom devoted their gifted cepted by
pens to the defense and explanation of the new ideas. Evolu- scientists
tion, although far more disturbing to the older ideas of the
world than the discovery of Copernicus that the earth revolves
around the sun, made its way far more rapidly into general
acceptance, and to-day a large majority of zoologists, botanists,
geologists, and biologists, and indeed a great part of those who
have received a scientific training, accept the general theory of

1 Alfred Wallace, Daizvinis7n, chap. i.

666

Outlines of European History

evolution as confidently as that of universal gravitation or the
fact that water is composed of oxygen and hydrogen.^

The opponents of the theory of evolution have slowly de-
creased in numbers. At first the clergy, both Protestant and
Catholic, could find no words too harsh to apply to the patient
and careful Darwin, who seemed to them to contradict the
express word of God and to rob man of all his dignity.
But as time went on many religious leaders became reconciled
to the new view. For on further thought it seemed to them to
furnish a more exalted notion of God's purposes and methods
than that formerly universally entertained, and they came to
feel that instead of being degraded by being put on a level with
the brutes man still remains as before the goal toward which
all Nature's work through the ages is directed.

While the zoologist, the botanist, and the geologist were
elaborating the theory of evolution, the chemists, physicists,
and astronomers were busy with the problems suggested by
matter and energy — heat, light, electricity, the nature and
history of the sun and stars. Early in the nineteenth century
an Englishman, Dalton, suggested that all matter acted as if it
consisted of atoms of the various elements, which combined
with one another to form the molecules, or little particles of the
innumerable compound substances. For example, an atom of
carbon combined with two atoms of oxygen to form the gas
commonly called carbonic acid. Moreover as twelve parts by
weight of carbon always combined with thirt}^-two parts of
oxygen, it might be inferred that the carbon atom weighed
twelve units and each of the two oxygen atoms sixteen. This

1 Many investigators feel, however, that Darwin's explanation of evolution is,
as he himself freely admitted, only a partial one and quite inadequate to account
for the existing forms of animals and plants. Recently the Dutch naturalist, de
Vries, has proved that the marked variations known as " sports," or freaks of
nature, may sometimes be perpetuated from generation to generation. These
sudden developments are known as " mutations." They would seem to indicate
that the species we know, including perhaps man himself, have come into existence
more rapidly than would be possible in the slow process of ordinary variation and
natural selection. For a summary of recent discussions, see Kellogg, Darwinism
To-day (1907).

The Twentieth Cetttiiry iii Ezirope 66^

formed the basis of the atomic theor)^ which, after being very
carefully worked out by a great many celebrated investigators,
has become the foundation of modern chemistry.

The chemist has been able to analyze the most complex Great im-
substances and discover just what enters into the make-up of fhe^chemSt
a plant or the body of an animal. He has even succeeded in to-day
properly combining ('' synthesizing ") atoms in the proper pro-
portions so as to reproduce artificially substances which had
previously been produced only by plants or in the bodies of
animals ; among these are alcohol, indigo, madder, and certain
perfumes. The chemist has given us our aniline dyes and
many useful new drugs ; he has been able greatly to improve
and facilitate the production of steel. The Bessemer process is
estimated to have added to the world's wealth no less than two
billion dollars annually. The chemist, since he knows just what
a plant needs in its make-up, can, after analyzing a soil, supply
those chemicals which are needed to produce a particular crop.
He is able to determine whether water is pure or not. He is
becoming ever more necessary to the manufacturer, mine
owner, and agriculturist, besides standing guard over the
public health.

During the nineteenth century the nature of heat and light Nature of
was at last explained. Light and radiant heat are transmitted '^ ^
by minute waves produced in the et/ier, a something which it is
assumed must ever}^where exist, for without some medium the
light would not reach us from the sun and stars.

Electricity, of which very little was known in the eighteenth Fundamental
century, has now been promoted to the most important place o?electddty
in the physical universe. It appears to be the chemical affinit)%
or cement, between the atoms of a molecule which serves to
hold them together.^ Light is believed to be nothing more

1 The chemist was long satisfied with his idea of an atom as the smallest
particle of matter of whose existence there was any indication. He gradually
added to the list of different kinds of atoms and has now named some eighty
elements, each of which has its special atomic weight, hydrogen being the
lightest. The physicist has, however, discovered a method of breaking up the

668 Outlmes of Europe mt History

than electric forces traveling through the ether from a source

of electrical disturbance, namely, the luminous body. Matter

itself may ultimately be proved to be nothing more than

electricity. The practical applications of electricity during the

past thirty years are the most startling and best known of

scientific achievements.

Radio-activ- As early as the seventeenth century the chemists reached

t^at the?k- the conclusion that the attempts of the alchemists to change

ments are not Qj^g metal into another were futile, since each element had its

permanent

and immu- particular nature, which so long as it was unmixed with other
substances remained forever the same. Within the last ten
years even this idea has been modified by the strange conduct
of the so-called radio-active bodies, of which radium is the most

Radium Striking. This new substance was extracted with the utmost

difficulty from a mineral, pitchblende, by Professor Curie of
Paris and his distinguished wife and fellow worker, Madame
Curie. Although a ton of pitchblende yielded only the seventh
part of a grain of radium in an impure state,^ and although
there are as yet perhaps only a hundred or so grains in the
world, this minute quantity has served by its extraordinary
properties to indicate that an atom can change its character
and become a different substance. So it may be that all matter,
as well as all life, has been gradually evolved.

Great energy Radium gives out heat enough in an hour to raise its own

atom weight of water from the freezing to the boiling point, yet it

v^astes away so gradually that it has been estimated that it
would require well-nigh fifteen hundred years to lose half its

atom into bits which are only a thousandth part of the mass of a hydrogen atom.
Moreover these inconceivably minute particles act as if they were pure negative
electricity wholly free from matter. The atom is shown in this way, and by the
use of the spectroscope, to be a tremendously complex affair. The " electrons "
which compose it appear to revolve within the atom in somewhat the same way
that the planets revolve about the sun.

1 The Associated Press reports, November 23, 1907, that experiments made
by the Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences promise greatly to cheapen radium.
Some forty-six grains have been extracted from a ton of pitchblende, thus reduc-
ing the estimated cost of an ounce from three million dollars to one million
dollars.

The Twentieth Century in Europe 669

weight. This extraordinary display of energy must be due to
something within the atom itself and not to the breaking up of
the molecule, which is called chemical change and • of which
we take advantage when we burn coal or explode gasoline
vapor in order to run our engines. Some optimistic spirits have
begun to dream of a time when the energy of the atoms may
be utilized to take the place of the relatively weak chemical
processes upon which we now rely. But as yet no means has
been discovered of hastening, retarding, or in any way con-
trolling the operations which go on within the atoms of radium
and other radio-active substances.

In the world of plants and animals the discoveries have The cell
been quite as astonishing as in the realm of matter and elec- ^°^
tricity. About 1838 two German naturalists, Schleiden and
Schwann, one of whom had been studying plants and the
other animals, compared their observations and reached the
conclusion that all living things were composed of minute
bodies, which they named cells. The cells are composed of a
gelatinous substance, to which the name of protoplasm was Protoplasm
given by the botanist Mohl in 1846. All life was shown to
have its beginning in this protoplasm, and the old theory
that very simple organisms might be generated spontaneously
from dead matter was shown to be a mistake. As Virchow,
the famous German physiologist, expressed it, only a cell
can produce another cell — om?iis cellula a cellula. The cell
corresponds, in a way, to the molecules which form inanimate
substances.-^

1 Many very low organisms, like the bacteria, consist of a single cell. The
human body, on the other hand, is estimated to contain over twenty-six billions
of cells, that is, of minute masses of protoplasm, each of which is due to the
division of a previous cell, and all of which sprang from a single original cell,
called the ovum, or egg. " All these cells are not alike, however, but just as in a
social community one group of individuals devotes itself to the performance of
one of the duties requisite to the well-being of the community and another group
devotes itself to the performance of another duty, so too, in the body, one group
of cells takes upon itself one special function and another, another." (McMurrich,
The Development of the Hximan Body, 1907, p. 2.)

6/0

Outlines of European History

Importance
of modern
biology

Vaccination,
1796

Discovery of
anaesthetics,
1846-1847

The cell theor)^ underlies the study of biology and is shed-
ding a flood of light upon the manner in which the original
&g% develops and gradually gives rise to all the tissues and
organs of the body. It has helped to explain many diseases
and in some cases to suggest remedies, or at least rational
methods of treatment. Indeed it is most important for our
happiness and efficiency, as Dr. Osier well says, that the leaves
of the tree of knowledge are serving for the healing of the
nations. The human body and the minute structure of its
tissues in health and disease, the functions of its various
organs and their relations to one another, digestion, assimila-
tion, circulation, and secretion, the extraordinary activities of the
blood corpuscles, the nerves and their head and master, the
brain — all these subjects and many others have been studied
in the ever-increasing number of laboratories and well-equipped
hospitals which have been founded during the past century.
It is clear enough, in the light of our present knowledge, that
the physicians of the eighteenth and most of the nineteenth
centuries relied upon drugs and other treatment which were
often far worse than nothing.

In 1796 Edward Jenner first ventured to try vaccination and
thus found a means of prevention for one of the most terrible
diseases of his time. With the precautions which experience
has taught, his discovery would doubtless rid the world of
smallpox altogether if vaccination could be everywhere en-
forced. But there are always great numbers of negligent per-
sons as well as some actual opponents of vaccination who will
combine to give the disease, happily much diminished in
prevalence, a long lease of life.

Just fifty years after Jenner's first epoch-making experiment.
Dr. Warren performed, in the Massachusetts General Hospital
in Boston, the first serious operation upon a patient who had been
rendered unconscious by the use of an anaesthetic, namely, ether.
The following year chloroform began to be used for the same
purpose in Edinburgh. Before the discovery of anaesthetics

The Twentieth Century in Europe 671

few could be induced to undergo the terrible experiences of
an operation ; even the most unsympathetic surgeon could not
bring himself to take the necessary time and care as the agonized
victim lay under his knife. Now operations can be prolonged,
if necessary, for an hour or more with no additional pain to
the patient.^

But even after a means was discovered of rendering patients Joseph Lister
insensible and operations could be undertaken with freedom antisepdc
and deliberation, the cases which ended fatally continued to be surgery
very numerous by reason of the blood poisoning, erysipelas, or
gangrene which were likely to set in. To open the head, chest,
or abdomen was pretty sure to mean death. Joseph Lister, an
English professor of surgery, finally hit upon the remedy. By
observing the most scrupulous cleanliness in everything con-
nected with his operations and using certain antiseptics, he
greatly reduced the number of cases which went wrong. The
exact reason for his success was not, however, understood in
the early sixties, when his work first began to attract attention ;
but a new branch of science was just being born which was not Bacteriology
only to reveal the cause of infection in wounds but to explain
a number of the worst diseases which afflict mankind. Medicine .
must have remained a blundering and incomplete science had
bacteriology not opened up hitherto undreamed-of possibilities
in the treatment and prevention of disease.

As early as 1675 the microscope had revealed minute organ- Bacteria
isms (animalcuIcB) in putrefying meat, milk, and cheese, and a "3^^
hundred years later Pleincz of Vienna declared that he was
firmly convinced that both disease and the decomposition of
animal matter were due to these minute creatures. But another
hundred years elapsed before a Frenchman, Pasteur, claimed (in
1863) that the virulent ulcer called anthrax was due to little
rod-shaped bodies, which he named bacteria.

1 During the five years before Dr. Warren performed his famous operation
but thirty-seven persons on the average consented annually to undergo an opera-
tion in the Massachusetts General Hospital. Fifty years later thirty-seven hun- . .
dred went through the ordeal in the same hospital in a single year.

6^2

Outlines of Etiropean History

Pasteur was a French chemist who made many important
discoveries besides the treatment for hydrophobia, with which
his name is most commonly associated. He proved that bac-
teria were very common in the air, and that it was they that
gave rise to what had previously been mistaken for spontaneous
generation. He was sent by the government to the south of
France to study the disease of the silkworm, the ravages of
which were impoverishing the country-. He found the bodies
and eggs of the silkworms full of bacteria and suggested the
proper remedy. His study of fermentation enabled him to
prevent great losses also among the wine growers.

Koch of Berlin discovered the '' bacillus '*' of tuberculosis,
which produces the most common, perhaps, of all diseases,
consumption of the lungs. Other workers have found the
germs which cause pneumonia, diphtheria, lockjaw, the bubonic
plague, etc.^

It would, at first sight, seem hopeless to attempt to avoid
bacteria, since they are so minute and so numerous, but experi-
ence has shown that they can be fended off in surgical cases
by a scrupulous sterilization of ever}-thing that enters into the
operation. That t^'phoid fever is due ordinarily to impure water
or milk, that tuberculosis is spread mainly through the dried
sputum of those afflicted with it, that the germs of yellow fever

1 These bacteria are minute plants, rodlike, beadlike, or spiral in shape, which
multiply by dividing into two parts, or by forming a germ or spore. They are very
tiny. Four thousand of the larger kinds put end to end would extend only an
inch, whereas the smaller are but one four-hundred-thousandth of an inch in
length, and it is possible that some diseases are due to those too small to be seen
under the most powerful microscopic lenses. They would do little harm were it
not for their tremendous powers of multiplication. Under favorable circumstances
the offspring of a single bacillus dividing itself into two even,- hour would amount
to seventeen millions at the end of twent>'-four hours. It has been calculated that
if the proper conditions could be maintained a little rodlike bacterium which would
measure only about a thousandth of an inch in length would, in less than five days,
form a mass which would completely fill all the oceans on the earth's surface to
the depth of a mile. They are well-nigh everj-where — in air, water, milk, on the
bodies of men and animals, and in the earth. Many kinds are harmless, and some
even appear to be absolutely necessary for the growth of certain most useful
plants. Only a few species cause infectious diseases.

The Twe7itieth Cejitiiry m Europe 673

and malaria ^ are transmitted by the mosquito — all suggest
obvious means of precaution, which will greatly reduce the
chances of spreading the diseases. Moreover remedies are
being discovered in addition to these preventive measures.
Pasteur found that animals could be rendered immune to
hydrophobia by injections of the virus of the disease. So-called
antitoxins (counter poisons) have been discovered for diph-
theria and lockjaw, but none has yet been found for tubercu-
losis or pneumonia.

The Russian Metchnikoff, a scientist working at the institute MetchnikofiF
erected in honor of Pasteur in Paris, demonstrated that the theory' of the
white blood corpuscles keep up a constant warfare on the bac- ^(Jl^^sdes^
teria which find their way into the body, and devour them.
Methods of helping these white corpuscles to increase and to
make a good fight against the noxious bacteria are now occupy-
ing the attention of scientists. So the enemies of mankind are
one by one being hunted down, and the means of warding
them off or of rendering our bodies able to cope with them
are being invented.

It is clear, however, that two things are essential if the Necessity of
struggle against disease, and suffering, and inconvenience of all attention to
kinds is to make the progress that the achievements of the past
would warrant us in hoping. Far more money must be appro-
priated by states or given by rich individuals than has been the
case hitherto that an army of investigators with their labora-
tories and the necessar}' delicate and costly apparatus may be
maintained. In the second place, our schools, colleges, and
universities must give even more attention than they now give
to spreading a knowledge of natural science and of its uses.
A famous English scientist has recommended not only that
many more institutions be established in which nature search-
ing shall be the chief aim, but that a political part}- should be
formed which should make a proper scientific training a test

1 Malaria is not caused by bacteria, nor is the terrible sleeping sickness in
Africa, but both are due to minute animal organisms.
II

natural
science

6/4

Outlines of Ei trope a7i History

Possibility of
a new kind
of histor}% in
which kings
and warriors
will give
place to men
of science

question in all elections. No candidate for Parliament would
receive the votes of the party " unless he were either himself
educated in the knowledge of Nature or promised his support
exclusively to ministers who would insist on the utilization of
nature-knowledge in the administration of the great depart-
ments of State, and would take active measures of a financial
character to develop with far greater rapidity and certainty
than is at present the case, that inquiry into and control of
Nature which is indispensable in human w^elfare and progress." ^

In 1906 a popular newspaper in France asked its ieaders to
give a list of notable Frenchmen of recent times in the order
of their greatness. Pasteur the scientist came first in the esti-
mation of his countrymen, receiving several million votes more
than the soldier Napoleon Bonaparte, who came fourth. It
may well be that men of science, not kings or warriors or
even statesmen, are to be the heroes of the future. Perhaps
during the twentieth century the progress of science and its
practical applications will be recognized as the most vital ele-
ment in the history of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Our histories will have to be rewritten. Diderot's Encyclopcedia
will receive more space than the wars of Frederick the Great,
and the names of Lyell, Darwin, Lister, Koch, and Curie will
take their place alongside those of Metternich, Cavour, and
Bismarck.

For, after all, the real progress of civilization depends less
upon statesmen who control the fate of nations than upon the
scientist and discoverer, who gives us control of nature and, to
some extent, of life itself. From his laboratory comes much
of the wealth and power of modem nations. The statesm.en of
the future must, therefore, reckon with these new contributions
as the statesmen of the past have had to reckon with the new
sea routes which changed the fate of the Mediterranean, or the
Industrial Revolution which readjusted the nations of Europe
and led to their expansion throughout the whole world.

1 E. Ray Lankester, TJie Kingdom of Man, pp. 60-61, note.

The Twentieth Century in Europe 675

QUESTIONS

Section 108. What are the main topics treated of so far?
Would it be possible to write a parallel volume of modern European
history, emphasizing different things ? What is the main heritage of
the twentieth century ?

Section 109. Describe the political temper of England at the
close of the nineteenth century. What political change occurred in
1906? Trace briefly the history of socialism in England. Review
the history of labor legislation in England from 1897 to 1908.
Mention the most important points made by Mr. Charles Booth in
his survey of London poverty.

What is the modern view regarding the possibility of abolishing
poverty? State the provisions of the old-age pension law of 1908.
What means have been taken to lessen the amount of unemploy-
ment ? In what way has an attempt been made to regulate wages in
'' sweated " trades? By what measures did the House of Lords seek
to block the reforms of the Liberals? What was the "revolutionary"
budget of 1909?

For what purpose were the special taxes to be used ? Discuss the
opposition of the House of Lords to the budget of 1909 and the pro-
test of the House of Commons. Under what circumstances was the
budget finally passed? Outline the Parhament Act of 191 1. Give
the main provisions of the National Insurance Act of 191 1. In what
sense is Great Britain both a democracy and an aristocracy ?

What progress has been made in local reforms during the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries? What was the commercial and in-
dustrial condition of Great Britain at the opening of the war in 191 4?

Section no. What are the chief explanations of Germany's
recent wealth and importance? What measures were to be taken
to make her a " world power " ? Describe some of the activities of
the German government, federal and local. What application do
certain German writers make of Darwin's idea of the survival
of the fittest?

Section in. What have been the contributions of France to
civilization ? Account for our misunderstanding of the French of the
Third Republic. Contrast the position of the French cabinet with
that of the cabinet in England. Describe the French system of social
insurance. Has militarism grown or decreased during the Third
French Republic?

6^6 Otitlmes of EiLWpean History

Section 112. How did the growth of the science of geology
affect the perspective of historians ? What is meant by the theory of
evolution? When was it first advanced? What contribution did
Darwin make to it? Why was it opposed? What has the chemist
contributed to civilization? How did the discovery of radium affect
our views of matter ? What is the cell theory in biology ? Describe
various steps in the development of the science of medicine.

* Before the germ theory of disease, which Pasteur did so much to
establish, medicine was hardly a genuine science. It was impotent in
some of the commonest diseases and generally used haphazard cures.
Now it is confidently saving human life and so adding to the possibili-
ties of happiness more than any other science. This service of the
scientists to make men live is to be contrasted with the terrible power
they have also acquired over the engines of death, as the Great War,
described in the next chapter, has shown. But wars will pass away and
the arts of peace and the science of life will remain.

Fig. 156. Pasteur in his Laboratory

CHAPTER XXVII

ORIGIN OF THE WAR OF 1914

Section 113. The Armies and Navies of Europe

In August, T 9 1 4, the most terrible and destructive war in The incredi-
ble w
1914

the history of Europe bjsgan. Never before had millions and ^ ^^"^ °

millions of men been carefully trained to be ready at a moment's
notice to march against the enemy ; never before had the Euro-
pean armies been supplied with such deadly weapons ; never
before had any war, however serious, so disturbed the affairs of
the whole globe. To most thoughtful people the war came as
a horrible surprise. They could not believe that the European
governments would dare take the fearful responsibility of enter-
ing upon a war which they all knew would involve untold woe
and destruction. Nevertheless the war came, and since it is the
most important single event in the whole history of Europe and
perhaps of the world, we must endeavor to see how it came
about and what are the great questions involved.

After Germany defeated France in 1870-187 1, nearly fifty The growth
years passed without any of the Western powers coming to Ji Europ?"^
blows with one another. This was a long and hopeful period
of peace ; but meanwhile all the powers had been busy getting
ready for war and each year spent vast sums to train soldiers
and supply them with arms. Prussia has been the chief pro-
moter of militarism. i\.s we have seen, it began to aspire
more than two hundred years before to become a great power
through the might of its army. Frederick the Great was the
supreme military genius of the eighteenth century. But the
modern Prussian army dates from the period when Napoleon
humbled Prussia at Jena, for after that her statesmen had to

677

6/8

Outliiies of Eitropea7i History

The origin of rely upon
the Prussian
army system

the nation in arms " rather than an old-fashioned
standing army. This had to be done at first in such a way as
not to arouse the suspicions of the Corsican, so she hit upon
the idea of giving her men a brief period of training in the

army and then send-
ing them into the
reserve forces. In
this way, without
increasing the num-
ber of troops under
the colors at any
one time, she se-
cured a very much
larger force upon
which she could call
when war came.
Moreover, Prussia
trained- her officers
very carefully.

As we know, this
army of Prussia
was able to take an
important part in
the conflict which
led to Napoleon's
final defeat. Her
idea of " the na-
tion in arms " was
not forgotten. The
law passed in Na-
poleon's time making every able-bodied male subject of
Prussia liable to military service in the army was not repealed.
When, fifty years later, William I and Bismarck were prepar-
ing to take the lead in German affairs and foresaw a war
with Austria, the annual levy of recruits was increased, the

Fig. 158. Hammering Cannon in the
Kruep Works, Germany

This enormous hammer was made in Sheffield,
England, as the plate near the top of it shows.
Yet it is installed in the Krupp gun works to
make cannon used in the great war against Eng-
land. This is a striking example of the inter-
national aspects of the munition trades. The
gun barrel, at white heat, lies between anvil
and hammer

Origin of the IVar of 1Q14

679

Fig. I

:>"-)■

The Munition Works, Le Creusot, France

France has relied much upon its artillery for defense, since Germany
has more soldiers, but in the great war of 1914 the Germans had pre-
pared more heavy cannon than the French, who used mainly a lighter
gun. The Creusot works are next to the German Krupp works in im-
portance in Europe. This picture of them is from an etching by the
American artist Mr. Joseph Pennell

period of active service lengthened from two to three years,
and the term of service in the reserve to four years. Thus
Prussia secured an effective army of four hundred thousand
troops, and with these she defeated Austria in 1866, led in

68o

Outlines of European History

the successful war against France, and gained her end of con-
solidating Germany into the present German Empire, of which
the king of Prussia became the head,-^

Not long after the war of 1870-187 1 all the European
powers, except England, adopted the Prussian plan of building
up an army by requiring all able-bodied men that the govern-
ment could afford to train to enter the army for two or three
years, after which they were sent into the reserve to be ready
in case of war. A large number of permanent officers have to
be maintained to see that the military education of the soldiers
is properly conducted, and a vast amount has to be spent on
rifles, cannon, and other arms, which are being constantly
improved and rendered more and more deadly.

The result of this competition in armaments has been a
tremendous increase in the size of the European armies and
a fearful burden of taxation, which the people have to bear.
When the war opened, Germany and France had each over four
millions of men in their armies, Russia six or seven millions,
Austria-Hungary over two and a half millions. England's
forces, on the other hand, numbered less than two hundred
thousand, only a few of whom were kept in Europe ; for her
army, like that of the United States, was recruited by voluntary
enlistment and not built up by national conscription.

England, however, has relied for her protection upon her
unrivaled navy, which she has maintained at a strength equal
to that of any two other powers. The reason for this great
navy is that England has a much larger population than can
be fed by her own farms, and so has to import most of her
food. Her manufactures also depend largely upon her com-
merce. If, therefore, England should be defeated at sea she
would be utterly overcome.

Other nations, however, have not been willing to grant this
supremacy of England at sea, which she regards as essential
to her existence. They have resented the ability of England

1 See above, sections 69-70.

Origin of the War of igi4

^^J-<

to plant and maintain such widely scattered dominions, and are
as anxious as the English to capture distant markets with their
commerce and to protect that commerce by fleets. Germany,
especially, has recently
become the chief rival
of England. Kaiser Wil-
liam II was from the
first interested in the
navy, and twenty years
ago he declared that Ger-
many's future lay upon
the ocean. So in 189^7 a
bill was passed for the
development of the Ger-
man navy, which was
built up so rapidly that
the English began to
fear for their supremacy.
This made the English
government increase the
number and size of its
ships. Other nations fol-
lowed its example. So
to the crushing cost of
armies European nations
added the cost of navies, in which the rapid progress of inven
tion made battleships worthless if they were but a few years old

■;t3C.^S»-'-^

Fig. 160. The Burden of Militarism

A cartoon by Robert Carter in the
New York Stin

Section 114. Movements for Peace: the Hague
Conferences ; Pacifism ; Socialism

The enormous cost of armaments, combined with horror at
the thought of a war in which so many millions would be fight-
ing provided with such terrible weapons as modern science sup-
plies, led many earnest people to try to prevent war altogether.

Movements
for peace

682 Outlines of Eiiropeaji History

The Tsar The first notable movement toward arranging for a lessening

fere^ncem" ^^ armaments originated with the Tsar, Nicholas 11, when in
lessen mill- 1898 he proposed a great conference of the powers at The
The Hague Hague to discuss the problem.^ Unlike the Congress of Vienna
or Berlin, this Peace Conference of 1899 did not meet to bring
a war to a close ; it came together in a time of European peace
to consider how the existing peace might be maintained and
military expenditures reduced.
Hague The Hague Conference did nothing to limit armaments, but

1899 and 1907 established a permanent Court of Arbitration to which difficul-
ties arising between nations " involving neither honor nor vital
interests" might be submitted. But there was no way of
compelling a nation to submit its grievances, and just those very
sources of war that make most trouble were excluded from
consideration. The second conference, held in 1907, established
rules in regard to laying mines, the bombardment of unfortified
towns, and the rights of neutrals in war, — to which no particular
attention was paid, at least by Germany, when war actually came.
Peace treaties Since the first Hague Conference more than one hundred
nations ^^id thirty treaties have been made between nations, pledging

them to submit to arbitration all disputes which " do not affect
the vital interests, the independence, or the honor of the
contracting parties, and do not concern the interests of third
parties." Recently some nations have gone further and pro-
posed treaties binding themselves to submit to arbitration '' all
questions which are in their nature justiciable in character."

There were many other signs besides the Hague conferences
and the different arbitration treaties which encouraged the hope
that there would not be another great European conflict. The
number of international societies and congresses was steadily
increasing before the war, and there was a general recognition
that peoples of different nations had innumerable common
interests which they should help one another to promote.

1 For the Tsar's rescript calling the conference, sec Readings in Modern
European History, Vol. II, pp. 463 ff.

Origin of the War of igi4 683

Among the other forces making for international peace, one Socialism

as an inter-
national
movement

of the Strongest has been socialism, which is an international
movement ot working people with the common aim of getting
rid of the private ownership of the '' means of production." ^
The socialists have had great international congresses and refer
to each other as '' comrades." They have constantly criticized
governments which have embarked on " imperialistic " policies,^
for they claim that only the rich man profits from investments
in distant lands and that the wars which ensue are not the
affair of the working class. Above all, socialists have insisted
that the poor suffer most in war. Extreme socialists have there-
fore been antimilitarist. This means that they have objected to
serving in the armies of Europe, and so have sometimes been
imprisoned for what was viewed as treason. However, a great
majority of the socialists of all countries were carried away by
the ardor of the vast conflict which began in 19 14, and while they
still profess to detest imperialism and wars of conquest, they
have nevertheless been fighting each other in the Great War.

Section 115. Matters of Dispute: National
Rivalries

The chief underlying conditions which made the Great War "imperial-
possible have been outlined in the last two chapters — on "Near-East-
the one hand ''imperialism," and on the other the ''Near- em question"
Eastern question." We have seen how the nations of Europe
began in the latter part of the nineteenth century, as rivals for
the world's trade, to seize colonies and trading posts in Africa
and Asia, and we have also seen how they stood eying each
other suspiciously as to which was to profit most from the
decline of Turkey. Now we must see how these rivalries —
which for almost fifty years had somehow been adjusted
peacefully — were allowed, in the summer of 19 14, to burst
out into war.

1 See above, pp. 372 ff . 2 See above, p. 598.

684

Outlines of Eiu'opean History

First, let us recall the exploration and partition of Africa,
France has taken most of the Mediterranean shore, and in so
doing has incurred, at different times, the rivalry of Italy, Eng-
land, and Germany. Its province of Algeria, conquered in 1830
and thoroughly subdued in 187 0-187 4, had two native states
as neighbors — Tunis and Morocco. Claiming that the Tunisian
tribesmen were raiding the border, France conquered Tunis in
1 88 1 and thus forestalled Italy, which had intended taking the
site of ancient Carthage for itself. This threw Italy into the
hands of Bismarck, and it became a member of the Triple
Alliance with Germany and Austria.

France and England fell out, as we have seen, over Eg^'pt.
France backed out when England got financial control in Egypt,
and this was bitterly resented by the French. When the English,
under General Kitchener, had conquered the Sudan in 1898, at
the cost of many lives, a French explorer, Colonel Marchand,
rapidly crossed the heart of Africa from the west and planted
the French tricolor at Fashoda, in the upper Sudan, before
Kitchener could reach there. When word of this reached Paris
and London, war seemed inevitable, and it would have come had
not the French given way. The " Fashoda affair " made English
and French still more bitter enemies — a fact emphasized by
outspoken French sympathy with the Boers in their war with
England two years later. Englishmen were insulted in France,
and both nations talked of each other as "' hereditary enemies."

This was all changed, however, inside of four years. King
Edward VII, who had succeeded to the throne of England upon
the death of his mother, Victoria, in 1901, was personally fond
of France — and the French, of him. Skillful statesmen made
the most of the new situation, and in 1904 France and England
came to a " cordial understanding " — or, to use the French
phrase, entente cordiale — concerning all their outstanding sources
of quarrel. This Entente, as it is generally called, has turned
out to be one of the most important facts in the world's
history. France was to recognize British interests in Eg}-pt, and

Origin of the War of igi4

685

England those of France in Morocco, which country France
had begun to penetrate from the Algerian border.^ The Entente
was hailed with great delight on both sides ; Englishmen
cheered French marines marching on a friendly visit through
London streets, and Frenchmen began to admire traits of char-
acter in the Anglo-Saxon which they had not appreciated before.

England's isolation had been ended even before the e?ite?ite
with France, by an alliance with Japan in 1902.^ Then, when,
after the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese and Russians decided,
instead of fighting over Manchuria, to join together and help each
other " penetrate " it, and so became friends, England made terms
with Russia also. This seemed almost incredible, for England
had long been suspicious of Russian designs upon India, where
it had detected Russian agents causing border uprisings. More-
over, the English bitterly hated Russian autocracy, and London
was a place of refuge for Russian revolutionists. The incredi-
ble happened, however. In 1907 England and Russia settled
their Asian boundary disputes by agreeing to limit their ambitions
in Persia.^

In addition to its alliance with Japan and its entetite with
France and Russia, England had as friends Denmark — resent-
ful of Germany since the war of 1864 — and Portugal,* while
English princesses became queens of Norway and Spain. ^

1 In addition, fishery troubles off the coast of Newfoundland were adjusted.

2 According to this alliance England was to support Japan if attacked by a
third power. The alliance was, therefore, strictly Hmited, but was strengthened
in 1905, after the Russo-Japanese War, to be a mutually defensive alliance to
safeguard the integrity of eastern Asia and India.

8 See map, p. 610. Britain was to have as its '' sphere of influence " a south-
ern zone, Russia a northern, and neither was to interfere in the center. This
left Persia itself only the central strip. There was much protest in both Eng-
land and America over the cruel way in which the Russians treated the natives,
but Sir Edward Grey, the British foreign minister, refused to interfere, since
the only way to keep the Russians out of the boundary he had taken was for the
English to stay out of Russian Persia.

'^ Its tyrannical king, Carlos I, and the crown prince were murdered in Lisbon
in 1908, and Portugal became a republic, but this has not altered its foreign
policy.

5 On the other hand, the royal houses of Sweden, Roumania, Greece, and
Bulgaria were closely connected with the Hohenzollems.

