--
OUTLINES
APPLIED TO
LANGUAGE AND RELIGION.
— — — *i*~ ^~*^j**fc*^
lOL.COIXOj
LIBRARY
WORK.
CHRISTIAN CHARLES JOSIAS BUNSEN,
D.D., D.C.L., D.PH.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS.
1854.
LONDON :
A. and G. A. SPOTTISWOODI,
Ncw-»lrcet-S<)uare.
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
PART IL
THE GENERAL RESULTS OF THE HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE
LANGUAGES OF ASIA AND EUROPE.
Page
First Chapter: The Original and Historical Unity of all
Nations of .Asia and Europe, and the Asiatic Origin
of the Khamites or Egyptians - 3
I. The Iranian Stock - - 6
II. The Semitic Stock - 10
III. The Turanian Stock - - 17
Second Chapter : The Unity of the Civilization of Man-
kind - - - - - - 21
FIRST SECTION.
The Phenomenology of Language, or the Vestiges of its For-
mation, Development, and Decay.
First Chapter: Ancient and Modern German, and the
Romanic. The effect of Age and of a new formative
Element upon a Language - - - 31
The Lord's Prayer in German - - 38
Earliest French - - 40
A 2
i\ ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
French from 1150 to 1850, compared with Latin - 12
ltalian,Piemontese, Proven§al, Spanish, and Portuguese 44
Appendix : To the History of the latest Latin and the
earliest Italian Idioms - 46
The Latin of the Monk of Soracte about 1000 47
Second Chapter : Ancient and Modern English, or the
Effect of Mixture in Language - 48
The Lord's Prayer in English - 51
Third Chapter: The Icelandic and the Modern Scandi-
navian, or the Effect of Colonization - 52
The Lord's Prayer in Scandinavian - - 57
Fourth Chapter : The Egyptian and the primitive Asiatic
Semitism, or Colonization and secondary Formation
in a very early Stage of Language
The Egyptian Language in a course of more than
4500 years. The Lord's Prayer - - 64
fifth Chapter: Possibility and Documents of a secondary
Formation in the Chinese Language - 66
The Lord's Prayer in modern Chinese - 7 1
SECOND SECTION.
The Speculative Elements; or the Inductive Method for
finding the Origin of Language, and the Law of Deve-
lopment.
First Chapter : The Insufficiency of the two Antagonistic
Systems, Sensualism and Spiritualism - 75
Second C/tapter : Inductive Method to define the general
Character both of Inorganic and Organic Languages 80
Third Chapter : The Chinese Language, an Example of the
Inorganic Formation 86
Fourth Chapter: The Line of Progress in the Organic
Languages - ... - 89
Fifth Chapter : Recapitulation, and Algebraic Formula - 92
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS
THIRD SECTION.
The Application of Facts and Theory combined to the Problem
of the Unity of the Human Race.
Page
Introduction - • - - - - - 99
First Chapter : Ethnological Facts in their bearing upon
the Question of one or more Origins of the Human
Race - - 100
Second Chapter : The Philosophical Principles of Language
applied to the Problem - - 103
Third Chapter : The Physiological Question examined - J07
fourth Chapter : The Chronological Question examined - 109
Fifth Chapter : The Languages of the North-American
Indians are probably Scions of the Mongolian Stem 111
Sixth Chapter: The Languages of Polynesia are probably
Scions of the Malay, as to the Tribes of lighter Hue,
and they all of them are Turanian - - 114-
Seventh Chapter : General Result as to the Unity of all
Organic Languages - - 115
Eighth Chapter: The^Probability of a Historical Connexion
between the Organic Stock and the Chinese, or the
Inorganic Language - - 119
Philosophical Conclusion : The Bearing of Language upon
the Philosophy of Mind respecting the objective Re-
ality of Truth - 125
I. The Evidence of Language in favour of the Priority
of Thought to Matter - - 130
IL The Evidence of Language in favour of the Objec-
tivity of Truth - - 136
HI. The Mutual Relation between the Philosophy of
Language and that of Religion - 140
VI ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
SECOND PART.
THE NATURE AND PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT IN
RELIGION.
Page
Introduction - - - - - 149
FIRST SECTION.
The Philosophical Basis of the Principle of Development.
First Chapter : God and Creation :
I. God - 155
II. Creation - 157
ILL Man - 158
ond Chapter: Man and Humanity - - 160
Third Chapter : God, Man, Humanity - 163
Fourth Chapter : Nature of Religion :
1. Religion as Consciousness - 166
2. Religion as the Product of religious Consciousness 168
3. Religion as Law and Government - 169
SECOND SECTION.
The Historical or Philosophical Basis of the Principle of
Development in Religion generally.
Introduction. Primitiveness of Religious Manifestation, and
the Nature of Revelation and Historical Tradition - 173
First Chapter : Principles and Antagonisms - - 179
Second Chapter: Antagonisms in Religions based upon
Records - ... 183
Third Chapter: Antagonisms in Religions based upon Re-
cords not national - - 190
'k Chapter : Special Antagonisms of tht^ Semitic and
Japhetic Elements ....
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. vii
THIRD SECTION.
Christ's social Religion, his own Declarations respecting his
Relation to God and Mankind, and the Teaching of the
Apostles on this Point.
Page
First Chapter : Christ's general Teaching as to the Nature
and Working of the Religious Principle - 199
Second Chapter: Christ's Teaching respecting Himself and
Mankind :
Introduction. The Semitic and Japhetic Dictionary of
things Spiritual - - 206
Specimen of a Comparative Evangelical Dictionary,
Semitic and Japhetic, for the expression of Spiri-
tual Ideas - 211
A. Jesus, the Son of God and Man :
I. The Declarations of Jesus Himself respecting his
Person - 223
II. The Teaching of the Apostles about the Father
and the Son - - 237
B. The Believers, the Sons or Children of God, and their
Destiny - - 245
Third Chapter : The Christian Trinity combined with the
speculative Triad - 4 - - 250
FOURTH SECTION.
The Principle of Development in the Post- Apostolical Phases
of Christianity.
First Chapter: The Apostolical Fathers, or the Ante-
Nicene Phasis ..... 257
Second Chapter : The Councils and the Popes, or the Byzan-
tine and Papal Churches - - - 262
Third Chapter: The Mediaeval Phasis and the Appren-
ticeship of the Germanic Mind - - 263
Fourth Chapter: The Reformation, and the Political and
Social Movement of the Romanic Nations - - 266
viii ANAI.YTK AL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
FIFTH SECTION.
Retrospect and Prospect.
Page
Introduction. The Apostolic Church, and the Byzantine,
Scholastic, and Tridentine Systems - 271
First C/Htjitcr: Antagonisms between the Reformation and
the Seventeenth Century - - 274
/ Chapter: Antagonisms between Apostolic Chris-
tianity and the System of the Reformed Churches - 278
Thinl Cltajiter: Religion, Philosophy, and the . Second
Reformation - - 280
Conclusion : The Prospect of Scriptural, Spiritual, and free
Christianity, and the True Millennarianism of our
Times - 285
THIRTY THESES ...... 299
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX A: Grimm's Law, or the Law of Transposition
of Consonants - -, - - - 341
APPENDIX B: On the Classification of Semitic Roots. (By
Dr. Paul Boetticher, of the University of Halle.) - 345
APPENDIX C : The Inscription of Abushadhr. (Explained
by Professor Francis Dietrich.) - - - 361
APPENDIX D: The Universal Alphabet, and the Conferences
regarding it :
I. The London Conferences • 377
II. Lepsius' Succinct Exposition of his Universal
Standard Alphabet - - 399
III. Professor Max Muller's Proposals for a Missionary
Alphabet ..... 437
COL COLL
P It E F A C E
TO
THE SECOND VOLUME.
THE Aphorisms on the philosophy of the history of mankind, and
on the history of religion in particular, which formed part of the
first edition of "Hippolytus and his Age," were destined to present
some leading philosophical thoughts on the religious history of
mankind : fragments of a system which lies at the bottom of my
treatment of that subject. They contained the elements of three
philosophical inquiries.
First, a sketch of the progress and results of that sublime por-
tion of philosophy which is generally 'called the philosophy of the
universal history of the human race. Secondly, the outlines of
such a philosophy applied to the principle of development in
religion, and particularly in Christianity. Thirdly, a faint de-
lineation of the connexion between religion and language, as to
their common origin and their cognate principles of development.
Such a juxtaposition of language and religion rests upon the
assumption, that they together form the real ancient history of
VOL. ii. a
X IKKFACE TO THE SECOND VOLVMK.
i v tii!K> and of every age of the world, and tliat their pheno-
mena, intimately connected with each other, both as to their
origin and as to the position in which they stand to the individual,
litute the records of what is primordial in the history of
mankind. According to this view, that which we are used to
rail universal history, so far as this is meant to designate a more
or less complete and connected history of all known tribes and
nations, represents only the modern history of our race. The
tribes of mankind, at their first appearance on the horizon, enter
upon the world's stage with language and religion. Their lan-
guage is very often more perfect and beautiful in its construc-
tion than when they are at their culminating point ; and their
religion sometimes manifests, in its symbolical rites and words,
notions respecting God and Man's divine nature, which prove
to the historian of mankind to be both deeper and wider, more
philosophical and more spiritual, than the practices and specu-
lations of these tribes, when grown into nations and standing
in the zenith of their historical day.
Now there certainly must have been a period, and that a long
and an all-important one, when that language and that religion
were forming ; and when, with them and through them, those
societies, or their heirs in the world's history; were forming into
acting members of the social body of humanity at large. Nor
can it be. said that we are in want of documents for the history
of that primeval period, and in particular as far as language is
concerned. For language bears in itself the indestructible re-
cords of its own history and origin, and is, in most cases,
much more important for universal history by itself than by all
PREFACE TO THE SECOND VOLUME. XI
which is written in it afterwards, just as original compositions
like the Iliad, Herodotus, and Plato, arc superior to their com-
mentaries. For language, considered and analyzed as such, is a
very artistic composition, at once poetical, historical, and phi-
losophical. The only question, then, which remains is, whether
a method has been found, or can be established, enabling us to
make the phenomena of language, as such, systematically avail-
able for universal history ? If, by such a method, we should be
able to represent the languages, at least of all historical nations,
as branches of the genealogical tree of the families of mankind,
and as integral parts of the picture of the truly ancient epoch of
our race, such a reconstruction would form the scaffolding for
the primeval history of religion, chronologically and internally.
For religion, as a complex both of ideas and of rites, presupposes
the expression of thought and the vehicle of tradition, which is
language ; and language and religion together bear witness, each
in its way, to the primitiveness of that distinguishing feature of
mankind, which consists in the power of reducing phenomena to
a unity, and of rising from the effect to the cause. In the same
manner, as no religion can be understood thoroughly without a
knowledge of the language of the nation which formed it, the
philosophy of religion is incomplete without that of language.
But so are also the beginnings and prospects of Christianity in-
complete and unintelligible without a philosophical understand-
ing of the beginnings and prospects of mankind.
The Aphorisms were destined to be the philosophical key to-
the understanding of the deeper bearings of the subject treated
in " Ilippolytus and his Age." Nobody felt more than myself
a 2
I'KFFACF. TO I UK <KCOM) VuI.lMK.
ina.lnjiiate that form was which the limits of my Look
obli. > adopt.
When, therefore, I resolved to develop them into a separate
. I thought it indispensably necessary to represent my
view as to the beginnings (and therefore also prospects) of the
human race in its entirety. Consequently the Aphorisms were
:ie a sketch of the principle of development in those col-
lateral, primordial creations of the mind, language and religion.
A lecture delivered at Oxford, on the 28th June, 1847, be-
the British Association for the Advancement of Science,
and printed in the Transactions of that year, offered the materials
and scaffolding for the one part of my task, as the Aphorisms
did for the other. I have had but to develop the method followed
in that lecture, and to bring down to the present day the facts
to be recorded as to the progress of that most rising part of the
ace of the mind, comparative ethnology, in order to make
this first part a suitable match for the developed Aphorisms 011
religion. The volume thus exhibits these two grand subjects as
what they always have been in my mind, integral parts of one
great whole, the primordial records and ruling creations of
our r
I Hatter myself that this extension will not be unwelcome to
the general thinking public. As to the readers of Ilippolytus in
particular, I hope they will find in this combined review of the
leading facts and thoughts of our primordial intellectual history
a more complete philosophical introduction to what is said
in that work respecting religion and mankind, and especially
ctin- the origin and prospects of Christianity. The philo-
I'iiEPACE TO THE SECOND VOLUME.
soplueal view of religion stands and falls with that of language,
and nobody can, as a rational being, think highly of the
bo-innings and prospects of Christianity without thinking highly
of those of mankind. A high religious faith and a low philo-
sophy of human nature must drive a thinking and honest mind,
if not into despair and madness, into comfortless chilling indif-
ference and stupor.
This is indeed the leading idea of the Aphorisms, and there-
fore I certainly do not regret having presented them to the
English public in connexion with " Hippolytus and his Age,"
even in that compressed and incomplete form. Nor have I reason
to be disheartened by the reception they have met with. Little
appreciated by those who first felt called upon to pronounce an
opinion upon my work, without having even made an attempt to
understand them, ignored by most readers, and insidiously per-
verted by some who see in the connexion of thought and religion
either a folly or a crime, they have, in the course of the last ; three
months, gradually become acceptable to the public, and dear to
many who seem to have discovered in those laconic sentences a
uniting and guiding thread even for other labyrinths than that
of the Trinitarian speculations of the third century. Indeed I
believe the fault of the Aphorisms was not so much that they
were an intrusion and an excrescence, as that they left too many
chasms even for those who are accustomed "to read between the
lines."
Much as I have endeavoured to make them less incomplete
and less imperfect in the present book, I am fully aware that
en in this form they must partake both of the defects inherent
XIV I'Kl 1 LCI M PB SD VOLUME.
iii all .skrh-lu-s, and of those which arc inseparable from all first
mpts to strike out a new path of thought and of research.
They require, therefore, peculiar indulgence from my readers,
and perhaps a little more reflection and study, than some of my
critics have bestowed upon them, from those who will have to
give their judgment on the present composition.
What can only be asserted here — that the system of which
they exhibit the outlines exists as a connected whole in the
author's mind, and rests upon Baconian principles — I hope at
no remote period to prove by the publication of a complete ex-
position of my system.
In the meantime I trust that this sketch, in spite of its in-
sufficiency and its defects, may not be found entirely deficient
in that peculiar charm which is attached to a rapid view of a
vast, not to say immeasurable, field. May it assist those
who are desirous of fixing, in that course called the universal
history of mankind, some landmarks pointing out the progress
of our race ! It is a field encumbered with the ruins of ages,
bearing mutilated inscriptions, full of the enigmatical hierogly-
phics of the mind. A conscientious writer, who respects both
his subject and the public, cannot offer, at the present stage of
our knowledge, such an epic account of universal history, unin-
terrupted by research, as the Muses inspired Herodotus to write,
and the Genius of the nation prompted him to recite before
assembled Hellas. However heavily the immensity of facts and
the sublimity of the subject may weigh upon him, he will not
think it right to lighten his task by substituting his own frivolous
inventions for God's poetry in the destinies of our race, or by
PREFACE TO THE SECOND VOLUME. XV
repeating, with thoughtless unction, the used-up unintellectual
formulas of unexplained tradition. Even in a sketch, the mixture
of abstract reasoning, research, and historical recital is a ne-
cessity, although certainly not an advantage.
May then my feeble pen, here and there at least, succeed in
shadowing forth, however faintly, an image of that sublime sub-
ject ! There is a sacredness which surrounds the view of human
destinies, and a peculiar glory which manifests itself in those
original and wonderful primordial workings of the human mind,
the less conscious reproductions of the mystery of creation. Such
a view doubles our knowledge of history. It carries us through
barren plains and over naked rocks, and presents to us whole
centuries of darkness and apparent death. But from a higher
point of view, that painful image vanishes, and we behold
an encouraging and elevating development of life and light —
a glorious course, starting from reason and liberty, and tending
towards them as the conquest of the conscious Spirit. Both
language and religion, the great records and monuments of
primordial life, unanimously attest the divine dignity, and
proclaim with heavenly voice the sublime destiny, of mankind.
The universe around us has been to the contemplative and
creative mind of man a symbol for framing words and rites ;
but the symbol sprung out of the idea, not the idea from the
symbol. The symbol must die when the development of the
Hra requires a purer reflex, because its life and aim are not
in itself, but in the idea. What comes from reason cannot end
in unreason ; and what springs from the Spirit, " which maketh
," can end neither in matter nor in servitude. This is a
xvi n:i:r.uK i<> i HE SECOND VOLUME.
; ly comforting truth, not only for the understanding of the
past, present, .and future of the history of mankind, but also for
our belief in the immortal substance, and the eternal conscious
life of the individual soul. That which is the manifestation
of eternity (and thought is eternal) cannot perisli with the dust ;
that which is the conscious, personal, creative cause of the
phenomena of rational life, must needs partake of the immor-
tality of the First Cause of the Universe.
INTRODUCTION,
THE
GENERAL RESULTS
OF THE
STORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE LANGUAGES OF
ASIA AND EUROPE.
VOL. II.
GENERAL RESULTS
OP TUB
HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE LANGUAGES
OF ASIA AND EUROPE.
FIRST CHAPTER.
THE ORIGINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITY OF ALL THE NATIONS OP ASIA
AND EUROPE, AND THE ASIATIC ORIGIN OF THE KHAMITES OB
EGYPTIANS.
ADOPTING [the principle of the strictest philosophical criticism,
and the severest method of establishing the proofs of physical
and historical kindred, we examined the languages of the nations
of Asia and Europe in three great groups. Starting from the
analysis of the Germanic and the classical languages, and exa-
mining those families which are incontestably connected with
them, we arrived by overwhelming evidence at the proof of the
immediate unity in blood of by far the greater half of the civi-
li/A-d nations of the world.
We then examined the languages of another great family,
second in its importance to the civilization of mankind only to
that first, generally called the Indo-Germanic stock, and we laid
before our readers the documents which self-evidently establish
the following facts. First, that the Semitic languages, com-
monly so called, form a most closely connected family among
tlu-msclves. Secondly, that the Egyptian language, or the tongue
of Kham, belongs to the same stock, but points, however, to
B 2
4 ORIGINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITY Or
a considerably more ancient period of mankind. Thirdly, that
the c-uiK-itunii inscriptions of Babylonia exhibit to us a language
in tlu- tran>ition from primordial to historical Semitism.
lint, at the same time, we could not help seeing from an
evidence which is similar in its character to that founded upon
natural facts, that these two families, as they appear together in
the same part of the earth, really belong to one and the same
stock, and that Iranism and Semitism represent only members
of one and the same family.
Now, following the same method, we discovered, in the third
place, that all the remaining nations of Asia and Europe, which
are neither Iranians nor Semites, form among themselves a
a third family, which is the greatest in extent, and reaches up
to the most ancient formations. But, moreover, we found that
this family, which in my Lecture of 1847 I had ventured to
call Turanian, was intimately connected with the Iranian, and
stands to it in a similar position as Khamitism to Semitism.
It is primitive Iranism, onesidedly and wildly modified and par-
ticularised.
Thus we arrived at two great historical facts : first, that the
four great families of the historical time reduce themselves to
two, the Iranians and the Semites ; the one having its pri-
mordial roots in Turanism, and the other in Khamitism ;
secondly, that by a more close and methodical investigation
both prove to be originally, and, therefore, physically cognate
among each other ; or in other words, that, as far as the organic
languages of Asia and Europe are concerned, the human race
is of one kindred, of one descent.
Now the question arises, if those two great families are thus
united, is not their unity represented by some positive primitive
formation ? All the facts hitherto examined, lead us to assume,
that this formation must have differed from even the most
ancient historical Turanism, or Khamitism, in a similar manner
as inorganic nature differs from the first organic formations.
THE NATIONS OF EUROPE AND ASIA. 5
Those strata of organic structure are, therefore, necessarily
underlaid by an inorganic, or as it were crystalline language,
which according to all probabilities is preserved in the ancient
Chinese, on which the Turanian formations are bordering inter-
nally, as they do geographically. This development requires a
period of time which may appear very long according to the
traditional ideas of the extent of human history ; but, in fact, is
very short and recent if we look back upon the history of the
earth and of her lower productions.
The time required for the gradual formation of such a primi-
tive idiom, having throughout substantial, and possessing no
formative words, must, therefore, necessarily occupy a great
part of that period.
Although we had already, long before approaching the most
ancient deposits of that course of development, lost sight of
chronological history, which, indeed, is only the second epoch of
the modern history of our race, we felt that we moved within
most positive limits. We were likewise aware that we had
before us strata of mental existence, as well defined as those of
geology, but infinitely more intelligible, because intellectual
themselves, and carrying in themselves their order of succession
by their own law of development.
In short, we were forced to acknowledge that the sacred
annals of ancient humanity which we had examined, are records
and organs of intellectual and creative life, and themselves
possess an intellectual origin and nature. We were moving in
the mysteries of nature, but that nature was the mind.
It will, therefore, be worth while to review these historical
;!ts, and their general bearings upon the history of our race,
a little more in detail, before we undertake the task of investi-
gating the laws of that marvellous epoch of development in
which we ourselves arc placed.
R 3
OKIOINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITY.
THE IRANIAN STOCK.
EIGHT, more or less extensive, historical families or single
nations have been ascertained to constitute one great Asiatic-
European stock, of which even the remotest members speak
original languages, more intimately connected with each other
than with any third tongue, or family of tongues, in the world.
Wf have called this stock the Iranian, according to a terminology
which recommends itself by many advantages.
The first great branch of this stock are the Celts, once spread
over Asia Minor (Galatia), Spain, France, Belgium, Helvetia,
a great part of Germany, and throughout the British Isles : it
lives still in the Kymric (of which the Bas Breton is a corrupted
form), as the language of Wales, and in two cognate forms, the
Gaelic and the Erse, as the native tongue of the Highlands
of Scotland, and of the whole of Ireland. This family we
consider as representing the most ancient formation of the
whole stock. We have given Dr. Carl Meyer's theory as to the
relative position and history of the different branches of this
stock, with particular reference to the immigration into Great
Britain.
The second branch is the Thracian or Illyrian, once spread on
the Dnieper, the Hellespont, and in Asia Minor, in which
countries it was followed, and partly supplanted, by thePelasgian,
or ante-historical formation of the Hellenic. Dr. Paul Boet-
ticher, in his " Arica," 1850, applied Burnouf 's theory to the
Thracian language, and to those of Asia Minor; by which
method he was enabled to prove from the words preserved to us
THE IRANIAN STOCK.
by the Greeks, that the Phrygians, the Maconians, or Iranic
Lyclians, the Western Cappadocians, are, as well as the Thra-
ciuns, next in kin to the Arians Proper, the Persians, and
Bactrians. The languages of the Epirots and Macedonians be-
long to this family, which is now represented in those countries
by the Skipetarian, the language of the Albanians or Arnauts.
The third is the Armenian, the language spoken during the
historical age, in the country which, according to the most
ancient traditions of the Semites, was the cradle of mankind,
and again the primeval seat of man after the deluge of Noah.
The fourth formation we propose to call the Arian, or the
Iranian stock as presented in Iran Proper. Here we must
establish two great subdivisions. The one comprises the nations
of Iran Proper, or the Arian stock, the languages of Media and
Persia. Its most primitive representative is the Zend. We
designate by this name both the language of the most ancient
cuneiform inscriptions (or Persian inscriptions in Assyrian cha-
racters) of the sixth and fifth century B.C., and that of the ancient
parts of the Zend-Avesta, or the sacred books of the Parsees, as
explained by Burnouf and Lassen. We take the one as the
latest specimen of the western dialect of the ancient Persian and
Median (for the two nations had one tongue), in its evanescent
state, as a dead language ; the other as an ancient specimen of
its eastern dialect, preserved for ages by tradition, and therefore
not quite pure in its vocalism, but most complete in its system
of forms. The younger representatives of the Persian lan-
guages are the Pehlevi (the language of the Sassanians), and
the°Pazend, the mother of the present, or modern Persian
tongue, which is represented in its purity by Ferdusi, about the
year 1000. The Pushtu, or language of the Afghans, belongs
to the same branch. The second subdivision embraces the
Arian languages of India, represented by the Sanskrit and its
daughters.
The jifth branch is the Hellenico- Italic, or the Greek and
R 4
ORIGINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITY.
ii.in, and all the Italic languages, with the doubtful excep-
tion of tin- Ktruscan, which at all events was a mixed language,
having a groundwork kindred to Greek and Latin, with a
great barbarian admixture. Under Italic tongues we understand
the languages of Italy Proper, south of the Apennines, and of
the Italic Isles.
The slcth branch is that of the Slavonic nations in their two
great branches ; the eastern, comprising the Old Slavonic of the
Bible and of Nestor, the Russian, Servian, Croatic, and Wendic ;
and the western, the languages of the Tschekhs (Bohemians),
Slovaks, Poles, and Servians. These languages, once prevalent
in the north of Germany, are now spoken from the Adriatic to
the Dnieper. In the ancient world, this great, powerful, and
much-divided family is represented by the Sauromatce of the
Greeks, or the Sarmatce of the Romans, a nation living on the
Don and near the Caspian Sea. The statement of Herodotus
that they spoke a faulty Scythian, can certainly as well be under-
stood in the sense in which the English may be said to speak a
bad French, as in that in which one might say, the French
speak an incorrect Franconian German. But the first interpre-
tation is, according to the testimonies of other ancient writers
respecting the physiognomy of the Sarmatae, the only admis-
sible one. Those tribes which Herodotus knew, spoke their
language mixed with that of the Scythians, which does not
prove that the rest did.
The seventh, nearly allied to this and the next branch, that of
the Lithuanian tribes, among which the ancient Prussian repre-
sents the most perfect form, is in some points nearer to the
Sanskrit than any other existing tongue.
Finally, last not least, the Teutonic nations in their two
families, the Scandinavian and the German. The first has pre-
served its most ancient form in the Icelandic ; the Swedish and
Danish are the modern daughters of the Old Norse language
of Scandinavia. The second is the German, now the language
THE IK AN I AN STOCK. 9
of the whole of Germany, and almost the whole of Switzer-
land. Its northern or Saxon form has received a peculiar in-
dividuality in the Flemish and Dutch tongues, and, by the
emigrations which took place in the fifth century of our era, has
become (mixed with French words since the Norman Conquest)
the prevalent and leading language of the British Isles, and is
becoming now, by the emigrations which began in the seven-
teenth century, and are still continuing, that of the northern
continent of America. The southern German tribes have suc-
cessively formed, with a greater or less infusion of words into the
Latin groundwork, the Italian, French, and Spanish languages.
10 ORIGINAL AM> HISTORICAL UNITY.
II
THE SEMITIC STOCK.
IT is generally acknowledged that the following nations form an-
other compact mass, and represent one family, whose branches are
physiologically and historically connected : the Hebrews, with the
other tribes of Canaan or Palestine, inclusive of the Phoenicians,
who spread their language, through their colonization, as that of
the Carthaginians ; the Aramaic Proper tribes, or the historical
nations of Aram, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Babylonia, speaking
Syriac in the west, and the so-called Chaldee in the east ; finally,
the Arabians, whose language is connected (through the Himya-
ritic) with the ^Ethiopic, the ancient (now the sacred) language
of Abyssinia. According to Dr. Paul Boetticher's researches,
in his " Horae Aramaicae " (1847), and in his " Rudimenta
Mythologiaj Semitica?" (1848), the Lydians Proper belong to
the Aramaic stock, as the ancients themselves say of the Eastern
Cappadocians (Leuco-Syri). He finds a proof of this in the
composition of some of their proper names with Atthis, their
divinity (as Alyattes, Sadyattes, Myattes). It is evident that
in these words the name of the divinity represents the genitive,
which, in the Aramaic languages, invariably follows the word on
which it is dependent, whereas in the Iranian compositions it
precedes it We shall call this second family, now generally
termed Semitic, the Aramaic stock.
The Egyptian and Babylonian researches enabled us to show
that this historical Semitism has two very deep roots in the
primordial ages. The first is the Khamitic Stock.
The language of ancient Egypt (Kham, the black landj has
THE SEMITIC STOCK. 11
an equally organic structure, but much less developed than the
Iranian and Semitic, and is connected in its roots with both,
and in its grammatical forms with the Semitic more particularly.
This phenomenon cannot be explained, except by the supposition
that those two great families were originally connected with
each other.
The second ante-historical phasis of Semitism is the Elamitic,
or the sacred and official language of Babylonia, preserved to us
in the cuneiform inscriptions.
The reconstruction which, from the comparison of these two
ancient formations, we were enabled to make of the Semitic
family, led to the following results as to the history of language,
and as to the monumental chronology of mankind.
It is very striking, in how narrow a compass, and with what
inward energy, the Semitic formations move in the historical
times. They are reduced to the northern branch, spoken in the
Euphrates and Tigris region, Syria and Palestine, and to the
South-Semitic idioms, or the language of Arabia. The northern
branch is represented, first, by Hebrew (the language of the Ibri,
men who came from Arapakhitis), fixed in Palestine (Canaan),
and divided into Phoenician and Hebrew Proper ; and, secondly,
by popular Chaldee, or the common language of Babylon and
Assyria (Elam and Assur), and of Mesopotamia and Syria (Aram,
and probably Lud, or Semitic Asia Minor). The second branch
is represented by North and South Arabia; the language of the
Sinai peninsula (Amalekite dialect) belonging to the second.
The Abyssinian, in Africa, is an evident offshoot of the South-
Arabian idiom.
Now the difference between the idioms of either branch is little
more than dialectic ; and that between historical North and South
Semitic itself does not go beyond the difference exhibited, on the
Iranian side, between German and Scandinavian, Gothic and
Icelandic.
The Hebrew must be supposed to have been substantially fixed
12 ORIGINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITY.
at the time of Abraham, allowing for the necessary loss of forms
in the fifuvn centuries which elapsed between him and Moses.
Th.' Arabic must have been fixed at a considerably earlier
>d, on account of its preserving the ancient system of forms
so much more connectedly and symmetrically than the Hebrew.
In this particular, also, the Mosaic genealogical table of nations
confirms the results of scientific analysis : the origin of the
Joktanite tribes is placed there by five links or epochs anterior
to the Abrahamic migration, and is represented as immediately
connected with Eber, the grandson of Arpakshad, or the first
or second settlement of that branch out of the mountains north
of Armenia.
If, then, we are thrown into the fifth or sixth millennium
before our era, as to the grammatical point of culmination for
historical Semitism, we have the infallible documents of two
ante-historical formations of the same line. Of these, the most
ancient, the Egyptian, which appears almost stereotyped in
language and in writing at the opening of the fourth millennium
before Christ, presents an idiom so considerably different from
the historical formations, although undoubtedly of the same
family, that we must place the culminating point of its gram-
matical structure before that great, although local, catastrophe
of Northern Asia which we call the Deluge. Khamitism is the
deposit of ante-diluvian or ante-historical Semitism. But the
I Babylonian, language, expressed by the cuneiform inscriptions,
must belong to the same primitive world or to the very begin-
ning of the new.
It will be shown in another place, that a concurrence of facts
and of traditions demand for the Noachian period about ten mil-
lennia before our era, and for the beginning of our race another
ti-n thousand years, or very little more.
The details of the history of the Hebrew language are better
known to us than those of any other. The Bible presents to us
an almost uninterrupted series of documents from the time of the
THE SEMITIC STOCK. 13
lus to that of the Maccabees, including nearly twelve cen-
turies ; and the most careful studies concerning the history of
Hebrew forms, assisted by comparative Semitic and Iranian
philology, enable us to mark the epochs of this great line of
development.
The history of the Aramaean language is as yet much less
known, but sufficient evidence lies before us to enable us to
place the so called Chaldee of the book of Daniel, posterior to
Esra, and little before the Talmudic idiom. This verdict
entirely coincides with the result of criticism, applied to the
Hebrew portions of that book. For these parts manifestly
present to us the last stage of the language, which, after having
been the peculiar vernacular tongue of the Israelites, became,
after their return from the Babylonian captivity, the learned
or sacred language.
Before we proceed to Turan, we must look back to the
general results of the history of writing. For this considera-
tion belongs exclusively to the Iranian and the Semitic family, and
most preponderantly to the latter. Tur learnt to write from
his more intellectual brethren, and, generally speaking, very
late.
The history of writing is the reproduction of the process of
the human mind which manifests itself in the development of
rh. It begins with a visible reproduction of the objects
around man, as exponents of quality and action. This primitive
hieroglyphism, or the exclusively ideographic manner of writing,
it her only supplementary, a picture to be illustrated by
•eh and gestures, or, independent of both, a real hieroglyphic
e\}>ivs>iun of speech. Both, however, presuppose a language
analogous to such writing ; a language consisting only of words
of substance, each distinct sound expressing a real object, as
the external cause of its phonetic representation by the mouth.
14 ORIGINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITY.
The organic language with its formatives and terminations offers
already difficulties to a purely objective writing. The proper
•tag*-, therefore, for primitive hieroglyphics is that of which
ancient Chinese represents to us the most important specimen
in its last stage. Khamitism finds it already impossible to
stop there: it wants the supplementary element of phonetic
writing, and we find Kham thus using his images to represent
by them syllables, and, in process of time, even single letters,
irrespective of their meaning. Kham must himself have in-
vented this means of writing, because he uses his own materials :
but even these materials, the purely ideographic part of his
hieroglyphics, cannot have more than its first rudiments in
primitive Asia. The most ancient system of writing which we
can trace in Asia itself, is the syllabic writing of Babylonia,
and of this we find only the very last end, a perfectly con-
ventional system of signs, invented for the brick, and intended
to conceal, not communicate, the reading of the language.
15 ut then there arose probably among the Canaanites, and
certainly among the historical Sheniites, that great genius whose
name has perished, like that of the inventor of the plough, but
who lives enshrined in the most intellectual of all monuments,
the alphabet in the proper sense of the word. The genius of
that man started from the apperception, that the most simple
normal sounds are very limited, and that the consonants are in-
dependent of their apparently inherent vowels. He shows his
superiority not only by what he expresses, but still more by
what he wisely omits. As the diatonic scale fixes only the
principal knots in the scale of sounds, so the inventor of our
alphabet excludes all the numberless modifications of the normal
and universal sounds, produced by the artistic cooperation of the
organs of speech in a well organized and harmoniously per-
• mg and reproducing mind. He probably began with twelve
l« tiers; soon, however, if not originally, increased to sixteen;
the Egyptian system exhibits only thirteen real letters; the
THE SEMITIC STOCK. 15
Babylonian syllabarium, in its expiring stage, represents only
thirteen consonants, and the vowels A, I, U, with two or three
diphthongs, evidently formed subsequently by a syllabic com-
bination of those primitive vocalic sounds.
The genius of Hellas worked upon this traditional element as
he did upon every object delivered to his creative, intellec-
tualising power. He made the Canaanitic alphabet universal,
by eliminating the signs for the harsh idiosyncrastic guttural
sounds of the Shemite ; preserving, however, faithfully, even
the rejected signs, by using them in the series of numerals.
The twenty-two Phoenician letters became, under the handling
of the Greeks, twenty-four. By this process, however, the
original organic structure of the alphabet became somewhat
obscured, and its component sounds, being less transparent,
were used with inconvenient liberty and partial misunder-
standing by the Germanic nations.
On the other side, the Japhetic genius had reconstructed,
among the Arians in India, the original alphabet into a scien-
tific philosophical arrangement, which surpasses the Arabic ex-
tension of the Hebrew alphabet, effected by diacritical signs.
Up to the present moment, the Devanagari alphabet is the most
philosophical and comprehensive, and reproduces admirably that
artistically rich, and still symmetrical, structure represented by
the Sanskrit.
Thus, by the combined energies of Shem and Japhet, the
way has been prepared for a philosophical alphabet, founded
upon the Roman alphabet, the exponent of modern civiliza-
tion. The German character, happily already dropped by the
Dutch and Swedes, is only a monkish form of the same, kept up
by idiosyncrastic provincialism. The European alphabet is the
only basis for transcribing all Asiatic idioms, into a standard
alphabet for all the tribes, henceforth receiving the torch of
civilization from Japhet's favoured hands.
The last result of the researches of historical comparative
16 ORIGINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITT.
philology on this field, becomes thus a frame for the history
of primitive civilization.
In the first stage, we find the hieroglyphic writing, corre-
sponding with that language which we discovered in the valley
of the Nile, as the deposit of most ancient western Asia.
Pliuiu'tieism is just beginning to try its wings, exactly as the
organic element had done in the speech itself.
Next comes the syllabarium, surrounded by the convention-
alised ruins of the primitive Asiatic hicroglyphical structure.
The historical Shemite invented the pure alphabet, still, how-
ever, connected here and there with syllabism, and preserving,
in the names and forms of his twenty-two letters the trace of
the hieroglyphics of the primitive world.
At this point Japhet takes up the torch, and the Hellenic
genius universalises Shemitic tradition, by imprinting upon it
that same stamp of normal humanity which makes the Greek
language the most perfect of the world, and exhibits in the struc-
ture of the Greek verb that same sense of beauty which shines
forth unrivalled from the Parthenon and from the Jove of
Phidias.
The philosophical review of primitive universal history of
writing, appears then to be the most natural introduction into
the general history of the civilization of which writing is one of
the principal bases and organs.
Before we proceed to show the connection of the unity of the
development of speech and writing, with the unity of the civili-
/ation of mankind, we must consider, from our present point
of view, the historical importance of the Turanian researches
with which the first volume concluded. The following state-
ment gives the result of the comprehensive researches of Dr.
Miiller, as contained in the first volume. My learned friend
has written it himself at my request, so as to form a part of the
present recapitulation.
THE TURANIAN STOCK. 17
III.
THE TURANIAN STOCK.
IN the grammatical structure of the Semitic languages we
can clearly perceive traces of one powerful Mind who once
grasped the floating elements of speech, and impressed on them
his own stamp, never to be obliterated in the course of cen-
turies. The same applies to those grammatical features which
constitute the characteristic expression of the Arian dialects.
As mighty empires founded by the genius of one man perpetuate
for ages to come the will of one as the law of all, the Semitic
and Arian families have preserved, at all times and in all
countries, so strict a continuity as to connect the language
of Moses with that of Mohammed, the poetry of Homer with
that of Shakspeare. The principal branches of each of these
two families never stand to one another in a more distant degree
of relationship than French and Italian, German and English.
This is not the case with the Turanian languages. The very
absence of that close family likeness which holds the Semitic
and Arian languages together seems to form a distinguishing
mark of these nomadic dialects. There is, however, one positive
principle, which pervades the whole Turanian speech from its
lowest to its highest manifestations, and which cannot be better
expressed than by the name of " agglutination." This principle,
which consists in the mere juxtaposition of material and formal
elements, may seem so simple and purely mechanical as hardly to
offer a distinctive attribute on which to establish a family of lan-
guages; still it forms so broad a line of demarcation, that neither in
Turkish and Finnish, where the Turanian approaches nearest to
VOL. II. C
ORIGINAL AND HISTORICAL UNITY.
tin- formative principles of Arian grammar, nor in the Tungusic
and TaY dialects, where it verges toward Chinese simplicity,
I it fail to keep the nomad type distinct from that of family
or state languages. There are many ways in which the prin-
ciple of agglutination can be applied; and the greater or less
perfection to which it has been brought furnishes the best scale
by which the close or distant relationship of Turanian languages
can be determined. There is, however, besides this formal, a
material relationship also between the members of this world-
wide family ; only that, owing to the very nature of these
languages, its traces must be sought for in radicals only, and
not, as in Greek and Sanskrit, in derivatives.
The separation of the Turanian stock took place long before
the ancestors of the Arian family left their common home ;
for, wherever these Arian colonists penetrated, in their migra-
tions from east to west, they found the land occupied by the
wild descendants of Tur. Through all periods of history, up
to the present day, by far the largest share of the earth belongs
to Tur ; and the countries reclaimed by Shem and Japhet,
although they mark the high road of civilization, and comprehend
the stage on which the drama of ancient and modern history has
been acted, are but small portions if compared with the vast
expanse of the empire of the Turanian speech. The Arian and
Semitic languages occupy but four peninsulas — India, Arabia,
Asia Minor, and Europe : all the rest of the primeval con-
tinent of Asia belongs to the descendants of Tur.
The chief branches of the Turanian stock all radiate from
a common centre ; though they are not, like the members of
the Semitic and Arian families, descended from one common
par. nt. Their geographical distance from China seems to indi-
cate the successive dates of their original separation ; and the
different degrees of grammatical perfection to which they have
each attained may likewise be measured by their distance from
Chinese monosyllabism.
THE TURANIAN STOCK. 19
There are two divisions, the Northern and the Southern.
The Northern Division comprehends the Tungusic, Mongolic,
T;itaric, Samo'iedic, and Finnic branches.
The Southern Division comprehends the Ta'i, Malai'c, Bho-
tiva, and Tamulic branches.
In the Northern Division the Tungusic and Mongolic, in the
Southern the Ta'i and Malai'c branches, are the nearest neigh-
bours to Chinese, not only in geographical position, but also by
the low degree of their grammatical development.
Next follow the Tataric in a northern, and the Bhotiya in a
southern direction ; the former spreading through Asia toward
the European peninsula and the seats of political civilisation, the
latter tending toward the Indian peninsula, and encircling the
native land of the Brahmanic Arians.
The most distant branches of the Turanian stock, and there-
fore probably the first to attain an independent growth, are
the Finnic in the north, and the Tamulic in the south. The
regularity and settledness of the grammar of these languages
bear witness to an early literary cultivation ; of which in India
nothing remains but tradition, owing to Brahmanic encroach-
ment, while in the fens of Finland oral tradition has preserved
up to our own time the songs of Wainamoinen, and of his sacred
home, Kalevala.
Besides these regular radii of Turanian speech, there are
still several sporadic clusters of dialects, equally belonging to
this family, but severed from the rest by mountains or deserts.
In their seclusion, and debarred from the severe attrition
which every dialect experiences in the intercourse with other
languages, they have each produced the utmost variety of
grammatical forms, and revel in a luxuriance of verbal distinc-
tions which small and secluded tribes alone are able to indulge
in. These are the Caucasian languages, spoken in the impene-
trable valleys of Mount Caucasus ; the Basque, in the Pyrenees
c 2
20 THE TURANIAN STOCK.
and on the very edge of Europe ; and the Samoi'cdic, in the
still less accessible Tundras of the North of Siberia.
That all these branches of speech on the Asiatic continent
form a historical unity in themselves and as opposed to Semitic
and Arian races, is a conviction which has been gaining
strength from year to year ; and the connecting links of several
branches have now been laid open by the skill of comparative
% philologists. Much, however, remains still to be done before
the mutual relation of all these branches can be considered as
finally settled. A further extension of this nomadic family
of speech has been hinted at, not only with regard to America,
but even to Africa. In the former case, the bridge on which
the seeds of Asiatic dialects could have been carried to the New
World is clearly indicated by the researches of physical science ;
in the latter all is still conjecture, except this, that, besides the
Semitic type of some African languages north of the equator,
there is another grammatical character impressed on African
idioms, such as the Hottentot, which, by its mechanical perfec-
tion and somewhat artificial complication, invites a comparison
with the grammatical system of the descendants of Tur.
UNITY OF TIIE CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND. 21
SECOND CHAPTER.
THE UNITY OF THE CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND.
IT is only necessary to reflect on the names of the nations
constituting the two civilizing Asiatic families, in order to be
convinced that the linguistic facts just stated are not merely
interesting and important in the ordinary view of etymological
research and antiquarian erudition, nor only for the history of
language, important as this history is. I have stated the ge-
neral results upon the civilization of mankind in the preface to
my " Egypt" somewhat in the following way. Universal
history, as far as it is the history of the human mind and of
civilization in what we call the historical age, is nothing but
the history of those two great families, the Japhetic and the
Semitic, in Asia and Europe, including Egypt and the Egyp-
tians. But the Egyptian language, allied to both families, not
only represents the primeval history of Egypt, but is moreover
the only known historical monument of an earlier period of the
human race, and therefore (unless we would derive the Asiatic
man from the valley of the Nile) the record of the language
and civilization of primitive Central Asia. Of this period, thus
recorded, we shall here say nothing more. Nor shall we here
devclope the idea that Egypt's ancient history itself represents
the middle ages of the most ancient world. But if we look
into the later, or so-called historical age — into what may be
trnned, from an elevated point of view, the modern history of
mankind, — the principal parts of the drama of human progress
in the three wonderful acts we have before us, distributed
c 3
22 THE UNITY OF THE
in the following manner. In the first, we meet
on the one side with the Bactrians and Medians, the Indians
and Persians : on the other hand, with the Babylonians and
probably the Assyrians, with the Jews and PhoBnicians. For on
the very border of the ante-historical age, we find, in the East,
according to Berosus, the Bactrian empire, the oldest Iranian
State, coeval with the first great western empire of Semitic
Asia (posterior only to the primitive Turanian) of which we
have any tradition. This is the Babylonian, or the kingdom of
Babel (Babiru) on the Euphrates. The primitive masters of
Babylonia in the primeval period spoke the language of the
undivided stock, preserved to us by the Egyptian, and at a
later epoch the most ancient form of the already individualized
Semitic. But even the most ancient Babylonian language must
have inclined to the Semitic idiom. As to that of Bactria, if its
list of kings, preserved by the Armenian Eusebius, deserves, as I
believe it does, serious consideration, all its traditions were in
decidedly Iranian tongues. As the one may therefore be called
the mother of Hebrew, the other must have been either the
mother of Zend and its colonial scion, Sanskrit, or the most
ancient form of that very language.
The neighbouring metropolis of Assyria, Nineveh (Ninyah),
belongs, as its name proves, to the late historical age ; for
admitting that it means the city of Ninus, he, according to all
credible accounts of the historians, confirmed by the Egyptian
synchronisms, cannot be placed higher than the thirteenth cen-
tury before our era. Geographically it appeared to me highly
probable that the Assyrians, the men of Old Kurdistan, having
Nineveh as their later southern metropolis, spoke a Semitic
language: even the apparent affinity of the names of Assyria
and Syria seems to lead to this assumption. But it must be can-
didly confessed, that up to the present time we had no positive
proof of it. Assyria, as regards its most essential and primitive
ivgion, is represented by modern Kurdistan; and the Kurds speak
CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND. 23
an Iranian language. So do the Armenians, their northern neigh-
bours, whose historical traditions reach very far back. Indeed
there is no proof of an Aramaic language on the left bank of
the Tigris. However on the other side, the cuneiform alphabet,
the characters of which are called by the ancients Assyrian, is
undoubtedly not constructed for an Iranian language. More-
over, Assur, which means the Assyrian nation, is in the Mosaic
table of Semitic origin, and posterior to the Babylonian empire.
Having said so much in 1847, I am now enabled to appeal to
the glorious discoveries of Rawlinson. In finding the key to the
Babylonian and Assyrian inscriptions, he has for the first time
given us also the key to the very annals of their kings, and of
their civilization. According to these discoveries, so effectually
assisted by the efforts of Layard and the researches of Hincks,
the civilization and sway of the Semites in the first dawn of
post-Noachian history was preceded by a Turanian, Scythian
empire. To this empire belongs the name and tradition about
Nimrod, who so vividly personifies the Turanian man, the
hunting monarch, wild and valiant, the man of conquest not of
civilization.
In the second act of the modern history of mankind, we find,
on the Japhetic side, the principal parts of civilization entrusted
to the Hellenic and Italic nations; the Jews again, with the
Carthaginians, representing the Semitic on the other. Finally,
in the third act, now still on the scene of the world, we have, as
the leaders, the Scandinavian, the Germanic, and the Slavonic
nations : but here also a powerful admixture of the Semitic ele-
ment is not wanting. There is, nationally, the conquering Arab,
who with his sword and his Islam once penetrated even into
Kurope. There is, individually, the Jew, standing without a
country and temple, between the past and the future, and
meanwhile living as a cosmopolite among the children of that
Japhet, who was destined " to live in the tents of Shem," and
whose children, at the dawn of history, drove Shem out of his
o 4
24 THE UNITY OF THE
lirimitive seats, and finally destroyed his city, and that temple,
upon tin- ruins of which the Christian church was built, to
spread all over the earth. Now, what is the remaining history
of the world, but an account of incursions and devastations, with
the names of disturbing tribes, savage conquerors, and a few
isolated sages ? Egypt, in spite of occasional conquests and a
continued but mummified civilization, is in this historical age
only remarkable as having nursed the great legislator of the
Jews, and given him occasion to found the first religion, based
upon our moral consciousness, emancipated from the bondage
of the elements, and striving after liberty through the law of
conscience. That whole age is the agony of Kham.
If we compare the relative position of the two civilizing fa-
milies, we observe an increasing extent and power of the Japhetic
element, evidently destined to rule the world by a series of
successive nations. Of the two first known empires of the
world, the more powerful and influential seems to have been
that which, speaking the most ancient form of Chaldee, must be
considered as the representative of Shem. Shem appears in
his own annals as one who had left his native land, and in the
course of ages migrated west and south from the primitive
common seat of the civilizing stock in Central Asia, with an
unceasing tendency towards Egypt. In the historical age of
the world the power passes rapidly and irresistibly to Japhet.
The great continuous stream of human civilization runs, since
that time, clearly in a Japhetic channel ; whereas Shem takes the
most prominent part in the religious development of mankind.
The three cognate religions which govern the world are Semitic,
based upon Semitic records, and founded and propagated by
S. mites. But conscious speculation and philosophy speak by
the mouth of Japhet; their heroes are Hellenes and Romans,
Romanics and children of the Germanic stock; they dawn
among the Iranians, and burst the fetters of Islamism in the
Sufism of Persia. It is to the sons of Japhet that the beautiful
CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND. 25
was revealed. Before the Hellenes received that revelation in
its fulness, before the divine human form, the image of God was
In- held by the reproducing artist, arcliitecture, sculpture, and
painting had their temples in Iranian Asia, Sesostris of the old
empire and his predecessors^borrowed from Japhetic inventors, as
Solomon and Hiram did. In poetry, the Semite excels in the
lyric ; his feeling of nationality, weakened by the prevalence of
attachment to tribe, is not sufficiently wide and vivid to produce
epic poems, or poetical narrative representations of national des-
tinies. Finally, the drama, or the combination of the lyric and
epic elements, and the complete representation of the eternal laws
of human destiny in political society, is entirely unknown to the
Semite. It is exclusively the creation of the Hellenic mind,
feebly imitated by the Roman, reproduced with originality by
the genius of the Germanic race. Nor is Iranian India entirely
wanting hi this last of the three species of poetical composition.
The " Song of Solomon" shows how near the Hebrew mind was
in its zenith to the dramatic form, without being able to go
beyond the lyric. Thus everywhere the Semitic and the Japhetic
mind assist and complete each other ; but the Japhetic forma-
tion is nationally always the higher. Individually the power
of a great individuality is higher among the Semites than among
the Japhetites. Throughout history the Semitic nations act, as
it were, the great episodes in universal history by temporary
reconquests of the land of the Japhetites, and by opposing pro-
found thought and religion, enthusiasm and cunning, to the
more comprehensive genius, in science, politics, and war, of the
sons of Japhet. But what they do is prominently the embodied
thought and continued impulse of one great hero. The only
great empire which the Semites founded in the historical age
(tor the internal history of ancient Babylon and Assyria is lost),
tli at of the Arabs, was solely formed by the impulse of Mo-
hammed, and under the influence of religious fanaticism. It fell
to pieces when that impulse and that excitement faded away.
•_>.; THE UNITY OF THE
Christianity is of Semitic origin; but it was stamped as the
general religion of the world, and as the organ of civilization,
In- uniting in its cradle the Semitic and Japhetic element. First
1'ivurlu-d by Jews, it was carried over the world by the sons of
L-ce and Rome. Language and civilization, physiology and
philology, go hand in hand to illustrate the fact, that Shem and
Japhet can no more coalesce into one without splitting, than be
kt-pt asunder without exercising upon each other a strong and
animating influence.
Now, even in this historical and chronological age of the
world, Turan comes in for his share. His stratum underlies,
even in Europe, the modern humus of Celtic civilization, in the
east and the west, in the north and the south. The Turanian
conquerors, descendants of Nimrod " the hunter before the
Lord," disturb and rouse, as Scythians, the old Iranian empires,
as in a later age they influenced Hellenic civilization and
energy. The Huns, those powerful actors in the great drama
of the destruction of the Roman empire, and of the foundation
of Germanic and Germanized states, were Turanians. So were
the tribes whom Djingiskhan and Timur led to the conquest of
Persia and India ; so were the destroyers of the Eastern empire,
the heirs of Byzantium. In the middle ages they powerfully
influenced, as Tatars, the Slavonic tribes, and, lastly, as
Magyars, roused and modified the energies of the German and
Slavonic nations. Gradually mixing in Europe with the Iranian
tribes, they became an active element and agent in the progress
of civilization.
The native religion of the Turanian is Shamanism, based upon
the tendency to orgiastic excitement and a belief in the force of
spells.
This, however, is not the character of that nation whose place
the Turanian took in Central Asia ; I mean the Chinese, in
whose language every syllable is a word, and every word the
of a substance or its quality and action, or rather of
CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND. 27
all this at once. The object or symbol of their veneration is
tlu- firmament, with its majestically and mysteriously moving
starry host. Their poetry and philosophy is enshrined in their
language and its reproduction in hieroglyphical writing. Every
word is a riddle, and every sign a poem. A truism is a philo-
sophical effort ; a homely perception of the nature of mind, an
epic or lyric production, prized highly after thousands of years.
Yet amid all these humble efforts are contained the germs of
high aspirations : we see in them the first essay of a Prome-
thean flight, which will soon burst its fetters, and kindle a
celestial fire brought down from above.
There is a sacred tradition, at least as far as Asia and Europe
are concerned, handed down from mother to child, from father
to son, in language as well as in all that thought and learning,
and in all those customs and institutions which form the civi-
lization of mankind. The myth of Prometheus, the Japhetide,
the deepest of all mythological fictions and the most ancient of
all historical recollections of the Hellenes, and indeed of all
Iranian Japhetites, lives in the Caucasus, in a perfect, original,
native form, among tribes without literature.*
* There is, north of Gori, a high mountain (of slate formation) which over-
hangs Ossetia from the north, in the Liachwa valley. It is called Brutsam- Veli
( i. e. Hay-rick, from its shape), and its upper parts are covered with eternal
snow.
The tradition among the Ossetes is the following :
There is in that mountain a cavern. Here a man (a giant ?) lies in chains,
with a sword hanging over his head, suspended by a silk thread.
A bird visits him which gnaws at his entrails.
This is his punishment for having stolen, or endeavoured to steal, the hidden
treasures of the mountain.
It is reported (but not warranted) that the Kefzures, a tribe south-east of
Ossetia, have the same tradition, only in a different form.
At all events, the Prometheus myth is only found in the southern extremity of
the Caucasian mountains, far from Elbordj ; and hitherto it is only known with
certainty to live among an Indo-Germanic tribe, the Ossetians.
The Caucasians speak of those mountains with awe, and do not like to ascend
them.
I owe this interesting fact to the verbal information of Dr. Abicb, of Berlin,
28 UNITY OF THE CIVILIZATION OF MANKIND.
A small space would contain the series of fathers or mothers
as representatives of the six or seven hundred generations
which may, at the utmost, have succeeded each other in Asia.
Which is more wonderful — their unity with so much diver-
sity, or the contrasts they exhibit together with that unity ?
Where are the laws, and what is the principle, the antago-
nistic action of which can explain the two and make these
historical facts credible and intelligible ?
How can Greek be connected with Chinese, or with Mon-
golic, or even with Hebrew ? and how can a law of development
be found to produce that chain ?
The most natural method seems to be to consider first the
phenomena, the origin and history of which are best known to us,
and to show the facts respecting the progress and decay of
certain given languages ; then to proceed to the investigation
of the general principles indicated by those phenomena; and
finally to throw a glance over the still imperfectly explored
idioms of the earth, and slightly touch upon the indications they
present of a connection with the languages of Asia and Europe.
Phenomenology, Theory, and Application will be the subjects of
the three remaining sections.
the celebrated geologist of Caucasia and Armenia. He received it, -when lately
at Tiflis, from M. Khanikoff chief of the diplomatic Chancelkrie of Russia at
that place, whose article on the subject will soon appear (or has appeared) in the
Petersburg Geographical Ephemerides. M. Khanikoff is a good geographer, and
understands the Caucasian languages. — London, Decembers. 1854.
FIRST SECTION,
PHENOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE;
THE VESTIGES OP ITS FORMATION, DEVELOPMENT, AND
DECAY.
THE
PHENOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE;
OR,
THE VESTIGES OF ITS FORMATION, DEVELOPMENT,
AND DECAY.
FIRST CHAPTER.
ANCIENT AND MODERN GERMAN, AND THE ROMANIC. THE EFFECT
OF AGE AND OF A NEW FORMATIVE ELEMENT UPON A LANGUAGE.
THE origin of language is enveloped in deep mystery. It is
only by a patient investigation of facts, and by generalizing
those facts as far as we safely can, that we may hope to establish
a fair test for a speculative view of the general principles of its
formation. The history of most languages is only very imper-
fectly known. The best method to understand the gradual for-
mation of a language, the extent of alterations it can undergo
without losing the unity of its existence, its individuality as it
were, and the changes to which it can be subjected in con-
sequence of a violent crisis, seems therefore to be to examine
the origin and gradual formation of those languages where
the necessary facts are generally known, or at least most easily
ascertainable. These are the daughters of Latin, and the mo-
dern German and Scandinavian languages. With the exception
of the Romanic or Vlachic, or the language of Wallachia, formed
with an admixture of Slavonic words, the first are the tongues of
the South of modern Europe. They were formed out of the
Latin in consequence of the settlement of one or other of the
. \'2 I • 1 1 KNOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
advancing German tribes in Romanized countries, inhabited, as
to the numerical majority of the inhabitants, by a Celtic popula-
tion, which in former ages had in some of them succeeded to an
Iberian. This is the origin of the Italian, the Proven9al, the
French, the Spanish, and the Portuguese languages ; the two
latter have received since, through the ascendancy of the Moors,
an admixture of Arabic.
We have here clearly two great elements. The German
tribes, who destroyed the Roman empire, were the instigating
causes of the utter decay of the declining Roman language, the
native tongue of Italy for ages, and introduced into the other
countries by military colonization. This language had been
adopted by the Celtic populations imperfectly, but to such an
extent that they gradually forgot their own language, not being
gifted with sufficient formative energy to master and incor-
porate the intruding element. The energetic and conquering
German tribes did possess this energy, and gradually made the
mixed Germano-Latin language the badge of their young
nationality.
The remodeling cause of the formation of those languages
was therefore Germanic. The element upon which it worked
was the Latin tongue, represented by a decaying Roman na-
tionality which (with the exception of Italy Proper) had been
engrafted in the South upon a Celtic, and in Valachia upon a
Slavonic population. The active movement of the Germanic
mind, operating upon the subject Roman population, dissolved,
and as it were burst the compact structure of the Latin tongue.
Thus Germanic words were first substituted for Latin, but only
in respect to the nouns and verbs. As for the particles and the
degenerate inflexional forms, the old ones were superseded by
the substitution of periphrastic forms, derived however from the
Latin, and not from the Germanic stem. Thus the words cis
and ultra (originally nls) disappeared. The Italian says, al di
qua, al di la; the French, au (en) dela, au (par) dela, which
ANCIENT AND MODKUN GKIIMAN AND 11OMANIC. 33
gives, as the original form, the Latin words, ad illud de qua
(ycfj-fe) and de illo or per illud de ilia. In the same way dord-
narant replaces abldnc. To understand the origin of this phrase
we must reduce it to the barbaric periphrasis, de hora in ab
ante. The most palpable proof that conjunctions represent a
whole sentence is the Italian conciossiacosache, literally cum hoc
$ii causa quod, meaning although. The gradual decay and
disappearance of the neuter gender in the substantives may be
traced in the popular dialect from the third century to the year
1000 of our era, when the utmost confusion prevailed among
the ruins of the magnificent language of ancient Rome, and
nowhere more than in Rome itself and its neighbourhood. The
cases of the noun gave way to declensions formed by two pre-
positions, ad and de, taken from the Latin steck, and coalescing
with the wreck of the pronoun ille, which became the article
of the Romanic languages, the first part in Italian, the second
in French. In the same way the Latin conjugation disappeared
more or less under the influence of a periphrastic formation, by
the help of esse and habere; thus here also the elements were
taken from the Latin stem. It is worthy of remark, that
the Germanic nations had themselves as complete inflexional
declensions as the Latin ; they also possessed the article like
the Greek ; but their conjugation of the past and future tenses
was decidedly defective, and was therefore necessarily supplied
by the periphrastic use of the verbs to be and to have. In both
cases we see how the remodeling element influenced the new
formations from the Latin. Still the change which took place
was only indirectly effected by the Germans ; directly it was
tin- work of the Latin nations, mixed with those Germans who
had destroyed the old world of Greece and Rome, upon a lan-
guage, the decay of which had followed the decline and fall of
the Empire. Thus the languages of Southern Europe have all
Latin grammatical forms and particles, with a strong admixture
of German words (besides the Celtic, and in Spain the Arabic
VOL. II. D
31 1MIKNOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
also), nouns and verbs introduced by the conquering race,
which adopted the established language, strengthened as it was
by literature and the liturgy.
We find absolutely the same phenomenon in the formation of
the middle and modern Persian and the Turkish. The Parsi
of the Achaemenidian inscriptions was made Pehlevi, under the
Sassanides, by a powerful influx of Aramaic words, and became
the language of Western Persia. The same happened, after the
Islamitic conquest, to the Persian of Farsistan ; the modern
Persian receiving into its dictionary an overwhelming number
of Arabic words. In the same manner, still later, the formation
of the present Turkish took place by the influence of the lan-
guage and civilization of the leading Mahommedan nation, the
Arabs. The grammatical forms with the pronouns and other
particles are from the original stock, Persian in the one, Turkish
in the other. But one half of the modern Persian consists of
Arabic words, and the elegant Turkish possesses still more foreign
elements, Persian or Arabic.
The mixture in the Romanic languages is between two
tongues of the same Iranian family; in the Persian between
an Iranian and a Semitic ; while the Turkish admits, besides
these two, a third element, widely different from either.
In all of them we find the same phenomenon which we
observe in the formations of the Romanic languages. A new
tongue was created through what we may call a secondary
formation, having as its substratum a decaying old language,
which we may consider as the primary one. The secondary for-
mation discarded the ancient grammatical forms, and most of the
particles ; but it retained the radical part of the nouns and verbs,
incorporating from the new intruding elements only substantial
words. That portion of the words which had no longer any
definite or substantial, but only a formal or ideal signification,
disappeared almost entirely. The want was supplied by a new
ANCIENT AND MODERN GERMAN AND ROMANIC. 35
creative act, which, operating upon a highly organized language,
produced a great decomposition of ancient forms.
It was altogether otherwise with the Anglo-Saxon tribes*,
which conquered and colonized England in the fifth and sixth
centuries. Possessed of greater energy than the Franconian tribes,
which conquered France but lost their mother-tongue, the
Anglo-Saxons in a short time made their language that of the
country, with the exception of Wales, and built up the Old Eng-
lish language, which contains some Latin and Kymric words, but
only German grammatical forms.
In German itself the Celtic, and in part, the Slavonic ele-
ments, which the Germans found in the land, exercised a similar
influence. But such was the vitality of the formative process
of the rising Germanic race upon the sporadic old elements, that
single words only were introduced from those languages ; even
from the Latin, the language of civilization and of Christianity,
they borrowed few single nouns and still fewer verbs. A compa-
rison of the Germanic languages with the old Scandinavian and
the Gothic, combined with a more profound study of the Slavonic,
and particularly of the Celtic, seems to be the safest method of
detecting their Slavonic and Celtic roots ; for the Scandinavian
and Gothic are either wholly or in a great degree free from
them.
All these roots have been prolific, they having admitted all
the German inflexions, and submitted to derivations and com-
positions like the original Teutonic roots. These foreign ele-
* I take this opportunity of adverting to the unhistorical use of the word
Anglo-Saxon as equivalent with the dominant race in England, Scotland,
:m<l, to all appearances, very shortly also in Ireland, as if the word Anglo
:il hided to England, whereas it only means that the German tribes which
colonized England in the fifth and sixth centuries, were pre-eminently
Angles — from Anglia in Schleswig — and the Saxons from Lower Saxony,
particularly from the coast, besides the Frisians from Frisia, and some
tribes.
36 PHENOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
nicnts accordingly have not exercised a disorganizing influence
upon the German language. How, then, has the language
of Goethe grown out of that of Ulphilas and of collateral
formations in the kindred Germanic tribes ? It has done so by
an uninterrupted development of 1500 years, which has produced
in the same country a tongue so different from the old form,
that BO German can, without a study like that of the classical
languages, understand a single line of Ulphilas' translation
of the Bible in 380. No German even is able without a certain
study to comprehend (although that is a comparatively easy
task) the national epic, the " Nibelungen," in its most modern
text of the year 1200. Charlemagne could not have understood
one word of the speech which his fiftieth successor on the throne
of the German empire made a thousand years after his ancestor's
coronation, that is to say, after the Ulphilatic language had
passed through thirty or forty mothers. The last of this series
of mothers taught her child the Lord's Prayer in a language
handed down to her from mother to mother, but entirely unintel-
ligible to the thirtieth or fortieth grandmother. How then has
this process been working ? Is it purely accidental, or what are
its laws ? Certain phenomena must strike everybody as being
universal.
Many words of the ancient idiom are lost in the modern,
and the grammatical forms have been undergoing a continual
process of reduction. Instead of our present periphrastic con-
jugation of the passive, we had in the Gothic, as in the
Icelandic, an organic form. In like manner, in the ancient
idiom of the Franks, instead of our periphrastic mode of ex-
pressing after the verbs of perception and thought, the com-
pound object (substantive and verb) by the particle that, we
find the direct construction of the accusative with the infinitive,
or the still more intuitive Greek construction through the
participle. On the whole, the abstractions increase in the
process of the language. In the same way, the roots and words
ANCIENT AND MODERN GERMAN AND ROMANIC. 37
(particularly the verbs) receive more and more a less material,
therefore freer, more intellectual, or metaphorical sense ; and
the original material signification disappears.
What may be stated empirically, as the minimum of time
required for the formation of a new language ?
The Hebrew began to be unintelligible to the Jews after
the Babylonian Captivity, the Latin to the Italians 600 years
after the settlement of the Germanic tribes. The Gothic became
extinct by the destruction of their empires and their mixture
with other tribes and nations ; the old Frank language cannot
be considered as a direct continuation of it ; but the language of
Otfried, a thousand years ago alphabetically fixed and possessing
a literature like our own, has become unintelligible for the last
five centuries to the direct descendants of the Carlovingian race,
without any intervening great catastrophe of the nation, or any
violent and lasting intrusion of foreign elements. The epochs
of the language are indeed marked by great events political and
national. The present German language has been fixed, after a
very unsettled state, by Luther's translation of the Bible, by the
uninterrupted production and use of German hymns since the
Reformation, by the course of regular preaching, reading, and
instruction in that same dialect, and finally by the modern
literature of Germany, the daughter of that same Reformation.
We cannot point out this difference between old and modern
German better than by the juxtaposition of the Lord's Prayer,
beginning with that of Ulphilas, in his Gothic translation of
the Gospels. If this table exemplifies the agency of time and
civilization alone, the following tables, exhibiting the change of
the Latin into the languages of the Romanic idioms of Western
Europe, and into the kumanic in Dacia, present the most au-
thentic instances of the formation of various new languages out
of one decayed mother-tongue, by the agency of a new formative
clement.
D3
38
rilF.XOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
THE LORD'S PRAYER
/• Ulpkilat, about 3CO.
In the Old High German Vertion
trf Tatian, about 8CO.
In Notker, about 1000.
Atta unsar, thu in Li
minimi,
Vcihnai namo thein.
Quimai thiudinassus
tlieins.
Vairthai vilja theins, sve
in himina, jah ana air-
thai.
Hlaif unsarana thana
sinteinan gif uns him-
madaga.
Jah aflct uns thatei sku-
lans sijaima, svasve jah
veis afletam thaim sku-
lam unsaraim.
Ja ni briggais. uns in
fraistubnjai.
Ac lausci uns af thamma
ubilin.
Unto theina ist thiu-
dangardi, jah mahts
jah vulthus in aivins.
Amen.
Fater unser, thu thar
bist in himile,
Si geheilagot thin namo.
Queme thin rihhi.
Si thin willo, so her in
himile ist, so si her in
erdu.
Unsar brot tagalihhaz
gib uns hintu.
Inti furlaz uns unsara
sculdi, so wir furla-
zemes unsaron scul-
digon.
Inti ni gileitest unsih
in costunga.
Uzouh arlosi unsih fon
ubile.
Fater unser, du in himile
bist,
Din namo werde geeili-
got,
Din riche chome.
Din wille gescehe in
erdo, also in himile.
Unser tagelicha brot kib
uns hiuto.
Unde unsere sculde be-
laz uns, also ouh wir
belazen unseren scul-
digen.
Unde in chorunga ne
leitest du unsih.
Nube lose unsih fone
ubile.
ANCIENT AND MODERN GERMAN AND ROMANIC. 39
IN GERMAN.
In Luther, 1518.
Modern Orthography.
Vater unser, der du bist in dem
Himel,
Geheiliget werdt dein Name.
Czu kura dein Reich.
Dein Wil geschehe alss ym Himel
und in der Erden.
Unser teglich Brodt gib uns heute.
Und verlass uns unser Schulde, als
wir verlassen unseren Schuldigern.
Und ftire uns nit yn die Versuchung
oder Anfechtung.
Sundern erlosse uns von dem Ubel.
Amen.
Vater unser, der du bist in dem
Himmel
Geheiliget werde dein Name.
Dein Reich komme.
Dein Wille geschehe, wie im Him-
mel so auch auf Erden.
Unser taglich Brot gib uns heute.
Und vergib uns unsere Schuld, wie
wir vergeben unsern Schuldigern.
Und fiihre uns nicht inVersuchung.
Sondern erlose uns von dem Uebel.
Denn dein ist das Reich und die
Kraft und die Herrlichkeit in
Ewigkeit. Amen.
EARLIEST
Tkf Oalk tif l^teii to Cnntitu Calant in Ike Treaty
irfun. MS.
The Song in honour of St. Eulalfa, Mi Ci-nftiry.
1. 1'ro deo amur ct pro Christian poblo
et nostro coimnun salvament, d'ist di en
avant. in quant deus savir ctpodir me dunat,
>i >.ilv.irai ••<• dst nifuii fiadiv Kurlo et in
adiudlm ft in cadhuna cosa si cum om per
a fradra wilvar (list, in o quid il mi
r. si fa/.ft. ft ali Lndher nul plaid nun-
quain prindrai, qui, nicon vol, cist meon
fad IT Karle in damno sit.
•2. Si Lodhuvi^s sagrament, que son
fradre Karlo jurat, cunsfrvat ct liarlus
meos aendra de suo part non los tanit, si io
rvturnur non 1'int pois, ne io ne neuls, cui
fo returnar int pois, in nulla aiudha contra
Lodhwig nun li iv er.
1. Pour de Dieu 1'amour et pour du
chrcticn pcuple et le notrc commun saint, de
cc jour en avant, en quant que Dieu savoir
et puuvoir me donne, nssuroment sauverai
moi ce mon frere Charles et en aide et
en chacune chose ainsi commc hommc par
droit son fn-re sauver doit, en cela quo lui
a moi pureille mcnt fera, et avcc Lothaire mil
traite nc onqucs prendrai, qui a mon vouloir,
a ce mien fro re C< arles en dommage soit.
•2. >i Louis ie cermet] t, qn'a son frere
Charles il jure, conserve, et Charles mon
giifur, de sa part ne le maintient, si je
detoiirner nel'en puis, ni moi ni nul, que je
d.'tourner en pnis, en nullc aide contre
Louis ne lui j serai.
Buona pulcella fut Eulalia ; bel auret
corps, bcllezour anima. Voldrent la vcintre
li dco inimi, — Voldrent la faire diaule servir.
— Elle non cskoltet les mals consdliers, —
qu'elle deo raneict, chi maent sn.s en del, —
Ne por or, ned argent, ne paramenz, por
manatee, rcgiel ne preiement. — Ninle cose
non la pouret omqi pleier, — la pollc sernpro
non amast Io deo mcnesticr. — E poro fut
presentcde Maximiien, — chi rex eret a eels dis
soure pagiens. — II li cnortet, dont lei nonqi
chielt, — qued elle fuiet Io nom christiien.—
Ell'ent adunct Io suon element — inclz sost
endreiet les empedemcnts, — qu'elle perdeye
sa virginitct : — poros furet morte a grand
honestet. — Enz enl fou Io gettcrent, com
arde tost, — elle colpes non anret, poro nos
coist. — Aezo nos voldret concrc-idrc li rex
pagiens ; — ad une spede li roveret tolir Io
chieef. — La domnizelle celle kcse non con-
tredist, — vott Io seulc lazsicr, si vuorct Krist.
— In figure de colomb volat a ciel. — Tuit
oram, que por nos degnet prcicr,— qued
auuissct de nos Christus mercit — post la
mort et a lui nos laist veuir — par sonne cle-
inentia.
VERBAL TRANSLATIONS
Bonne pucclle fut Eulalia, bel elle avah
le corps, plus belle 1'ame. Voulaient la
tenter de Dieu les ennemis, vonlaient la
faire (au) diable servir. Elle nV-coutait
(pas) les manvais conseillcurs, qu't-lK1 a
IJieu rcniait, qni dcmeure audessns en del,
ni pour or, ni argent, ni omements, ni ]».ur
menace, bonne parole, ni pour juicre.
Nulle chose ne la pouvait jamais j>lier, la
vii-rge toujours n'aimait a abandonner Dieu.
— Et apres fut presentee a Mnximinian, qui
etait roi a ccs jours sur (les) payens. 11
1'cxhorta — des qu'elle ne lui cacha rien —
qu'elle fuyat le nom chrcticn. Kile prit
(aunat) plustotson hcnnnic (casque), — (aliii
que) mieux soustriemlrait les assauts, qu'elle
jienlit sa virginito ; (elle) comptait pour
moin la mort que grand homu'tete. Dedans
en le feu la jetrrent — commc sitot il briile !
— elle n'avait dc rcproches, giu-re de plainte.
Facilemcnt ne la voulait lui abandonner Io
roi pay en ; avcc unc epec lui ordonna
1'iilever la U'tc. La demoiselle a cctte rlio-c
ne contrcdit, (cllc) voulait le sie.de laisscr
(quitter), si dcmandcrait Christ. En fi^uru
dc colombc volnit nu ciel. TI-IIS j-rions,
qu' (file) i>our nous daignc prior, que J>
Christ aie merci de u< us ajuvs la moi:.
soi nous la'ssc vcnir, par sa ck'incnce.
The firet thrc^ pieces are printed according to Dkz, Altroinischc Spradidenkc,
FRENCH.*
The Provenx Fragment on Soethiw, about 1000.
From n'ace's lioit, about 1100: publii par 1'luquet,
Rouen, 1827, p. 377.
iove omne, quandius que nos estam,
in tiillia per t'olledat parllam,— Quar
membra, per eui viuri esperam, —
qui nos sosu-, tan quaii per terra anuam, —
E qni nos p:\is, que no murem dc fam, — per
eui s;ilv e>m, esper, pur tan quell clamam.
>ve uinne menain ta mal jovcut —
non o prcza, sis trada son parent ;
— Senor ni par, sill mena malameiit,— ni
1 aitre, sis fai fals sacrament; —
Qiiu-.it o (a) fait, mica no s'en repent, — et
leu non fai emendamcnt. — Pro non
es irai^re, si penedenza' n' pren, — dis, que
1'a bivsa, mica non qua la te: — que eps
lor forfarz e senipre fai epsamen, — laisan
deu lo grant omnipotent, — k'il mort et vius
tot a in jutjamen: — eps li,satan son en so
mnmlumcn: — ses deu licencia ja non faran
torm nt. — Enfants en dies foren ome fello,
mal ome foren, a ora sunt peior. — Void i
B o e c i o metre quastiazo : — Ouvent la
gent fazia en so sermo, — creessen deu,
qui sosten passio, — per lui aurien trastut
redemcio. — Mas molt s'en penet, quar non i
mes foiso, — anz per eveia lo mesdren e
Meiao.
IX .MODERN FRENCH.
jcunes hommes, si longtemps que
nous M mimes, de grand folie par erreur par-
Ion-, parcc que ne nous souvient, par qui
-perons, qui nous souticnt, taut que
par terrc allons, el qui nous pait, afin que
ne moiirions de faim ; par qui je suis sauve,
jV-pi're, en tant que 1'invoquons. Nous
Jennys hommes menons si mal jeunesse, que
un ne cela prise, s'il trahit sou ]>areiit,
seiirneur, et pair, s'il le mene mechamment,
et i'uii voile 1'autre, s'il fait faux sermeut ;
quaut cela fait, mica nc s'en repent, et ni
v <•!•.- .lieu non fait amendement. Profit
i penitence en prend, dit qu'il
l*a prise, mie jamais la tient ; vu que meme
a rheure forfait, ct toujours fait dc meme,
laissant Dicu le grand tout-puissant, qui les
: \ivantstoutaenjugement: meme
lea satans sont en son mandeinent ; sans de
uiiais in- f'eront torment. — En-
:rent hommes felons; mauvais
lioiiini- •« fun-lit, a 1'heure sont jiires. — Voulut
nu-ttre correction ; Oyant le penple
•n -en discours, qu'ils crussent dieu
il'rit passion, que par lui auraient
trestous redemption. Mais Iwaucoup s'en
arn'y mit foisou ; mais par cnvic le
en prison.
Al Due vint un horn de Bealvcis, — ki dni
culteals, k'il aveit feis, — mult buns et beals,
li presenta, — et il cent livres li duna. — Li
horn se tint a bien guage, — a 1'ostel vint,
mult s'en fist lie. — Devant sei numbrait sez
deniers, — quant un mes vint o dui destriers,
— de par li Due li ad dunez, — ne sai ki li
ont presentez. Cil ki ont li deniers eus —
e li dui chevals receus, — sur 1'un munta e
1'altre prist, — e a la veie tost se mist ; —
tart li est ke esluingne feust, — k'alcune
rienz ne lui neust. — A grand joie e tost s'en
alout — o li dous chevals k'il menout. —
Itant ont li Quens un present — d'une cupe
chiere d'argent ; — dez k'il en sa main la
tint: — veez, dist-il, 90 ke devint — cil ki li
cutiax m'aporta. — Asquanz li dirent : luing
est ja : — Pur kei, dist-il, si tost s'en vait ?
— Ceo pese mei, poi li ai fait ; — S'nn poi
od mei plus demurast, — manant e riche
s'en alast. — Tel custume li Due aveit, — sa
gent tute bien le saveit ; quant horn present
li aportout, — cil a home tost [le] donout.
Ja puiz li jour present ne eust, se 90 chose
a mengier ne feust, ke cil ne 1'eust mainte-
nant, ki 1'altre aveit eu devant.
Au Due vint un homme de Beauvais, qui
deux couteaux qu'il avait fait, tres bons et
beaux, lui presenta ; et il cent livres lui
donna. LTiomme se tint bien engage, a
1'hotel vint, s'en fit tres gai. Devant soi
(il) comptait ses deniers, quand un messager
vint avec deux chevaux de bataille, de cote
du Due lui donnes de plus, ne savait qui les
lui avait preSentes. Celui qui avait rc9u
les deniers, et les deux chevaux refu (ainsi)
sur 1'un prix lautre prit, et aussitot se mit
en chemin. II ne lui arriva point qu'il se
fiit arrete, (afin) qu'aucun ne lui nuisit rien.
A graude joie aussitot il s'en alloit avec les
deux chevaux, qu'il mcnait. — En ce moment
le Comtc avait un present d'une coupe chdre
d'argent. Dos qu'il en sa main la tint:
Voyez, dit-il, cc qui devint (de) celui qui les
couteaux m'apporta. Quclques-uns Ini
dirent: Loin (il) est deja : Pourquoi, dit-il,
si tflt s'en va? Ce me pese; peu lui ai-je
fait; s'il cut demeurc plus ou un peu de plus
possedant et riche s'en allait Tel coutume
le Due avait, ses gens tous bien le savaient.
Quand hommo present lui apportait, celni
a (!') homme aussitot donnait (quelque
chose). Or, jusqu'au jour present il n'y eut,
si ce ne fut chose a manger, que celui nc 1'eiit
maintenant, qu'un autre ne l'eut eu aupa-
ravant.
Bonn, I84t>. The traiislatioii of the iir.-t and third after Knynouard, ChoLx, vol. ii.
42
niKXOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
FRENCH FROM 1150 TO
L*ti» (Si. ///mm.).
12/A Century, Adelung,
it. S90.
l.'i/A Century, par Demon
lu ira, from Cod. Sodt.
nr. 212.
Utft Century. Cod. Bodl.
nr.'<J7\.
Pater nostcr, qoi es ii
Sire Pere, qui es 6s
Nostre Pere, qui es el
Nostre Pere, qui es ou
coclis,
ciaux,
ciel,
ciel,
sanctincctur nomen
sunctifier soit li tuens
ton non soit saintefie,
ton nom soit sainc-
tuuni,
nons,
tifiez,
rcniat regnam tnam,
avigne li tucns regnes,
ton regne vienge,
ton Regne aviengne,
fiat roluntas tua, sicut
soit faite ta volante,
ta volente soit faite en
ta volente soit faite en
in ccelo et in terra :
si comme ele est faite
terre, comme elle est
terre, si comme elle
el ciel, si soit elle faite
el ciel:
est ou ciel :
en terre:
panem nostrum super-
nostre pain de chascun
Sire, donne nous hui
Sire, donncs nous buy
sabstantialcm (al.
jor nos done hoi,
nostre pain de chas-
nostre pain de chas-
quotidianum) da no-
cun jour,
cun jour,
bis hodic,
et dimittc nobis dc-
ct pardone nos nos
et nous pardonne noz
et nous pardonnes noz
bita nostra sicut ct
muffais, si come nos
pechiez, comme nons
pechiez, si comme
nos dimittimus de-
pardonnons a cos qui
pardonnons a ecus
nous pardonnons a
bitoriboa nostris,
meffait nos ont.
qui nons mcffont,
ceulx qui nous mef-
font,
et ne inducas nos in
Sire, no soflre que nos
et ne nos maine mie
et ne nons maincs mie
temptationem,
soions tcmpte par
en tcmptacion, ce est
en temptacion, c'est
mauvesse tempta-
a dire, ne sueffre mie
a dire, ne sueffrea
cion,
que nous soiens menc
mie que nous soions
en tcmptacion,
temptez,
•ed libcra nos a malo.
mes, Sire, delivre nos
mais deliure nous de
mais deliure nous du
de mal.
maL Amen.
mal. Amen.
ANCIENT AND MODERN GERMAN AND ROMANIC.
1850, COMPAKED WITH THE LATIN.
43
Incvnable of the British Museum.
1515.
Calvin's Translation. 1564.
Modtrn.
STostre Pere, qui est es cieulx,
ton nom soit sainctifie,
ton regne nous adviengne,
a volente soit faicte en terre,
si comme elle est an ciel :
Sire, donne nous nostre pain
de chascun jour,
t nous pardonne not pechez,
ainsi comme nous pardon-
nons a cculx qui nons mef-
font,
•t ne nous meine mye en
tcini>tacion, cest a dire, ne
suoffrcs mye quo nous soy-
ons tcmpte/.,
tnais deliuro nons de mal.
Amen.
Nostre Pere, qui es es cieux,
ton Nom soit sanctifie,
ton regne vienne,
ta volonte soit faite en la
terre, comme au ciel.
Donne-nous aujour d'huy
nostre pain quotidien.
Et nous remets nos dettes,
comme aussi nous les re-
mettons a nos dettcurs.
Et ne nous induy point en
tcntation,
Notre Pere, qui es au ciel,
ton nom soit sanctifie,
ton regne vienne,
ta volonte soit faite sur la
terre, comme au ciel.
Donne-nous aujourd'hui no-
tre pain quotidien,
et pardonne-nous nos of-
fenses, comme nous les par-
donnons a ceux qui nous
ont offenses,
ct ne nous induis point en
tcntation,
mnis deliure-nous du malin.
Amen.
mais delivre nous du mal
Amen.
PHENOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
ITALIAN, PIEMONTESE, PROVEN£AL*,
OU Italian, 1471.
Modern Italian,
Bible, 1757.
Waldensic, about 1100.
Provencal fAire.
Patre nostro, el qua
Padre nostro, che se
0 tu lo nostre payre
Nouestre Paire, quo
sci in cielo,
ne' cieli,
lo cal sies en li eel,
sias au ciel,
sia sanctificato il nomc
sia sanctificato il tu<
lo tio nom sia sanc-
que vonestre noum
tuo ;
nome ;
tifica,
siegue sanctificat,
venga il tuo regno,
il tuo regno venga ;
lo tio regno venga,
que vouestre regne
arribe,
sia fatta la volonta
a tua volonta sia fatt:
a toa volunta sia fay-
que vouestre vouloun-
tua come in cielo et
in terra, come in
ta en ayma illi es
ta sie facha sur la
in terra .-
cielo :
fayta al eel, sia fayta
terre, coume au ciel :
en la terra :
a noi da hogi il pane
dacci oggi il nostro
dona nos la nostre pan
douna non nouestre
nostro substanciale ;
pane quotidiano,
quotidian en choy,
pen quoutidien,
et perdonace li nostri
e rimettici i nostri de-
pardonna a nos li nos-
jardouna nous nou-
debiti, come etiani
biti, come noi ancora
tre debit 6 pecca, co-
estreis offenses, coume
noi perdoniamo a i
li rimettiamo a' nos-
ma nos perdonnen ali
perdounon en a que-
debitori nostri,
tri debitori,
nostre debytor 6 of-
leis que nous en of-
dadors,
fensa,
et non ce inducere nc
e non c' indurre in
non nos amenar en
non laisse pas suc-
la t«mptatione,
tentatione,
tentacion,
coumba a la tenta-
cien.
ma liberacc dal mal.
ma libcraci dal male.
ma deslivra nos del
mai delivra nou dau
mal. Amen.
mau.
« The first four texts are
ANCIENT AND MODERN GERMAN AND ROMANIC.
45
SPANISH, AND PORTUGUESE.
Spanish Bible, Madrid, 1823.
Portuguese.
Jo. Ferreira d' Almeida, 1819.
Rumnnic of the Gritoni,
Kitle, Chur, 1718. (Adelung.)
Padre nuestro, qui estas en
los cielos,
sanctificato sea el tu nombre,
rengo el tu reyno ;
hagase tu voluntad como en
el cielo, asi tambien en la
terra :
el pan nuestro de cada dia
danos le hoy,
y perdonanos nuestras deu-
das, asi como nosotros per-
donainos a nuestros deu-
dores,
y no nos dejes caer en la
tentacion,
ma libranos de mal, Amen.
Pae nosso, que estas nos
ceos,
sanctificado seja o teu nome.
venha a teu Reyno,
seja feita a tua vontade assi
na terra como no ceo :
o pao nosso de cadadia nos
da hoje,
e perdoa nos nossas dividas,
assi como nos perdoamos
a nos nossos devedores.
e nao nos metas em tentasao,
ma livra nos do mal. Amen.
Bab noss, ilg qual eis enten
tschieL
soing vengig faig tieu num,
tieu raginavel vengig nou
tiers,
tia velgia daventig seo enten
tschiel, aschi er sin terra :
niess paun da minchiagi dai
a nus oz,
a nus pardunne noss puccanf
sco nus pardunein a noss
culponts,
a nus manar buc en pruva-
ment,
mo nus spindre d' ilg mal.
given from Adelung, roL ii.
46 PHENOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
APPENDIX
TO THE
HISTORY OF THE LATEST LATIN AND THE EARLIEST
ITALIAN IDIOMS.
MURATORI has given, in his classical dissertation on the origin
of the Italian language, interesting documents to show the
gradual decomposition of the Latin language after the invasion
of the Teutonic nations and the downfal of the Western Em-
pire.* I add a document, since discovered and published by
Pertz in the third volume of the Monumenta Germanica, of the
year 1000, which may be considered as the most striking proof
of the learned barbarism of that age in Italy.
The origin of the Italian language is undoubtedly as old
as the fifth century, when the barbarians were settled in that
country. Its progress is parallel with the deterioration of the
language of the learned. We find already an Italian phrase in a
document of the end of the eighth century f; but as to a whole
document of undoubted authenticity, the oldest Muratori gives
in the vulgar tongue is a privilege of King Baraso in Sardinia,
about the year 11824 There is already some sprinkling of
Italian in another Sardinian document of 1153.§ Such Italian-
isms in the midst of bad Latin show that the notaries, where
their learning failed, employed the vulgar idiom spoken in
common life.
* Antiquitates Italics Medii JEvi, torn. iidul p. 1026. Charta Rexolfi Pres-
byteri, anno 765, " regnante Domino nostro Desiderio et Adelchis Regibus."
Others of 768 and 777, pp. 1027 — 1030. In the last there appears already the
Italian hy the side of bad Latin. A witness who could only make the sign of the
cross is thus designated : " Signum manus Garibaldi filio quondam Placito da
Porta Argenta testis."
f See preceding note. J P. 1059. § P. 1084.
LATEST LATIN AND EARLIEST ITALIAN. 47
THE LATIN OF THE MONK OF SORACTE ABOUT 1000.
Benedicti Chronicon Pertz Script. III. 698.
TEMPOUE illo de quo diximus, Theodoricus, rex Gothorum,
Symmachum confectsi ac patriciis Ravenna trucidavit. Abebat
autem Symmachis filia una tantummodo, nomine Galla, intra
adolescentie tempore marito tradita; in unius anni spatio ejus est
morte viduata. Qui dum fervente mundi copia ad iterandum tha-
lamum, et opes et aetas vocaret, eligit magis spiritalibus nuptiis
copulari Deo, in quibus a luctus incipitur, sed ad gaudia reterna per-
venitur. Hie itaque omnes res suas quas patrimonium et matrimo-
niina hac maritis suis, cunctaque sacrarum ecclesiarum, aedificare
precepit. Abebat autem agrem cum montem qui vocatur campana,
territorio Colinense est posita ; nam uno latere fines Cusiano,
da secundo latere ribos cum aqua qui dicitur Cava, qui incole
locis vocitantur Carba. Nam de tertio latere rivos Grifianello
vocatur. De quarto vero fluvium magnum, de qua a fundamento
juxta aqua parietinis edificare jussit. Super cunc macerie murorum
construxit aecclesiam in onore sancti An dree apostoli juxta ipso
flumen. Et juxta ipsa ecclesia portus qui vocatur Bonus.
Nam in agro Pont ianello construxit ecclesia in onore sancti
Laurentii martyris et levite. Qui dum agrum cum monte de
Campana cum ejus affinibus in monasterium sancti Silvestri,
qui dicitur montem Serapti (Soracte), per instrumentum cartarum
constituit. Edificavit autem ecclesia sancti Johannis Babtiste juxta
qui dicitur Tarega, terretorio Nepesino, cum omnia sua rebus
proprietatis in ecclesiis sancte Dei genitricis semperque virginis
Marie, Domine nostre, episcopatum Nepesine civitatis.
Pag. 712.
Mortuo idem Lothario successit in regno Karolus, filius ejus,
eo non niultum tempus. Orta est persecutio Romani inter se;
exierunt viri scelerati et legatos miserunt a rex Babylonie, ut
venirent et possidere regnum Italic. Tanta denique Aggareni in
Ihilia ingressi a Centucellensis portus, sic impleverunt faciem
sicut locuste velut segetem in campo.
48 rilKXOMENOLOGY CF LANGUAGE.
SECOND CHAPTER.
AKCIENT AND MODERN ENGLISH, OR THE EFFECT OF MIXTURE IN
LANGUAGE.
WE should seem therefore to be authorized in drawing from the
phenomena observed both in the Romanic and Germanic, and
in all modern languages the origin of which we are acquainted
with, the following three conclusions :
I. Language is changed by the very action of the national
mind upon it, involving a process of filing down of roots, forms,
and inflexions, and producing new derivative or compound words.
There takes place through this same agency an unceasing ad-
vance of words and expressions from a substantial to a formal
sense, or from the natural to the metaphorical, from the phy-
sical to the intellectual, from the concrete to the abstract, from
the lexical to the grammatical.
II. An alphabet and literature fix a tongue as it were by a
process of instantaneous crystallization of the floating elements
of the national consciousness of language ; but they do not pre-
vent the change of the spoken dialect. Languages artificially
preserved in a fixed state (e. g. by religious institutions) become
obsolete and dead : for instance the Hebrew, the Zend, the
Sanskrit, the Old Egyptian and Abyssinian. A new popular
language is created gradually by an undercurrent ; and national
events make it a written national language.
ANCIENT AND MODERN ENGLISH. 49
III. The formation of a new language always implies the
decay of another. Such new formations must be both hastened
and greatly influenced by the violent intrusion of a foreign ele-
ment. This element cannot substitute a new grammar, unless
it abolishes the language (as the Anglo-Saxon did the Kymric) ;
but it may produce a mixed language, the grammar of which is
from a native, the words, for the most part, from a foreign stem.
The change, in the natural course, is an organic development ;
the broken and mixed idiom shows a less organic structure.
The natural feeling and understanding of words as significative
becomes as it were dimmer, because the roots often disappear,
whereas derivations remain, and foreign words are introduced
having merely a conventional signification. On the other hand,
whenever the organic movement of the language has been in-
terrupted by an extraneous element and great national cata-
strophes, the native elements in the mixed language will often
retain the ancient form, whereas the native stock, left to its
own natural development, will use up and lose it.
Of this phenomenon the Germanic languages offer the most
remarkable instance in the origin and development of the
English tongue. By the Conquest the language of the Anglo-
Saxon people was driven from the palace, the legislature, and
the tribunals. Gradually, however, the conquering Norman
minority adopted the language of the country; the Normans
could not overthrow the Saxon foundation of England's idiom,
as the Saxons had done that of the Celto-British. Out of the
struggle of the two idioms arose a mixed language like the
modern Persian ; but there is in the English a more organic
intermixture of the tw"o elements than in the Persian, because
the two constituent parts were not so different from each other
in origin and formation as Arabic and Persian, or Semitic and
Iranian. The Persian forms a new verb by placing kerden (to
do), or a similar Persian verb, after an Arabic word. In
VOL. II. E
50 rill'NOMENOLOGY OF LANGUAGE.
English we have purely hybrid words by the blending of
English roots and Romanic formative syllables, such as unspeak-
able, starvation, and the obsolete English word, still found in the
seventeenth century, and preserved by the Americans, to hap-
pify. But such formations constitute the very extreme limit of
formative power ; and they appear even, on the whole, as ano-
malies. The inverse formation of English words out of Latin
roots and Germanic affirmatives is much more extensive, such
as common-er, common-est ; and this is a consequence of the
principle that the formative grammatical element works itself
into new though not altogether congenial matter, not the in-
truding lexicographic element into the grammatical. The old
Saxon form is thus much more easily adapted to French and
Latin verbs or nouns than a formative syllable of the French or
Latin idiom combined with the Saxon root. New prepositions
and conjunctions have been formed, none of which are Latin,
all are German (as " by way of") or hybrid (as " on account of").
As in the Romanic, they are compounded in order to replace
the worn out, simple Saxon particles. These became obsolete
because they had become isolated and inexpressive. But the
power of forming compound nouns and verbs inherent in all
Teutonic languages is almost entirely paralyzed; and the organic
forms of inflexion remain only in isolated fragments.
ANCIENT AND MODERN ENGLISH.
51
THE LORD'S PRAYER IN ENGLISH.
I» tht Anglo-Saron of
King Alfred's time.
'n a version of the Evan-
geles, about 1 160.
In the English of WickVf
(1380).
In the authorized version
(<if 1GOO).
TaJor urc, J>u J>c cart
Jre fader, }>u be on
Our fadir, that art in
Our father, which art
on heofenum.
heofcne cart.
hcvenys.
in heaven.
Si hin nama gehal-
87 thin name geha-
Halewid be thi name.
Hallowed be thy
god.
Icged.
Name.
To bccume Mn rice.
To cume Hn rice.
Thi kyngdom come to.
Thy kingdom come.
jevurgc Kn villa on
Gevorde Inn ville on
3e thi wil done in
Thy will be done in
eorftan sva sva on
heofenc andoneor'Se.
crthe as in heveiie.
earth, As it is in
heofnum.
heaven.
[Jrne gcdaghuamlican
Syle us to daig urnc
Give to us this day
Give us this day our
hlaf sylc us to dag.
daighvamliche hlaf.
oure breed ovir othir
daily brtad.
substaunce;
And forgyt us urc
And forgyf us urc
And forgive to us our
And forgive us our
gryltas, sva sva vc for-
gettes sva sve for-
dettis, as we forgiven
trespasses, as we for-
gytfa$ urum gylten-
gyfath aelcen J>are
to oure dettouris.
give them that tres-
duin.
be vi t> us agyltc^.
pass against us.
And nc golaedde l-u
And ne laed J>u us on
And Icdc us not into
And lead us not into
us on coftnung.
coftnunge.
tcmptacioun.
temptation.
Ac alysc us of yflc.
Ac alys frani yfelc.
But dclyvcre us from
But de-liver us from
yvcl. Amen.
evil. Amen.
52 ICELANDIC AND MODERN SCANDINAVIAN,
TOE ICELANDIC AND THE MODERN SCANDINAVIAN, OR THE EFFECT
OF COLONIZATION.
THERE is one agency which requires special consideration — the
effect of emigration ; for most of the languages owe their origin
to the colonization of a foreign country by emigrated tribes.
It follows, from the general principle, that colonization may
produce such a crisis as we have assumed and found to be ne-
cessary for the formation of a new language. But here a more
accurate distinction must be drawn. A part of the nation,
settling, in a more or less organized state, with more or less in-
tellectual means and resources, in a foreign country, isolated
from the mother country, will necessarily in process of time
differ in language from the native stock. It is evident that the
formation of the colonial language has a new fixed point in the
new conditions of life under which those are placed who have
immigrated and may therefore follow a very different course
from that of the mother country. Peaceable and intelligent
colonists", settled in a new country under prosperous circum-
stances, will preserve the ancient idiom with great pertinacity.
The act of separation works as an artificial interruption of the
flow of language, while the inhabitants of the mother country
become subject perhaps to violent changes introduced by foreign
dements, or move on in the natural course of development,
as the Frank language did in Germany from Otfried to Goethe.
Of this class we have a most instructive instance within the
domain of the German language, in the Icelandic, which is the
old Norse tongue, transplanted into that northern island by the
emigration of many noble families, unable longer to endure the
OR THE EFFECT OF COLONIZATION. 53
tyranny of King Harold Harfagr (Fairhair). That event took
place in the year 875. Since that period, therefore, during the
lapse of almost a thousand years, the intellectuality of the Teu-
tonic stock, and the energy of the Norman race, have main-
tained, in the midst of snow and ice, the sacred fire of the Muses.
The most ancient document of Icelandic literature is still
heathenish : I mean the poetical Edda, or the songs of Odin,
and Helge, and Sigurd, and of all the gods and heroes of our
common forefathers. The clearest proof that the language of
these songs represents simply the old Norse is, that the law-book
of 1123 exhibits already a decidedly impoverished system of
inflexions, whereas in the Edda we find that richness and com-
pleteness of forms which places the old Icelandic on the same
level with the Gothic of the fourth century. Again, if we com-
pare that work with the remarkable historical compositions of
the historian Snorro Sturleson, of the thirteenth century, and
with the writings of the last centuries, we find in rapid progress
the gradual extinction above referred to of the grammatical
forms of the language. Still, if from the Icelandic of this day
we look back to its native country, we find among the de-
scendants of the same stock two modern idioms formed out of
the old Norse, the Swedish and Danish, neither intelligible to the
other without some practice, and each as unintelligible to the
Icelander, as his tongue, and still more his Edda, is, and has
been for the last four hundred years at least, to the Dane and
Swede; whereas the Icelander of 1840 can understand with a
little practice his Norse of more than a thousand years ago.
Thus their evulsion from the stem, and their subsequent isola-
tion, preserved among the isolated Icelanders the ancient heir-
loom of their fathers so long and so successfully, that the co-
lonial language and that of the mother country became for ever
distinct, the first being even now scarcely anything but the
language of Scandinavia, suddenly fixed in the ninth century,
and since that time shorn only of some of its luxuriant forms.
N\ '<• have already observed that every new language is pro-
E 3
54 ICELANDIC AND MODERN SCANDINAVIAN,
duccd by what we have called the secondary formation. Such
a secondary formation is scarcely traceable in Icelandic, while
it is much more visible in the Swedish and Danish. In the new
Icelandic we can only quote the formations of new abstract
words ; all other differences consist simply in the loss of ancient
forms. As to the old Icelandic, a comparison with the Gothic
and some isolated formations of a very primitive nature show
that the new formation by which the Scandinavian branch ob-
tained a distinct character, was equally marked as well by loss
of forms as by the prominent working out of elements which in
the old united stock were less developed, but stood there by the
side of collateral forms dropped in the Scandinavian. The old
Norse article hinn, hinna, hit, has been supplanted by the new
Scandinavian article, and has transformed itself into a suffix
appended to the noun. It has lost consequently its whole de-
clension, and of the three genders of the ancient article two
have survived in that suffix ; one common for masculine and
feminine, and one for the neuter gender.
The Dutch itself, which is nothing but a scion of the great
Saxon or Low German dialect, individualized and fixed by the
national separation and independence, has changed less than
that dialect has done in the mother country. Lastly, the same
thing occurs in the Anglo-Saxon. The idiom of the Anglo-
Saxon remains of the ninth century is decidedly impoverished
in forms and inflexions, when compared with the anterior state
of the language, represented by the Gothic of Ulphilas, which
must be considered as collateral with that which the Saxons,
Hengist and Horsa, brought with them from Germany. But it
is no less decidedly nearer to that preceding period than the
documents of the Saxon dialect in German justify us in supposing
this to have been at the same period. Finally, according to
good authorities, the English of the sixteenth century lias
become fixed in some English colonies of that time in words and
pronunciation ; and in like manner the French in Canada use
the language and orthography of Louis XIV. Before three
OB THE EFFECT OF COLONIZATION. 55
centuries elapse, a new instance will be supplied by the difference
between the English of America and that of Europe. To the
critical observer this difference is already strongly marked, both
by the retention of the forms and pronunciations of the seven-
teenth century, and by new Americanisms in formation and
signification. The American is in phraseology more open to
European influences than the insular English of the mother
country.
We have therefore undoubted instances of the fact, that a
colonial transplantation of a language may, by putting a stop
to the continuous flow of its development, preserve the ancient
form of speech more fully than in the mother country. But all
the cases which we can quote of this description, are taken from
the same family of languages, one which, in its most ancient
form, presents itself in a state of complete development, as
compared with others. In the second place all those secondary
formations were the work of rising nations. In those processes
a considerable decomposition of the old element necessarily
preceded the new formation ; but there was also a new impulse,
a growing life.
A widely different effect must of course be produced upon
the language of a colony, if the emigrant or expelled population
sinks from a relatively superior and growing intellectual and
physical station to a lower. The new society may then gra-
dually fall into a very different state of existence, either through
thi- inclemency of the climate, extreme cold or extreme heat, or
from other, perhaps concomitant, unfavourable circumstances,
such as the persecution and enmity of more powerful tribes.
Now every lasting contraction of the mind must produce a cor-
•ijiiding reduction of the means of expression. Thus the
present Laplanders, a Finnic population, having been driven
by the Swedes in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries out of
their native land, and pushed more and more towards the polar
regions, possess a language greatly impoverished and disorganized,
£ 4
56 ICELANDIC AND MODERN SCANDINAVIAN,
as compared with their Finnic brethren in Finland. There
seems to have been no positive secondary formation among the
Laplanders : they have lost many forms and words ; but, on the
other hand, they have also preserved with colonial tenacity, and
as it were pious anxiety, many ancient forms (such as the dual
of the pronouns), which have been lost by the Finlanders.
Swedish words have been introduced by Christianity, evidently
because the native expressions had become obsolete ; for the
Finns express the same ideas by native words. When we con-
sider what would have become of the Laplanders, if Christianity
had not sustained them, and if the translation of the Bible had
not fixed and preserved their language, we shall not be very much
surprised by the fact, that the idiom of the degraded Bushmen
(whom Linnasus identified with the Orang-utang), cruelly
hunted down by Hottentots and Kafres, can be traced to a cor-
rupt Hottentot language, and that the Hottentot language itself
is only a degraded dialect of the noble language of Sechutana
and other branches of the Kafre tribes, the oppressors of the
Hottentots.
We must therefore distinguish the phenomena of rising and
sinking languages. Lastly, we must acknowledge the pos-
sibility of a new formation, as the consequence of emigration.
A language in a state of incipient development, if transplanted
by emigration, that great agent in forming nations and lan-
guages, perhaps races, by a totally new scene of existence,
may shoot out into a luxuriant new formation, which in pro-
cess of time may almost entirely overgrow the primary one
and destroy all vestiges of the ancient roots. It will then
require a very complete knowledge of the new idioms, and of
the history of their development, to discover the primitive roots
of the ancient stock. A new method may perhaps be found of
supplying this want by the evidence of analogy of structure. At
the present stage of our inquiry we can only establish such a
possibility, but not define the condition and nature of such forma-
tions, and the method of analysis which they require.
OR THE EFFECT OF COLONIZATION.