France to
have free
hand in
Morocco

Alliance of
England
and Japan

Entente
with Russia

The small
states

686

Outlines of European History

Germany
suspicious of
the ententes

Germany op-
poses France
in Morocco

Algeciras

Conference,

1905

The Agadir
incident, 191 1

Europe on
the brink
of war

One great power had been rather noticeably left out of this
circle of friends — Germany. Although the Kaiser, William II,
was the nephew of King Edward Vll,^ the two monarchs were
personally never on cordial terms, and the two nations, rivals in
wealth and power, distrusted each other also. The Germans
thought that the group of alliances and enteiites which Edward
had encouraged was formed with designs hostile to the Triple
Alliance of the central powers, — Germany, Austria, and Italy, —
and resolved if possible to break them up.

In 1905, therefore, Germany, supported by Austria, objected
to the agreement between England and France by which the
latter was to have a free hand in Morocco. Germany claimed
to have interests there too, and the emperor spoke in such a way
as to bring on a general " war scare." France agreed to the
conference at Algeciras, which gave the French police power in
Morocco but guaranteed the latter's independence. By exercis-
ing this police power France in the next five years had left little
of the' '' independence" guaranteed to Morocco. So in 19 11
Germany sent a cruiser to Agadir, on the coast of Morocco, as
a warning to the French to change their policy. War was very
narrowly averted. France gave up some of its possessions on
the Congo to Germany in order to be allowed a free hand
in Morocco.

The Agadir incident alarmed statesmen in England as well.
Every one saw how near Europe had come to the brink of war.
Imperialists in Germany said the Agadir incident had been a
failure for Germany, since France was left in possession of
Morocco, and they demanded stronger action in future. Im-
perialists in France and England were angered at the bold
way Germany had apparently tried to humble them before
the world and were bitter that Germany got any satisfaction
at all. The result was that all nations increased their warlike
preparations.

1 Edward died in 1910 and was succeeded by George V.

Origin of the War of igi4 6^^

Section ii6. The Near-Eastern Question

Although war between Germany and England and France
over the occupation of Morocco was avoided in 191 1, an-
other great danger appeared in the strained relations between
Austria and Russia. The wars in the Balkan region described
in a previous chapter (section 99) had revived old rivalries
between these two great powers and speedily precipitated a
general European conflict. In order to understand the situ-
ation we must first briefly review the history of Austria since
she was defeated by Prussia in 1866 (see above, pp. 439-443).
It will be remembered that Bismarck excluded her from his
new North German Confederation and left her to arrange her
affairs as best she could.

The Hapsburg dynasty with its capital at Vienna ruled The races of
over a great number of countries and provinces which it had domii^ons"^^
brought together since the days of Rudolph of Hapsburg
in the thirteenth century. One of its greatest difficulties has
been to reconcile the interests of the German population in
xA-ustria proper (and the regions to the west) with those of the
Hungarians on the one hand and of the various Slavic peoples
— such as the Bohemians, Poles, "and Croats — on the other.
It will be recollected that this difficulty had caused revolts in
1848 which led to civil war, in which both the Bohemians and
the Hungarians were defeated (see above, p. 398). In 1867, Formation
the year after the unsuccessful war with Prussia, an arrange- Hungaiy^'
ment was made between Austria and Hungar}' which divided
the Hapsburg empire into two practically independent parts.
The western provinces, together with Galicia and Dalmatia form-
ing the Austrian Empire (the regions colored red on the map,
p. 442), were to have their government carried on in Vienna ;
the southeastern portion, consisting of the kingdom of Hungary
and some outlying provinces (colored green on the map), was to
have its capital in Budapest. The emperor of Austria was also
king of Hungary, but there were to be two parliaments — one

688

Outlines of Europeaii History

Austria an-
nexes Bosnia
and Herze-
govina, 1908

meeting in Vienna, the other in Budapest. In this way a fed-
eration of two states was created — the so-called dual mon-
archy of Austria-Hungary. The common interest of these two
states in matters of tariff, negotiations with foreign nations, and
military arrangements are in the hands of a curious sort of
joint house, known as the '' Delegations."^ Even this arrange-
ment was made only for a few years at a time. For the great
feudal lords of Hungary — a proud, unyielding nobility — have
seen in Austria's necessity their opportunity, and they have not
only gained their own independence but have generally aimed
to control as well the policy of the dual monarchy.

The Slavic subjects of the Hapsburgs have bitterly resented
this arrangement, w^hich has kept them in an inferior political
position. Moreover, since these Czechs, Croats, Ruthenians,
and Slovenians cannot understand one another's language, it
has been a favorite policy for the government to play one over
against another, or, as the phrase goes, " divide and rule."
The result has been great racial bitterness.

This difficult situation at home was made still more difficult
by the fact that the " South Slav " peoples (Jugo Slavs) extend
beyond the borders of Austria-Hungary and form the majority
of the population of the whole Balkan region. With the decline
of the Turkish Empire, Russia came forward as the rightful
protector of these Balkan peoples, and so she naturally came
into conflict with the policies of Austria-Hungary. This was
especially clear in 1878, when Austria, supported by England and
Germany, checked victorious Russia by the Congress of Berlin.

As a result of that congress Austria was allowed to
occupy the Turkish provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Austria governed these provinces well for the next thirty years,
while the rest of Turkey continued to suffer from misrule.
When the Turkish revolution took place in 1908, however, and

1 The three ministers of finance, war, and foreign affairs are responsible to the
Delegations, which sit as separate bodies of sixty members each (one debating in
German, the other in Hungarian), and ordinarily communicate with each other io
writing. If they disagree, they may meet together and vote, but without debate.

Origin of the War of igi4 689

there seemed to be some chance of a new and strong Turkey,

Austria determined to prevent Bosnia and Herzegovina from

ever entering into it, and so boldly annexed them to the Austro-

Hungarian Empire. The neighboring state of Serbia was Serbia angry,

alarmed and indignant at this, since the annexed provinces acqufe^ces

were peopled with South Slavs,^ and the Serbians had cherished

the ambition of uniting with them and the Montenegrins in a

new south Slavonic state which would reach from the Danube

to the Adriatic. Russia also was angered, but when Germany,

Austria's ally, declared that it would support Austria, in arms

if need be, Russia, which had not yet recovered from the war

with Japan and its own revolutions, was obliged to submit to

the humiliation, as she viewed it, of being unable to protect

those of her own race in the Balkans,

Foi Serbia, indeed, the annexation was a serious blow. It Serbia, victor
was nov/ apparently shut in from the sea for all time to come, wars^is^"
and so would be dependent for a market for its farm products thwarted

^ '■ again by

upon its enemy across the Danube, Austria-Hungary. This Austria
would reduce it to the condition of a weak and somewhat
dependent state, which was what Austria wanted.

In the wars of 19 12-19 13, however, Serbia burst its bound- Serbia's gains
aries upon the south and all but reached the Adriatic through wars^
Albania. Again Austria interfered, and had an independent
prince set up in Albania to shut Serbia in. The Serbians felt that
the natural rewards of their victories had been denied them by
their powerful but jealous neighbor, and bitter hatred resulted.

The situation at the end of the Second Balkan War augured Critical con-
ill for the peace of Europe. Although Austria had managed to ciosTo^f the^
frustrate Serbia's hope of getting a port on the Adriatic, and ^^l^an wars,
had succeeded in having Albania made an independent princi-
pality under a German prince,^ Serbia had nearly doubled her
territory, and there was danger that with her victorious army

1 They are mainly Croats, professing the Catholic religion, while the Serbs
are of the Orthodox Greek Church; but they have common traditions.

2 William of Wied, who was soon driven out by insurrections of the
inhabitants,

690

Outlines of European History

Germany's
position

The Bagdad
railroad

Feverish
military prep-
arations, 191 3

she might undertake to carry out her former plan of uniting
the discontented Southern Slavs in the neighboring provinces
of Austria-Hungary — Bosnia, Croatia, and Slavonia. Germany
was in hearty sympathy with the plans of Austria, while Russia
was supposed to be ready to support Serbia and the Southern
Slavs, their distant kinsmen.

Germany pretended to be much afraid of Russia, her great
neighbor on the east. Moreover, she could not bear to think of
Russia and Serbia combining in a '^ Pan-Slavic " plan for domi-
nating the Balkan regions and perhaps seizing Constantinople,
for this would put an end to a cherished plan of Germany ;
namely, to build a railroad from Berlin to Bagdad and the
Persian Gulf, and thus control a vast trade with the Orient.
She had already arranged a " concession " from Turkey to
construct the road through Asia Minor and Mesopotamia, but
it remained to overcome the natural opposition of England and
France. Nevertheless the road was well under way when Serbia,
through whose territory the trains from Germany must pass, be-
came a danger, and Turkey seemed about to collapse altogether.
So " Pan-Germanism," as the combined aspirations of Germany
and Austria were called, came to be opposed to " Pan-Slavism."

The year 19 13, therefore, brought a feverish competition in
military '^ preparedness." Germany took the lead by increasing
its standing army, and the Reichstag voted about a billion marks
for unusual military expenses (June, 1913). France replied by
increasing the term of active service in the army from two to
three years. Russia made heavy appropriations, and General
Joffre, the French commander in chief, was called in to make sug-
gestions in regard to reorganizing the Russian army. Austria-
Hungary strengthened herself with improved artillery; England
devoted heavy sums to her navy ; and even Belgium introduced
universal military service on the ground that Germany had been
constructing railroad tracks up to her borders, which could only
be explained by her purpose to pass through Belgium when the
fight began.

691

692 Out lines of European History

Section 117. The Outbreak of the War

Last efforts Meanwhile the friends of peace did not despair. The Eng-

or peace, j-^^^ Statesmen did all they could to end the misunderstandings
between the great powers. England was willing to agree to let
Germany develop its railroad to Bagdad and thus dispel the
impression, common in Germany, that England was weaving
her efitentes with a view of hemming in and weakening that
country. Some of Germany's statesmen, including their am-
bassador at London, seemed anxious to reach a peaceful settle-
ment, but they were frustrated by the German war party, who
were eager for a conflict. Had it not been for their criminal
activity peace might have been maintained indefinitely.
The murder But on Junc 28, 1914, an event happened which wrecked all
trian arch- these hopcs. Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir to the throne
FerdimirKr^^^ of Austria-Hungary, and his wife were assassinated while upon
June 28, 1914 a visit to Bosnia. The Serbian government had warned the
archduke not to go there, because it feared that hot-headed pro-
Serbian conspirators might attempt an assassination. Austria
nevertheless asserted that Serbia had favored such conspiracies
and was therefore responsible for the assassination. It allowed
a month to pass, however, before making formal protest. Then,
on July 23, it sent to Serbia not a protest but an ultimatum.
The Austrian It gave Serbia forty-eight hours in which to agree to suppress
to Serb's^ anti- Austrian propaganda in press, schools, or by societies ; to
July 23, 1914 dismiss from the army or civil office any one obnoxious to
Austria ; and to allow Austrian officials to sit in Serbian courts
in order to bring the guilty to justice. Serbia agreed to all these
humiliating conditions except the last, and offered to refer even
that to the Hague Tribunal. This Austria refused to do, and
this decision was cheered in Vienna.
Germany's The last week of July, 19 1 4, was perhaps the most momen-

toward the ^ous in the world's histor)^ It was clear that Russia would not
SerbiTn Stand by and see Serbia conquered by Austria. Germany, on

conflict the other hand, declared that she would assist Austria in every

Origin of the War of igi4 693

way if attacked by Russia. She resisted the efforts of the
Russian, French, and English diplomats, who urged that the
difficulties between Austria and Serbia be referred to the Hague
Tribunal, and insisted that it was Austria's affair, which she
must be allowed to settle for herself. In short, Germany wanted
Serbia punished and was willing to risk a world war to have her
desire. She did nothing to stop the impending war as she might
have done. Her leaders seem to have felt that they were ready
for war, no matter on how large a scale ; and they well knew
that Russia had not finished her preparations, nor France
either. As for England, she had only a trifling army.

xA-s soon as Austria declared war on Serbia, July 28, Russia How Ger-
began rapidly to mobilize, and Germany, pretending this to be [he"iead°in
an attack on her, declared war on Russia, August i . She then ^^^ ^^"^^^ '^^^
demanded of France, Russia's ally, what she proposed to do
and gave her eighteen hours to reply. The French government
returned an evasive answer and began to mobilize. So Germany
declared war on France also, August 3. But Germany was in
such a hurry to strike first that her troops were marching on
France a day before war was declared. On August 2 they occu-
pied the neutral country of Luxemburg, in spite of the protests
of its ruler. Germany issued an ultimatum to Belgium, giving ultimatum
her twelve hours, from 7 p.m. to 7 a.m., to decide whether she Augus?"'"'
would permit the German troops to cross the little kingdom on ^9H
their way to France. If she consented, Germany promised to
respect her territory and people; if she refused, Germany would
treat her as an enemy. Now others as well as the Belgians
could see why Germany had constructed such an abundance
of railroad sidings close to the Belgian boundarv. The Belgian
government replied to the German demand with great firmness
and dignity, urging that her neutrality had been at once decreed
and guaranteed by the powers, including Germany, and that
she should resist any attempt to violate it.

It was almost inevitable that Great Britam should be drawn
into the conflict. She was not pledged to come to the assistance

694 Oictlines of European History

of France and Russia, but on August 2 she informed Germany
that she could not permit the German fleet to attack the coasts
of France, — for this would bring war close home to England.
Two days later, learning that German troops were making their
way into Belgium, Sir Edward Grey sent an ultimatum to Ger-
many demanding assurances within twelve hours that she would
respect Belgian neutrality. The German chancellor replied
that military necessity required that the German armies cross
Belgium. He told the English ambassador in Berlin that Eng-
land ought not to enter the war just for the sake of '^ a scrap of
paper." This contemptuous reference to the solemn treaties by
which the European powers had guaranteed the neutrality of
Belgium made a deep impression on the outside world. It was
the invasion of Belgium which arrayed the English people solidly
behind the government, although England had made no finan-
cial preparations, had but a tiny army, and was forced at first
to rely almost solely on her vast sea power.

Japan speedily declared war on Germany, and early in No-
vember Turkey decided to join the Central Powers. So within
three months Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Turkey were
pitted against Serbia, Russia, France, Belgium, England, Mon-
tenegro, and Japan. Italy declared herself neutral and not
bound to help Austria and Germany, since in the Triple Alliance
of 1882 she had pledged her aid only in case they were
attacked ; she considered that they were now the aggressors
and that she was consequently free to keep out of the struggle.

As soon as Asquith announced that a state of war existed
between Great Britain and Germany the Germans vociferously
accused England of being responsible for the world war, and
that continued to be their theory.-^ Bethmann-Hollweg informed

1 On September 5, 1^17, the German chancellor, Michaelis, said : " Germaxiy
was obliged to enter a most serious struggle for the defense of her existence, be-
cause she was threatened by her neighbors France and Russia, who were eager
for booty and power, who were bent on destroying her, and who were urged on
by the Island Empire." This is Germany's official explanation of the cause of the
war, as repeated ly stated by her government.

Oiigin of the Wa7- of igi4 694a

the Reichstag that England could have made the war impos-
sible if she had plainly told the Russians that she would not
permit the trouble between Austria and Serbia to involve the
rest of Europe. Germany, in short, claimed that the punish-
ment of Serbia by Austria was so fully justified that she could
see no reason why any other power should dream of interfering.
She argued that England should have seen this too, and that
because she refused to do so she is the archcriminal to whom
all the incalculable loss of life and property is due.

In regard to this position the London Times observed, De- The English
cember 5, 1914: ''If the British government had made the
declaration to the Russians [which the Germans desired] it
would have meant simply that England declared for Germany
and Austria against Russia. But according to that argument
all of the great powers at war are equally responsible because
they did not do something different from what they did do.
France, for instance, could have prevented the war if she had
declined to support Russia ; Russia could have prevented it if
she had taken no interest in the fate of Serbia ; and finally
Germany could have prevented it if she had refused to sup-
port Austria ; while, as for Austria, she could have prevented
it if she had never presented her ultimatum [to Serbia]."

The assertions of German leaders that England desired war A German
and is responsible for it may now safely be regarded by the refutes the
rest of the world as clear and well-planned lies. Certain brave accusation of

^ the (jrerman

Germans have dared to confess this freely. Indeed, the chief war party
witness against the Kaiser and his advisers is no less a person
than the German ambassador in London at the time that the
war began. Prince Lichnowsky. He published in 19 18 an ac-
count of his negotiations with English statesmen during the
fatal days just preceding the outbreak of the war, and makes
his own country, together with Austria, not England or France,
responsible for the criminal decisions which produced it.

Lichnowsky found the English statesmen highly reasonable
and eager by every means to adjust matters without recourse

694t> Outlines of European History

to the sword. He says that England had harbored no ideas of
fighting Germany either because she was increasing her fleet or
extending her trade, and that English diplomats left no stone
unturned to prevent the war when it became imminent.

In a remarkable passage he sums up the whole ancient Prus-
sian spirit as eloquently as any enemy of Germany's might :
'' Is it not intelligible that our enemies declare that they will not
rest until a system is destroyed which constitutes a permanent
threatening of our neighbors ? Must they not otherwise fear
that in a few years they will again have to take up arms, and
again see their provinces overrun and their towns and villages
destroyed ? Were these people not right who prophesied that
the spirit of Treitschke and of Bernhardi dominated the Ger-
man people — the spirit which glorifies war as an aim in itself
and does not abhor it as an evil ; that among us it is still the
feudal knights and Junkers and the caste of warriors who rule
and who fix our ideals and our values — not the civilian gentle-
man ; that the love of dueling, which inspires our youths at the
universities, lives on in those who guide the fortunes of the
people ? "

QUESTIONS

Section 113. Show the historical connection between nationalism
and militarism in Europe. What advantage has America had over
Europe, owing to European militarism.?

Section i i 4. What resulted from the first Hague Conference .?
from the second .? What movements are there making for peace ?

Section i i 5. How has the partition of Africa bred international
rivalries? What change did Edward VH make in the foreign affairs
of England.? What countries were friendly to England in 19 14?
Sketch the history of the Triple Alliance. Trace the history of
the Morocco affair.

Section 116. What interests have Russia and Austria in the
Balkans? How did the Balkan wars of 191 2-1 91 3 affect Germany,
France, and Russia?

Section 117. Trace the events of the summer of 191 4.

APPENDIX I

RULERS OF THE CHIEF EUROPEAN STATES
SINCE THE AGE OF LOUIS XIV

One of the chief conclusions reached in these volumes is that kings
have, during the nineteenth century, come to be held in ever-diminishing
esteem ; and it must be confessed that their names are now of relatively-
slight importance. Nevertheless they are often referred to in historical
works, and we may atone for some seeming slights to royalty in our
pages by giving a convenient list of all the rulers down to July, 1918,
whose names are likely to be met with. The countries are given in
alphabetical order.

Austria-Hungary (see Holy Roman Empire)
Belgium

Leopold I, 1 83 1 -1 865 Albert, 1909-

Leopold n, 1865-1909

Denmark (including Norway until 1814)

' Frederick HI, 1648- 1670 Frederick VI (regent, 1784-
Christian V, 1 670-1 699 1808), 1 808-1 839

Frederick IV, 1699-1730 Christian VIII, 1839-1848

Christian VI, 1730-1746 Frederick VII, 1848-1863

Frederick V, 1 746-1 766 Christian IX, 1 863-1 906

Christian VII, 1 766-1 808 Frederick VIII, 1906-1912

Christian X, 191 2-

France

Louis XIV, 1643-1715 (Napoleon as First Consul)

Louis XV, 171 5-1 774 The First Empire, 1804-1815

Louis XVI, 1 774-1 792 (Napoleon I, Emperor of

The Convention, 1 792-1 795 the French)

The Directory, 1 795-1 799 Louis XVIII, 1 814-1824

The Consulate, i 799-1804 Charles X, 1824-1830
695

696

Outlines of Europea7i History

France [contirmed')

Louis Philippe, 1830- 1848
The Second Republic,
1848-1852
(Louis Napoleon, President)
The Second Empire,
1852-1870
(Napoleon III, Emperor of
the French)
The Third Republic

Government of National
Defense, 1870-1871

German Empire

William I, 1 871-1888
Frederick III, March-June, 1S88

Adolphe Thiers, President,

1871-1873
Marshal MacMahon, 1873-

1879
F. P. Jules Grevy, 1879-

1887
F. Sadi Carnot, 1 887-1 894
Casimir-Perier, 1894- 1895
Fdlix Faure, 1 895-1 899
Emile Loubet, 1899-1906
Armand Fallieres, 1906-1913
Raymond Poincare, 1913-

William II. li

Great Britain

Charles II, 1660-1685
James II, 1 685-1 688
William and Mary, 1689-

1694
William III, 1694- 1702
Anne, 1 702-1 71 4
George I, 171 4-1 727

George II, i 727-1 760
Ge.orge III, 1 760-1820
George IV, 1 820-1 830
William IV, 1830- 1837
Victoria, 1837-1901
Edward VII, 1901-1910
George V, 1910-

Greece

Otto I, 1833-1862
George I, 1863-1913

Constantine, 191 3- 191 7
Alexander, 1917-

HoLY Roman Empire and Austria-Hungary

Leopold I, 1658-1705
Joseph I, 1 705-171 1
Charles VI, 171 1-1740
(Charles VII of Bavaria,
1742-1745)

(Maria Theresa, Austro-Hun-
garian ruler, 1 740-1 780)
Francis I, i 745-1 765
Joseph II, 1765-1790
Leopold II, 1790-1792

Appendix I

Holy Roman Empire axd Austria-Hungary {continued)
Francis H as Holy Roman Ferdinand I, 1835-184

697

Emperor, 1792-1806
As Austrian Emperor,
Francis I, 1 806-1 835

Francis Joseph, 1 848-1916
Charles VHI, 191 6-

Italy

Victor Emmanuel H,

1849-1878
(King of Italy from 1861)

Humbert, 1 878-1900
Victor Emmanuel HI, 1900-

MONTENEGRO

Nicholas I, 1860-

Netherlands

William I, 181 5-1840
William H, 1840- 1849

William HI, 1849- 1890
Wilhelmina, 1890-

NORWAY

Same rulers as Denmark,

1523-1814
Christian Frederick, 181 4

Same rulers as Sweden, 1814-

1905
Haakon VH, 1905-

POLAND

John Sobieski, 1 674-1 696
Frederick Augustus of Sax-
ony, I 697-1 704
Stanislas Leszczynski,
1 704- 1 709

Frederick Augustus of Saxony
(restored), 1 709-1 733

Frederick Augustus H, 1733-
1763

Stanislas H, 1 764-1 795

The Popes

Clement IX, 1 667-1 669
Clement X, 1670- 1676
Innocent XI, 1676-1689
Alexander VIII, 1689-1691
Innocent XII, 1 691 -1700

Clement XI, i 700-1 721
Innocent XIII, i 721-1724
Benedict XIII, i 724-1 730
Clement XII, i 730-1 740
Benedict XIV, 1740- 1758

700

Outlines of European History

Turkey

Mohammed IV, 1 649-1687
Solyman II, 1687- 1691
Achmet II, 1691-1695
Mustapha II, 1 695-1 703
Achmet III, 1 703-1 730
Mahmoud I, 1 730-1 754
Othman III, 1 754-1 757
Mustapha III, 1 757-1 774
Abdul Hamid I, i 774-1 789

Selim III, I 789-1807
Mustapha IV, 1 807-1 808
Mahmoud II, 1808- 1839
Abdul Medjid, 1 839-1 861
Abdul Aziz, 1 861 -1 876
Amurath V (Murad), 1876
Abdul Hamid II, 1876- 1909
Mohammed V, 1 909-1 91 8
Mohammed VI, 191 8-

APPENDIX II

INTRODUCTION

BrYce, The Holy Roi7ian Empire. Burckhardt, The Civilization A. General
of the Renaissance in Italy. Cheyney, A Short History of Eitglatid, reading
chaps, xii-xiii ; An Introduction to the Industrial and Social History
of England, chaps, iv, vi. Cross, A History of England and Greater
Britain, chaps, xx-xxii. Cunningham, Ati Essay on Western Civiliza-
tion : Mediaeval and Modern Times. Day, A History of Commerce.
De Vinne, The hivention of Printing. DuRUY, History of France.
Emerton, Desideriics Erasmus. Encyclopcedia Britafinica, articles on
"Calvin," "Charles V," "The Middle Ages," "The Reformation,"
" Zwingli." Henderson, A Short History of Germany. Johnson, Europe
in the Sixteenth Century. Lindsay, A History of the Reformation (2 vols.).

Robinson, Readings in European History, Vol. II, chaps, xxiii-xxix. B Source
Cheyney, Readings in English History. Gee and Hardy, Documents matenal
Illustrative of Etiglish Church History. Wace and BUCHHEIM (Editors).
Luther's Prijnary Works and The Augsburg Confession. Whitcomb,
A Source Book of the German Renaissance and A Literary Source Book
of the Italian Renaissance.

Beard, Martin Luther-, especially introductory chapters on general C. Additional
conditions. Cambridge Modern History, Vols. I-IV. Creighton, A ^^^^ing
History of the Papacy. Gasquet, The Eve of the Reformation. Janssen,
History of the German People, Vols. I-II. McGiffert, Martin Ltcther.
Motley, The Rise of the Dutch Republic. Pastor, The History of the
Popes. Payne, Voyages of Elizabethan Seamen to America. Pollard,
Factors in Modem History. Putnam, G. H., Books and their Makers dur-
ing the Middle Ages. Putnam, R., William the Silent. Sichel, The Renais-
sance {Yiome, \]xi\.\ers\ty SQX\t.s). Van Dyck, The History of Painting.

•CHAPTER \

Cheyney, A Short Histo>y of England, chaps, xiv^xvi. Cross, A His- A. General
toiy of England and Greater Britain, chaps, xxvii-xxxviii. - Green, "^^^""^S
A Short History of the English People, chaps, viii-ix.

701

702

Outlines of European History

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Robinson, Readings in European History, Vol. II, chap. xxx.
Cheyney, Readings in English History, chaps, xiv-xvi. Colby, Selec-
tions from the Soiirces of English History, Pt. VI, the Stuart Period.
Gee and Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Chiwch History,
pp. 508-664.

Cambridge Modem History, Vol. Ill, chap, xvii ; Vol. IV, chaps, viii-
xi, XV, xix ; Vol. V, chaps, v, ix-xi. Gardiner, The Eirst Two Stuarts
and the Puritan Revolution. Macaulay, Essay on Miltofi. Morley,
Oliver Cromwell.

CHAPTER II

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Adamg, The Grozvth of the French Nation, chaps, xii-xiii. Cambridge
Modern History, Vol. V, chaps, i-ii, xiii-xiv. DURUY, History of France,
Thirteenth Period. Wakeman, The Ascendancy of France, chaps, ix-xi,
xiv-xv.

Robinson, Readings in European History, Vol. II, chap. xxxi.
Memoirs of the period are often obtainable in translation at reason-
able prices. The greatest of these, those of Saint Simon, are con-
densed to a three-volume English edition.

Lowell, The Eve of the French Revolution, general in treatment,
less picturesque but gives a fairer idea of conditions than the work of
Taine mentioned below. Perkins, France under the Regency, one of
several valuable books by this author. Taine, The Ancient Regime^
a brilliant picture of life in France in the eighteenth century.

CHAPTER III

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. V, chaps, xvi, xx-xxi ; Vol. VI,
chap. XX. Henderson, A Short History of Germany, Vol. I, pp. 148-
218. Rambaud, History of Russia, Vols. I-II, the best treatment of
Russia. '^zw.YNYLL, Modem Europe, pp. 21 5-247, good outline. Tuttle,
Histoiy of Prussia (4 vols.).

Robinson, Readings in European History, VoL II, chap, xxxii.
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European History, Vol. I,
chap. iv.

Bright, Maria Theresa. Carlyle, History of Frederick the Second,
called Frederick the Great, a classic. Eversley, The Partitions of Poland.
Hassall, The Balance of Power. Kluchevsky, A History of Russia
(3 vols.). Phillips, Poland (Home University Series), good short
account. Schevill, The Maki'/i^ of Modern Germany, Lectures I-II.
ScR\jyL^R, Peter the Great, standard English biography. Waliszewskl
Life of Peter the Great. . '

Appendix II

703

CHAPTER IV

A. General
reading

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modem Europe, Vol. I,
chaps, vi-vii. Ca?nbridge Modem History, Vol. V, chap, xxii ; Vol. VI,
chaps, vi, XV. Cheyney, A Short History of Englattd, chap. xvii. Cross,
A Histoiy of England and Greater Britain, chap, xli, detailed manual.
Egerton, a Sho?'t Histoiy of British Colonial Policy, best treatment.
GiBBiNS, British Commerce and Colonies from Elizabeth to Victoria.
Lyall, The Rise of British Do7ninion in India. PoLLARD, Factors in
Modern History, chap, x, a most suggestive treatment of the rise of
nationalism in modern England. Woodward, A Short History of the
Expansion of the British Empire, best introduction.

Robinson, Readings iti European History, Vol. II, chap, xxxiii.
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European History, Vol. I,
chaps, vi-vii. Cheyney, Readings in English History, chaps, xiii, xvii.
Hart, American History told by Contemporaries, Vol. I. MuzzEY,
Readings in American History.

Cheyney, The Eiiivpeart Background of American History, an excel-
lent survey. ^T>GA.R, The Struggle for a Continent. Hunter, ^ ^r/V/" ^'^^'^'"8
History of the Indian Peoples. LucAS, A Historical Geography of the
British Colonies (5 vols.), the most extensive treatment. Macaulay,
Essay 071 Clive. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power upon History.^
1660-17SJ, a classic. Morris, A History of Colonization (2 vols.). Park-
man, A Half Century of Conflict (2 vols.). Seeley, The Expansion of
England, a well-known general survey. Thvvaites, The Colonies.
Traill, Social England, Vol. V.

B. Source
material

C. Additional

CHAPTER V

AsHTON, Social Life ift the Reign of Queen Anne. GiBBlNS, Industry
171 Engla7id, chaps, xvii-xx. Henderson, A Short History of Germa7ty,
chaps, iii-vii. Lowell, The Eve of the Fre7ich Revolution, sane and
reliable. Prothero, English Far77iing, Past and Prese7it, chaps, v-xi,
excellent. Sydney, England and the English in the Eighteenth Ce7itury
(2 vols.), admirable.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European History, Vol. I,
chap. viii. Translations and Repri7tts of the University of Pe7i7tsylvania,
Vol. V, No. 2; Vol. VI, No. I. Young, Travels in Fra7ice, lySj-iySg,
a first-hand source of great importance.

Cunningham, 7"/^^ Growth of English Industry a7id Com7nerce, Mod-
em Times, Pt. I, the standard manual of economic history; con-
servative. De Tocqueville, The State of Society in France before the

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

704

Outlmes of Europe a7i History

Revolution, a careful analysis of conditions. Lecky, A History of
England in the Eighteenth Century (8 vols.), a work of high order.
McGiFFERT, Protestant Thought before Kant, excellent for religious
thought, Overton, The English Church in the Eighteenth Century.
Taine, The Ancient Regime, a brilliant but somewhat overdone analysis
of social conditions in France.

CHAPTER VI

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Bury, A History of Freedom of Thought (Home University Series),
chap, vi, admirable. Ca?nbridge Modem History, Vol. V, chap, xxiii.
Dunning, A History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu^
chaps, x-xii, admirable summary of political doctrines to 1750. Marvin,
The Living Past, chap, viii, a stimulating outline. McGiffert, Protes-
tant Thotight before Kant, chap, x, splendid treatment of the religious
aspects of rationalism.

Robinson and Beard, Readings i^t Modem European History, Vol. I,
chaps, ix-x. Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laivs (Nugent's translation).
Rousseau, Discourses, and Emile, and The Social Contract (Everyman's
Library). Smith, The Wealth of Nations. Stephens, The Life and
Writings of Turgot.

Carlyle, History of Frederick the Second, called Frederick the Great.
GiDE and RiST, A History of Economic Doctrines (translated by Richards).
Lecky, A History of the Rise and Influence of Rationalism in Europe
(2 vols.), a general survey. Morley, Critical Miscellanies', Rousseau \
Voltaire, eloquent and stimulating essays. Perkins, France under
Louis XV, Vol. H. Robertson, A Short Histoiy of Free Thought, Ancient
and Modern (2 vols.). Schuyler, Peter the Great. Waliszewski, Life
of Peter the Great. An excellent summary of the history of the various
sciences is to be found in The IListory of the Sciences series published
by Putnam.

CHAPTER VH

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

Lowell, The Eve of the French Revolution, the best treatment in
English. Maclehose, The Last Days of the Fj'ench Monarchy, excellent.
Matthews, The French Revolution, Pts. \-\\, the best short survey.