THE LORD'S PRAYER IN SCANDINAVIAN.
57
In the Language <tf the
Ediia.
(Comjwsfd by Dr. AvJ-
recht, Oxford.)
In the Icelandic Bible.
(1747—1813.)
In the Swedish Bible.
(Modern, 1828.)
In the Danish Bible.
(Modern, 1806.)
'a'Sir varr, f>u er ert
?ader vor, j>u sera ert
Fader war, som ast i
Vor Fader, du som er
i himnum,
a himnum.
himlom,
i himlene,
. j,ilt nafn.
lelgest j>ilt nafn.
Helgadt warde tilt
Helliget vorde dit
namn.
navn.
voini J>ilt riki.
Jilkome )>ilt rike.
Jilklomme titt rike.
Komme dit rige.
3 brisk )>inn vilja sva
Verde t»hinn vile so a
Ske tin wilje sasom
Skee din villie, some
a jbrflu scm c himni.
jordu sera a himne.
i himmelen sa oik
er i himmelen saa
pa jorden.
og paa jorden.
3ef oss i dag vort
Gef |>u oss i dag vort
Gif oss i dag wart
Giv os i dag vort dag-
dagliga klaf.
daglest broad.
dageliga brbd.
lige brbd.
Dk forlat mein Tar,
Og fyrergef oss vorar
Och forlat oss vara
Og forlad os vor skyld
sva sera ok ver for-
skullder, sosem ver
skulder, sasom och
saa som wi og for-
lat inn j^eim oss mcin
fyrergefum vorum
wi forlate them oss
lade vore skyldener.
gorbmlum.
skulldunantum.
skyldige a'ro.
Ok Icitfattu oss i
Og innleid oss eige i
Och inlcd oss uke i
Og Iced os ikkc ind
tni.
freistne.
frestelse.
i fristelse.
Ilclldr leystu oss fra
Helldur frelsa )>u oss
Utan frals oss ifran
Men frie os fra dc
illu.
fra illu.
ondo.
onde.
t-viat f.ilt er riki, ok
f>viad j>ilt cr riked,
Jy rikct ar tlit, och
Thi dit er Riget, og
mattr, ok hro^r, urn
og maattur, og dyrd,
machten, och har-
kraften, og herlighe-
aldir alda. Amen.
uni alldcr allda.
lighcten, i ewig het.
den, i evighcd.
Amen.
Amen.
Amen.
EGYPTIAN AND 1'UI.MITIVE ASIATIC fSKMH I-M,
FOURTH CHAPTER.
THE EGYPTIAN AND THE PRIMITIVE ASIATIC SEMITISM, OR COLONIZATION
A\D SECONDARY FORMATION IN A VERY EARLY STAGE OF LANGUAGE.
THE Egyptian language brings us some steps nearer to the
solution of the general problem, and in particular for under-
standing the nature of what we have termed secondary forma-
tion. Egypt is connected with the undivided Asiatic stock ;
for its language is much less developed than the Aramaic and
Sanskritic, and yet it admits the principle of those inflexions and
radical formations, which we find developed, sometimes in one,
sometimes in the other of those great families, and particularly in
the Semitic. As both of them in their historical form are much
more advanced than the Egyptian, this language, if the prin-
ciple of colonization be admitted, will point to a more ancient
Asiatic formation, since extinct in its native country, just as
the Icelandic points to the old Norse of Scandinavia.
The Egyptian language is also interesting as illustrative ge-
nerally of another phenomenon, which we have traced through
more modern formations ; I mean the nature of the secondary
formation. In order to obtain a clear view of this formation,
as exhibited by the Coptic, we must first consider the words
taken from the Greek. As to this admixture, we meet
with an entirely new phenomenon : the Coptic has not only
adopted single nouns and verbs, living roots, but also particles,
specially conjunctions, in the proper sense, such as the Greek
aXXa, but. This forms no exception to the rule above deduced
from that striking phenomenon in the Romanic and Germanic
languages, that foreign particles are as little apt to expel native
OR COLONIZATION AND SECONDARY FORMATION. 59
particles as in general foreign grammatical forms to supplant the
native; for the Egyptian language never possessed discriminating
particles. In translating, therefore, from the Greek, the Copts
were obliged to adopt the Greek conjunctions, for the same
reason as they adopted the word Aoos, nation ; for, owing to
provincialism, Pharaohs, and priests, the idea of a nation had
never been developed even into a word current among the
Egyptian race, and capable of expressing that notion as the Bible
and the Hellenes understood it.
The other secondary formations are also in entire conformity
with those by which the modern tongues of Southern Europe, as
well as those of Germany and Scandinavia, were produced. We
have noticed already some of these phenomena in the first
volume of" Egypt" — such as the change of the appended femi-
nine sign of the old Egyptian t (the remnant of to, the original
pronoun of the second person, preserved in an-ta, thou) into a
female article t or ti, e. g. t-mu, the mother, instead of mu-t.
To this class belong also the formations of the definite and inde-
finite articles in Coptic. The first (pi or pe, masc. ; ti or te, fern. ;
ni, n, nen, pi.) is an evident remnant of the pronominal forma-
tions, exactly as the Greek article and the masculine and femi-
nine termination in the two first declensions are. The indefinite
article (w) in the singular is, like the German and Romanic, an
abbreviation of the numeral for one (MO) ; the plural (/tan) has
its full substantive root in ancient Egyptian. The plural of a
noun substantive has a termination only by exception ; but,
instead of the u of the ancient language, we find different de-
compositions of this long vowel, together with other forms, not
discernible at all in the ancient language. One of them is the
frequent in the Semitic, and analogous to the German Umlaut
prolongation of the vowel of the root ; an internal formation, so
in I'.i/cr, the plural of Vater. Thus uhor means a dog; uhor,
dogs; aho, a treasure ; ahuvr, treasures; bok, a servant; eliaik,
servants.
60 EGYPTIAN AND PRIMITIVE ASIATIC SEMITISM,
A complete pseudo-declension is formed by prepositions con-
nected with pronominal roots, thus :
Nom. ncfje, or m or n.
Gen. hte „ „
L/at. „ „ „
„ ,, „
Abl. „ ,, „
By a similar mechanical process the deficiency of forms for the
comparative and superlative degree is supplied in the ancient
Egyptian, and the derivative pronouns formed. The most strik-
ing change in these formations is the Coptic phrase p.ek.si,
6 aov vios (corresponding to the old Egyptian pai.k.st)', but the
Coptic has lost the simpler ancient form of si.k, vios aov.
The same principle pervades the Coptic conjugation. It differs
from the Egyptian as much in the loss of some very simple an-
cient modes for indicating the inflexion of the verb, as in the em-
ployment of a great number of auxiliary verbs for supplying an
evident defect by new formations. These auxiliary verbs combine
with the personal pronouns, and thus form a very periphrastic
mode of distinguishing moods and tenses. The negative particles
do the same ; and the Coptic has a complete periphrastic nega-
tive conjugation, of which there is not the slightest trace in the
old Egyptian. The old language seems to me to preserve the
indubitable germs of two much more organic and higher forms.
It exhibits a germ, first, of what I venture to call the Semitic
conjugation, by which term I designate the modification of the
predicate contained in each adjective verb, and even of the Iranian
conjugation, which is intended to mark the modifications of
which the copula is capable, according to time and mode of exist-
ence. Now the development of those germs in the Coptic is not
organic, as we find it in the Iranian and even in Hebrew, but, on
the contrary, is effected by a purely mechanical process. The
change is no real development. Thus the verb tre or thre, uniting
OK COLONIZATION AND SECONDARY FORMATION. 61
itself with the pronominal affixes, makes a verb causative,
as the Hebrew Hiphil does.
The ancient Egyptian had incontestably the germs of the
composition of words, to express, by the union of two, a third
more abstract or ideal notion, for which the language had no
Dimple expression. Such a union originally took place by juxta-
position, afterwards by means of the preposition n. Coptic for-
mations, like mu-n-hou, water of moisture, viz. rain, or uom-n-het,
to consume the heart, viz. repent, are analogous to the ancient lan-
guage, but of much more frequent occurrence. In many cases the
original simple expressions may have become obsolete by having
become unintelligible. There must have been, besides, in progress
of time, an increased consciousness of intellectual modes of ex-
istence ; and this consciousness called forth, necessarily, new
formations in the Coptic. But such formations are all conglo-
merations or agglutinations of words, not compositions. The
component parts exercise no influence one over the other ; no
change is produced in the root by placing before or after it a
modifying word or particle ; but the ancient Egyptian language
does exhibit such an attraction. The Egyptian root is not the un-
alterable particle, or rather primitive word, of the Chinese, and
does not exhibit, in composition, the insensibility of the modern
Coptic. Hur, Horus, becomes in composition hr, her. Here a de-
cided sensibility of the root is perceptible : it is affected by the
substantive which follows it, and with which it is united. This
is the same sign of life which a substantive exhibits in the Hebrew
status constructus when followed by another substantive with
which it is connected by what we call the relation of the
genitive case : as idm, a lake ; ifim (or iurn) Kineret, the lake
of Gennesaret ; shdndh, a year ; shntftadondi, the year of the
Lord. All Coptic abstracts and derivative nouns, on the con-
trary, are formed by mechanical processes or mere juxtaposition.
In order to make out of skhupi, to inhabit, a word for habita-
tion, they were obliged to say, a place to inhabit, md-ri-skhopi
2 EGYPTIAN AND PRIMITIVE ASIATIC SEM1TISM,
Thus hap is judgment, manliap a place of judgment, tribunal.
In a similar way they formed out of taio, honour, maitaio, ambi-
tious, literally, loving honour. There is no power manifested
by one word over the other, as in (f)i\6Sot;o?, or misericors, or
larmherzig. There is a mere mechanical agglomeration of two
words (sometimes connected by a preposition) having one accent.
This is, of course, much less the case in hybrid words ; for the
Greek nouns used by the Copts have neither case nor number.
Kern (native), with the preposition ' or n, both prefixed to a
simple noun, form derivative adjectives ; pe, heaven ; rem-pe,
heavenly. Ref (probably from ra, to make, with the nominal
formative /), the maker, is used in order to form a verb or sub-
stantive denoting him who exercises the function or causes the
action expressed by the verb, as nau, to see; refnau, an in-
spector ; ref-muut, afferens mortem, the killer. The intermix-
ture of the article makes such formations still more clumsy, as,
in order to express vision, they say sa-pi-nau, actio (TOV) videre.
Those who understand the principle of the formation of words
in the Semitic and Indo-Germanic languages, will perceive at
once that the first have some, and the latter an inexhaustible
abundance of terminations, variously affecting the root, and
indicating all the shades of the different modes of existence and
action, which the Coptic expresses very incompletely and
clumsily -by mere agglomeration. The decomposing principle
which we observed in the formation of the new Romanic words,
especially the particles, prevails throughout in the Coptic. But
it acted differently, because the Latin was a developed, perfect,
inflexional language ; the ancient Egyptian was, as we shall see,
a form of speech only just emerging from the monosyllabic state
and the absolute isolation of words.
The intrusion of foreign elements, from the time of Alexander,
helped to destroy what there was of organic power in the Egyp-
tian language ; but it was not the original cause of that destruc-
tion. It was the effect of the slowness of the Egyptian mind,
OR COLONIZATION AND SECONDARY FORMATION. 63
which had long been mummified, acting upon a material re-
pugnant to development, and stereotyped by colonization, by
the hieroglyphic system of writing, and by a complete system
priestcraft, religious tradition, and Pharaonic despotism.
This slow action upon an almost impenetrable material pro-
duced, for the uses of common life, a secondary formation,
the country-tongue, written in the less ideographic, demotic, or
enchorial character. This secondary formation is of the same
kind as the secondary formation of later languages; in degree
it differs less : there is also less of the destruction of forms,
because a germ of forms only existed altogether in the Egyptian
language.
G4
EGYPTIAN AND PRIMITIVE ASIATIC SEMITISM,
TIIK EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE IN A COURSE OF MORE THAN
4500 YEARS.
THE LORD'S PRAYER.*
la Ike Sacred Language if ike
in it iiin ii-iit M.»iwiifnls. (Cum
pitted by Lepsius.)
In the Demotic of the time of th
Psammetics, 6th Century B. c
(Computed by Dr. Srugsch.)
In the Coptic of the Translation oj
the Gospel, 2nrf. Century, A. n.
(From Schwarze's edition of the
Vospets.) Matt. ri. 9.
Atf-h hti in pM.1
Pan at ht h na pa.tsu.
Pepiot et hen ni pheui :
1'atcr-nostcr qui in ccelo,
Noster pater qui in TO?
ccelis,
Mai -s.ube2 pai -k- r^n.
Ran-k htaf-uab.
Maref tubo hdje pekran.
tit-sanctificatum -rb aov
Nomen-tuiun sit-sanctifi-
nomcn.
catum.
Mai-i sutcni. t-'k
Ta-k auta-seten ntas-i.
Mares i Iidje tekmeturo.
Veniat regnum tuura.
Tuum regnum veniat.
(Hen):t-k mai-au.f her te
Hen-k h.taf-sopi hen ta
Petchnak maref shopi
pa.t.
iii phreti hen tphe,
Voluntas-tua sit ea super
Voluntas - tua fiat in T<£ ccelo,
terrain,
Xa in pe.t.
h-se hi-tct-h kahi.
nem hidjen pi kahi.
sicut in coelo.
sicut supra terra.
Ti.k nen hre-n4 eh-sef
Pan oik htak-ti.f.
Nenoik hte rasti meil
Da nobis cibum kesternum
Nostrum panem eum des
nan
iur pen.
mani n pe hu.
in phou.
diein hunc.
hoc in die.
Au Xema-k asfctu-n.5
Au ntak-ui hbol hpan
LJoh kha net e ron nan
nebi.
ebol in phreti
Et dimittc tu peccata nos-
Et dimitte circa nostrum
tra,
peccatum,
Xa nen Xema-n asfctu
h se an-ui hbol n-na
iou htenkho ebol h no
sicut nos dimittimus pec-
teti-u.
ete uon htan e rou.
cata
sicut remittimus nos circa
r nen.
nostros inimicos.
contra nos.
Au nen h-h r [pires-
Ah ntak-tera ni-ten.
Joh mpcr en ten e hun
mes6].
Et ne ducas nos.
Et non due -nos in temp-
h-hen [pirasmos].
e pirasmos.
tationem.
in temptationem.
Xehm-en an hu.
Au nehem ten
Alia nahraen ebol ha
Libcra - nos a inalo.'
sed serva nos
pi pet hou.
"i ta met-ata-t.
a T(f malo.
• For the notes to this Table see next page.
OR COLONIZATION AND SECONDARY FORMATION. 65
NOTES TO PRECEDING TABLE.
1 The upper heaven should properly be hur, pe being the lower.
1 Mare is the Coptic of mai : " t.ubo" of " s.ube."
* This word (hne, ehnc) is Coptic : its hieroglyphic has not yet been found.
' The monumental word for bread (ti) signifies " sacrificial bread."
' Literally : " diminish our offences," and used in this sense, in "Book of the
Dead," c. 126. s. Compare Champollion's " Grammaire," p. 418.
• No Egyptian word exists for -Kdpaa^s, adopted by the Copts.
* Although the exact value of the first sign in this word is doubtful, Cham-
pollion's reading as h, appears to be certain, as the Coptic shows.
VOL. II.
66 POSSIBILITY OF A SECONDARY FORMATION
FIFTH CHAPTER.
POSSIBILITY AND DOCUMENTS OF A SECONDARY FORMATION IN THE
CHINESE LANGUAGE.
IT is evident that, in the ordinary sense of the word, no secondary
formation can be looked for in the modern Chinese, or the
modern and familiar style, as compared with the old style. •
The modern style indulges in the use of words which corre-
spond to the expletive particles and conjunctions of our lan-
guages : but it must not be overlooked, that, even in modern
Chinese, these sounds still represent nouns or verbs, or full
roots, according to the expressive terminology of the Chinese
grammarians. Strictly speaking, there are no exclusively
grammatical words or forms in the modern Chinese any more
than in the old ; the roots may in most cases lose their meaning,
when indicating what our particles and connexions express, but
never their formation. The root remains what it is, incapable of
change : it loses neither quantity nor accent. It is merely used
as a conventional expression for what the ancient language did
not express at all. Not a step is made towards the exclusive
use of affixes or suffixes, still less towards inflexions.
The Chinese language, with some similar structures h
Eastern Asia, forms, as Wilhelm von Humboldt was the first
to establish in all its extent, a contrast to all other languages,
not so much from any defect, or from the external fact of
IN THE CHINESE LANGUAGE. 67
its being monosyllabic, as from its totally opposite view of the
means of attaining the end of all language. This end is the
construction of a sentence, the expression of a logical propo-
sition by a subject, predicate, and copula, with all their de-
pendencies.
All other languages not only express, more or less perfectly,
the component parts of a sentence, but they have also words em-
ployed solely for that purpose (particles), or inflexions, destined
to bring audibly before the hearer the mutual relations of nouns
and verbs to each other. All other languages, moreover, have
more or less distinct forms for those different component parts
of a sentence ; as the noun for the subject, the verb for the
predicate, and generally also for the copula. The old Chinese
has no such tendency whatever ; and nobody will ever under-
stand its nature and do justice to its incomparable perfection, if
he apply to it the forms and categories of the grammars of the
rest of the world. As Humboldt says, the other languages have
an etymological and a syntactical part, but the Chinese has only
a syntactical one ; and this Chinese syntax may be comprised
under two rules : that the determinative precedes the word de-
termined, and that the object follows the word on which it
depends. All other syntactical rules, even those which appear
as exceptions, may be explained upon these two simple principles.
Thus position alone points out the verb in a sentence : what
precedes it next is either its own determinative (adverb), or
the subject, which may equally be preceded by its determi-
native, the relation of genitive in particular. Finally, every
one of these words is like the other : not only are they all mono-
syllables, that is to say, have an accent of their own, which
them from the preceding or following syllable or
[Article; but every one of these monosyllabic words may be
interpreted as a verb, or substantive, or adjective, or as a gram-
matical particle — an empty word, as the Chinese grammarians
F 2
68 POSSIBILITY OF A SECONDARY FORMATION
say. The difference of tone or accent by which that word is
to be pronounced — and every one may have four, and has on
an avrrage three accents — is an accessory towards finding
out in what sense it is to be taken in a given position. If a
word changes from its original verbal sense into a nominal, or
vice versa, it sometimes changes its accent.* Thus, what other
languages effect by affixes or inflexions, the Chinese indicates by
two means, quite distinct from the formation of the word ; by the
architectonical arrangement of words, and by a musical change
in the pronunciation. Add to this, that the Chinese language
has only 450 syllable-words, which, by the variation of the
accent, become 1203. Now, the Chinese, were it considered
as a structure of the same kind as ours, and all other languages,
would certainly be the most imperfect. So indeed it is, as
speech, for practical purposes ; for in spite of accents, position,
and traditional tact, no native would understand one sentence of
the old Chinese, which very seldom uses grammatical particles,
if he merely heard it read as it stands, without the help of repo-
titions, expletives, pauses, and finally of gestures. All these
are necessary to supply, to a certain degree, what in writing is
effected by innumerable ideographic, now wholly conventional,
signs, which constitute a sort of general or pasigraphic system
of writing, destined, not to express the sound, but to assist in
guessing the meaning of the word. It can be proved that this
system of writing was originally figurative, as the ideographic
part of the Egyptian is : and, indeed, a language of that cast
evidently admits of no other.
Would it not be natural therefore to assume that the old Chinese
formation, preserved in the old sacred books, is in its principle,
among languages, what the inorganic formations are in the king-
doms of nature? Its component parts are not organically artici
(!>..,,Ul<lt, Let(rf, ].. '24., and Remusat's note (4) ».. ii.
IN THE CHINESE LANGUAGE. 69
luted \\ords as parts of speech, but crystals of thought, employed
architectonically in building up a sentence, which is made more
intelligible by musical enunciation. Accent and position give each
crystal a more or less prominent part in this symmetric arrange-
ment; but each is in itself a complete, though not an explicit,
sentence, whether it appear rather as a noun or as a verb. Thus
every word has in itself a fulness of life and value, of which it
can only be deprived, by making the substance, quality, exist-
ence, or action, all which lie enshrined in it, the mere sign or
symbol of determination or of relation to another word, that is
to say, to another substance, quality, existence, or action, or to
the whole sentence. According to the Chinese formation, every
word (or syllable) is an undeveloped sentence; or, if we follow
out the analogy with nature (which to us is by no means a mere
metaphor), we may say, every word spoken in a sentence is a
magnetized mineral, forming itself without any outward change
into polarity (the nominal and the verbal pole), and thus having
for its centre, as the indifferential point between the two, the
adjective-participle quality. Position, assisted by accent, elicits
the polarity required, or reduces the word to its indifferential
point. Suppose the creative human mind absorbed in this first
formative process of speech, and it will be admitted that it must
shrink, during the power of that process over the mind, from
the notion of having its produce treated as an imperfect plant
i>r a maimed animal formation. Only by decay does such a
language acquire a superficial and deceptive likeness to the for-
mations of our languages. It is intrinsically the very opposite
of them. It has a life of its own, capable of manifold develop-
it and endless variety; and it cannot receive an essentially
different one without ceasing to exist, just as a plant may grow
on soil formed by the calcined mineral, but the mineral can
,T develop itself into a plant.
All this is, from our present phenomenological point of view,
F 3
70 POSSIBILITY OF A SECONDARY FORMATION
merely an assumption; it is, however, one which appears t(
iveommend itself by the succession of phenomena observed ii
other formations. If language exhibit a principle of develop-
ment by a gradual increase of the sensibility of the single words
in reference to the whole of the sentence, and by conglome-
rations or compositions arising out of this sensibility, such a
development points to rather than excludes a state of language
u here there was no such sensibility at all, not even so far as to
i^-ive, by the unity of accent, a certain organic union to two rigidly
separate words into one. Such an insensibility then would be
normal, primitive, not a consequence of decayed organization.
Do not the phenomena of the old Chinese look very much like
such a formation ? and as no less than a third part of mankind
speaks in tongues of this nature, will it not be worth our while
to consider well its original and peculiar character before we
pronounce for or against the genealogical unity of the human
race ? We must, at all events, allow that the phenomena pre-
sent no difficulty in assuming that a given organic languauv
may have passed through such a state as the Old Chinese
represents compared with the modern. On the contrary, the
Chinese phenomenology confirms the supposition that the law ol
secondary formation in language is universal. The process on
dissolution, which prepared in the Chinese the very first gerirj
of development and the approach to organic language, is OIK
and the same with that observable and traceable in all othei£
languages.
But evidently this process must have been much slower thai
in the organic languages themselves.
We subjoin the Lord's Prayer in modern Chinese. Thos
supplementary words which would not be used in ancien
Chinese have been omitted in the progressive numbers. A
;m;ilysis of a few sentences of the Shoo-King, compared with
ia.MK.-rii paraphrase, would give a much more complete- i<
IN THE CHINESE LANGUAGE.
71
the characteristic difference between the ancient and modern
languages.
THE LORD'S PRAYER IN MODERN CHINESE.
earth
as
ti
ju
XP
11
12
Our |
Wu
tang
|
in
yu
"ffi
father
fa
3&
i
heaven
lien
55
13
in
tsdi
"&
truly.
jen.
Ij
14
heaven
tien
:K
2
Grant Tsaf
^
15
he,
che,
^
us -1
wo
tang
«
1
wish
thy
yuen
'rh
•fAt
WK
3
to-
kin
-V
name
ming
%
4
day
jih
a
perfectly
ching
&
the day
jih
0
16
holy,
shing,
m
5
what
so
«
thy
'rh
8
6
use
yung
ffl
dominion
tsdi
¥
7
food ;
lidng;
r W*f
17
rule
wdng
I
forgive
mien
1
18
come
Hit
Ki
8
our wo
3k
to,
chi,
M
sin-
fa
^
thy
'rh
ffi
9
debts
tsdi
fi
19
will
chi
g
10
as
j*
ftp
received
fung
^
we \
wo
tang
20
done
in
king
i/ti
S
f 4
72
THE CHINESE LANGUAGE.
wickedness.
ngoh.
KS
i\»i\
forgive
mien
3&
21
For
Kdi
^
sin-
f*
%
kingdom
kwoh
OS
28
debts
tsdi
ft
22
the,
che,
%
29
against
yu
^
power
the,
hiuen
che,
^Tri
30
31
us -j
wo
tang
i
and
keih
^Xx
those
che
^
glory
yung
$$
32
so.
ye.
•ffi
the,
che,
^
33
Not
Puh
^
23
all
kidi
%3
lead
yin
51
24r
belong-to
thee
shuh
'rh
m
34
35
us -1
wo
tang
5
u, rin
B
yu
^
enter
tsin
m
» - age
shi
*
36
seducing
yu
Ufa
«2 I age
shi
*
temptation, j
hwoh,
i$L
25
indeed.
jen.
i^
37
but
ndi
n
Heart
Sin
&
save
kiu
$$
26
wishes
exactly
yuen
ching
f
38
us -I
wo
tang
i
so.
shi.
§
39
out of
c/tuh
m
evil
/dung
ca
27
SECOND SECTION,
THE
SPECULATIVE. ELEMENTS;
THE INDUCTIVE METHOD FOR FINDING THE ORIGIN OF
LANGUAGE, AND THE LAW OF DEVELOPMENT.
THE
SPECULATIVE ELEMENTS;
OB
THE INDUCTIVE METHOD FOR FINDING THE ORIGIN OF
LANGUAGE, AND THE LAW OF DEVELOPMENT
FIRST CHAPTER.
THE INSUFFICIENCY OP THE TWO ANTAGONISTIC SYSTEMS, SENSUALISM
AND SPIRITUALISM.
THE theories about the origin of language have followed those
about the origin of thought, and have shared their fate. The
materialists have never been able to show the possibility of the
first step. They attempt to veil their inability by the easy, but
fruitless assumption of an infinite space of time, destined to
explain the gradual development of animals into men; as if
millions of years could supply the want of the agent necessary
t'ur the first movement, for the first step in the line of progress !
numbers can effect a logical impossibility. How, indeed,
could reason spring out of a state which is destitute of reason ?
How can speech, the expression of thought, develop itself, in a
. or iu millions of \vur.s, out of uiuirticulated sounds, which
cba feeling of pleasure, pain, and appetite? Animal sounds
76 i 1 1CIENCY OF THE TWO ANTAGONISTIC
are the echoes of blind instincts within, or of the phenomena of
the outward world, uttered by suffering or satisfied animal
nature, and in all cases resulting from mere passiveness.
The common sense of mankind will therefore always revolt
from such theories. So did Frederic the Great, in his me-
morable answer to d'Alembert and his school. He protested
against what he calls the salto mortale, which that school wanted
him to make, from a monkey to man, from reasonlessness to
reason. In our days nobody has expressed himself more
strongly against such a materialistic explanation of language
than the greatest and most acute anatomizer of almost all human
tongues, Wilhelm von Humboldt, in his admirable Letter to Abel
Remusat on the nature of grammatical forms in general, and on
the genius of the Chinese language in particular*, a letter which
* Lettre a M. Abel Reinusat sur la nature des formes grammaticales en
general, et sur la genie de la langue chinoise en particulier, par M. Cl. di-
ll umboldt. Paris, 1827, 8vo. M. Abel Remusat, who published himself
this letter, has added his valuable remarks as to the points on which his
opinion had differed or still differed from the views developed by Humboldt.
We shall quote here two passages. P. 55. Speaking of the origin of the
most perfect languages, the author says, — " Je ne crois pas qu'il faille sup-
poser chez les nations auxquelles on est redevable de ces langues admirables
des facultes plus qu'huuiaines, ou admettre qu'elles n'ont point suivi la
DUrche progressive, a laquelle les nations sont assujetties : mais je suis
peiictre de la conviction, qu'il ne faut pas meconnaitre cette force vraiment
divine que recelent les facultes humaines, ce genie createur des nations,
.-nrtout dans 1'etat priori tif ou toutes les idees et meme les facultes de lYnne
cmpruntcut une force plus vive de la nouveaute des impressions, ou rhomine
l>eut pressentir des combinaisons auxquelles il ne seruit jamais arrive par la
inarche lente et progressive de 1'experieuee. Ce genie createur pent
franchir les limites qui semblent prescrites au reste des mortels, et s'il est
impossible de retracer sa inarche, sa presence vivifiante n'est pas inoinis
manifeste. Plutot que de renoncer, dans 1'explication de 1'origine des lan-
, a 1'iniluence de cette cause puissante et premiere, et de leur assignor
une marehc uniforme et mecaniquc qui les trainerait pas-a-pas
.is le commencement le plus grossier jusqu'a leur pcrfectionneim-nt,
1'opinion de ceux qui rapportcnt Torigine des lani:u'- a une
l.ition immediate de la Divinite. Us reconnoissent au moins IV-tincelh-
SYSTEMS, SENSUALISM AND SPIRITUALISM. 77
contains all the germs of his posthumous German work, and
therefore is an almost indispensable introduction to the study
and understanding of that gigantic concentration of learning and
reflection. As to the general speculative grounds for such a
view, in opposition to the materialistic theories of French and
English philosophers of the earlier part of the eighteenth
century, they have been established most accurately by Kant,
and developed by his illustrious successors. To reproduce
Monboddo's theory in our days, after Kant and his followers, is
a sorry anachronism ; and I therefore regret that so low a view
should have been taken of the subject lately, in an English work
of much correct and comprehensive reflection and research
respecting natural science. I grieve that a man of so much
thought should have been carried away by a narrow philosophical
theory, and perhaps also by a violent reaction against dead dog-
matism and formalism. But neither has its counterpart, the
spiritual system of philosophy, been able to give a wholly satis-
factory explanation of the phenomena, and particularly of the
origin of language, and therefore has been unable to drive the
other theory from the field ; for as the one cannot take the step
from matter to thought, so the other cannot take that from
thought to matter. Absolute spiritualism contradicts nature, as
materialism contradicts mind : it has reality and history against
it as much as its opposite. According to its one-sided notions
all development in language descends from the height of con-
divine qui luit a travcrs tous les idiomes, mcme les plus imparfaits et les
moins cultivcs."
In p. 71., when refuting the notion that the Chinese language represents
..:il>Miii}i of children, he has these remarkable words: — "Des nations
•. ent se trouver a diflerentes epoques des progrcs de leurs langues par
rapport a cet accroissement, mais jamais par rapport au developpement
primitif. Une nation ne peut jamais, pas meme pendant l'age d'une seule
generation, conserver ce qu'on nomine le parlcr enfantin. Or ce qu'on veut
apj>liquer a la langue chinoise ticnt precisement & ce parler, et au premier
developpement de langage."
78 INSUFFICIENCY OF THE TWO ANTAGONISTIC
sciousncss to a state of decline. It justly disclaims the savage
as the prototype of natural, original man ; for linguistic inquiry
shows that the languages of savages are degraded, decaying
fragments of nobler formations. The language of the Bush-
man, as before observed, is a degraded Hottentot language, and
this language is probably only a depravation of the noble Kafre
tongue. But, on the other hand, when that school pretends,
as Frederic Schlegel does, that in the noblest languages, those of
organic structure, as he calls them, the spiritual and abstract
signification of roots is the original, such an assumption is con-
tradicted by the history of every language of the world. Nay,
his whole distinction between organic and atomistic languages is
decidedly unhistorical. The African languages in particular
protest against such an unholy divorce in the human race. In-
dividually, we believe with Kant, that the formation of ideas
or notions, embodied in words, implies the action of the sen-
ses, and the impression made by outward objects on the mind,
as much as the formative power of the reacting mind. It is the
mind which creates and forms ; but this power of the mind is
one reacting only upon impressions received from the world with-
out. We believe Leibnitz to be perfectly right in his great sup-
plement to Locke's dictum : " Nihil est in intellectu quod non
ante fuerit in sensu" — " nisi ipse intellectus." We are moreover
convinced that the power of the mind which enables us to see the
genus in the individual, the whole in the many, and to form a
word by connecting a subject with a predicate, is essentially the
same which leads man to find God in the universe, and the uni-
verse in God. Language and religion are the two poles of our
consciousness, mutually presupposing each other. The one is
directed to the changing phenomena of the world, in the assump-
tion of their unity, the other to the unchangeable, absolute One,
with the subsumption of all that is changeable and relative under
Him. Our present purpose, however, is not to enter into these
higher spheres of speculation ; we are desirous of showing how
SYSTEMS, SENSUALISM AND SPIRITUALISM. 79
by the application of the inductive method, based upon facts,
wo may arrive at understanding the origin and the principle
of the progress of speech, and show that the primeval facts of
language, and all those phenomena which we have examined
in the preceding section, may be explained by a law so simple
and constant, that we may hope to apply it with equal success
to the researches still to be made.
80 METHOD TO DEFINE THE GENERAL CHARACTER
SECOND CHAPTER.
INDUCTIVE METHOD TO DEFINE THE GENERAL CHARACTER BOTH OF
INORGANIC AND ORGANIC LANGUAGES.
IN examining the phenomena of languages which are perfectly
well known and sufficiently investigated, we arrived at the fact,
that the further we proceed in the examination of the most ancient
formations, the more we perceive that every sound had originally
a meaning, and every unity of sounds (every syllable) answered
to a unity of object in the outward world for the world of
mind. We found this to be the character of the Chinese lan-
guage. We again found, beginning with the latest formations,
that inflexions, apparently mere modifications of the sound of a
word, were in most cases reducible to prepositions or postpo-
sitions, and these again and all particles to full roots, or nouns
and verbs. We established the fact, that every word had first
a substantial object in the outward world, and received only in
process of time an application to the inward.
In order to arrive at the law which we are endeavouring to
find, let us first assume, as Geology does, that the same prin-
ciples which we see working in the development, were also at
work at the very beginning, modified in degree and in form, but
essentially the same in kind. We leave it here a moot point,
whether there was one beginning, or whether there were many
begummgB of speech — whether one only of the great families
of mankind began the work from the first elements of speech,
and handed it down to others who successively developed it, or
whether there be many beginnings, each tribe forming its own
OP INORGANIC AND ORGANIC LANGUAGES. 81
materials of speech, and developing them more or less, according
to their peculiar nature and history. This question cannot be
settled by speculation: history alone, based upon philological
facts, can decide, and, I think, does decide it. Let us consider
here what we are obliged to assume. If we adopt the latter of
these two suppositions, we shall find ourselves obliged to assume
that the starting-point of all was essentially the same, but
that the materials employed were quite distinct from the be-
ginning. Different families of languages will then, according
to tliis system, represent at the utmost only different stages in
lines of parallel development. According to the first supposition,
uii the contrary, they all, with the exception of one, must have
found something of speech, and materials, more or less, already
stamped and fixed, which they had to \vork upon, when entering
upon the critical process of their nascent nationality. But whether
there was one beginning or more beginnings, the primitive lan-
guage or languages must be substantial, without words or syl-
lables set apart for grammatical forms.
Now as to the principle of development, the supreme law of
progress in all language shows itself to be the progress from the
substantial isolated word, as an undeveloped expression of a
whole sentence, towards such a construction of language as
makes every single word subservient to the general idea of a
sentence, and shapes, modifies, and dissolves it accordingly.
Language is the product of inward necessity, not of an arbitrary
or conventional arrangement ; consequently, every sound must
illy have been significative of something; it must have
onnected both with the sound and with the object to be
sed. Now the link between the two is the analogy felt
11 tins object and the configuration of that wonderful
il instrument, the mouth. This protoplastic instrument
ible of a great variety of configurations by the difference
in the employment of one only or of more of the special organs
of speech. These organs are the throat (guttur), the palate, the
VOL. II. G
82 METHOD TO DEFINE THE GENERAL CIIAliACTEll
tongue, the teeth, the lips. This, then, is the subjective organon
of language, the physiological vehicle for that protoplastic art,
speech, which combines architecture and music, the plastic or
sculptural, and the picturesque. Johannes Muller has developed
this physiologically, Sir John Herschell acoustically. But we
must now examine the objective substratum more closely. The
unity of sound (the syllable, pure or consonantized) must ori-
ginally have corresponded to a unity of conscious plastic thought;
:iml every thought must have had a real or substantial object of
perception. The mind cannot embrace existence except in
things existing ; and, on the other hand, every distinct notion of
a thing presupposes its existence. Thus every object of percep-
tion appears necessarily to the mind as a thing placed under the
category of qualitative existence, existence being the necessary
attribute of everything contemplated by the mind. Now the
noun is the expression of a thing existing. The substantive
noun is the existing thing, denominated according to that quality
of the object which strikes the mind, when reacting upon the
impression received from it through the senses. The noun-
adjective in general is the quality of an existing thing, considered
as separate from it. Or, we may say, as was suggested to us
by the nature of Chinese words, that the substantive and verb
represent the two opposite poles of the originally undivided notion ;
the adjective is the indifferential point between the two poles, pre-
senting-itself towards the nominal pole as an adjective, towards
the verbal as a participle. But the original substantial word
must represent the unity of these differences, by being a sub-
stantive, or verb, or adjective, according to its use, indicated by
its tone and position in the sentence. No substantive-noun can
originate without the specific quality or property of the tiling
(which is expressed by the adjective) having operated upon
the mind. Quality, therefore, is only a term for a mode of ex-
istence, that is to say, for a mode of that, of which the verb is
the abstract expression. Every act of word-forming implies,
.
NOUN- VERB.
Quality.
Affirmative
Quality. Existence.
(Adjective-
or
(Participle.) (Pure verb.)
noun.)
negative
position.
2CT.
(COPPLA.)
PREDICATE.
OP INORGANIC AND ORGANIC LANGUAGES. 83
therefore, the unity of these three fundamental parts of speech.
That is to say, every single word implies necessarily a complete
proposition, consisting of subject, predicate, and copula. Such,
indeed, we found to be the case in Chinese.
The following figure will make this clearer :
^ Thing.
5- (Substantive-
s' noun.)
X
SUB,
Thus if the very beginning of speech be impossible without the
creative power of the mind reacting upon the impression of the
senses, the original expression of thought is entirely substantial.
Nothing but a substance is expressed by mind, although no sub-
stance can ever be expressed without the ideal power of the mind
which stamps it. The action of the contemplating mind itself, the
copula, as it is called in logic, the affirmation or negation which
connects a subject and predicate, a noun and a verb, substantive
and adjective, will least of all have originally an abstract expres-
sion. Indeed, the negation of a sentence (which sentence may
>ne word) is most naturally expressed by a gesture, added to
the expression of some existence or movement. Gestures and
accents are the natural commentaries upon the sentence-forming
word. The same is the case with the relations of nouns and
verbs to space and time, or to any quality or degree. The pre-
positions and postpositions, the affixes and suffixes, the declen-
sions and conjugations of our languages, are, in primeval speech,
ressed like the copula, by position, by accent, declamation,
pauses, gestures, finally by the accompanying image of the ob-
Language, in its primitive substantial state, requires for
•ompletion and illustration the writing of the image of tilings,
iiuch as later languages find a useful commentary in the or-
thography of words, and a necessary one in the context of
oh. How, for instance, are we to distinguish in English might
o 2
N 1 METHOD TO DEFINE THE GENERAL CHARACTER
and initt'. ; or right, irriylit, write and rite; or u, you, yew, ewe; or
to, too, tico ; unless an unmistakcable synonym be added, or the
context offer a direct explanation of it? But before, as after, the
invention of image-writing, the musical and gesticular element
are necessary accompaniments of speech.
Absolute, unchangeable, and unbending substantiality then
is the character of the primitive language, if, as we must sup-
pose, it be not a conventional arbitrary expression of the mind,
but the product of instinctive necessity. It is equally true,
that the ideal principle, or the action of the mind, which pro-
duced language by a spontaneous repercussion of the perception
received, cannot be considered as ever resting or ceasing ; but,
on the contrary, as being continually working upon the lan-
guage. If substantiality be the principle of existence in a
language, ideality is as essentially its principle of development
or evolution. Language lias in itself, by the very nature of the
principle of its origin, a principle of development. The mind
which forms a language changes it also. Having started
from sentence-forming words, it tends to break their absolute
isolating nature, by rendering them subservient to the whole of a
developed sentence, and changing them into parts of speech ;
and this it can only do by gradually using full ancient roots
for the expression of all that is formal in language. The same
principle which works upon those languages, the formation of
which we can investigate, must therefore have been working
upon the most ancient language of mankind. What we found
as a prominent phenomenon is the necessary effect of a general
law, of that law without which there would be no language.
What exists in thought must gradually find its positive expres-
sion in language.
Language therefore is driven by this incessant action of the
mind to express what is not substantial — that ideal conception
by which men connected from the beginning of all speech (indeed
before it) things with existence and things with things. But it
OF INORGANIC AND ORGANIC LANGUAGES. 85
cannot express these ideal connexions except by using the sub-
stantial materials it possesses. The substantial words become
to the mind what the things themselves were at the beginning
of speech — the objects of its action.
The affirmation or negation of the connexion between a
subject and predicate, and the accidental relations as to space
and time, certainly claim now an explicit expression : so also do
the internal necessary relations of nouns and verbs in general.
All these must be gradually expressed, which can only be
done by words originally coined for things substantial. This
is the origin of personal pronouns (the consciousness of self and
its antithesis, which is a great abstraction), of other pronouns, of
prepositions, lastly, of conjunctions, or words expressing the
relation of whole sentences to each other, as prepositions do the
relation of nouns with nouns or with verbs. The words thus
divested of their substantial meaning, lose their substantiality,
in the proper sense of the term.
This step coincides necessarily with the division between
syllables and words, and precedes the origin of affixes and in-
flexions.
86 THE CHINESE LANGUAGE,
THIRD CHAPTER.
THE CHINESE LANGUAGE, AN EXAMPLE OF THE INORGANIC
FORMATION.
EVERY really primitive language (if there are more than one)
must therefore have commenced, as we find that the Chinese and
all monosyllabic languages really did commence. We may
perhaps also discover the necessary steps of development from
such a beginning to the perfection of formative languages.
Whatever they are, there is above all one step which forms the
paramount distinction between the languages of mankind. This is
the transition from a language in which all the component parts of'
a sentence are themselves signs of an undeveloped sentence
and incapable of modification according to their specific meaning,
in a given sentence, to one in which the form of words has been
made subservient to this sense. This difference is that between1 |
inorganic and organic languages. That transitional step which
is still within the first inorganic structure, and therefore
compatible with the rigidly monosyllabic state, is from simple
to compound roots or syllables. The simplest roots must
consist either of a mere vowel (pure syllables in the strictest
sense), or of a consonant having its inherent vowel either before
or after it. Of these compound syllables again those ending
with a consonant, unless it be a servile one, as the liquids and
the sibilating sounds generally are, are already suspected as
maimed dissyllables. This difference in the degree of sub-
stantiality of the consonants is a powerful element in the de-
velopment of words into an organic structure. Monosyllables
AN EXAMPLE OF THE INORGANIC FORMATION. 87
with two substantial (mute) consonants arc the furthest point to
which monosyllabic languages can reach, if we only follow out
our fundamental assumption, that in languages of this nature
(having only full roots, or sentence -forming words) there is a
rational correspondence between the unity of perception and of
sounds. Two equally strong consonants again of the same
organ of speech (as two labials, two linguals, and so on), may
come under the head of a simple increase and slight modification
of the one impression. But syllables with two mute consonants
of two different organic classes imply a union of two percep-
tions, which requires originally two syllables.
In measuring the capabilities of this system, the difference of
accent must not be considered a trivial circumstance. The
original language is certainly one wrhich must be accompanied
by gestures, and rendered intelligible by the position of the words.
The gesture interprets the sound, the position shows whether the
word be subject or object, whether noun or verb. Both are
as-isted by image-writing. But the principal resource of such
a language lies necessarily in the tone. The language of mono-
syllabic sentence-words is calculated for being, not spoken, but
sung. The vowel may be pronounced long or short ; the
•word maybe enunciated in an ascending or descending scale.
Thus only can such a primitive structure be not only intel-
ligible, but even a vehicle of development for the mind in this
primary stage. As soon as it combines all these elements, it is
JH 'd'oct. The line of its progress is its path to death ; for no
progress is possible but by breaking up the character of sub-
it ial fulness and the isolation of the single words. The only
preparation which, after a literature of four thousand years,
Chinese presents for such a change is the use of some of
its unchangeable roots as signs of grammatical relations. A
nation starting, by a great intellectual and natural movement,
into existence from such a state of language, may easily have
made that great step which leads to affixes and then to iu-
o 4
88 THE CHINESE LANGUAGE INORGANIC.
flexions, but the mummified Chinese is become incapable and
unwilling to do it. Such is his feeling of the absolute in-
dependence and isolating substantiality of each word in a
sentence, that it makes him contemplate that change as a decided
decay and barbarism. He expresses daylight by two words
signifying exactly in the same order day light : but he cannot
condescend to subordinate the second to the first, by saying
(with one accent) day'-light. If he could, the spell of mono-
syllabism would be broken.
The tendency to compound syllables is in itself a tendency
to such a change. The distinction between words and syllables
by the formation of polysyllabic words, is the signal of the
entrance of a nation into the second great stage, the organic
one of the words. Every composition produces or prepares
decomposition : it presupposes a third thing, uniting two dis-
tinct units of perception and thought. One of the things thus
united will be in process of time subordinated to the other, as
the determinative or accessory. A word of more than one
syllable is the expression of a compound notion : it constitutes
the expression of a higher unit by the subordination of one
simple notion under another simple one. The former loses the
accent ; for without unity of accent there is no unity of the
word in speech. The Chinese has no real compound words ;
for in such apparent compositions as day-light, horse-man, each
component word, as we have already observed, preserves its
own accent, and there is a pause between them. The same is
the case with the words interspersed to supply the want of all
flexion. All that the strict Sinologists relate of such con-
trivances is a delusion, a want of philosophy. It is just as
if a naturalist would prove a crystal to have limbs, because it
can be placed upon moving wheels.
LTNE OP PROGRESS IN THE ORGANIC LANGUAGES. 89
FOURTH CHAPTER.
THE LINE OF PROGRESS IN THE ORGANIC LANGUAGES.
IF we fix our regard on the second great class of languages,
there can be no mistake as to which is the last formation, the
goal of the whole process : it is evidently that of perfect in-
flexions. We say advisedly, the last formation, not merely the
most perfect. No language can have inflexions, which had not
previously formative particles (affixes and suffixes) : and these
affixes themselves must once have been independent particles ;
lastly, there can be no particle, which was not originally a sub-
stantial word, and primitively a substantial syllable.
This is the result both of our examination of the phenomena
of languages, and of our speculative reasoning. The first
showed us, that such was the case in the languages, the history
and formation of which we know. The second proved, that
this phenomenon results from a general law ; and in order to
arrive at this law, we ventured, as far as we are aware, to make
out our assumption, that everything expressed in language,
which is the expression of reason, must originally have been
reasonable, and therefore a truth and a reality. The question,
whether a language can be supposed to begin with inflexions,
appears to us to imply an absurdity. So does the first of all
questions : why must every word be originally a true and ade-
quate expression of the mind? Simply because language is
not an arbitrary fiction, but a truth : it not only is the vehicle
of the development of reason, but also the product of a mind
endowed with reason, and impelled to express the qualities of
things by sounds imitative of that quality which strikes the
:M) LINE OF PROGRESS
word-coining mind. But it must bo well understood that the
sounds of speaking man are not imitations of sounds of things
(few of which besides are sonant), nor expressive of pleasure or
pain, but an organic, artistic representation of a thing or of an
existence by the instrument of instruments, the mouth with all
its organs.
The examination of the facts shows us how that law operates.
First, inflexions, as we have seen, resolve themselves, whenever
we have the means of observing their formation, into worn-
out prepositions or postpositions : these again we found, in the
instances we examined, to have been in an earlier stage sub-
stantial words, nouns or verbs. We further found, that, when
flexions are worn out, and some event brings about a new
secondary formation, worn-out flexions call forth the formation
of a new affix or suffix from the class of particles.
Thus the line of progress runs in the direction of an increase
in the number of words formal, that is to say, of words serving
for the formative purposes of the mind. This coincides with
the necessary purpose of all organic language, to constitute and
mark all the component parts of a sentence. Now it is clear
that no word, which has once ceased to be full or substantial,
can ever become so again : it has lost its substantial, inde-
pendent life, its distinct substantial signification. It becomes
an algebraic sign, and more or less unintelligible in itself.
The more substantial and independent state is, therefore, ne-
cessarily the more ancient in any line of development
Thus much we can establish by following out the logical
process we have undertaken to explain. But this method alone
cannot carry us further. Logically, it is impossible to define
the different classes of this second great family of languages,
otherwise than by establishing that the more the single words
of a sentence are regarded as unchangeable, and their position
in the sentence as the sign of the part they represent in it, the
nearer such a language must be to the first class. But whether,
IN THE ORGANIC LANGUAGES. 91
for instance, the system of agglutination or incorporation of the
American and the Basque languages be proof of a backward-
ness in the stage of development, compared with the use of
affixes, must depend upon concomitant circumstances. It cer-
tainly will be so, whenever the affix-languages are freer from
the symmetrical construction of a sentence, and the isolation
of the single words from each other.
The great fact upon which we here insist, is this: every
primitive language must be composed of words which are ab-
solutely inorganic, because in this way alone the origin and
progress of word-forming, and the origin and development of
languages can be rationally explained.
It is a modern idea of Asiatics and Europeans, that in writing
man is to express the sound of words, and not the object which
he is struggling to designate by all the means in his power.
But it is still more remote from the primitive view of the
matter to imagine that words were originally intended to ex-
press anything but those objects which call forth the response
of man to the universe and man's address to his Creator.
92 RECAPITULATION,
FIFTH CHAPTER.
RECAPITULATION, AND ALGEBRAIC FORMULA.
WE will briefly recapitulate the results of the two preceding
investigations, the phenomenological and the speculative. We
first examined some striking phenomena in the formation and
component parts of language, and then endeavoured to explain
them by a general philosophical induction.
By the first process we think we have established the con-
stant recurrence of the following phenomena.
The first is the fact that every language contains with-
in itself an element of progress, which upon some crisis may
become the element of death to the old and of life to the new
language. The constant action of the mind upon the articulate
expression of substantiality prevails gradually, but necessarily,
over the positiveness of this substantiality, and makes single
words auxiliary to the expression of all that belongs to the
mind ; of relation, outwardly of time and space, and inwardly
of quality, action, direct and indirect, and all the other cate-
gories of existence ; finally, of the copula, or that act of the mind
by which a sentence and even a word is formed.
The second is, that every extant language has grown out of
the death of another. This forms the basis upon which the new
formative power works, or, as it were, the substratum or humus
for the new formation. The birth of a new language pre-
supposes the death of an old one. No language dies without a
great crisis occurring in the tribe or nation which speaks it.
This crisis may be a great physical revolution, or a voluntary
AND ALGEBRAIC FORMULA. 93
change of country by emigration, or a dissolution of the ancient
form of political society by external human force, by invasion,
o inquest, subjugation. A new language and a new nation are
so far identical, that a new language cannot originate without
the dissolution of an ancient nationality. A new nationality
certainly may arise out of an old one without the creation of a
new language, although there will always be in the new
nationality some reason why the development of the old lan-
guage is slower and retarded, or more rapid and accelerated.
The third phenomenon is, that every new language consists
in itself of at least two different elements or formations — the
traditionary old one, and the new, the product of the crisis.
We shall call the one the primary formation, the other the
secondary. But this position is equivalent for all languages,
except the first and second, to this formula : every language
has necessarily three elements — the secondary formation, that
by which it became a new language out of a kindred older one
— the primary formation, or the living roots of the older
language — and finally, the deposit, or that which was the
primary formation of the same older language.
By generalizing this fact, we arrive at an algebraic formula.
Culling the older language A, all anterior formations x, the
new language B, and distinguishing in each of these three
formations the two necessary component parts as b and a;
and by designating the number of successive formations of a and
b by n ; we arrive at the following expression :
Therefore B = 6
lit ('/. We have seen that the principle of secondary for-
mation may be the stronger, the less development there is in
the basis ; and must be the weaker the more that basis is de-
veloped.
94 RECAPITULATION,
Fifthly. That tlic secondary formation is the weakest where
it is impeded by the continual influx of an extraneous element.
Xi.r fitly. That the extraneous element will never intrude into
the grammar, but only into the lexicographical portion of it.
SevenMy. That secondary formations are less organic, the
more violent the transition has been from one stage to another.
Eighthly. That ancient form of the language of the mother-
country may often be preserved by colonization.
Ninthly. That Chinese language exhibits a formation in direct
contrast to all others hitherto examined. Its peculiarity does
not consist so much in its monosyllabic character, as in the
circumstance of each word representing an implicit sentence,
not divided in its component logical parts, and serving there-
fore, according to its position and accent, sometimes as a sub-
stantive or adjective, sometimes as a verb.
As to the second, the philosophical inquiry, we have seen that
those phenomena are constant, as far as our observations go,
and must therefore be the manifestations of a general law.
According to this, we established the following axioms :
First. The original or primitive language must consist of in-
organic words, each word presenting a whole undivided sentence,
having no connexion with nor modified by the preceding or fol-
lowing word.
Secondly. The principle by which a language is produced, the
reaction of the mind upon the impressions of the outward world,
is also the principle of its development: consequently every lan-
guage must either remain wholly inorganic, or must arrive at
a more or less perfect state of organization subject to the law of
development and decay.
Thirdly. The aim and end of this organic formation is to pro-
duce languages with inflexions, a system which we find har-
moniously developed in Sanscrit and Greek, and more or less
in all Indo-Germanic languages.
AND ALGEB11AIC FORMULA. 95
l-\"irthly. The intermediate phenomena must be arranged in
a si-ries, as steps of the general development from the inorganic
to the organic.
Fifthly. Inflexions cannot be explained otherwise than as
J \J 1
worn-out affixes, or as independent particles, which again are
decayed complete (nominal or verbal) roots.
THIRD SECTION,
APPLICATION OF FACTS AND THEORY COMBINED
TO THE PROBLEM OP
THE UNITY OF THE HUMAN RACE.
vor,. ir.
THE
APPLICATION OF FACTS AND THEORY COMBINED
TO THE
PROBLEM OF THE UNITY OF MANKIND.
INTRODUCTION.
OUR historical researches respecting language have led us
to facts which seemed to oblige us to assume the common his-
torical origin of the great families into which we found the
nations of Asia and Europe to coalesce. The four families of
Turanians and Iranians, of Khamites and Shemites, reduced
themselves to two, and these again possessed such mutual
material affinities as can neither be explained as accidental or
as being so by a natural, external necessity, but they must be
historical, and therefore imply a common descent.
The philosophical inquiry showed us that the monosyllabic or
particle-language on which the most ancient of those formations
border, both the Turanian in the East and the Khamitic in the
West, is the formation which must be supposed theoretically
to have preceded the organic or formative language. Every
word was a sentence before it could become a specific part of
speech ; and either every language separately must once have
been like the Chinese, or the Chinese itself is the wreck of that
primitive idiom from which all the organic (or Noachian) lan-
guages have physically descended, each representing a phasis
of development. Such a phasis itself would, under the latter
supposition, be a necessary element in the evolutions of the idea
in time, a link in an uninterrupted chain of development.
100 ETHNOLOGICAL FACTS IN T11EIK BEARING UPON
FIRST CHAPTER.
ETHNOLOGICAL FACTS IN THEIR BEARING UPON THE QUESTION OK
ONE OB MORE ORIGINS OF THE HUMAN RACE.
AFTER a twofold course of investigation, philological and
speculative, we are arrived at the point where we must look
in the face the two different systems which we met with in
the- history of ethnological philology, respecting the historical
origin of language . The dilemma which we encounter may
be formulized thus. Either there has been an infinite number
of beginnings, out of which different tribes have sprung, and
with them different languages, each doing originally the same
work, and continuing and advancing it more or less accord-
ing to its particular task, its natural powers, and its historical
destinies : or the beginning of speech was made but once, at
the outset of human time, in the dawn of the mental day,
by one favoured race (however this was originally formed) in
a genial portion of the earth, the garden of Asia. After the
partial or total reconstruction of the great Iranian and Tu-
ranian families of Asia, the branches of which by means of
emigration and settlement spread all over Europe, it would
be useless here to repeat the reasons so often advanced and so
admirably developed by Prichard, which force us to the conclu-
sion, that the primaeval seat, if not of mankind in general, at least
of such members of it as figure in universal history, was a more
or less extended sphere of Central or Northern Asia. Of these
spheres, that which is bounded on the west by Mount Ararat
in the south and Mount Caucasus in the north, and lias the
Ural and Altai at its northern and eastern, and the Paropa-
TTIE QUESTION OF THE ORIGIN OF THE HUMAN RACE. 101
inisus and Hindukush at its southern extremity, is the only
one which combines the necessary requisites of central position
and of climatic advantages. I must reserve for my work on
the " Beginnings," which will soon appear in German, the de-
velopment of all the reasons which seem to me to prove that the
physical data and the concurrence of independent primeval
traditions admit of but one explanation. It is this, — that the
northern part of this sphere, with the Ural Mountains as islands
in an open polar sea, was the cradle of mankind, or of that por-
tion of it of which we have documentary knowledge by their
languages for thousands of years, until a partial catastrophe in
those regions, connected with a change of climate, drove the
western tribes to the region of the Euphrates and Tigris, and
the others from the higher Oxus and Jaxartes to Asia. For
the purpose of the present sketch, it is sufficient to adopt, as
the basis of our reconstruction, the hypothesis that there existed
such a centre, or centres, of primordial life in Central Asia.
The development of mankind must, therefore, have been
in very early times- not only connected with emigrations into
other parts of the globe, more or less distant, but also with dif-
ferent crises, by which social existence and therefore speech
must have been modified. New nationalities must produce new
languages. In consequence of these inward or outward, phy-
sical or political and religious catastrophes, colonists set out,
swarms of men issued forth into distant countries, bearing with
tlu'iu the heirloom of their first fatherland in their language, and
carrying it on from that starting-point with their own individual
strength, under more or less favourable circumstances. On this
supposition there will be in some races a more continuous and
organic evolution, retaining more of uninterrupted conscious-
ness of the past; while others will tend rapidly towards a
premature or conventional development ; and others again will
preserve the old state with inflexible tenacity. Thus one race
will distinguish itself above all others by a full development
II 3
102 PACTS REGARDING THE UNITY OF MANKIND.
from the inorganic to the organic formation. Although its lan-
guage thus becomes in the course of ages the most perfect
organic structure, that race will, by virtue of the harmonic
development of all its parts towards perfection, preserve more
of the ancient heirloom than other less harmoniously developed
races. The imperfections will be manifold, but these will all
originate in the tendency to develop one portion of the system
more than the rest. This tendency must have the effect of
covering and concealing, as it were, the ancient stock under
the luxuriance of one-sided off-shoots. The perfection of an
organic language consists not only in what it expresses, but also
in what it does not express, by special forms : not only in the
distinctions which it marks, but also in those which it does not
mark.
This phenomenon in the historical development is fore-
shadowed by the series of physiological formations. In the
animal creation, man appears as the centre and end of all
organic formations, uniting harmoniously the relatively highest
perfection of all systems, whereas the others, in tending towards
one of them only, deviate from the path of steady and perfect
development, and fail to reach the goal.
Colonies may either preserve the ancient form, or become
the instruments of a great change. The early language of
Northern Asia, which, according to Chinese tradition, is the
land of their earliest recollections, may have been preserved
by the colonists who formed the Chinese empire, while Thibet
and Mongolia developed the inorganic language into organi
structures.
PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLES OF LANGUAGE APPLIED. 103
SECOND CHAPTER.
THE PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLES OP LANGUAGE APPLIED TO THE
PROBLEM.
SUCH will be, according to our inquiry, the general march of
development, whether the one or the other hypothesis as to
the origin of the human race be the true one.
If the former be correct, the different tribes or families
of languages, however analogous they may be (as the product
of the working of the same human mind upon the same
outward world by the same organic means), will evince but
little affinity to each other in the skill displayed in their forma-
tion, and in the mode of doing so. Their very roots, whether
complete or empty, and all their words, whether monosyllabic or
polysyllabic, must necessarily be totally different. There may
be some kindred expressions in the inarticulate outbursts of
feeling, not reacted upon by the mind, which the grammarians
call interjections. There are also some graphic imitations of
external sounds, called onomatopoetics, words the formation of
which indicates the relatively greatest passivity of the mind.
But the number of these is very limited. Language proper
never imitates external sounds or designates objects by an
inarticulate cry : the imitative nature of language consists in an
artistic imitation, not of things, but of the rational impression
which an object produces by its qualities. This imitation is
effected by a combination of the elements of plastic and musical
reproduction ; the plastic or formative by a configuration of the
mouth, the musical by the sound thus produced and the accom-
H 4
104 PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLES OF LANGUAGE
panying tone in enunciation. There may be also some casual
coincidences in real words; but the law of combination applied
to the elements of sound furnishes a mathematical demon-
stration : for, with all allowances, the chance is less than
one in a million that the same combination of sounds signifies
precisely the same object. This chance is still further dimi-
nished, if the very strict and positive character of the laws be
considered by which the application of a word to a given object
in a given language is governed. But the ordinary crude
method suffices to prove, that, if there be entirely different
beginnings of speech, as philosophical inquiry is justified in
assuming, and as the great philosophers of antiquity have as-
sumed, there can only be a few isolated coincidences between
words of a different origin.
We have therefore now to consider the axioms according
to which we may be authorized in applying facts and theory in
reference to the problem of placing those great families, which
comparative philology has hitherto reconstructed in Asia and
Europe, in contact with the idioms of Afri'ca and the trans-
atlantic regions, in order to see whether and how all may be
considered as one historical series of development. We believe
that the following axioms flow spontaneously from what precedes.
First Axiom.
We are not authorized in comparing any given language
with one entirely disconnected from it, without having first
compared it with the intermediate links. Chinese and German
may be of the same stock, but it would be madness to com-
pare German words with Chinese.
Second Axiom.
In comparing languages of different families we must con-
front the most ancient form of the one with the most ancient
APPLIED TO THE PROBLEM. 105
of the other. If a German and Celtic word, or a Swedish and
Finnish root or form, present some similarity, the apparent
•mblance must be tested by recurring to the Gothic or an-
cient Norse form. It is only by this process that we can judge
whether the one language has simply borrowed it from the
other, or whether it comes from a more ancient common stock,
or whether it is an accidental and only apparent similarity.
These two laws are the simple application of principles
already fully established in Indo-Germanic philology, and they
merely require a more extended application. But the remain-
ing laws are peculiar to our problem.
Third Axiom.
The connexion between the different members of the same
family can and must be proved by the identity of the grammatical
forms, but the proof of the connexion between branches of dif-
ferent families consists in the analogous correspondence of roots,
and it must be conducted with scrupulous attention to the first
axiom. To compare Egyptian roots with Sanskrit, neglecting
the Aramaic formations, which, as the grammar shows, are
decidedly nearer of kin, would be unphilosophical.
Fourth Axiom.
In order to steer clear of that great danger of etymology,
random comparison, we must distinguish between central and
eccentric formation. All such languages must first be eli-
minated as are spoken by those nations which ^hibit a dis-
tinct physiological character of their own. The American
Indian may be, and, I believe, is a scion of the Mongolian
stock, the Negro merely a variety of a dark -coloured JEthio-
pian cast in early times into the tropical regions. Physiology
•If affords proofs that peculiarities of formation in one and
the same species, the result of specific climatic and other in-
106 PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLES OP LANGUAGE APPLIED.
fluences, may become hereditary by long continued separation
of individuals thus distinguished from all others of their species.
No physiological difference of races can get rid of the un-
doubted fact, that intermarriages between the most distant races
produce a fruitful progeny, and one having a tendency to
return to the common, and therefore aboriginal, stock. The
arguments advanced against this either come from a suspicious
quarter, or show that good physiologists may be very indif-
ferent philosophers.
THE PHYSIOLOGICAL QUESTION EXAMINED. 107
THIRD CHAPTER.
THE PHYSIOLOGICAL QUESTION EXAMINED.
PHYSIOLOGY, of itself, never can prove or disprove historical
affinity. The philosophical historian moves the previous ques-
tion against the presumptions of those who insist, as physio-
logists, upon the originality of the races. This question is :
Why these existing races should be considered as primitive?
Prichard has most conclusively shown how, and under what
conditions, varieties become hereditary ; and, on the other hand,
that the greater part of what is called typical in a race, as the
form of the skull and the colour of the skin, present exceptions
in one and the same tribe. But then the ethnological philo-
sopher will not stop there : he will take the offensive, and ask,
whether or not it is an axiom of natural history, that only
animals of one and the same species produce issue capable of
propagation? and whether or not the caste-physiologists still
deny this to be the case as to the most distinct races of the
earth? All the pretended instances are fallacies and fables.
Mixed families become extinct, so do families of one and the same
stock. But the marriages between English soldiers and labourers
with New Zealand women or even with Papua girls, which have
lately been encouraged by the British authorities, prove fruitful,
and the children have all the signs of vital strength. As diver-
sity of family is necessarily connected with diversity of climate
and of habits, of food and exercise, it is natural that the chances
of a lasting perpetuation should depend greatly upon these con-
comitant circumstances ; but the fact of such mixed marriages
108 IH I. rilYSTOLOGTGAL QUESTION EXAMINED.
producing fruitful issue in any degree, is sufficient to prove that
unfruitful marriages, or speedy extinction of mixed families, are
not to be ascribed to physical incompetency. Nor is another
concomitant fact to be overlooked, namely, that the nobler type
absorbs the degraded, not the degraded the nobler. Nature
always tends towards perfection, and the image of God, hidden
under deviations from the perfect type, returns, jure postliminii,
as soon as outward impediments are removed.
But, on the other hand, the method of proving (what physio-
logy never can do) the historical affinity or consanguinity of
such peculiar scions with the original Asiatic stock must be
very strict and methodical, not only in order to convince those
who maintain that the presumption is against our hypothesis,
but also to prevent our remarks from being encumbered by an
unmethodical, because unconnected, comparison. It is only
after we have established the relative position of the leading
Asiatic families of organic languages that we can proceed to
the eccentric formations of Africa, America, and Polynesia.
Then only shall we be able to discover which among those
Asiatic families and branches is, as regards physiology and geo-
graphy, and especially language, nearest of kin to each of them.
By this means we shall be enabled to point out that part of
the great stem from which those scions branched off, the
stage of development at which they separated.
1111. ( IlKONOLOGIGAL QUESTION KXA.MINKD. 109
FOURTH CHAPTER.
THE CHRONOLOGICAL QUESTION EXAMINED.
THE solution of the ethnological and linguistic question is
also of great importance as furnishing the possibility of esta-
blishing an approximative primordial chronology. The time
which these scions must have required for forming and fixing
for ever their own peculiarities is not calculated in the chrono-
logy of the human race. It only runs parallel to a part of
that straight line of development which historical humanity
presents. The great stream of universal history runs in a few
great beds, the rest are canals branching off from them.
Carrying on the metaphor of the common stem, the problem for
fixing the place of what we may call eccentric formations con-
sists in finding the knot from which they branched off to-
wards their isolated idiosyncrastic existence, by which they
generally lost much of their original hereditary consciousness,
and frequently indulged in luxuriant secondary formations. If
this method can be followed out, it is clear that the secies of
development in the languages of Asia, formed with the assistance
of their deposits in Europe and Egypt, may give us the epochs
of the primaeval world, and a certain approximative chronology
of the ante-historical age in the ordinary sense of the word.
\V.- have seen what is the minimum of time required for the
formation of an affiliated language. Those who are not per-
suaded of the truth of our hypothesis will, at all events, do
well to follow out the same method as to comparative philology,
if the different stages of development, as we have shown
110 llli: CHRONOLOGICAL QUESTION EXAMINED.
them to be inherent to language, do not represent the epochs
of one and the same language of mankind, but the independent
history of originally different tribes, having no historical con-
nexion with each other, our central series, if true in itself,
must even according to their views represent ideal stages of
development, which will be best understood by following the
plan proposed by us. Of those central formations some are to
be considered as collateral and therefore synchronistic, accord-
ing to the principles laid down in the theory.*
* " In the hymns of the ' Rigveda ' we still find the clearest proofs that the five
principal tribes, the Yadus, Turvasas, Druhyus, Anus, and Purus, were closely
connected by ties of nationality, and had their gods in common. In the succeeding
age, that of the epic poetry of the Mahabharata, these five nations are represented
as the sons of Yayati, one of the patriarchs of the Indian world. Yayati curses
four of his sons, and the curse of Turvasa is, that he shall live without laws and
follow the brutish propensities of the barbarians in the North. In the name of Tur-
vasa, as well as afterwards in that given to the Indo-Scythian kings in the history
of Kashmir, Tur-ushka, we find the same root as in the Zend Tura, the name of the
nations of the North. But tiara itself signifies quick, from the root tvar, to run, to
fly, and thus their very name offers the same characteristic of these nomadic
equestrian tribes, which is afterwards ascribed to them by Firdusi, and which
makes them always appear in India, as well as on the Sassanian inscriptions of
Persia, as the An-iran, or no-Arian people, that is, as the enemies of the agricul-
tural and civilizing nations." See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, p. 728.
LANGUAGES OF THE NORTH- AMERICAN INDIANS. Ill
FIFTH CHAPTER.
THE LANGUAGES OF THE NORTH-AMERICAN INDIANS ARE PROBABLT
SCIONS OF THE MONGOLIAN STEM.
IT is not yet proved in detail, but it appears highly probable,
in comformity with our general principles, that the native
languages of the northern continent of America, comprizing
tribes and nations of very different degrees of civilization, from
the Esquimaux of the polar regions to the Aztecs of Mexico,
are of one origin, and a scion of the Turanian tribe. The
similarity in the conformation of the skull renders this affinity
highly probable. The wonderful analogy in the grammatical
structure of these languages, with each other and with the
Turanian tongues of Asia, is universally admitted ; and we
think that the curious and, at first sight, startling problem, of
the apparent entire diversity of the lexicographical portion of
those American languages, by the side of that grammatical
affinity, will be satisfactorily accounted for upon a fuller ac-
quaintance with the roots, and by the application of our principle
of secondary formations sometimes overlaying the ancient stock
of roots.
I had written so far in July, 1847. I was not then aware
that on the 3rd of March of the same year, an Act had passed
the Congress of the United States of America, authorizing the
publication of a great national work on the Indian tribes of the
territory of that Republic. In 1850, the first volume of that
gigantic work appeared, and now a third volume, printed in
112 LANGUAGES OF NORTH-AMERICAN INDIANS
1853, has been transmitted to me by the liberality of that
government.*
It may fairly bu said that, by this great national and Christian
undertaking, which realizes the aspirations of President Jefferson,
and carries out to their full extent the labours and efforts of a
Secretary of State, the Honourable Albert Galatin, the govern-
ment of the United States has done more for the antiquities and
language of a foreign race than any European government has
hitherto done for the language of their ancestors. Certainly,
scarcely any single man has done more for collecting and
digesting the materials than Mr. Schoolcraft, whose own observa-
tions and inquiries form the most important part of that publi-
cation. The whole work is conceived in a spirit of true phi-
lanthropy, and breathes a feeling of brotherhood towards the
Indian scion of the human species. The section on language is
without doubt the most important portion ; it occupies a place in
the second and third volumes, and we may hope to see it com-
pleted in the course of the following volumes. But the lin-
guistic data before us, combined with the traditions and cus-
toms, and, particularly, with the system of pictorial or mne-
monic writing (first revealed in this work), enable me to say,
that the Asiatic origin of all these tribes is as fully proved as
the unity of family among themselves. According to our system,
the Indian languages can only be a deposit of a north Turanian
idiom. Indeed, in addition to the evidence already collected by
Prichard, the passage of tribes from Siberia (where we also find
traces of the same pictorial writing), over the northern islands, is
placed beyond all doubt by the work in question. The Mongo-
lian peculiarity of the skull, the type of the hunter, the Shamanic
* Historical and Statistical Information respecting the History, Condition, and
Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States. Collected and prepared under
the direction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, per Act of Congress, March 3rd,
1847, by Henry R. Schoolcraft, LL.D. Published by authority of Congress.
Parti. Philadelphia, 1851; Part ii. 1852; Part Hi. 1853; great quarto, with
numerous plates.
PROBABLY SCIONS OF THE MONGOLIC. 113
excitement which leads by means of fasting and dreams into a
visionary or clairvoyant state, and the fundamental religious
vii-ws and symbols (among which the tortoise is not to be for-
gotten, ii. p. 390), bring us back to primitive Turanism. As to
the languages themselves, there is no one peculiarity in them
which may not easily be explained by our theory of the
secondary formation and of the consequences of isolation. The
unity of the grammatical type was long ago acknowledged, but
we have now (as I think) the evidence of the material, his-
torical, physical unity. The Indian mind has not only worked
in one type, but with one material, and that a Turanian one.
We may now hope to receive, in a few years, from these
energetic efforts of the government and citizens of the United
States, a complete linguistic Thesaurus of Indian languages;
and this deserves the more grateful acknowledgment as most
of those tribes, in spite of the renewing power of Christianity,
will soon become entirely extinct.
. ii.
114 LANGUAGES OF POLYNESIA.
SIXTH CHAPTER.
THE LANGUAGES OP POLYNESIA ARE PROBABLY SCIONS OF THE
MALAY, A3 TO THE TRIBES OF LIGHTER HUE, AND THEY ALL OF
THEM ARE TURANIAN.
I THINK that Wilhelm von Humboldt established the connexion
between the Polynesian languages and the Malay, or the lan-
guage of Malacca, Java, and Sumatra, and that this Malay
language itself bears the character of the Turanian languages
of Central Asia.
Whether the Papua languages, spoken in Australia and New
Guinea, and by the aborigines of Borneo, of the peninsula of
Malacca, and some small Polynesian islands, be a primitive
type of the same stock as the Malay, which afterwards in many
parts superseded it, is a point which must be left undecided
till we obtain from the missionaries a Papua grammar. Thus
much, however, we know, that it is an earlier and very primitive
formation, and one which will probably prove to have only de-
generated. To the analysis of it, as such, it will be necessary
to apply the method above discussed.
UNITY OF ALL ORGANIC LANGUAGES. 115
SEVENTH CHAPTER.
GENERAL RESULT AS TO THE UNITY OF ALL ORGANIC LANGUAGES.
WE thus see that a very considerable part of the inhabitants of
America and the Polynesian islands belong to that one great
family which we call the Turanian race, and that the former
branched off from the Mongolian, the latter from Malay tribes.
In many parts we know, historically, that the Turanian race
has preceded the Iranian: its language certainly represents
not only an anterior step or preceding stage of development,
approaching at its opposite pole the Chinese, but it has primitive
materials in common with the Iranians, using this term for the
general family name, and applying the name of Arians only
to the inhabitants of middle Asia (Bactria, Media, Persia). The
two families, therefore, were originally united.
The Iranian have, in common with the Semitic languages, in-
cluding Chamism or Egyptian, the principle of a fixed indivi-
duality, which alone renders a progressive development possible :
in this development the Iranian goes beyond the Semitic ; but,
as the Eastern branch of individualized humanity, it has more
in common with Turanian than the Semitic has. Primitive,
tic, Chamism has disappeared: its existence is only proved
by the Kgyptian. Canaan is not only a child of Cham, because
the Cuiuianites, in the earliest period, as again a few centuries
.re the Mosaic time, left Lower Egypt and occupied Pa-
nic and Tyre, but because the historical Semitic is itself a
child of the original stock from which Cham descended. Tho
I 2
116 GENERAL RESULTS AS TO THE UNITY
Egyptian language is as certainly the primitive formation of
countries about the Euphrates and Tigris, established in Africa
and preserved by the Egyptians, as the Icelandic is the old
Norse established in that island.
Now with this Semitic formation Africa is closely connected.
Semites occupied Abyssinia : not only the Berber but also the
Galla language evidently belongs to the same stock. But what
do we know of the rest of Africa ? We know thus much — that
its languages are in a more developed state than Turanism.
They are more organic. Here the gigantic and truly admirable
labours of two indefatigable German Messengers of the Church-
Missionary Society of England require particular attention.
One of these is the Rev. John Lewis Krapf, whose comparative
grammar and dictionary of the Sawahili language and the cog-
nate dialects of the Wanicka and Wakamba tribes, with intro-
ductions and numerous translations, in manuscript, were, on
their arrival from Africa, entrusted to me by the enlightened
secretary of that Society, the Rev. Henry Venn, and are now
printed. The other is the worthy countryman and friend of
Krapf, the Rev. W. Koelle, in the service of the same illus-
trious Society, who, during his missionary labours, has availed
himself of that providential facility which, through the lan-
guages represented there, Sierra Leone offers to missionary
labour in the interior of Africa, for the researches of comparative
ethnology. Our readers are aware that, in pursuance of the
measures for that most noble and Christian of all national
objects, the abolition of the slave trade, the English vessels
on the western coast of Africa convey liberated slaves to Sierra
Leone, where they learn English and receive a Christian
education. Thus, what no human effort could have effort cil is
here brought about by God's providence, through the instru-
mentality of what Luther called God's deacon upon earth, the
devil. The Rev. W. Koelle has returned to Europe, after
many years' patient and judicious observation, with specimens of
OF ALL ORGANIC LANGUAGES. 117
in« TO than one hundred and fifty African languages spread over
the remotest parts of Africa ; and, with the assistance of that ex-
cel lent geographer, Mr. Augustus Petennann, has succeeded in
localizing them on a map of Africa constructed for that pur-
posev Mr. Koelle has, by a preliminary examination, classed
them into certain groups and, as far as it was possible, furnished
us with materials for establishing a unity out of an overwhelming
and perplexing mass of tribes and families. Tutschek's and
Krapfs labours upon the south-eastern languages of Africa had
already dispelled the unfounded notion of there being an infinite
number of rude and poor dialects of African tribes. We now
know that the Galla language, which joins on to the Abyssinian
in the north, a very fine specimen of grammatical structure
and euphonic formation, is spoken at least as far as the fifth
degree south of the equator ; that it extends far into the con-
tinent along the eastern coast of Africa; that it is joined by
the noble Caffre idioms, which also extend far into the interior;
and that the Congo idioms on the western coast, if not cognate,
are at least very analogous in structure, as the Galla and Caffre
languages decidedly are with each other.* But Koelle's ma-
* At the moment that these sheets are going through the press (April 26.
1848) we have received the first and second numbers of the " Zeitschrift der
dfutschen morgenliindischen Gesellschaft," and find in it Prof. Pott's learned
article on the languages of the Caffre and Congo tribes. We beg particularly to
refiT our readers to the ingenious and acute observations of Prof. Schott, which
are cited in this article. (Note to Lecture.), We have now (March, 1854) to add
the learned and well-reasoned article of the same distinguished scholar on the
Languages of Inner and Western Africa, in the last number of the D. Morgenl.
Ges., p. 413 — 441.; and Dr. Bleek's Various smaller Essays on African Languages.
Prof. Bopp expresses a wish, in which I most cordially join, that the missionaries
may be induced to send their linguistic monographies to the principal learned
societies of Europe, which otherwise become only accidentally acquainted with the
results of their praiseworthy and important literary productions. The directing
•> in Europe might easily effect this by circular instructions.
P. S. 10th June, 1854. Since the last lines were written, Dr. Bleek, having
volunteered his scientific services for the Expedition to the Upper Tshaadda or
the Bruin', has, through the enlightened and generous kindness of the Earl of
ndon, been employed in it, for the purpose of investigating the African
I 3 .
118 UNITY OP ALL ORGANIC LANGUAGES.
U -rials furnish us, for the fifth time, with a safe basis as to the
origin of the African languages of the interior.
There evidently has been a southern as well as a northern
immigration. The northern was certainly Semitic. The primi-
tive state of Chamism, exhibiting the germ both of Semiticism
and of Iranism, is left behind in both the Northern and
Southern African formations. This development of theirs, how-
ever, does not run in the Semitic line. In the historical Semitic
formations, the copula is constantly expressed by the prono-
minal form (he), whereas the Iranian possess the more abstract
and therefore more advanced verbal form (to be). In this decisive
characteristic most African tongues agree with the Iranian ;
as they do in the whole system of conjugation in opposition
to the Semitic conjugation, as explained above. As the Ameri-
can and, in a certain manner, all Turanian languages are dis-
tinguished by their system of incorporation, and particularly by
the agglutination of words, together with that of postposition ; so
.these African idioms bear the type of prefixes and indicate the
congruence, or grammatical position, of the parts of speech by
changes in the initials of the words. Lepsius' preliminary obser-
vations respecting the two languages of the Upper Nile which
he has discovered and analyzed, would lead to the supposition
that they also represent a considerably greater advancement than
the Egyptian.
languages OB that river. He will be accompanied from Lagos by the apostle of
his native country, Crowther, the author of the Yoruba Grammar and Dictionary.
ORGANIC AND INORGANIC LANGUAGES. 119
EIGHTH CHAPTER.
THE PROBABILITY OF A HISTORICAL CONNEXION BETWEEN THE
ORGANIC STOCK AND THE CHINESE, OR THE INORGANIC LANGUAGE.
WE have hitherto excluded altogether from the application of our
method that wreck of the primitive language, that great monu-
ment of inorganic structure, the Chinese. But we have already
intimated, that it may be joined on to the other families of
human speech, by the least developed Turanian. There is no
scientific proof that it cannot : the law of analogy says, it must ;
philological and philosophical arguments combine to show the
method of verifying the fact. Chinese philology, from a general
point of view, is in its infancy. Morrison's merit consists in
having given us a tonic dictionary, that is to say, a dictionary
which really deserves that name, an alphabetic collection of
sounds, not a system of signs. But the execution of this laudable
plan is very defective. The object of real philology must be to
classify, with due regard to accent, the numberless significations
of a full root or syllable, so as to discover the primitive signi-
fications ; for, as is still the case in the Egyptian, one sound
frenerally comprises several roots now apparently identical, but
originally different. With this view the ancient style ought to
be consulted very carefully, if not exclusively : for instance,
by treating in this manner, the roots ngo(the pronoun I), and the
roots for father and mother (foo and moo\ the original substan-
tial meaning of the last two words will easily be ascertained, and
the signification of reciting or speaking for ngo will lead to the
i 4
120 PROBABILITY OF A HISTORICAL CONNEXION
natural origin of the pronominal signification. This corresponds
perfectly with the primitive signification of the pronoun of the
second person, b'l, ear, hearing. The speaking and the hearing
are correlate notions for those two personal pronouns. Nor is
it less important to discover the original pronunciation and pho-
netic rules of that language. Endlicher, in his Chinese gram-
mar, is the first who has consulted the language on this point.
Lastly, we cannot help thinking that a system of transcribing
Chinese words in Latin characters ought to be introduced in
the tonic dictionary as well as in the grammar, and the ancient
texts published in the same manner. The philological as well
as historical treasury of Chinese literature would thus become
accessible to the philosophical and comparative study of that
most interesting language. It is only by its being taken up by
general scholars in this way that we can hope to obtain a basis
for the comparison of roots ; although we are far from denying
that the historical study of the signs by the professional Chinese
scholar will also contribute much to the real understanding of
this peculiar formation. The study of the Tibetan or Bhotiya
language, and that of the Burmese, offers the nearest link be-
tween the Chinese and the more recent formations : but even a
comparison with Sanskrit roots is indicated by our method.
For it is the characteristic of the noblest languages and nations
that they preserve most of the ancient heirloom of humanity,
remodelling and universalizing it at the same time with pro-
ductive originality.
It would have been presumptuous, in 1847, to anticipate the
issue of a thorough and well-digested comparison of this kind :
I limited myself, at that time, to saying that I inclined to think
it would be in favour of the existence of a primitive con-
nexion. There was a gap between that formation and all others.
This chasm has now been filled up, to a considerable degree, by
Miillcr's successful Iranian researches. The Chinese now appears
only as the most ancient of the anto-diluvian or ante-Noachian
BETWEEN ORGANIC AND INORGANIC LANGUAGES. 121
monuments of speech. The origin of Turanism as well as of
K liamism belongs to the primordial epoch. None of these nations
consequently possess a tradition about the Flood, whereas both
the Iranians and Shemites have. There is, therefore, a separation
which corresponds with that caused in the general development
of the human race by that great destructive catastrophe. The
movement consequent upon that event separates the modern
history of our race from its primordial origins. The Chinese,
however, remains not only the eldest monument of ante-diluvian
speech, but forms, in principle, the opposition to Turanism and
to Khamism, as well as to Iranism and Semitism. Indeed, the
first emigration from the cradle of mankind is said in Genesis
to have gone eastward, which would point to the high table-
land of Mongolia as the land of Nod or of exile, and the Chinese
O '
derive their rivers mythologically from those primordial regions.
Whatever may be the result of the inquiries which still re-
main to be made, there is but one mode of arriving at the
truth, and that is by a combination of accurate philological ob-
servation and analysis with philosophical principles, and with
the collateral researches of history and physiology. It is only
by such a combination of researches that we can hope to fix
definitively the place of each language in the general history
of human speech, and to pronounce with historical certainty on
the great questions connected with that problem. The diffi-
culties are immense, but not greater than those which have been
overcome in the last thirty years. Much less has been done
hitherto, even by the governments of the most civilized nations,
and by the most learned academies of Europe, for man, than
for stones, plants and animals. The United States have lately
an example which deserves to be imitated in Europe.
Xor has sufficient attention been given to the subject by the
ling academies of Europe, one of which, that of Berlin, was
{minded by Leibnitz especially for this purpose. It will be the
liest ix- ward of my humble efforts, if the preceding inquiry,
122 ORGANIC AND INORGANIC LANGUAGES.
and in particular my method of distinguishing between primary
and secondary formation, and of determining the succession of
the phenomena of development, and thus of languages, shall not
be found entirely useless in the pursuit of those ulterior re-
searches which form not only the basis of the history of our
race, but are intimately connected with the highest object of
speculation — the Philosophy of the Mind.
I shall conclude this first portion of my Sketch with some
remarks which have a bearing upon that subject. They will
serve to authenticate the juxta-position of Language and Reli-
gion which is founded on the fundamental assumption that these
are the two collateral primitive manifestations of the human
Mind.
PHILOSOPHICAL CONCLUSION,
BEAKING OF LANGUAGE UPON THE
PHILOSOPHY OF MIND
RESPECTING TUB
OBJECTIVE REALITY OF TEUTH.
PHILOSOPHICAL CONCLUSION.
THE BEARING OP LANGUAGE UPON THE PHILOSOPHY OP MIND
RESPECTING THE OBJECTIVE REALITY OP TRUTH.
THE introduction to this volume has presented to the reader
the results which a methodical analysis of the facts of language
furnishes for understanding the universal history of human
civilisation, and for reconstructing its primitive epoch.
These results will certainly appear the more striking, when we
consider that the foundations of that methodical and comparative
analysis of languages were only laid at the beginning of this
century. If our researches be not entirely fallacious (and they
scarcely can be so, based as they are upon constant phenomena
and incontrovertible facts), we are already able, with more or
less certainty, to prove the common descent of all the tribes of
Asia and Europe, and to show that the historical languages of
Khamites and Shemites, of Turanians and Iranians, have their
common roots and deposits in the primitive world. Of the
existence and state of this primitive world, language and the
sacred traditions of mankind give concordant evidence. That
part of central Asia, in which about a myriad of years ago
a great physical catastrophe took place, proves, by the light of
comparative linguistic researches, to be the cradle of the human
race, and it must have existed about another myriad of years,
during which numerous migrations took place, recorded by the
deposits of speech they have left in Asia and Africa.
This historical unity is not simply a physical, external one, it
iat of thought, wisdom, arts, science, and civilisation. By
126 BEARING OF LANGUAGE UPON
facts, still more conclusive than the succession of strata in geology,
comparative philology proves what our religious records pos-
tulate, that the civilisation of mankind is not a patchwork of
incoherent fragments, not an inorganic complex of various
courses of development, starting from numberless beginnings,
flowing in isolated beds, and destined only to disappear in order
to make room for other tribes, running the same course in
monotonous rotation.
Far beyond all other documents, there is preserved in lan-
guage that sacred tradition of primeval thought and art which
connects all the historical families of mankind, not only as
brethren by descent, but each as the depository of a phasis of one
and the same development. In language are deposited the primor-
dial sparks of that celestial fire which, from a once bright centre
of civilisation ; has streamed forth over the inhabited earth, and
which now already, after less than three myriads of years,
forms a galaxy round the globe, a chain of light from pole to
pole.
The ground on which our civilisation stands is a sacred one,
for it is the deposit of thought. That thought originated in
the mind of the men of genius of antiquity, in the noble
efforts of the self-sacrificing heroes of mankind ; and the primi-
tive formation of these strata is language. The prospects of
mankind are therefore brightened by the contemplation of the
development of language. For language as it is the mirror, so
is it the product of reason, and as it embodies thought, so is it
the child of thought.
It is impossible seriously to contemplate this great fact of
history, which lies demonstrably at the bottom of our linguistic
researches, without asking something like the following ques-
tions. What is the evidence of language as to the primi-
tiveness of spirit or matter, of thought or sensation ? What
does its analysis prove, in the last instance, as to the exist-
ence of objective truth conveyed in language ? What as
THE OBJECTIVE REALITY OF TRUTH. 127
our reasoning on objects beyond the senses, and our notions
respecting God, the Soul, Free Will, and Immortality? What
as to the value of symbols of ideas and realities, such as words,
and rites too, undoubtedly are ?
We cannot reason without words ; what right have we to
attribute any reality to such a connection, not of things but of
conventional signs ? The answer to such questions must evidently
depend essentially upon two elements. The one will be the
relation of language, as such, to objective truth : the other the
objectivity of thought itself. The two elements are closely
connected. We come to logical conclusions by connecting ideas
syllogistically : are we connecting merely words or the things
themselves ? Does our magic formula of twenty or thirty sounds
conjure up realities or only imaginations ? Where is the rational
warranty for the reality of our moral and religious ideas ?
If the methodical analysis of language, of which we have
attempted to give the outlines, have any truth in it, its bearing
upon speculative or strictly philosophical truth, will certainly be
even more important than all historical results. For the value
of all historical truth depends upon the concordance between
reason and reality, thinking and things. Such a concordance
can evidently only be shown by our being able to explain the
facts of nature and of mind. The physical universe exhibits
the first, man and universal history the second. The Kosmos of
mind must be more transparent to reason than that of nature.
Now, in this Kosmos, language combines the advantages of mind
and nature. For the general facts of language, as to its internal
construction, rest upon so large a basis that they come before
the mind with the constancy and power of natural phenomena.
We may be mistaken as to facts depending upon the product of
individual mind, in arts or science or practical life : as to
language, whether we have it living before us, or in written
records, it is impossible not to discern its general organisation
At the same time, as language is the immediate product of the
128 BEARING OF LANGUAGE UPON
intellect, it is necessarily a much more transparent organ and
medium of thought than the phenomena of natural history, or
of the so-called celestial bodies, the laws of which we may
discover without understanding the reason of them.
It is impossible to conceal from ourselves the necessity
of going beyond the evidence of language in confronting these
questions, or to overlook the danger of losing the ground we
have gained, if we enter into the labyrinth of pure specula-
tion. We must not however suffer ourselves to be alarmed by
that difficulty and by this danger* For the consideration of
these questions alone can form the bridge from the philosophy
of language to that of religion. It is only the solution of
this problem which can fully justify our having brought them
into juxta-position as the primitive phenomena of universal
history. We must prove their internal unity. I hope, indeed,
to have already shown that, on the one side, there is no possi-
bility of attaining to a philosophy of religion without the
philosophy of language, and, on the other, that the formation
of language would be impossible, did there not exist in the
mind, primitively, what we may call the rational principle of
religion, which is the idea of cause and effect. Every word
implies that assumption of a first cause, which is the assumption
of all religion. What remains to be done is to connect the
result of our linguistic researches with the analysis of religion,
and with the last questions of metaphysical enquiry.
In endeavouring to introduce my readers to the labyrinth of
metaphysical thought, I shall be guided throughout by the prin-
cipal object of this book, and should we find that language and
religion are the product of the human mind, and the result of a
process the laws of which we can discover, I certainly may
also hope to have furnished more proofs than any one before
me has done, that the human mind acts by laws which can
only be explained by assuming the divine reality of thought, as
attested by the moral consciousness within, and the universe,
both of nature and history, without us.
THE OBJECTIVE REALITY OF TRUTH. 129
Our contemplation will be confined to the consideration of
the three following questions :
FIRST. Is the evidence of language in favour of the priority
of mind to matter ?
SECONDLY. Can we discover objective truth by combining
words as signs of thought?
THIRDLY. What is the mutual relation between language and
religion ?
VOL. II.
130 EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE FOR
I.
THE EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE IN FAVOUR OF THE PRIORITY OF
THOUGHT TO MATTER.
THE opposite view presents itself, from the very beginnings of
philosophy, in two forms.
Some philosophers have said, and still say, that human speech
grew out of animal cries. Our words are supposed to have been
originally imitations of natural sounds, or utterances of joy or pain,
of anticipated good or evil, and this assumed fact is intended to
constitute a proof either that thought is merely an affection of
perishable matter (materialism), or that both are indiscrimi-
nately accidents of the one divine substance of the universe
(pantheism).
According to the first view, human language was originally a
complex of what is called onomatopoetic words and interjections.
The idioms of savages were assumed to be essentially nothing
more.
Now the evidence of comparative and historical philology is
decidedly against that supposition. The primitive language is
found to be strictly rational. It is inorganic, as not having,
like all the languages of Europe, words as parts of speech ; but
every word in it is most clearly the product of a logical sentence.
It necessarily implies the combination of an existing thing,
classed according to a quality, with a certain mode of existence.
It is neither a substantive nor an adjective nor a verb, because
it is all together ; and its actual sense must be understood from
its position in speech and its tone in pronunciation. It is not a
"part of speech," because it is a whole sentence, representing
PRIORITY OF THOUGHT TO MATTER. 131
subject, predicate and copula, according to its place and accent.
Such a language may prove very inconvenient in the progress
of time, but it is as philosophical as any other.
Substance and existence are categories of thought; so are the
qualities by which we distinguish one thing from another. The
animal affection produced by external objects contains in it no
thought whatever : it is all sensation, produced, not by one of the
qualities by which the object really exists, but merely by the im-
pression it makes upon the animal soul according to the real or
imaginary relation of this object to the affections of the per-
ceiving subject, such as giving or promising joy or pain, or (as
we may also express it) according to the bearing it is felt to have
upon the instincts of the animal nature.
As to the animal languages of savages, they exist only in the
imagination of those philosophers : they have disappeared upon
the analysis of the languages even of the Botocudes and of the
Bushmen.
Now it certainly may be said that the supposed primitive
language of mankind has disappeared, and that we know it only
in its second stage. But let us first mark the admission that the
supposition upon which such persons proceeded is thus aban-
doned. They leave history to us : or rather, they are driven away
by our facts from the ground of reality. Their suppositions not
only find no support in facts, but the facts run directly against
tlu-m. The Chinese is as far as the Greek is from being an
imitation of natural sounds (a most absurd supposition in itself,
as most objects have no sound whatever), and its origin can be
!. -lined from the primitive agency of thought much more
•rily than the Greek can, for all the words are substan-
. and there exist no conventional expressions to denote the
relation between one word and another. The contrivances used
in Chinese to express thought are more complicated and less
convenient than those employed in our languages, but they are
all contrivances to express thought, not sensation.
K 2
l.'J.'j EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE FOR
The materialistic supposition is equally untenable, if we probe
to the bottom the question raised by them as to the imitation of
nature.
First, no imitation of nature exists in language anymore than
does expression of sensation. The interjections are no parts
of speech, any more than the "clicks" of the Hottentots (pas-
sionate interjections) are articulate sounds. They are gratuitous
interspersions of feeling between thought, and whenever they
are connected with a real root in the language (as oud, the
Greek interjection analogous to oh ! with Weht the German word
for pain, misfortune), they partake of the nature of all real,
primitive words: they are objective and substantive. It is not
that the sound is imitated, or the purely animal sensation ex-
pressed, but the object is indicated by the imitation of a quality
by which the mind perceives it, and the instrument of this
imitation is the primitive organ, both in musical and plastic art.
The complex of the organs of speech, which we call the mouth,
is, as it were, the instrument and symbol, indicating to similarly
organized thinking beings the quality identified with the object.
It does so in two ways: first, by the higher or lower note, the
sinking or ascending voice, the sharp or protracted accent ; and,
secondly, by the gesture of speech. By the latter expression
we mean the specific contingent configuration of the mouth
produced by one of the possible organic combinations of
the different organs — throat, palate, tongue, teeth, lips. The
mouth is thus not only the primitive musical instrument, but
also the original symbolical hieroglyphic, the primitive phonetic
telegraph.
We see how the poetical key of language lies originally in the
analogy between this configuration and a quality (hollow, close,
extended, curbed, and so on), without any reference what'
to an analogy between the objects themselves, which may come
under that hieroglyphic. The objects (such as mountain, sky,
tree, lion, serpent) afterwards exercise a preponderant influence
PRIORITY OF THOUGHT TO MATTER. 133
over the transfer of qualities to things. Two things (as sky and
tent, tooth and mountain) are denoted by the same word, because
they have struck the mind by one and the same quality. In this
second stage the substantives, or expressions of things, are gene-
rally reducible to adjectives, or expressions of quality (the lion is
the red, or the springer, or the roaring). Finally, in a third stage
of development, the objects become, as such, by their totality,
the leaders, and the substratum in the transfer of a word to a new
signification. Analogy, as the most ancient Greek philosophers
already perceived in all stages, is the constant rule of language ;
but then its index changes, and history exhibits to us the pheno-
mena of this change, as the phasis of a development founded upon
natural laws. The leading analogy is, first, that of the imitative
organ ; then, that of the quality of a thing ; finally, of the things
themselves, as the subjects or bearers of qualities.
Thus our opposition to the materialistic view is no longer a
negative, but a positive one, both as regards fact and reason.
But the evidence of language may be summoned in favour of a
similar view, by pointing to the fact that all intellectual, moral,
and spiritual notions are found to be only the secondary sig-
nification of the respective words, their primitive sense being
physical, sensual.
This fact had been doubted or contradicted, first by the
theologians on the evidence of the Hebrew, and lastly by
Frederic Schlegel on the strength of Sanscrit. The one has
turned out to be as great a fallacy as the other. In surveying
all the languages of which we have records, we find the
constant phenomenon, that the physical sense is the substratum
of the metaphysical ; apparent exceptions can therefore only
be considered, primd facie, as the natural consequence of the
imperfection of our knowledge. But, moreover, since the law
of analogy has finally been applied to etymology, those apparent
exceptions have almost entirely disappeared. The fact is so
univiTsal, that it must flow from an organic law; and this
K 3
1;J1 EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE FOR
law, indeed, is not only that of history, but also of nature in
general, and is as universal as it is rational.
To assume the contrary, implies indeed an absurdity. To say
that language is the organ of reason for the expression of notions
by words, is identical with asserting that language is to express
something intellectual (an idea) by something physical (its
symbol or sign). The mind produces a word by the same
function by which any work of art, in the ordinary sense
of the term, is created ; for the word is really nothing but
the first or primitive and irresistible product of that creative in-
stinct and faculty in man which impels and enables him to
realize the infinite in the finite. The mind does the same in
the later stage of development, by bringing before us either
proportions (musical harmony and architectonical symmetry), or
by reproducing the shape and figure of the objects themselves
(sculpture, drawing, painting). Infinite thought cannot be ex-
pressed otherwise than by its symbol in the finite ; and nothing
but the object of thought, that is to say something existing
and its mode of existence, is thus expressed.
If we follow out this idea more profoundly, we shall find that
the mystery of the mind is the mystery of the creation of the uni-
verse. What is creation but the expression of the infinite
thought of the whole in co-existing and successive finitencss ?
The analogy of the natural development which proceeds from
inorganic to organic life, and in organic life from unconscious-
ness to consciousness and individuality, with the development of
mind, as demonstrably exhibited in the progress of language,
that is to say in the history of the deposit of mind, is certainly
very striking. The primitive language is decidedly inorganic,
like the crystal. Every one of its words has the power of a
totality in it, though it is not affected by other formations. The
secondary formation has all the distinctive peculiarities of
vegetable nature: its words are parts of speech, and exhibit
a power of change and development, according to genera and
PRIORITY OF THOUGHT TO MATTER. 135
species. Finally, the words of the spirit, denoting the relation
of one thought and sentence to another, are developed, and
give expression to the agency of the mind upon itself. Such
is the history of language as a whole : on a small scale it is,
more or less, observable in every given language. Can this
be accidental ? and if it cannot be, must it not be considered
as a proof that nature and finite mind flow from one and
the same divine thought, which is God ? Its reason is the
presupposition of nature, and the first cause of development
in language ; thus conscious reason, which is spirit, is the aim
and end of all formations in either. This is the result of ana-
lytic philosophy, as knowledge of the True : realize it by
believing your moral consciousness, which tells you that the
True is the perfect Good, and the supreme reason eternal love,
and your philosophy is complete and becomes religion. But
upon this relation between language and religion, we shall have
more to say in the concluding chapter.
The nearest empiric analogy to the origin and organism of
language is poetry. Poetry reproduces the original process of
the mind in which language originates. The coinage of words
is the primitive poem of humanity, and the imagery of poetry
and oratory is only possible and effective, because it is a con-
tinuation of that primitive process which is itself a reproduction
of creation, and finitely represents the general law of creation,
the law of the universe, the consciously or unconsciously implied
axiom in all physical and astronomical enquiries and systems.
K 4
136 EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE
II.
THE EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE IN FAVOUR OF THE OBJECTIVITY
OF TRUTH.
BUT, it may be asked, and it has indeed often been asked, is not
this intimate connection between reason and language, between
notion and word, a decisive argument in favour of the subjec-
tivity of all truth? Protagoras appealed to language when he
said, "The measure of all things is man," and Home Tooke
answered Pilate's question by appealing to etymology. Truth
is what the word signifies, what a man troweth, that is to say,
believes.
This doubt thrown upon the reliability of language, if it had
any force, must evidently apply also to reason itself. As soon
as it is proved that language expresses reason, the question is
only whether reason is able to perceive the substance of things,
or only experiences certain subjective affections produced upon
the mind by the objects. If the qualities shadowed forth by
words be not the real qualities, not notions but sensual affec-
tions, it is the delusive nature of reason, not of language, which
s at fault. Language cannot supply the defects of reason,
whatever they may be. Equally true is it that, if reason has a
perception of the substance of things by a constant cooperation
of object and subject, and the mutual working of reality upon
thought and of thought upon its objects (the existing things),
language will not stand in the way, but on the contrary most
powerfully second and aid reason.
Such being the case, I maintain that a faithful observation of
the phenomena which show the origin and progress of language,
FOR THE OBJECTIVITY OF TRUTH. 137
and the application of the elementary principles of induction
and analogy, furnish the easiest, as well as the most conclusive
proof of the objectivity of reason, and afford us the comfortable
assurance that we are not only equally right in trusting our
reason as our senses, but that in investigating the nature of things
we can trust our senses only so far as they are controlled by
reason and her logical operations.
Objectivity is the really distinctive character of language.
Words express not the subjective impressions, the affections
of the mind, but the qualities of things. It is precisely this
which distinguishes human speech from animal utterances, and
impels and enables man to speak and to understand man.
It' we watch the gradual and organic growth and development of
the language of mankind, the immense line of connected histo-
rical development presented by it exhibits so much constancy
in the rational phenomena of language, as no history of any art
or science, or even of philosophy itself, can furnish. In all such
histories we have (as already intimated) great difficulty in dis-
tinguishing what belongs to the individual working of the mind,
and what to the general, and therefore necessary, agency of
reason, thought, and apperception. Language alone is so pre-
eminently the product of common sense, in its true meaning,
that is to say of universal reason, that the laws of its construc-
tion and development stand before us as general laws, unaffected
by individual, and, it might be, arbitrary operations. If we con-
sider this circumstance but superficially even, we shall come to
the conclusion that the facts of language must be admitted to be
as strong proof of the reality of reason, as the facts of geology
and astronomy are of the existence of certain laws in nature.
From this point of view I think we may consider the result
of our analysis of language, based upon connected facts and
simple principles for their explanation, as tangible proof of
tin- reality of reason. It is undeniable that the whole
human race, in spite of all the differences of civilisation, is
138 EVIDENCE OF LANGUAGE
enabled by language, and consequently by reason, to deal with
reality, to connect not only the outward, but also the inward
phenomena, under the guidance of their individual languages.
Reasoning connects successfully what is based upon reason.
It may also be said with equal truth that we must believe in
the evidence of reason, on the ground of our belief in language,
as that, on the same grounds, we believe in the evidence of the
senses: for language is the common product of both reason and
the senses, and combines scientific intelligence and artistic pro-
ductiveness.
If we follow out still further the striking fact of language
being primitively the congenial organ of reason, we are for-
cibly led to the conclusion, that all our faith in the reasoning
process by which we deal with reality, in short, that which prevents
us from overstepping the boundary between reason and madness,
rests upon the instinctive, and therefore originally unconscious
assumption that reason and things, mind and nature, men and the
universe, subject and object, are merely the two different poles
of one and the same substance, the Absolute Being — Thought.
How could man be understood by man ? how could primitive
words be used in connection, by composition, derivation, or
juxtaposition, were there not an original objectivity in the
reasoning process? and how is that objectivity possible but
upon the assumption that all reality, all nature, is the uncon-
scious expression of thought, subject to the laws of development
in space and time? that matter is nothing but the limitation of
finite existence, a limitation impossible to explain except by
assuming the infinite which is thought and will, as the first
cause? And here we stand upon the confines of religion, as far
as it is the expression of truth in the relation of the infinite
to the finite.