Robinson, Readings in European Histoiy, Vol. H, chap, xxxiv.
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European History, Vol. I,
chap. xi. Translations attd Reprints of the University of Pennsylvania,
Vol. IV, No. 5, for "Cahiers"; Vol. V, No. 2, for " Protest of the Cour
des Aides of 1775"; Vol. VI, No. i, for "Philosophers." Young,
Travels in France.

Appendix II

705

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VIII, chaps, ii-iv. De Tocque- C. Additional
VILLE, The State of Society in France before the Revolution of lySg. ^'^^^^'^S
ROCQUAIN, The Revoliitiottary Spirit preceding the Revolution. Taine,
The Ancient Regime,

CHAPTER VIII

Robinson, The New History, chap. vii. Belloc, The French Revolu-
tion, chaps, i-iii, iv, sects, i-iii suggestive. Cambridge Modeiit History,
Vol. VIII, especially chaps, i-iii. Matthews, The Fretich Revolution,
Pt. III. Rose, The Revolutionary ajtd N^apoleonic Era, chaps, i-iii.
Stephens, Revolutionaiy Europe, chaps, iii-iv, excellent ; A History of
the French Revolution (2 vols.), detailed treatment of the early years of
the Revolution, replacing Carlyle and earlier literary historians.

Robinson, Readings in Eiiropean Histoiy, Vol. II, chap. xxxv.
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History, Vol. I,
chap. xii. Anderson, Constitutions a?id Other Select Documents Illus-
trative of the History of France, ijSg-igoy, a valuable collection for
modern French history. Burke, Reflections on the French Revolution
(Everyman's Library), a bitter criticism of the whole movement.
Morris, Diary a?id Letters (2 vols.), contains some vivid description by
an American observer. Paine, The Rights of Maji, an effective answer
to Burke.

AULARD, The Fj-ench Revolution : A Political History, j'j8g-i8o4
(4 vols.), a great political history. Bourne, The Revolutiojia^y Period in
Ettrope, chaps, vii-x, a recent manual. Ca-rlyle, The French Revolution,
a literary masterpiece but written from insufficient materials. Taine,
The French Revolution (3 vols.). Vol. I ; Vol. II, chaps, i-iv, brilliant
but unsympathetic.

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

CHAPTER IX

Belloc, The French Revohition, chap, iv, sects, iv-vi ; chaps, v-vi.
Cambridge Modey-n History, Vol. VIII, especially chap. xii. Matthews,
The French Revolution, Pt. IV. Rose, The Revolutionary and Napoleo7tic
Era, chaps, iv-vi. Stephens, Revolutionary Ettrope, chaps, i-iii.

Robinson, Readings in European History, Vol. II, chap, xxxvi.
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History, Vol. I,
chap. xiii.

AuLARD, The French Revolution, Vols. II-IV. Belloc, Danton and
Robespierre. Bourne, The Revolutio7iary Period in Europe, chaps, xi-
xiv. Taine, The French Revoltttion, Vol. II> chaps, v-xii ; Vol. III.
II

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

yo6

Out lines of European History

CHAPTER X

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VIII, chaps, xviii-xxv ; Vol. IX,
chaps, i-iii. Fisher, Napoleon (Home University Series), chaps, i-v.
FouRNiER, Napoleon the First, Vol. I, chaps, i-vii, excellent. Johnston,
Napoleon, chaps, i-vi, the best brief account in English. Rose, The Lije
of Napoleon the First, Vol. I, chaps, i-xi, the most scholarly account in
English.

Robinson, Readi?tgs in European History, Vol. II, chap, xxxvii.
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History, Vol. I,
chap. xiv. Anderson, Constitutions and Other Select Documents Illus-
trative of the Histojy of France, ijSg-igoy. Bourrienne, Memoirs of
Bourrienne, Vol. I; Vol. II, chaps, i-iv. Napoleon's private secretary,
spiteful but spicy.

Sloane, Life of Napoleon Boitaparte (4 vols.), Vols. I-II, monumental,
with very complete illustrations. Stephens, Revolutionary Eu7-ope,
chaps, vi-vii.

CHAPTER XI

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. IX, chaps, iv-xx. Fisher, Napoleon
(Home University Series), chaps, vi-x. Fournier, N'apoleo7t the First,
Vol. I, chaps, viii-xii ; Vol. II. Johnston, N'apoleo7i, chaps, vii-xvii.
Rose, The Life of Napoleon the First, Vol. I, chaps, xii-xxi; Vol. II.
Robinson, Readings i?i European History, Vol. II, chap, xxxviii.
Anderson, Constitutions and Other Select Documents Illustrative of the
History of France, lySg-igoy. BiNGHAiM, A Selection from the Letters
and Despatches of the First Napoleon (3 vols.). Bourrienne, Memoirs of
Bourrienne, Vol. II, chaps, v-xxxiv ; Vol. Ill; Vol. IV. Las Cases, The
Journal of the Emperor Napoleon at St. Helena. Lecestre, New .Letters
of Napoleon I. De Remusat, Memoirs of Aladame de Remusat. MiOT
DE Melito, Memoirs of Miot de Melito.
C. Additional BiGELOW, /^ History of the German Struggle for Liberty. Seeley, The
reading j^^j-^ ^^^ Times of Stein, an exhaustive study of Prussia under Stein.

Sloane, Life of Napoleon Bonapa^ie, Vols. III-IV. TaiNE, The Modern
Regime (2 vols.), keen analysis of Napoleon.

CHAPTER XII

A. General RoBiNSON and Beard, The Development of Modem Europe, Vol. I,

reading chap. xvi. Fyffe, A History of Modem Europe, Vol. II, chap. L

Hazen, Europe since 181^, chap. i. Seignobos, A Political History of

Europe since 18 14, chap. i.

Appendix II

707

Robinson and Beard, Readings m Modern European History, Vol. I, B. Source

chap. xvi.

Andrews, The Historical Development of Modem Enrope, Vol. I.

CHAPTER XIII

material

C. Additional
reading

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II,
chap. xvii. Cambridge Modem History, Vol. X. Fyffe, A History of
Modern Europe^ Vol. II. Hazen, Etc7'ope since 181^, chaps, ii-viii, excel-
lent. Phillips, Alodem Eiuvpe, chaps, i-ix, especially good sections.
Seignobos, a Political History of Europe since 18 14, chaps, viii-x, most
comprehensive single manual of the century. •

Robinson, Readings in Ezcjvpeatt History, Vol. II, chap, xxxix.
Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European Histofy, Vol. II,
chap. xvii.

Andrews, The Historical Development of Modern Europe (2 vols.).
Hume, Modem Spain. Phillips, The Confederation of Europe, an
excellent survey of congresses and the plans of the Tsar. Stillman,
The Union of Italy. Sybel, The Eoundingofthe German Empire,Yo\. I.

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

CHAPTER XIV

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II,
chap, xviii. Allsopp, An Introduction to English Industrial History,
Pt. IV, excellent book for young students. Cheyney, An Introduction
to the Industrial and Social History of Englaftd, chap. viii. Gibbins,
Industry in England, chaps, xx-xxi. Marvin, The Living Past, chaps,
ix-x. Pollard, The History of England (Home University Series),
chap. vii. Slater, The Making of Modern England (American edition),
especially the introduction, excellent.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European Histoty, Vol. II,
chap, xviii. Cheyney, Readings in English History', chap, xviii.
Excels, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, largely
drawn from official sources and observation. Marx and Engels,
Manifesto of the Communist Party, the most important pamphlet in
the history of socialism.

Byrn, The Progress of Invention in the Nineteenth Century. Coch-
rane, Modem Industrial Progress. CUNNINGHAM, The Givivth of
English Industry and Commerce: Mode7-n Times., Pt. II. HoBSON, The
Evolution of Modern Capitalism, excellent. KiRKUP, A Histoiy of
Socialism, well written and fair. Spargo and Arner, The Elements 0f
Socialism. WooLMAN and McGowAN, Textiles.

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

7o8

Outlines of European History

CHAPTER XV

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Robinson and Beard, 7^he Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II,
chap. xix. Andrews, The Historical Developmetit of Modem Europe,
Vol. I. Fyffe, a History of Modem Europe, Vol. Ill, chaps, i-ii.
Hazen, Europe since i8i^, chap. ix. Phillips, Modem Europe, chaps,
xi-xiv. Seignobos, A Political History of Europe since /814, chap. vi.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History, Vol. II,
chap. xix. Anderson, Cofistitutio?is and Other Select Documents Illus-
trative of the Histojy of F7-ance, lySg-igoy.

Cambj-idge Modern History, Vol. XI, chaps, ii, v. Evans, Memoirs of
Dr. Thomas W. Evans : The Second French Empire.

A- General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

CHAPTER XVI

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II,
chap. XX. Andrews, The Historical Development of Modern Europe,
Vol. I, excellent. Fyffe, A History of Modern Europe, Vol. Ill, chaps,
i-ii. Hazen, Europe since 181^, chaps, viii, xxvi. Phillips, Modem
Europe, chaps, xi-xiii. Seignobos, A Political Histoiy of Europe since
1814, chaps, xi-xiv.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History,
Vol. II, chap. XX. Marx, Revolution and Counter Revolution, or Ger-
many in 1848, keen analysis ; formerly articles in the iVeiu York Trib-
une. SCHURZ, The Reminiscences of Carl Schurz, of great interest to
American students.

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XI, chaps, iii-iv, vi-vii. Maurice,
The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-184^. MuRDOCK, The Reconstruc-
tion of Europe.

CHAPTER XVII

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XI, chaps, xiv, xix; Vol. XII,
chap. viii. Barry, The Papacy and Modern Times (Home University
Series), chap. vii. Hazen, Europe since 181^, chap. x. Ogg, The Gov-
ernments of Europe, chaps, xix-xxi. Seignobos, A Political History of
Europe since 18 14, chap. xi.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European Histofy,Yo\. H,
chap. xxi. Garibaldi, Autobiography (3 vols.). Mazzini, Duties of Man'
(Everyman's Library).

Andrews, The Historical Development of Modern Europe, Vol. IL
Cesaresco, Cavour and the Liberation of Italy. King, A History of
Italian Unity (2 vols.). King and Okey, Italy To-day, \Qry readable, but
a little out of date. Stillman, The Union of Italy.

Appendix II

709

CHAPTER XVIII

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modem Europe, Vol. II,
chap. xxii. Cambridge Modem History, Vol. XI, chaps, vii, xv-xvi, xxi ;
Vol. XII, chap. vii. Hazen, Europe since j8i^, chaps, xi, xiii, xvii.
Macy and Gannaway, Comparative Free Government, Pt. II, chap. 1.
Ogg, The Governmejit of Europe, chaps, xxiv-xxvii. Seignobos, ^ Polit-
ical "Nistory of Europe si7ice 18 14, chaps, xiv-xvii.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern European History, Vol. II,
chap. xxii. Bismarck, Bismarck, The Man and The Statesman, an auto-
biography. BusCH, Bismarck, Some Secret Pages of his History.

Guilland, Modem Germany and her Historiaits, shows their impor-
tance in molding the ideas of modern Germany. Headlam, Bis7narck
and the Foundation of the Gertnati Etnpire. ScHEViLL, The Makijig of
Modern Germany, Lectures I-V, very enthusiastic. Smith, Bisfnarck
and German Unity. Treitschke, Treitschke's History of Germany in
the Nineteenth Centtuy.

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

CHAPTER XIX

Robinson and Beard, The Develop?nent of Modern Europe, Vol. II, A. General
chap, xxiii. Barker, Modem Germany. Cambridge Modern History, ^^^ '"^
Vol. XII, chap. vi. Hazen, Europe since iSis, chap. xiv. Henderson,
A Short Histoiy of Gennany (1916 edition), chaps, xi-xiii. Kruger,
Government and Politics of the German Empire, excellent. Macy and
Gannaway, Comparative Free Government, Pt. II, chap. li. Ogg, The
Govemmejits of. Europe, chaps, ix-xiv. Seignobos, A Political History
of Europe since 1814, chap. xvi.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern Europea7i History, Vol. II, B. Source
chap, xxiii. Dodd, Modern Constitutions . Howard, The Germati Em-
pire, chap. xiii.

Andrews, Contemporary Europe (History of All Nations Series,
Vol. XX), chaps, iv-vi. Dawson, The Evolution of Modertt Germany.
Dewey, German Philosophy and Politics. Howard, The German Empire,
chaps, i-xii. Schevill, The Making of Modem Germany, Lecture VI,
Appendixes A-H;

material

CHAPTER XX

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modem Europe, Vol. II,
chap. xxiv. Cambridge Modem History, Vol. XII, chap. v. Hazen,
Europe since 181^, chap. xv. Macy and Gannaway, Comparative Free
Government, Pt. II, chaps, xlvi-xlix. Ogg, The Governments of Europe,

A. General
reading

7IO

Outlifies of European History

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Pt. Ill, best brief analysis. Seignouos, A Political Histo7y of Europe
since 1814, chap. vii.

Robinson and Beard, Readitigs in Modem Eiiropeati Histo?y, Vol. II,
chap. xxiv. Anderson, Constitutions and Other Select Doctiments Illus-
trative of the History of France, ijSg—igoy. Dodd, Modern Co7tstitutions.

Andrews, Contemporary Europe (History of All Nations Series,
Vol. XX), chaps. V, vii. Bodley, France, by an English Conservative.
Bracq, France under the Republic. Coubertin, The Evolution of France
lender the Third Republic. Hanotaux, Contejuporary France (3 vols.),
the standard history. Lowell, Governments and Parties m Continental
Europe (2 vols.). Vizetelly, Republicaji France, a readable, gossipy
volume. Wendell, The France of To-day.

CHAPTER XXI

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II,
chaps, xxv-xxvi. Cambridge Modem History, Vol. XI, chaps, i, xii ;
Vol. XII, chaps, iii-iv. Cheyney, A Short History of Engla7td, chaps.
xix-xx. Cross, A Histoiy of Ejigland and Greater Britain, chaps. 1-lv.
Hazen, Europe since 181^, chaps, xviii-xxi, excellent. Macy and
Gannaway, Comparative Free Govemme7it, Pt. II, chaps, xxx-xli. Ogg,
The Gove7'nme7its of Europe, chaps, i-viii. Oman, E7tgland m the Nine-
tee7ith Ce7itury, best brief account. Slater, The Maki7ig of Modern
E7igland (American edition), excellent, with select bibliography.

Robinson and Beard, Readi7igs in Modem European History, Vol. II,
chaps, xxv-xxvi. Cheyney, Readings in English History, chaps, xix-
xx, sects, i-iv. Hayes, British Social Politics, a collection of speeches
covering the most recent period. Kendall, A Source Book of E7tglish
Histo7y. Lee, Source Book of English Histo7y, Pt. VIII, chaps, xxx-xxxii.
White and Notestein, Source P7vble7ns i7i English Histo7y, Pt. VIII.
Winbolt, English History Source Books, a long series of cheap source
books.

Bagehot, The English Constitutio7t. HuTCHiNS and Harrison, A
History of Factory Legislation. Lowell, The Govemme7it of England
(2 vols.), a standard work. McCarthy, A History of Our Ozv7i limes
(7 vols.). Medley, FjigUsh Constitutional History, a good reference
manual. Paul, A Histo7y of Mode/it E7igland (5 vols.), liberal in politics.
Smith, Irish History and the Hish Question. Walpole, A History of
England si7ice 181^.^ Webb, P7-oblems of Modem hidustry. Three
famous biographies are : Monypenny and Buckle, The Life of
Benjami7i Disraeli; MoRLEY, The Life of William Etvart Gladst07te\
Trevelyan, The Life of fohn Bright.

Appendix II

711

CHAPTER XXII

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II,
chap, xxvii. Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XI, chap, xxvii ; Vol. XII,
chap. XX. Cheyney, A Short Histoiy of E?tgland, chap. xx. Hazen,
Eicrope since 181^, chap. xxii. Qyik.^,- England iji the Nineteenth Cen-
tury, chaps, ix-xii. Story, The British Empire.

Robinson and Beard, Readi7igs in Modem European History, Vol. II,
chap, xxvii. Cheyney, Readings in English History, chap, xx, sect. v.
Lee, Source Book of English Histoiy, Pt. VIII, chaps, xxxiii-xxxv.
The Statesman''s Year Book. Winp.olt, English History Source Books.

BURINOT, Canada under British Rule. DiLKlE, Problems of Greater
Britain. Y.GY.^IO^, A Short Histoiy of British Colonial Policy. Fraser,
British Rule in India. HoBSON, The War in South Afi-ica. Innes, A
History of England and the British Empire, Vol. IV. Jenks, A Histoiy
of the Australasian Colonies. LoWELL, The Government of England,
Vol. II, chaps, liv-lviii. McCarthy, A History of Our Own Times
(7 vols.). Vols. V-VII. Paul, A History of Modern England, Vols. II,
IV. Walpole, a History of England since 181^, Vol. VI, chap, xxvii.

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

CHAPTER XXIII

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II,
chap, xxviii. Cambridge Modern History, Vol. X, chap, xiii ; Vol. XI,
chap, xxi ; Vol. XII, chap. xiii. Hazen, Europe since 181^, chaps, xxix-
xxxi. Seignobos, a Political Histoiy of Europe since 1814, chap. xix.
Skrine, The Expansion of Russia, best brief survey.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modern Eicropean Histoiy, Vol. II,
chap, xxviii. YiET<i'iiAT<i, Siberia and the Exile System (2 vols.). Kropotkix,
Memoirs of a Revolutionist.

Alexinsky, Modem Russia. Krausse, Russia in Asia. Mayor, An
Economic Histoiy of Russia (2 vols.), elaborate and excellent. Milyou-
Kov, Russia and its Crisis, a valuable work by a leader in Russian
thought and politics. Rambaud, History of Russia, Vol. Ill; Expan-
sion of Russia. Sarolea, Great Russia. WALLACE, Russia (2 vols.),
readable and thorough survey. Wesselitsky, Rjissia and Democracy.

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

CHAPTER XXIV

Robinson and Beard, The Development of Modern Europe, Vol. II, A. General
chap. xxix. Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XII, chap. xiv. Hazen, ^^^"'"S
Europe since 18 ij, chap, xxviii. Seignobos, A Political History of Europe

712

Outlines of European History

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

since 1814., chaps, xx-xxi. Sloane, The Balkans, a recent study. Gib-
bons, The New Map of Europe, very readable.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European History, Vol. II,
chap. xxix. Holland, The European Concert in the Eastern Question.

Abbott, Turkey in Transition. Buxton, Turkey in Revolution.
Courtney (Editor), Nationalisjn and War in the Near East. Davey,
The Sultafi and his Subjects (2 vols.). Lane-Poole, The Story> of Turkey.
Miller, The Ottoman Empire and The Balkans. Rose, The Developjnent
of the Eicropean Nations (2 vols.). Vol. I.

CHAPTER XXV

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Cambridge Modern History, Vol. XII, chaps, xv-xxii. Douglas,
Europe and the Far East, excellent. Hazen, Europe since 1815, chaps,
xxiii, XXX. Holderness, Peoples and Problems of India (Home Uni-
versity Series). Johnston, The Opening up of Africa (Home University
Series). Reinsch, World Politics. Rose, The Developmeyit of the Euro-
pean Nations.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European Histojy, Vol. II,
chap. XXX. The Annual Register. The Statesman^ Year Book.

Dennis, Christian Missions and Social Progress. Giles, The Civiliza-
tion of Chijia (Home University Series) ; China and the Chinese.
Hunter, The Indiati Empire. Y.'i^ox, Japa7iese Life in Town and Coun-
try. Harris, hitervention and Colonization ift Africa, a recent, reliable
guide. Keltie, The Partition of Africa. Weale, The Reshaping of the
Far East (2 vols.).

CHAPTER XXVI

A. General
reading

B. Source
material

C. Additional
reading

Bracq, France tinder the Republic. Cross, A History of England a7td
Greater Britai7i, chap. Ivii. Dawson, The Evolution of Modem Germany.
Howe, Socialized Germany ; The British City. Kruger, Government
and Politics of the Germajt Empire. Ogg, The Governments of Europe,
chap. V. Seignobos, A Political History of Europe since 1814.

Robinson and Beard, Readings in Modem European History, Vol. II,
chap. xxxi. Hayes, British Social Politics. White and Notestein,
Source Problems in E?iglish History, Pt. VIII.

Lankester, The Ki^tgdom of Man. Tower, Gemiafiy of To-day
(Home University Series). Vizetelly, Republican France. Wallace •
The Wonderful Century. Wendell, The France of To-day.

Appendix II

713

CHAPTER XXVII

Angell, The Great Jlliision, a criticism of the whole militaristic A. General
system. Stowell, The Diplomacy of the War of igi^, the best and ^^^^'"&
most thorough analysis of the diplomacy involved. Gibbons, The A-ew
Map of Europe, well written.

Collected Diplomatic Documents relating to the Outbreak of the Euro- B. Source
pean War, London, 191 5, contains the publications of the various "material
nations relative to their diplomatic exchanges prec^eding the outbreak
of the war. The documents were reprinted by the A'exv York Times and
the Association for International Conciliation. The N'ew York Times,
Cicrrent Histojy of the Eic7Vpean War, contains valuable current material.
Stowell's volume analyzes the documents.

The Association for International Conciliation (Secretary at Columbia C. Additional
University) distributes free pamphlets which are often of great value. ^^^"^^"S
Bernhardt, Germany and the A^ext War, an example of German mili-
taristic views. Dewey, Germati Philosophy atid Politics, a survey of
thought in the last century. Foster, Arbitration and the Hagne Court.
llvi^ivuRYN, Ittternational Socialism and the War. Labberton, Belgium
and Germany. Ogg, The Governme^its of Europe, chaps, xxiv-xxvii.
Price, The Diplomatic History of the War. Sarolea. The Anglo- Gei-man
Problem, a suggestive book by a Belgian. Schmitt, England and
Ger?nany, ly^o-igi^. Von Mach, Gerffiajiy's Point of View.

INDEX

Marked letters sound as in ask, far, her, there, move, 6rb, hour, fiill ; Frencli
bofi, menii; K like German ch i?i ich, ach

Abdul Hamid (ab dul ha med') II,
Sultan of Turkey, 586, 588

Absentee landlordism in Ireland,
519 f., 522

Ab ys sin'i a, 421

Academy, French, 64

Act of Uniformity (1662), 50

Act of Union, Ireland (1801), 523

Ads of the Apostles, The, 223

Address to the German N'obility, 20 f .

Ad'ri an 6'ple, 581 f., 588, 590

Afghanistan (af gan 1 stau'), 530
and note, 563 and note

Africa, 322, 421 ; German East,
and German Southwest, 456,
460, 547 f., 624 ; French in north
and west, 485, 487 f., 623 f. ;
British and Dutch in South,
542 ff.; British East, 548, 627 ff.;
colonization of, by European
powers, 620 ff. ; conference at
Algeciras (1906), 626; imperial
policy of European nations in :
Fashoda {1898), 685; Algeciras
(1905), 687; Agadir (1911),
687 f.

Agadir (ag a der') (1911), 687 f.

Aix-la-Chapelle (aks-la-sha pel'),
Peace of (1748), 87, no, 254;
Congress of (1818), 327

A las'ka, 322

Al ba'ni a, 587 f., 591, 691

Albanians, 583, 587

Albert I, king of Belgium, 343

Alberta, 537

Alexander, king of Serbia, 585

Alexander, prince of Bulgaria, 582

Alexander I, Tsar of Russia, 283,
287 f., 302, 306, 325, 552 ff., 575

Alexander II, Tsar of Russia, 556,
559, 561, 578, 581

Alexander III, Tsar of Russia,
561 f.

Alfon'so XII, king of Spain, 435
note

Alfonso XIII, king of Spain, 435
note

Algeciras (al je se'ras), conference
at (1906), 456 note, 626 f.

Algeria (al je'ri a), 421, 485 f., 685

Alliance, Triple (England, Hol-
land, and Sweden, 1668), 66 f. ;
Grand (1701), 70 ; of France and
Austria (1756), 87 ; Holy (Sep-
tember, 1815), 325, 355, 552;
Secret (November, 181 5), 327;
of Austro-Hungarian dual mon-
archy, German Empire, and
Italy (1882, 1887, 1892, 1902,
1912), 421, 456, 685, 687; of
England and Japan (1902, 1905),
686

Alsace (al sas'), 30, 66, 175, 437 and
note, 466. See Alsace-Lorraine

Alsace-Lorraine (al sas' lo ran'),
445, 466. See Alsace ; Lorraine

Alton Locke (ol'ton lok), 513

Alva, duke of, 28

Am a de'us, king of Spain, 435

America, South, 104, 350 ff., 630;
Central, 350 ff.

American colonies, 108

Am'i ens. Treaty of, 270, 282

A moy', 602

Anaesthetics, 670 f.

A nam', 488 f.

Angelo (an'jelo), Michael (mi'kel),

3
Anglican Church, 37 ff., 137 ff.,

168, 510, 520 ff., 641
Angra Pequena (paka'na), 456
Anjou (an'jo), Charles of, 12

715

7i6

OntU}ics of European History

Anne, queen of England, 52 ff. ;
war (1 701), 70 {see War of the
Spanish Succession)

Antitoxins, 673

Ant'werp, 28

Ar'abs, 626

Arbitration, Permanent Court, 683

Arcole (ar'ko la), battle of, 256

Argentina (ar jen te'na), 425

Arkwright, 359, 362, 367

Ar ma'da, Spanish, 8, 29

Army, Austro-Hungarian, 680;
English, 680; French, during
the Third Republic, 468 f., 680,
692 ; Italian, in twentieth cen-
tury, 421 ; Prussian : under Fred-
erick William I, 84 ; during
Napoleonic Period, 344, 677 f. ;
in nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, 678 ff., 691 ; Rus-
sian, 680

Artois (artwa'), count of, 201, 205,
218, 336. See Charles X, king of
France

Ashley, Lord, 514

Asia Minor, 456 note, 584

Aspern, 298

Asquith, 641, 645, 647

Assignats (aseiiya'), 212 f., 247,
274 f.

Associations cultuelles (a so sya-
syoii' ktil tti el') 48 1 f .

Associations Law (1901), 479 f.

Atomic theory, 666 f. ; effect of
radio-activity upon, 668

Augsburg, Peace of, 23, 29

Augsburg Cojtfessioji, 23

August 4-5, night of, 206

Augustus III, king of Poland, 92

Aurangzeb (6'rungzeb'), 106, 528,

533

Ausgleich (ous'gliK), between Aus-
tria and Hungary, 439

Aus'ter litz, 284, 287, 298, 337, 388

Australasia (6s tral a'sha), 538 ff.

Australia, 322 ; nature of original
settlements of, 538 f. ; discovery
of gold in, 539 ; Western and
South, 539 f.; Commonwealth of
(1900), 540, 546

Austria, influence of, on Italy in
Middle Ages, 13; foundations

of, 16; division of possessions
by Charles V, 28 and note ;
secures Spanish Netherlands
{1713), 70 f. ; under Maria
Theresa, 85 ; War of Austrian
Succession (1740), 86; first
partition of Poland, 92 ; second
and third partitions, 95, 117;
Bohemia and Hungary acquired,
96; reforms of Joseph II, i65ff.;
war with France (1792), 226 ff.;
Treaty of Campo Formio (1797),
257 f . ; Treaty of Luneville
(1801), 270 ff. ; war with France
(1805), 283 ff. ; Treaty of Press-
burg (1805), 285; assumption
of title of Emperor of Austria
by sovereign, 286 ; dissolution
of Holy Roman Empire (1806),
286 f.; war with France (1809),
298; Treaty of Vienna (1809),
298 ; part played at Congress
of Vienna (1815), 314 ff.; at-
titude of, toward plans for
German unification, 344 ff. ; in-
fluence of, in Italy, 349 ; races,
393 ff. ; loss of Italian posses-
sions in, 410, 414 f., 417 ff.;
refusal to join Zollverein, 427 ;
Schleswig-Holstein controversy,
war with Prussia (1866), 429 ff.

Austria-Hungary. See Austria ;
Austro-Hungarian dual mon-
archy

Austrian Empire. See Austro-
Hungarian dual monarchy

Austrian Succession, War of,
86 f.

Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy,
Austria and Hungary since
1866: establishment of dual
monarchy (1867), nature of
union, races included, 439 f. ;
reduction of power of Church,
extension of franchise, 441 f . ;
Hungary, 442 f. ; at Congress
of Berlin (1878), 581 and note;
made administrator of affairs
for Bosnia and Herzegovina,
586 f. ; in the Near-Eastern
question : conflicting interests
of races in the dual monarchy,

Index

717

688 ; Slav problem, 689 f. ; an-
nexation of Bosnia and Herze-
govina (1908), 690; exclusion
of Serbia from seacoast, 691 ;
assassination of Archduke
Francis Ferdinand (1914), 693;
ultimatum to Serbia, 693

Austro-Prussian War (1866), 432,

.. 439, 678, 688 f.

A'zof, Sea of, 575

Ba'ber, 106 and note

Baboeuf (babef), 379

Bacon, Francis, 34, 145 f.

Bacon, Roger, 144 f.

Bacteriology, 671

Ba'den, 14, 273, 279, 285, 316, 347,

399' 433' 436, 438, 444 f-

Bagdad, 690 note ; railway from
Berlin to, 691 f.

Ba la kla'va, 578

Balkan region, 579 f., 582

Balkan States, 324, 456, 589

BalkanWar(i9i2),588ff. ; (191 3),
590, 688 ff.

Balkan war with Turks (1877),
561

Ballot, Australian or secret, advo-
cated by Chartists, 496; adopted
by England (1872), 501 and note

Baluchistan (ba lo chi stan'), 530
note

Bank of France, 276

Barbary States, 621

Barras (ba ra^, 252

Basel (ba'zel), Treaties of (1795),
254, 265

Bastille (basteF), the, 203 ff., 215,

^n^ 339

Batavian Republic, 254, 267, 270 f.

Ba tiim', 581

Bavaria, 14, 271 ff., 279, 285, 316,

347' 399' 433' 436> 438, 444 f-,

447 note
Beaconsfield, Tord. See Disraeli,

Benjamin
Beauharnais (bo ar ne/). General,

250, 252
Beauharnais, Madame (madam'),

252. See Josephine, empress of

the French
Beccaria (bekkare'a), 156 f., 161

Bech u a'na land, 548, 622
Belgium, 8, 279, 315; revolution
of 1830, 342 f.; constitution of,

343
Bell, 597
Bengal (bengOl'), 108, in, 322,

527, 529 f.
Berbers, 626
Beresford (ber'e.s ferd). General,

354 f-

Berkeley (berk'Ii), 149 note

Berlin', University of (1810-1811),
305 ; representation in Reichs-
tag, 460 f. ; Treaty of (1878), 581
and note; Congress of (1878),
587; Congress of (1884), 624;
railway to Bagdad from, 691
note, 692

Berlin Decree (1806), 290 f.

Bernadotte (ber na dot'). Marshal,

3°/' 317^-
Bes a ra'bi a, 575
Bes'se mer process, 667
Bill of Rights (England, 1689), 53,

496
Biology, 670

Birmingham, 369, 492, 647
Bismarck, 421, 428 ff., 447 ff., 518,

555 note, 678, 685
Black Sea, 575, 579, 581, 585
"Black Year of Forty-Seven"

in Ireland, 520
Blackstone, 141
Blanc (blaii), 380 ff., 466
Bleaching, 361
Bloc (blok), 477
Bliicher (blii'Ker; Etiglish blo'-

cher). General, 307, 311
Boers (borz), 542 ff. ; war with

England (1899), 545 f., 621 ff.
Bo he'mi a, 14, 29, 393, 395 ; revo-
lution in Prague, 398, 400, 406,

439
l>ohemians, 72, 439. See Slavs
Bo Ka'ra, 563 note
Bolivar (bo le'var), 351 f.
Bo liv'i a, 352
Bombay', 108, 527 f., 532
B5'na parte, Jerome, 289, 308
Bonaparte, Joseph, 251, 266, 287,

296 f., 298, 348
Bonaparte, Louis, 287, 300

7i8

Outlines of Eiuvpcaii History

Bo'na parte, Louis Napoleon,
385 ff. See Napoleon III

Bonaparte, Lucien, 262

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 30, 217,
230, 240, 248 f., 250 ff., 277 ff., 627

Bonapartists, 337, 463, 469, 474 f.,

483
Booth, 638
Bordeaux (bor do'), 238 ff., 339,

364. 463
Borden, 538

Borodino (bo ro dye no'), 303
Bosnia, 580, 581 and note, 586 f. ;

annexation by Austria (1908),

690
Bos'po rus, 579
Bossuet (boswe'), 457, 513
Boston Tea Party, 114
Botany Bay, 539
Botha (bo'ta), General, 547
Boulanger (bolanzha'). General,

475
Bourbons, 25, 58 ff., 69 f., loi,

254, 267 f., 283, 287, 309 f., 314,

337» 340, 348 f., 355. 377, 379,

399, 435' 468 f.
Bourgeoisie (bor zhwa ze'), 374

note
Boxer insurrection (1900), 614
Boyne (boin), battle of the, 519
Braddock, General, 108
Brandenburg, electorate. 14, 79 ff.
Brazil, 7, 104 ; establishment of

empire, 354 f., 425, 630
Bremen (bra'men), 272, 300, 433
Brest, 289 f.
Briand (bre aii'), 482
Bright, 514, 517, 521 note
Brissot (bre so'), 236
British empire, 103 ff. See England
British South Africa Company,

545' 548

Browning, 513

Bruges (bro'jez; French bruzh),8

Brumaire (briimer'), coup ifetat
(ko da ta') of the i8th, 262

Brunswick, duke of, 288 ; procla-
mation of, 229, 234 note

Bucharest (bo ka rest'). Treaty of,
590 f .