If, again, our philosophy of religion should lead us to the
conclusion, that a belief in reason, as the faculty by which we
discover the connection between cause and effect, and that
FOR THE OBJECTIVITY OF TRUTH.
between subject and predicate, implies the belief in reason as
conscience, that is to say in truth as good, and in knowledge as
the apperception of good and evil ; the evidence of language
would be of still greater importance as tangible evidence in
favour of the reasonableness and objective truth of our religious
faith. We shall conclude our present reflections by contem-
plating some of the results of the philosophy of language upon
the philosophy of religion.
140 RELATION BETWEEN THE PHILOSOPHY
III.
THE MUTUAL RELATION BETWEEN THE PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE
AND THAT OF RELIGION.
IF language be the work of the human mind, religion is so
likewise; because they are the two effects of the operation of
one and the same faculty, directed, in language, to the manifold-
ness of things, in religion, to the unity of this manifoldness, or to
the first cause of the universe. The advance from the individual
object which strikes us through the senses to a notion which
defines the species and genus, is a process which supposes the
existence and primitive assumption of a first cause. Again, as
no instinct can remain without its corresponding manifestation,
the mind must produce language.
Descending to the sphere of simple history, we find that
religion, whether it means truth respecting the relation of the
soul to God, or the corresponding acts of worship and of the social
life of worshippers, cannot exist without words. But moreover
the highest media of the manifestation of religious truth are
religious words and teachings, and their only safe records, sacred
books. It follows from our philosophy of language, as the organ of
reason and the depository of thought and of facts, that the proper
tribunal for interpreting such a code is reason, so far as religion
is the expression of truth, ideal or historical. Any non-rational
interpretation of those records is, therefore, in itself as irreligious
as it is irrational. It may be necessary for private interests,
perhaps ennobled, at least strengthened, by practical purposes
to employ an irrational interpretation, but in itself any such
interpretation is either a proof of illogical perversity and igno-
rance, or an avowal of imposture and conscious unbelief.
OF LANGUAGE AND THAT OF RELIGION. 1 1-1
Now the philosophical analysis of language shows what is
requisite for discovering the real sense of a word in a given
record. We must first try to understand the original meaning of
the word, its inherent power as it were; and then its significa-
tion in that given period of language, which evidently implies
that we know, at least, the relative age of the record. This
enquiry leads us farther into all the various points of historical
criticism. Here we meet with questions such as, whether Moses
is to be supposed to have related the story of his own death,
because we call certain books, the books of Moses, as we call
others the books of Judges and Kings — and again, whether
Isaiah, a prophet before Sennacherib, must be supposed to
have spoken of Cyrus as his contemporary, for a similar reason.
In all such questions, reason alone, perhaps, will not obtain a
hearing, owing to the indifference to truth, and because the faith
of many exists upon unreasonableness : but language comes in at
the head of facts, which are not so easily disposed of. There may
be unbelief connected with the promotion of such investigations,
but there always is with the attacks upon them on theological
grounds. Such enquiries may be conducted individually here
and there without faith : but there is no faith worth having
implied in an indifference to them. The seriousness and value
of the religious belief of any class of men, or of any nation, so
iaras they are considered rational beings, will always bear a due
proportion to the efforts they make to investigate these points,
and to bring the problems connected with them before the
tribunal of reason, in order to secure a solid basis for historical
belief.
Hut the bearing of a philosophical analysis upon the philosophy
of religion goes much farther. It dives down to the very
foundation of every historical tradition.
The laws of development in language must be, and demon-
bly are, the same as those of the evolution of any religion,
whether conveyed by words and written tradition or not. The
142 RELATION BETWEEN THE PHILOSOPHY
meaning of a word changes the reality of things, and the word, as
a living evidence, acts upon the imaginative as well as reasoning
faculties of the mind. Ecclesia, as applied by the Christians to
their meetings, signified (like synagogue, which means congrega-
tion) the assembly of the associated people, the people them-
selves. The Romanic nations adopted the term as chiesa, eglise,
iylesia, applied however to the locality and to the governing body:
a very sad fall indeed. The Germanic nations, who used for
ecclesia the word Gemeinde (community), or others of the same
meaning, adopted from the Byzantines the expression (Church.,
Kirk, Kirche), which originally referred to the place of wor-
ship as dedicated to the Lord (Kyrlake from Kyrios). The
popular element thus gradually disappears in the notion of
government, the people in the ruler, and the word itself, in its
intellectual application, refers to the governing body as a priest-
hood. What is priesthood? — the quality of being one of the
Elders (presbyters) of the congregation, chosen to preside at
their meetings, for worship as well as social administration,
for meals (the love-feasts or agapes), the regulation of alms-giving,
and so on. But what does priest mean conventionally? — a me-
diator between God and the people.
Thus words, which were originally rational and correct ex-
pressions, either became absurd or false. Are they then to stand
in the way of truth, when they have lost their truth? This
question might easily be answered, were it not that there are
attached to the absurdity or to the lie institutions and interests,
and all the passions by which these are surrounded and supported,
hiding their hideous faces under heavenly masks.
There are two modes of proceeding open to a nation, anxious
for truth and able to attain it, when it makes this discovery. Either
the word may be given up, or the dictionary may be practically
corrected, by recalling the original meaning. In the first case,
it is dropped and replaced by one the meaning of which is un-
mistakeable. The Germans, at the Reformation, replaced Kirche
OF LANGUAGE AND THAT OF RELIGION. M-3
by Gemeindc, and thus made their language, by one word, an
evangelical messenger of truth to the millions who spoke it.
Mixed languages, however, with their numerous conventional
words, cannot easily achieve such changes. Still they may correct
the dictionary. If neither of these be done, it is because, there
being no regard for the truth of the thing, there is none for the
truth of the expression, and the conventional lie is continued.
The Chinese, by using the word and sign for Heaven, the Firma-
ment, to denote God, the Supreme Being, cannot but admit that
by so doing they more or less identify the two, and that they
cannot speak (and consequently not think clearly) of a conscious
first cause of that Firmament. Indeed, they do not : for in their
whole conventional civilisation, they confound the law which
causes something to act, with the organ by which it acts, and
which they call " Number One," or Principle. This they always
did to Giitzlaff, when speaking of the mechanism of the steam-
engine, which they had copied without understanding the prin-
ciple : " Number One," they insisted, was the same. But
observe. No sooner is the mind of the Chinese roused to a
higher consciousness of man, than he feels it impossible to use
the word Heaven for God, and he invents or uses another.
He will assuredly do the same in mechanics, when he studies
the principle upon which the mechanism of a watch or a steam-
engine is put in motion.
Etymology, however, cannot supply the place of philosophy and
theology. What is Prayer (priere, preces, Gebet), but begging
(bitten) ? What is Sacrifice, but the making something sacred,
as the corresponding German (or rather Latin) term, Opfer, sig-
nilies an offering, and the Greek, Thysia, something slain? All
ubols may be explained by the idea, but the idea can-
not be discovered by the word ; so it is with whatever belongs to
the mystery of the mind. What is a Sacrament, but the Latin
word by which, in the New Testament, the Greek Mysterium
\>. rendered, and which originally was a sacred declaration on
144- RELATION BETWEEN THE PHILOSOPHY
oath? What is Baptism, but immersion? Communion, but
communion, community ? They were both originally symbols
of a renewal of life, deliberately and freely pledged, and of a
common offering up of the selfish will. What are they now ?
Mere words, in which there is scarcely any truth retained if you
stick to the letter ! Can etymology do more than explain the
outward fate of the tragedy ?
What is Mass (missa), but the unintelligible (and therefore
sacred) corruption of the first of the three words by which the
Christian people were dismissed (Missa est ecclesia)? What is
Sunday, but the day of the Sun ? Friday, but the day of Freya,
the goddess of Beauty and Love ? Yet the one is the Lord's
day (Dominica, domenica, dimanche) ; while the other is con-
nected with the most solemn recollections of Him who died on
that day for mankind.
The christianised Germanic mind has been unable to furnish
an honest indigenous word either for Sacrament or Religion
itself. What is Jleligio, but a conscientious consideration, re-
flection of the mind ? What is Glaube, the real German term
for religion as the product of the mind, but the action of lubere,
Ang. Sax. geleafan, beleafan (believe), Goth, ga-laubjan, to hold
dear, trustworthy ? What is credere, but cred-do, giving trust,
(vedantic, 9rad)? or pisteuein, but the effect of persuasion
(peithein) ? propitiation, but bringing near (prope), making help-
ful ? What is Siihne or Versohnung, but making a libation ?
Is it sufficient to know that Atonement is making two things as
one, to understand the connection between a historical fact
(Christ's death) and the peace of our soul ?
What is Faith (foi) but Fides? and what is Fides, but that
which one can trust ? Truth, but what is trowed, believed,
reputed certain ? Wahrheit is what is perceived (gewahrt, wahr
genommen). The German word Ewigkeit (Old German, 2wa
Goth, aivs, aiwv, aevum) means that which is going on, pro-
ceeding. What is to be, in all languages, but the spiritualisation
OF LANGUAGE AND THAT OF RELIGION. 145
of walking, or standing, or eating? ^Eternitas} Eternity, does
nut carry us further. And what is God? Not the Good:
though its meaning is unknown. Deus (and all the cognate
words, as shown in what precedes) is the bright Ether. This
brings us back to the Chinese idea as to the substratum. It is
well to bear in mind, that Word is the translation of Logos,
which signifies Reason as well as Word, but we may add that
the Hebrew word for Logos (Debar) signifies also Thing ; and
that rcdlk-h, which comes from Rede, and has now a moral
sense, meaning honest, originally signified rational. But will
all this antiquarian lore help an enquiring soul, or satisfy a
thinking mind ? Or is it a great discovery, that the Greek
original for Regeneration may be better explained as the act of
being regenerated, rather than of being born again ? All this
is ridiculously superficial, and indeed an absurd delusion, or
abominable sophistry. The case is the same as to knowledge
and science. What is Wissen, but to have seen (ol8a from
Sanscr. veda, Goth, vait) ? what is to know (gnosco,
but to have embraced? what scire, scientia, but to collect,
thence to think, thence to know ?
It is equally illusory to point to historical tradition in order
to come to an understanding of things divine. Historical tra-
dition consists of words, and is no more a definition than a
person as an abstract notion. Tradition, and consequently all
historical religion, is a hieroglyphic as well as the words in
which it is conveyed. It implies that the object itself is al-
lowed to exist, and that all men know and somehow understand
it within. A firm religious faith in a thinking man or nation
can no more rest ultimately upon a history than upon a myth.
Or shall religious tradition be explained by rites and gestures ?
These are mute hieroglyphics waiting for the word to explain
them. Everything, in short, points to the mind as the complex
of Reason and Conscience. Destroy these, if you can ; or trust
VOL. n. * L
146 RELATION BETWEEN LANGUAGE AND RELIGION.
them, and let them have free, sovereign sway : if not, declare
yourselves Atheists.
The ultimate result of all this may be summed up in a few
words, and all that follows may be considered as a commentary
upon them, much that precedes as an introduction to them.
Words are the most intellectual symbols, and
symbols are, at the best, words. Neither the words
of language nor the symbols of religion are the
basis and reality of thought or of worship; they
have no reality but in Reason and Conscience, and
are of no use but in so far as they express this
reality and are so understood and applied.
In proceeding, then, to the philosophy of religion, and, in
particular, to the philosophy of the true and universal religion,
Christianity, we must not hesitate, if we have any regard for
truth, that is to say, for ourselves, to dive down into the depth
of the mind, aided by Scripture and by the heavenly light of
objectively true Reason, and under the guidance of the divine
instinct for everything that is good, namely, Conscience.
Language has furnished us the presumption, that religion
must be at least as rational as itself, and also that it may
become as conventional as the words which are employed to
express its rites, symbols, and doctrines.
PART II.
PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION,
NATURE AND PRINCIPLE
DEVELOPMENT IN RELIGION,
INTRODUCTION.
GOETHE observed, as the writer heard at Weimar in 1811, that to
" learn a modern language was to pick up a current coin in the
street, but to master an old one was to search for a medal,
buried, as it were on purpose to hide it, under the ruins of a
house, upon which later ages had erected dwellings of their own,
after having set fire to the old mansion."
This simile seems very strikingly to illustrate the particular
difficulties of every historical inquiry into remote antiquity.
In antiquity the historian may meet with characters more per-
fect, with motives of action more pure, and with events more
brilliant than those of his own time. The primitive ages of our
nation, or of the human race, possess, at all events, a peculiar
charm for the philosophical and poetical mind. They are di-
vested of much of the conventional existence mixed up with
what is real in the age and nation of the inquirer, and they there-
reflect more purely the image of humanity. The historian
of antiquity has indeed before him a coin with a divine image
stamped upon it: but the legend is obliterated, and the image,
originally perhaps of matchless beauty, has its surface cor-
L 3
150 NATURE AND PRINCIPLE OF
roded, and its expression distorted, so that the naked eye or
superficial observer can scarcely distinguish it from its counter-
feit. The characters of extinct ages speak an extinct dialect
of humanity : so do their monuments, their religions, and their
records. These may remain a mystery for a series of centuries,
although the words of their language can be construed, their
annals and songs translated, their myths and legends explained.
Their words, however confidently translated by the unthinking
and conceited, are found by the man of deep thought and honest
research not to be identical with those of our modern languages.
The circle of ideas in which they originated is different. The
men who coined them received different impressions from the
world without, and inherited different traditions from their
fathers, and formed out of them different associations of ideas.
From these associations, and many apparently accidental in-
fluences of climate and events, sprung their works of the fine
arts, their systems of philosophy, their poetry., and their
domestic, political, and religious life. It is a prophetic office to
interpret these hieroglyphics of the past, to evoke the spirit
hidden in the monuments and records of antiquity. But which
is the system prophetic for all nations? and where is the magic
formula capable of raising the dead, and of making them reply
to our questions ?
Of all the medals of antiquity, that of religion is most cor-
roded : its k-gend is most difficult to interpret and to restore ;
and perhaps what we see and read at last is nothing but an
overlying stratum, which could only be explained if we were
able to discover the primitive coinage and to find out its ancient
history. To do both the one and the other of these is generally
impossible. All religion centres in worship; worship in words
and acts called rites, which can only live by tradition, and are
necessarily changed in this process. Religion and language cer-
tainly are found preexisting in every nation which enters upon
the world's stage : but we can see their growth and their decay,
DEVELOPMENT IN RELIGION.
151
we "may live to see their death : most of them die with the
nation in which they were embodied. They must have had an
origin, and cannot, even if revealed, have fallen ready made
from heaven, like meteoric stones, which have no history upon
earth. Even the Bethylia, the sacred stones, have their history
in man's mind and thoughts and doings. Religion, more even
than language, is and will continue to be connected with the
inward life and consciousness of man. It must have its philo-
sophy : and that philosophy must commence with an examina-
tion of the elements of which religion consists.
I. 4
FIRST SECTION.
TUB
PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS
OF
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT.
PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS
OP
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT.
FIRST CHAPTER.
GOD AND CREATION.
I. GOD.
GOD, the infinite Cause of the Universe, must both exist and be
an intelligent Being. Or, to express it more philosophically, the
idea of God in the human mind implies at the same time, as in-
divisibly united, the idea of the primitively existing Being and
that of the primitive Intelligence or absolute Reason. The
saying is as old as Aristotle (Metaph. A.), that Reason (<f>p6vr)a-is)
can only have Reason for its object.
The object of the Thought of an infinite Being can only be
Thought itself as Existence.
We are thus obliged to distinguish in God the Consciousness
or Thought of Himself (the ideality) from his Being (or reality).
Hence we arrive at an original duality in the infinite Being.
His thinking Himself, by an act of eternal Will, is identical with
his establishing in His being, by this spontaneous act, the dis-
tinction of Subject and Object : the Subject being Reason, the
Object Existence as such, as Distinct from Thought.
IJut that divine act implies, at the same time, the Conscious-
ness of the ever-continuing Unity of Subject and Object, of
Existence an<i Reason.
Thus there is implied in the One Thought of God a three-
foldness, centring in a divine Unity.
150 riUl.obOl'Illt'AL BASIS OF
In its finite realization, this divine threefoldness of the mind
reflects itself both in the psychological process, by which a per-
ception or notion is formed in the human mind, and in the logical
process, or in the formation of a logical proposition. Man cannot
think himself, without first acknowledging in himself the dif-
ference of the Subject (he who thinks) and of the Object (he
who is the object of that thought), and at the same time without
being conscious of the Unity of his Being. It is only thus that
he knows that the subject and the object are identical, and it is
by this consciousness alone that he is " in his senses" (compos sui}.
Indeed, all the Japhetic words for consciousness express that there
is within us this twofoldness in conscious unity : Geivissen means
the same as o-vvsiBrjans or conscientia, Bewuastse'm; for it originally
signifies Mit-wissen.
In order to prove that this psychological fact has an ontological
reality, and is the substance of the divine mind, Schelling and
Hegel have employed a metaphysical chain of reasoning. There
is, however, another method of establishing such a proof, by
showing that all we know of the finite realization of mind, viz.
Man and Humanity, bears such testimony to this truth as to
oblige us to suppose that a unity in threefoldness exists in the
divine mind. But this requires a previous examination of the
ideas of Creation, of Man, and of Mankind.
The making the logical process not a finite type and a purely
phenomenological reflex of the infinite, but the real essence and
only reality of the consciousness of God, is the second error of
Hegel : the starting from the abstract notions of Existence and
Thought, and not from an infinite conscious Will, a conscious
Being who wills, is the first.
It is a delusive proceeding, to flnite metaphysical and theolo-
gical arguments in order to prove a religious tradition to be
metaphysically true, or speculative reasoning to be Christian or
orthodox. Thus, in our own times, some endeavour to construct
a metaphysical threefoldness out of three of tiie qualities of the-
Divine Being, and to identify this arbitrary combination of th
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 157
three qualities with the primitive Christian doctrine of Father,
Son, and Spirit, which, moreover, many of these writers most
uncritically, not to say ignorantly, identify with its development
into the theological doctrine of the Trinity. The attempt of
De La Mennais, who constructs a Trinity out of Power (la Force),
Reason (I'lntelligence), and Love (1* Amour), is not free from this
defect. Whatever results are thus obtained must be surreptitious,
and they neither exhaust the metaphysical and logical process,
nor express the sense of the passages of Scripture upon Father,
Son, and Spirit.
II. CREATION.
To consider Creation either merely as an infinite or merely as
a finite act, is equally untenable. Creation is not an act per-
formed once for all, either eternally or in a given moment of time.
Although it must be founded on eternal thought, it continues in
time as the finite evolution of the divine Being and Thought
through immediate finite agency. But, on the other hand, this
realization of God in the finite supposes the infinite process of
Creation by the antithesis of Will and Reason in the divine
Being ; or, to speak theologically, the eternal generation of the
Word, which is the Son in the highest, that is to say, in the
infinite or ideal sense.
As there exists a Creation, it is evident that this outward
manifestation of God must be connected with that inner or im-
manent process. In the same manner as the eternal Being
manifests Himself in this Self-consciousness as Thought, and as
Unity both in Existence and Thought, the divine mind in the
Creation must be supposed to reveal Himself in a twofold reality.
The thought of God of Himself is a making objective the
eternal Subject : indeed, the creation of this universe is a con-
tinued objectivizing of subjectivity, and thus the reflex of the
immanent divine process, applied to the finite.
The primitive antithesis in God (God and Word), applied to
1,58 PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF
the Creation in time and space, or considered with respect to the
demiurgic process which terminates in man, may be denoted as
that of Father and of Son. The Son may in this respect also
be called the eternal Thought of God.
III. MAN.
In every human soul there are, consequently, two factors ; the
infinite, in so far as the soul is a part of the self-consciousness of
God before all finite existence ; and the finite, in so far as man has
the immediate or nearest cause of his existence in another created
being, or (in the first instance) in the agency of an elementary
power in earth.
The same twofoldness exists necessarily in the continued work
of Creation or in the Development. There the finite factor
manifests itself in the action of the outer world, or the Universe,
including the action of other individuals and of society upon the
individual.
The nature of the finite factor, in generation and development,
may be explained by the nature of the parents, the tribe, the
national character, the language, the spirit of the age, the climate,
education, events, and all concurrent external circumstances.
But the infinite factor is the enigma of every man's existence.
It is incalculable and inexplicable, as is every thing which is
neither finite nor the work of finite causes. " So is every one
that is born of the Spirit." (St. John, iii. 8.)
The greatest difference between individuals consists therefore
in the infinite factor. Although, theoretically, only a difference
in degree, it may amount, practically, to a difference in kind.
There is the animal pole, and there is the divine pole of exist-
ence, and there is the human will between them.
The highest degree of power of the infinite in man is, that the
soul has in itself the consciousness, and, by an unselfish, self-
sacrificing life, manifests the working of that divine element
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT.
159
which is in him. This, in so far as it is real, is an incarnation of
holiness, and consequently a second birth, or new creation.
As far as moral perfection is concerned, such an elevation of
the human into the divine life can never be separated from the
self-responsible ethical action, which alone constitutes virtue, and
alone gives ethical dignity. But this action is not the action of
man as Self; that is to say, of the finite Being, as far as it is
striving to become the centre of existence, and fancies itself its
own cause as well as its own end. It is the action of the in-
finite factor in him, working undisturbed a life in God. This
antithesis of Self and God, in the highly gifted mind, corre-
sponds with what is called, theologically, the difference between
Nature and Grace, "natural light" and "divine light."
The end of all ethical effort is, philosophically speaking, that
Nature becomes Spirit ; and the aim of creation is, that Spirit
ends in becoming incarnate. For this is the process of the
realization of the infinite in the finite, and man has to reproduce
the very thought and act of creation, he being the finite mirror
of the Infinite in the Universe. The following table shows the
harmony between the Semitic expressions and the Japhetic
terms of the philosophy of the mind :
Original Process of Creation.
GOD.
Things visible. Things invisible.
i-ciousness.) (Consciousness.)
MATTER. MIND.
Conscious Bodily Exist-
ence.
GOD IN MAN.
Reproductive Process of Ethical Action.
MAN.
I
Flesh ( Nature).
(Body.)
INSTINCT.
Spirit (Grace).
(Soul.)
REASON.
Conscious embodiment of Mind
in Nature.
GOD'S WORK IN MAN.
THE TRUE. THE GOOD. THE BEAUTIFUL.
I I I
9«JJKNCK. SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS. ABT.
I I
FAMIMT. STATE. CI1UBCH.
160 PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF
SECOND CHAPTER.
MAN AND HUMANITY.
IN the intellectual world the finite expression of the Thought is
the conscious individual, Man.
The privilege of man is his freewill, his power of free moral
action. He is not bound to act by a cogent impulse from within
or without, either of instinct or of the outer world, but is capable
and called upon to act on the decision of his own reason and
conscience, or, to express it more precisely, on an ethical reso-
lution based upon conscience negatively, and upon reason posi-
tively. This freewill gives man the awful power of appropriating
to Self what is God's, of substituting his self-interest and pride
for the ideas of what is good, and just, and true. By being
allowed to realize this power, which realization is the evil and
the sin, his conscience tells him that he is self-responsible.
Freewill imposes self-responsibility. Thus freewill includes
necessarily the power of not following the will of God and the
dictates of conscience and enlightened reason, but of acting
according to that negation of the divine will potentially contained
in Self. By divine necessity, what is the origin of evil becomes
the impelling power of development in universal history. Evil
exists only through man, but it exists as the condition of his
free agency, and of the realization of the divine mind in finite
nature.
The consciousness of the human mind in reality is, and always
must have been, that suspension between the attraction to a
centre and the falling away from it by its own momentum,
which in nature produces planetary rotation. There is in
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 161
man the consciousness of the option left to him between the free
life in God and the enslaving act which, instead of God, consti-
tutes Self the centre of existence, and this double consciousness
is the subjective element of individual religion.
But man is not only an individual : he is originally and neces-
sarily a part of humanity. The first manifestation of this ne-
cessary manifoldness is in matrimony, thence in family, whence
tribes and communities and nations spririg. Its highest expres-
sion is humanity, or the totality of the human race, as considered
in its development through the series of generations.
Mankind, or Humanity, is therefore as much a reality, and
consequently as much a realization of divine Being and Thought
in time, as the individual man is.
The most distinctive character of intellectuality is progress.
The human race alone does not only continue to exist, like other
animal races, by the succession of generations, but advances in
and through them, by families, tribes, nations, and in ever-en-
larging orbits of development.
Mankind advances according to the idea which is divinely
placed in it, although it advances only through the instrumen-
tality of individual men. All development has its first cause in
individual progress, excellence, and power ; but this advance or
progress receives its full realization by becoming a principle of
life in the other members of the social body, and by being thus
divested of individuality. Moreover the very idea of progress
originates in the idea of humanity. No thought or action of an
individual is progressive, except in so far as it agrees with that
principle of human progress.
The principle of the progress of humanity, again, necessarily
has its root in the law of divine self-manifestation.
It is the highest object of the philosophical history of mankind
to exhibit this law. But the solution of this problem in a con-
crete form supposes a methodical organic union of three distinct
rations. The first is the philosophical or speculative, as to
VOL. u. M
162 PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF
the leading principles and general method. The second is the
philological, for sifting and previously organizing the facts con-
tained in the historical records, of which language is not only
the vehicle, but itself the principal and primitive monument.
The third is the historical, which organizes these facts defini-
tively, according to the principle of development.
The goal of humanity is a state of the world in which the
society of man, although divided by tongues, nations, and
governments, shall exhibit that incarnation of divine life which
is called Semitically " the Kingdom of God," or " the Church/'
in the highest sense.
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 163
THIRD CHAPTER.
GOD, MAN, HUMANITY.
IF the infinite be the necessary cause of the finite, the key to the
knowledge of the finite mind must be in the infinite mind.
Now, as religion avowedly implies a connection between God and
man, the realities concerned present, at first sight, a twofoldness,
God and man ; but in fact, a threefoldness, God, man, humanity
(or mankind). Or in other words : God, as manifesting Himself
in and through man, manifests Himself in a twofold character
— as the infinite cause of the individual man, and as the infinite
cause of humanity.
Such a twofold manifestation, not being reducible to the
peculiar nature of the finite, implies, as cause, a twofoldness in
the primitive, eternal self-manifestation of God. Now the
analysis of this twofoldness, as constituting the divine mind in
infinite self-manifestation, has given us the following Triad :
I. EXISTENCE. THOUGHT. CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE
(Reason.) UNITY OF BOTH.
I I
II. GOD, WORD, SPIRIT,
as as as
the Absolute the Eternal Manifesto- Eternal Consciousness
Being. tion in God. of Unity.
The triad of God manifesting Himself in the universe through
mail, or the triad of the infinite in the process of realization in
time, is this :
GOD — MAN — HUMANITY.
M 2
164' PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF
If the threefold ness thus arising out of the union and co-
operation of the infinite and finite, be demonstrably only the
reflex of that ideal process of the self-consciousness of the divine
mind, the metaphysical or ontological triad is proved to be the
necessary prototype of the finite reality, and the key to the
threefoldness of God in religion.
Man is in the finite, that is to say, in the visible universe,
what the thought (or logos) is in the infinite divine mind ; and
humanity is to the individual, what the consciousness of the
unity of existence and thought is to God — the complete form of
the divine manifestation. For humanity, as such, does not
exist in bodily reality ; neither is it only the aggregate of in-
dividuals, for it has a principle of evolution independent of the
individual. It can therefore only be explained by its organic
reference, both to man and to God : to man, so far as he is the
apparent reality of humanity ; to God, as the eternal cause of
all. The development of humanity has therefore its real centre
in the eternal self-manifestation of the divine mind. In the
divine mind the complete consciousness of unity implies the
existence, having been made objective by thought (the objectiva-
tion). Thus, in the demiurgic process of the divine mind,
humanity presupposes man.
The second, or demiurgic threefoldness, God, man, humanity,
is the great reality in which the human mind finds itself placed ;
and it is this threefoldness, as based upon the eternal divine self-
manifestation, which religion, or the God-consciousness in
man, necessarily exhibits.
If this be true, every positive religion, so far as it is true,
must acknowledge, more or less perfectly, that threefoldness,
and express it in its own language, which is that of history or
tradition, not of abstractions.
It follows with equal certainty that the true threefoldness will
never be understood, unless the great reality in which we live be
made an integral element of the religious system. This reality
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 165
is the Cosmos, and in particular, the intellectual Cosmos, or
mankind's humanity. Speculation finds, not only its counter-
poise, but also its directing compass in this reality.
Christianity could not be, as it is, the true religion, the religion
of the world, if it did not require us, for the perfect understand-
ing of it, to realize its speculative principles, honestly, however
imperfectly, in all the spheres of human life, from individual and
family life, to general, social, and political life. The incarnation
means that Christ must become successively man, family, con-
gregation, nation, state, humanity.
M 3
166 PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF
FOURTH CHAPTER.
NATTJBE OP RELIGION.
1. Religion as Consciousness.
MAN, as an intellectual being, has the inward consciousness of a
ruling divine will and reason, as being the first cause and ruler of
the universe, and of the intimate and immediate connection be-
tween his own will, his reason and whole existence, and that divine
will. This immediate consciousness is called religion, or, in
German, consciousness of God (Gottesbewusstseiri). The re-
ligious consciousness, or religion as perception and feeling, is in
man, as an intellectual being, exactly what instinct, the per-
ception of the outer world in its relation to the animal life, is
in the animal creation. The religious consciousness may there-
fore be called the highest instinct of humanity.
Like all other instincts, religious consciousness or feeling has
both its sense (Sinn), as organ of perception, and its impulse
(Trieb), destined to appropriate and make the perception its own
by a corresponding action. Thus, to refer to an organic analogy
in nature, the spider perceives, by its peculiar sense, the state of
the atmosphere, and by its impulse regulates accordingly its
mathematical work of self-preservation — the web.
The human reaction upon the perception is naturally an ethi-
cal one, and is controllable by reason and conscience. As man,
by his mind, is the microcosm or mirror of nature, his sense and
impulse are in contact both with the whole outer world and with
its infinite cause.
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 1(>7
As man's existence, from beginning to end, supposes two
elements or factors working in him, the finite, or immediate, and
the infinite, or mediate ; this twofoldness must also operate in
the origin and development of religion, both as perception and
reaction.
The perception of the infinite factor by the religious instinct
again contains two elements: the feeling of the connection of the
soul with that first cause and ruling being, and the feeling of
estrangement from the same. The religious consciousness feels
connected but not united, estranged but not isolated : and thus
revolves about the infinite in eternal dependence and separation,
attracted by eternal love and impelled by inward longing.
The religious instinct perceiving the connection with the
divine substance, is called beatitude ; in German, God-blessed-
ness (Gottseligkeit ) : the religious instinct perceiving the es-
trangement is called conscience (Gewissen). Conscience, sub-
jectively, may be defined as the self-preservative feeling of moral
horror or disapprobation of everything which causes an estrange-
ment by the thought or action of the individual.
The religious impulse, immediately directed towards God,
manifests itself also in a two-fold action ; as thought, it is called
prayer ; as action, it is called sacrifice. The unity of prayer
and sacrifice consists in this, that, in each, man dedicates his
finite existence to the infinite, acknowledging this infinite to be
the only true reality.
The religious instinct, directed towards God through the
finite, is called the ethical instinct ; and divides itself, subject-
ively, into the ethical instinct of the individual, and that of man
as a member of humanity; objectively, as the perception of
truth in the finite existence, and as the perception of goodness,
or what is good, in that existence.
The religious impulse directed towards finite existence is in the
same manner directed to the realization (or appropriation) either
of truth or of goodness. The product of the one is knowledge,
X 4
168 PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS OF
and leads to science : the product of the other is virtue, and
leads to holiness.
The instinctive feeling of the unity of the true and of the
good is the sense of the beautiful ; the manifestations of which
are the works of the fine arts. It has its root in the religious
feeling and impulse.
The end of all human development is to change instinct into
conscious reason, and impulse into an active principle, as the
spring of ethical action, realizing what is in the mind. This is
the highest realization of the Divine mind in time, finite nature
thus becoming the organ of infinite reason and goodness.
2. Religion as the Product of religious Consciousness.
As the consciousness of the rational unity of the outer world,
brought into contact with the phenomena of that world around
us, by instinctive, artistic reaction, produces language, so the
religious consciousness, or the consciousness of the unity of the
soul with God, and of its destination to realize the moral order
of the universe, first in itself, then in mankind and nature,
necessarily produces religion. In this sense religion is, with
language, the primitive product of the human mind, and the basis
of that social life which they both imply and promote. They are
the primitive art and poetry of mankind, embodying primitive
science.
All this therefore may also be called revelation, or manifestation
of God, for it comes from God, and the purer it is, the more
directly from God. But it has no other organ but man's mind,
that mind thus divinely endowed, and placed in the universe with
the awful liberty of shutting its eyes to the light in which it
moves, by considering itself as its centre, and the good and
the true and the beautiful as subject to its selfish will and arbi-
trary decision.
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 169
The circumstance whether this religious manifestation, or
revelation, or realization, exists in rites alone, or in rites and
doctrine, in knowledge only or in practice, constitutes the funda-
mental difference between different ages of religious life.
The merely external or the internal, essential and decisive
connection of these sublime manifestations of the creative power
of the mind constitutes the test of the lower or higher value
of these manifestations.
The ritual prayer is to be the type of the thought, the ritual
sacrifice the type of the action in real life. The degree of ap-
proximation to this standard, fixes the value of the religious
system.
3. Religion as Law and Government.
As the consciousness of the unity between the soul and God
is the bond of unity between men, and as the realization of
religious consciousness is the sublimest product of the primitive
social mind; religion, as a social institution, must fall under the
category of law and government.
It will evidently be essential, in order to judge of the religious
mind of a nation or age, to consider how far this law and this
government are in harmony with the essential nature, both of
its religious consciousness and of its objective product.
The means must evidently be subordinate to the end. Reli-
gion, law, and government ought not therefore to interfere with
the end of all religion — namely, the advancement of the divine
thought of the world, as intellectual and moral Cosmos. It
ought, consequently, never to be considered as the essential, or
as having any value in itself except as being instrumental and
effectual for that purpose, being felt as the organic expression of
the inward impulse and thought.
In the second place, it ought not to prevent, but to promote,
170 PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT.
the development of that religious consciousness, which is the
consciousness of the ethical laws of the intellectual universe.
In the third place, as the institution is necessarily a social one,
it ought to be intimately connected with the other agencies of
social life, whether in the family or in the state.
It results from the simple truths considered in this chapter,
that, considering what human nature is, many powerful antago-
nisms must arise in the course of development of any religion.
SECOND SECTION,
HISTOKICAL OR PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS
OF THE
PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT IN RELIGION
GENERALLY.
HISTORICAL OR PHILOSOPHICAL BASIS
OF
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT IN RELIGION
GENERALLY.
INTRODUCTION.
ITIVENESS OF RELIGIOUS MANIFESTATION, AND THE NATURE OF
REVELATION AND HISTORICAL TRADITION.
"HE primitiveness of religious sense and religious manifestation
proved philosophically, first by the analogy of all instinctive
srceptions and actions : secondly, by showing that the previous
existence of that consciousness of God is necessary to all
jrogress, and to the existence of all that forms human civiliza-
ion.
The first manifestation of the human mind is generally said
be language. Certainly the manifestation of the religious
feeling, both in the domain of worship and of practical ethical
iction in the world, beyond external acts and gestures, pre-
supposes language as the perception of things manifested by
jrticulate sounds. But language itself could never exist without
he primitive religious consciousness. It is the distinctive
lature of language, that it does not echo the impression made
ipon the mind, through sensation, by the external world, but
that it expresses organically the reaction of the contemplative
lind upon that impression. In other words, language does not
?xpress things as striking the senses, but things as represented
174- HISTORICAL BASIS OF
by qualities perceived in them by the mind. A word is
originally the expression both of a quality contemplated in a
thing, and of a thing contemplated in a quality : and therefore
the original word implies necessarily a whole logical proposition ;
that is to say, subject, predicate, and copula — the copula being
nothing but the implicit or explicit acknowledgment of the con-
cordance of subject and predicate :
A
=
B
SUBJECT.
COPULA.
PREDICATE.
(Tree)
(is)
(green.)
This formula is nothing but the application of the primitive
religious consciousness to individual things. The consciousness of
the first cause is necessary to form any original word, and, more
explicitly, to enunciate the unity of that which permanently is
(substance), and that which is evolving (person or thing) or
starting from one state of existence into another.
Finally, the primitiveness of religious consciousness can be
proved historically, as strictly as any historical demonstration
admits, by the fact, that it may be suppressed, and may be
driven into madness, but can no more be extirpated than reason
can. External or internal adverse circumstances may depress
the human religious consciousness, individually and collectively,
in a given family or tribe, to such an extent as to degrade the
human mind to a loss of that consciousness : but that this state is
abnormal, is proved by the collateral depression of the reasoning
faculty, and by the circumstance, that both return when the de-
pressing circumstances cease. That depression is nothing but a
form of idiotcy. The opposite degeneration of the religious
consciousness, pantheism, in the form of man believing himself
to be God, gives direct evidence, like every form of madness, of
the existence of the normal consciousness, from which it is the
exceptional aberration. Spinoza says somewhere : " Remoto
errore, nuda veritas rcmanet " (Take away error, and naked
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 175
truth remains). It may be said with equal truth: "Remota
insania, ratio pura apparet" (Remove aberration of mind, and
pure reason appears).
Civilization, in the highest sense, is nothing but the restoring
of the depressed or savage state to the normal, by the action
of a superior mind, or a higher and nobler race, upon that state
of degradation. In this process of development the tribe may
become extinct, as individuals may die in the process of organic
development. But there are abundant instances of their sur-
viving this development, and thriving better than before.
There never was brought forward a more crude and unphilo-
sophical notion than that of the English and French deists of the
last century respecting natural religion. Its most absolute for-
mula is that of Diderot : " All positive religions are the heresies
of natural religion." There no more exists a natural religion,
than there exists a natural or abstract language in opposition to a
positive or concrete language. What was called natural religion
is, on the contrary, but the dross of religion, the caput mortuum
which remains in the crucible of a godless reason after the
evaporation of reality and life.
But this crude notion was the negative reaction against the
equally untenable, unphilosophical, and irrational notion : that
revelation was nothing but an external historical act. Such a
notion entirely loses sight of the infinite or eternal factor of
revelation, founded both in the nature of the infinite and in that
of the finite mind, of God and man.
This heterodox notion became still more obnoxious, by its
imagining something higher in the manifestation of God's will
and being than the human mind, which is the divinely appointed
organ of divine manifestation, and in a twofold manner : ideally
in mankind, as object, historically in the individual man, as
unit-lit.
The notion of a merely historical revelation by written records
as uuhistorical as it is unintcllcctual and materialistic. It
17G HISTORICAL BASIS OF
necessarily leads to untruth in philosophy, to unreality in
religious thought, and to Feticism in worship. It misunder-
stands the process necessarily implied in every historical repre-
sentation. The form of expressing the manifestation of God in
the mind, as if God was Himself using human speech to man,
and was thus Himself finite and a man, is a form inherent in the
nature of human thought, as embodied in language, its own
rational expression. It was originally never meant to be un-
derstood materialistically, because the religious consciousness
which produced it was essentially spiritual ; and, indeed, it can
only be thus misunderstood by those who make it a rule and
criterion of faith, never to connect any thought whatever with
what they are expected to believe as divinely true.
Every religion is positive. It is therefore justly called a
religion " made manifest" (pffenbart), or as the English expression
has it, revealed: that is to say, it supposes an action of the
infinite mind, or God, upon the finite mind, or man, by which
God in His relation to Man becomes manifest or visible. Tins
may be mediate, through the manifestation of God in the uni-
verse or nature ; or a direct, immediate action, through the
religious consciousness.
This second action is called revealed, in the stricter sense.
The more a religion manifests of the real substance and nature
of God, and of His relation to the universe and to man, the
more it deserves the name of a divine manifestation or of reve-
lation. But no religion which exists could exist without some-
thing of truth, revealed to man, through the creation, and through
his mind.
Such a direct communication of the Divine mind as is called
revelation, has necessarily two factors which are co-operating
in producing it. The one is the infinite factor, or the direct
manifestation of eternal truth to the mind, by the power which
that mind has of perceiving it : for human perception is the cor-
relative of divine manifestation. There could be no revelation ol
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 177
God \vere there not the corresponding faculty in the human
mind to receive it, as there is no manifestation of light where
there is no eye to see it.
This infinite factor is, of course, not historical : it is inherent
in every individual soul, but with an immense difference in
degree.
The action of the Infinite upon the mind is the miracle of
history and of religion, equal to the miracle of creation. Mi-
racle, in its highest sense, is therefore essentially and undoubt-
edly an operation of the divine mind upon the human mind. By
that action the human mind becomes inspired with a new life,
which cannot be explained by any precedent of the selfish
(natural) life, but is its absolute opposite. This miracle requires
no proof: the existence and action of religious life is its proof,
as the world is the proof of creation.
As to the preternatural action of the infinite mind upon the
body and upon nature in general, two opinions divide the
Christian world, both of which are conscientious. The one
supposes any such action of the infinite to exist only by the
instrumentality of the finite mind, and in strict conformity with
the laws of nature, which, as God's own laws, it considers im-
mutable. It therefore considers miracles, which appear to con-
tradict these laws, as misunderstandings on the part of the
interpreter, who mistakes a symbolical, poetical, or popular
expression, for a scientific or historical one. This is now
acknowledged to be the case as regards the celebrated miracle
of Joshua and the sun. If the miracle has reference to the
human body, the one view ascribes it either to the same
misinterpretation, or to the influence of a powerful will upon
the physical organization of another individual, or, lastly,
to the operation of the mind upon its own body. The other
sees the divine miracle in the alleged fact, that these laws have
been set aside for a providential purpose. As the subject is
primarily a historical one, the safest rule seems to be, to judge
VOL. n. N
178 HISTORICAL BASIS OF
every individual case, in the first instance, by the general rule of
evidence. An unprejudiced philosophy of history, at all events,
will not allow this question to be placed on the same level with
the ever-living, self-proving miracle of history, which nobody in
his senses denies, but rather say, with Hippolytus, in reference
to the other miracles: "Such miracles are for the unbeliever,
whom they often fail to convert, and must be considered as
useless when unbelief ceases."
The second factor of revelation is the finite or external. This
mode of divine manifestation is, in the first place, a universal
one, the universe or nature. In a more special sense, it is
a historical manifestation of divine truth through the life and
teaching of higher minds among men. These men of God are
eminent individuals, who communicate something of eternal
truth to their brethren ; and, as far as they themselves are true,
they have in them the conviction, that what they say and teach
of things divine is an objective truth. They therefore finnly
believe that it is independent of their individual personal
opinion and impression, and will last, and not perish as their
personal existence upon earth must pass away.
The difference between Jesus and the other men of God is
analogous to that between the manifestation of a part, and of
the totality and substance, of the Divine mind. It is Semitically
expressed by the distinction between Moses and Christ. Ac-
cording to Jewish theologians, not only a distinction was made
between the decalogue and the ceremonial law, but the whole
law was given through the instrumentality of angels, not through
God directly. St. Paul adopts this view, and contrasts the
Mosaic dispensation with the manifestation of God through
Jesus, the Christ. In other words, the Christian religion is a
manifestation of the very centre of God's substance, which is
Love : it is the revelation of the Father by the Son, who is the
incarnation of the eternal Word, and without Sin.
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 179
FIRST CHAPTER.
PRINCIPLES AND ANTAGONISMS.
THE more a religion is a revealed one, the more is it also a
revealing religion ; arid the more it reveals or manifests of God's
own positive Being in His relation to mankind, the more powerful
the infinite or ideal factor in it must be. It must therefore
leave to the agency of the Spirit all externals, instead of imposing
a ready-made law-book or a ceremonial. That same power
will also prevent the Spirit from ever being encroached upon
definitively by such canons or rituals.
As a positive given form of religion lives, so it dies, by the
power of the infinite factor. It is this element which gives the
inward life and intellectuality to the historical revelation, and
which destroys whatever is hostile to it in the composition.
The historical factor is, as to its external form, subject to all
the limitation of the finite, but acquires its dignity by the union
with the infinite. What is divine, if it is to be realized by divine
law, must always have " the form of the servant," that is to say,
conform itself to the laws of all finiteness. But this law in it-
self, so far from being an impediment to the infinite, is destined
to become its highest triumph, finite realization being the end
and aim of all divine development.
The difficulty arises in the progress of the work. In the
development of religion, the superstructure often conceals for
ever the foundation, and is in its turn again overlaid by pro-
gressive structures.
The rites, symbols, or sacred acts, with which this primitive
drama of mankind commences, have their own laws of develop-
N 2
180 HISTORICAL BASIS OF
men t, and by their unchecked action they may develope themselves
in entire opposition to the idea which they are meant to realize.
They tend to formalism, whereas the idea itself has not only the
power, but is conscious of the divine right and the sacred duty
of breaking the form if it attempts to usurp the throne, instead
of serving as a handmaid. In a similar way, the social arrange-
ments which are to realize the idea of religious community and
union contain, by their own special tendency, the germ of
hierarchy and priestcraft. Thus every corporation has, by the
selfish principle, a tendency to forget that it is only to be a
means to an end, and that it is not itself the aim and end.
In like manner, whenever a religious idea is perverted and cor-
rupted by formalism and hierarchism, its nature is threatened with
a pathological metastasis, or change of centre. What was, in the
first stage of pathological change, simply a sensuous misunderstand-
ing, what appeared to the mind a weakness, an innocent child's
play, has a tendency to be raised into a system, and canonized as
the first article of a Creed. From that moment the once true
symbol becomes the nail in the coffin of that form of religion.
The danger arising in this stage of development of the inter-
nal element, from the history of the religious feeling, is still
greater. The rite expressed the originally religious idea which
formed the centre of the religious consciousness of the family,
tribe, or nation, when the rite was first instituted. It expressed
that idea typically, artistically ; and how could it do otherwise ?
Can we speak otherwise than by words ? Can we express
plastic ideas otherwise than by forms ? Such a demand is like the
craving of man to eat something better than wheaten bread. But
what happens, when that centre of consciousness itself changes ?
If, for instance, instead of thankfulness to the Cause of all good,
the rite is to express a dread of the unseen, hidden power, which
conscience tells us we have offended ? If, instead of expressing
an internal act of the worshipping man, addressed to the Creator,
it is to represent a historical act, perhaps a supposed external
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 181
one, relating to matter? Here the antagonism is absolute.
The new consciousness will remodel the words or the form of
the celebration of the rite, so as to make it expressive of the
now centre of consciousness, and this inward change itself may
IK' the natural effect of a gradual change which has taken place
in the celebration of the rite. This may be physiological or
pathological, evolution or dissolution ; but who shall decide
which it is ? Authority or the general conscience ? How can
conscience decide what it no longer understands? How can
authority operate upon conscience without reason, except by
sanctifying what is contrary to reason, by canonizing an absurd
supposition, by deifying the unreal ?
There must be development in every stage of religion, which
is not quite extinct : for life is development in time, as the world
is development in space. But where is the test to prove that
the development is a sound one ? Every disease has its develop-
ment, which is the course of pathological phenomena ; but its
end is death. Where is the criterion for discovering which is the
physiological process of life, and which the pathological one of
death ? The mental struggle and agony of ages, the great tragedy
of centuries, lies in that question.
First, certain bodies of men, called priests, dispute profession-
ally and mystically about the rites; all claiming a divine vocation,
a more or less infallible authority. Then comes the legislator and
prescribes that you are to worship God according to the rites of
your fathers and your fatherland. But men and women leave
their fatherland and join another : is truth altered when you cross
a river or a hill ? And if both reason and conscience cry aloud,
" It is not !" where is the solution ? Not in the philosopher who
: " Take no heed of differences : the real truth is expressed
ione; find out, if you like, what truth there may be in any
of them." Not even if he adds : " Fear God, and above all do
not transgress the laws about sacred and holy things."
If ritual religion once reach this stage, the complication be-
lt s
182 HISTORICAL BASIS OF
comes greater and greater ; scepticism arises, which is the greatest
complication, for it despairs of solution. Worship, the practice
of religion as such, becomes an indifferent form, perhaps a heavy
burthen, to the philosopher, a superstitious or mystical rite to the
great mass of the people and to women.
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 183
SECOND CHAPTER.
ANTAGONISMS IN RELIGIONS BASED UPON RECORDS.
RELIGIOUS records appear in the above tragical complication as a
divine solution of the difficulty. They record what was the spirit
of the primitive age and tradition. But they cannot record this
fact except by words, and consequently by the letter. The written
word appears at a late stage : and, besides, it is a letter. New
difficulties arise with new complications : for the letter has its
own inherent law of development, its own tragedy, which is even
a more complicated one than the rite.
The tragical complication becomes greater as the development
proceeds. The rites and hierarchical forms become embodied
into ritual and liturgical rolls, and into canonical codes. With
them is connected a sacred history of the origin of the people
and of mankind : partly symbolical expressions of thought,
partly historical traditions. Both histories, the ideal and the
real, by the natural laws of the human mind, take the historical
form. Hence originates the myth, by the same necessity as did
the symbol. The one is necessarily as much the expression of an
ideal truth as the other : and both are so by the same organic
law from which language originates and progresses. The be-
ginning of the world, the primitive union of the infinite and
finite, cannot be expressed in other than the historical form, any
more than the notion of a being can be embodied otherwise than
in a substantive bearing a personal character. Myth is essentially
the product of the organic transformation of thought into reality,
of the infinite into the finite : it is the primitive philosophy and
M 4
184 HISTORICAL BASIS OF
poetry of mankind. But then the mythical element becomes
obscured : it is mistaken for real, where it expresses a symbolical
idea ; or it is misunderstood as originally ideal, where it stands
upon the ground of reality. Historical facts are mythicized : ideal
facts assume a historical garb. A later age canonizes this twofold
confusion, the religious idea is buried beneath its superstructure,
like Tarpeia under her golden jewels, and sits benumbed and
spell-bound in the sanctuary, as did the fair one of the Capitol
in the cavern of the rock.
To this eternal law of all that exists finitely every historical
tradition is subject. A special providence may give and preserve
to one race of mankind the purest written traditions ; but it can-
not design to change the nature of its own eternal wisdom, by
which every created thing operates according to the law im-
parted to it.
The written record always presupposes the unwritten law, the
inward, eternal revelation made to the soul when by divine
decree she was merged into time and space, and subjected to the
laws of development in both. Yet the written law has a
still greater tendency to set aside the unwritten, than had the
rite and the hierarchy and the myth and all the offspring of oral
tradition. It generally is ritual, or at least contains a strong
ritual element. The rite preserves oral tradition : the record
fixes it. But tradition has no right to fixity, except under tem-
poral tenure, and thus any authority derived from it is only
held under the condition, that it shall cease when tradition
ceases to express the eternal idea. The tradition must be true,
to a certain degree at least, objectively, and without restriction
subjectively. It must be founded on some truth, and must be
believed to be true, authoritatively true. It may be believed as
true, either on the faith of the holy order which constitutes the
living authority, or on the faith of the Sacred Record which is
considered as the highest oracle of truth. It may finally be be-
lieved on the faith of the living voice of the conscience in self-
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 185
responsible and thinking men, supported by the spirit of col-
lective wisdom and of the public institutions of the country.
But it must always in good faith be believed to be true, and
authoritatively true, and that by people who believe that there
is truth.
It is most essential in every religion, and particularly in those
founded upon records, that it contain something which is not
regarded as the thought of individuals, but placed above all indi-
viduals : the acknowledgment of an objective, all-ruling authority.
But it is no less essential, that this be an inward authority speak-
ing to conscience and to reason, and responded to by both. There
is no religion without reverence for some truth independent of
individual feeling and arbitrary will, and of every thing connected
with Self. This is equivalent to the full acknowledgment of a
paramount authority, freely but explicitly consented to. There
is no religion without reverence ; no reverence without religion,
not even self-reverence. But practice, as well as authority, must
be responded to by reason and conscience.
All religions based upon historical records must moreover pass
through another peculiar crisis. The records, as we have seen,
necessarily contain two elements : the strictly historical events
and deeds of men which they relate, and ideas which they pro-
claim, not only as true, but as authoritatively true, fundamental
and normal. The more truly religious the records are, the more
are these two elements intimately connected with each other.
The facts will affect our inward life directly, that is to say, from
their relation to the life of a holy man, without any intervention
of nationality or conventionality. The general ideas contained in
the records will be historical, as expressing the religious con-
sciousness of the founder of the religion, or of those who carried
out and committed to writing his life and teaching.
The primitive religious consciousness of a nation unites
these two elements, without distinguishing between what is
purely historical and what is purely ideal, between what is
186
history built upon an idea and what is an idea attached to
history. This is the age of childhood.
Then comes the age of reflection. The inquiring minds (if
there be any in the nation) look for the proof as to the idea,
and for the evidence as to the fact. It is in the very nature of
religious records to be historical in the idea, and ideal in the
history. Ideal and real facts are not always distinguished ; and,
as to ideas, they are set down as true, as part of the historical
or supposed historical, God-consciousness of him, or of them,
who declared them to be true.
Prophets were needed in the former period to pronounce the
will of the divinity whose oracle was consulted, and these pro-
phets again required and had their interpreters, or hypophets, who
clad the obscure words of the unconscious, clear-sighted seer in
intelligible words. Now new prophets are needed; and, this
time, conscious prophets, interpreters of their own visions.
At the same time two opposite schools will arise among
the prophets and among the people. Some will cling to the
letter, others to the spirit. They have each much to say for
themselves. What is the letter without the spirit, in a subject
essentially spiritual? And what is the spirit without the letter,
in a record substantially historical? But again.: Who is to
decide what the letter is and means? Some say, the living
priestly authority ; some, the tradition of the learned of old ;
some, the present consciousness of men enlightened by study,
thought, and earnest life.
Those nations who adhere to the letter and authority will in a
progressive age necessarily fall, sooner or later, into scepticism.
If every thing be true by authority, nothing is true. If every
tradition is to be believed because it is recorded, nothing will be
believed. The augur of philosophical Rome laughed when he saw
himself in the mirror of his colleague : so does the dervish. But
then the Greek philosopher and the Sufi have their laugh too; and,
besides, they have their own reasoning which outlives both them
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 187
and their opponents. In the mean time, the faithful stand aghast.
Some think there is an end of religion, if not of the world ;
others, that there is no truth. Thus a caput mortuum of theism
or pantheism remains: general doubt prevails. The national
faith dies away, at the very moment, perhaps, when people think
there is a beginning of new life.
Those nations which make light of the letter, but cling to the
spirit, have to pass through a great inward struggle, but they fare
better on the whole. They may preserve the foundation of
all religion : the belief that there is truth, that it is worth while,
the worthiest object of life, indeed, to find it, and the highest duty
and privilege to regulate the life of the immortal soul accord-
ingly. But here also is the doom of death, unless the two
elements which have been separated be re-united.
At this stage man begins to philosophize on his own religion,
and on religion and human destinies in general. Then comes
a stage of doubt, which, in the most serious minds, may
be coupled with pious resignation. The expression of such a
mind is the improved formula of the natural end of simply ritual
religion : " Fear God and keep his commandments, for this is
the whole duty of man." Such is the last result of speculation
in the Old Testament, the end of the Ecclesiastes, of the fourth
or fifth century before Christ.
A similar critical stage of existence awaits the noblest
tribes of men which outlive their youth without having out-
lived their strength. Few, however, have the courage to pass
the gulf between childhood and manhood, without leaving
faith behind them. Thus many reach the opposite shore
with the much heavier load of scepticism, or at least without
sufficient vitality to plant the tree of life under the scorching
sun of knowledge, and in the volcanic soil of a lost para-
dise. Political nations, therefore, are apt to abandon the problem
of finding a positive solution of the riddle of man's history and
of revelation. They do not, however, by this escape dedby and
188 HISTORICAL BASIS OF
finally death, whatever different means they may employ for
cementing their shattered foundation : persecution or liberty,
inquisition or inquiry, indifference or speculation, materialism or
spirituality. By giving up the solution of the problem thrown
into their way by destiny, which is Providence, they have signed
their own death-warrant, leaving themselves only the option as to
the mode of death. For what is the preservation of life in
a mummy, but death intruding upon the living ? a nuisance
incorruptible, and therefore the more abominable to God and
to men ?
Is more religion, or less, required in such a state of things ?
Certainly, faith is required, and faith will be manifested, more
than ever before. But with what dangers is the way beset which
leads from the paradise lost to the paradise regained! from the
blooming land of childhood to the fruitful land of promise,
through the desert of doubt and close by the abyss of infidelity !
Scepticism, armed with all the powers of civilization, comes to
the marketplace and asks: Is not inspiration, frenzy? faith,
superstition? are not rites, mummeries? histories, nursery tales?
Is not the much-lauded divine medal, after all, an ordinary coin
or a counterfeit? the tradition about it, a fiction and forgery?
the artist who coined it, and perhaps the god or hero impressed
upon it, an impostor or a dupe ? So the philosopher asks : the
learned critic is silent or nods assent ; and the busy crowd round
the market-place of life either burns the inquirer as an atheist
and a disturber of public order and peace, or revenges itself upon
its own credulity and submission by scorn and rebellion. A
wide sea opens before poor humanity where a safe harbour had
appeared as a refuge from the raging waves. The reaction is
strongest where the moral or political constraint has been
greatest. The most superstitious nations always end in being
the most sceptical and irreligious; and frequently again, in
melancholy turn, become superstitious when frightened by their
own infidelity and unworthiness, and infidels when the iron rod
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT.
189
of superstition becomes intolerable. Slaves who have broken
their chains, without carrying self-government with them, are
doomed by divine judgment to be crushed by despotic sway.
This is the agony of religion. But what becomes of religion
herself?
190 HISTORICAL BASIS OF
THIRD CHAPTER.
ANTAGONISMS IN RELIGIONS BASED UPON RECORDS NOT NATIONAL.
THE religious development must pass through a peculiar crisis
when the religious records cease to be national. The religious
ideas were as essentially an integral part of the national life as
language, forming the groundwork and necessary foundation
of national life. Providence has destroyed this identity:
and this destruction has become, and continues to be, the great
lever of the history of the world. So far as the progress of
the human race is concerned, universal history is nothing but
the history of two marvellous tribes, or families of nations : the
Aramaic and the Iranian, or the Semitic and Japhetic.
It is a striking, though not sufficiently appreciated fact, that
the religious traditions by which, since the downfall of the
Roman world, civilized nations have been governed, are all of
Jewish origin, and centre in Abrahamitic, that is to say,
primitive Semitic ideas and rites. Jews, Christians, and
Mohammedan nations form, as Mohammed calls them, " the
family of the book." Their religions have all written records,
founded upon the most ancient Semitic traditions. These are
the religions under whose banner the most powerful and govern-
ing nations of the world march on, carrying light and civiliza-
tion into the remotest parts of the globe. But the ruling
nations themselves, God's vanguard on earth, who have reno-
vated and are renovating the face of the earth, have long
ceased to be Semitic, and have become Japhetic, and in par-
ticular Iranian. The Jews have ceased to be a nation, unable
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 191
for eighteen hundred years, to call any part of the globe
their own : but their national records form part of the sacred
books of the Christians, whose own records are the last
offshoot oT life among the Jews themselves, and the founder of
whose religion was a Jew according to the flesh. The Moham-
medan nations which have snatched one half of their conquests
from the ancient Christian world, and have rescued the other
half from Oriental and African paganism, have discarded
altogether the Jewish records, believing themselves to stand
upon the primitive ground of Abraham! tic revelation, and be-
lieving that Mohammed only restored the purity both of the
Mosaic and Christian faith. The Mohammedan creed was for
a long time a national one, the religion of the Arab and cognate
tribes. But after Constantinople fell by the sons of Turan,
the ruling Mohammedan nations were no longer the nation of
Mohammed. The change is therefore universal, and it has
created a new difficulty, both in the religious progress and the
historical understanding of religious antiquity.
Tradition speaks Semitic to the Christian nations who are
in the van of civilization ; but the Spirit within them speaks
another language. Religious records having ceased to be na-
tional, religious life has lost one of the mainsprings of its vitality
and sacredness. Expressed in the language of the philosophy
of universal history, this implies that the problem has been
raised higher : the nations which adopt the foreign traditions
must perish, or elevate the religious consciousness to a higher
life. Their nationality must become purified by the immortal
part of another, now nationally extinct or effete. This again is
identical with the problem that nationality must be elevated to
pure humanity, and its faith to knowledge. But in this struggle
many nations perish : much individual faith suffers shipwreck.
The Mohammedan nations have either decayed and are de-
ing more and more by the external formalism of their
religion ; or their inward life has operated in them merely as a
192 HISTORICAL BASIS OF
destructive power. The first is the case with civilized Turanism,
the second with the Iranian Persians, who have either passed
into a wild, mystical pantheism (Sufism), or sunk into that flat
negativity which in Germany is called " Rationalismus vulgaris."
The Mohammedan religion has thus proved itself incompetent
to become the basis of the religion of the world. It has
not been able to bear the separation of its religious records
from its national life and traditions, that of its religious con-
sciousness from their political vocation and importance. " He
who takes the sword, shall perish by the sword." Religious
consciousness mixed up with conquest will perish with the
conquest ; the fire with the smoke : dead coals and ashes remain.
There is no primitive and positive religious consciousness and
spirituality in Mohammedanism.
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 193
FOURTH CHAPTER.
SPECIAL ANTAGONISMS OF THE SEMITIC AND JAPHETIC ELEMENTS.
THE religious complications to be solved become greater, and
the problems to be realized more numerous, from the fact, that
Christianity, starting with Semitic records, and on Semitic
grounds, had no sooner formed the records of its foundation
than it became the religion of Iranian nations. The antagonism
between these two most noble families of mankind is all-per-
vading. The Semitic nations never possessed epic and dramatic
poetry, which in philosophical history means that they never
had the instinct, or felt the power of mind, to contemplate
and represent the history of man as the mirror and realization
of the eternal laws of God's government of the world. For
that is what both the true Epos and the true Drama represent ;
monuments, most of the modern imitations of which call forth
only painful recollections. The fact, that such a problem is
taken up and solved by the national mind, is more important
than even the imperishable beauty of the special contents of
those monuments which exhibit the solution. The Epos and
the Drama were the harbingers both of philosophical history
and of historical philosophy. It was man sitting as conscious
prophet over God's greatest mystery of reality : man and his
destinies in the history of the world.
The history of Greek literature is nothing but the organic
process of realization of this divine vocation, beginning with
VOL. II. O
194- HISTORICAL BASIS OF
the epic exhibition of Divine judgment upon nations and
individuals, then proceeding through lyric poetry and the drama,
and concluding with philosophical history.
When ./Eschylus embodied in his Oresteia the sublime
Athenian myth, that the two Powers, the stern gods of neces-
sity and immovable destiny, and the divinities of the human
conscience, weighing the motives of the deed of the son of
Agamemnon, had left the judgment, under the presiding aus-
pices of Athene, the Goddess of Wisdom, to the Areopagus,
he enunciated the mystery of the Hellenic mind : that God-
conscious human reason is called upon to sit in judgment over
the ages past, in order to show in them the eternal ways of
God to the living generations. This right is indeed acknow-
ledged by all nations; for all their judgments and opinions and
verdicts are based upon the conviction, that reason and con-
science cannot be severed, and that there is no appeal against
their united judgment. To doubt their verdict would be blas-
phemy, punished by that madness which the gods inflict. The
nation which first exhibited that truth in a form capable of be-
coming universal was, in this respect, the elect people of God.
Scarcely one generation later, Herodotus, now three and
twenty centuries ago, sitting upon the rock of heroically de-
fended independence and liberty, and addressing the aspiring
and God-seeking race of Hellas, presented the picture of the
past through the prophetic mirror of Nemesis, that true and
divinely deep centre of Hellenic religiousness, and evolved
before their eyes the destinies of mankind as the grand divine
drama of eternal justice and retribution. This great and first
review certainly was an incomplete one : but no additional
materials could have enhanced the truth of the fundamental
idea, and added to the immortal merit of this imperishable
work. In that spirit Thucydides became the prophet of the
great internecine Hellenic struggle, and of all civil wars ; and
Tacitus the prophet of imperial Rome, that prototype of all
military despotism founded upon republican forms.
THE PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT. 195
At the same time the mystery of the human form, as the
image of God upon earth, was revealed to the Hellenic genius;
which, thus inspired, produced the eternal ideal forms of every-
thing divine. This too is an element which, beyond the first
rudiments, had proved inaccessible to the Semitic mind, and
which has since fertilized all noble nations of the modern world.
The Hellenic mind again invented the art of deducing
truth from principles by the dialectical process, and thus of
proving that reason cannot err, although reasoning may, namely,
by offending against reason. By this truly divine invention
the history of the human mind and of religion has been more
influenced than by any other Japhetic element.
Tradition announces philosophical truths, but does not an-
nounce them as such : Philosophy discovers religious truth, but
not as religion. Greek philosophy was the translation of the
instinctive consciousness of God into reasoning. After having
fathomed the speculations of physical philosophy, the Hel-
lenic genius, in the holy mind of Socrates, descended to the
bosom of humanity, and looked for the reason of that conscious-
ness in the laws of the human mind, as discerned by dialectical
science. This again was an immense effort, world-historical for
ever. The Hellenic mind, as Hegel remarks, discovered the
mystery of the mythological Sphinx ; the motto of which is Man.
It arrived at this solution only after the wild physical orgies of
the East, and after the animal disguise of the Gods in Egypt.
Japhet is the most powerful prophet of the human race.
Hellenism Japhetized them ; and they both universalized the
itic elements in Christianity much more than Romanism
did. These elements, on the other hand, gave to Hellenism its
ethical earnestness, and raised it from the idolatry of Hellenic
nationality to a purer feeling of brotherhood, from the intoxi-
cation of the cosmical powers to the primitive consciousness
of the unity of the universe, that is to say, to the first cause,
God, the Creator, Redeemer, and illuminating principle of man-
o 2
196 HISTORICAL BASIS OF PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT.
kind. The same Christian elements softened the pride of the
Roman mind, and rendered it capable of respecting the image
of God even in barbarians.
What were these elements, historically and philosophically,
as to God, man, humanity? Let Christ and the Apostles speak
for themselves, and let us attempt, reverentially and honestly,
to translate Semitism into Japhetic language, tradition into
thought, carefully respecting the dignity of each.
THIRD SECTION,
HIS OWK
DECLARATIONS RESPECTING HIS RELATION TO.
GOD AND MANKIND,
AND Tin;
TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES ON THIS POINT.
CHRIST'S SOCIAL RELIGION,
HIS OWN DECLARATIONS RESPECTING HIS RELATION TO
GOD AND MANKIND,
AND THE
TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES ON THIS POINT.
FIRST CHAPTER.
CHRIST'S GENERAL TEACHING AS TO TBE NATURE AND WORKING OP
THE RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLE.
THERE exists a moral government of the world, the eternal
thought of divine love, to be realized through the divine element
which is in man by that same unselfish, self-sacrificing love.
Man is to love God, his Father, as the highest good, from his
inmost heart, with a thankful mind, for God is the only good *,
and he must prove that love to be true by loving mankind, his
brethren, as himself, f The selfish principle in man is to
serve as the first agent and natural measure of that into which
it is to be transformed. God, man, humanity, are thus inti-
mately connected with each other. Men, as God's children, are to
do their Father's work on earth, not for any reward, but because
* Luke xviii. 19:" Why callest thou me good ? None is good, save one,
is God." Compare Matth. six. 16, 17 : " What good thing shall I do,
that I may have eternal life ? . . . . What doeat thou ask me about a good
thing ? One is good, God."
t Matth. xxii. 37-39: "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy
t, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and thou shalt love thy
hbour as thyself." Compared with 1 John iv.20, 21 : " He that loveth not
• rother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he hath not icen f "
o 4
200 CHRIST'S GENERAL TEACHING
this is their divine privilege and blessing, as being the will of God.*
The power to do this, comes directly from God : there is no
power in the elements of this world, much less any human power
which stands between God and man. j- Nor is this great plan of
regeneration to be realized by any outward ordinance or rite, or
within any caste, or for any society or association, but in and
through those agencies which God himself has established as
his natural order of the world. According to this divine order,
there is first the individual soul, male or female. Every soul
without distinction J is to become aware of the law of conscience,
and to take upon itself that moral self-responsibility of which no
observance of the law can supply the place § (this law having
been given to Moses as an intermediate and transitory ordi-
nance||), nor any assurance of Priest or Scribe.
Secondly, there is the family. It rests upon the primordial
unity of man and wife, based on that mutual love unto death,
divinely expressed by the love which connects God and Christ
with humanity. .J. All divorce, therefore, is wrong : unless it
be that a man parasetes himself from an impure wife who has
falsified paternity. ^[ The woman is equal to man before
* John xvii. (sec below), compared with 2 Cor. v. 14 : "For the love of
Christ constraineth us."
•f Romans viii. 38, 39 : "For I am persuaded, that neither death nor life,
nor angels nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to
come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate
us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord."
J Gal. iii. 28 : "There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor
free, there is neither male nor female, for ye are all one in Christ Jesus."
§ Rom. iii. 20: "Therefore by the deeds of the law shall no flesh be jus-
tifled in his sight : for by the law is the knowledge of sin." Compare Ilcb. i.\.
|| Gal. iii. 23, 24 : " But before faith came, we were kept under the law,
shut up unto the faith which should afterwards be revealed. Wherefore the
law was our schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ, that we might be justified
by faith."
4 Eph. v. 22-33, v. 25 : "Husbands, love your wives, even as Christ also
loved the church, and gave himself for it."
^f Compare Matth. v. 32 ; xix. 9.
AS TO THE RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLE. 201
rod .* Parents and children are likewise to be united by
mtual affection and respect. -j-
Then follow the social relations. First, that between master
id servant. They being equal before God and created to be
brethren, this relation must and will be remodelled upon the
principle of divine humanity. Liberty is the aim and end for
which man was created ; the slave, therefore, who can do
so, may attain to it, after having been freed through Christ
from the slavery of sin. J In the mean time, let him do his task
cheerfully, and love his master out of love to God. §
But the process of regeneration is not to stop here. The
governments of this world are now based upon the principle of
evil, on selfishness, wickedness, tyranny : they are to become,
and they will become, by the regeneration of the people, the
governments of God. || The kingdom of God upon earth is
coming : the Apostles will see its entry. 4- It will come with
the destruction, both of the Jewish hierarchy and the Roman
* 1 Peter iii. 7 : " Likewise, ye husbands, give honour to the wife, as being
coheir of the grace of life."
f Eph. vi. 1-4: "Children, obey your parents in the Lord: for this is
right . . . And, ye fathers, provoke not your children to wrath, but bring
them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord."
I 1 Cor. vii. 21-23: "Art thou called being a servant ? care not for it:
but if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. Ye are bought with a price,
be not ye the servants of men."
§ Eph. vi. 5, 6, 7 : " Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters
according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart,
as unto Christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers ; but as the servants of
Christ, doing the will of God from the heart : with good-will doing service,
as to the Lord and not to men."
|| Rev. xi. 15: "And there were great voices in heaven, saying, The king-
i)f this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ;
and ha shall reign for ever and ever."
4- Luke xxi. 31, 32 : " When ye see these things come to pass, know ye that
the kingdom of God is nigh at hand. Verily I gay unto you, This genera-
ion ^lull not pass away, till all be fulfilled."
202 CHRIST'S GENERAL TEACHING
empire * ; but the end will be God's glory all over the earth
and the universe, f
In the mean time, while this process of renewal by inward
regeneration is going on, let every one suffer patiently the wrong
he cannot prevent. J Let him individually resist no violence,
unless it be that he is called upon to act against his conscience,
to deny God and the truth which speaks to him through con-
science.
The practice of this duty will bring the followers of Christ
into much persecution, and lead them to death as it will have led
their Master § ; but the " prince of this world," the principle of
evil, is divinely judged, and its power broken by the conscious,
free act of self-sacrifice for humanity which Jesus is destined to
perform, and which He is resolved to consummate and to seal by
death. [| Jesus will do this work, not as a Prince or a Mighty
* Luke xxi. 24 : " And they shall fall by the edge of the sword, and be
led away captive into all nations : and Jerusalem shall be trodden down of
the Gentiles, until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled."
•f- 1 Cor. xv. 24, 25 : " Then cometh the end, when he shall have delivered
up the kingdom to God, even the Father : when he shall have put down all
rule, and all authority and power. For he must reign, till he hath put all
enemies under his feet."
J Matth.v. 39-41 : "I say unto you, That ye resist not evil: but whosoever
shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also. And if any
man will sue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak
also. And whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with him twain."
Compare Rom. xii. 19 : "Avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto
wrath : for* it is written, Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord."
And Pet. i. 19: "This is thankworthy, if a man for conscience towards
God endure grief, suffering wrongfully."
§ John xv. 20; xvi. 2 : "Remember the word that I said unto you, The
servant is not greater than his lord. If they have persecuted me, they will
al«o persecute you ; if they have kept my saying, they will keep yours also."
"They shall put you out of the synagogues : yea, the time cometh, that whoso-
ever killeth you will think that he doeth God service." Compare Mattli. x.
17-2G.
|i John xii. 31 (When coming in sight of Jerusalem on his last entrance)';
" Now is the judgment of this world : now shall the prince of this world be
cast out."
AS TO THE RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLE. 203
One, nor as a High Priest or Man of the Law, or even as a Jew:
He does it as the simple Man, " the Son of Man." It is not the
Jewish people, therefore, but mankind, who are the final objects
of this redemption, of this freeing, emancipating salvation —
mankind, without distinction of tribe or condition, of sex or age.*
This great work of God must therefore begin with blood and
destruction : even God's temple of Jerusalem is doomed to be
destroyed, never to be rebuilt : for henceforth the temple of
God is man. -f-
God's own work upon earth will, however, become manifest
in and through this destruction of the present world. The
principle of inward justice will be acknowledged even by those
who are condemned by it. J The will of God will be done upon
earth as it reigns supreme in God's eternal life. § This judg-
ment upon the earth is now exercised by Him who, in the
midst of misery and poverty and all unspeakable inward suf-
fering, enjoys the consciousness of his eternal union with the
Father, independent of, and anterior to, space and time. || This
* 1 John ii. 2 : " He is the propitiation for our sins : and not for ours only,
but also for the sins of the whole world." Compare Romans iii. 29 : " Is he
the God of the Jews only? is he not also of the Gentiles? Yes, of the
Gentiles also."
f 1 Cor. vi. 19 : " Know ye not that your body is the temple of the Holy
Ghost which is in you, which ye have of God, and ye are not your own ? "
Compare 2 Cor. vi. 16 : "Ye are the temple of the living God ; as God hath
said, I will dwell in them, and walk in them ; and I will be their God, and
they shall be my people."
J John xvi. 8-11 : "When the Comforter is come, he will reprove the
world of sin, and of righteousness, and of judgment : of sin, because they
believe not on me ; of righteousness, because I go to my Father, and ye see
me no more ; of judgment, because the prince of this world is judged." Com-
pare Rev. xix. 1,2: "I heard a great voice of much people in heaven,
saying, Alleluia! Salvation, and glory, and honour, and power, unto the Lord
our God : for true and righteous are his judgments."
§ Matth. vi. 10 : " Thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven."
|| Matth. xxviii. 18: "All power is given unto me in heaven and in
earth." Compare Rev. i. 18 : "I am he that liveth, and was dead ; and behold
204 CHRIST'S GENERAL TEACHING
consciousness has become in Him his own nature and his
real Self, and by that stedfast looking up to God's will which
has made him overcome all temptations, that is, selfish thoughts. *
The same judgment will afterwards be exercised by his dis-
ciples and followers : they will have to judge humanity, and
reign with Christ, f
This indissoluble union between God and man will henceforth
not be carried on by a new individual teacher : nobody can lay
a new foundation, after that union has once been declared to
be the essence of religion. J It will be carried on by that 'spirit
of God which was in Jesus, and which by his being One with
God through constant holiness, made Him the very mirror of
the Father, of the eternal thought of divine love. §
That Spirit will carry on the work begun by Jesus ; it will
enlighten, and purify, and regenerate man and mankind, the
individual and society. Through this Spirit, Christ's followers
will do greater works ||, and produce greater effects than Christ
I am alive for evermore, Amen ; and have the keys of hell and death." Com-
pare Eph. i. 22 : " He hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be
the head over all things to the Church, which is his body, the fullness of him
that filleth all in all." Compare John iii. 35 : " The Father loveth the
Son, and hath given all things into his hand."
* Heb. iv. 15 : " He was in all points tempted like as we are, yet without
sin." Compare v. 7-9.
f Matth. xix. 28 : " Ye which have followed me, in the regeneration
when the son of man shall sit in the throne of his glory, ye also shall sit
upon twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel." Compare Ilev.
ii. 26, 27 : "To him that overcometh, and keepeth my works unto the end,
will I give power over the nations: and he shall rule them with a rod of iron;
as the vessels of a potter shall they be broken to shivers, even as I received
of my Father."
I 1 Cor. iii. 11 : "Other foundation can no man lay than that is lai'l,
which is Jesus Christ."
§ Heb. i. 3: "Who is the brightness of his glory and the express image
of his person."
|| John xiv. 12 : "lie that believcth on me, the works that I do shall he
do also ; and greater works than these shall he do ; because I go unto
my Father."
AS TO THE RELIGIOUS PRINCIPLE. 205
did personally : for after He shall have fulfilled his task on earth
He will live in the Spirit with the Father, humanity will be
strengthened by having become the growing and conscious ma-
nifestation of God himself.* As Jesus has glorified the Father,
so believing humanity will glorify the God.f
* John xvii. 22, 23 : " The glory which thou gavest me I have given them ;
that they may be one, even as we are one : I in them and thou in me, that
they may be made perfect in one."
f John xvii. 1. 4. 10: "Father, glorify thy Son, that thy Son also may
glorify thee .... I have glorified thee on the earth ; I have finished the
work which thou gavest me to do. And all mine are thine, and thine are
mine, and I am glorified in them."
206 CHRIST'S TEACHING RESPECTING
SECOND CHAPTER.
CHRIST'S TEACHING RESPECTING HIMSELF AND MANKIND.
INTRODUCTION.
THE SEMITIC AND JAPHETIC DICTIONARY OF THINGS SPIRITUAL.
SINCE the time that these words were spoken, the face of the
world has been changed through them.
The Jewish hierarchy and state, and the mighty, almost
universal empire of Rome, have perished — new empires and
nations have arisen, these again have tottered and fallen, and
others have arisen in their stead, through the same manifest
agency of the eternal laws of God in the moral government of
the world, first clearly seen and pronounced by Jesus. Divinized
and civilizing humanity has prevailed over all these revolutions,
and will assuredly do so in the great crisis which is evidently
preparing. (April 1854.) The Spirit of Christ is audibly
passing in these our days through the confused ranks of man.
To this Spirit Christ has left, with divine wisdom, which is
human folly, all that in worldly religions constitutes their sup-
port and substance — the form of worship and the form of
government. As regards the one, He had clearly announced that
the temple-worship at Jerusalem would fall as well as that of
Samaria (John iv. 21) ; as regards the other, He had only re-
peated : " the Spirit maketh free," as St. Paul said, a quarter of
a century later, to the Corinthians (2 Cor. iii. 17.): "The Lord
is the Spirit, and where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is
liberty." But St. Paul alone, of the Apostles, and his friend
Apollos, thoroughly understood, as to the external world, that
HIMSELF AND MANKIND. 207
the Jewish ritual was abrogated. The Spirit worked its own
way among the believers. That Spirit made them recognize
each other, in a free association, as brethren, without distinction
of race and age, of sex and condition. This Spirit led them
to institute the common meals of love, consecrated by Christ's
last words and the remembrance of his death, and made these
the germ of the mystery of all worship ; the symbol of the
sacrifice of self for the brethren, and of all for God in thankful
love. The development, perversion, decay, and restoration of
this idea of sacrifice and its correlatives (Priest, Priesthood,
Church), form the centre of the spiritual history of the world
during the last eighteen centuries.
Now what did He in whom all this originated say of Himself,
and what do His disciples teach respecting His relation to God
and mankind ? We have no wish to answer these questions by
dogmatical formularies, old or new, but would earnestly appeal
to the conscience of our readers, and entreat them to reflect
upon what they have heard read, and have read themselves for
many years, about so-called mysteries, (the charm of which con-
sists in being inexplicable, and the sanctity of which is proved
to them by logical contradictions.
In order to trace another path through this labyrinth, we sub-
join the very words of the Gospel and of the Apostolic Epistles,
and shall translate them from the Semitic language into Japhe-
tic, that is to say, from the words of sacred and ever-living
historical tradition and individual consciousness into the most
adequate terms of abstract philosophy which we can discover.
Upon this point, however, it will be necessary to offer a few
previous remarks.
The Semitic mind transformed the figurative signs into simple
letters, by the invention of the alphabet : the Japhetic mind
translated the hieroglyphics of thought into simple notions by
the invention of dialectical philosophy. The Semite had in-
vented for mankind his twenty-two letters, the organ of all
208 CHRIST'S TEACHING RESPECTING
human speech transmitted to writing ; the Japhetite formalized,
out of the categories of mind, the organon for dealing with both
thought and reality. The historical, personal manifestation of
the divine element appeared in the Semites : the Japhetite had
and has to change history and myth and legend and vision into the
heirloom of mankind by reason. But this reason was to be chas-
tened by conscience, which is the organ for things divine to the
Semite. Both the chosen people of God start from that great
basis of all religion : " All things are divine and all things are
human," which a tried Christian and theological veteran has,
at the last celebration of Christmas, proclaimed again as his
creed.* But the Semite sees in that science which is connected
with divine life "the knowledge of good and evil" (Gen. i.),
and finds in the pursuit of it the origin of sin, whereas the
Japhetite discerns God principally as the source of truth, and
strives to approach the Divinity by the knowledge of truth, in
order to avoid error and delusion, which to Him is sin.
The historical expressions of the Semite for the infinite and
ts counterpart in the finite, are, without much difficulty,
translated into the formularies of Japhetic ethics ; but there
must further also be found an adequate expression for that
speculative element which those Semitic terms contain in an
undeveloped historical form. For the belief that the good is
true, and the true good, or that conscience and reason, will and
thought, are primitively one, implies that there is an intellectual
exponent for every ethical rule. Conviction must correspond
» Liicke, in bis Christmas Programme 1853 : " De eo quod nimium artia
acuminisque est in ea quae mine praecipue jactatur S. Scripturae, maxime
evangeliorum interpretatione." p. 9. " Equidem in ea et fui semper et sum,
atque ad extremum spiritum perstabo haeresi, ut meum faciam illud verbum :
ndvra $i1a ical avQpwirtva iravra ! Sane quidem id veteruin Graecorum est.
Idemque vero nonne quasi compendiosa evangelii vaticinatio vel divinatio
est, immo factae illius rei, de qua Joannes evangelista gloriatur niagnifica
voce : 'O \6yoc oapt lyivtro, in qua totius scripturae summus vertitur cardo —
plenior expositio vel etiam consecutio ?"
HIMSELF AND MANKIND. 209
with faith, philosophical truth with the ethical precept, the specu-
lative term must be the correlative of religious expression. In
proving such a harmony we prove nothing less than the funda-
mental assumption of Kant, who takes for granted the corre-
spondence of pure reason and practical reason, but offers no
proof of it. The bridge built for them through the doctrine of
the Absolute by the two great philosophers of identity, Schelling
and Hegel, would have been more solid, and the solution pro-
posed more satisfactory, if they had bestowed the same attention
upon the will as upon thought, on conscience as on reason, on
ethics as on natural philosophy, on history as on abstraction.
However, a bridge must be thrown over the abyss, in the very
name of Christ, who is the way over it and the truth to which
it leads, that is to say, which He manifests.
The most popular and practical form of such a juxta-
position appears to be that of a comparative Semitic and Japhetic
dictionary for religious and intellectual objects, the union of
which we express by spiritual. This form was adopted for the
present chapter, as being the easiest mode of avoiding tedious
paraphrases and repetitions. I have therefore ventured to prefix
to the translation of the Christological passages into philoso-
phical language, a specimen of such a comparative dictionary for
some principal Semitic terms, which constitute, as it were, the
alphabet of Christian divinity. These terms have become so
familiar to us that we are scarcely aware of their Semitic nature
and original meaning, and seldom connect with them a definite
sense, because in most minds they are combined with the
reasoning faculty only through more or less conventional
phrases of scholastic divinity.
As regards these christological passages, however, they speak
for themselves to the mind in its totality through a living
Christianity. To this index, above all others, I refer the readers.
The limits of this work will not permit me to give a thorough
illustration of them, and add the explanations which might be
vol.. ii. p
210 CHRIST'S TEACHING RESPECTING HIMSELF.
desirable. Our Analecta, however, commence with a corrected
text of all the Christological passages in the New Testa-
ment ; and some explanation will be found in " Hippolytus and
his Age" on this inexhaustible subject, I mean, the teachings and
speculations of the most pious men and most enlightened and
powerful minds of the first seven Christian generations, with
some occasional illustrations. I mention this for the benefit of
such of my readers as are willing to enter more profoundly
into this second subject, theologically or speculatively, but
I would principally refer them to their own conscience and
reason, and to the whole body of Scripture.
SPECIMEN
OF A
COMPARATIVE EVANGELICAL DICTIONARY,
SEMITIC AND JAPHETIC,
FOB THE EXPRESSION OF SPIEITUAL IDEAS.
212
SPECIMEN OF A COMPARATIVE EVANGELICAL
SEMITIC TERM.
1. THE WORD (Logos).
II. THE FATHER.
III. THE SON.
IV. THE SPIRIT OF
GOD, THE HOLY
SPIRIT.
V. THE WILL OF GOD.
JAPHETIC
ETHICAL EXPONENT (CONSCIENCE).
1. The Absolute, as consciousness
of the Good, as eternal, loving
Will.
2. The Infinite, willing the finite
realization of Himself as Good.
3. The same as principle of divine
Life in man and mankind.
1. The eternal Will of the realiza-
tion of Good in man (eternal
decree of election).
2. The same Will as finite free will.
1. Man, Mankind, (sons and chil-
dren of God,) struggling with
self for the realization of
Good in time.
2. In an eminent sense : Jesus of
Nazareth, as the conscious
realization of God's goodness :
perfect absorption of Self by
the divine will by perfect
Love (Holiness).
1. God as the conscious identity of
Good and Truth.
2. The divine ethical power in man,
based upon the identity of
conscience with reason.
The moral law of the world, as
the consciousness and sub-
stance of Good, the supreme
Good.
DICTIONARY, SEMITIC AND JAPHETIC. 213
EXPONENT.
SPECULATIVE EXPONENT (REASON).
I. 1. The consciousness of the absolute Existence (Sub-
stance), as Truth (Reason).
2. The Infinite, willing the finite realization of Truth.
3. The same as divine Intelligence in man and mankind.
II. 1. The eternal Thought of the realization of divine
Truth in the universe and in man.
2. The consciousness of finite Existence as Substance.
III. 1. Man, as manifestation of divine Truth within the
limits of time and space, conscious of the In-
finite, which is beyond both.
2. In an eminent sense : Jesus of Nazareth, by the con-
sciousness of divine existence as of his own nature.
IV. 1. God as the eternal consciousness of the identity of
Reason (pure, theoretical Reason) with Will (prac-
tical Reason), and of Substance with Thought.
2. The divine element in finiteness, as the principle of
the progressive evolution of God in time.
V. 1. The intellectual law of the universe, as the con-
sciousness and substance of Truth.
JP3
214
SPECIMEN OF A COMPARATIVE EVANGELICAL
VI. THE KINGDOM OF
GOD.
VII. HEAVEN.
VIII. ETERNAL.
IX. ETERNAL LIFE. 1.
X. MAN, SON OF MAN.
XI. MANKIND,
CHILDREN OF MEN.
XII. FLESH,
FLESH AND BLOOD.
XIII. WORLD.
XIV. EVIL. a
CONTINUATION OP
The finite realization of the in-
finite Good by man in the de-
velopment of human society.
The complex of all the thoughts
of the creative Love of God,
in contradistinction to their
imperfect realization in man.
What belongs to God as the
eternal Thought of Love.
Endless duration of self-will
(opposed to union with God).
The divine element in man's
ethical life, as union with
God's will in time.
The same as the basis and con-
dit^on of the immortality of
the soul.
The finite realization of the
Spirit of God as good, in indi-
vidual consciousness, deve-
loped in time.
The complex of this realization
in the succession of genera-
tions, acting unitedly.
Human nature, as subject to the
influence of the selfish prin-
ciple.
The complex of the selfish wills.
a. The absence of the divine Will
in man's conscience, (TO TTO-
vrjpov, das Bose.)
b. The consequence of this absence
(TO i:aic6vt das Uebel.)
DICTIONARY, SEMITIC AND JAPHETIC. 215
JAPHETIC EXPONENT.
VI. The finite realization of the infinite Truth by man as part
of humanity.
VET. The complex of the divine ideas of truth, in contra-
distinction to their finite development in space and
time.
VIII. 1. What belongs to God as Substance, considered
in itself, and in opposition to its development in
space and time.
2. Endless duration of finite existence.
IX. The infinite factor in man's intellectual life, independent
of the finite.
X. The finite realization of the Spirit of God as individua
reason, developed in time.
XI. Collective, evolving reason in history.
XII. Human nature, as ignoring the principle of divine
Truth.
»
XEEI. The complex of unspiritual thoughts in history.
XIV. a. The absence of divine Reason in man's reasoning
on Good.
I. Its consequence.
P4
SPECIMEN OF A COMPARATIVE EVANGELICAL
XV. DEVIL,
XVI. SIN.
XVII. SALVATION,
REDEMPTION.
XVIII. PROPITIATION.
XIX. FAITH.
XX. RESURRECTION.
XXI. REGENERATION
(NEW BIRTH, RENEWAL).
XXII. JUSTIFICATION.
XXIII. SANCTIFICATION
(HOLINESS).
XXIV. SPIRITUAL MAN.
XXV. PRAYER.
CONTINUATION OP
The conscious negation of the
divine Will as good, promoting
unconsciously, the end of this
divine Will by the very op-
position to its manifestation.
(" Diabolus Dei tfiaconus in terra."
Luther. )
Selfishness.
God's infinite love directed to-
wards mankind.
This love annulling the con-
sequence of sin, which is
separation from God.
The inward acknowledgment of
the Will of God as the Good.
The awakening of the conscious-
ness of this divine Life in the
soul.
The power of acting with moral
responsibility.
The consciousness that the soul
is in union with God, in spite
of the imperfect manifestation
of good in the finite.
The actual union of the soul
with God growing out of
this consciousness. •
Man as far as the divine life
is predominant in him.
The reference of the will to
God, as the divine, only good
Will.
DICTIONARY, SEMITIC AND JAPHETIC. 217
JAPHETIC EXPONENT.
XV. The conscious negation of the manifestation of infinite
Truth as Good in the finite, opposing, and, by oppo-
sition, promoting truth. " Der dumme Teufel." (Ger-
man term.)
XVI. The assumption of infiniteness by finiteness.
XVII. God's infinite love revealing truth obscured by the selfish
principle.
XVIII. This love annulling the consequence of the ignorance
of the identity of Good and Truth.
XIX. The inward acknowledgment of the manifestation of divine
Truth, as such.
XX. The first operation of this knowledge, as dispelling error.
XXL The faculty of considering all finiteness as having its
root in infiniteness.
XXII. The consciousness of the eternal reality in the manifes-
tation of Thought in the finite.
XXIII. The consciousness in the mind of the identity between
the Good and the True.
XXIV. Man as knowing this mystery of creation.
XXV. The reference of the thought to God, the divine Truth
and Substance, as the only Good, willing good.
218
SPECIMEN OF A COMPARATIVE EVANGELICAL
XXVI. SACRIFICE.
XXVII. THE BODY AND
BLOOD OF
CHRIST.
XXVIII. THE BODY OF
CHRIST.
XXIX. THE CHURCH (C
GREGATION.)
XXX. THE PEOPLE.
CONTINUATION OF
The willing reference of all finite
existence, as good, to God,
the infinite as the good, in
thankful love.
a. Christ's holiness and love as
personal, substantial (ob-
jectively).
b. The external sign and symbol
of Christ's self-sacrifice for
mankind, at the brotherly
meal of (symbolically) be-
lievers.
Redeemed, believing mankind,
as the finite, successive re-
alization of Christ's holy
mind (subjectively).
Redeemed humanity as Go-
vernment or Society.
The same as the complex of
divinely united individuals.
DICTIONARY, SEMITIC AND JAPHETIC. 219
JAPHETIC EXPONENT.
XXVI. The consciousness that finite existence has no separate
principle referred to God, the Infinite, as the Author
of truth and the only real existence or substance.
XXVII. a. Objective meaning : Christ's mind as the perfect, sub-
stantial expression of truth. (S. John vi.)
b. Symbolical meaning : an external sign of this objective
reality in partaking of the common social meal, as
far as this partaking takes place with a true, inward
union of the soul with God, and a sincere love to the
brethren.
XXVni. Divinized humanity.
XXIX. Mankind in the progressive realization of divine Truth
in social life.
XXX. The individuals considered in social unity, as integral
parts of the development of Truth in history.
220
SPECIMEN OF AN EVANGELICAL DICTIONARY.
ALPHABETICAL INDEX.
Body and Blood of Christ -
Body of Christ (subjectively)
Church Congregation
Devil
Eternal -
Eternal Life
Evil
Faith
Father
Flesh, Flesh and Blood
Heaven
Justification
Kingdom of God -
Man, Son of Man -
Mankind, Children of Men -
People
Prayer
Propitiation ...
Eegeneration (New Birth, Renewal)
Resurrection
Sacrifice
Salvation, Redemption
Sanctification (Holiness)
Sin
Son
Spirit of God, Holy Spirit -
Spiritual Man
Will of God
Word (Logos)
World -
xx vu.
xxvra.
XXIX.
xv.
vm.
EX.
XIV.
XIX.
ii
xn.
vn.
xxn.
VI.
X.
XI.
XXX
XXV.
xvm.
XXI.
XX.
XXVI.
XVIL
xxm.
XVI.
ra.
IV.
xxrv.
v.
i.
xin.
A.
JESUS,
THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
I.
THE DECLARATIONS OF JESUS HIMSELF
RESPECTING HIS PERSON.
JESUS, THE SON OP GOD AND MAN.
THE FATHER AND THE SON ARE ONE.
I. Jesus to the Jews, who persecute him for liaving healed on the
Sabbath the cripple at the pool of Bethesda. (St. John v.
17—54.)
" 17My Father worketh hitherto, and I work."
"Therefore the Jews sought the more to kill Him, because
He not only had broken the Sabbath, but said also that God was
his Father, making Himself equal with God. 19Then answered
Jesus and said unto them: "Verily, verily, I say unto you, the
Son can do nothing of Himself, but what He seeth the Father do :
for what things soever He doeth, these also doeth the Son like-
wise. 20For the Father loveth the Son, and sheweth Him all
things that Himself doeth : and he will shew him greater works
than these, that ye may marvel.
« aipor as t}ie Father raiseth up the dead and quickeneth them,
even so the Son quickeneth whom he will. 22For the Father
judgeth no man, but hath committed all judgment unto the
Son; 23That all men should honour the Son, even as they
honour the Father. He that honoureth not the Son, honoureth
not the Father, which hath sent Him. 24Verily, verily, I say
unto you, he that heareth my word, and believeth on Him that
hath sent me, hath everlasting life, and shall not come into con-
demnation, but is passed from death unto life.
DECLARATIONS OF JESUS HIMSELF. 225
AND ALL BELIEVERS ARE CHILDREN OF GOD.
As the work of God in creation is going on uninterruptedly,
without any regard to the Sabbath, although the Sabbath is
represented in the account of the creation as the day on which God
rested ( 1 Gen. i.) ; thus He who is conscious of his union with the
Father continues to work that good which the Father gives Him to
do, on the Sabbath as well as on any other day. (Compare John ix.
4, 5, " I must work the works of Him that sent me, while it is
day : the night cometh when no man can work. As long as I am in
the world, I am the light of the world.")
All the good which a man does, is the realization of the divine
thought and goodness in a finite form. He can only work good so
far as he is conscious of it being conformable to the nature of God.
The belief in this divine goodness, as the law of the universe, to be
realized by man upon earth, gives him the power of doing good,
and makes his will God's will.
As God creates all natural life, and is the first cause of the
universe, so the Son is, through faith in Him, the author of all
spiritual life. As soon as the divine principle of goodness is
acknowledged as that which is to become universal, the judgment
concerning what is good and right will have to be pronounced by
th< Son, for the glorification of the Father. The conscience of
mankind, now represented by Jesus of Nazareth, will be the judge
;in, first as to individual conduct, and, in process of time, through
faith in His Spirit, as to national affairs. Whoever believes in Jesus
will have that divine consciousness and principle in himself; and if
he strives sincerely to act upon it, he will not lose this principle,
but live in communion with God. (Compare 1 John ii. 24 — 27.)
VOL. II. Q
226 JESUS, THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
CONTINUATION OF
" 25Verily, verily, I say unto you, the hour is coming, and
now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of God, and they
that hear shall live. 2GFor as the Father hath life in Him-
self, so hath He given to the Son to have life in Himself;
27 And hath given Him authority to execute judgment also,
because He is the Son of Man.
« 28]yjarvej nO|. aj. this . for the hour is coming, in the
which all that are in the graves shall hear His voice, 29And
shall come forth : they that have done good, unto the resurrec-i
tion of life ; and they that have done evil, unto the resurrection
of damnation.
" 30I can of my own self do nothing: as I hear, I judge;
and my judgment is just, because I seek not mine own will, but
the will of the Father which hath sent Me. 31If I bear
witness of Myself, my witness is not true. 32There is another
that beareth witness of Me ; and I know that the witness
which He witnesseth of Me is true. 33Ye sent unto John,
and he bare witness unto the truth. ^But I receive not testi-
mony from man : but these things I say, that ye might be
saved."
DECLARATIONS OP JESUS HIMSRM. 227
ST. JOHN V. 17 34-.
This new period of mankind is now beginning: individuals
first, of all nations, will be awakened to divine consciousness, and
in process of time, this divine principle in man will become the
principle of all social relations, governments, and states. (Compare
xi. 15.)
The history of mankind will prove to be the judgment of God:
nations will perish by this judgment, and new nations will arise, and
the truth and justice of God will become manifest as well by the
tlc.-truction of empires as by the awakening of new national life.
The beginning of all this is My life and My teaching, which has
no other aim but that of speaking the truth and glorifying God.
The evidence of the truth of what I say is in your own conscience
and reason, which is the voice of God within you. This evidence is
much greater and more convincing than that of John the Baptist,
whom you asked about Me, and who bore witness of Me. (Compare
, 1 John v.)
Q2
228 JESUS, THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
THE SON IS THE FINITE REALIZATION OF THE
(St. John vii. 37, 38.)
« 37
. If any man thirst, let him come unto Me, and
drink. 38He that believeth on Me, as the Scripture hath said,
out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water."
(St. John viii. 12.)
" 12. . . I am the light of the world : he that followeth
Me shall not walk in darkness, but shall have the light of life."
Jesus to the Jews at the Feast of Tabernacles.
(St. John viii. 14. 18. 21. 23. 25—28. 51. 56—59.)
" 14. . . Though I bear record of Myself, my record
is true ; for I know whence I came, and whither I go ; but ye
cannot tell whence I came, and whither I go ...
"18/ am He who is bearing witness of Myself, and the
Pather that sent Me beareth witness of Me. . . .
"". . . I go My way, and ye shall seek Me, and shall
die in your sins : whither I go, ye cannot come. . . .
23. . . Ye are from beneath, I am from above : ye
are of this world, I am not of this world."
'25Then said they unto Him, "Who art thou?" And Jesus
said unto them : " I am absolutely what I also say to you.
26I have many things to say and to judge of you: but He that
sent Me is true ; and I speak to the world those things which I
have heard of them."
27 They understood not that He spoke to them of the Father.
28Then' said Jesus unto them, " When ye have lifted up the
Son of Man, then shall ye know that / am He, and that I
do nothing of myself but as my Father hath taught Me, I
speak these things. . . . 6ilf a man keep my saying.
he shall never see death. . . . 56Your father Abraham
rejoiced to see my day : and he saw it, and was glad."
57Then said the Jews unto Him, "Thou art not yet fifty
years old, and hast thou seen Abraham?" 58 Jesus said unto
them : " Verily, verily, I say unto you, before Abraham w,
I am He."
59Then took they up stones to cast at Him.
DECLARATIONS OF JESUS HIMSELF.
FATHER, ONE WITH HIM, AND OF ONE SUBSTANCE.
The divine principle which I represent and teach, and to which I
invite all mankind, as many as are desirous of knowing God and
lite divine, is that which has its own evidence in it. He who receives
it has this evidence in him (1 John ii. 26). If I, therefore, appear
to refer to Myself, I refer to God, with whom I am One, and this is
the only true evidence, and it is tested in the heart of every con-
scientious man. You, Pharisees, who ask Me who I am, do not
acknowledge this divine power of the Spirit, and do not understand
i the real basis and source of what I say of Myself. You have nothing
tin you but the selfish principle, which is opposed to God, and knows
nothing of things divine. But I am not to be judged by this worldly
principle and by your conventional ordinances.
I am what I speak : my individuality and person is identical with
my words. I teach what I live, and what I say to you and to the
world is true, because it comes from God Himself. You should,
:herefore, attend to what I say of you, for what you hear from Me
s the judgment of God.
After having put Me to death, you will know that I am One with
; and what I have spoken to yo'i, God has spoken.
Whoever follows me and my doctrine has divine life in him, which
s communion with God (John xvii. 3. Compare 1 John ii.), and
re the physical death cannot affect him. When Abraham
aught the only true God, he anticipated in his mind My appear-
id teaching, and rejoiced in this prospect. Abraham, as well
e who followed him, and particularly John the Baptist who
>oru the same witness of Me (St. John i. 13), knew that divine
•rinciple, but none of them its personification. This personification is
;lization of God's own nature, which is Love: this you see in Me.
Q 3
230 JESUS, THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
THE WILLING SELF-SACRIFICE OF JESUS IS THE
(St. John x. 17, 18. 25—38.)
" 17Therefore doth my Father love Me, because I lay
down my life, that I may take it again. 18No man taketh
it from Me, but I lay it down of Myself. I have power to lay
it down, and I have power to take it again. This command-
ment have I received of my Father."
" 25I told you, and ye believed not : the works that I do
in my Father's name, they bear witness of Me. 26But ye
believe not, because ye are not of my sheep, as I said unto
you. 27My sheep hear my voice, and I know them, and they
they follow me : 28And I give unto them eternal life ; and
they shall never perish, neither shall any man pluck themj
out of my hand. 29My Father, which gave them Me, is greater
than all ; and no man is able to pluck them out of my Father's
hand. 30I and my Father are One."
31Then the Jews took up stones again to stone him.
32 Jesus answered them, " Many good works have I shewed
you from my Father ; for which of these works do ye stone
Me ?" 33The Jews answered him, saying, " For a good work
we stone thee not, but for blasphemy ; and because that thou,
being a man, makest thyself God." ^Jesus answered them,
"Is it not written in your law, I said, Ye are gods ?
he called them gods, unto whom the word of God came, and
the Scripture cannot be broken ; 36Say ye of Him, whom
the Father hath sanctified, and sent into the world, Thou blas-
phemest, because I said, I am the Son of God? 37If I
not the works of my Father, believe Me not. 38But if
do, though yc believe not Me, believe the works, that ye may
know, and believe, that the Father is in Me, and I in Him."
DECLARATIONS OF JESUS HIMSELF. 231
CAUSE OF HIS UNITY WITH THE FATHER.
God loveth me because, of my own accord, conformably with His
will, I give up My life in order to declare His truth, and seal My
declaration and self-sacrifice by My voluntary death. My death will
give a new life to mankind : it will impart to those who believe in
Me a world-conquering power. I continue to live in believing man-
kind. (Compare Luke xvii. 33 : " Whosoever shall seek to save his
life shall lose it, and whosoever shall lose his life shall save it")
Those who receive My word sincerely, and resolve to act upon it
have in themselves the evidence of truth, and therefore no human
power or reasoning can shake their faith ; for the power of the divine
element is greater than all. I am identified and One with God.
What I say of Myself, that I am One with God, is true of all men :
they are all destined to be sons of God, and even are called gods.
"Why should I not say it of Myself, as God hath set Me apart for this
work, and sent Me into the world for this purpose ? Even the
wonderful works which I do should be a proof to you of the truth of
what I declare of God, and of Myself, and of our Union.
Q 4
JESUS, THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
THE SON IS THE VISIBLE REPRESENTATION OF
(St. John xiv. 6, 7. 10—12.)
Jesus to his Disciples, after the Last Supper.
[To Thomas.]
"6. . . I am the way, and the truth, and the life: no
man cometh unto the Father but by Me. 7If ye had known
Me, ye should have known my Father also : and from henceforth
ye know Him, and have seen Him."
[To Philip.]
" 10Believest thou not that I am in the Father, and the
Father in Me ? the words that I speak unto you, I speak not of
Myself: but my Father that dwelleth in Me, He doth the
works. HBelieve me, that I am in the Father, and the Father
in me : or else believe me for the very work's sake. 12 Verily,
verily, I say unto you, He that believeth on Me, the works
that I do shall he do also ; and greater works than these shall
he do, because I go unto my Father. '
JESUS HAS GLORIFIED THE FATHER,
SO SHALL MANKIND GLORIFY UIM
(St. John xvii. 1—6. 11. 17—26).