Budget, English, 55 f.; "revolu-
tionary" (1909), 641 ff.

Buenos Ayres (bwa'nos i'res), 351,

354
Buffon (bii fori'), 659, 662
Bukowina (bo ko ve'na), 440
Bulgaria, 581 ; independent of

Turkey (1908), 582, 585 f., 590 f.
Bulgarians, 561, 580, 582, 590
Bulwer-Lytton, 508 note .
Bundesrat(bun'desrat),433,444ff.
Bunker Hill, battle of, 115
Buonaparte (bwo napar'te). Carlo,

251
Burgoyne (bergoin'). General,

116
Burke (berk), 115
Burma, 529 f. and note
Burns, Robert, 329

Cabinet, English, 56 f., 169, 504 ff.

Cabot, 424

Cadiz, 289

Cahiers (ka ya'), 197 f., 207 f.

Calcutta, 108, I II

Calonne (ka Ion'), 192, 194 f., 203,
218

Calvin, 24

Calvinists. Sec Protestants

Cambodia, 489

Campbell (kam'bel), General, 532

Campo Formio, Treaty of (1797),
257, 260, 265 f., 270, 285, 285

Canada, 71, 105 ff., 322, 524; in
the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, 534 ff. ; war of 1812,
535; rebellion of 1837, 535;
Dominion of (1867), 536 f.; "na-
tional policy,," 537 f.

Canal, Suez, 593 f. ; Panama, 594 ;
Kiel, 692 note

Canning, 354

Canton, 601 f.

Cape-to-Cairo railroad, 548

Ca'pet, Hugh, king of France, 10
note

Capital and labor, 367 f., 450,

Capitalist class, origin of, 367 ff.,
452 ; investment by, in back-
ward countries, 598 f.

Carbonari (kar bo na're), 352, 378,
411 f.. 414

Carinthia, 439

Index

719

Carlos I, king of Portngal, 631, 687

" Carlsbad Resolutions," 347
■ Carlyle, 513

Carniola (kjir iiyo'la), 439 f.

Carnot (kkr no'), 239

Carol I, king of Roumania, 58 1
note

Caroline, queen of Naples, 2S7

Caroline Islands, 456 note, 630

Cartwright, 360 f.

Catherine of Aragon, queen of
England, 26

Catherine the Great, Tsarina of
Russia, 79, 161, 163 ff., 173, 187,
253, 265, 554, 557

Catholic Church, Roman, 3, 17,
27 ff., 138, 150; in Austria un-
der Joseph II, i66ff. ; in France,
177 f., 211 ; Concordat in France
(1801), 277 f., 336, 341 ; separa-
tion of, from State, in France :
(1795), 276; ( 1 881-1906), 477 ff.;
in Ireland, 518

Catholic League, 35

Catholics, in England and Ireland,
36 ff., 44, 509 f., 519 ff. ; in
France, 58 ff., 135 f-, 417 f-,
477 ff. ; in Prussia, 82, 163 ;
in Poland, 90 ; in North Amer-
ica, 105, 138 note; in Switzer-
land, 393 ; in German Empire,
449 ; in Turkey, 578

Cavaignac (ka ven yak'). General,

383 ff-
Cavaliers, 141 f.
Cavendish, 524
Cavour (kavor'), 413 f., 417, 422,

588
Cawnpore (konpor'), 532
Cell theory, 669 f.
Censorship of the- press, under

the old regime, 136; in France,

281, 295, 338, 389; in Russia,

565
Center party, in German Empire,

449' 650
Ceylon (selon'), 322, 527, 532
Chamberlain, 518
Chambord (sliiiii bor'), count of,

469 ff.
Champollion (shan p61 yCii'), 260

note

Chancellor of German Empire,
444, 446 f. ; question of respon-
sibility to Reichstag, 648 f. See
von Biilow

Charlemagne (shar'le man). Em-
peror of the Holy Roman Em-
pire, 1 1

Charles I, king of England, 35 ff.,
40, 138, 519

Charles II, king of England, 49 ff. ;
491

Charles VIII, king of France,
12 f.

Charles IX, king of France, 24

Charles X, king of France, -^^yj ff.,
yil-> 463, 468, 480. See Artois,
count of

Charles V, Emperor of the Holy
Roman Empire, 13, 16 f., 21 ff.,

435
Charles VI, Emperor of the Holy

Roman Empire, 85
Charles VII, Emperor of the Holy

Roman Empire, 86 note
Charles II, king of Spain, 66 f.
Charles III, king of Spain, 161
Charles IV, king of Spain, 296
Charles XII, king of Sweden,

77 ff.
Charles XIV, king of Sweden,
317 f. See Bernadotte, Marshal
Charles Albert, king of Sardinia,

398 f., 404 f., 412
Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigma-

ringen, 581 note
Charles Stuart, Prince, 54 note,

169
Charter, Great. See Magna Carta
ChaHisvi i^nmasked, 497 note
Chartist movement, 393, 496 ff.
Chemistry, synthetic, 667
ChihH (che'le). Gulf of, 611
Child Labor. See Factory system ;

Industrial Revolution
Chile (che'la), 351 f.
China, early history, 601 ; in the
nineteenth and twentieth cen-
turies, 601 ff. ; wars with Europe
and Japan, 601 f., 609 ff. ; treaty
ports, 601 ff.; investment of
European capital in develop-
ment of natural resources, 612;

720

Outlines of Europe mi History

reform movement, 613; oppo-
sition, 613 f.; Boxer rebellion,
614; intervention of European
powers, 614 f.; renewal of re-
form movement, 615; establish-
ment of republic, 618 ff.

Chino-Japanese War (1894-1895),
459, 609 f.

Christians, in Turkey, 576 f., 578 ff. ;
in Japan, 605

Church, Anglican, 26 f., 37 ff.,
137 ff., 168, 510, 520 ff., 641;
Catholic {see Catholic Church) ;
Greek, 74, 90 ; secularization
of church property : in Russia
under Catherine II, 165; in
Austria under Joseph II, 166 f. ;
in France in 1789, 211 ff.; in
France in 1905, 482 ff. ; Greek
Orthodox (Russian), 555 and
note, 575

Church and State, in Austria,
adjustment of relations be-
tween, 166 f., 441; in France,
separation of: (1795), 276;
(1881-1906), 478 ff. ; opinion
of, 477 ; in England, problem
of religious teaching in schools,
510, 641 ; in Ireland, disestab-
lishment of Anglican Church
(1869), 520 f.

Church of England. See Church,
Anglican

Churchill, 637

Cisalpine (sis arpin) Republic,
258, 266 f., 269 f.

Cities, free, or imperial, 14

" Civil list," 56

Civil War (England, 1642), 41 ff.

Clemenceau(klamaiiso'),484note

Clermont, the, 592

Cleves (klevz), 80, 271

Clive (kliv), 109 ff.

Cobden, 517

Co'chin China, 486, 489

Code Napoleon (kod napolaon'),
279

Colbert (kol ber'), 63 ff., 158 f.

Coligny (ko len'ye), 25

Collot d'Herbois (ko lo' der bwa'),
239 f.

Cologne (kolon'), 14, 271

Colom'bia, 351 f., 354, 594

Colonial expansion. See Imperial-
ism

Columbia, British, 537

Columbus, 5, 7, 16, 424

Committee of Public Safety ( 1 793),
235 f-' 239 f., 242, 244, 246

" Committee of Union and Prog-
ress," Turkey, 586

Commons, House of (England),
37, 40 ff., 171, 493, 495, 498 f.,
503 ff., 637, 641, 644 ff.

Commonwealth (England), 43 ff.

Com'mu nards, 467 f.

Com'mune, during French Revolu-
tion (1789), 205 f., 230 f., 236 ff.;
war of (187 1 ), 467 f., 470, 483

Comnninist Alanifesto^ 375

Con cor'dat (France, 1801), 277 f.,
480 f.

Conde (koii da'), 218

Confederation, of the Rhine, 285,
300, 307 f., 314, 316,320; German
(181 5-1866), 345 ff., 406 f., 428,
430 f.

Conference of Algeciras (al je Se'-
ras) (1906), 626

Congo, French, 455, 487, 623, 687;
Belgian, 548, 624 f. ; Free State,
625; German, 687

Congregatio de propaganda Fide
(kon gre ga'shi o de prop a gan'da
fi'de) (1622), 599

Congregationalists, 39. See Pres-
byterians

Congress, Continental, 115;
Vienna (1815), 309, 315 ff., 341,
343 U 346, 349' 357 ; Aix-la-
Chapelle (1818), 327; Laibach
(i82i),353; Verona (1822), 353f.;
labor, at Leipzig (1863), and at
Gotha(i875),45o; Berlin(i878),
581 and note

Conservative party, in England,
499 ff., 502, 636 f., 641 f., 645,
647 ; in Canada, 537 f. ; in Ger-
many, 650

Con'stance, council of, 18

Con'stan tine I, king of Greece,
584 note

Constantinople, 6, 96, 575, 578, 588,
590 ; railroad from Berlin to, 596

Index

721

Constitution, England, 55 ff., 375;
Poland (1791), 93; France: in
1 791, 210 f. ; of the Year I (1793),
231 ; of the Year III (1795), 248;
of the Year Y^III (1799), 262 ff. ;
in 1814, 335 ff.; in 1830 (re-
vision of that of 1814), 341 ; in
1852, 38S; in 1875, 470 ff.; Civil,
of the Clergy (France), 212 ff.,
226, 276 f.; Spain : in 1808, 296;
in 1812, 352 ; Sweden (1814), 318
and note ; Switzerland: in 1815,
318; in 1848 and 1874, 393 and
note; Norway (1814), 318 and
note; Belgium (1831), 343;
Netherlands (1815, 1848), 343
note ; German Confederation
(181 5), 345 f-; Naples, 352;
Prussia (1850), 407 f. ; Sardinia
(1848), 412, 415, 419; Italy
(1871, adoption of Sardinian
constitutionof 1848), 419; North
GermanFederation(i867),432f.;
German Empire (1871), 444 ff. ;
Austro-Hungarian dual mon-
archy, 439 f., 689 ; Canada, 536 ;
Australia, 540; Japan (1889),
609; China (1912), 618 f.

Constitutional Charter in France.
See Constitution: France in
1814; in 1830

Constitutional democrats in Rus-
sia, 567

Consulate (France, 1799-1S04),
262 ff.

Consuls (France), 262, 264, 271 f.,
275, 278, 280

Continental Congress, 115

Continental system, 289 ff.

Conventicle Act, 50 f.

Conventicles, 37, 39

Convention (France, 1792), 231 ff. ;
reforms of, 246 ff., 254, 276, 315

Cook, Captain, 539

Cooke. See Telegraph

Cooperative Commonwealth, 373,
376

Co per'ni cus, 147 note

Co7'deliers (kor de lerz'), 220

Corn Laws, 516 f.

Corneille (kor nay'), 64

Corn wariis, General, 116 •

Cor'si ca, 118, 176, 251

Cor'tes, 348, 435. See Parliament
of Spain

Cortez, 7

Cossacks, 553 note, 570

Cotton gin, 361

Council, of Constance, 18 ; of
Elders, 248, 262 ; of Five Hun-
dred, 248, 262

Coup d'etat (ko data'), iSth Bru-
maire (brii mer'), or Nov. 9,
1799, 262, 264 ff., 277, 280;
Dec. 1-2, 1851, 388 f.

Crete (kret), 584, 590 f.

Cri me'a, 575, 578

Crimean \Var (1854), 414, 556,

563' 577

Cmnes atid Piuiishmeitts^ On, I'^G

Criminal Law, reform of, 511

Croatia (kro a'shi a), 439, 442 f.

Cro'ats, 97, 395 f., 401 f., 439 f.
See Slavs

Crompton, 359, 362

Cromwell, Oliver, 42 f., 46-48, 519

Cromwell, Richard, 49

Cry of the Children, The, 513

Cuba, 117, 630

Cul lod'en, 54 note

Curie (kii re'), 668

Customs lines, interior : in
France, 175 map, 176; in Ger-
many, 426 f.

Custozza (kostod'za), 404, 419

Czechs (checks), 97, 326, 393 ff.,
440 ff.

da Gii'ma, 5, 103, 106
Dahomey (daho'ma), 487 note
Daimios (dl'myoz,) 604
d'Alembert (dalaiiber'), 165
Dalhousie (dal ho'zi), 531
Dalmatia (dal ma'shi a), 440
Dalton, 666

Dan'ish War (1864), 431
Danton (dan tori'), 220 f., 236,

242 ff.
Dardanelles (dar da nelz'), 579
Dar'win, 663 ff.
da Vinci (da vin'che), 3
de Brazza (da brat'sa), 487
de Campan (de kari pari'), 280
"Decembrist" revolt (1825), 554

722

Outluies of Eiiropeaii History

Declaration, of Independence
(1776), 115; of Rights of Man
(France, 1789), 207 ff., 211, 24S,
324, 336, 392

Decree, Berlin (1806), 290 f. ;
Milan (1807), 291

Defoe (de fo'), 364 f.

Deists, 148 ff.

Delegations, 440

de Lesseps (de le seps'), 594

Delhi (dere), 527 f., 532

de' Medici (da ma'de che), Cathe-
rine, queen of France, 24 f.

Democratic Labor Party, Social,
in German Empire, 450, 459

Democrats in Russia, constitu-
tional, 567 ; social, 567 f.

de Mont'fort, 9

Denmark, 29, 36, 289, 322, 345;
war with Prussia and Austria
(1864), 429 ff-

Dipartements (da par te man')
(France), 176, 207, 213, 263,
271, 273

Deputies, Chamber of (France),
334 f., 380, 462, 470 ff., 475,
484 f. See Parliament of France

Derby (dar'bi), 499

Desaix (de za'). General, 269

Deshima (da'shema), 605

Desmoulins (da mo laiV), 203, 220,
246

Devil's Island, 475

Dickens, 513

Diderot (ded ro'), 151 ff-, 165, 186,
560, 662

Diet, of German Confederation,
346, 399 ; of Holy Roman Em-
pire, 15, 285; of Hungary, 398,
440 [see Parliament of Hungary)

Directory (France, 1 795-1 799),
248, 252, 254, 260 ff., 275 f.

Disraeli (diz ra'li), 499 ff.

Dissenters, 50, 140, 509 f.

Distaff, 358 f.

Divine-right theory of monarchy,
34, 59 f. See Bossuet

'■ Domestic system " of industry,
364 f.

Dominicans, 479, 599

Don Carlos of Spain, 435

Dresden, battle of (1813), 307

Dreyfus (dra fits'), 475 ff.

Dryden, 328

Dual monarchy of Austria-
Hungary, 439 ff. See Austro-
Hungarian dual monarchy

DubHn, 519, 524; revolt of 1916,

525

du Chaillu (dli shayli'), 487

Duma (do'ma), 571 ff. See Parlia-
ment of Russia

Dumouriez (dli morya'), 232, 234 f.,
239, 250

Dunkirk, 47, 239

Dunwich, 491

Dupleix (diipleks'), 109 f.

Duquesne (dii kan'), Fort, 108

Durazzo (do rat'so), 589

Durham, 535

East India Company, 107, 532 f.
" Eastern question," origin of, 117,

574 ff.
Ecuador (ek'wador), 352
Education, national : in France,
233, 246, 293 f., 478 ; in Prussia,
333; in England, 333, 507, 5^0;
in Italy, 422 ; in Japan, 608 ; de-
feat of education bill in Eng-
land (1906), 641 ; in German
Empire, 652 f.
Edward I, king of England, 9
Edward III, king of England, 9
Edward VI, king of England, 27
Edward VII, king of England,

645, 68 5, 687
Egypt, Napoleon's campaign in,
260 ff. ; withdrawal of French
claims as result of " Fashoda
incident," 487 f. ; revolt in
Sudan, results of British occu-
pation, 548, 629, 685 f. ; con-
quest by Turks, 620, 627 ;
Mehemet Ali as governor
(1805), 627; under Ismail I,
British and French interven-
tion, and " temporary " occupa-
tion by British (i882-i9i4),628 ;
establishment of British pro-
tectorate and declaration of
independence from Turkey
(1914), 628
Eisenach (i'zen an), 450

Index

723

Erba, 309, 314 f-, 3'^. 2^-7)^ 328

El'be, 290

Elders, Council of the, 248, 262

Electors of the Holy Roman Em-
pire, 14

Electricity, 667

Elizabeth, queen of England, 27,
32 ff, 519

Emancipation, of Dissenters (Eng-
land, 1828), 509 f. ; of Catholics
(England, 1829), 510, 521 ; of
serfs (Russia, 1861), 556 f.

Embargo act (1807)^ 292

Emigres (a me gra'), 205, 218, 222,
225, 227

E77iile (amer), 155 f.

Empire. See Austria ; Austro-
Hungarian dual monarchy ;
Brazil ; England ; British em-
pire ; France ; German Em-
pire ; Holy Roman Empire ;
Russia

Ejuyclopcrdia, 151 ff., 186, 662

Enghien (aiigaiV), duke of, 283

England, in the Middle Ages, 8 ff.,
28; under the Stuarts (1603-
1649), 31 ff. ; period of the
Commonwealth and Protector-
ate (1649-1660), 43 ff. ; Stuart
Restoration ( 1 660-1 688), 49 ff. ;
revolution of 1688, 51 ff.; Eng-
lish constitution, 55 ff. ; colonial
expansion in India and North
America in the eighteenth cen-
tury, loi ff. ; rivalry of England
and France for colonial posses-
sions, 105 ff. ; loss of American
colonies (1783), 112 ff.; London
in the eighteenth century, 1 23 f . ;
guilds, 126 f.; nobility, 132; An-
glican Church, attitude toward
Catholics and Dissenters, 1 37 ff.;
war with France (1792), 234;
Peace of Amiens (1801), 270;
renewal of war (1S03), 282 ff. ;
Continental blockade, 289 ff. ;
Spanish and Portuguese cam-
paign, 301 f. ; Waterloo (1815),
311; at the Congress of Vienna
(181 5), 314 ff.; attitude toward
Spanish colonies, 354 ; the
Industrial Revolution, 357 ff. ;

results of the Industrial Revo-
lution, 364 ff. ; Crimean War,
414, 556, 577 ff. ; reforms, polit-
ical and social, 491 ff. ; Reform
Bill of 1832, 495 f.; Chartist
movement, 496 ff. ; Reform Bill
of 1867, 498 ff. ; Reform Bill of
1884, 501 f . ; cabinet govern-
ment, 503 ff. ; emancipation of
Dissenters and Catholics (1828,
1829), 509 f. ; reform of criminal
laws, 511; factory and mines
legislation, 513 ff. ; commercial
policy, adoption of free trade,
516 ff. ; attitude toward free
trade to-day, 518; at the Con-
gress of Berlin (1878), 581 ff.;
Ireland: early' history, 518!.;
causes of dissatisfaction, eco-
nomic, religious, and political,
with English rule in the nine-
teenth and twentieth centuries,
519 ff. ; efforts made by England
to remove these causes, 521 ff. ;
condition at the present time,
revolt in 1916, 525; the British
empire in the nineteenth cen-
tury : India, 527 ff. ; China,
"Opium War" (1840) and re-
sults, 601 ff.; lease of Weihaiwei
(1898), 611; Canada, 534 ff.

Australasia,

ff. ; South

Africa, 542 ff. ; Egypt, 627 ff. ;
" Fashoda incident" (1898),
487 f. ; the British empire in the
twentieth century : the Liberal
party in power (1906), reform
program, 636 f. ; social legisla-
tion, 637 ff.; revolutionary budget
(1909), 641 ff. ; Parliament Bill
(191 1 ), 645; local reforms, 647;
municipal ownership, 647 ; im-
perial policy in Africa : Alge-
ciras, Agadir, 629, 684 ff. ;
alliance with Japan (1902, 1905),
686 ; eiitejite cordiale with
France (1904), 487 f., 686 f. ;
agreement with Russia as to
intervention in Persia (1907),
530 note, 563 note, 586 and
note ; entrance into the great
war of 1914, 694

724

Outlines of European History

English-Japanese Alliance {1902,

1905), 686
English revolution (i688),3, 52 ff.,

343, 504, 519
Entente cord idle (aii tai'it/kor dyar)

between England and France,

487 f., 686 f.
E ras'mus, 18
Estates General (France), 10 f.,

60, 194 ff., 244 f.
Es tho'ni a, 79
Evolution, theory of, 662 ff.

Factory commission (England.
1832), 514

Factory legislation (England) :
Act of 1802, 513^ Act of 1819,
513; Act of 1833, 514; Act of
1847 (Ten-Hour Bill), 515

Factory system, 359, 365, 512 ff.

" Fa sho'da incident," 487 f., 626,
685

Federation, North German (1867-
1870), 432 f., 438 f., 444

Ferdinand I, emperor of Austria
and king of Hungary, 395

Ferdinand, prince of Bulgaria,
tsar of Bulgaria (1908- ), 582

Ferdinand IV, king of Naples,
287, 350, 352 f.

Ferdinand, king of Roumania,
581 note

Ferdinand (of Aragon), king of
Spain, 12 f.

Ferdinand VII, king of Spain,
296, 348, 352 f.

Ferghana (fer ga'na), 563 note.
See Kokand

Feudalism, before the eighteenth
century, 129 ff. ; in the eight-
eenth century : in England,
132; in France, 129 ff., 173 ff.;
abolition of dues (August 4-5,
1789), 206, 211; in Germany,
132 f. ; abolition of feudal social
caste in Prussia (1807), 344; in
Japan (1871), 603 ff.

Fichte (fiK'te), 305, 332

Finland, 289; suffrage, 503, 553;
Russification of, 566 f.

Five Hundred, Council of, 248, 262

Flemish language, 315

Flemish people, 97

Flemish weavers, flight to Eng-
land (1 567-1673), 28

Florence, 12, 419

Florida, 116

Fly shuttle, 360

Foochow (fo cho'), 602

Foreign Missions, American
Board of (1810), 599

For mo'sa, 610

Forty-two Articles, 27

Fourier (fo re a'), 379 f.

Fox, Charle^James, 234 note

Fox, George, 138

France, in the Middle Ages, 8 ff.,
30; under Louis XIV (1643-
17 1 5): divine-right monarchy
in France, 59 f. ; Versailles,
62 f. ; reforms of Colbert, 63 f. ;
foreign policy, 65 ff. ; treatment
of Protestants, 68 f. ; colonial
expansion in India and in North
America, loi ff. ; conflict with
England, 105 ff.; loss of pos-
sessions in India and in Canada,
108 ff; in the old regime:
manorial survivals, i2of. ; Paris,
124; guilds, 127; nobility and
monarchy, 129 ff.; the Church
and the Huguenots, 134 f.; cen-
sorship of the press, 136; re-
form spirit in the eighteenth
century, 149 ff.; eve of the
Revolution, feudal survivals,
17311.; the Revolution (1789-
1795), 194 ff.; the Estates Gen-
eral (1789), 199 ff. ; work of the
National Assembly (17S9-1791),
201 fT. ; the Legislative Assem-
bly, limited m.onarchy (1791-
1792), 221 ff. ; the First Republic
( 1 792-1 795), 227 ff . ; revolution-
ary war (1792), 231 ff.; death of
Louis XVI, 233 ; the Terror,
reforms of the Convention,
246 f.; the Directory (1795^
1799), 248 ff. ; Napoleon Bona-
parte, 250 ff.; Italian campaign
(1796-1797), 252 ff.; Egypt
( 1 798-1 799), 260 f. ; coup d^etat
of i8th Brumaire (1799), 262;
consulate (1799-1804), 262 ff. ;

Index

725

ideas of French Revolution
spread over Europe by force of
arms, 266 ff. ; Italian and Aus-
trian campaigns (1800), 269 f. ;
Peace of Amiens (1801), 270;
reconstruction of Germany,
272 f.; restoration of order in
France, 275; Concordat (1801),
277 ; Code iVapoleon, 279 ; es-
tablishment of First Empire
(1804), 280; renewal of war
with England (1803), 282; war
with Austria (1-805), 284 f.
war with Prussia (1806), 287 f.
war with Russia (1807), 288 f.
Continental blockade, 289 ff.
Napoleonic reforms, 293 ff.
Spanish campaign (1807), 296 ff.
war with Austria (1809), 298 f.
annexations (1809-1810), 300
war with Russia (1812), 303 f.
defeat at Leipzig (1813), 307 f.
abdication (1814), 309; "the
Hundred Days," 310; Waterloo
(1815), 311; St. Helena, 312;
part played by France at Con-
gress of Vienna (181 5), 314 ff.;
the Bourbon Restoration (1S14-
1830), 335 ff.; Revolution of 1830,
335 ff. ; reign of Louis Philippe

(1830-1848), 340,377ff-; Revo-
lution of 1848, 381 ff. ; establish-
ment of Second Republic (1848-
1852), 381 ff.; establishment of
Second Empire (1852-1870),
388 ff. ; Crimean War, 414,
577 ff. ; alliance with Piedmont,
414 f.; intervention in Italian
affairs in interest of the papacy
(i860), 417; Franco-Prussian
War (1870), 434 ff.; Third Re-
public (1870- ), 462 ff.; Com-
mune, 467 f. ; constitution of
1875, 471 ff-; Dreyfus affair,
472 ff.; separation of Church
and State (1881-1906), 477 ff.
Associations Law (1901), 479
Separation Law (1905), 48 1
Supplementary Law ( 1906), 482
political parties, 483 ff. ; colonial
expansion in Africa, 485 ff.,
623 f.; Algeria and Senegal,

486; Congo and Madagascar,
487 ; Morocco, 626 f. ; joint
intervention with England in
Egyptian affairs (1879-1882),
628 ; " Fashoda incident" (1898)
and resulting entente with Eng-
land (1904), 487 f. ; Asiatic pos-
sessions, 488 f. ; in the twentieth
century : contributions to civili-
zation, 654 f. ; the real France,

655 f. ; nature of government,

656 f. ; social legislation, 657 f. ;
peaceful character of Third Re-
public, 657 f. ; the Morocco ques-
tion, 658

Franche-Comte (fransh-kOn ta'),
66 f .

Franchise, extension of, to men :
Austria, 441 f. ; England, Re-
form Bill (1832), 495 ff.; Reform
Bill (1867), 501; Reform Bill,
(1884), 501 f.; France, in 1789,
208; in 181 4, 335 f.; in 1848,
385; in 1875, 47-5 German
Empire, 444 f., 460 ; Prussia
(1850), 408; Russia (1905), 571 ;
Spain (1876), 435 note ; exten-
sion of, to women : Common-
wealth of Australia (1901), 503,
541; Denmark (1915), 503;
England, school vote (1870),
502; local vote (1888, 1894),
502 f. ; national franchise for
women at present day, 503

Francis I, emperor of Austria and
king of Hungary, 286, 300, 327

Francis I, king of France, 13, 21

Francis II, king of France, 24

Francis I (of Lorraine), Emperor
of Holy Roman Empire, 86 note

Francis II, Emperor of Holy Ro-
man Empire, 268, 284 ff. See
Francis I, emperor of Austria
and king of Hungary

Francis Ferdinand, archduke of
Austria, 692

Francis Joseph, emperor of Aus-
tria and king of Hungary, 402 f.,

439 f-
Franco-Prussian War (1870),
434 ff. ; terms of treaty (Frank-
fort, 187 1 ), 466

-jiCi

Ontlhies of Europeati History

Frankfort, 14, 346; national as-
sembly at (1848), 399, 406, 426;
Treaty of (1871), 432, 437 and
note, 466 and note

Franklin, Benjamin, 115

Frederick III, elector of Branden-
burg, 82 ff. See Frederick I,
king in Prussia

Frederick II, Emperor of Holy
Roman Empire, 12

Frederick III, Emperor of Holy
Roman Empire, 14

Frederick I, king in Prussia, 83 ff.

Frederick II (the Great), king of
Prussia, 73, 84 ff., 161 ff., 173,
187, 332, 677

Frederick III, king of Prussia and
German emperor, 457 note

Frederick, elector of Saxony, 21

Frederick William, the Great Elec-
tor of Brandenburg, 80 ff.

Frederick William I, king in Prus-
sia, 83 ff.

Frederick William II, king of
Prussia, 222, 229, 232, 239, 253

f^ederick William III, king of
Prussia, 284, 287 f., 304, 307,
326

Frederick William IV, king of
Prussia, 399, 407

Free trade, theory of, 1 59 f. ; in
England: adoption of (1852-
1867), 517; dissatisfaction with,
at the present time, 518; in
France : reference to abolition
of, in France and America, 454;
favored until 1879, 5^7 ! i^^ the
German Empire : abolition of
(1879), 454 f- ; favored until
1879, 517

Freedom of the press, in Eng-
land : in the eighteenth cen-
tury, 140; in 1695, 5075 iri 1833,
1836, and 1861, 508; in France:
in 1879, 208; in 1814, 336; in
1881, 474; hostility to, 477

French and Austrian alliance
(1756), 87

French and Indian War (1754),
108. See Seven Years' War

French Revolution. See France

Friedland (f red'lant), battle of, 288

Friend of the People, The, 206 note,

210, 220, 223
Fulton, 283 note, 592

Gabun (gabon') River, 487

Galicia (ga lish'i a), 298, 440

Gal i le'o, 147

Gam bet'ta, 462 f., 464 note

Gam'bi a, 548

Ganges (gan'jez) valley, 527, 529,

532

Garibaldi (ga re bal'de), 416 f., 422

Gatton, 492 .

General Workingmen's Associa-
tion, 450

Geneva (je iie'va), 38, 318

Genghis Khan (jen'giz Kan'), 74 f.

Genoa (jen'o a), 6, 255, 266, 268 f.,
314, 316 f., 321

George I, king of England,
52 note, 54, 169, 504

George II, king of England, 169,

504

George III, king of England, 115,
170 f., 223 f., 268, 288 f., 512

George V, king of England, 533,
645, 687

George I, king of Greece, 583 f.

Germ theory of disease, 672

German Confederation (1815-
1866), 345 ff., 406 f.

German Elmpire (187 1— ), proc-
lamation of, at Versailles, 438 f. ;
constitution of, 444 ff. ; Bundes-
rat, 444 f. ; Reichstag, 445 ; pow-
ers of chancellor, 446 ; powers of
imperial government, imperial
legislation, 447 ff.; KiJturkatnpf,
449 ; state socialism, Bismarck's
attitude toward, 450 ff.; social
legislation, accident and sick-
ness insurance, old-age pensions,
452, 651 f . ; adoption of protec-
tive-tariff policy,453; colonial ex-
pansion in Africa, 455 f. ; Triple
Alliance, 456; reign of Wil-
liam II, 457 ff.; colonial policy
in Asia, 459 f. ; Kiaochow, 459 ;
dissatisfaction of Socialists,
460 f. ; in the twentieth century,
648 ff. ; question of minister-
ial responsibility and popular

Index

727

government, 649 ff.; government
ownership, 651; prosperity of
empire, 653 ; development of
iron and steel industries, 653
Germany, in the Middle Ages, 5,
8, 1 1 ff. ; Protestant Revolt, 17 f.;
Thirty Years' War, 29 ff. ; Prus-
sia, origin of, 79 f. ; development
under Frederick William, the
Great Elector of Brandenburg,
81 f.; Frederick III of Bran-
denburg (Frederick I, king in
Prussia), 82 f. ; Frederick Wil-
liam I, king in Prussia, 83 f. ;
Frederick II (the Great), king of
Prussia, 84 ff. ; reforms of Fred-
erick the Great, 162 f. ; Declara-
tion of Pillnitz, 222 ; war between
Prussia and France (1792), 22Sf.,
232, 254; neutrality of Prussia,
282 f.; Confederation of the
Rhine (1806), 285!; war be-
tween Prussia and France, 287 f . ;
dissolution of Holy Roman
Empire (1806), 286 f. ; work of
Stein, Hardenberg, von Hum-
boldt, Fichte, Scharnhorst, in
regeneration of Prussia, 304 ff. ;
abolition of serfdom (1807),
304 f. ; foundation of University
of Berlin (1810-1811), 305; re-
organization of army, 306 ; war
between Prussia and France
(1813), 306 ff.; German interests
at the Congress of Vienna
(1815), 314 ff.; literature at
opening of nineteenth century,
327 ff.; German Confederation
(181 5-1866), 343 ff., 406 f.;
"Carlsbad Resolutions " (1819),
347 ; constitutions granted in
southern German states (1818-
1820), 347 ; Zollvereiii^ 347, 427 ;
Revolution of 1848, 399; Prus-
sian demand for constitution,
399; national assembly at Frank-
fort, 399 ; results of Revolution
of 1848, 406 ff.; refusal of im-
perial crown by king of Prus-
sia, 406 ; Prussian constitution
(1850), 407 ff.; effects of In-
dustrial Revolution, 426 ; reign

of William I, 427 ff.; army of
Prussia, 428; Bismarck and the
Prussian parliament, 428 f . ;
Schleswig-Holstein question,
429 ff. ; war between Prussia,
Austria, and Denmark (1864),

431 ; dissolution of German
Confederation (1866), 431 ; war
between Austria and Prussia
(1866), 418 f., 431 ; North Ger-
man Federation (i 867-1870),

432 ff. ; Franco-Prussian War
(1870), 434 f.; formation of Ger-
man Empire (1871- ),438. 6"^^
Austria; German Empire; Holy
Roman Empire

Ghent (gent), 8; Peace of, 309

Gibraltar, 71, iii, 322, 456 note,
626

Girondists (ji ron'dists), 225 ff.