[Christ's dying Prayer for the Church.]
"l. . . Father, the hour is come ; glorify Thy Son, that
Thy Son may glorify Thee, 2as Thou hast given Him power
over all flesh, that all Thou hast given Him He should give
to them, eternal life. 3And this is life eternal, that they
know Thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ whom Thou
hast sent. 4I have glorified Thee on the earth : I have
finished the work which Thou gavest Me to do. 5Aiu
now, O Father, glorify Thou Me with Thine own Self,
DECLARATIONS OF JESUS HIMSELF. 233
Till: FATHER, AND THE LIVING DIVINE PRINCIPLE.
I do not teach outward ordinances, as Moses did, nor do I declare
partial truths respecting divine things. What I teach is God Himself,
the divine Spirit of all things, which is in you and guides you into
all truth, if you will hear My voice, which is God's voice. My doc-
trine is truth, and My truth is a living, inward power, God Himself,
and, therefore, the only way to the true knowledge of God and a god-
like life.
I speak and do, not of Myself, but what God's Spirit bids Me to
speak and to do. The works which you have seen Me doing, and
which have astonished you, are only the external manifestations of
the divine life in Me.
If you receive this life within you, you will have the same power ;
even greater works will be done by you among mankind, because My
Spirit will be with you, divested of all the bonds of earthly existence
in which you have seen Me moving.
AND SHOWN HIS UNITY WITH HIM.
LIKEWISE THROUGH DIVINE LOVE.
Father, the hour is come when that divine element, which is in
Me, is to become manifest : let it be manifested for the greater glori-
fication of Thyself. Eternal life Thou gavest to Me, and I gave it
to them, that is to say, the knowledge that Thou art the only true
God, and that I am the true manifestation of Thy own nature. The
work which thou entrustedst Me with is done : let Me return to that
glorious existence which I enjoyed with Thee in that eternal con-
sciousness which is anterior to, and independent of, all finite ex-
istence in time.
234 JESUS, THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
CONTINUATION OF
the glory which I had with Thee before the world was. GI
have manifested Thy name unto the men which thou gavest Me
out of the world : Thine they were, and Thou gavest them Me ;
and they have kept thy word nAnd now I am
no more in the world, but these are in the world, and I come
to Thee. Holy Father, keep them in that Thy name which
Thou hast given me, that they may be one as We are.
17Sanctify them through Thy truth : Thy word is truth.
18As Thou hast sent Me into the world, even so have I also
sent them into the world. 19And for their sakes I sanctify
Myself, that they also may be sanctified through the truth.
^Neither pray I for these alone, but for them also which
shall believe on Me through their word; 21That they all may
be one ; as Thou, Father, art in Me, and I in Thee, that
they also may be one in Us : that the world may believe
that Thou has sent Me. 22And the glory which Thou gavest
Me, I have given them, that they may be one, even as We
are One : 23I in them, and Thou in Me, that they may be
made perfect in One ; and that the world may know that
Thou hast sent me, and hast loved them, as Thou hast loved Me.
24Father, I will that they also, whom thou hast given me,
be with Me where I am, that they may behold My glory, which
Thou has given Me ; for Thou lovedst Me before the foundation
of the world. 25O righteous Father, the world hath not known
Thee; but I have known thee, and these have known that
Thou hast sent me. 26And I have declared unto them Thy
name, and will declare it : that the love wherewith Thou hast
loved Me may be in them, and I in them."
DECLARATIONS OP JESUS HIMSELF. 235
If. JOHN XVII.
My prayer regards those whom Thou hast given Me to enlighten,
and who have been faithful disciples, keeping the commandment
I gave them. They will now be obliged to act by themselves :
give them that consciousness of the eternal union of the human soul
with God which I had and have, and keep them through life in that
consciousness of unity which Thou hast given Me. Let their whole
earthly existence be a sacrifice of thanksgiving to Thee, as My life
has been. I have devoted and am sacrificing My life for them, that
they may inwardly believe in the truth which I have announced to
them as divine truth, and thus be made worthy and able to accom-
plish the same sanctification, which consists in a self-sacrificing
life for the brethren out of thankful love to God. Render thou, O
Father, them, and through them the whole human race which will be
taught and converted by them, able to accomplish this true sacrifice,
which is pleasing to God, and which is the reality of all symbolical
worship, the fulfilment of all shadows and types. I have planted
in them the germ of that divine life which Thou gavest Me.
And when they have done their work, give them that perfect
divine consciousness and blessedness which Thou hast given Me, and
which is independent of space and time and all finite existence, be-
cause it is the manifestation of that eternal love which is Thy true
own substance."
II.
THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES
ABOUT THE FATHER AND THE SON.
238 JESUS, THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
I. ST. PAUL'S TEACHING ABOUT
Philipp. ii. 5—11.
5Let this mind be in you which was also in Christ Jesus,
6Who, being in the form of God, thought it not robbery to
be equal with God : 7But denied himself, taking upon Him
the form of a servant and being in the likeness of men,
8 And being found in fashion as a man, He humbled Himself
and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross.
9Wherefore, God also hath highly exalted Him, and given
him that name which is above every name : 10that in the
name of Jesus every knee should bow of those in heaven and
those on earth and those under the earth, nand that every
tongue shall confess that Christ is Lord to the glory of God
the Father.
TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES. 239
THE FATHER AND THE SON.
PARAPHRASE.
Be like-minded as Jesus the Christ was. Although he was con-
scious of being the image of God (2 Cor. iv. ; Col. i. 15, iii. 10.
Compare Heb. i. 3), he did not think that he was to assume as his
own the power he had in him to be equal with God. On the con-
trary, he annihilated entirely his own self (entausserte sich selbst),
and willingly took upon him the form of a servant and the likeness
of man. Having thus willingly shared the fate of human existence,
he humbled himself, and showed himself obedient, even so as willingly
to suffer the most ignominious death. On account of this his abnega-
tion of self (Selbstentiiusserung), God has exalted him above all
others, and has given him that name (Lord) which is above every
name, that every act of adoration is to be offered by angels, and men,
and departed spirits, in this his name, and that all nations shall con-
fess in their language that Jesus the Christ is the Lord to the glory
of God the Father.
SHORT PHILOSOPHICAL EXPLANATION.
Jesus the Christ had, in Himself, the full consciousness of His
divine nature, and of his being One with God, as God's eternal
Thought of Himself in finiteness ; but being placed in a human con-
dition, He willingly took upon Him the hardest lot of humanity, and,
far from considering His divine dignity as His own, He humbled
Himself unto death, as following the will of God who had sent Him.
Therefore He alone is the restorer of the union of man with God,
abolishing the antagonism between the Infinite and the Finite, and is
to bo honoured as such.
244) JESUS THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
II. ST. JOEIN'S TEACHING CONCERNING GOD AND
(St John i. 1—5. 14.)
'In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with
God, and the Word was God. 2This Word was in the
beginning with God.
3A11 things were made by Him, and without Him was not
any thing made.
4 What has been made in Him was Life, and the Life was
the light of men. 5And the light shineth in darkness, and the
darkness comprehended it not. . . .
14 And the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and
we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the
Father, full of grace and truth. . . .
18No man hath seen God at any time ; the only begotten
Son, which is in the bosom of the Father, He hath declared
Him.
TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES. 241
THE WORD, AND THE FATHER AND THE SON.
Before the visible Universe existed, there was in God the con-
scious Thought of Himself, as active Reason. This Thought was
identical with God, the Substance of the Universe : it was God
thinking Himself, making Himself objective to Himself. This then
is the divine existence of the Word, as active Reason.
The creation of the Universe is the manifestation in space and
time of the same Thought of God of Himself. There was nothing
created which has not the principle of existence in that Thought of
God of Himself.
The Universe thus created continues to have the principle of Life
in this divine Self-consciousness : this principle of substantial ex-
istence is also the intellectual principle in man. In the progress of
history this divine principle manifested itself as intelligence, as the
enlightening principle, the principle of progress and development :
but the selfish principle in man opposed itself to that divine prin-
ciple. . . .
God's eternal Thought of Himself became personal in finite
existence, in a Man, conscious of his divine nature. In this Man
that divine Word lived amongst us, and we beheld in Jesus divine
glory and truth, He alone, therefore, could declare to mankind the
true nature of God, for that primitive consciousness lived in Him
constantly and perfectly.
242 JESUS, THE SON OF GOD AND MAN.
III. THi: THREE EVIDENCES
THE TWO HISTORICAL AND THE
(1 John v. 4—12).
4 Whatsoever is born of God overcometh the world : and
this is the victory that overcometh the world, our faith.
5Who is he that overcometh the world, but he that believeth
that Jesus is the Son of God ? 6This is He that came by
water and blood, Jesus the Christ, not by water only, but by
water and blood : and it is the Spirit that beareth witness,
because the Spirit is truth. 8For there are three that bear
witness, the Spirit, and the water, and the blood : and these
three agree in one. 'If we receive the witness of man, the
witness of God is greater : for this is the witness of God : for
He hath testified his Son. 10He that believeth in the Son
of God, hath the witness in himself: he that believeth not God,
hath made Him a liar, because he believeth not the witness
which God hath testified about his Son. "And this is the
witness, that God hath given us eternal life, and this life is in
his Son. 12He that hath the Son, hath life : he that hath not
the Son of God, hath not life."
TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES. 243
FOR THE TRUTH IN CHRI ST,
INWARD ONE, AND THEIR HARMONY.
He who believes in Christ receives by that internal act of his
mind, which implies a solemn pledge to follow the unselfish life of
Christ^ a new, inward, divine power, by which he is enabled to
overcome the selfish principle in him and outward temptations
working through the same. No other principle gives this power,
which alone comes from faith in Christ.
This belief in Christ rests upon three manifestations, or, as it
were, evidences, of God. The first is the manifestation of God in
Christ's baptism, as evidenced by John the Baptist : the second,
God's manifestations in his death, as evidenced by the Apostles and
Evangelists : the third evidence is that which the Spirit of God
gives to every believer in his own mind. The first two evidences
are, therefore, of a historical character, and comprise the whole life
of Christ, including His death and resurrection. The third is an
internal one, and this agrees with the two others, but it is higher
than them, because it is God's own evidence, through His Spirit, in
man's own conscience and reason. This Spirit of God is essentially
truth itself, and he therefore who receives that evidence believes no
longer the evidence and record of man, but a divine truth, directly
manifested to him by God, that is to say, proved to be true by the
constant test of thought and of experience.
Thus the evidence of the truth of Christianity is by no means
simply historical, and therefore faith is not merely historical belief
in the outward facts of Christ's life and sufferings. He who dis-
believes Christ, therefore, disbelieves that which is the voice of God
in him, both as reason and conscience. The nature of the internal
evidence is in the peace of our conscience (notwithstanding the con-
sciousness of our defects and sins — ii. 1, 2), as being united with
God by having taken upon ourselves moral responsibility, in the firm
belief that the divine principle in us has the power of making us
overcome the world without and sin within, and will have the
try.
R 2
B.
THE BELIEVERS,
THE SONS OR CHILDREN OF GOD,
AND
THEIR DESTINY,
x 3
246 THE BELIEVERS, THE CHILDREN OF GOD,
THE REGENERATION, AND HOW IT IS WORKED.
Jesus to Nicodemus.
(John iii. 3. 5—8. 12, 13—15.)
" 3 Verily, verily, I say unto thee, except a man be born again,
he cannot see the Kingdom of God. . . .
" 5Verily, verily, I say unto thee, Except a man be born of
water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the Kingdom of
God. 6That which is born of the flesh is flesh, and that which
is born of the Spirit is Spirit.
" 7Marvel not that I said unto thee, Ye must be born again.
8The wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound
thereof, but canst not tell whence it cometh and whither it
goeth: so is every one that is born of the Spirit. . .
12If I have told you earthly things, and ye believe not, how
shall ye believe if I tell you of heavenly things? 13And no
man hath ascended up to heaven, but He that came down from
heaven, the Son of Man who is in heaven."
THE ILLUSTRATION ADDED BY THE EVANGELIST.
uAnd as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, even so
must the Son of Man be lifted up, that whosoever believeth in Him
should not perish, but have eternal life.
AND THEIR DESTINY. 247
THE DIVINE LIFE IN MAN, AND ITS CONDITIONS.
As long as man lives according to his selfish principle, doing
whatever he does because it is his will and pleasure to do so, he
understands nothing of the divine order of the world, either in
himself or around him.
In order to understand this divine order of the world, he must
acknowledge as the substance of his own being, as his destiny and his
happiness, the will of God, the germ of which is in him through
Reason and Conscience. He must acknowledge the divine supre-
macy of what is True and Good, not as an external law, but as that
which really is his own life, and to which all selfish will ought to be
made subservient. This acknowledgment ought to be public, as a
solemn pledge of what he is willing henceforth to do. Such a sin-
cere acknowledgment will then assuredly be followed by an inward
power of overcoming the selfish principle which man finds in himself,
and he will receive in reality a new life.
This new life cannot be explained as a development of the selfish
principle : it is the working of a new principle, and of a new life
which alone is true life, because it is conformable to the eternal will
of God and the moral order of the world.
All this relates to the individual life of man, to the finite human
mind : it is, however, intimately connected with the infinite Divine
mind, or the eternal Thought of the Universe. The very conscious-
ness of man of himself centres in the consciousness of God of
Himself, which Thought of God of Himself is the cause and origin
of the Universe. Only He who has that consciousness in him, and
thinks and works accordingly, can explain to mankind their own
nature, and show them the true way to eternal life which is the
consciousness of God as Love. (John i. 18 ; I John iv. 8.)
Let every one, therefore, look upon Him who is the adequate ex-
aion of God's Thought of Himself, of His eternal love. Whoever
- his mind steadfastly upon Him and His life of self-sacrificing
love, will understand his own destiny and the moral order of the
verse, and living thus in God and with God will be immortal as
is God and His Thought of Love.
B 4
248 THE BELIEVERS, THE CHILDREN OF GOD,
II. THE ONLY MEANS OF REMAINING UNITED
IS TO MAKE HIS HOLY I.I! K
Jesus to the Jews who had followed Him after the feeding of
the Jive thousand.
(St. John vi. 47—63.)
"47 Verily, verily, I say unto you, he that believeth on Me
hath eternal life. 48I am the bread of life. 49Your fathers
did eat manna in the wilderness, and are dead. 50This is the
bread which cometh down from heaven, that a man may eat
thereof and not die. 51 1 am the living bread which came down
from heaven* : if any man eat of this bread, he shall live for ever :
and the bread which I will give is my flesh, which I will give for
the life of the worldf . . . 53Verily, verily, I say unto you, Except
ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man, and drink his blood, ye have
no life in you. 54Whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood,
hath eternal life, and I will raise him up at the last day. 55For
my flesh is true meat, and my blood is true drink. 5GHe
that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in Me,
and I in him. 57As the living Father hath sent Me, and I live
by the Father ; so he that eateth Me, even he shall live by Me.
58This is that bread which came down from heaven, not as your
fathers did eat manna and are dead. He that eateth of this
bread, shall live for ever. . . ."
60 Many of his disciples, when they had heard this, said,
"This is an hard saying, who can hear it?" 61When Jesus
knew in Himself that his disciples murmured at it, He said
unto them, " Doth, this offend you ? 62 What and if ye shall see
the Son of Man ascend up where He was before ? 63It is the
Spirit that quickeneth : the flesh profiteth nothing : the words
that I have spoken unto you, are Spirit and are Life."
AND THEIR DESTINY. 249
YVITH CHRIST, AND HAVING ETERNAL LIFE,
OF SELF-SACRIFICE OUR OWN.
Eternal life being the knowledge of God and union with God, you
cannot have it without believing in me and being united with me,
who am the true and adequate manifestation of God, and who have
brought to you from God that true intelligence. Nothing therefore
short of such a union with me can make you partakers of divine life,
and thus of immortality and eternal bliss. This is a union and
intercommunion of divine life, by which that intelligence and that
holiness which is in me becomes your own, is made, as it were, your
own flesh and blood.
These expressions must be understood in the Spirit ; thus under-
stood, they ought not to offend you. You are offended also by my
saying that I came from God : you shall see more than that, you shall
see me return to my Father, to Him with whom I am united, and
was united before all time, and shall be united without time, and you
shall see the work prosper which I have begun.
* Compare the words said to Martha at the resurrection of Lazarus (St.
John xi. 25) : " I am the resurrection and the life ; he that believeth in Me,
h he were dead, yet shall he live."
f Compare the words at the Last Supper (St. Matthew xxvi. 27, 28 ;
Mark xiv. 22, 23 ; Luke xxii. 19, 20) : " This is my body which is given for
you. . . ." " This is my blood, the blood of the new covenant, which is
shed for many." [This is the cup, the new covenant in my blood which is
shed^for you].
250 THE CHRISTIAN TRINITY COMBINED
THIRD CHAPTER.
THE CHKISTIAN TRINITY COMBINED WITH THE SPECULATIVE TRIAD.
THE historical formula, which is the theological, must flow, in
order to be true, without any mixture of evidence with specula-
tion, from the very words of Christ as recorded and commented
upon by the Apostles. The philosophical formula of the triad —
God, Man, Humanity — was obtained by the purely philosophical
analysis of the mind. If we find them to agree with each
other, our Christianity will appear rational, and our philosophy
will be Christ's own.
The Christian triad exhibits in its simplest and purest form the
three factors which are at work in religion. They are placed by
apostolical Christianity in that perfect relation to each other
which insures their harmonious action. We have only to trans-
late the historical words into their simple philosophical expo-
nents, and we shall perceive that the historical doctrine of
Father, Son, and Spirit harmonizes fully with the two philoso-
phical triads, the eternal (infinite, ideal) and the demiurgic (finite,
real). It connects them together, because it is itself in connec-
tion both with the higher, infinite sphere, or the triad of the in-
finite self-manifestation, and with the lower, finite sphere, or the
triad representing the infinite Being in His finite realization.
The positive form in which the three factors, Father, Son, and
Spirit, appear in the apostolic records, expresses, more perfectly
than any other, the intimate connection between the substance
of the infinite divine Being, and the finite realization of the infi-
nite in the universe.
It is a remarkable coincidence, that speculation cannot discove
WITH THE SPECULATIVE TRIAD. 251
any other term for the third factor but that which is consecrated
by the apostolical records, namely, Spirit. In this third factor,
indeed, the speculative analysis of the infinite mind and the demi-
urgic or mundane manifestation necessarily coincide. The Spirit
is in every sense the connecting link. In the first place, the
Spirit (agreeably to the origin of the word) connects, in each of the
speculative triads, the two preceding factors, as their conscious
unity. Secondly, the Spirit connects the two speculative triads
with each other. Lastly, it connects them with the theological
triad. In interpreting the Semitic expression for Spirit, it is not
unessential to recollect that in Hebrew (and, therefore, in the
language in which Christ spoke) the word is feminine, and that
the Hebrew image of Spirit is that of Mother and Maternity.
Christ selected, in explanation of the Hebrew word, a new term,
the Paraclete ; which Greek masculine had passed into the ver-
nacular language of Palestine, in the sense of Advocate, Prolo-
cutor (Fursprecher), and may therefore be translated also Inter-
cessor or Comforter. Hitherto Christ had been the Paraclete of
his disciples : after his withdrawal they were to have their
teacher and monitor — within themselves.
We may, therefore, sum up the whole Christian belief in the
above exhibited historical formula, as being its simplest and at
the same time its most authentic and highest expression. Father
and Son are correlatives, so are God and Word, but the first term
refers to the demiurgic sphere alone, whereas the correlatives of
God and Word belong also to the ontological sphere. The
Sonship refers as substantially as the Wordship to the divine
mind, in so far as God is manifesting Himself finitely, and thinks
this manifestation. The term Word differs only in this, that it
applies equally to the manifestation within and without : it
resses the eternal thought of God of Himself, which thought
includes the demiurgic process as a consequence of the evolution
of tlu- Word. In this consist the unity and the difference.
The very expressions Father and Son prove them to have
252
THE CHRISTIAN TRINITY COMBINED
reference, necessarily, to the manifestation of God, not to his
immanent, extramundane nature. The Son is the most natural
expression, both of the finite realization, and of the divine
thought of the same ; as the Word is the most adequate expres-
sion for the immanent consciousness of God, as the eternal cause
of all finite realization.
The following juxtaposition will render this result still more
evident. In the subjoined table the two philosophical triads are
placed at the top and bottom : and transversely is placed the
historical triad, connected with, and presupposing both.
THE EXISTING.
'O &v.
THE THINKING.
(Word)
THE THINKING-EXISTING
EXISTING-THINKING.
3 .-a
-O B 3
'5 -5 -
— '-3 .2 .£
n .: w
3 '•"
GOD.
Ideal.
Infinite.
MAN.
Real.
Finite.
EH EH —
MANKIND.
Ideally-real.
Infinitely- finite.
It is clear from the preceding that every theological construc-
tion of a triad must fail, if the three different spheres be not
kept entirely distinct in reasoning :
The ontological ; or the contemplation of the Absolute in itself,
as mirrored in finite Reason.
The cosmological, or demiurgic ; or the consideration of God
in connection with the visible creation.
The historical, or psychological : the contemplation of the
realization of the Absolute in Man and Humanity, as finite
Mind.
The analogy or identity of these spheres may be asserted or
denied : the laws of reasoning do not permit us to mix together
spheres of thought which present themselves to our reasoning
mind as decidedly distinct.
WITH THE SPECULATIVE TRIAD. 253
The Evangelist may say that the Word became Flesh ; but
dialectically we must not transport the Self-consciousness of
God into the historical sphere, without having first done justice
to the nature of the Finite, in its opposition to the Infinite. There
we have to deal with space and time, with country and nations,
as externally conditioning that individual which is called the
personification of the Self-consciousness of God.
Otherwise we should not only fall into contradictions, but lose,
upon cool reflection, either God or Man, and thus both. Jesus
cannot cease to be historically a Man, like all other men, without
becoming a spectre : and he cannot cease to be the impersonation
of God as Reason and Self-manifestation without sinking into an
imperfect philosopher, not to say an impostor.
It is the same with the Spirit. Here we lose, by confounding
the spheres, not only the thread of the reasoning, but also the
practical object, and make either the Spirit something outward
to man, or degrade it to finiteness and human affection.
As to the reconstruction, I maintain the five following points.
First : There is not one word in Christ's declarations about
Himself which justifies that confusion, and there is enough in
them to explain and complete what two of his disciples taught
on the ground of his declarations.
Secondly : The ancient Fathers began to speculate before the
historical and the philosophical elements, poetically confounded in
early traditions, were sufficiently separated, and they proceeded
to their task, not only without a lucid, correct method, but
fettered by remains and relics of Jewish and Hellenic symbols
and speculations, and with a total want of physical science. The
Councils made a system of this confusion.
Thirdly : The Byzantine and mediaeval Romanic scholasticism
idolized the confusion of the Councils, and operated upon it under
the pressure of the metastasis of the ideas of Sacrifice, Priest-
hood, Church, which pathological process was going on for cen-
turies, induced and supported by ritualistic and hierarchical
institutions.
254 THE CHRISTIAN TRINITY.
Fourthly : The Reformers established the true principle
without carrying it out, and the reactionaries of the seven-
teenth century endeavoured to build up a new scholasticism,
shorn of its poetry and condemned by the spiritual and biblical
principles invoked by the reformed Churches.
Fifthly: It is this very system, this fag-end of a process,
more than fully effete and exhausted, which the hierarchical
party is endeavouring to re-establish, some with Rome, some
without, or even, apparently, against Rome : in England, as
insular Catholicism, national hierarchism, and mutilated medi-
aevalism; in Germany, as blind Lutheranism, coupled with
Jesuitical absolutism as regards politics, and a hatred of all
thought as regards literature.
FOURTH SECTION,
PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT
IN
THE POST-APOSTOLICAL PHASES OF CHRISTIANITY.
THE
PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT
IS THE
POST-APOSTOLICAL PHASES OF CHRISTIANITY.
FIRST CHAPTER.
THE APOSTOLICAL FATHERS, OR THE ANTE-NICENE PHASIS.
THE scriptural and apostolical doctrine of the Christian Church
is that of Father, Son, and Spirit, substantially united. This
doctrine is placed, as far as the first element is concerned, by the
aide of the strictest doctrine of the Unity of God. So far as
the second, the Son, is considered, it always refers to Jesus, the
Christ, and to believing man. Lastly, the Spirit is always treated
with reference to the inward life of the believer, and therefore
also of the congregation (Ecclesia), or to believing mankind.
But, at the same time, He who is the Son is called the incarna-
tion of the Eternal Word. In like manner the Paraclete
(John xiv. 26) is considered as the Spirit coming from the
Father after the withdrawal of Christ, who is also Himself
called the Paraclete interceding with the Father for the believers
(1 John ii. 1).
The three following points therefore were generally admitted
• lie teaching of Christ and his Apostles, by all who accepted
Scripture, that is to say, by all who did not deny the historical
authenticity of the records of Christ's teaching.
/ ; The unity of God, as the eternal Father^ is the fun-
utal doctrine of Christianity.
Secondly : The Son is Jesus the Christ, as the adequate mani-
VOL. II. S
258 PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE
festation, in the highest sense : every true believer is Son, in
state of diminishing imperfection, being brother to Christ in the
Spirit. But Jesus alone is the incarnation of the Word (Logos).
He therefore is called by St. John, " the only-begotten," Uni-
genitus, that is " only" Son ; but all believers are Children of
God in Christ, glorifying Christ as He glorified the Father.
Thirdly : The Spirit has not had, and is not to have, any finite
individual embodiment : it is to the believer that same divine
element of life, that same power of God which was in Jesus
as entire individuality. Its highest manifestation is as the unity
of many, and therefore, finally, as the totality of the believers,
or the universal congregation of believing mankind, through all
ages, called the Congregation (Church). This Spirit is, there-
fore, not the spirit of any human individual, or of any body of
men, but the Spirit of God himself, as directly and really as the
Word became manifest in Christ.
To accept and believe these announcements of Christ and this
teaching of His Apostles, as the revelation of divine truth, this,
and this alone, forms the doctrinal test of the Apostolical age,
and is signified by the baptismal pledge being connected with the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. To take this pledge,
after having been instructed in the " good message," and to
live accordingly as a member of the congregation of believers,
is the paramount and universal test of fellowship with Christ.
Those who accept this Biblical statement, who profess this
belief before the congregation, and who lead a Christian
life accordingly, may freely reason and speculate upon the
connection of Father, Son, and Spirit, with dialectical thought
and metaphysical analysis. They will do so successfully,
according to the view of the apostolical age, in the same mea-
sure as they are good interpreters and philosophers. But no
such philosophical system is considered as a test of churchman-
ship, of communion with Christ. The creed of the Churches,
the baptismal pledge, is substantially nothing but the response to
POST-APOSTOLICAL PHASES OF CHRISTIANITY. 259
the formulary of immersion (St. Matthew, xxviii.). Whoever
admits and professes the Father, the Son, and the Spirit, in the
words of that apostolical tradition respecting them which is
contained in the Bible, is an orthodox Christian; whoever
teaches it is an apostolical teacher ; and all Churches which
exhibit and realize that statement are apostolical Churches.
For the Apostles taught and knew this much, and nothing more
than, or different from it.
Thus far the Fathers and Churches of the second and third
centuries are unanimous and apostolical ; and this faith, and this
liberty, constitute their importance to us. But beyond that
simple and grand faith, and beyond this truly Christian principle
of liberty, they neither pretend to apostolic perfection and au-
thority, nor do they indeed exhibit a perfectly sound and com-
plete development.
In their theological reasonings on the Father, the Son, and
the Spirit, the men of the second and third centuries evidently
do not distinguish sufficiently between the statement of the
Bible (as it were, the historical element) and the speculative, or
philosophical, element. Nor do they always distinguish, with
sufficient clearness, between what belongs to the ontological
Triad which is the self-consciousness of God of Himself within
Himself, and the demiurgic Triad which is the manifestation of
the divine mind in the Finite, or God, Man, Humanity. Lastly,
they do not attend sufficiently to the difference between the
Eternal thought of the finite manifestation, and its realization in
time and space. Now, as remarked above, any confusion of
this sort must lead to contradictions and erroneous formulas.
If the historical element be not scrupulously sifted, philosophy
will be found to be based upon a delusion. Every real fact is fit
to become the object of speculation, for reality itself is nothing
but the realisation of thought, and thought is the object of
speculation. Philosophizing on a fact involved in mythicism is
like the reasoning on the sea-serpent, or on the imaginary
a 2
260 PRINCIPLE OP DEVELOPMENT IN THE
curves of the supposed orbits of ancient astronomy. All Chris-
tian speculation, therefore, on anything but the historical Christ,
the true Man, must lead to something monstrous, although it
may embody great and profound ideas.
Again : any speculation confounding the ontological elements,
or the philosophy of the divine nature, considered in itself, and
the demiurgic elements, or the philosophy of the principles of
the existence of the world, (the physical and the intellectual
Kosmos,) can aspire to no higher triumph than the most com-
plete and consistent accumulation of contradictions, and prove
nothing but that the method employed is wrong.
The final cause of this fatal failure was the absence of national
life, which, between national immorality and selfishness on the one
hand, and military and police despotism on the other, had become
extinct. During Christ's short life on earth, man became indi-
vidually divinized in Him and through Him: the divinized human
family arose in the first century out of concubinage, libertinism,
and slavery : the divinized commonwealth was foreshadowed by
thefree Christian parish, emerging, in the second and third, out of
slavish government, political and sacerdotal, by means of free con-
stitutional Episcopacy, and passing through a fiery ordeal of bloody
persecution and inhuman cruelty and oppression. Now the
Church was in travail for bringing forth the Christian state :
there was an empire opening for her, but without a nation, and
she brought forth the accursed twins of imperial despotism, with
its aides-de-camp and court intrigues, and hierarchical despotism,
with its hierurgic scale of usurped authority, working itself up,
by fatal necessity, from priestly power to episcopal ascendancy,
and from this to the decrees of the Councils, and finally
the ordinances of the absolute Pope.
Since these formulas contain much evangelical truth, howev*
imperfectly expressed, they may, if it be done freely and with-
out constraint, have a disciplinary authority in a given Church,
as commanding a respectful consideration in the schools of
vinity, in a historical point of view.
POST-APOSTOLICAL PHASES OF CHRISTIANITY. 261
The incipient defects in the method both of interpretation and
of reasoning, in the second and third centuries became fatal
absurdities. Scriptural facts, as well as scriptural divinity, were
lost more and more in abstract notions, the hybrid offspring
of unsifted facts and of speculations mixed up with heteroge-
neous elements. What rendered these defects fatal to Christi-
anity was the circumstance of the doctrinal expressions on this
subject being raised into tests of churchmanship, and imperial
despotism being made the means of enforcing them.
In this respect the difference between the age of Hippolytus
and the time of the Councils is immense ; the freer formulas of
the former age become, relatively, commendable, and cannot be
considered as imperfect Nicaeanism and incomplete Councilism.
This difference is of a twofold character, both as regards the
contents of the formulas, and from the circumstance of Episcopal
Christianity making these formulas doctrinal tests, whereas in
the above age they possessed, at the utmost, a disciplinary and
scholastic, not a dogmatic and exclusive authority.
8 3
2G2 PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE
SECOND CHAPTER.
THE COUNCILS AND THE POPES, OR THE BYZANTINE AND PAPAL
CHURCHES.
THE fourth century, or the Constantinian and Theodosian Church,
began to formulize the Christian faith with both these imper-
fections. The seventh century presented the complete system
of a Christology which was without the historical Christ, and of a
Pneumatology which was without the Spirit. The climax of the
profound confusion into which the human mind was thrown by the
combined power of one-sided and unmethodical speculation, of
hierarchical intrigue and of Byzantine Imperialism, is exhibited
in the so-called Athanasian Creed.
The hierarchy invented one other act fully as wicked or foolish,
in addition to that formulary, by appending to it the clause that
whosoever does not hold the faith expressed in it is to be ex-
cluded eternally from that salvation which Christ came to offer
to all who believed his simple and intelligible teaching and fol-
lowed his holy life.
POST-APOSTOLICAL PHASES OF CHRISTIANITY.
THIRD CHAPTER.
THE MEDLEVAL PHAS1S AND THE APPRENTICESHIP OP THE
GERMANIC MIND.
ANCIENT Rome and Byzantium both died of Christianity, the
one by persecuting it as its mortal foe, the other by attempting
to confiscate it for the benefit of imperial and hierarchical
despotism.
Christian Byzantium condemned itself to a slow but certain
death by reducing the living Christian ideas to dead formalism,
and a holy individual life to external discipline, invented for and
by monks ; and by substituting for the Christian people, for
whom Christ had died, the absolute emperor and the imperial
court, worthy successors of those who had crucified Him.
Christian Rome survived, both by traditional influence and
practical wisdom, and through the instrumentality of a young
and aspiring, barbarous, but fresh and noble nationality.
The Germanic tribes were the first race which was touched
by Christianity in its youthful freshness. The Teutonic mind,
in its primitive age, searched with deep earnestness and pro-
phetic religious consciousness into the mystery of the intellectual
universe, as the Edda attests. Their primitive poetry was
heroic ; their speculations were lesscosmogonical than the Greek
and Indian. They were directed chiefly towards the distant
future : so was their destiny. After they had overturned the
Roman Empire and subdued the Celtic tribes, they grew up
under Christianity. Never had a noble nation more noble task-
masters, Christianity and the Romanic nations. But an ap-
6 4
264 PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE
prenticeship it was, and a long one, this Germanic life in the
middle ages ; a period which national vanity and romanticism
have considered, and to a certain degree still consider, essen-
tially and originally Germanic, whereas the Romanic was the
leading spirit of civilization, in language and religion, as well as
in politics, arts, and speculation. The first thought and the
best application were Romanic. The Germanic tribes received
the Christianity of the Councils, ready made, from a close
Roman and Romanic caste of priests. They struggled hard
against it. Their genius was neither Alexandrian and Athana-
sian, nor Roman. Having finally accepted the doctrinal and
hierarchical system, the tribe of the Franks, which had made
the Romanized Gauls France, assisted the Romanic mind to
form a philosophical system out of darkened records and con-
fused rites. This scholastic system was based upon conventional
assumptions, and centred more and more in the hierarchical
government of Rome. The real Germanic genius was passive,
although not inert, in this scholastic canonization of misunder-
stood rites and materialized ideas of primitive Christianity.
This apprenticeship, during which the popular poetry alone
kept up, and the spirituality of individual devotion alone repre-
sented, the original nationality, lasted one thousand years.
It was only towards the end of these thirty generations, that
the German mind, in the persons of the " Friends of God "
(Gottesfreunde), partly laymen, partly priests, the Dominican
friars, Eckart, Suso, Tauler, and the anonymous warden of the
Teutonic order, the author of the " German Theology," spoke
out the first great word about real Christianity since the days of
the Apostles. This event happened soon after the Free Cities
had reproduced the old Germanic nationality by divesting it
of its feudal disguise, and about the same time that Dante's
" Divina Commedia," and " Reineke the Fox," sounded, al-
though in very different tones, the death-bell of mediaeval Chris-
tianity. Dante, the Romanic prophet, did so by cpici/ing its
POST-APOSTOLICAL PHASES OF CHRISTIANITY. 265
ideality, and by thus showing unintentionally the conventionality
in the combination of facts and ideas, and intentionally, the
inadequacy of the reality to the idea : Reineke, the organ of the
popular Germanic mind, by satirizing its reality, and holding up
to contempt, under the form of a fiction, the hollowness and
hypocrisy of the social mediaeval system.
The motto of that German school was, that, however much
historical Christianity is to be believed, and however much rites
ought to be devotionally performed, real religion consists neither
in assenting to the one nor in practising the other, but that
Christianity centres in man's innate God-consciousness, and its
practice in man divesting himself, Christ-like, of the selfish prin-
ciple, and making that life and death of thankful sacrifice his own,
and thus manifesting the Christ within us. No sin but selfishness,
and all selfishness sin, may be said to have been their practical
motto : God not without Man, and Man not without God, their
speculative creed.
266 PRINCIPLE OF DEVELOPMENT IN THE
FOURTH CHAPTER.
THE REFORMATION, AND THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL MOVEMENT OF
THE ROMANIC NATIONS.
THE idea of the spiritual Germanic schoolmen is the deep
metaphysical and ethical foundation of the work of the Refor-
mation, which began six generations after Eckart. The deed and
practical thoughtwere Luther's, but all the genuine spiritual phi-
losophy which was in him can be traced to the men of the four-
teenth century. Luther (in that respect a true medieval German
himself!) placed St. Augustine, the father of the Romanic philo-
sophy of religion, and the founder of scholasticism, above, or at
least on an equality with, the " Friends of God : " but Tauler
and the " German Theology " in particular were undoubtedly
his most enlightened human guides. Calvin was devoid of that
element of positive and intuitive religious consciousness. His
mind was throughout a reflective and a political one. Specu-
lating one-sidedly and conventionally, although with Romanic
acuteness and French precision, on the Divine foreknowledge,
he produced a system in which the impartial philosopher can
only see the distortion of a reBecting mind of the deepest ethical
earnestness, overpowered by the logical consequences of Divine
necessity, and untouched in this reflection by the central thought
of Christianity, eternal Love.
The dogmatists among the followers and friends of Luther,
although highly respectable, learned, and rigorously pious men,
were as devoid of all deep philosophy, as they were of a sound
feeling of living Christianity. They mistook divinity for religion,
and conventional formalism for divinity.
POST-APOSTOLICAL PHASES OF CHRISTIANITY. 2G7
The seventeenth century fell back into scholasticism, deprived
of most of its depth, and as much alienated from the philosophy
of the primitive Church, as it was from the medieval system.
The consequence was, that the national spirit, wherever it could
act, withdrew in disgust from theological controversies. The
nations left divines to their narrow and exclusive systems, except
in so far as they were connected with their national existence,
and endeavoured to secure for themselves civil liberty, more
fiercely than ever attacked by the despotism of three dynasties,
and by papal encroachment. A war of extermination was
waged : the Germanic nations came out of it in a state of deep
exhaustion : Germany in ruins. One honest man arose at the
end of the struggle ; he was a Jew, was held to be an atheist,
and had an unhistorical mind. One spiritual sect arose in the
same terrible period ; it was a Society which, after having
spiritualized the form, formalized its own spiritual negation of
form, and consequently never became national. Still it ex-
hibits vitality in every great national crisis, and lives to see the
triumph of those ideas of truly practical Christianity, and of the
Christian dignity and liberty of man, for which its fathers
became martyrs in the old world, and apostles in the new.
The philosophy of Spinoza, still more than the diplomatic
idealism of Leibnitz, prepared the way for the restoration of
philosophy on religion and on Christianity in particular, by
Kant and Lessing, as the Society of Friends did for political
discussions and movements. Between these two periods — the
end of the seventeenth and the end of the eighteenth century
—the Moravian Brethren, and John "Wesley their disciple, had
shown to the despairing world and to the dissolute or impotent
Churches, what real living Christianity is, and to the reflect-
Christian people how little of that effective Christianity
\\cts contained in national establishments and their crippled
machinery.
\Vith tlie great Romanic Revolution a struggle for life and
268 PRINCIPLE OF POST-APOSTOLICAL DEVELOPMENT.
death commenced ; we are in the midst of it. Romanicism is
vainly endeavouring to obtain political liberty by an imitation
of Germanic forms, coupled with anti-Germanic centralization.
It still more vainly fancies that it is possible to regenerate
society without regenerating its morals, and to restore na-
tional religion without faith, or faith without moral refor-
mation. The Germanic nations have, more or less, been
drawn into this struggle. The social sins of the higher
and middle classes have made the political agitation a social
one. Socialism and Imperialism are combined to crush
Liberty: Atheism and Superstition to destroy Religion. But
the principle of the movement is not to be ruined by abuse, nor
to be set at rest by force. Civil liberty has been asserted, first
by the struggle of the Germanic race for liberty of conscience,
afterwards by the efforts of the Romanic nations for national
freedom. Both principles are too firmly established to perish
in the civilized world. Still they are only the groundwork, the
formal conditions, of the great regenerating process of recon-
struction. The divine figure of Christ alone stands preeminent,
and rises majestically over the ruins of the greatest social fabric
which the world has ever seen — the shattered house of the great
European Christian family.
FIFTH SECTION,
RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT.
RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT.
INTRODUCTION.
THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH, AND THE BYZANTINE, SCHOLASTIC, AND
TRIDENTINE SYSTEMS.
FROM the day of the first Christian Pentecost, the human
race lives in the age of the Spirit. This age stands upon the
foundation of Christ and of His life, the only perfect, the only
sinless, personal manifestation of the centre of the Infinite,
which is Love. Yet, of the three articles of faith, the third,
that of the Spirit, has hitherto received the least develop-
ment. This development can only be founded permanently on
the realities of social life, which are but three : the family,
the nation, the human race. The ancient Church hallowed the
first, narrowest circle, domestic life. As to the civil community,
it only prepared the regenerated municipal system by the reli-
gious community, the parish, and foreshadowed the constitutional
State by the constitutional Church. But its great definitive act
was the new sanctification of marriage, as the symbol of the
union between Christ and the Church, and the regeneration
of the family, as the image of renewed humanity.
Between the family and humanity and the national life there
no real and permanent social relation. But a conventional
link exists, a temporary, although highly important one : the
272 RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT.
Corporation and the Caste. The expression of this provisional
incorporation of the community of Life in God through Christ
is the Priest-Church, or the Sacerdotal Church. In the politi-
cal sphere it corresponds to dynastic dictatorship, which, in less
noble or effete nations, becomes deified despotism. The ne-
cessity of the sacerdotal system arose from the absence of
nations and national life. The existence of nations requires
National Churches. These are superior to Sacerdotal Churches
as standing upon a more solid basis of reality, but they require
organic international communion to maintain the spirit of
Catholicity.
The last word of God in history is not nationality, but
Humanity, the substratum of universality. All united life is
an incorporation of divine life in human life. Christian social
life is, therefore, the social incorporation of Christ. This incor-
poration is real, in so far as the human is really elevated into
the divine life, and this reality is parallel to the incarnation in
the individual person of Christ. All nations are but members
of that great and progressing divine incorporation which we
call Humanity, and this is philosophically what is called, in
Semiticism, the mystical Body of Christ. This body grows,
this incorporation or embodiment advances, by the perpetual,
never ceasing, never interrupted realization of Spirit. This
realization is an appropriation of the divine substance by
abandoning the selfish principle, by the sacrifice of Self in
life for man as for a brother, for humanity as for God's image.
Christian worship has no other spiritual centre, but the adoring
expression and solemn vow of this ever-progressing divine life
of thankful, loving humanity. In this sacrifice, Christ, as He
was the Author and the Ideal, so is He everlastingly the Media-
tor, or High Priest.
Such was in reality the fundamental view of the time in
which Hippolytus lived, and of the whole Apostolic age,'
In very truth, no one can thoroughly understand that
RETROSPECT AND PROSPECT. 273
age, who approaches it with mediaeval theology and scholastic
assumptions, or with the formularies of the Tridentine decrees.
It' Hippolytus and his age be not orthodox, who is? For
the Nicene and Tridentine Councils claim infallibility and im-
plicit acknowledgment of their authority, as being themselves
sxpressions of that earliest and primitive Catholicity. But, if
Hippolytus and his age be orthodox, what can the later
Churches be, but, at best, conventionally orthodox ? For to
that their formulas and institutions proceed from the reli-
gious consciousness of the ancient Church, is irreconcilable with
historical truth.
This view must be carried out impartially by the philosopher.
Certainly, if Hippolytus, and the age which he represents, be
>tolical, and if the Athanasian system be only conventionally
connected with that age and with those which preceded it, the
mediaeval system, carried to its logical and practical absolute
conclusions, is untenable. But, if so, the doctrinal work of the
Reformation of the sixteenth century, concerning Christ and
the Spirit, must also be revised, and the dogmatical and
ecclesiastical superstructure of the seventeenth century must
be demolished, in order to enable the Christian people who
are reformers, and not revolutionists, to rebuild their house
upon better foundations, and to restore a living intercommunion
with the Apostolic Church and the self-consciousness of Christ
Himself.
VOL. II.
274 ANTAGONISMS BETWEEN THE REFORMATION
FIRST CHAPTER.
ANTAGONISMS BETWEEN THE REFORMATION AND THE SEVENTEENTH
CENTURY.
THE antagonism between the Reformation and the mediaeval
Church is irreconcilable : not only because mediaeval Catholicity
has in the course of ages, and particularly through the Council of
Trent, identified itself with Romanism : not only because Rome
has constituted herself an absolute and infallible oracle, and be-
cause Romanism has finally identified itself with Jesuitism : not
only because Jesuitism aspires to a monopoly of instruction and
judgment upon science, and to the restoration of supreme hier-
archical sovereignty over nations and governments. The real
antagonism exists in respect of the early Greek as well as the
mediaeval Latin Church ; the inmost principles of these Churches
make it inevitable. First: the Reformation rejects the priest-
hood, both as holding a mediating office, and as governing the
Church, or the spiritual community of the faithful. It rejects
any infallible authority for making truth, whether as to the
historical or the philosophical elements of Scripture ; and these,
as we have seen, cannot be separated entirely in the records. It
thus leaves, as supreme judges of truth, under the paramount
authority of the Sacred Code, first, the conscience of the self-
responsible individual, and then the duly given and freely
accepted verdict of the Christian community, represented by an
assembly which must include both ministers and laymen. There
is no tenable position between the Tridentine Council and this
principle. Secondly : the Reformation, with divine instinct and
innate consciousness of God, established as a guide and support
AND THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
for the conscience of the believers, by the side of the normal
authority of Scripture, the principle of moral self-responsibility ;
a principle which in Semitic language is called "Justification
by Faith and by Faith alone."
These are the antagonisms of the reformed Churches with
respect to the medieval Churches. But there are also internal
antagonisms in the reformed Churches themselves, contradictions
between the principle of the Reformation and its logical conse-
quences, on the one side, and the formularies and ecclesiastical
institutions of the seventeenth century, on the other.
The^;-^ internal contradiction consists in this. The Reforma-
tion appealed to Scripture alone, and accepted only with a
general reserve the Creeds of the Councils. This was instinc-
tively right, as meaning originally, by that reserve, nothing
more than that the Protestant Church has that faith in the
Christian spirit, that there is no contradiction between the spirit
of those Creeds, taken as a defence against the real or supposed
errors of the day, and the Sacred Record spiritually interpreted.
The Reformation accepted in a similar way Pedobaptism, al-
though its leaders were more or less aware that it was neither
Scriptural or Apostolic. But they felt that, if followed in
mature age by Christian education, and by a spontaneous pro-
fession of faith, as the essential act of the individual, it was no
longer in contradiction with the spirit, although it might be
with the letter, of Scripture. The German Reformers, in par-
ticular, took this view in the bright days of Protestantism.
They never meant to idolize articles, much less rubrics. The
imperfect liturgical formularies which they revised imperfectly,
v-ere considered by them as purely provisional. Still less did
the: English Reformers do so. Thus qualified, the reception of
c formularies could be justified, and the Churches could
t with them. But as soon as orthodoxy demanded their
recognition as absolute truth, it signed its own death warrant.
For the letter of the Creeds does not agree, and never can be
x2
276 ANTAGONISMS BETWEEN THE REFORMATION
|^
made to agree, either with Scripture or with the consciousness
of the ancient Church : and Scripture cannot be invoked, even
for what sprung out of it by the agency of the Spirit which it
teaches, but does not forestal. Such, at least, has been the judg-
ment of the most consciencious inquirers, and this judgment is
confirmed by the lameness of the arguments brought forward
on the other side. Bibliolatry, because irreconcilable with
the historical conscience, became fully as great a nuisance as
the idolatry of priestly authority and its decrees.
The second antagonism is this. The Reformation appealed to
Christian reason, but Protestant orthodoxy considered reason as
inconsistent with revelation, and declared it heretical, whenever
reason condemned arbitrary acts ; and with equal contradiction
it rejected philosophy, bidding it speak Semitic, which it never
had done, and never could do.
The third antagonism is this. The Reformation appealed to the
universal conscience, and therefore, first of all, to the moral and
religious conscience of the body politic in which it acted. Now
such a conscience exists only under the aegis of civil liberty, as
founded upon the sovereignty of reason and law over tyranny
and material force. But everywhere, with the exception of
some small countries, the hierarchical body remained indifferent
to the application of reformed Christianity to the reform of civil
society, and often assisted despotism on principle, by preaching
a one-sided divine right of princes, inferior only to their own.
The fourth antagonism is this. The Reformation proclaimed
that the totality of the believers, and not the clergy alone, is the
Church ; but it left the power of making laws, and giving judg-
ment in the Church, either to the priests or to the temporal
power. A Church where the people, organized congregationally
and synodically, takes no part in such regulations, and, espe-
cially, in the appointment and judgment of their ministers, is
not a Protestant Church, but remains so far unreformed, and
either relapses into a Priest-Church or becomes a State-Church.
AND THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 277
It has only to choose between Jesuitical Rome, or Russianized
Byzantium, Pope or Czar.
With these four great antogonisms the eighteenth century
drew near its close amidst those great political events and social
revolutions in the Romanic world, which have now lasted more
than sixty years without having come to a final solution. On
the contrary, the revolutionary movement is breaking up deeper
and deeper strata. The religious question lies at the bottom, as
the deepest stratum, and, if there be a regeneration possible,
religion, that is to say Christianity, will be the fundamental
element of a new and a better and durable social order.
278 ANTAGONISMS BETWEEN APOSTOLIC CHRISTIANITY
SECOND CHAPTER.
ANTAGONISMS BETWEEN APOSTOLIC CHRISTIANITY AND THE SYSTEM
OF THE REFORMED CHURCHES.
IF the consciousness of the mediaeval Church in worship, as
developed in the mediaeval Church, and sanctioned by the Triden-
tine decree on the propitiatory sacrifice of Christ in the Mass, be
incompatible with the original idea of the Christian sacrifice,
that system cannot stand when attacked by the present arms
of reason, erudition, and criticism. Neither can that system
stand unreformed which was at first provisionally established
by the reformers, and then reduced to a stereotyped dogmatical
system by the orthodox divines of the seventeenth century.
For it is less true in its positive, than in its negative part. It
does not express, much less develop, the Apostolic idea of the
Christian self-sacrifice, as the real sacrifice of thanksgiving in
the Spirit of Christ ; and it moves, against its will, within that
very magic circle of mediaeval confusion and scholastic fiction
which the Reformation strove to break through. And what
shall be said of the rest of its Sacramental doctrine? The
theories respecting Pedobaptism, according to any of those sys-
tems, would be perfectly unintelligible to the ancient Churches,
and cannot be brought into harmony with their consciousness
and monuments, except by fictions and conventionalities.
These fictions and conventionalities, however, are required for
our own age, which, it cannot be denied, prove on the whole
inefficacious and insufficient, and not satisfactory to the public
conscience. Those who demur to this, evince as much
AND THE REFORMED CHURCH SYSTEMS.
ignorance of the real state of the world as of the nature of
Christianity.
If it be true that the ancient Church is no Priest-Church,
the Canon Law of Rome, being simply the law of an abso-
lutely governing corporation of priests called the Hierarchy,,
and based not only upon mistakes and all sorts of metastatic
misunderstandings, but upon forgeries and impositions, it must
fall to the ground, together with every hierarchical system raised
upon such a foundation. If so, what is the philosopher of
Church history to say of Churches in which the Christian people,
that is to say, all the non-clerical members of any congregation,
have, as such, no right to take part in the nomination of their
pastors, no synodic action, no legal control and power of
judgment in synods or by synodical tribunals? The antagonism
of spiritual power and of temporal power, of Church and State, in
the old sense, upon which the abettors of Priest-Churches continue
to harp, is gone. It is not Cesar and the Supremacy of the State
(whether acting by decrees of absolute princes, or by parlia-
mentary laws) which are invoked against the sacerdotal claims,
but the right of the Christian people, not in their individual and
private capacity, but organized congregationally and synodically.
As soon as the words, Christian People, Christian Nation, Chris-
tian Synods, are substituted for State, or Prince, or Consistorial
Courts, the charm of priestly pretensions to government is broken,
and broken for ever. These sacerdotal claims are victorious in
noble minds and ages against a temporal co-usurper of Church
government, against an opposition co-dictatorship of the State,
but they are utterly impotent against the roused religious con-
science of the people. What, then, becomes of purely Episcopal
'>ds? What of the claim to more than at veto, constitutionally
:ied, for the Bishop? What of the pretension to grant one-
sidedly ("octroyer") rights infinitely older than their claims?
What is there of Apostolic in this? What is there that is not
contrary to Apostolicity?
T 4
280 RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY,
THIRD CHAPTER.
RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, AND THE SECOND REFORMATION.