Gladstone (glad'stun), 499 ff., 517,
544, 580

Go'a, 605, 631

Goethe (ge'te), 332

Good Hope, Cape of, 103 f., 594,
621 ; colony of, 542, 622

Gordon, General, 629

Gotha (go'ta), general labor con-
gress at (1875), 450

" Government of the Public De-
fense " (France, 1870), 463

Grand Alliance (1701), 70

Gray, Asa, 665 f.

Great Britain. See England ; Ire-
land ; etc.

Great war of 1914, 324, 330, 421,
443, 456, 518, 547 U 627 f., 658,
697 ff.

Great IVestefyt, the, 593

Greece, 324, 355; revolt against
Turkey (182 1 ), 576 f . ; establish-
ment of independent kingdom
(1832), 577, 583 f., 586, 590 f.

Greek Church in Russia, 74, 90,
555 and note, 575

Gregory VII, Pope, 20

Grevy (gra ve'), president of
France, 474

Grey, Sir Edward, 647, 694

Grotius (gro'shi us), 71

Guard, national (France, 1789),
205

728

Outlines of European History

Guiana (ge a'na), French, 4S7 note
Guilds, 64, 125 ff., 372
Guillotin (geyotan'), 242 note
Guillotine (gil'o ten), 242 note
Guiscard (ges kar'), 12
Guizot (ge zo'), 380
Gurkhas (gor'kas), 529
Gus ta'vus A dol'phus, king of

Sweden, 29 f.
Gutenberg (go'ten bern), 366

Haakon (ho'kon) VII, king of

Norway, 318
Ha'be as Cor'pus Act, 51
Hague (hag) Conference (1899),

682 f.; (1907), 683
Hague Convention, 617, 683
Hague Tribunal, 693
Hakodate (ha'ko da'ta), 605
Halberstadt (hal bershtat'), 81
Hamburg, 272, 300, 433
Hampden (ham'den), John, 37
Hampden clubs, 493
Hand loom, 358, 360 f.
Han'o ver, 169, 253, 282 f., 287 ff..

429, 432
Han o veri an line, 52 note, 54, 169
Hansa, 8
Hapsburg, 16, 29, 69, 85 ff., 96 ff.,

117, 254, 300, 393, 575, 688 f.
Hardenberg (har'den bern), 304,

344
Hardie (har'di), Keir (ker), 637

note
Hargreaves (har'grevs), 359, 362
Harvey, 34
Hawkins, 323 note
Hebert (a ber'), 242 ff., 276
Hegel (ha'gel), 332
Hel'i go land, 322 note
Hel vet'ic Republic, 266 f., 270 f.
Henry, duke of Bordeaux (bor do')

("Henry V, king of France"),

339
Henry II, king of England, 519
Henry VII, king of England, 10,32
Henry VIII, king of England, 10,

26, 36, 503
Henry II, king of France, 24
Henry III, king of France, 25
Henry IV (king of Navarre), king

of France, 25 f., 58

" Henry V, king of France," 339,.
377, 469. See Henry, duke of
Bordeaux

Henry, duke of Guise, 25

Herzegovina (liert se go ve'iia),
580, 581 and note, 586; annexed
by Austria (1908), 690

Hesse (hes), 14, 273, 347, 445. See
Hesse, South

Hesse, South, 433, 438, 444. See
Hesse

Hesse-Cassel (hes'-kas'el), 432

Hill, Rowland, 596

Hi ma'la yas, 529

Hindu, 531

Hin du Stan', 106 ff.

Historians, modern, 329 f.

Hohenlinden (ho en lin'den), battle
of, 270

Hohenstaufen (ho en shtou'fen),
12, 15

Hohenzollern (ho en tsorern),
79 ff., 96, 687

Holland, in the Middle Ages, 8,
28, 30 ; refuge for English
Separatists in seventeenth cen-
tury, 39 f. ; war with England
(1651), 45, 51; replaces Portu-
gal in India and Spice Islands
in sixteenth and seventeenth ■
centuries, 104 f. ; as member
of the Triple Alliance (1668),
66 ff. ; occupied by France
(1794), 253 f. ; republicanized
by France (1795), ^66, 268;
Code N^apoleon . used in, 279,
282 f., 285 ; Louis Napoleon as
king (1806), 287; annexed by
France (iSio), 300; French
driven from (1813), 308; abo-
lition of slave trade (1814), 323 ;
fate of, in the Congress of
Vienna (1815), 314 f . ; union
with Austrian Netherlands to
form an independent kingdom
(181 5), 315, 321 ; separation of
Belgium from ( 1 830) {see Nether-
lands)

Holstein (horshtin), 345

Holy Alliance, (1815), 325, 355,

552
Holy Land, 577

Index

729

Holy League, 575

Holy Roman Empire (800-1806),
origin of and history during
Middle Ages, 1 1 ff., 86 note,
117, 165 ff., 234; reconstruction
of Germany after Luneville
(1801), 271 f.; destruction of,
by Napoleon, 281 ff. ; abdication
of Francis II as Emperor and
dissolution of Empire (1806),

343. 345: 437
Home Rule in Ireland, question

of, 522 ff.
Home Rule party (Irish party),

523 ff., 644
Hong'kong', 602, 611
Hudson Bay, region of, 71, 106
Hudson Bay Company, 537
Hugo, Victor, 329
Huguenots (hu'ge nets), 24 ff., 36,

58, 68f., 138, 163
Humanism, 4

Humbert I, king of Italy-, 423 f.
Humboldt, Heinrich Alexander,

333
Humboldt, Karl Wilhelm, 333
Hundred Years' War (1337-

1453). 9f-

Hungary, 96!., 300, 345, 395 ff.,
439 f., 442 f., 689. See Austria-
Hungary ; Austro-Hungarian
dual monarchy

Hutton, 661

Huxley, 665 f.

Hyderabad (hi der a bad'), Nizam
(ne zam') of, 527

Illiteracy, decrease of, in Italy,
422; in England, 510

II lyr'i an Provinces, 299

Imperial Catechism, 294

Imperialism, in England, 103 ff.;
in Italy, 421 ; in the German
Empire, 455 f., 459; in France,
475, 485 ff.; forms of, 598; mis-
sionaries as agents of, 598 ff. ;
policy of England, France, the
German Empire, and Italy in
Africa, 684 ff.

Independents, 39

India, 5, 103 ff., 322, 526 ff., 563

Indian mutiny (1857), 531 f.

Indies (in'diz), Spanish West, 104;
French West, iii, 114; British

West, 322 ; East, 621
Indulgences, 19 f.
Indus, 530

Industrial Revolution, in England,
iii» 357 ff-. 392, 492, 5p2, 512;
in France, 363 f. ; in Italy,
422 ff. ; in the German Empire,
426, 450 ff.; in Austria, 441 f.;
in Russia, 562 f. ; a cause of
competition for foreign markets,
597 f. ; in Japan, 608 f.
Inquisition, 28, 69, 136, 297, 348
Insurance, State, or national: in
the German Empire, 452 ff. ; in
New Zealand, 541 ; in England,
638 ff. ; in France, 657
" Interpellations," 485
I 5'ni an Islands, 322 note
Irawadi (ir a wa'de) valley, 530
Ireland, revolt, conquest, and con-
fiscation under Cromwell, 44,
519; conquest of, by Henry II
of England (11 54-1 189), 519;
revolts and conquests during
the reign of Elizabeth, 519;
colonization of Ulster by Scotch
and English during the reign
of James I, 519; battle of the
Boyne (1690), 519; absentee
landlordism, 519!.; poverty of
peasantry, 520 ; the Established
Church in, and its disestablish-
ment in 1869, 520 ff. ; Land
League (1879), 522; land acts
(1881-1903), 522; Home Rule
question, 522 ff.; revolt of 1916,
525 ; prosperity at present time,

525
" Iron Chancellor." See Bismarck
Irreconcilables (France), 337. See

Political parties in France
Is a beria, queen of Spain, 435
Isabella of Castile, queen of Spain,

16
Ismail (is nia el') I, khedive (ke-

dev') of Egypt, 628
Is'tri a, 440

ItaHan-Turkish War (191 1), 588
Italy, in the Middle Ages, irff.,

125; Napoleon's campaigns

730

Outlines of European History

(1796-1797), 252 ff. ; creation of
the Roman and Parthenopean
republics (1798), 266 f. ; Napo-
leon's campaigns {1800), 269;
annexation of the Papal States
by France (1809), 300; at the
Congress of Vienna (18 15),
314 ff.; restoration in Italy,
348 ff. ; Revolution of 1848,
396; Austria regains power in,
403 f. ; unification, 410 ff. ; Maz-
zini, 411 f.; Victor Emmanuel
412; Cavour, 413; entrance of
Sardinia into the Crimean War
(1854), 414; acquisition of Lom-
bardy from Austria (1859).
414 f. ; annexation of Parma,
Modena, and Tuscany (1859),
415; Garibaldi, 416 f.; formation
of kingdom of Italy (1861), 417 ;
kingdom of Italy (1861- ),
417 ff.; hostility of the Pope,
418; acquisition of Venice from
Austria (1866), 418 f. ; addition
of Rome to the kingdom (1871),
419; position of the Pope and
his attitude toward the govern-
ment of Italy, 419 ff.; becomes
a member of the Triple Alliance
(1887), 421 ; colonial expansion
in Africa, 421 ; war with Turkey
(191 1), 421 ; political parties,
422 ; problems of taxation and
education, 422 f.
Ivan the Terrible, Tsar of Russia,

75
Ivory Coast, 487 note

Jac'o bins, 224, 238 ff., 335, 339

Jac'o bites, 169

Jamaica (jama'ka), 47

James I, king of England, 32 ff.,

519
James II, king of England, 51 ff.,

Jameson (jam'siin) raid (1895), 545
Japan, appearance of feudalism in
twelfth century, 603 f. ; relations
with Europe in sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, 604 f. ;
treatment of Christians in six-
teenth century, 605 ; isolation

until middle of nineteenth cen-
tury, 605 ; opening of Japanese
ports to American and English
ships after 1853, 605 ; treatment
of foreigners in nineteenth cen-
tury, 605 f. ; bombardment of
Kagoshima (1863) and Shimo-
noseki (1864), 606; change in
attitude toward foreigners
{1868), 608 ; abolition of feudal-
ism and serfdom (1871), 608;
army and navy modeled after
those of Europe, 608 ; Industrial
Revolution, 608 f. ; moderniza-
tion of educational system, 608 ;
establishment of constitutional
governm^ent (1890), 609 ; Chino-
Japanese War (1894), 609 f. ;
Treaty of Shimonoseki {1895),
610; forced withdrawal from
Manchuria, 610; alliance with
England (1902), 611, 686; Russo-
Japanese War (1904), 568,
615 ff.; Treaty of Portsmouth
(1905), 618; annexation of
Korea (1910), 618

Jaures (zhores'), 658

Ja'va, 105

Jefferson, 181, 292

Jemappes (zhemap'), battle of,
232, 339

Jena (ya'na), battle of, 281, 288,
304, 306, 344

Jen'ner, 670

Jerusalem, 577

Jes'u its, foundation (1540) and
character of order, 27 f. ; in
Japan in the sixteenth century,
604 f. ; influence during the
old regime, 136; in Prussia
during reign of Frederick the
Great, 163; influence in France
during reign of Charles X, 337 ;
in Spain after 1815, 348; in
France under the Third Repub-
lic, 477, 479

Jews, in France. 480; in Poland, 90;
in Russia, 567, 572 ; in Spain, 7

Joanna of Spain, 16

John, king of England, 9

John, king of Portugal, 355

JoHet (zho lya' ; jo'li et), 105

Index

731

Joseph II, Emperor of the Holy

Roman Empire, 86 note, 97,

161, i65ff., 173, 188, 215, 441
Josephine (Beauharnais, bo ar ne'),

empress of the French, 279, 299.

See Beauharnais, Madame
Jourdan (zhor dan'). General, 239,

250, 254, 256
Journal des Sava;iis, (zhor nal' da

sa vail'), 65
July ordinances (France, 1830),

338
"June Days" (France, 1848), 383
Junot (zhiino'). General, 296, 300

Kagoshima (ka'go she'ma), 606

Kaiser Wilhelm's Land (krzer
vil'helms lant), 456 note

Kamerun (kama ron'), 455,624

Kant, 330 f.

Kars, 581

Kay, John, 360

Khartum (Kar tom'), 629

Kiaochow (kyou cho'), seized by
Germany, 459 ; leased by Ger-
many, 61 1

Kitch'e ner. General, 629, 685

Knox, John, 40

Ko'be, 605

Koch (koK), 672

Kokand (ko kant'), 563 note. See
Ferghana

Kciniggratz (ke niK grets'), battle
of, 432, 435. See Sadowa

K5 re'a, 459; Buddhist mission-
aries carried civilization to Japan
in the sixth century, 603 ; the
cause of war between China and
Japan (1894), 609 f . ; independ-
ence recognized by Treaty of
Shimonoseki (1895), 610; a
cause of war between Japan and
Russia (1904), 615 f.; annexed
by Japan (1910), 618 note

Kosciusko (kosius'ko), 253

Kossuth (kosh'ut), 396, 397 note,

403
Kotzebue (kot'sebo), 347
Krii'ger, 545 f.

KulUirkampf {V.vA tor'kampf), 449
Kii ro pat'kin, 617
Kyoto (kyo'to), 604, 606, 608

Labor exchanges (England, 1909),
640

Labor party, Independent (Eng-
land, 1893), ^yi r»ote

Labor unions, 371 f.

Lafayette (la fa yet'), 116, 199,
205, 209, 216, 239, 250, 338 f.

La Fontaine (la foil ten'), 68

Laibach (li'baK), Congress of
(1821), 353

Laissez/atre (le'sa fer'), policy of,
160

Lakes, Albert Nyanza (nyan'zii),
Nyasa (nya'sa), Tanganyika
(tan ganye'ka), Victoria Ny-
anza, 622 f.

La marck', 662

Lan'cas ter, House of, 9 f.

Land acts (Ireland, 1881-1903),
522

Land League (Ireland), 522, 524

Laos (la'oz), 489

La Salle (la sal'), 105

Lassalle (la sal'), 450

Laud (lod). Archbishop, 37 ff.

Laurier (lo'ri a), 537

Lavoisier (la vwa zya'), 147, 659

Law, in England, criminal code
and its reform in the nineteenth
century, 511 ; in, France, civil
code {Code N^apoleon), com-
mercial code, criminal code,
279; of the Maximum (1793),
247; of the Suspects (1793),
242 ; international, origin of,
71 {see Grotius)

Ledru-Rollin (le drii ro Ian'), 385

Leeds, 492

Legion of Honor (France), 295

Legislative Assembly (France,
1791-1792), 210 f., 215, 221 f.

Legitimists, 377, 463, 468 f., 470,

474
Leipzig (lip'sik), battle of, 307, 346;

labor congress in (1863), 450
Leo XIII, Pope, 478, 640
Leoben (la o'beii). Truce of, 256 f.
Leonardo da Vinci (la d nar'do da

ven'che), 3
Le'o pold L king of Belgium, 343
Leopold n, king of Belgium, 343,

624 f.

Outlmes of European History

Leopold, prince of HohenzoUern,

435 f-

Leopold I, Emperor of the Holy
Roman Empire, 69

Leopold II, P2mperor of the Holy
Roman Empire, 86 note, 218,
220, 222, 229

Lettres de cachet (let'r de ka she'),
183, 204, 208

Leuthen (loi'ten), battle of, 89

Lexington, battle of, 115

Liaotung (le ou timg') Peninsula,
459, 610 f., 616

Liberal party, in France, 337 ; in
England, 500 f., 580; in Canada,
537 ; social legislation of party
( 1 906-19 1 6), 637 ff.; National, in
German Empire, 650. See Polit-
ical parties

Liberty, religious. See Toleration,
religious

Lib' e rum veto, 91 ff.

Life and Labor of the People of
Londoji, The, 639

Light, 667

Li gu'ri an Republic, 266 f ., 270,
282 f.

Li Hung Chang (le' hung' chang'),
610, 614

Lille (lei), 364

Linnaeus (li ne'us), 659

Lisbon, 5, 296

Lister, 671

Literature, in France, under Louis
XIV, 64 f. ; at opening of the
nineteenth century, 328 f. ; in
Germany, at opening of the
nineteenth century, 329 ff. ; ver-
nacular, rise of, 5 and note

Livingstone (liv'ing stun), 622 f.

Li vo'ni a, 79

Li Yuan Hung (le' yii an' hung'),
president of China, 620

Lloyd-George, 641, 647 and note

Locke (lok), 149 and note

Lombard League, 12

Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, 317,
349 U 395 f" 398, 400, 403 f-

Lom'bar dy, 254 f., 269, 415

London, in the eighteenth century,
123 f.; Treaty of (1827), 577;
Treaty of (191 3), 590

Lon don der'ry, 519 note

Loom, hand, 358, 360 f. ; power,
360 f.

Lords, House of, 43, 171, 492,
495 f., 506, 641, 644 ff. ; loss of
power by passage of Parliament
Act of 191 1, 507 and note, 645
{see Parliament of England) ;
Veto Bill (191 1 ), 645 {see Parlia-
ment Act of 191 1)

Lorraine (lo ran'), 67, 118, 176,
437 and note, 466. See Alsace-
Lorraine

Loubet (lo be'), president of
France, 476

Louis IX (St. Louis), king of
France, 12, 621

Louis XII, king of France, 13

Louis XIII, king of France, 26, 58

Louis XIV, king of France, 47,
58 ff., i75ff., 437, 457, 553

Louis XV, king of France, 71,
176, 183 ff.

Louis XVI, king of France, 176,
182, 185 ff., 233, 245, 315, 335 f.,

353
Louis XVII, king of France, 239,

315
Louis XVIII, king of France,

3^5' 320, 335, 353' 480. See

Provence, count of
Louis Philippe, king of France,

339 ff- 377ff-> 381, 39O' 396,

463, 468, 480
Louisiana, 105, 116, 270, 279
L5 y5'la, 27
Lii'beck, 272, 300, 433
Lucknow (luk'nou), 532
Luederitz (Iti'deritz), Herr, 455
Luneville (lii navel'). Treaty of

(1801), 270 f., 321
Luther, 17 ff., 346
Lutherans. See Protestants
Liitzen (liit'sen), battle of, 30, 307
Luxemburg, grand duchy of, 343

note, 346, 434
Ly'ell, 661 f.
Lyons, 238 ff., 244, 246, 364

Ma ca'o, 601, 631
MacDonald, 537
Macedonia, 96, 582 f., 586 ff.

hidcx

733

Machinery, introduction of, 359 ff. ;
results of introduction of, 365 ff.

Mack, General, 284, 2S9

McLean (maklan'). Sir Harry, 626

MacMahon (makmaoiV), presi-
dent of France, 468 ff.

Mad a gas'car, 322, 487, 624

Ma dras', .107 ff., 532

Ma gen'ta, battle of, 415

Magna Car'ta, 9, ii, 36, 183, 496

Magyars (mod'yors), 97 f., 395,
402 f., 442 f.

Mahratta (marat'a) Confederacy,
528 f., 531

Ma ju'ba Hill, battle of, 543

Malmesbury (mamz'ber 1), 253

Malta, 265 note, 322

Mam'e lukes, 627

Manchester, 369, 492, 494, 647

Manchu'ria, 568 f., 610, 615, 686

Man'da lay, 612

Man i to'ba, 537

Man'u el II, king of Portugal, 631

Maoris (ma'o riz), 541

Marat (mara'), 206 note, 210, 220

Marcel', fitienne (a tyen'), 10

Marchand (mar shaii'), Major, 487,
685

Marconi (mar ko'ne). See Tele-
graph _

Ma ren'go, battle of, 269

Maria Louisa (ma re'a 16 e'za),
empress of the French, 299,
316, 337 note, 350. See Maria
Louisa, duchess of Parma

Maria Louisa, duchess of Parma,
316, 350. See Maria Louisa,
empress of the French

Maria Theresa (ma ri'a te re'sa),
archduchess of Austria, 85 ff.,
161, 165, 188

Marie Antoinette (ma re' an twa-
net'), queen of France, 188 f.,
201 f., 209 f., 215, 227 f., 242,

299' 336
Mark, 80
Mark, made the basis of German

currency system, 448
Marlborough, duke of, 70
Marquette (mar kef), 105
"Marseillaise" (marselaz'), 229

and note

Marseilles (mar salz'), 229 f., 238,
240, 245 f., 338 ff., 364, 483

Marston Moor, battle of, 42

Marx, Karl, 374 ff., 450, 484, 567

Mary of Burgundy, 16

Mary (of Mo'da na), queen of Eng-
land, 51 f.

Mary (Stuart), queen of England
(wife of William III), 52 f.,

504
Mary (Stuart), queen of Scotland,

32
Mary (Tudor), queen of England,

27
Maryland, 105, 138
Massachusetts, 112, 115
Mauritius (mo rish'i us), 322 note
Maximilian, archduke of Austria,

emperor of Mexico, 434 note
Maximilian I, Emperor of the

Holy Roman Empire, 13, 16
Mayence (mayaiis'), 14, 232, 272
Mayjioiver, 39
Mazarin (ma za rail'). Cardinal,

58 ff.
Mazzini (matse'ne), 404, 411 f.,

416, 422
Mecklenburg, 432
Mecklenburg- Schwerin (mek'len-

burK-shva ren'), 445
Medici (med'e clie). House of, 12
Meerut (me'rut), 532
Mehemet Ali (ma'he met a'le),

627
Melbourne (mel'burn), 505 note
Mendelyeev(men dye lya'yef ), 551
Mercantile policy, theory of, 159 f.
Mes o po ta'mi a, 456 note
Metch'ni koff, 551, 673
Methodists, 138 ff., 509
Metric system, 247
Metternich (met'erniK), 299, 307,

33O' 333' 334 U 345' 347- 349'

352, 354 f., 392 ff., 576
Metz, 30, 436, 437 and note, 462 f.
Mexico, 7, 105, 350, 434
Middle Ages, i ff., 329, 370
Middle class, 370
Mi ka'do, 603
Mi Ian', in the Middle Ages, 1 2, 28;

given to Austria by the Treaty

of Utrecht (1713), 71, 255 ; as a

734

Outlines of European History

part of Austria, 97 ; Napoleon's
court near, 258 ; works of art to
be restored by order of the
second Peace of Taris (181 5),
315 note; reestablishment of
republic during the Revolution
of 184S, 381

Milan (me'lan) I, king of Serbia,
584 f.

Milan' Decree (1807), 291 f.

Militarism, 677 ff.

Military service, universal. See
Army

Millerand (mel ran'), 484

Min'den, 81

Mining Act (England, 1842), 514

Mi nor'ca, 1 1 1

Mir (mer), 558 f. ; dissolution of
(1906), 572

Mirabeau (me ra bo'), 183, 201,
219

Missions, Catholic and Protestant,

599 f-
Modena (mo'dana), 255, 258, 316,

349 f., 410, 415
Mo gill' emperors, 106 and note,

527, 532
Mo ham'med, 574, 620
Mohammed V, Sultan of Turkey,

588
Mohammed Ahmed (a'nied) (El

Mahdi, ma'de), 629
Mohammedans, 96 f., 531, 574,

576, 580, 582, 620 f.
Mol da'vi a, 289, 577. See Rou-

mania
Moliere (mo Iyer'), 64
Monarchist party (France), 483.

See Political parties
Moniteur (mo ne ter'), 223
Monk, 49
Monroe, President of the United

States of America, 354
Monroe Doctrine, 354, 434
Montene'grins, 561,690. ^i',? Slavs
Montenegro, 580 f., 583, 585, 588,

591
Montesquieu (mon tes ke e'), 154,

161
Montreal (niont re ol'), 105
Moors, 7, 16, 621
Mo ra'vi a, 406, 439

Moravians, 401. Sec Slavs

More, Sir Thomas, 374

Moreau (mo ro'), General, 250, 254,
256, 270

Morley, Lord, 515

Morocco, clash of P>ance and
Germany in, and Conference
of Algeciras (1906), 456, 488,
624, 626 and note, 687 f. ; agree-
ment between England and
France {entente cordiale, 1904)
as to respective rights in Egypt
and Morocco, 685 f. ; Agadir
incident (191 1), 658, 687; Mo-
hammedans in, 620 ; nominally
an independent state, 622

Morse. See Telegraph

Moscow (mos'ko), 75, 77, 303, 306,
562 f., 575

" Mountain," the, 236 ff.

Mukden (moK den'), battle of, 569,
616 f.

Mule, 359

Municipal ownership, in England,
647 ; in the German Empire,
651 f.

Murat (mlira'), 250, 297, 300, 303

Mutsuhito (mut'suhe'to), Mikado
of Japan, 606

Nachtigal (naiv'te gal), Dr. Gustav
(giis'taf), 455

Nagasaki (na'ga sa'ke), 605

Nan king'. Treaty of, 601 f.

Nantes (nant), Edict of (1598), 25;
revocation of Edict (1685), 68 f.,
135; massacres of (1793), 240,

244
Naples (na'p'lz) (Kingdom of the
Two Sicilies), history of, prior
to 1494, 12 ; attempt of Charles
VIII to regain Naples for
P"rance (1494-1495), 12 f.; given
to Austria by the Treaty of
Utrecht (17 13), 71; aid against
French Revolution asked by
Emperor Leopold II (1791),
222 ; at war with France (1793),
253 ff.; made into the Parthe-
nopean Republic by France
(1799), 267; Joseph Bonaparte
made king of Naples (1806),

Index

735

287 ; Murat given the throne
of Naples (1808), 316; works
of art and manuscripts ordered
to be returned by the second
Peace of Paris (18 15), 315 and
note ; constitution granted dur-
ing the Revolution of 1848, 398 ;
joined Sardinia and Pope Pius
IX in preparation for war with
Austria, 398 f. ; revocation of

■ constitution by the king after
the Revolution of 1848, 410;
refusal of the king either to
grant a constitution or to form
an alliance with Sardinia, 416;
conquest by Garibaldi (i860),
.416 f.; annexation by Sardinia
(i860), 417

Na po'le on I, emperor of the
French, 2Soff.. 314 ff., -i^y], 346,
348 ff., 363, 385, 387, 410. See
Bonaparte, Napoleon

Napoleon II, emperor of the
French, 337, 385. See Reich-
stadt, duke of

Napoleon III, emperor of the
French, 389 ff., 414 f., 417 ff.,
434 ff., 462 f., 474 f., 480, 489,
518, 555 note, 578, 602. See
Bonaparte, Louis Napoleon

N^apd le oii'ic Ideas, 385, 387

Nar'va, 78

Nase'by, battle of, 42

Nassau (na'soii), 432

Natal', 542 f.

National Assembly, in France :
during the Revolution (1789-
1791)' "^IZ^ i99ff-» 275, 280.
344; during the Second French
Republic (1848-1852), 383 f.,
387 ff. ; during the Third French
Republic (1870- ), 463,
466 ff. ; in Greece, proclaims
independence (1822), 576

National guard (France, 1879),
205

National Insurance Act (England,
1911), 646

National workshops (France,
1848), 381 ff.

Nationalists (France), 483. See
Political parties

Nationality, spirit of, 323 f.
Xatural Nisiofy, Buffon's, 662
Natural laws, 146, 371
Navarino (navare'no), battle of,

577
Navigation laws, 45 ff., 113
Navy, English, 680; German, 681
Necker, 191 f., 195, 203, 205
Neerwinden (nar vin'deii). battle

of, 234
NelscJn, Admiral, 261, 267, 268

note, 281 note, 289, 290 note
Nepal (ne pel'), 529
Netherlands, Austrian : given to
Austria by the Treaty of
Utrecht (1713), 70 f.; inhabit-
ants of, 97; revolt (1790), 167;
failure of first French attack
on (1792), 227 ; French defeat
Austrians at Jemappes (1792),
232 ; Austrians defeat French
at Neerwinden (1793) ^^^ drive
them from Netherlands, 234 ;
Austrian neglect of, due to
preparations for the third par-
tition of Poland, 253 f. ; ceded
to France by the Treaty of
Campo Formio (1797), 257 f. ;
defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo
(1815), 311; joined to Holland
by the Congress of Vienna
(181 5), to form the kingdom of
Holland, 315; Austria compen-
sated for loss of, 321 ; revolution
(1830) and establishment of the
kingdom of Belgium, 341 ff. ;
kingdom of : size of colonial
possessions, 103 ; Spanish : de-
clare independence of Spain
(I58i),8; inherited by Phihp II,
28 ; invaded by Louis XIV
(1667), 66; towns gained on
border by Louis XIV (1667-
1668), 175; United: in seven-
teenth century, 52 ; invaded by
Louis XIV (1672), 67; seized
possessions of Portugal in the
East during union of Spanish
and Portuguese crowns (1580-
1640), 104 f. ; changed to Bata-
vian Republic by France (1795),
254

r*'

--1

\^Aan ai the

ao:
v.,

738

Outlines of European History

Pius IX, Pope, 399, 404, 410 f.,
415, 418 ff., 477

Pius X, Pope, 425, 481 f., 631

Pi zar'ro, 7

Plassey (plas'e), battle of, iii

Plebiscite (pleb'i sit ; French ple-
biscite, pla be set'), 264 and note

Poland, union formed with Den-
mark and Russia to secure
possessions of Sweden, 77 f. ;
various peoples and religions
in, 90 ; character of the gov-
ernment, libei'iim veto, and elec-
tive kingship, 91 ; nobility and
peasantry, 91 ; interference of
Russia and Prussia in the gov-
ernment, 92 ; first partition
(1772), 93 f. ; Polish revival
in art, literature, etc. (1772-
1791)' 93; ^^w constitution,
and interference of Catherine II
of Russia, 93 f. ; second parti-
tion (1793), 95, 234 and note;
revolt of 1794, 95; third parti-
tion (1795), 95, 253 ; Napoleon's
campaign in (1806-1807), 288;
changed into the grand duchy
of Warsaw (1807), 300; terri-
tory gained in second and third
partitions to be exchanged by
Prussia for northern German
territory, 306 f . ; revolt of 1830,
554 f . ; revolt of 1863, 555 note

Poles (polz), 72, 95, 97 f., 326, 393,

439 ff-

Political economy, 158 ff., 370 ff.

Political parties, Canada, 537 ;
England, 41 f., 57 f., 168 ff., 234,
485, 493, 495, 499 f., 500, 502,
523 ff. ; France, 224 ff., 238,

335 ff., 377 ff-, 463 ff., 483 ff- ;

German Empire, 449 ff., 650;

Italy, 412, 422 ff. ; Russia, 567 f. ;

United States, 485
Polo, Marco, 604
Pom e ra'ni a, ^Farther, 81
Pondicherry (pon di sher'i), 108 ff.
Poniatowski (po nya tof ske) ( Stan'-

islas II, king of Poland), 92
Pope, Alexander, 148, 328
Port Arthur, 568 f., 610, 6i5ff.
Port Said (sa ed'), 627

Porte (port), the, 261, 575, 577 f.

P5r't6 Rico (re'ko), 630

Portsmouth (ports'miitli), Treaty
of, 618

Por'tu gal, established trading
posts in the Far East after da
Gama rounded the Cape of Good
Hope (1498), 103 ff., 601 ; East-
ern colonial possessions seized
by the Dutch (i 580-1640), 7,
104 f.; the French in Portugal
(1807-1808), 296 f.; the Eng-
lish in Portugal (1808), 302;
slave trade in the early nine-
teenth century, 323 ; under
English rule, revolt (1820), and
return of the king from Brazil,
354 f.; establishment of the
republic (1910), 631, 687 note

" Possibilist " party (France), 484.
See Political parties

Post, penny (England, 1839), 596 f.

Poverty, as a result of the factory
system, 364 ff. ; Booth's survey
of living conditions of the Lon-
don poor, 638 f. ; Rowntree's
survey of poverty in York, 639 ;
possibility of doing away with,
639 f. ; war of English govern-
ment against, 640 ff. See Social
legislation

Power loom, 360 f.

Prag mat'ic sanction, 85

Prague (prag), Revolution of 1848,
398; Pan-Slavic congress (1848),
401

Presbyterians, 24, 39 f. 43 f., 50

Press. .S"^^ Censorship of the press;
Freedom of the press

Pressburg (pres'boiK), Treaty of,
285 f., 298

"Pretender, the Old" (England),
54 note, 168

" Pride's Purge," 42

Prime minister (England), 169.
See Walpole, Robert ; Cabinet

Prince Edward Island, 535, 537

Priitciples of Geology, Lyell's, 661 f.

Printing, invention of, 5, 366; at
present time, 366

Progressivist party (France), 483.
See Political parties

Index

739

Protestant Revolt, the Church in
the Middle Ages, 17 ff.; Eras-
mus, 18 ; theory of indulgences,
19; Luther: attack on indul-
gences, and the jYinely-jive
Theses, 19 f. ; Address to the
German N'obility, 20 f. ; burning
of the papal bull, 21 ; at the
Diet of AVorms, and at the
Wartburg, 21 ; '' Peasants' Re-
volt," 22; "protest" at Diet of
Speyer, 22 f. ; Protestants, 23 ;
Augsburg CoHfessio?t, and the
Peace of Augsburg, 23 ; com-
memoration of Luther's revolt
at the Wartburg (18 17), 346

Protestantism, 23, 27 ff., 37 ff., 81 f.,
137 ff., 148, 449, 510, 520

Protestants, origin of term, 23 ; in
Austria, 167 ; in England, Tfj^.;
in France, 68 ff., 135 ; in Poland,
90; in Prussia, 81 f., 163, 449;
intolerance of, 135

Provence (pro vans'), count of,
217 f., 225, 315. See Louis
XVIII, king .of France

Prussia (prush'a), duchy of, 80 ff.

Prussia, kingdom of, under the
Great Elector of Brandenburg
( 1 640-1 688), 81 f.; under Fred-
erick I (Frederick III of Bran-
denburg), king in Prussia (1688-
17 13), raised to the rank of a
kingdom (1701), 82 f. ; under
Frederick William I (1713-
1740), 83 ff.; under Frederick II
(the Great, 1740-1786), 86 ff. ;
War of the Austrian Succession
(1740-1748), 86f. ; Seven Years'
War (1756-1763), 87 ff. ; share
in partitions of Poland (1772,
I793» 1795)' 89 ff-' "17 ; war with
France (1792), 228, 232 ; Treaty
of Basel ([795), 254; fate in the
Napoleonic reconstruction of
Germany, 271 ff. ; war with
France (1806), 287 f. ; reforms
after the battle of Jena, 304 ff. ;
war with France (1813), 306 f. ;
at the Congress of Vienna
(1815), 318 ff.; literature at the
opening of the nineteenth

century, 327 ff. ; position at the
opening of the nineteenth cen-
tury, 344 ff. ; in the German
Confederation (181 5), 399; pro-
posed German union (1848), and
refusal of the imperial crown by
the king of Prussia (1849), 406 f.;
constitution of Prussia (1850),
407 f. ; reign of William I
(i858[i86i]-i888), 427 ff.; army
reforms, 428 ; Bismarck and
parliament, 428 f. ; the Schles-
wig-Holstein affair, 429 ff. ; war
with Denmark (1864), 431 ;
declares German Confederation
dissolved (1866), 431 ; war with
Austria (1866), 432; formation
of North German Federation
(1867), 432 f. ; Franco-Prussian
War (1870), 434 ff.; proclama-
tion of the German Empire
(1871), 43S f. ; since 1871, see
German Empire

Public Safety, Committee of, 235 f.,
-39 f- 242> 244, 246

" Puffing Billy," 594

Pultowa (pol'to va), battle of, 79

Pun jab', 530

Puritans, 39, 49 f.

Quadrilateral, the, 403 f., 415

Quakers, 50

Que bee', 105, 108 f.

Quebec, province of, 534 f.

Quebec Act, 534

Queen Anne's War (1701), 70. See
War of the Spanish Succes-
sion

Queensland, 540

Races, in Austria, 440 ff. ; in Hun-
gary, 442 ff. ; in Russian empire,
552 f. .

Racine (rasen'), 64

Radetzky (ra dets'ke),' General,

403

Radicals, in France, 483 ; in the
German Empire, 650. See Politi-
cal parties

Radio-activity, 668 f.

Radium, 668

Raisuli (ri so'le), 626

740

Outlines of European History

Ra na va lo'na, queen of Madagas-
car, 487

Ran goon', 530, 612

Raphael (raf a el), 3

" Red Sunday," 569 f.

Reform Bill (England, 1832), 495 f.

Reformation, the. See Protestant
Revolt

Reichsdeputationshauptschhiss,
(riKS da pii tat si ons houpt'-
shlus), 272, 316

Reichstadt (riK'shtat), duke of,
337 note. See Napoleon II

Reichstag (riKs'taK), 445 ff.

Renaissance (ren e saris'), 3 ff., 328

Republic, Batavian (1795), 254,
267, 270 f. ; Cisalpine (1797),
258, 266 f., 269 f. ; First French
(1792), 231 ff., 276, 278, 287;
Second French (1848), 381 ff.,
497; Third French (1870),
462 ff.; Helvetic (1798), 266 f.,
270 f.; Ligurian (1797), 266 f.,
270, 282 f. ; Parthenopean ( 1 799),
267; Roman (1798), 266 f. ;
Roman (1849), 4^4 f-

Republican party, in France,
220 ff., 337, 377 ff., 483 ; in Italy,
422. See Political parties

Restitution, Edict of (1629), 29

Revolt, Irish (1916), 525; ''Peas-
ants'" (1525), 22; Protestant
{see Protestant Revolt)

Revolution, Austria {1848), 392 ff. ;
Belgium (1830), 342 f. ; Bohemia
(1848), 398; China (191 1), 61S;
England (1688), 3, 52 ff., 343,
504, 519; France (1789), 3, 11,
34, 51, 173 ff., 293, 297, 316,
322 ff., 335 f- 338, 348,379.478,
493 ; France (1830), 338 ff., 377,
468, 495 ; France (1848), 381 ff.,
468, 497 {see France) ; Germany
( 1848),, 406 ff.; Industrial {see
Industrial Revolution) ; Italy
(1848), 398 ff.; Poland (1794),
95; Poland (1830), 554; Poland
(1863), 555 note ; Turkey (1908),
586

Revolutionary Tribunal (France),
242 ff.

Rhodes (rodz), 545

Rhodesia (rode'zhia), 548

Richard III, king of England,
10

Richelieu (re she lye'), Cardinal,
26, 30, 36, 58 ff.

Rights of Man, Declaration of
(France), 207 ff., 211, 248, 324,
336, 392

RivoU (re'vole), battle of, 256

Robespierre (ro bes pyer'), 224,
236 f., 243 f., 246, 276

" Rocket," Stephenson's, 595

Roland (ro Ian'), Madame (ma-
dam'), 225, 242

Roller machine, 357

Romagna (roman'ya), 415

Roman Republic, in 1798, 266 f . ;
in 1849, 404 f-

Romanticists, 329

Rome, establishment of republic
(1798), 266 f.; second Peace of
Paris (18 1 5) orders works of art
returned, 315 note ; constitution
granted (1848), 398; establish-
ment of republic (1849), 4^4 f- !
republic overthro.wn by Austria
( 1849), 405 ! occupied by Italian
troops (1870), 419; added to
kingdom of Italy as capital
(1871), 419

Roosevelt (ro'ze velt), President
of the United States, 594, 617

Roses, War of the, 26

Rossbach (ros'ban), battle of, 89

Rossi (ros'se), 404

" Rotten boroughs," 491

Roumania (ro ma'ni a), 443 ;
formed by the union of Molda-
via and Wallachia (1862), and
the ruler assumes title of king
(1881), 581 and note; internal
affairs, 585

Roumanians, 97 f., 395 f., 440, 443

" Roumans," 583 note

Roumelia (ronie'lia). Eastern,
582

Roundheads, 41 f.

Rousseau (ro so'), 154 ff., 161 ff.,

243. 329

Rowntree, 639

Royalists (France), 336. See Politi-
cal parties

Index

741

Rubinstein (ro'bin stin), 551
Rudolph of Hapsburg, 16, 688
Rumford, Count (Thomson), 333

note
Russell, Lord John, 495, 499
Russia, the Hansa in, 8 ; under
Peter the Great (1672-1725),
73 ff., 117; under Catherine II
(1762-1796), 163 ff. ; alliance
with England against France
(1805), 283 f. ; secret alliance
with Fi-ance (1807), 288 f. ; re-
lations with Napoleon, 302 f.,
314; agreement with Prussia as
to Warsaw and Saxony, 318 ff. ;
Holy Alliance (181 5), 326; Se-
cret Alliance (1815), 327; sym-
pathy with absolutism in other
countries, 352 ff. ; reign of Alex-
ander I, 551 ff. ; reign of Nicho-
las I, 554 ff. ; aids Greece in
struggle for independence
(1827), 577; Polish revolution
(1830), 554 f. ; reign of Alexan-
der II, 556 ff. ; Crimean War
(1854), 414, 578; emancipation
of the serfs (1861), 557 f. ;
Polish revolution (1863), 555
note; nihilism, 559; terrorism,
560 f.; war with Turkey (1877),
561, 581 ; Treaty of San Stefano
(1878), and Congress of Berlin
(1878), 581; reign of Alex-
ander III, 561 f. ; Industrial
Revolution, 562 ff. ; reign of
Nicholas II, 565 ff. ; struggle
for constitutional government,
565 ff. ; intervenes to keep Japan
from continent of Asia (1895),
5io ; leases Port Arthur (1898),
61 1 ; political parties, 567 f . ;
war with Japan (1904), 568 f.,
615 ff. ; Treaty of Portsmouth
(1905), 618; opening of the
Duma {1906), 57 iff.; agreement
with England as to respective
rights in Persia (1907), 530 note,
563 note, 686 f.
Russo-Japanese War (1904), 568 f.,

615 ff.
Ru the'ni ans, 401, 440. See Slavs
Rys'wick, Peace of (1697), 69

Sacraments, 17

Sadowa (sa'do va), battle of, 419,

432» 435' 439- See Koniggratz
Sa ha'ra desert, 487, 620
Said (saed'), Port, 627
St. Bar thoro mew, massacre of,

25, 69
St. Ber nard' Pass, crossed by

Bonaparte, 269
St. He le'na, 312
Saint-Just (san-zhtisf), 236, 243 f.,

246
Saint Lucia (lo'shi a), 322 note
St. Petersburg, 77, 555, 560 f., 570
Saint-Simon (san-se mofi'), 64
Sakhalin (saKalyen'), 618
Salisbury (solz'beri). Lord, 522

note
Salonica (salone'ka), 586, 591
Salt tax, France, 176 map, 177,

192 ; Italy, 423
Sand River Convention, 543
Sar a to'ga, battle of, 116
Sar din'i a. See Piedmont
Sas katch'e wan, 537
Sat'su ma, 606
Sa van'nah^ the, 592 f.
Savoy', 66, 254 f., 267, 269, 315
Sax'o ny, 14, 19, 21, 289, 320 f.,

344, 399, 432
Scharnhorst (sharn'horst), 306,

428
Schiller (sliirier), 332
Schleswig-Holstein, (shlaz'viK-

hsrsbtin), controversy about,

429 ff. ; war, 429, 432
Schwartzenberg (shvar'tsen bei'K),

401 f.
Science and invention, in the

eighteenth century, 143 ff., 357

ff.; in the nineteenth century,

592 ff. ; in the twentieth century,

658 ff.
Scotland, 32, 40 ff.
Scott, Sir Walter, 329
Se bas'to pol, 556, 578
Secret alliance (181 5), 327
Se dan', battle of, 437, 462
Segur (sagiir'), 280
Senate (France), 471 f.
Senegal (sen eg6F) region, 485 ff.,

621

742

Outlines of Eu7Vpean History

Se'poys, 109 ff., 531 f.
September massacres (France,

1792), 231 f.
vSer'bi a, 443, 580 f., 583 ff., 690 ff.
Serbians, 401 , 403, 443, 561 , 589, 690
Serfdom, in Austrian territory, 1 67 ;

in England, 121; in France,

i2of. ; in Japan, 608; in Poland,

91 ; in Prussia, 344 ; in Russia,

165, 556 f-
Settlement, Act of, 54
Seven Years' War (1756), 87 f.,

108 ff.
Sevigne (sa ven ya'), 64, 68
Sforza (sfor'tsa). House of, 12
Sha-ho' River, battle of, 569
Shakespeare, 34
Shangh'a'i, 602, 612
Shan'tung', 61 1
Shaw, G. B., 637 note
Sheffield, 366
Shimonoseki (she'mo no sa'ke).

Treaty of (1895), ^o^, 610
" Ship money," 37
Shogtin (sho'gon), 603 f.
Si be'ri a, 560, 569
Sic'i lies, Kingdom of the Two.

See Naples
Si er'ra Le o'ne, 548
Sigismund (sij'is mund ; Ger. ze'-

gis mimt). Emperor of the Holy

Roman Empire, 79
Silesia (si le'shi a), 86 ff.
Sindh (sind), 530
Six Acts, 494
Slave trade, 323
Sla vo'ni a, 439, 442 f.
Slavs, 72, 96 f., 393 ff., 401 fT., 440,

561, 581, 587, 688 ff. See "Pan-
Slavism "
Slovenes (slo venz'). See Slavs
Slo ve'ni ans. See Slavs
Smith, Adam, 160, 366, 370, 516
Sobieski (so byes'ke), 575
Social Contract, Rousseau's, 156
Social Democratic Federation

(England), 637 note
vSocial Democratic Eabor party

(German Empire), 450
Social Democrats, in German

Empire, 451, 459; in Russia,

567

Social legislation, in Australia,
541 ; in England : factory, 5 1 2 f . ;
mines, 514; Workmen's Com-
pensation Act, 638 ; old-age
pension law, 640 ; labor ex-
changes, 640 ; trade boards,
640 f. ; national insurance
(against ill health and unem-
ployment), 646; local reforms
and municipal ownership, 647 ;
in France, national insurance
(accident, sickness, old-age),
657 ; in German Empire, na-
tional insurance (accident, sick-
ness, old-age), 452 f., 651 ff . ;
in New Zealand, 541

Socialism, 372 ff . ; origin of word,
374; earlier phase, 372 f.; Uto-
pian, 379 f . ; later phase, 374 ff. ;
in Austria, 442 ; in England,
dy] ; in France, 382, 477, 482,
483 f., 658; in German Empire,
449 ff., 644, 650, 652 f .; in Russia,
567 f. ; as an international move-
ment, 684

Socialists. See Political parties ;
Socialism

Society, for German Colonization,
456; for the Promotion of Chris-
tian Knowledge, 599

Solferino (sol fe re'no), battle of.

So ma'li land, British, 548; French,
487, 624 ; Italian, 626

Sonderbund (zon'der bunt), 393
note

South African Union, 546 ff.

South iVmerica, 103 f.

Spain, in the Middle Ages, 7 ff.,
28 f. ; treasure ships captured
by English, 35; Franche-Comte
seized by France, returned in ex-
change for border towns, 66 f. ;
War of Spanish Succession
(1701-1713), 69 ff.; joins coali-
tion against France (1793), 234;
at war with France (1793-1795)7
253 f.; cedes Louisiana to France
(1801), 702; comes to aid of
France (1803), 282; Joseph
Bonaparte made king (1808),
296 ff. ; England and France in

Index

743

Spain, Contimied

(1809), 302; England in (1813),
308 ; slave trade in the nine-
teenth century, 323 ; restoration
after 181 5, 348; revolution in
the colonies (1810-1825) and at
home (1820), 350 ff.; assists in
destroying the Roman Repub-
lic, 410; joins in demonstration
against Mexico, 434 f. ; expul-
sion of the queen (1868), 435;
Leopold of Hohenzollern can-
didate for throne (i 869-1 870),
435; Amadeus of Italy becomes
king(i87o) and abdicates (1873),
435 note; repubhc (1873), 435
note ; accession of Alfonso XII
(1875), constitution (1876), and
reign of Alfonso XIII, 435
note; loss of American colonies
(1898), 117, 629 f.; decHne as a
colonial power, 629 f.; colonial
possessions in Africa, 626 ; in-
fluence in Morocco, 626 f.

Spanish Succession, War of the
(1701), 69, loi, 255, 321 f.

Spanish-American War (1898), 630

Spencer, 662 f., 665 f .

Speyer (sprer), 271 ; diet at, 22 f.

Spice Islands, 105, 539

Spindle, 358 f.

Spinning, 358 ff.

Spirit of Laws, The, Montesquieu's,

154
Stamp Act, 112 ff.
Stanley, 623 f.
" State socialists," 451 ff.
Std'tus quo, 87
Steam engine, 361 ; Newcomen's,

362 f. ; Watt's, 362 ff.
Steam navigation, early history of,

592 f. ; at present time, 593 and

note {see Fulton)
Steam railways, in England, early

history of (1814, 1825, 1828),

594 f.; in France (1828), 595;
in Germany (1835), 595; at
present day, in Asia and Africa,

595 f. and note

Stein (shtrn), 304 f., 333, 344
Stephenson (ste'ven sun), 328,
594 f-

Storthing (stor'ting), 318 note

Strassburg, 30, 67, 175, 284, 385,
437 and note, 462, 649

Struggle for existence, 664 ff.

Stuart, 31 ff., 49 ff., 168 f.

Sudan (so dan'), 487 f., 548, 627
and note, 629. 685

Suez (so ez') Canal, 593 f., 627

Suffrage. See Franchise

Sii ma'tra, 105

Supremacy, Act of, 26

Sii rat^ 527

Surgery, antiseptic, 671

Su va'roff. General, 268

Sweden, receives territory on the
Baltic (1648), 30; under Charles
XII, ']'] f. ; Finland given to
Russia (1807), 289; joins allies
against France, 307; abolishes
slave trade (1813), 323 ; personal
union with Norway (1814), 318
and note

Switzerland, independence ac-
knowledged (1648), 30; estab-
lishment of Helvetic Republic
(1798), 268, 283; cantons recog-
nized as free and equal, neu-
trality guaranteed, constitution
drawn up (181 5), 318; Sonder-
bictid, constitution of 1848, 393
and note, 451, 463

Syllabus of 1864, 477

Syr'i a, 261, 267, 456

Taille (ta'ye), 11, 177, 182 f., 192,
194

Talleyrand (tale ran'), 272, 280,
320

Tariff, protective, in. England,
516; in German Empire, 452 ff.

Tasmania (taz nia'ni a) (Van Die-
man's Land), 538 ff.

" Taxation without representa-
tion," 114

Telegraph, invention of, 597 and
note ; wireless, 597

Telephone, invention of, 597 ;
wireless, 597

" Tennis Court " oath, 200

Terror, Reign of, 174, 206, 215,
217, 219, 23s ff., 275, 279, 333,
339. 379

744

Outlines of European History

Terrorism, Russian, 560 ff.
Test Act, 51
Tetzel (tet'sel), 20
Teu ton'ic Order, 80
Tiiermidor (ter me dor'), 244
Thiers (tyer), 463 ff.
Third estate (France), 181 ff.
Thirty Years' War (1618), 29, 35,

71, 81, 437 note
Thirty-Nine Articles, 137
Thomas, Sidney G., 653
Thrace (thras), 588
Ti bet', 529

Ti con der 6'ga, Fort, 108
Tientsin (ti en'tsen'), 603
Tilly (tiri; French teye'), 36
Til'sit, Peace of (1807), 288 f., 296,

302, 304, 306
Timbuktu (tim buk'to), 486
Tithes, church, in France, 177;

abolition of, 206, 211 ; Ireland,

521

To ba'go, 322 note

T6'g5, Admiral, 617

To'go land, 455, 598, 624

Tokyo (to'ke 0), 608, 617. 6>^ Yedo

Toleration, religious, in Austria,
167; in England, 50, 51 note,
105, 140, 509 f. ; in France,
276; in Prussia, 163; in Russia,

11
Tolstoy, 551
Tonkin', 475, 489
Torres Vedras (tor'resh va'drasli),

302
Tory party, 57, 168 ff., 493, 495,

499
Toul (tol), 30

Toulon (to Ion'), 239 ff., 246
Toulouse (to loz'), 364
Tours (tor), 462
Towns, 123 ff.
Trade, European foreign, 5 ff.,

592
Trade boards, 640 f.
Trade laws, 113 f.
Trade-unions, origin of, 371 ff.
Traf al gar', 281, 289, 290 note
Trans-Si be'ri an railroad, 564,

610 f.
Transvaal (trans val'), 542 ff., 622
Tran syl va'ni a, 97

Treaty of (Peace of ; Convention),
Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), 87, 210,
254; Amiens (1801), 270, 282;
Augsburg (1555), 23, 29; Basel
(1795), 254> 265; Berlin (1878),
581 and note; Bucharest (1913),
590 f. ; Campo Formio (1797),
257, 260, 265 f., 270, 283, 285:
Frankfort (1871), 437 and note,
466 and note; Ghent (1814),
309; London (1827), 577; (1913),
590; Luneville (i8oi),270, 321;
Nanking (1842), 601 f. ; Nim-
wegen (1678), 67; Paris (1763),
89; (1783), 117; (1814), 3i4f.;
(1815), 315; (1856), 414; Ports-
mouth (1905), 618; Pressburg
(1805), 285 f., 298; Ryswick
(1697), 69; Sand River Conven-
tion (1852), 543; San Stefano
(1878), 581; Shimonoseki(i895),
606, 610; Tilsit (1807), 288 f.,
296, 302, 304, 306 ; Utrecht
(1713), 70, 105 f., 321; Vienna
(1809), 298; Westphalia (1648),
30,81

Treaty ports (China), 601 f.

Trent, city of, 419; council of, 27

Treves (trevz; French trav), 14, 27 1

Triennial Bill, 40

Trieste (tre es'ta), 419, 440

Trin'i dad, 322 note

Triple Alliance, between England,
Holland, and Sweden (1668),
66 f. ; between German Empire,
Austro-Hungarian dual mon-
archy, and Italy (1882, 1887.
1892, 1902, 1912), 421, 456,
685, 687

Trip'oh, 421, 588, 621, 626

Tschaikowsky (chl kof'ske), 551

Tudor, 10, 32 ff.

Tiigendbund (to'gent biint), 306

Tuileries (twel re'), invasion of
(June 20, 1792), 228; attack on
(August ID, 1792), 230, 279 f.

Tunis, 421, 486, 620, 622, 685

Turgot (turgo'), 166, 189 ff., 203,
247

Turin, 317, 349, 417. 4i9

Turkestan (tiir ke Stan'), Russian,
563 note

Index

745

Turkey, early history, 574 f. ; siege
of Constantinople (1453), 6, 575 ;
relations with Russia, 575 ; siege
of Vienna (1683), 67,97, 575;
European conquests and origin
of " Eastern question," 117 ; at
war with France in Egypt (1798),
and in Syria (1879), -61 ; posi-
tion in North Africa at begin-
ning of nineteenth century, 62 1 ;
Balkan War (1877), 561 ; Serbia
becomes tributary principality
(1817), 576; war with Greece
(1821), 576 f . ; Crimean War
(1854), 577 f . ; terms of Treaty
of Paris {1856), 578 f . ; Balkan
revolt {1874), 580; war with
Russia (1877), Treaty of San
Stefano {1878) and Congress of
Berlin (1878), 581 f . ; relations
with Macedonia, 582 f. ; war
with Italy (191 1), 588,626; loss
of Crete {1913), 584; revolution
(1908), 586 ff. ; annexation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, by
Austria {1908), 690; First Bal-
kan War (1912), 588 ff. ; Second
Balkan War (191 3), 590 f.

Turkish Revolution (1908), 586

Turks., Ot'to man, 96, 574 ff., 580,
584, 627; Seljuk, 96, 574;
Young Turks, 586 ff.

Tus'cany, 97, 253, 255, 273, 316,

349 f-» 398, 405» 410, 415
" Twelve Articles," 22
Tyrol (terol'), 285, 441

Uitlanders (oit'lan derz), 544 f.

Ulm, battle of, 284, 289

Ul'ster, conquest and settlement
of, 519; protest of, 525

Uniformity, Act of, 50

Union of vSouth Africa, 546 ff.

United States of America, 54,
270, 292, 308 f., 323, 350, 354,
355. 434, 444 f-, 447 f-. 468,
471 f-, 504, 518, 534 ff-, 558,
594

Uruguay (o ro gwf), 425

U to' pi a, 374

Utrecht (yo'trekt), Treaty of, 70,
105 f., 321; Union of, 28

Vaccination, 670
Valenciennes (va laii syen'), 238
Valmy (val me'), battle of, 232, 339
Varennes (va ren'), flight of royal

family to (1791), 2i9f.
Vassy (vase"), massacre of, 25
Vat'i can, 419 ff.
Vatican Council (1870), 449
Vendee (van da'), La, 238 ff.
Vendemiaire (van damyer'), 248
Venetia (ve ne'shi a). See Venice
Ven e zue'la, 351

Venice, 5, 6 and note, 12, 97, 255,
258, 270, 283, 285, 314, 315 note,
317, 321, 404 f., 415, 417 f., 422,

431, 575

Venizelos (va ne za'los), 588

Verdun (ver dun'), 30

Vergniaud (vernyo'), 225

Verona (varo'na). Congress of
(1822), 353 f.

Verrazano (ver rat sa'no), 424

Versailles (ver salz' ; French ver-
say'), 62, 439, 462, 466 f., 470

Victor Emmanuel I, king of Sar-
dinia, 349

Victor Emmanuel II, king of Sar-
dinia, 404 f., 412 ff.

Victor Emmanuel III, king of
Italy, 423

Victoria (Australia), 540

Victoria, queen of England, 457,
496, 515, 533> 541, 685

Vienna, 67, 76, 284, 302, 439 ff. ;
Congress of (1815), 309, 314 ff-,
341, 343 ff-, 346, 349, 357, 542,
552 f. ; revolution in (1848),
401 f. ; siege of, by Turks

(1683), 96 f., 575
Virginia, 105, 112
Vladivostock (via dye vos tdk'),

610 f., 616
Voltaire (vol ter'), Arouet (aru 6'),

87, 149 ff., 162 f., 186, 329, 335,

560
Von Billow (fon bii'lo), 649 f.
Von Ket'te ler, 614
Von Plehve (pla've), 566 ff.
Vote, plural, England, 641

Wagrarri (va'gram), battle of, 298,

■337

746

Outlines of European History

Waldeck-Rousseau (val dek'-ro-
so'), 479 f., 484

Wallace, Alfred, 665 f.

Wallachia (wola'kia), 289, 577.
See Roumania

Wallenstein (varen shtin), 29, 36

Walloons (wo lonz'), 97

Wal'pole, 112, 169

War, Austrian Succession (1840),
84 ff. ; Austro-Prussian (1866),
432, 439, 678, 688 f.; Austro-
Sardinian (1859), 414 f.; Balkan
(1877), 561; Balkan (1912),
588 ff.; Balkan (1913), 590;
Boer (1899), 545^-; Chinese
revolution (191 1 ), 618 ff.; Chino-
Japanese (1894-1895), 459,
609 f.; Civil (England, 1642),
41 f.; Commune (1871), 467 f. ;
Crimean (1854), 414, 556, 563,
577 ff.; Danish (1864), 431 ;
Franco-Prussian (1870), 434 ff.,
466; French Revolution (1792),
227 ff.; French and Austrian
(1792), and French and English
(1793) (-s^^^ War of French Rev-
olution) ; French and Chinese
(1858), 602 f. ; French and
Indian (1754), 108 {see Seven
Years' War) ; " Glorious Revo-
lution" (England, 1688), 51 f.;
great war of 1914, 324, 330,421,
443, 456, 518, 547 f., 627 f., 658,
677ff. ; Hundred Years' (1337),
9f.; ItaUan-Turkish (i9ii),588;
"Opium" (1840), 601 f. ; Queen
Anne's (1701), 70 {see War of
Spanish Succession) ; of the
Roses (1455), 26; Russo-Jap-
anese (1904), 568 f. ; Seven
Years' (1756), 87 f., 108 ff.;
South African (1899), 545 f. {see
Boer War) ; Spanish-American
(1898), 630; Spanish Succes-
sion (1701), 69f., loi, 255, 321 f.;
Thirty Years' (1618), 29 f., 35,
71, 81, 437 note

War and Peace, Grotius's, 7 1

Warsaw, grand duchy of, 289,
299 f., 314, 318' 320

Wartburg (vart'burK), 21, 346

Washington, 309

Washington, George, 1 1 5 f .

Waterloo', 311, 328 f., 374

Watt, 362 ff.

Wattignies (vatenye'), 239

Wealth of Naiiofis, 160, 366

Weaving, 359 ff.

Webb, 637 note

Weihaiwei (wa'hi'wa'), leased by

British government, 611
Wellesley (welz'li), 301 f. See

Wellington, duke of
Wellington, duke of, 301, 308,

311,348, 397, 495 f.
Wells, 637 note
Wesley, Charles, 139
Wesley, John, 138 ff.
West Bromwich (brum'ich), 366
West pha'li a, kingdom of, 289,

314; Treaty of, 30, 81
Wheatstone. See Telegraph
Whig party (England), 57, 168 f.,

234 note, 495, 500 f.
Whitefield (hwit'feld), 139
Whitney, Eli, 361
Wilhelmina (vil hel me' na), queen

of the Netherlands, 343 note
William I, king of England, 9
William III, king of England,

52 ff., 70, 169, 504, 519
William IV, king of England,

495
William I (of Orange), king of the

Netherlands, 341 ff., 346
William II (of Orange), king of

the Netherlands, 343
William, Prince of Orange, 28 f.,

52 f., 343. See William III, king

of England
William I, king of Prussia, 427 f.,

435 f., 439; German Emperor,

439. 444, 457 U 678
William II, king of Prussia, Ger-
man Emperor, 457 ff., 584 note,

681, 687
Windischgratz (vin'dish grets),

General, 401, 403
Windward Islands, 322
Wit'ten berg, 19, 21
Wolfe (witlf), General, 108
Wolsey (wiirzT), Cardinal, 26
Wordsworth, 329
Working class, 367 f.

Index

747

Workmen's Compensation Act

(1897), 638
Worms, city of, 271 ; Diet of, 17,

21 ; Edict of, 22
Wurmser (viirm^zer). General, 256
Wiirtemberg (vlir'tem bern), 14,

273' 285, 316, 347, 399, 433, 436,

438, 444 f., 447 note

Xavier (zav'i er), 604 f.

Yed'6, 605 f., 608
Yo'ko ha'ma, 605

Yorck, General, 306

York, House of, 9 f.

Yorktown, 116

Young, 181

" Young Italy," 412

Young Turks, 586 ff.

Yuan Shih-kai (yu an' she-ki'),
president of the Chinese re-
public, 618 ff.

Zan zi bar', 456

Zola, 476

Zollverei)i (tsorfer In), 347 f., 427

SUPPLEMENT

CHAPTER XXVIII
THE GREAT WAR

Section ii8. Course of the War in 19 14 and 191 5

The vast German army advanced on France in three The Germans
divisions, one through Belgium, one through Luxemburg (also sep^embeT'i|
a neutral state) down into Champagne, and the third approached ^9M
from Metz toward Nancy. The Belgians offered a determined
resistance to the advance of the northern division and hindered
it for ten days — a delay of vital importance to the French.
But the heavy German guns proved too much for the forts
around Liege, which were soon battered to pieces, and Brussels
was occupied by the enemy, August 20. The central army
advancing down the Meuse met with no serious opposition.
The French, reenforced by English forces hastily dispatched
across the Channel, made their first stand around Namur. This
famous fortress however immediately collapsed, and the French
and English rapidly retreated southward. The western division
of the German army had come within twenty-five miles of Paris
by September i . The French government fled to Bordeaux, and
the capital prepared for a siege.

But Von Kluck, the German commander, instead of investing Battle of the
the city, marched his troops to the east with a hope of envelop- tember iSl
ing the French and English forces. But instead he was nearly
enveloped himself, as the French made a stand south of the
Marne, and a fresh army, which had been quietly collected
around Paris, attacked the Germans on the west. This famous
Battle of the Marne put an end to the danger which threatened
Paris, for the Germans were compelled to retreat to a line of
hills running from Soissons to Rheims. There they intrenched

Outlines of European History

Conquest and
ill-treatment
of Belgium

The German
occupation
of northeast-
em France

Permanence
of the battle
line in France

themselves before the P>ench and English could drive them
farther back.

After the Germans had given up their hope of surrounding
Paris they proceeded to overrun Belgium. They captured Ant-
werp, October lo, and conquered the whole country, except a
tiny corner southwest of Ostend. It was their hope to push on
to Calais and occupy this port nearest to England as a base of
attack against the British Isles, but they were checked at the
Yser River. They treated the Belgians as a conquered people,
exacted huge tribute, partially burned the city of Louvain, bru-
tally executed many civilians, and seized such machinery and
supplies as suited their purposes. This treatment of a peaceful
little neighbor, whose safety from invasion they themselves had
solemnly guaranteed, has done more to rouse the anger of the
rest of the world than any other act of the German government.

The southernmost of the German armies, and the only one
which had ventured to advance directly on France without
taking the unfair advantage of a neutral boundary line, was at
first unable to make much headway. But before long it suc-
ceeded in establishing its lines within French territory just east
of the Meuse on a line running east of Verdun and St. Die
(see map). The French, however, invaded southern Alsace and
occupied a little German territory there. Thus the first three
months of the war saw the Germans in practically complete pos-
session of Belgium and Luxemburg, together with a broad strip
of northeastern France, filled with prosperous manufacturing
towns, farms and vineyards, and invaluable coal and iron mines.

The lines established after the battle of the Marne and the
check on the Yser have not changed greatly in four years, in
spite of the constant fighting and the sacrifice of hundreds of
thousands of men on both sides. The Germans have not been
able to push very much farther into PYance, and the French and
English have been almost equally unsuccessful in their repeated
attempts, at terrible sacrifice of life, to force the Germans more
than a few miles back. Both sides " dug themselves in " and

iv Outlines of European History

trench warfare has gone on almost incessantly, with the aid of
machine guns, shells, and huge cannon. Airplanes fly hither
and thither, observing the enemy's positions and operations and
dropping bombs in his midst. Poisonous gases and liquid fire,
introduced by Germany, add their horrors to the situation.
The Russians On the Eastern Front the Russians at first advanced far
anVlose^ ^"^'^ more rapidly than had been expected. They succeeded in
Poland and invading East Prussia but v^ere soon driven out by Hindenburg
1915 and his army. They made their main attack on the Austrians

in Galicia but were forced to withdraw, owing to the operations
of the German and Austrian armies in Poland. These had com-
bined in a drive on Warsaw and thus threatened the Russians
on the north. During the winter of 19 15 the Russians made
fierce attempts to pass the Carpathians and invade Austria-
Hungary. They failed, however, on account of lack of supplies,
and hundreds of thousands of lives were sacrificed in vain. In
August, 19 1 5, Russia was forced to surrender Warsaw and
other large Polish towns to the Germans, who pushed on beyond
Poland and occupied Courland, Livonia and P^sthonia. They
therefore held, August, 19 18, very important Russian territories
in addition to their control of Poland.^

1 Inasmuch as the fate of Poland is one of the problems raised by the war we
may recall the following facts : At the end of the eighteenth century the ancient
kingdom of Poland disappeared in a series of three partitions arranged by Prussia,
Russia, and Austria. (See above, section i6, The Three Partitions of Poland.)
After Napoleon succeeded in defeating both Austria and Prussia, 1805-1806, he
erected the Grand Duchy of Warsaw out of the territory which Austria and
Prussia had received in the third partition of Poland and what Prussia had
acquired in the second. As he was on good terms with Russia at that time he
left her in undisturbed possession of her part of the old Polish kingdom. At
the Congress of Vienna the Grand Duchy of Warsaw was turned over to the
Tsar, who promised to give it a constitutional form of government. But the
region around Posen was given back to Prussia, and the Prussian government
has roused constant irritation and opposition by its efforts to stamp out the
Polish language in the province of Posen and to Germanize the people. As
for the Kingdom of Poland created by the Congress of Vienna, that has given
the Russians much trouble. The term " Poland," as now used, includes but a
small part of the ancient kingdom of Poland as it existed before the three par-
titions. It comprises Napoleon's Grand Duchy of Warsaw, less Posen, and, to
the south, Cracow, which has fallen into Austrian hands.

\,-^':^'if'\ Germany- Austria-Hungary and their. Allies
V/////^//A Countries at War with Teutonic Alliea.

The Eastern Front, i 914- 191 7

Oictlines of European History

Geiinany
loses all her
colonies

Turkey joins
the Central
Powers,
November,
1914

The Gallipoli
disaister

The war early began to show an irresistible tendency to
envelop the whole world. Japan quickly captured the German
port of Kiau Chau and took possession of the German stations
in the northern Pacific, while the Australians and New Zealanders
captured those in the southern Pacific. Troops from the South
African Union, with the hearty cooperation of the Boers,
Britain's late enemies, occupied German Southwest Africa.
The remaining German colonies, Togoland, Kamerun, and
German East Africa, gradually fell into the hands of the Eng-
lish or French. So while Germany was able, as we shall see,
to conquer important portions of central Europe as the war
proceeded, she lost all her colonies. The question whether she
is to have them back or be indemnified for them now constitutes
one of the great problems to be adjusted at the end of the war.

In November, 19 14, the Teutonic allies were reenforced by
Turkey. The Sultan issued a call to all faithful Mohammedans
to wage a Holy War on the " enemies of Islam." But, con-
trary to the hopes of Germany, there was no general rising of
the Mohammedans in India and Egypt against the British rule.
Nor were the plans announced for capturing the Suez Canal
carried out. England seized the opportunity to declare Egypt
altogether independent of Turkey, December, 19 14, and estab-
lished a new ruler, who was given the title of Sultan of Egypt
and accepted an English protectorate over his country. The
English also invaded Mesopotamia and later Syria, and finally
captured the famous old city of Bagdad, in March, 19 17, and
then the holy city of Jerusalem, in December, 1917.

An attempt of the English and French in 19 15 to take
Constantinople proved, however, a terrible failure. In April of
that year their forces, greatly strengthened by contingents from
Australia and New Zealand, who had come to the Mediter-
ranean by way of the Red Sea, tried to force their way up the
Dardanelles. The Turks, well supplied with German com-
manders and equipment, defended themselves with such success
that the Allies, in spite of the sacrifice of a hundred thousand

The Great War vii

men, killed and wounded, were unable to hold their positions
on the peninsula of Gallipoli, where they had secured a footing.
After some months the English government was obliged to
recognize that it had made a tragic mistake, and the attempt
was given up.

In May, 19 15, Italy finally decided that it was to her interest Italy enters
to enter the war on the side of the Entente Allies against her ^ ^^^' ^^
former allies of the Triple Alliance. She hoped to win " Italia
Irredenta," — those portions of the Italian people still unredeemed
from Austrian rule, who live around Trent, in Istria and the
great seaport of Triest, and along the Dalmatian coast. So
this added another " front " which the Central Powers had
to defend.

So the line-up at the opening of the second year of the war The bellig-
consisted of the Central Powers, — Germany, Austria-Hungary, the"opening
and Turkey, — opposed to Russia, France, Italy, Great Britain °^ the second
(including Canadians, Australians, New Zealanders, South war
Africans, and East Indian troops, all ready to shed their blood
in the cause of the British Empire), Belgium, Serbia, Japan,
and the tiny countries of Montenegro and San Marino, —
twelve belligerents in all, scattered over the whole globe. But,
as we all know, the infection of war was not destined to stop
at this point but was to reach hundreds of millions of people
who were at that time still neutral.

It was the war on the sea that raised the chief problems for Extinction
the world at large. At the beginning of the war many people commercT
supposed that there would soon be a great and perhaps decisive
naval engagement between the German and British fleets, but
no such thing has so far happened.-^ The Germans kept their
dreadnaughts safe in their harbors, protected by cruisers and

1 On May 31, 1916, a portion of the German fleet ventured out of the Baltic and
fell in with a strong detachment of the British fleet. After a few hours the mist,
smoke, and darkness put an end to the fight. Several important vessels were
sunk, the English losing about twice as many ships and men as the Germans.
Both claimed to have gained a victory, for the English declared that the Ger-
mans only saved themselves from a complete disaster by stealing off as darkness
approached. This was the so-called Battle of Jutland.

viii Outlines of European History

mines. The German merchant ships took shelter at home or
in neutral ports, and the few cruisers that remained at large,
and for a time scoured the seas and sunk English vessels, were
Role of the captured or sunk. So German commerce was soon cut off
su manne altogether, and England ruled the ocean. Had it not been for
the recently discovered and rapidly improved submarines, or
U-boats, as they are popularly called, the Germans would have
been helpless against the British control of the seas. It is this
new kind of warfare that has largely determined the course of
the conflict of the nations.

It was easy for England to block the German ports of Ham-
burg and Bremen, the egress from the Kiel Canal, and the out-
let from the Baltic without violating the established principles
of international law. But the German submarines could still
steal out and sink English merchant ships and manage now and
then to torpedo a great war vessel. Great Britain claimed the
right under these new conditions of naval warfare to force all
neutral ships bound for the neutral ports of Holland, Nor\vay,
and Sweden to stop and be inspected at Kirkwall, in the
Orkney Islands, to see if they were carrying contraband of
war — namely, munitions and materials to be used directly or
indirectly for military ends — and if their cargoes were really des-
tined for Germany. When, February i, 191 5, the German gov-
ernment ordered the confiscation of all grain in private hands
with a view of keeping its great armies well fed, England
declared that thereafter all shipments of foodstuffs to Germany
would be deemed absolute contraband of war, since feeding her
fighting men was even more necessary than supplying them
with munitions.
The Germans This was regarded by the Germans as an obvious attempt
fe^nd^hezone *' through stan.^ation to doom an entire nation to destruction."
of marine ^he German government thereupon declared that the waters
around England should be regarded as within the zone of
war, that within this zone all enemy merchant vessels would
be sunk, whether it were possible to save the passengers and

The Great War ix

crews or not. Neutrals were warned that they would be in
great danger if they entered the zone. In former days it was
possible for a man-of-war to hold up a vessel, and if the
cargo was found to be contraband to capture or sink the vessel
after taking off the people on board. But the submarine has no
room for extra persons and finds it much more convenient to
torpedo vessels without even the warning necessary to enable
the passengers and crew to take to the lifeboats.

In February, 19 15, German submarines began to sink not Sinking of

, , , , „ ... the Lusita-

only enemy vessels but neutral ones as well, sometimes givmg nia,Ma.y,i^it^

the people on board warning, but often not. The most terrible

example of the ruthlessness of the U-boats was the sinking,

without warning, of the great liner Lusifania, May 7, 19 15,

involving the loss of nearly 1200 men, women, and children,

including over a hundred American citizens. The Germans

hailed this as a heroic deed. They claimed that the vessel was

armed and laden with shells, and that the Americans had no

business to be on it, since a notice in the New York papers had

warned them against traveling on the fated boat. But after

careful investigation an American court decided that the vessel

was not armed and did not carry any explosives and that her

destruction was nothing less than an act of piracy. This crime

aroused the greatest horror and indignation not only in England

and the United States but throughout the rest of the world. ^

On the Western Front the English forces had steadily in- English
creased, until, by the end of September, 19 15, Sir John French autumn, 1915
had a million men under his command. The English had also
been very busy producing arms and munitions of war, in which
they had been sadly deficient at the opening of the war, and
they had greatly added to their supplies by purchases in the
United States. They therefore resolved upon a drive northeast
of Arras. After a period of terrific fighting they succeeded in

1 The questions of the rights of neutrals, of contraband, and the rights of
search, are very complicated, and only the main issues in the long and lieated

Outlines of European History

Invasion of
Serbia, Octo-
ber, 1915

Bulgaria

joins m
the war

Neutrality
of Greece

The attempt
to break
through at
Verdun, Feb-
ruary-July,
1916

forcing back the German lines two or three miles on a front of
fifteen or twenty miles. This gave the world some notion of
the difficulty the Allies would have to meet in their attempt to
oust the German armies from France and Belgium.

In spite of the English drive, the Germans, who had suc-
ceeded in forcing back the Russians in Galicia, now undertook
the invasion of Serbia, This encouraged Serbia's bitter enemy,
Bulgaria, to declare in favor of the Central Powers and join
vigorously in the cruel punishment of her neighbor. In spite of
heroic resistance on the part of the Serbians, their country, at-
tacked on two sides, quickly fell into the hands of their enemies.
So far (August, 19 18) they have been able to regain very
little of their lost territory.

The British and French had landed troops at the Greek port
of Salonica but were unable to prevent the disaster. There was
a grave difference of opinion in Greece as to the proper atti-
tude for it to take. The royal family was strongly pro-German,
but many, especially Greece's chief statesman, Venizelos,
favored siding with the Allies. King Constantine managed, in
spite of the strenuous exertions of both the German party and
of the Allies, to maintain the nominal neutrality of liis country
until the year 19 17.

Section 119. The Campaigns of 1916

After the small success of the English drive at the end
of 19 1 5 the Germans resolved to show Vv^hat they could do on
the Western Front. They decided to attack the ancient fortress
of Verdun, the loss of which would greatly discourage the
French, for it was popularly regarded as one of the country's
chief strongholds. The fact that Metz, a very important center
of German supplies, lies not far east of Verdun served to increase
the German chances for breaking through the French lines at
this point. Great masses of troops, under the general command
of no less a personage than the German Crown Prince, were
brought together, and the attack began February 21, 1 9 1 6.

The Great War xi

For a time the French lines gave way, and those throughout Repulse of
the world who favored the Allies held their breath, for it seemed PHncraT"
as if the' Germans were about to crush the French defense Verdun
and again threaten Paris. But the French recovered and held
their own once more. The English troops were now numerous
enough to hold the lines to the north. A series of terrible en-
counters followed, but the French under General Joffre were
able during May and June to push the Germans back from
the points occupied in the first onrush. Those who feared a
German victory could now breathe more freely, and by July all
danger of collapse at that point seemed to be over. It was a
great source of satisfaction to the Allies and their sympathizers
to behold the insolent Crown Prince repulsed after a supreme
effort to distinguish himself in the longest and bloodiest of all
the fearful combats that had yet occurred.

At the opening of the war England had an available force of England
less than a hundred thousand men, " a contemptible army," as scriptiorT'^'
the Kaiser is reported to have scornfully denominated it. Ger- ^^y, 1916
many, Russia, France, had their millions of trained men, owing
to their long-established system of universal military service, —
conscription, as it is called — which makes every able-bodied man
liable to service. For a time England tried to increase its army
by voluntary enlistments, and on the whole succeeded very well.
But after much discussion and opposition she introduced (May,
1 9 1 6 ) a system of universal compulsory military service, which in-
cluded all able-bodied men between the ages of 18 and 41. (The
limits were extended later to include men from 18 to 50 years
of age, with limited service also for those between 50 and 55.)

Shortly after, the long-talked-of Anglo-French drive, the Battle of the
Battle of the Somme, began, which was fought for four months, Nov^be" ^
from July to November, east and northeast of Amiens. Here a ^9^6
new English military invention made its first appearance, the so-
called " tanks," — huge heavily armored motor cars so built
as to break through barbed-wire entanglements and crawl over
great holes and trenches. The English had also their fifteen-inch

Xll

OntUiics of European History

mortars for hurling big shells. The Germans retreated a few
miles, but the cost was terrible, since each side lost six or seven
hundred thousand men in killed or wounded. •

While the Batde of Verdun was raging, the Italians, who had
made but little progress against the strong Austrian fortifica-
tions, were suddenly pushed back by a great Austrian drive in
May, 19 1 6. By the middle of June they had not only lost the
little they had gained but had been forced to evacuate some of their
o\\Ti territory. At this point the Russians, in spite of the loss
of Poland, attacked Austria once more and again threatened to
press into Hungar}-. So Austria had to give way in Italy in
order to defend her Galician boundary, and the Italians were
able not only to regain what they had lost but to capture the
important town of Goritz on their way. as they hoped, 'to Triest.

In spite of sacrificing, according to German reports, toward
two millions of men the Russians were unable to hold their
conquests, but their momentary success encouraged Roumania
to join in the war on the side of the Allies, who seemed to be
getting the better of the Central Powers. She invaded Transyl-
vania, which she had long claimed as properly hers. The
resourceful Germans, however, notwithstanding the pressure on
the Somme, sent two of their best generals and with the help
of the Bulgarians attacked Roumania from the west and south
and captured Bucharest, the capital, in December, 19 16. About
t\vo thirds of Roumania was soon in possession of her enemies,
and the Germans could supplement their supplies from her rich
fields of grain and abundant oil wells.

It is estimated that by January- i, 191 7, somewhere between
five and seven millions of men had been killed, and a far greater
number had been wounded or taken prisoner, Russia had lost
the greatest number, but France the greatest in proportion to her
population. Germany is supposed to have suffered about four
million casualties ; but owing to the excellently organized medical
care a great part of the wounded recover, and possibly not over
a million of her soldiers had at that time actually been killed.

The Great War xiii

For the first time in the histon- of war men have been able Aerial
to fly high above the contending forces, making obsen^ations ^ ^^
and engaging in aerial battles. Airplanes are now among the
essentials of war, and they bring new horrors in their train. The
Germans have made repeated air raids on England, apparently
with the foolish notion that they were going to intimidate the
people. They first used the huge dirigible balloons called
Zeppelins ; but these have now been replaced by airplanes of
various kinds. They have killed two or three thousand English
civilians — men, women, and children — in town and countr}-
and destroyed some propert}'. ^^'ithout accomplishing any im-
portant mUitar)' aims, they have increased their reputation for
needless brutalit)' and stirred the English to make reprisals.
English and French airmen have dropped bombs on the more
accessible German towns, Freiburg, Karlsruhe, and Mannheim,
killing and maiming a few score \ictims.

Section 120. The World agaix.st Germany, 191 7

Early in the year 19 17 Germany's submarine policy and Division of
reckless sinking of neutral ships final!}- involved her in war vAih u'niled sites
a new antagonist, the great and powerful republic across the
Atlantic. The government of the United States had been very-
patient and long-suffering. When the war broke out President
Wilson declared that the government would observe strict
neutralit}-, and he urged American citizens to avoid taking sides
in a conflict that did not directly concern them. But it was
impossible to remain indifi'erent when such tremendous events
were being reported day by day. The German newspapers in
the United States eagerly defended the Central Powers and
laid the responsibilit}- for the \\'2X at England's door. On the
other hand, the great body of the American people were deeply
shocked by the invasion of Belgium, by the burning of Louvain,
by the needless destruction of Rheims Cathedral by German
guns. They disliked the arrogant talk of the Kaiser, and they

XIV

Outlines of European History

felt a quick sympathy for France, who had lent such essential aid
in the American Revolution. Those of English descent naturally
found themselves drawn to her side in the great struggle.

So the bitter feelings engendered by war began to show
themselves immediately in the United States. German agents
and spies were everywhere active, eagerly misrepresenting the
motives of England and her allies and doing everything in their
power to prejudice the people of the United States against
Germany's foes. The German government stooped to the most
shameful expedients. It even sent to its ambassador, Count
von Bernstorff, funds with which to attempt to bribe Congress.
The minister of Austria-Hungary had to be sent off at the
opening of the war for informing his home government that
he had a plan for so disorganizing the great steel factories that
they would be unable for months to supply England and France
with arms and ammunition.^

As time went on President Wilson dispatched note after note
to Germany expostulating against the merciless and indiscrimi-
nate manner in which the submarines sent vessels to the bottom,
not only British ships, like the Lusifajiia, carrying American pas-
sengers but American ships and those of other neutral nations.
There was often no warning until the torpedo actually struck the
ship, and no sufficient time even to take to the lifeboats and
face the hazards of a troubled sea. The anger of those who had
no particular reason for loving Germany became hotter and hot-
ter, and President Wilson began to be denounced for tolerating
any diplom.atic relations with the German imperial government.

1 There was a very bitter difference of feeling between the pro-Germans and
the friends of the AUies in regard to the exportation of arms and munitions.
Since Germany had no way of getting supplies from the United States, owing to
the English control of the Atlantic, she maintained that it was unncidral for the
manufacturers in the United States to sell arms to the Allies. Yet it has always
been considered the right of neutrals to sell to any belligerent anything they
are in a position to furnish. When the Germans succeeded in getting a freight
submarine, the Deutschland^ over to New London, Connecticut, the captain found
people willing enough to sell warlike supplies to Germans. But the German
government's idea of "neutrality" is taking sides with it.

The Great War XV

In January, 19 17, England, in her eagerness to cut off all sup- intensifi-
plies from Germany, extended the area which she declared to be submarine
in a state of blockade. Germany then proclaimed to the world warfare, Feb-

ruary, 1917

that in order to make head against "British tyranny" and Eng-
land's alleged plan to starve Germany she proposed to establish
a vast barred zone extending far to the west of Great Britain,
in which sea traffic with England would be prevented by every
available means. In this way she flattered herself that England,
who draws much of her food from distant regions, would soon
be reduced to starvation and the war brought to a speedy end.
One of the most insulting features of Germany's plan was that
a narrow lane was to be left through which the United States
was to be permitted to send one ship a week provided it was
painted with bright stripes of color and carried no contraband.
By these measures Germany reserved a vast area of the high
seas for her murderous enterprises, utterly regardless of every
recognized right of neutral nations, (see map. p. xvi).

On February i, 19 17, the Germans opened their unrestricted The United
submarine warfare in this great barred zone, and many vessels relations with
were sunk. President Wilson broke off diplomatic relations' p^^™^"^'
with the German government February 3, and Count von 1917
Bernstorff was sent home, to the great relief of those who had
criticized the President for being too patient. The sinkings went
on, and popular opinion was more and more aroused against
Germany. The hostility was intensified by the publication of a
letter from the German minister of foreign affairs to the Mexi-
can government, which proposed that if war broke out between
the United States and Germany, Mexico should attack the
United States and should take Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona
as its reward.

President Wilson finally decided that war was unavoidable. The United
He summoned a special session of Congress and on April 2, chreswar
1917, read a memorable address to its members in which he April 6, 1917
said that Germany had to all intents and purposes declared war
on the United States. " Our object," he maintained, " is to

XVI

Outlines of European History

vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the
world, as against selfish and autocratic power." The free and
self-governed peoples of the world must combine, he urged, "to

German War Zone of February i, 191 7

Late in the year 1917 and early in 1918 the German government ex-
tended the barred zone so as to include the islands off the coast of
Africa, Madeira, the Cape Verde Islands, and the Azores, in order to
cut the routes between Europe and South America

make the world safe for democracy," for otherwise no perma-
nent peace is possible. He proposed that the United States
should fight side by side with Germany's enemies and aid them
with liberal loans. Both houses of Congress approved by large

The Great War xvii

majorities the proposed resolution that the United States had The United
been forced into war. Provisions were made for borrowing vast g[|lndc^^'"^
sums ; old forms of taxation were greatly increased and many preparations
new ones added. In May, 19 17, conscription was introduced,
and all able-bodied men between the ages of twenty-one and
thirty-one were declared liable to military service. Preparations
were made for training great bodies of troops to be sent across
the Atlantic to aid the cause of the Allies and measures taken
for building ships to replace those destroyed by German sub-
marines. The people of the United States showed themselves
eager to do their part in the war on autocracy and militarism.^

One result of the entrance of the United States into the war The conflict
was a great increase in the number of Germany's enemies wor?dwar^
during the year 1917. Cuba and Panama immediately follow^ed ^9^7
the example set by the great North American Republic ; Greece,
after much internal turmoil and dissension, finally, under the
influence of Venizelos, joined the Allies ; in the latter half of
the year Siam, Liberia, China, and Brazil proclaimed war on
Germany. The war had become literally a world conflict. The
governments of nearly a billion and a half of the earth's popula-
tion were involved in the amazing struggle. Thirteen hundred
and forty millions of people have been committed by their
rulers to the side of the Allies, whereas the countries included in
the Central European alliance have a total population of less
than one hundred and sixty millions. So nearly seven eighths '
of the population of the globe are nominally at war, and of
these nine tenths are arrayed against one tenth, led by Prussia.
Of course the vast population of India and China play a great
part in these figures but have little or no part in the active
prosecution of the war. And since the Russian revolution has

1 When the unrestricted submarine sinkings began February i, 1917, the
German newspapers informed their readers that England would speedily be
brought to her knees. But while hundreds of ships have been sunk thousands
come and go from English ports, managing in various ways to escape the
U-boats. Then by economy, raising more food, and building more ships England
is, with America's help, successfully offsetting the damage done by the Germans.
O2

XVlll

Outlines of European History

destroyed the old government, that country, with its millions
of inhabitants, appeared by the end of 1 9 1 7 to have fallen out
of the reckoning. Keeping these facts in mind, the following
tables will make the situation clear.

THE WORLD WAR AT THE OPENING OF 1918
The Allies and their Colonies and Dependencies

Country

Date of Entrance

Population

Men under Arms ^

igi4

Serbia ....

July 28

4,550,000

300,000

Russia ....

August I

175,000,000

9,000,000 2

France ....

August 3

87,500,000

6,000,000

Belgium . . .

August 4

22,500,000

300,000

British Empire .

August 4

440,000,000

5,000,000

Montenegro . .

August 7

5 1 6,000

40,000

Japan ....

August 23

74,000,000

1,400,000

Italy

May 23

37,000,000

3.000,000

San Marino . .

June 2
igib

12,000

1,000

Portugal . . .

March 10

I 5,000,000

200,000

Roumania . .

August 27
igij

7,500,000

320,000

United States .

April 6

113,000,000

i.ooo,ooo(?|

Cuba ....

April 8

2,500,000

11,000

Panama . . .

April 9

427,000

Greece ....

July 16

5,000,000

300,000

Siam

July 22

8,150,000

36,000

Liberia ....

August 7

1,800,000

400

China ....

August 14

320,000,000

540.000

Brazil ....

October 26

25.000,000

25,000

i'339>455'000

27,473,400

1 The population is only approximate and in round numbers. The strength
of the armies given is based on an estimate of the United States War Depart-
ment, October, 191 7.

- The Russian armies appeared at the e.?i.d of 191 7 to be in a state of com-
plete dissolution.

The G7'eat War

XIX

Central Powers, with Colonies and Dependencies
AT THE Opening of the War

Country

Date of Entrance

Population

Men under Arms

Austria-Hungary
Germany . . .
Turkey ....

igi4
July 28
August I
November 3

50,000,000
80,600,000
21,000,000

3,000,000

7,000,000

300,000

Bulgaria. . . .

October 4

5,000,000

300,000

•

1 56,600,000

10,600,000

As for the countries which have remained neutral, they include Position of

a population of perhaps one hundred and ninety millions. Hol-
land, Switzerland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden are far too
close to Germany to risk breaking with her, although it would
seem that many of their people abhor her conduct. Spain and
a number of Latin-American states, including Mexico and Chile,
have held aloof. But no country can escape the burdens and
afflictions of a war of such magnitude. Real neutrality is almost
impossible. Everywhere taxes and prices have risen, essential sup-
plies have been cut off, and business has been greatly dislocated.
In addition to the increase in Germany's enemies the chief
military events of 19 17 were the following: In March the
Germans decided to shorten their lines on the Western Front
from Noyon on the south to Arras on the north. They with-
drew, devastating the land as they went, and the French and
English were able to reoccupy about one eighth of the French
territory that the enemy had held so long. The Germans were
disturbed by fierce attacks while establishing their new line of
defense, but in spite of great sacrifices on the part of the
French and English, and especially of the Canadians, this
" Hindenburg " line was so well fortified that it held, and
with slight exceptions continued to hold during the year. The
English made some progress in forcing back the enemy on

the few
neutral
countries

The Western
Front, 191 7

Outlines of Eiiropean History

Russia out
of the war
by the end
of 1917

the Belgian coast, with the hope of gaining Zeebrugge, the
base from which German submarines make their departure to
prey on English commerce. Attempts to take St. Quentin, the
important mining town of Lens, and the city of Cambrai have
so far failed. But, at the time of writing, the terrible slaughter
goes on and tens of thousands are killed every week.

On the Eastern Front it will be remembered that the Russian
attack in the summer of 1 9 1 6 failed and that the Central Powers
got control of two thirds of Roumania. After the great Russian
revolution of March, 1917,^ in which the Tsar was deposed, the
new popular leader, Kerensky, made a last attempt to rally the
Russian armies, but his efforts came to naught. He was sup-
planted in November, 19 17, by the leaders of the extreme
socialists, the Bolsheviki,^ who were opposed to all war except
that on capital. They took immediate steps to open negotiations
with the Germans and their allies (see below, p. xxxv).

Grave prob-
lems ante-
dating the
war

Section 121. The Question of Peace

The war has rendered acute every chronic disease which
Europe had failed to remedy in the long period of general
peace. France had never given up hopes of regaining Alsace-
Lorraine, which had been wrested from her after the war of
1870-187 1. The Poles continued to aspire to appear on
the map as an independent nation. Both the northern Slavs
of Bohemia and the southern Slavs in Croatia, Bosnia, and
Slavonia were discontented with their relations to Austria-
Hungary, of which they formed a part. The Irredentists of
Italy had long laid claim to important coast lands belonging to
Austria. Serbia and Bulgaria w^ere bitterly at odds over the
arrangements made at the close of the Second Balkan War.^

1 See below, p. xxxii.

2 This name, meaning " majority men," was given to the faction at
an earlier time, when they constituted the majority of the Russian
socialists. It was at first wrongly explained in the American press as
" those who want more," and mistranslated " Maximalists."

3 See above, pp. 590 and 691.

"Middle Europe," under the Control of the Teutonic
Allies at the End of 191 7

xxii Outlines of Europe mi History

Roumania longed for Transylvania and Bukowina. Then there
were the old questions as to whether Russia should have Con-
stantinople, what was to be done with the remaining vestiges
of the Turkish empire, and who was to control Syria and
Mesopotamia. In the far East, Japan's interests in China offered
an unsolved problem. The Germans emphasize the necessity of
meeting the discontent with British rule in India and Ireland.

New prob- The progress of the war added new territorial perplexities.

thTwar^ ° The Central Powers at the end of. 19 17 were in military pos-
session of Belgium, Luxemburg, Northeastern France, Poland,
Lithuania, Courland, Serbia, Montenegro, and Roumania (see
map, p. xxi). Great Britain had captured Bagdad and Jerusalem.
In Africa all the German colonies were in the hands of her
enemies, and in Australasia her possessions had been taken
over by Japan and Australia. Are all these regions conquered
by one or the other of the belligerent groups to be given back
or not .'' Then what about Belgium, whose people have been
mulcted and abused and pillaged by their conquerors ; and
what of northeastern France wantonly devastated? Was not
reparation due to these unhappy victims of the war?

War on war But all these questions seem of minor importance compared

with the overwhelming world problem. How shall mankind
conspire to put an end to war forever? The world of to-day,
compared with that of Napoleon's time, when the last great
international struggle took place, is so small, the nations have
been brought so close together, they are so dependent on one
another, that it would seem as if the time had come to join in
a last, victorious war on war. It required a month or more to .
cross the Atlantic in 1815 ; now less than six days are neces-
sary, and airplanes may soon be soaring above its waves far
swifter than any steamer. Formerly the oceans were great bar-
riers separating America from Europe, and the Orient from
America; but, like the ancient bulwarks around medieval
cities, they have now become highways on which men of all
nations hasten to and fro. Before the war, express trains were

The Great War xxiii

regularly traversing Europe from end to end at a speed of forty
to fifty miles an hour, and the automobile vies with the locomo-
tive in speed ; whereas at the time of the Congress of Vienna
no one could get about faster than a horse could travel. The'
telegraph and telephone enable news to be flashed to the most
distant parts of the earth more quickly than Louis XVIII could
send a message from one part of Paris to another. The wire-
less apparatus keeps vessels, no matter how far out at sea, in
constant touch with the land.

Nations depend on one another for food, clothes, and every interdepend
sort of necessity and refinement. Britain has hoped to end the nations
war by cutting off Germany from her usual communication with
other countries ; and Germany has flattered herself she could
starve England by sinking the thousands of vessels which supply
her tables with bread and meat. Even the rumor of war upsets
the stock exchanges throughout the world. Nations read one an-
other's books, profit by one another's scientific discoveries and
inventions, and go to one anotner's plays. Germans, Italians,
French, and Russians contribute to musical programs listened
to in New York, Valparaiso, or Sydney. We continue to talk of
indepe7ide7it nations ; but only a few isolated, squalid savage
tribes can be said any longer to be independent of other peoples.
In an ever-increasing degree America is a part of Europe and
Europe a part of America; and their histories tend to merge
into the history of the whole world.

The war has only greatly emphasized all these things, which international
were being recognized in the previous quarter of a century. The ancTenter-^
Hague conferences, the establishment of the Hague interna- [J^g^^ar^^^*^^
tional tribunal, the various arbitration treaties, had all been
directed toward the suppression of the ancient plague of war.
International arrangements in regard to coinage, postal service,
commerce, and transportation had encouraged good understand-
ing and cooperation. Innumerable international societies, con-
gresses, and expositions had brought foreign peoples together
and illustrated their manifold common interests.

XXIV

Outlines of European History

Cost of pre-
paredness
greatly in-
creased by
recent inven-
tions

Issue of

" militarism "

fundamental

The German
claim to a
natural su-
periority and
supremacy

The old problem of armaments, the possibility of getting rid
of the crushing burden and constant peril of vast standing
armies and the competition in dreadnaughts and cruisers, has
assumed a somewhat new form. The nations now in the thick
of war will come out either bankrupt or with unparalleled finan-
cial obligations. At the same time the progress of the deadly
art of killing one's fellow men has advanced so rapidly, with
the aid of scientific discovery and the stress of war, that what
was considered adequate military preparedness before the war
will seem absurdly inadequate after its close. Giant guns, air
craft, " tanks," and poisonous gases have, among other things,
been added to the older devices of destruction, and the sub-
marine suggests a complete revolution in naval strategy. So
there is some hope in the fact that no nation can longer afford
the luxury of military preparedness.

The great issue of the war is really " militarism," which in-
cludes two closely associated problems : first, shall diplomats be
permitted any longer to carry on secret negotiations and pledge
their respective nations to secret agreements which may involve
war ? and, secondly, shall a government be permitted to declare
war without the approval of the great mass of its citizens?
Now those opposed to Germany are all in hearty agreement in re-
garding her as representing the most dangerous form of militar-
ism, which has plunged the whole world into a horrible war
and will, unless destroyed, remain a constant menace to future
peace. Let us first see how the Germans seem to view their
own institutions and ideals and then we shall be in a better posi-
tion to understand the attitude of their adversaries.

The Germans have been taught, during the past hundred years,
by their philosophers, teachers, clergymen, and government offi-
cials to regard themselves as the leading nation of the world.
Their natural ability, virtue, insight, and prowess, they are told,
far exceed those of all other peoples. They are taught that the
Russians are barbarians ; the Italians, and more especially the
French, decadent Latin races, whose vices should be abhorred

The Great War xxv

by all right-minded Germans. As for the English, although
racially akin to the Germans, they are represented as hypo-
crites, who disguise their selfish commercial enterprises under
the cloak of religion and humanity, and who have piratically
seized all the choice spots of the earth while Germany was
absorbed in establishing her national unity.

Germany alleges that her peculiar civilization makes her the The German
rightful ruler and guide of mankind ; but she is, she contends, of^j'^4 Smy^
held within narrow geographical limits by the jealous intrigues
of neighboring nations. The Russian hordes threaten her on
the east, and the French cry out for revenge on her for rein-
corporating Alsace-Lorraine into the German Empire, to which,
she argues, it historically belongs. The British seek to frustrate
Germany's colonial expansion. Surrounded by enemies, the
Germans must have an invincible army, the primary purpose
of which is to protect the Fatherland from those unscrupulous
neighbors who in previous centuries made Germany, disunited
and helpless, their battleground. Moreover, the power of an
unconquerable army, and of the new navy William II had
developed, might, when the right moment came,^ be used to
extend Germany's confined limits, reduce the naval insolence
of England, assure Germany a " place in the sun," and enable
her to spread her beneficent Kultiir among peoples whom she
was naturally so well qualified to rule for their own good."-^

Nevertheless it is not easy to make the Germans admit that Germans re-
they are "militaristic." They claim to be a peace-loving people ptlJadon'S"
with a peace-loving emperor who has done everything to avoid militarism
war ! The army is an essential part of their national constitu-
tion, they maintain. It is " the people in arms " {Das Folk in

1 German officers were accustomed to drink to this future moment as '•'■ The
Xi2.y-\Der Tag).

■^ One of Germany's most influential historians, Treitschke, says : " Depth of
conviction, ideaHsm, universaHty, the power to look beyond the limits of a finite
existence, to sympathize with all that is human, to traverse the realm of ideas
in companionship with the noblest of all nations and ages — this has been
extolled as the prerogative of German civilization." Quoted by Bemhardi, The
Next War, p. 74.

XXVI

Outlines of European History

Waffeti). Unqualified obedience and deference to military
authorities is part and parcel of their bounden duty to the
State. " To us," a German scholar writes, " the State is the
most indispensable as well as the highest requisite to our
earthly existence." No interest of the individual subject must
be allowed to conflict with its claims, since it "is of infinitely
more value than the sum of all the individuals within its
jurisdiction."^

The visible head of the State, the king of Prussia as em-
peror of Germany, demands the absolute fidelity of every
German. He is descended from the Hohenzollem line under
which first Prussia and then the German Empire have been
laboriously built up, under the Great Elector, Frederick the
Great, Kaiser William I, and William II. At the opening of
the war William II is reported to have said to the Army
of the East : " Remember you are the chosen people. The
spirit of the Lord has descended upon me because I am Em-
peror of the Germans. I am the instrument of the Almighty ;
I am his sword, his agent. Woe and death to all those who
shall oppose my will. Woe and death to those who do not
believe in me."

These are the officially accepted views in regard to the
German nation, the German State, the German army, and the
German Kaiser. Those who, before the war, indiscreetly ques-
tioned the claims of the Kaiser frequently found themselves
imprisoned for lese majesty, the crime of insulting " The All-
Highest." Since the war began, the popularity of the Kaiser
appears to have greatly increased ; but it is impossible to say
whether the socialists and other critics of the government
have really changed their opinion of the Hohenzollern rule or
are merely keeping still from patriotic and prudential motives.

1 Eduard Meyer, a well-known historian. He adds, " This conception of the
State, which is as much a part of our life as is the blood in our veins, is nowhere
to be found in the English Constitution, and is quite foreign to English thought,
and to that of America as well." Quoted by Veblen, On the Nature of Peacey
p. 86 n.

The Great War xxvii

There can be no doubt that the great landholders of Prussia^
and the military class are as ardent supporters of the ancient
monarchy as they have ever been.

When the war broke out the Germans and their "peace- Germans de-
loving " emperor assumed no responsibility for it. The Kaiser f JfrcecTup^n^
declared that his enemies had forced the sword into his reluctant ^^^"^
hand. An appeal " To the Civilized World," signed by ninety-
three of Germany's most distinguished representatives of art,
literature, and science, was sent out w^arning mankind that
Germany's enemies were seeking to stain her honor "in her
hard struggle for existence" by lies and calumnies; that "not
till a numerical superiority, which had been lying in wait on the
frontiers, assailed us did the whole nation rise as a man " ; that
Belgium was not invaded until it was proved that she had
agreed to allow England and France to pass through her terri-
tory ; that Germany's enemies were not combating her " so-
called " militarism, as they hypocritically pretended, but her
very civilization. And it seems probable that the signers
accepted all this as true, for their government had so repre-
sented the case, and they were bound by German loyalty to
believe what their officials told them.

German clergymen assured their flocks that "Our enemies The pastors'
envy us our freedom, our power to do our work in peace, to
excel in virtue of our ability, to fulfil our appointed task for the
good of the world and humanity, to heal the world by the
German spirit." ^ Another pastor said that " Germany has

1 These are popularly known as the Junkers (pronounced "yoonkers"), or
country squires. They are the successors of the manorial lords who controlled
the land until the abolition of serfdom in Prussia at the opening of the nine-
teenth century. They do not confine themselves to agriculture but invest their
money in industries and so merge into the capitalistic class.

2 One of the most oft-quoted sentiments in Germany since the war began is
contained in the lines of the patriotic poet Geibel (d. 1884) :

Und es mag am deutschen Wesen
Einmal noch die Welt genesen,

which, being translated, means " Once again the world may be healed by the
German nature."

views

xxviii Outlines of Europea?i History

never made war from unclean, immoral motives. I regard it as
absolutely the fundamental feature of German character, this
passionate love of right, of justice, of morality. This is some-
thing that the other nations do not have." Others boldly claimed
that Germany was " God's seed corn for the future " and that
she was engaged *' in defending God against the world." ^
View of It is needless to say that the rest of the world entertains a very

tak^bT different notion of the Germans and of the origin of the war
other peoples £j-qj^ ^]-j^I- jyg|- gfyen. It is generally recognized that Germany
has been in some respects a progressive country ; that its scien-
tists and scholars have played their part in modem investigation
and discovery. But other nations have made vast contributions
too in all the sciences, and in ingenious inventions, literature,
and art other peoples outshine the Germans.
Ruthlessness Before the war the utterances of the Kaiser and his talk
militarism about his German God merely amused or disgusted foreigners.
The plans of the Pan-Germanists were known to few, but a
book by the German general, Bernhardi, called Germany and
the Next War, which appeared in 191 1, made clear their
program. " We must not," Bernhardi says, " hold back in the
hard struggle for the sovereignty of the world." ^ France and
England had grown increasingly fearful of German power, but
nevertheless the war came as a hideous surprise to even the
best informed people. Everyone knew that Germany had the
strongest and best organized and equipped army in Europe, but
when it was suddenly hurled against Belgium, in August, 19 14,
the world was aghast. The spoliation of Belgium, the shooting
down of civilians, the notorious atrocities of the German sol-
diers, the cold-blooded instructions to the officers to intimidate
the civil population by examples of cruel punishments {Schreck-
lichkeit), the scandalous and criminal activities of German spies,
the ruthless submarines, the slaughter of noncombatants in the

1 An interesting collection of published war sermons, called Hurrah and
Hallelujah (the title of one German clergyman's book), has been issued by a
Danish minister, J. P. Bang. 2 English translation, p. 79.

The Great War xxix

air raids over England, the destruction of the noble cathedral
of Rheims by German gunners, the " Song of Hate " in which
a German poet summoned his fellow countrymen to execrate
England with undying animosity — all these things have com-
bined to produce world-wide horror and apprehension. To
their adversaries the Germans, so righteous, so peace-loving, so
favored of God I as they seem to themselves, are " Huns " led
by a modem Attila,-^ ready to deluge the world in blood in order
to realize the dream of world domination.

The fatal readiness of the German military force for instant " Militarism "
action has also been thoroughly impressed on the world. The racy"
Kaiser has but to say, ''the country is attacked," — and he is
the judge of what constitutes an attack, — posters will appear
everywhere ordering those liable to service to be at a certain
railroad station at a given hour, under penalty of imprison-
ment or death, to be dispatched anywhere the general staff
orders. When mobilization is proclaimed, the civil government
immediately gives way to military rule throughout the length
and breadth of the land. At the opening of August the Ger-
man people knew that they were going to war with Russia;
but the soldiers sent to the Belgian boundary had no idea
where they were going. This is what the world calls militarism
and autocracy.

The great difficulty of reestablishing peace between the two Germany's
great hostile alliances is well brought out in the various peace DecembeV
suggestions made during the third year of the war. In Decern- ^^^6
ber, 19 1 6, after the Central Powers had occupied Poland,

1 When a German expedition was starting for China in July, 1900, after the
Boxers had killed the German ambassador, the Kaiser addressed the troops as
follows : " You know very well that you are to fight against a cunning, brave,
well-armed and terrible enemy. If you come to grips with him, be assured quar-
ter will not be given. Use your weapons in such a way that for a thousand years
no Chinese shall dare to look upon a German askance. Be as terrible as Attila's
Huns." While the last sentence was deleted in the later ofiRcial issues of the
speech, the public did not forget the impressions they got from the Kaiser's
exhortation to act like H7cns. And the German soldiers by no means neglected
his suggestions when they reached Peking.

XXX

Outlines of Enropeaji History

President
Wilson's
peace sug-
gestions,
December 1 8,
1916

Aims of the
Allies,
January, 19 17

Serbia, and Roumania, and Germany seemed to be victorious
on all hands, she made what she called a peace offer. She pro-
posed that the belligerents send representatives to some point
in a neutral country to consider the terms of settlement. The
German government must have known well enough that the
Allies could not possibly consider making peace at a time when
their enemies were at the height of military success. The prop-
osition was scornfully rejected, but it served in German eyes to
throw the burden for continuing the fearful conflict upon the
Allies. Whoever might have been responsible for beginning the
war, Germany had been the first to propose to end it. The
Kaiser could say exultantly that the Allies had at last cast off the
mask of hypocrisy and plainly revealed their " lust of conquest."
The refusal of their adversaries to consider peace also furnished
an excuse for a resort to the unrestricted and brutal submarine
warfare which Germany was contemplating. She argued that
if her enemies really proposed to " crush " Germany, no means
of self-defense on her part could be too ruthless.

Before the Allies had replied to the German peace suggestion
President Wilson intervened (December 18) with a circular note
sent to the belligerents, calling attention to the fact that both
sides seemed to agree that there should be a league for main-
taining peace, and small states should be protected, but neither
side, he said, had stated the " concrete objects " for which they
were fighting. He accordingly suggested a conference on the
essential conditions of peace. Germany expressed herself as
ready for a meeting of delegates to consider peace terms. The
Allies, however, received the proposition coldly and declined
to negotiate, but went so far in replying to President Wilson,
January 10, 191 7, as to define the oft-used terms " restoration,"
" restitution," and " guarantees."

The Central Powers were to evacuate all the regions they
had conquered during the course of the war ; indemnities were
to be paid for damage and loss caused by the war ; moreover
" provinces or territories wrested in the past from the Allies by

The Great War xxxi

force or against the will of their populations " were to be re-
turned. The principle of nationality was to be recognized, and
the Italians, southern and northern Slavs, and Roumanians were
to be freed from foreign domination ; the populations subject
to " the bloody tyranny of the Turks " were to be liberated and
the Turk expelled altogether from Europe. Poland was to be
united under the sovereignty of the Tsar. Finally, the " reorgan-
ization of Europe was to be guaranteed by a stable regime."
As for the German colonies, high officials in both England and
Japan said that they would be retained by their conquerors.

This meant that the Central Powers should acknowledge The terms of
their guilt and pay for the damage they had done; that pear'^ibsurT

Germany should give up Alsace-Lorraine, Austria-Hungary to their

. ^ ■' adversaries

should make serious concessions to meet " the principle of

nationality," Bulgaria should give up her dreams of annexing

Serbian territor}', and Turkey should leave Europe and lose

control over her Asiatic peoples. In view of the extraordinary

military achievements of the Central Powers and Germany's

claim to have been acting from the first in sheer self-defense,

these conditions were immediately condemned by the Teutonic

allies as intolerable and ludicrous.

On January 22, 19 17, President Wilson, in addressing the President

Senate, said that peace must, among other things, provide for essentials of

equality of right for both great and small nations, security for P^^^^'

subject "peoples," direct outlet to the sea for every great 1917

people, " freedom of the seas," ^ and limitation of armaments.

1 In time of peace the high seas — that is, the ocean outside of the three-mile
limit drawn along the coast — are free to all and are not supposed to be under
the control of any particular government. It is in time of war that the question
of " the freedom of the seas" arises. England was in a position at the opening
of the war to cut off Germany's maritime commerce. By way of reprisal Ger-
many established vast barred zones, in which she has sunk not only her enemies'
vessels but those of neutrals which ventured to neglect her warnings. So the
ocean has been anything but free during the conflict. Another element in the
freedom of the seas is the control of such narrow passages as the Dardanelles,
the Straits of Gibraltar, the Suez and Panama Canals, and the entrances to the
Baltic. It is hard to imagine any arrangement that will keep the seas open and
safe so long as wars continue to take place among maritime powers.

XXXll

Outlines of Eicropean History

Principle of
Democracy

Armaments

constant

menace

The Russian
revolu-
tion, March,
1917

The Tsar
attempts a
reaction,
December-
March, 19 16-
1917

" Dark
forces "

" No peace can last," he declared, " or ought to last, which does
not recognize and accept the principle that governments derive
all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that
no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty
to sovereignty as if they were property."

" There can be no sense of safety and equality among the
nations if great preponderating armaments are henceforth to
continue here and there to be built up and maintained. The
statesmen of the world must plan for peace, and nations must
adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned
for war and made ready for pitiless contest and rivalry. The
question of armaments, whether on land or sea, is the most
immediately and intensely practical question connected with the
future fortunes of nations and of mankind."

In March, 19 17, one of the chief belligerent countries, Russia,
underwent such a great internal change as greatly to modify the
course of the war and the problem of peace. We must now con-
sider the astonishing revolution which led to the overthrow of the
old Russian despotism and the retirement of Russia from the war.

The world conflict had hardly opened in 19 14 before it
revealed the corruption, the weakness, the inefficiency, indeed
the treason, of the Tsar's court and his imperial officials. The
millions of Russians who perished in the trenches of the Eastern
Front in vain endeavors to advance into Germany and Austria-
Hungary or to stem the tide of German invasion were ill sup-
ported by their government. The Duma became unmanageable,
and in December, 19 16, it passed a resolution declaring that
" dark forces " were paralyzing the government and betraying
the nation's interests. This referred especially to the German wife
of the Tsar, and the reactionary influence exercised over her and
at court by a monk named Rasputin, who opposed every modern
reform. He was murdered, and the angry Tsar proceeded to dis-
miss the liberals from the government and replace them by the
most unpopular bureaucrats he could find. He seemed to be
declaring war on every liberal movement and reverting to the

The Great War xxxiii

methods of Nicholas I. Meantime the country was becoming more
and more disorganized. There was a distressing scarcity of food in
the cities and a growing repugnance to the continuance of the war.

Bread riots broke out in Petrograd^ in March, 19 17, but the Outbreak of
troops refused to fire on the people, and the Tsar's government JioV^^° ""
found itself helpless. When ordered to adjourn, the Duma defied
the Tsar and ordered the establishment of a provisional govern-
ment. The Tsar, hastening back to Petrograd from the front, was
stopped at Pskov by representatives of the new provisional gov-
ernment on March 15, 19 17, and induced to sign his own and
his son's abdication in favor of his brother, Grand Duke Michael.
But Michael refused the honor unless it were authorized by a
constitutional assembly ; this amounted to an abdication of the
Romanoffs, who had ruled Russia for more than three centuries.
There was no longer any such thing in the world as " the autocrat
of all the Russias." The Tsar's relatives renounced their rights,
his high officials were imprisoned in the very fortress of Peter and
Paul where they had sent so many revolutionists, and political
prisoners in Russia and Siberia received the joyous tidings that
they were free. The world viewed with astonishment this abrupt
and complete collapse of the ancient system of tyranny.

A revolutionary cabinet was formed of men of moderate views The moder-
on the whole, but Alexander Kerensky, a socialist and repre- toThe^mod?^
sentative of the Workingmen's and Soldiers' Council, was made
minister of justice. The new cabinet declared itself in favor of
many reforms, such as liberty of speech and of the press ; the
right to strike ; the substitution of militia for the old police ;
universal suffrage, including women. But the socialists were
not content, and through their Council of Workingmen's and
Soldiers' Delegates began to exercise great power. Large
incomes were taxed 60 per cent ; a state coal monopoly was
established ; it was proposed to have the government manufac-
ture and supply the food and clothing where there was a

1 The name of the Russian capital was changed from its German form,
St. Petersburg, to Petrograd at the opening of the war.
O2

erate social-
ists

xxxiv Outlines of European History

shortage ; in Petrograd the six-hour day was introduced into
one hundred and forty factories. By July, 191 7, all the more
moderate members of the provisional government had been
forced out and their places taken by socialists. The con-
gress of Workingmen's and Soldiers' Delegates and the na-
Kerensky tional Peasants' Congress chose Kerensky as dictator, July 23.
juiy^ 1917 Opposed on one hand by the reactionaries, on the other by
the extreme socialists, or Bolsheviki, Kerensky declared that
if necessary Russia must be beaten into unity " by blood and
iron." Kerensky had earlier made a desperate attempt to
lead the flagging Russian troops to victory, but as time went
on the demand for immediate peace "without annexations or
indemnities " became louder and louder.
The Pope's On August i , Pope Benedict XV sent forth a peace message

sage^ancT i^i which he urged Christendom to cease from its fratricidal car-
President nage, lay down its arms, and revert in general to the status quo
reply, August, a?ite. This was answered by President Wilson (August 27). He
maintained that no peace was possible with the existing irrespon-
sible government of Germany. " This power is not the German
people. It is the ruthless master of the German people. . . . We
cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany as a guar-
antee of anything that is to endure, unless explicitly supported by
such conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the German
people themselves as the other peoples of the world would be
justified in accepting. Without such guarantees for disarmament,
covenants to set up arbitration in the place of war, territorial
adjustments, reconstitution of small nations, if made with the
German government, no man, no nation could now depend on."
President's In his message on the opening of Congress, December 4, 1 9 1 7 ,

December, President Wilson was still clearer ': " The people of Germany
'9^^ are being told by the men whom they now permit to deceive

them and to act as their masters that they are fighting for the
very life and existence of their Empire, a war of desperate self-
defense against deliberate aggression. Nothing could be more
grossly or wantonly false, and we must seek by the utmost

The Great War

XXXV

openness and candor as to our real aims to convince them of
its falseness. We are in fact fighting for their emancipation from
fear ... of unjust attack by neighbors, or rivals or schemers
after world empire. No one is threatening the existence or
independence or the peaceful enterprise of the German Empire.
. . . We intend no wrong against the German Empire, no interfer-
ence with her internal affairs." Lloyd George reiterated this last
sentiment in a speech before the House of Commons.

Germany's leaders, in order to keep up the war spirit, con-
stantly proclaim that the sole aim of the Allies is to " crush "
the fatherland. But it is the German militaristic government
that must be crushed by forcing Germany so far to alter her
system as to secure democratic control of the power to declare
war ; in other respects she may go her own way.

The kaiser's reply may be gathered from his address to the
soldiers of the Western Front, December 22, 191 7 : " The year
19 1 7 has proved that the German people has in the Lord of
Creation above an unconditional and avowed ally on whom it
can absolutely rely. ... If the enemy does not want peace, we
must bring peace by battering down with the mailed fist and
shining sword the portals of those who will not have peace ! "

At the very end of 19 17 peace negotiations were opened
between representatives of the " Quadruple Alliance " — Ger-
many, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, and Turkey — and the repre-
sentatives of the Bolsheviki, who had control at that time of the
Soviets, or local assemblies that sprang up throughout Russia after
the disappearance of the old autocratic government of the Tsar.
They met at Brest-Litovsk, on the eastern Polish boundary, late
in December. The Russian delegation submitted their program
of no annexations and no indemnities, and complained that the
Teutonic allies did not express themselves clearly in regard
to the evacuation of Russian territory and reestablishing the
violated rights of small and oppressed nationalities.

But the Bolsheviki were helpless in the face of the German
demands. Finland and the Ukraine, which comprises a great

Attitude of
the Germans
and their
kaiser

Peace con-
ference at
Brest-
Litovsk, De-
cember, 1917

xxxvi Ontlines of European History

part of southern Russia, declared themselves independent, and
established governments of their own, under German influence,
it is supposed. So on March 3, 19 18, the representatives of
the Bolsheviki concluded a peace v^^ith the Central Powers in
which they agreed to " evacuate " the Ukraine and Finland, and
surrendered Poland, Lithuania, Courland, Livonia, and certain
districts in the Caucasus (see map, p. v), all of which were
to exercise the right of establishing such government as they
pleased. Shortly after, the capital of Russia was transferred
from Petrograd to Moscow. The result is that Russia has been
dismembered, and all the western and southern regions are,
for the time being, under the strong influence of the Germans.
Whether this disruption will prove permanent no one can say. A
new problem has been added to the overwhelming perplexities of
the situation, namely, the question of the restoration of Russia.
It is estimated that by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk Russia
has lost about a third of her population, a third of her railways,
nearly three fourths of her iron mines, about 90 per cent of
her coal mines, and her chief industrial towns and richest fields.
President On January 8, 19 18, President Wilson stated a program of

teen pofnts"^' ^^^^^ pcace which embraced fourteen points. The chief of these
January 8, were no secret international understandings or treaties ; absolute
freedom of navigation in peace and war, except when portions
of the sea might be closed by international understanding ; re-
moval of economic barriers and reduction of armaments ; impar-
tial adjustment of all colonial claims ; restoration of Belgium and
evacuation of territories occupied by Teutonic allies during the
war; righting of the wrong done to France when Alsace-Lorraine
was seized by Germany; freeing of Asiatic dependencies of
Turkey ; and the formation of a general association of nations
for the purpose of insuring the independence of great and
small states alike. This program was heartily and unreservedly
approved by the representatives of the English workingmen,
and makes clearer than any previous declaration the purposes
of the world alliance against Germany.

The Great War xxxvii

On March 21, 19 18, the Germans began a great drive on the whytheGer-
Western Front with the hope of gaining a decisive victory and ^speedy*^
forcing the Allies to sue for peace. Germany was in a hurry, decision
for she knew that her U-boat war was not bringing England
to her knees, that the United States troops were beginning to
arrive in ever-increasing numbers, and that the German plans
for getting supplies from Russia were meeting with little suc-
cess. Moreover, the German people were undergoing all sorts
of bitter hardships, and might at any time begin to complain
that the final victory which the Kaiser had been promising from
the first was long in coming.

The southern and eastern portion of the Western Front The German
was held by French armies, the northern line by the British, begirisj '^^
Hindenburg and the other German generals decided to strike March 21
at the southernmost of the British armies, in the region of the
Somme. If they could defeat it, they would thereby separate
the French and British and so prevent their helping one another.
For several days the Germans were victorious and were able
to push back the British almost to Amiens. But the French
rushed to the aid of their allies ; the drive was checked and
Amiens, with its important railroad connections, was saved. No
previous conflict of the war had been so terrible as this, and
it is supposed that over four hundred thousand men were killed,
wounded, or captured. The Germans, however, only regained
the devastated territory from which they had retired a year
before, and their fierce efforts to advance further failed.

The grave danger in which the Allies found themselves finally Foch made
convinced them that their safety lay in putting all their forces jn chief of
— French, British, Italian, and the newly arriving troops from
America — under a single commander in chief. All agreed that
the French general, Ferdinand Foch, was the most likely to
lead them all to victory ; and their confidence proved justified,
for before long matters began to mend.

Every one knew that the Germans would soon make a second
drive somewhere on the long front of one hundred and fifty

the Allied
Armies

XXXVlll

OiUlmes of European History

Efforts of the
Germans to
reach Calais
and Paris

Rapid Ger-
man retreat
during July
and August,
1918

Strength of
the Allies

miles, but at what point the Allies could only conjecture. The
new blow came April 9, when the Kaiser's armies attempted to
break through the British defenses between Arras and Ypres,
with the intention of reaching Calais and the English Channel.
The suspense was tense for a time, but after retreating a few
miles the British made a stand and were ordered by their com-
mander to die if necessary at their posts. This checked the
second effort of the Germans to break through. In the latter
part of May the German armies attempted a third great attack,
this time in the direction of Paris. They took Soissons and
Chateau-Thierry, which brought them within about forty miles
of the French capital. In June they made a feebler effort to
extend to the south the territory gained in the first drive. Here
they were opposed for the first time by the American troops,
who fought with great bravery and ardor. And here the German
successes came to an end.

During the following weeks the Germans lost tens of thou-
sands of men in minor engagements, and finally, on July 15,
19 18, made a final great effort to take Rheims and force their
way to Paris, but this drive was speedily turned into a retreat.
The French, supported by the fresh American troops, of whom
no less than a million were then in France, began steadily to
push back the enemy toward the Aisne River. Then the British
began an offensive on the Somme, east and south of Amiens.
At the time this history is brought to an end the Germans are
retreating as fast as they can to their old Hindenburg line of
19 1 7. One hundred and twenty thousand prisoners were cap-
tured by the Allies during July and August ; two thousand
cannon and vast military supplies were left behind by the
enemy as they hastily withdrew.

At the end of August, 19 18, there were many things which
served to cheer the Allies and at the same time filled the Ger-
mans with the deepest apprehensions. Under their new and
skillful commander in chief, Foch, the Allies had turned a loudly
heralded German '' peace drive " into an unmistakable retreat.

The Great War xxxix

They had succeeded in taking the offensive, and pushed the
enemy back so persistently that he had no time to dig himself
in or even carry off his supplies. The oncoming American
troops, which were steadily streaming across the x\tlantic,
brought new hope"; for they were fresh and brave and full of
enthusiasm, and they were supported by a great and rich coun-
try, which had thrown all its well-nigh inexhaustible resources
on the side of the Allies against Prussianism. Finally, the Allies
enjoyed the assurance that they were fighting not only for the
safety of their own particular country but for the peace and
freedom of the world.

The Germans, on the other hand, began to see that they had Causes of
been grossly deceived by their leaders. The wicked use of depression
U-boats had not brought England to her knees, but had roused
a new and mighty enemy across the Atlantic, whose armies
found themselves able to cross the ocean in spite of Germany's
submarines. The Germans had forced shameful treaties upon
the former Russian provinces, with the purpose of making the
poor, demoralized, and famine-stricken people help support the
German armies. This plan had failed to bring relief. Germany's
commerce was ruined, her reputation lost, her national debt
tremendous, with no hope of forcing her enemies to pay the
costs of the war. She had no real friends and faced a world-
coalition which was united in a common abhorrence of her
policy and aims.

As an English statesman (Lord Hugh Cecil) has said, " The The war now
war is now a crusade. We fight to overthrow a principle, stamp ^ *^^"^^ ^
out a moral disease, extirpate an abomination. The war is no
longer one between two groups of nations. It is the civilized
world fighting to chastise rebels against its fundamental laws.
. . . The war must be fought until it ends with the submission
of Germany. By submission I do not in the least mean destruc-
tion. . . . We do not seek to destroy Germany, but we seek
to force the Germans to recognize that they have been defeated
and to submit to the authority of a world stronger than they.

xl Outlines of European History

Moloch must be humiliated in the sight of all his votaries if
they are to accept a purer faith." This would be accepted by
all loyal Americans and their leaders in Washington as a true
statement of the great aim of this war on war.

Our country has rightly been summoned to take up its part
of the burden of conflict which the Allies have borne for four
bitter years, and it is facing its obligations bravely and cheerfully
and will make all the great sacrifices necessary to bring the
struggle to a victorious end.

The Great War xli

SOME SUGGESTIONS IN REGARD TO THE BOOKS

DEALING WITH THE ORIGIN AND ISSUES OF THE

GREAT WAR

The United States Committee on Public Information distributes
(free, except the last mentioned) the following valuable pamphlets :

Hoiv the War came to America.

The President's Flag-Day Speech with Evidence of Germany''s
Pla?ts.

Conquest and^ Kiiltur. Ai^ns of the Germans in their Own
Words, edited by Notestein and Stoll.

Ge7'jnafi War Practices, edited by D. C. Munro, Sellery, and
Krey.

The War Message and Facts behind it.

The Go7Jerninent of Ger77tany, by C. D. Hazen.

The Great War: fvm Spectator to Participant, by A. C.
McLaughlin.

A7nerica7i Literest i7i Popular Gover7t7nent Abroad, by E. B.
Greene.

War Cyclopcedia. A very valuable work of reference. 25 cents.

For the conditions which led up to the Great War see H. A. Gib-
bons, The New Map of Europe, igii-igi4 : the Story of the
Rece7it Diplo77tatic Crises arid Wars a7td of Eu7'ope^s Present Catas-
t7vphe. Admirable account of the chief international issues before
the War, especially of the Balkan troubles. A more general intro-
duction will be found in Carlton J. H. Hayes, A Political a7id
Social History of Moder7t Etwope, Vol. II, 191 6, dealing with
Europe since 181 5 and giving excellent bibliographies, especially
pp. 719 sqq. Arthur Bullard, The Diplo77iacy of the Great
War, deals in a sprighdy manner with the negodations preceding
the conflict. C. Seymour, The Diplo77iatic Backgrotmd of the
War, 1 91 6. J. H. Rose, The Origi7is of the War, 191 4, from
the standpoint of an Englishman. W. S. Davis, The Roots of the
^'^' , from an American point of view. These may be compared
with Edmund von Mach, Ger7nany''s Point of View, an attempt to
justify Germany's policy in American eyes. A very full treatment of

xlii Outlines of European History

international affairs will be found in E. C. Stowell, The Diplomacy
of the War of I gi 4^ Vol. I, 1916.

The following give extracts from German writers illustrating the
attitude of the Germans toward themselves and others: Out of
their Own Mouths, 191 7; Getns (?) of German Thought, edited
by William Archer, 191 7; and Hurrah and Hallelujah, by
J. P. Bang.

Germa?iy and the Next War, by General Vox Bernhardi, a
man who believes ardently in war, may be compared with The Great
illusion, by Norman Angell, who believes only in war on war.
R. H. Fife, The German Empire between Two Wars.

The History Teachers' Magazine publishes excellent bibliogra-
phies and an admirable syllabus of war history. Current History,
published monthly by the New York Times Company, gives many
important documents and admirable maps, portraits, and pictures of
war episodes. The Atlantic Monthly contains many serious articles
on the war, as do a number of other well-known magazines, such as
the Review of Reviews and the Hidependent.

The following deal with some of the deeper problems raised by
the war: J. H. Rose, A^atio?iality in Modem History, 191 6;
G. L. Beer, The English Speaki?ig Peoples, their Future Rela-
tions and Joint I?tternatio7tal Obligations, 191 7; Ramsay Muir,
The Expansion of Europe, 191 7; J. Dewey, German Philosophy
a?td Politics, 191 5; Walter Lippmann, The Stakes of Diplomacy,
191 5; Olgin, The Soul of the Russian Revo hition, 191 8; Munroe
Smith, Militarism and Statecraft, 191 8.

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