CHRISTIANITY was not born irrational, but divinely rational;
not slavish, but free; and a consistent criticism of the Evan-
gelical and Apostolical records does not show that the glorious
building of the Church was founded upon coals, supposed to be
gold, or upon sand, supposed to be rock, but it certainly does
prove that it was erected on too contracted a scale, both for its
divine founder and for humanity, to last for ever. The Apostolic
and ancient Church is no more absolutely normal than any other ;
still it bears not only negative, but most positive evidence, of
the comforting fact, that it agrees in all essential points with
that which philosophical and historical criticism of Christianity
must call the truth. Thus the modern critical and historical
school (in which I do not mean to include the theology of
Tubingen and the philosophy of Young- Hegelianism, in their
peculiar negative and sometimes destructive views) has not found
in Christianity less truth than its predecessors did, but more ; and
it must and will conclude, not by weakening, but by strengthen-
ing, Christianity. In j udging its development and errings, it must
not be forgotten, that the critical school of Germany found Chris-
tianity almost abandoned in the conscience of mankind, except as
regards some good moral truths or a few solemn rites. It is a his-
torical fact, that it has kindled a light both in the history and in
the philosophy of Christianity, and shown a pow.er of life in
Scripture, of which the former irrational method had no idea,
any more than the magician has of spirituality, or the fabulist
AND THE SECOND REFORMATION. 281
of history. What would have been the consequence, if the sub-
ject had been taken up by the whole of Christian Europe?
Christianity proves itself to be the religion of the world, by
its power of surviving the inherent crises of development through
which it has had to pass. The other historical proof is no less
strong : that it has been able to bear a degree of political liberty
unparalleled in the history of the world. No Athenian states-
man, still less any Roman, would have believed it possible that
the Temple, the House of the Divinity, could without profana-
tion be thrown open to the worshipping people. No Jew would
ever have imagined that religion could exist without a sanctuary,
that there would be no Holy of Holies, beyond that which
centres 'in the union of adoring souls ; indeed, that the real
Temple of God was to be the living Church, the faithful people.
In the same manner neither St. Augustine nor St. Jerome would
have thought it possible that Christianity could support contro-
versy without anathemas, and Christian constitutions without
religious exclusion and intolerance ; or that an independent
European literature could withstand public opinion and a free
press without falling into unbelief or indifference.
But the strongest, the most convincing proof as to the past, and
the only one which guarantees the future, is, that the Christian
religion appears in the mind of its author as capable of infinite
expansion. It presents in the records of His consciousness of
Himself and of His divine nature, in the writings of the Apostles
and their disciples, and in the whole development of the Apos-
tolic system, the harmonious completeness of the only three not
conventional factors which exist in the world : GOD, MAN,
MANKIND.
Neither Paganism nor Judaism could effect such a harmony ;
they both produced the very opposite of what they were intended
to exhibit Hellenism, the highest form of the religions of nature,
or of Paganism, had lost the consciousness of the divine Unity,
by the variety of the ideals of humanity which it had embodied
RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY,
in God-men or Men-gods ; it had moreover lost the consciousness
of humanity, by its very eminent humanization of nationality;
and, lastly, the consciousness of the free agency of the mind
over the sensual appetite, by its idolatry of divinized nature. Its
apotheosis of man and of his godlike creative power was visited
upon it by the apotheosis of an emperor, and of his blasphemous
omnipotence, to which it was obliged to do homage. Judaism had
adhered faithfully to that First Cause, obscured in the Hellenic
consciousness ; but the bondage of the Law and of its cere-
monial usages had darkened its original spirit, and finally erected
an insurmountable absolute barrier between God and Man, and
thus between the Infinite and the Finite, Thought and per-
sonal Realization.
The belief in Incarnation is the full acknowledgment of the
Hellenic idea of heroic dignity, divested of the fetters of physical
necessity and fable. The Christian idea of incarnation appears,
in St. John and in St. Paul, entirely independent of any preter-
natural procreation. The philosophical, or infinite, factor, is
the principal, and may be the original.
The consciousness of Christ of Himself and His expressions
upon that head (in chapters ii. viii. and xiv. of the Gospel of St.
John) form the divine and historical groundwork for the meta-
physical exposition contained in the words of the Prologue. This
is the indestructible basis, inaccessible to any doubts of historical
criticism, of the Christian doctrine of the Son, and of the whole
second article of our faith. His life and death of self-devotion
for mankind as His brethren, and as children of God, are the
historical seal of that grand revelation.
The revelation which forms the basis of the third article
centres originally in Christ's announcement of the Spirit, as
teaching the mysteries of God, and explaining and maintaining
His own doctrine to the end of all things. Its first great and
wonderful manifestation and realization was the divine impulse
which inspired one hundred and twenty believers, men and
AND THE SECOND REFORMATION. 283
women, Palestinian and foreign Jews, assembled at Jerusalem
on the first Christian Pentecost, to burst out in the praise of
God, not expressed in ritual formularies, nor in the extinct
sacred language, but in the living tongues of the earth, which,
on that day, became the organs of inward divine life and
adoration.
Judaism died of having given birth to Him who proclaimed
the Spirit of the Law. Hellenism met Christianity by its innate
consciousness of the incarnation, and then died ; surviving only
by eternal thought and imperishable art. Romanism taught
young Christianity to regulate the Spirit in its application to
the concerns of human society; when, after it became powerful,
it taught a religious corporation to resist a despotic and corrupt
court, and to civilize barbarians.
%.
The nations of the present day require not less religion, but
more. They do not wish for less communion with the apostolic
times, but for more ; but, above all, they want their wounds
healed by a Christianity showing a life-renewing vitality, allied to
the reason and conscience, and ready and able to reform the social
relations of life, beginning with the domestic, and culminating
in the political. They do not want negations, but positive re-
construction ; not conventionality, but an honest bond fide foun-
dation, as deep as the human mind, and a superstructure, as
free anal organic as nature. In the meantime let no national
form be enforced as identical with divine truth ; let no dogmatic
formula oppress the conscience and reason ; let no corporation of
priests, no set of dogmatists, sow discord and hatred in the sacred
communities of domestic and national life. This end cannot be
attained without national efforts, Christian education, free insti-
tutions, and social reforms. When these shall have been made,
no /c-iil will be called Christian which is not hallowed by charity,
no faith Christian which is not sanctioned by reason.
As to the future destinies of the world, the present civilization
of Europe may perish ; the nations who have created it may make
284 RELIGION, PHILOSOPHY, SECOND REFORMATION.
way for new nationalities, as the Celtic element in Ireland is
now visibly doing for the Germanic ; but the holy longing of
the human mind for seeing truth realized over the earth, will be
satisfied sooner or later. The whole world will be Japhetized,
which, in religious matters, means now pre-eminently, that it
must be Christianized by the agency of the Teutonic element.
Japhet holds the torch of light to kindle the heavenly fire in all
the other families of the one, undivided and indivisible human
race. Christianity at this moment enlightens a small por-
tion of the globe; it cannot, however, remain stationary, but
will advance, and is already advancing, triumphantly over the
whole earth, in the name of Christ, and in the light of th<
Spirit.
CONCLUSION.
PROSPECTS OF SCRIPTURAL, SPIRITUAL, AND FREE
CHRISTIANITY,
AND
THE TRUE MTLLENNAEIANISM OF OUR TIMES.
THE
PROSPECTS OF SCRIPTURAL, SPIRITUAL, AND
FREE CHRISTIANITY,
AND THE
TRUE MILLENARIANISM OF OUR TIMES.
INTRODUCTION.
CHRISTIANITY stands or falls with the person of Christ, as
represented in the Gospels. If the account of his life were not
historically so true, that it must be believed on evidence, or if,
critically examined, it presented only the highest and purest
instance of religious delusion, the superstructure, whether
apostolic or gnostic, would be, at best, only a half-poetical,
half-political shell, constructed out of a more or less conven-
tional combination of facts and of thought, and concealing a myth
beneath the surface. Were that the case, all that we call Christian
religion would exist but upon sufferance, and be to us and to
future civilized ages only an unavoidable evil, or a conventional
vehicle for conveying moral ideas, and enjoining social duties.
But, supposing this point to be settled satisfactorily, a mere
admission of the historical truth of Christianity cannot make us
Christian believers. Christ and Christianity may be an object of
irical belief without being an object of faith. Faith, as the
tolic writer remarked, is, above all, a belief in the reality of
the invisible world, and can no more be built upon a mere his-
torical fact than it can upon a myth or a legend. Christ, to be an
object of Faith, must be more than an historical model-man, com*
inanding our respect: that which He was, and was conscious of
288 PROSPECTS OF SCRIPTURAL,
being, must be eternally, divinely connected with our own
nature, as the soul is with God, so as to be blended with our
highest religious aspirations, independent of all histories.
The best way to prove that this is really the case would be, to
make the Life of Christ Himself, and the religious Life of
Humanity in Universal History, the object of truly historical and
philosophical investigation. Neither of these has hitherto been
done, or even attempted. But, addressing as 1 do religiously
disposed and thinking readers, I may assume that they assent
in two great points to the propositions from which I start. First,
that, wherever we examine its history frankly and boldly, we
find that Christianity was born rational and free, and has
been made conventional and unfree, partly by misunderstandings,
partly from external motives. Secondly, that, wherever we
compare its realization with Christ's intentions, Christianity, far
from being exhausted and having outlived itself, has evidently
become less effectual in European Society, because that
character of universality and eternal thought, which manifests
itself in Christ's person, and in His consciousness of Himself,
has not been sufficiently understood, and faithfully realized.
The germs deposited in His life, and even those which were
planted expressly by His apostles, in the first Christian con-
gregations, have not been organically developed. After having
for more than a thousand years been crushed by Byzantine
formalism and Roman hierarchism, their offshoot in the age of
the Reformation was nipped in the bud, and their growth
stunted by the despotism of princes, the bigotry or selfishness of
priests, the debasing materialism of nations, and the godles
speculations of despairing philosophers.
Scripture as the code, the history of the Church and of
mankind as its commentary, and Universal Reason and Con-
science as the Supreme Tribunal, are the only realities which
remain to us, and the only hope for the future ages of the world.
Such was the aim of Christ's own teaching, such the inter-
SPIRITUAL, AND FREE CHRISTIANITY. 289
pretation by His disciples, such the predominating spirit of
ancient Christianity in the seven generations from Peter to
Origen, such the voice of the noblest and deepest minds in the
dark ages, such the solemn protest of the great apostolical men
and martyrs in the glorious period of the Reformation, such, in
the midst of persecution, of tyranny, and of wars, the yearning
f the most pious, learned, and enlightened men of the last
three centuries.
Such is at present the general longing of millions in the
nations from Europe to China.
This longing is observed and followed up by governments
and statesmen, by hierarchists and by philosophers, with an
(interest mixed with surprise and astonishment ; here with fear,
Ihere with hope ; here with embarrassed scepticism, there with
Whusiastic expectations. It is only the blind who see nothing,
md those who resolve to be deaf who hear nothing.
The religious mind of Europe is more than ever occupied
ith the future. As regards those who enter deeply into the
subject, we see them divided into two hostile camps ; and it is
the more necessary to look them in the face, because, for many
easons, the true views of each have either not been spoken out,
they have not hitherto found proper organs among the parties
hem selves.
[ beg to be allowed to state them without reserve, as they
ippcar to me.
I will call the one the philosophical, the other the millenna-
ian view.
The real meaning and purport of the philosophical view may
formulized thus, with regard to the views and prospects held
t in this work and in my Hippolytus.
Suppose you prove Christianity to be rational ; suppose you
trate Scriptural history to present an unparalleled mirror
the working of the spiritual element in mankind, and cspe-
ally in the great men and patriots of the Jews, from Abraham
n.
~90 PROSPECTS OF SCRIPTURAL,
to Jeremiah ; suppose, finally, that you convince people that what
Christ has revealed of the union of God and man, and of the
glorious destiny of mankind, is what the history of the world
and reason itself proves to be truth : have you asked yourself
honestly and clearly the last questions ? What is the Bible but
the most remarkable of books ? what is Christ, but the holiest
and wisest of men ? what is Christianity, but the most perfect and
popular philosophy ? But what will become of religion when there
is no more mystery ? what of the Church when knowledge is ge-
neral, and self-responsibility the universal principle ? Worship
will merge into philosophical meditation, the Church into the
State, the Christian congregations into some of the free asso-
ciations of national life. Be it for good or for evil, such is the
naked truth. Now one of these two things must happen : either
mankind can believe in God, and worship Him, and pray to Him
in Christ's name, being at the same time fully conscious of their
own divine nature ; can respect the Bible, although they dis-
tinguish between its letter and spirit ; and they will continue
Church life, although it will be only considered as a part of the
intellectual, social, and political life which engrosses their
thoughts : or the contrary of all this will take place. We believe
— and most thinking men, who, however, either do not wish or
venture to speak out, or who are not quite clear upon the point,
agree with us — that the latter will decidedly take place. The
poetry of human life, the sanctification of our existence, can
no longer have an objective form. The religious Iliad is closed.
Let us then worship God in the Universe, in Art and Science,
as honest Deists or Pantheists, and as good citizens ; and, if
an outward worship and religious discipline be necessary for social
purposes, or some strange instinct of human nature, let us cling
to that system of mediaeval hierarchy which is so intimately cor
nectcd with our history, our art and poetry, and, if not with 01
thoughts, at least with the imaginations of our children, wive
and sisters, and with the social requirements respecting Bii
and Death, Wedlock and Burial."
SPIRITUAL, AND FREE CHRISTIANITY. 291
The other view is generally stated thus:— "It is quite
useless to attempt any reform of the present desolate state of the
Christian Church and society, and preposterous to speak of its
prospects in this world of ours : there are signs of the times
announcing the second coming of Christ, Who has declared that at
the end of time, after a bloody struggle, and a divine judgment,
He will take the government into his own hands, to form a king-
dom of God on a new earth, and build up the new Jerusalem."
The one view is prevalent among the philosophical men and
higher classes of the Roman Catholic countries and populations ;
the other is especially current among the religious people in Eng-
land, Scotland, and the Eastern States of the American Union.
Each view, however, appears everywhere, in a great variety
>f forms. Jesuits and Puseyites act and teach as if the first,
the sceptical view, were the true one : the German philosophers
are all millennarians ; few of them believe in positive Chris-
tianity, and most of them look with contempt or pity upon the
English and American millennarians.
Both views appear, also, sometimes in a more or less strange
combination with each other. They have, indeed, much more in
common than would appear at first sight. The one view certainly
s preponderatingly an unbelieving, the other a believing one.
There is much reason and philosophy in the first, and much
oily, ignorance, and delusion in the second. But while
there is not much belief in the first, there certainly is some-
thing of unbelief in the other. In one point they agree : they
both give up the present state of the world, at least in so far as
Bligious institutions are concerned ; and even, if one looks a
ttle deeper, in so far as regards the political and civil institutions
the present world. The prevailing element is despair as
what exists, either in politics or religion, or in both. A
•eboding of great organic changes pervades human society.
s despair and this foreboding existed, however, undeniably
ilso among the Apostles, and throughout ancient Christendom :
u 2
292 PROSPECTS OF SCRIPTURAL,
and still faith, tested by a self-denying life and by martyrdom,
co-existed with it, and was not disappointed in reality. The
globe remained as it was, but the old world upon it perished —
a new world came. Christianity destroyed the one, and nursed
the other. Why should it not be so now ? There are signs
of corruption, of blindness, and delusions, both in governments
and nations, fully as fatal and enormous as in the time of Nero,
Domitian, Commodus, Caracalla, and Decius. In their time
despotism at least was not made into a system, and certainly did
not receive the sanction of Christianity. Liberty was not sought
by great masses as the means of plunder ; a bestial emancipation
of the individual was not preached as its gospel. If superstition
was idolized by crafty emperors, it was at least not in the name of
Christ and the Spirit. Systematic, crushing intolerance and per-
secution were not practised under Nero/ Christ could teach freely,
surrounded by multitudes. Scripture was not quoted, nor the
God of the Christians invoked, to sanction injustice. Promises
were broken, and oaths violated, but no divine right of princes
was claimed for doing so. There existed sorcerers and mounte-
banks, and slavery was legal ; but there were no Mormons in
the land of the Pilgrim fathers, and of Penn : and no law ren-
dered the manumission of slaves impossible to the master in the
Union founded by Washington upon the equality of men. The
salt of the earth was wanting, but it had not lost its savour. Mi-
racles, and warnings, and prophets were there: but have they
been wanting in the modern world, and in our days, both to
governments and to nations ? There were martyrs then, and
there have been martyrs for truth, without intermission, for
more than three hundred years. At the same time, the Spirit
of God evidently pervades society ; and great and wonderful
efforts are made in the name of Christ. All this looks very apo-
calyptic. May there not be, then, great folly in the apparent
wisdom of the philosophy of despair, and much wisdom lie hidden
in the hopes of millennarians ? may not their very delusions be
SPIRITUAL, AND FREE CHRISTIANITY. 293
tin- childish, unintelligent impressions received from a reality
which is surely approaching ?
I am convinced that this is so. I have no hesitation in
ing myself a millennarian. Certainly, my millennarian-
fers from what is popularly called so, and what I cannot
considering as a rude and inadequate, and, above all, an
Siptuial expression of the truth. I believe that great or-
anges are impending over European society- changes
ich will be accompanied by violent convulsions and bloody
truction wherever timely penitence has not led to sincere
ling reforms. But I believe also in Christ's word, that the
ient upon earth is left for ever unto Man, the Son of
»n, in that mankind, in which His Spirit is indwelling, inter-
the law of universal conscience as written in the Bible
* heart, and in history. I believe that man will have the
e reason as well as the same conscience, and the same organic
•tmcts, both of body and soul. He will therefore have the
nsciousness of evil and of sin, and the longing for the re-union
soul with God ; and prayer and sacrifice will not cease, but
,
thzed as Christ willed it. Nor will religious symbols be
ag, any more than language, the symbol of thought. But
nbols and words will be understood as such, and not identified
i reality. Man will know that He is a Priest and a Sacrifice
e person, and that there exists no longer any other priesthood
ifice, whether by nature or by law. Mysterious rites will
e mysterious as well as more sanctified, because the sub-
tlie mystery will not be in the elements of visible nature
outward gestures and words, but in the soul and in the life
fcuJ why is this to be so ? Exactly because this is what
t willed and predicted, and because the preparatory stages
>en gone through, and have been found ineffectual Chris
l«nity will exist in a more perfect form, because it can no longer
an imperfect one. Nothing can exist in a serious a-e
age of enquiry and progress, which is known by many
:-!M PROSPECTS OF SCRIPTURAL,
not to be true, and, if believed, is so only on outward authority,
or by a maddening disruption of man into a reasoning and a
believing being. A better state of society, founded upon a
higher view of religion and Christianity, will arise out of the
ruins of the old, because Christ has said so, and all prophets have
said so, and the eternal laws of the government of the world say
so. Men will worship God, because they respect the divine
nature in Him. They will humble themselves before Him, be-
cause they believe in the divine mystery of their own being and
destiny. They will venerate the Bible, because they will under-
stand it as a part of God's revelations in history, and as a mirror
of God's ways among mankind ; for these ways are the mystery
of mysteries, and the more we understand, the more we humbly
adore them.
In this sense I am a millennarian, as Christ was, and his
Apostles were, and the best among the ancient Fathers were.
As to the time of the end, I know nothing ; but I believe also
on this point what Christ said, that the Father alone knows it,
and that, if it cannot be found out by a rational and true inter-
pretation, still less can it be so by ignorance and delusion.
Nor is my millennarianism an accidental and isolated point of
my philosophical conviction and of my Christian faith : it is an
integral, organic, necessary part, both of my philosophical view
of universal history and of my theological belief. This is what
I purpose to show in a series of concluding propositions, destined
to express in clear, succinct, and popular sentences, with or
without short explanations, what I consider the truth respecting
the three great groups of practical questions, which are now
uppermost in the heads and hearts of men :
The Word of God, the Bible and Inspiration.
The Church and her Infallibility, her Sacrifice and
Sacraments.
Church and State, Man and Mankind, the Milli'imiioii
Eternal Life.
SPIRITUAL, AND FREE CHRISTIANITY. 295
I purposely abstain from entering again into the metaphysical
points which I have endeavoured to clear up in the beginning
of these outlines. I go straight to the last practical questions
which serious Christians and philosophers, the English in
particular, require to be answered. I know full well that an
author who attacks conventional opinions on which prejudices
and interests have been largely built, exposes himself to malig-,
nant attacks, mis-statements and misunderstandings, rather from
what he says, than from his maintaining with prudent reserve
complete silence upon such important questions. I cannot, how-
ever, see how such a reserve is to be justified, even on the purest
motives, if we consider the gravity of our times and the sacred-
ness of the public duty imposed on those who communicate their
convictions upon such momentous subjects. I would venture
to say, on my own behalf, after forty years of meditation and
reserve or silence, that I know in whom I believe, and that I
believe what I know and say. To those who are wedded to
contrary opinions, or are restrained by doubts and fears, I
wish the same internal conviction to which meditation and
study have led me upon religious subjects, and" the same peace
of mind which has resulted from that conviction.
I! 4
THIRTY THESES,
THIRTY THESES.
I.
God reveals, that is to say, manifests, Himself directly
to Mankind, by the Mind : this manifestation ad-
dresses itself to Man's rational Conscience, or to the
Consciousness of Truth and Goodness. This direct
manifestation is that of the Eternal Word or Keason,
and is the key to the indirect manifestation of God to
Man through the Creation and through History, or
through the physical and intellectual Kosmos.
It follows that there can exist no enlightened belief in God,
and therefore no sound religious life, without a faith in the
corresponding divine element of the soul ; and that Christianity
can no more co-exist long, individually or nationally, with a
materialistic philosophy, than it can with a principle of moral
wickedness.
300 THIRTY THESES.
II.
The Soul perceives, by one and the same act, God as
absolute Truth and as perfect Goodness ; and all reli-
gious faith is based upon the conviction that both are
one in Him : while in and around himself Man finds
both Reason and Conscience involved in antagonisms
and apparent contradictions.
The belief in Truth is the supposition from which all reasoning
starts ; and that in the existence of Goodness is the law and life
of conscience. But there is Falsehood and Evil within and with-
out, encumbering and obscuring more or less the Reason and
Conscience, and warring against Truth and Goodness. This dis-
harmony and antagonism draw the mind to seek a solution by
turning to the first cause of existence : a solution which, as we
know, cannot be found except by an act of faith followed by
the assent of reason. This act is the acknowledgment of an
eternal divine Will of Truth and Goodness, and the willing and
thankful submission of self and self-will to that divine Will.
The inability of the Kantian system to show what it postu-
lates, namely, the identity of the true and the good (in pure and
in practical reason), is its acknowledged defect. To find a method
of demonstrating that such a unity is indeed the supreme law
of the reason and the first condition of our forming any notion
and acquiring any knowledge, has been since, and must continue
to be, the legitimate object of all speculative philosophy, and in
particular of the philosophy of the mind.
THIRTY THESES. 301
III.
The contemplation of God in the history of mankind is
the most natural and most universal means of strength-
ening the innate faith of the Soul in its own destiny;
because this History is as much the realization of the
moral order of the world, as the Universe is of the
laws of gravitation and of light.
The law of the universe is a law external to the mind, although
man also lives under it ; the law of the History of his race is
man's own law, that history itself his own history, placed object-
ively before him, and still as a part of himself. The voice of
the conscience within him speaks to his contemplating mind
out of the destinies around and before him ; and his reason is
led by that contemplation to the same results, as objectively
true, which he found by self-contemplation. The subjective
and the objective element support and supply one another.
The history of past ages offers in large characters the solution
of much which perplexes him in his own personal observation
and experience ; and, on the other hand, his inward ideal
power enables him to divine the beginning and end hidden in
history, and to understand primitive traditions, recollections of
the past or of the nature of the soul itself. The microcosm
spreads its mental light over the ages of history, and receives
light and nourishment from them. Perceiving in all human
things a beginning, a progress, a decay, and an end, the mind
is able to discern in this development a working of the same
laws \\Hch man discovers in himself. The laws of Truth and
Goodness claim sooner or later their right in history, as they
302 THIRTY THESES.
do in Reason and Conscience ; and Falsehood and Evil prove to
be destructive to man and society. Has it always been so?
Will it ever be so? Is the lot of humanity a common one in
all respects ?
The more this horizon is enlarged, and the more at the same
time the phenomena are referred to their eternal centre — the
divine laws of the intellectual and moral Kosmos — the more
effectual a vehicle of progressive civilization and true enlight-
enment historical records will be. They will acquire the cha-
racter of universality in the same measure as they exhibit
humanity ; and that of sacredness, the more they manifest the
working of those laws as divine, eternal, not conventional or
subject to arbitrary individual or national regulations. The
highest ideal, therefore, would be such records as considered
the whole human race as one — as a unity, and as having,
like the human soul, the Infinite, as the beginning and the end
of its finite existence. Without ceasing to be national, and
embodying national peculiarities, such records would have an
extra-national element, which would elevate and sanctify even
those peculiarities, giving them in their general sense a typical
or moral character for the rest of mankind.
THIRTY THESES. 303
IV.
The Scriptures of the Old and New Testament exhibit
such a record of humanity, the only one existing, and
at the same time the most adequate which can be
imagined for the purpose. Bearing eminently the
character of humanity, they are eminently prophetic,
and therefore are, and always will be, more and more,
the religious record of humanity.
The Jewish records open with a picture of the beginnings of
mankind, divine or ideal, and human or terrestrial. They re-
cite in sublime simplicity the reminiscences of the primitive
world all illustrating the great fact that man, having in him the
knowledge of good and evil, and a free agency to do the evil
(which act, referred in conscience to God, constitutes Sin) is,
in his selfish nature, inclined to use for selfish purposes that
divine power of self-determination which is destined to make
him a free agent of the good, which is the divine will.
The same history then pictures, after the natural catastrophe
which desolated the primitive seats of mankind, the agency of
the same conflicting elements, and exhibits the prevalence of
idolatry as the consequence of the working of the selfish prin-
ciple among the children of Shem.
It begins to present to us individual life with the history of him
who first found God in his conscience, and thus, at peace in his
mind and freed from the bonds of ignorance and selfishness,
separated himself from the horrors of the most execrable bloody
sacrifices, and became the founder of a distinct patriarchal
304- THIRTY THESES.
society, believing in one God, the God of man and of the
universe, and keeping aloof from the surrounding impure tribes.
The history of Abraham, the friend of God, and of his de-
scendants in the next two generations, is thus the sacred his-
tory of the God-conscious human mind. In the third this
history becomes, through Joseph, connected with the political
and religious life of Egypt and of the world.
Moses formed out of the Abrahamic tribe the Jewish nation,
by making the law of the conscience not only the basis of its
religion, but of its whole civil law. The wickedness and stub-
bornness of the people obliged him to surround this spiritual
law (contrary to his original intention), with ritual and ceremo-
nial regulations which, under the directions of a sacerdotal caste,
necessarily obscured and impeded that spiritual law.
But inspired patriots, rising out of the ranks of the people,
counteracted the hierarchical as well as the kingly despotism,
and the sensuality and violence of the people.
Thus originated, in process of time, the side of the Law (then
alone Scripture) and the sacerdotal religion, that prophetic,
spiritual, and truly humane element, exhibited by the prophet-
ical and poetical books of the Old Testament, which having
been collected in later times were added to the Law (Thorah) as
Scripture.
The calamities of Israel, from the disruption of the twelve
tribes to the decline and fall of the kingdom of Juda, purified
more and more the hopes of national restoration into a faith in
the general, inward deliverance of the people and of the
human race.
THIRTY THESES. "().'»
V.
Christ is the centre of the universal development typi-
cally exhibited in the Jewish records; and the Gospel
therefore is the canonical book of the Canon, the key
for the rest. It is the mirror and standard of Scrip-
ture, as Scripture is of universal history.
Much as has been said of the prophecies, and in particular of
those which relate to the coming of the Messiah and of his
Kingdom, it may safely be asserted that all that has been said
and is now saying in England and the United States in this
respect, gives scarcely any idea of the magnificence of this
series of prophetic history which forms a connected chain
through almost a thousand years. It is an elementary and
exploded view to point to detached, and, moreover, generally
misinterpreted passages, as Messianic, and to look for the pro-
phetic element in petty externals ; the whole history of the
struggle of the spirit against the letter, of truth against false-
hood, right against might, is prophetic, because it is human
and divine. So there are not two or three, or four or five
psalms, or ten or twenty verses in the prophets, Messianic :
some are more, some less prophetic ; but the most prophetic
of all is the whole history, centring in Christ, of which they
form a part.
A generation before the destruction of Jerusalem, Jesus of
Nazareth declared Himself and his doctrine the end and rege-
neration of the Law, the fulfilment of the Prophecies. His
teaching was universal and prophetic in the highest sense,
because it flowed from a clear consciousness of his primitive
and substantial union with God Himself, as eternal Love, a con-
VOL. II. X
306 THIRTY THESES.
sciousness tested by a life of self- sacrifice and abnegation, by a
wonderful wisdom and by an unparalleled power over the
minds of those who believed in Him. He addressed Himself to
the Jews, not as a Jew, but as a Man. He sealed his life by
anxiously resolving to die for the truth He had proclaimed.
Abraham had made the law of conscience the distinctive
law of his family ; Moses had coined out of it the ritualized
law of that nation which he formed out of Abraham's
descendants ; Jesus proclaimed it the law of mankind by
attaching it directly, without any national medium, to the
consciousness of God Himself dwelling in Man and in Man-
kind. He divinized Man because He realized God. He
opened the access of the soul to the Creator as to her loving
Father, and based upon faith in her origin and destiny, upon
moral responsibility, and upon the tranquillity of mind which
results from that faith, the restoration of the whole social life of
mankind.
That individuality could neither perish nor be replaced by
another. It constituted an entirely new beginning as the ope-
rating, renewing spirit of humanity, and therefore soon spread
itself over all nations and through all ages.
THIRTY THESES. 307
VI.
The history of the wonderful beginning of the social
development in and through the Apostles, accom-
panied by a prophetic vision as to the future des-
tinies of humanity (Apocalypse), is the necessary
complement to the Gospel account of Christ's life and
teaching.
Not only the Acts, but also the Epistles are histories ; and
so is even St. John's Apocalypse. It sees the future destinies of
Christianity and of Mankind in the great events which were
before the Seer, opening with the death of Nero and the Jewish
war. The destruction of Jerusalem and that of Rome, are anti-
cipations from that horizon, not as external facts, but as typical
in the spirit for all ages to come.
X2
308 THIRTY THESES.
VII.
These records are indefectible, first of all because the
historical accounts are neither mythical nor poetical,
and the more these accounts are sifted the purer their
historical character and truth will come out.
The conviction of this historical truth is essential, because
no universal and lasting faith can be built upon legends or
myths. The slight discrepancies in the Gospels, and other im-
perfections in the letter, serve only to render more conspicuous
the Unity of the Spirit. All the other difficulties have been
created by ignorance and bigotry alone : the authenticity of
some of the books has become doubtful only owing to these
blunders and fictions ; and historical criticism has restored and
is restoring the basis for a sincere historical belief in this
authenticity. This is especially the case with a part of what
is called the Book of Isaiah, and with the Book of Daniel.
THIRTY THESES. 3Q9
VIII.
The Scriptures are in this sense a Unity, that they
centre in Christ as the centre of that humanity of
which they give the sacred history. Their historical
element is therefore sacred ; but they are pre-emi-
nently the sacred records of mankind by the ideal
element they contain, and by the ideal character of
the persons and facts which they bring before us. As
such, these persons and facts become typical or uni-
versal, as a type of humanity, and must be considered
as being in an eminent sense a mirror of all human
development, in so far as this development is referred
to the centre of the consciousness of God in Man.
X .1
310
THIRTY THESES.
IX.
No faith in Scripture without faith in Conscience and
Reason, and in their realization in Universal History
and the Science of Thought. The History of the
"World is not typical because the Scriptures are ; but,
on the contrary, they are typical because the whole
History of Man and Mankind is necessarily typical as
the manifestation of God in Mankind, of the Infinite
in the Finite, of the Conditional in the Absolute.
The Scriptures are pre-eminently typical, because
they refer all, more or less, to the centre of human
development, God and Humanity.
THIRTY THESES. 311
X.
The faith in the prophetical and apocalyptic element
of Scripture rests also upon the general correspond-
ing character of Universal History and of the
Universe, only that Scripture is the purest mirror
and most universal type of religious consciousness.
The Bible is the key to Universal History, but Universal
History is the Dictionary for the perfect understanding of it.
X4
THIRTY THESES.
XL
The belief in the Inspiration of the Scriptures rests
therefore upon the basis of all religious belief, namely
the belief of mankind that the Spirit of God manifests
itself in and through the human mind, the only true
organ of God in Man.
THIRTY THESES. 313
XII.
The subjects of inspiration are in the first place the great
heroes of scriptural history, preparatory to Christ,
and Christ Himself. His person, superior to any
individuality, preceding or following, connects the
Old with the New, and His doctrine is normal for all
national and social development of Christianity.
Neither Abraham nor Elijah, nor the Baptist, nor Jesus
himself are recorded to have written any thing : the original
writings of Moses constitute a very small part of what he did
and was, and of what we know of him. These heroes, however,
are the organs of the Spirit in the most eminent sense.
J>1 1 THIRTY THESES.
XIII.
The second subjects of the inspiring working of the
Spirit are the authors of the writings which constitute
Scripture: their inspiration must be in just propor-
tion with what they undertake to represent, and with
the measure of the Spirit which they manifest in
treating it.
St. John's Gospel bears upon it, for both reasons, the stamp
of the highest inspiration, and the Book of Esther that of
the lowest. The historical accounts of the national history of
the Jews are necessarily less spiritual than those which are
occupied with pointing out in the national history, past and
present, the progress of God's work among them : on the whole,
therefore, the strictly historical books are less universal than
the prophetical and poetical works. The Spirit in history is
the spirit of humanity ; and this spirit is divine, and, when
referred to God, religious.
THIRTY THESES.
315
XIV.
•
Scripture, as the Code and Rule of faith, necessarily ends
with Christ and those through whom we know Him.
It is through these histories that faith is to develop
and renew itself incessantly by the working of the
Spirit.
All written or unwritten Christian ordinances, therefore, are
to be judged by the Canon of Scripture. Since the first Pente-
cost, we live in the age of the Spirit, which manifests itself in
the Church, that is to say, in the congregational and social life
of the believers. Thus Scripture judges Scripture and realizes
it, but does not produce Scripture. This is St. Paul's rule
when he is giving advice.
316
THIRTY THESES.
XV.
The realisation of the truth of Scripture, as centring in
Christ, is the history of mankind ; and this history
centres in the Church, that is to say, in the soci-
ety of believers, or Christian states, as the embodi-
ment of redeemed humanity. The Scriptures are
infallible as a mirror of God, and prophetical as the
centre of the history of mankind, which is a mirror
of God's laws, and consequently prophetical. In like
manner the Church is infallible, in so far as it repre-
sents the Universal conscience of mankind.
The belief in the infallibility of the Church, or in the inde-
fectibility of the divine Spirit in that portion of mankind to
which the Gospel of Salvation is preached, rests upon the faitli
in the Spirit and its power over the human mind. It is gene-
rally admitted that the conscious or unconscious faith in the
reality of Creation, that is to say, the belief that the Universe is
the manifestation of inherent and divine, eternal laws, is the
basis of all physical science, from chemistry to astronomy, and
our assent to mathematical demonstration rests upon the same
foundation. But it is equally true, and ought to be still more
readily believed, that the faith in the rationality of conscience,
which is the basis of all religious belief, implies the belief that
the Reason and Conscience of Christian mankind cannot belie
itself, nor in the long run be belied by external authority.
Such a belief in the infallibility of the Church implies Scrip-
tural Christianity, that is to say, the acknowledgment of the
THIRTY THESES. 317
Scriptures as an infallible Code. This article of Christian faith
is consequently true only as being a complement of the Pro-
testant principle of the paramount divine authority, and there-
fore divine truth, of the Bible. It is only when the Scripture is
the divine Code, that the Universal Conscience of mankind can
be said to be the divine interpreter of that Code and the judge
of believing mankind.
Faith in the inspiration of the Scriptures, and faith in the
infallibility of the Church, stand upon the same ground. In
like manner as Scripture is divinely true only as to what it
teaches on eternal life and truth, universal Reason is infallible
only for the verdicts it pronounces as to the application of that
teaching to the maintenance and promotion of the Kingdom of
God. In other words, both are true, through the Eternal
Word of God, which speaks out of them, and which is Reason.
In both the letter is to be judged by the Spirit, and as being an
expression of that Spirit, which is divine Reason manifested
through Man. God never spoke to man except through Man
or by Man's own spirit. But man's Spirit is the Spirit of
God's Image, His own organ as well as manifestation. We
know nothing more of the spiritual world than the three great
realities : God, the eternal, conscious Thought and Will, Man,
the individual, and Humanity, the collective, manifestation of
this Thought and Will in Time : but these three realities con-
stitute the indestructible power of inspiration.
Here also specific inspiration has its truth in general inspira-
tion, and general inspiration again, its highest concentration and
therefore its universal index in the scriptural records.
318 THIRTY THESES.
XVI.
The two great branches^ of^ the development of the
Church which constitute her typical tradition, are
contained in the two great holy and sacred acts of
Humanity, her Worship and her Congregational life.
Here, as in Scripture, it is the Spirit that constitutes
the Unity, Universal Reason and Conscience the
interpreter, Liberty the atmosphere and condition
of development: but its Code is Scripture, in the
Christian sense, as centring in Christ and His Spirit.
THIRTY THESES. 319
XVII.
Christian worship is rational, and therefore the wor-
ship of God alone. It is the act of a united people,
founded upon the inward turning of the conscious
finite spirit to its infinite source as conscious Thought
and Will. This worship, therefore, necessarily con-
sists of Meditation, and of Prayer and Sacrifice.
Meditation may consist in general silence, or in listening to
the preaching of the word of God, or in the act of preaching.
Prayer and sacrifice are convertible terms : the one, however,
moves rather in the Spirit of Thought, the other in that of
Action. They constitute the reactive and culminating point
of Worship, as the act prepared and impelled by meditation.
This act appears as common prayer and as common sacrifice.
Their nature is that of a vow or pledge addressed to God
directly, to give up in free thankfulness the Finite Self to the
Infinite in which is its real individuality, and in which its consci-
ousness centres. The symbols connected with this prayer and this
sacrifice are therefore the highest and most sacred symbolical
acts, but must never be identified with the reality they represent,
which is the Spirit of Prayer in intercourse with the world,
and the realisation of Sacrifice in Life. These symbols can
never cease, any more than Language, because they are as much
the organic, necessary realisation of conscience as language is of
Reason, and in their perfect form are called, as united with
Reason, "reasonable worship." These pledges, on the other
hand, must never be identified with ritual observances, which
are the symbols of symbols, and the signs of signs.
320 THIRTY THESES.
XVIII.
The solemn pledge of the individual to whom the
Gospel has been preached, and who believes in the
Father, the Son, and the Spirit, to take upon himself
or herself the moral responsibility for his or her
own actions, is the essential part of the initiation
into Christianity or the admission into the Church,
prescribed by Christ, which we call Baptism.
That solemn pledge was called Baptism or Immersion, because
it had its natural and significant symbol in the immersion of
those who were admitted to take the pledge and make the vow,
the emerging out of the water being the intelligible sign of
the spiritual resurrection and inward renewal of life. Infant
baptism is an innovation, or rather a new, not yet well under-
stood and developed Sacrament of the Church, as a blessing of
the new-born, and as a pledge of the parents for its Christian
education. The real baptism of Christ and the Apostles is at
present best represented by Confirmation, as understood in the
German Evangelical Church, which is substantially baptism
without the Jewish rite. As to this rite itself, false symbolism
has led to the virtual abrogation of symbolical meaning, whether
by preserving a dead rite as a living power, or by protesting
against it as a superstition.
THIRTY THESES. 321
XIX.
The second primitive Christian symbol (Sacrament) of
the consecration of Spiritual life to God, is the re-
newal of that pledge by continual thankfulness to
Him, and the willing life of self-sacrifice which flows
out of that thankfulness. The connection of this
vow of love and sacrifice with the last supper is a
significant one; but the celebration of the Com-
munion is no sacrifice ; and the Christian sacrifice, the
centre of Christian worship, is quite independent
of that celebration.
The connection between the renewed pledge and the celebration
of the last supper is historically founded upon Christ's ordinance
to his disciples, to remember His self-sacrificing death at their
common brotherly meals, to which they were accustomed. And
this connection is not merely historical. For the Christian vow
of self-sacrifice is one of thankfulness ; and this thankfulness to
God centres in Christ's conscious sacrifice of His will to the
divine will, out of love to mankind. Here also the perversion
of Christianity has led more or less to the extinction of real sym-
bolism, by making the misunderstood symbol the reality. The
offering of the material signs of the sacrifice (the elements
of bread and wine) having been made the principal act of
worship, the spiritual sacrifice of thanksgiving appeared to the
people, and was finally declared in the Council of Trent to be,
a sacrifice of propitiation, the repetition of the redeeming sacri-
fice of Christ himself, as being in real presence latent in bread
and wine. Thus the symbolic communion in the Roman and
VOL. n. Y
THIRTY THESES.
the Byzantine Church may be, and generally is, without any
communion, and the Christian symbolism ceases, the idea
having, by a pathological metastasis, been changed into its
opposite. The Protestant Churches restored the communion as
the symbolical action, but not the idea of sacrifice, the real
nature of which will never be understood till it is represented
in its total independence of the symbolical act of remembrance
of the redeeming and freeing act of Christ. Then alone the
symbolical social meal will be restored to its spiritual reality,
and will regain its influence on the mind, and on congregational
and national life.
THIRTY THESES. 303
XX.
Next to these two scriptural Sacraments, or to the
consecration of the spiritual life of the Christian, come
the Sacraments of the Church for the consecration
of the physical individual life from birth to burial.
Their symbols are in part Jewish, in part Greek, Latin,
or Germanic, and are not only capable of, but require,
a wider extension as much as they do a greater
spiritualisation. Here again the intellectual elements
are the principal, and consist partly of meditation and
admonition, partly of blessing, and prayer in general.
Noble germs of a universal symbolism are preserved in these
acts of the ancient and modern Church, particularly in the
remains of old national thoughts and customs, and symbolisms
founded upon them. Thus, one of the most impressive por-
tions of one of the noblest formularies in the English Liturgy,
the mutual pledging of the bridegroom and bride, is an old
Anglo-Saxon custom, and substantially to be found in Tacitus,
as a Germanic custom and national faith. In general, the
Japhetic element is predominant here.
T 2
THIRTY THESES.
XXI.
Social life in its different spheres, being the realisation
of all vows and pledges given and taken in worship
and with worship, is also to be consecrated, and may
therefore have its symbols and sacraments. Its two
branches of religious and civil life, the Church and
the State, are equally capable of such a consecration.
The congregational sphere is the original, but not the complete,
representation of this social consecration. To this branch belongs
the blessing of the congregation over those who minister to the
Church, and in particular the Ordination and Consecration of
the teachers and rulers of the Church. The Coronation in
monarchical states, or generally the blessing upon the heads of
the civil government, is a social Sacrament of the civil sphere.
Here we find many superstitious elements ; but here also the
poetry of Christianity may blend beautifully with the natural
elements of national customs.
THIRTY THESES. 325
XXII.
As to constitution and government, the Church is neces-
sarily an organised and free Society, and must as
such have her organs and her assemblies, and her
laws.
As the spiritual councils of a nation are no longer represented,
either solely or pre-eminently, by its religious councils, and
as these can still less be composed of ecclesiastics alone ; so
ecclesiastical councils cannot be now considered as the principal,
still less as the exclusive, organs of the Catholic or universal
communion of the Churches ; that is to say, of Christian nations
and tongues. The leading organs are, and will become still more,
the free, national, and international associations and meetings,
the communion in the literature of the world, and that public
opinion which will rise more and more towards what it ought
to be, the expression of universal conscience and reason.
326 IIIIRTY Till
XXIII.
The constitutional formation of a Church has two organic
tendencies, that of becoming national, to represent a
unity of national feeling and institutions in this
sphere, and that of becoming universal, to express the
universality of Christian life. Here also the degeneracy
into something external has destroyed what was truth
in the idea. The union in the Spirit may be more
obscured by uniformity, national or catholic, than
thrown into the background by separate government
and by original rite ; and the freeness of the Gospel,
and liberty of the Spirit, are as irreconcileable with
any political constraint and interference as with any
Sacerdotal supremacy.
There must, of course, be organs for the peculiar (denomina-
tional or national) as well as for the universal (Catholic) mani-
festations of the conscience of mankind, as soon as this becomes
a consciousness of the destiny of mankind. The first principle
here must be,, that no organ can be a truly Christian one, unless
it be conformable with God's general order of the world. The
Son did not change, and neither could nor would change, the
natural order of the world of which He himself is the prototype
and exponent, and which it is His intention to divinize. This is
the national social order as constituted in families, tribes, nations,
and states. These organs of the natural law of the world
Christ purposed to raise into organs of Spiritual life, by making
the natural life of man in the family and the state Spiritual.
THIRTY THESES. 327
The Christian Church is a Society, and therefore necessarily a Go-
vernment, having its Councils and Tribunals. Such Councils and
Tribunals must, in the first place, consist of believers ; they must
be free, and the obedience to them should be free also. Christ
would have no successor of Caiaphas to lord it over God's own
flock, and no successor of Pontius Pilate or Tiberius, whether
unbaptized or baptized. He would not even that his dis-
ciples, all or one of them, should lord it over the Faithful : it
was not for them, but for mankind, that He died ; mankind with
its laws and governments, which were to cease to be what they
were, means of oppression and injustice, and to become what
they were destined to be, organs of divine life. Christ found
individuals ; He found families ; He found congregations govern-
ing themselves under Elders, with congregational rights. These
individuals, families, and congregations, He knew, would be
purified by faith in Him, and through obedience to His
precepts : the end would be the destruction of the present
world, and the rise of another, founded upon these transformed
elements. Christ educated and formed regenerated individuals ;
but he contemplated regenerated families through reformed
individuals, and reformed communities through regenerated
families, and so at last regenerated nations and states. Now
the Father having willed nations as well as families, and states
as well as congregations, these states of the new world were to
frame their national religious institutions, as they had framed
their tongues and their political laws. But Christ, contemplating
above all Humanity, also contemplated an international Christian
law, and a free intercourse of nations, as integral members
of His Church. But it follows from the natural order of God's
world, that in this universality the national element must never
be overstepped, and national independence never crushed under
the pretext of catholicity. What in this respect can be done,
must bu done, from within, and not from without, and be ac-
complished in God's own good time-, which time is known to the
T 4
328 THIRTY THESES.
Father alone. No Christian family can exist without the moral
responsibility of every individual, and without an education to
that end ; no Christian community without the principle of
self-government founded upon that moral responsibility ; no
reformed Christian state without a national tribunal of the con-
science of Christianity ; no universal Church not built out of
independent nationalities : but likewise no national life worthy
and capable of existing, which does not tend to Christianize,
that is to say, to Divinize humanity, and to aid the consum-
mation of the kingdom of God upon earth.
THIRTY THESES.
XXIV.
The first ruling principle, for the organic progress of
religious social life, is that there be a constant mutual
co-operation between the governing element and that
of the free association.
The reasonable institutions which possess a vitality for such
a progress, will necessarily be conservative, or gradually recon-
structive, because the Spirit of God is a spirit of order ; and
they will be free or liberal, because that Spirit is freeing.
The measure and proportion will differ according to the national
character and history.
•i:>0 THIRTY THESES.
XXV.
The second principle is to preserve both the liberty of
the individual mind in the society, and the influence
of society and of its institutions upon the individual
mind.
The agent is the individual Man ; the atmosphere in which he
breathes and moves, is Society. The necessary condition for both
elements is, therefore, a wholesome influence of the spirit exer-
cised in society upon him ; and the communion of the individual
member with society, even in the very recesses and mystery
of his spiritual doings. No life of Christ and of the Spirit but
individual — no sound individual life but in the community, and
for the community. This community, in its highest sense, and as
its last aim, is humanity : but it appeals to man's best instincts
and affections by his family, parish, country, nation, language.
The organic and harmonious mediation between the two is in
the hands of ethical science and moral feeling.
THIRTY THESES. '331
XXVI.
The working of the complex of organic antagonisms
and complements in a Christian Commonwealth consti-
tutes the future development of the Church, and with
it that of civilization, and of mankind.
The missionary element is, therefore, an important feature of
our age, and a remarkable sign of the times ; for it is the work
of a general, active and self-sacrificing longing for the univer-
sality of the kingdom of God, and a preparation of new materials
and agents in its promotion. The ever-increasing efforts towards
the awakening or restoration of social religious life, in every
sense, even in a destructive one, is another sign of a new
epoch. Finally, the universal expectation of great civil and
religious changes is an unequivocal sign of "the last times;"
that is to say, of the approach of a new period of social life
based upon religion, which is felt to be evolving, and which
exists already when it is feared or hoped.
THIRTY THESES.
XXVII.
These facts, and in particular the anxious expectation of
mankind, are the apocalyptic element of our times,
and the infallible signs of the approach of great
organic changes in the world, or of the millennium.
The millennarians of our times do not err much more as
to the form in which the idea appears to them, than did the
apostles and their disciples ; but they do not possess the same
spirituality as they manifested. Nor have they the same
excuse for misunderstanding the words of Christ as the im-
mediate disciples of Christ had. The true interpretation of
Christ's prophetic words has since heen written, by the history
of the world, in such gigantic and flaming characters on heaven
and earth, that everybody may read them by the glare of our
revolutions, if he cannot discern them by the light of his reason.
THIRTY THESES. 333
XXVIII.
The apocalyptic element in Christ's revelation is no less
positive than the historical element, and is as spiritual
as it is positive. The end of human development is
clear : the Kingdoms of this World are to become the
Kingdom of God ; the triumph of the divine principle
upon this earth is to be manifest and universal. But
great convulsions will accompany these changes, and
precede this triumph ; and there will be a Jerusalem
and a Rome acting a part in them.
Jewish Jerusalem and imperial Rome are, in the Apocalpyse,
the types of the two-fold form of the Anti-Christian principle.
Anti-Christ is conscious egotism rising in open opposition against
the Divine Law in the one form or the other. Jerusalem was
then the hierarchical, Rome the temporal despotism ; they both
called forth all the elements of destruction — war and revolutions.
So will every Jerusalem and every Rome ever do. The spiritual
despotism which Papal Rome is now exercising over mankind,
in conjunction with her dynastic confederates, is greater than
the temporal power which imperial Rome ever exercised over the
world; and the pseudo- prophetic element in Judaism is co-ope-
rating with it more powerfully than that Anti-Christ who " gave
power to the beast." In every conjuncture, however, hierarchical
despotism is the An ti- Christian principle initsmostaccursed form,
according to the Apocalypse. As then, so is it now this power
which is giving strength to the tyrant, and summoning, as far as
it is able, the men of faith and of liberty before the tribunals of
THIRTY THESES.
Princes, and delivering them to the scaffold, or to chains a thousand
times more cruel than death ; while it dispenses with oaths and
solemn promises given to nations, and at the same time sanctions
rebellion and anarchy when strong enough to do so. It generates
unbelief and is one of its forms. The Babylon of our days is
therefore a Spiritual Babylon. So far the Reformers and the
Evangelicals are perfectly right : and Christian Babylon is what-
ever bears the character of Popery. As regards the Jewish people,
as a nation, there are no prophecies unfulfilled in the destruction
of Jerusalem except those the fulfilment of which was prevented
by that stubborn unbelief and blindness which led to this destruc-
tion of their nationality. But as an individual element, blended
with Japhetism, the sacred branch of Semitism is already a great
power in the world for good and for evil, and will decidedly
become stronger when the great changes now impending ap-
proach their awful accomplishment.
THIRTY THESES.
XXIX.
The life of humanity is thus an ever-progressive mani-
festation of the divine principle, which is saving
Truth, or the Truth as Goodness : and every soul has
a vocation to work in it, as being an integral part,
and in so far as it is conscious of being an immortal
part.
Immortality in its perfect sense is eternal life — which is life
with God. This conscious, individual, true, and divine im-
mortality is clearly distinguished in the Bible from endless
duration. " Time without End," is only a continued negation
of true Eternity, and the exclusion, or at least estrangement,
from Life Eternal. " This is Eternal Life, that they may know
Thee, and that Thou hast sent Me," is one of Christ's last words of
revelation. Christ Himself is the warranty for the hope of im-
mortality to every one who believes that our human nature was
in Him truly divinized, in personal consciousness and unity.
For the divine is necessarily immortal, and we are all Christ's
brethren, in so far as we are, like Him, children of God. We are
called upon to live in Eternity ; and we do so, in so far as we
live in God, and for the brethren.
336 THIRTY THESES.
XXX.
The godly consciousness of the soul is the spiritual prin-
ciple become personal, and this spiritual personality
alone is immortal in the true sense.
The idea of the philosophers of the last century as to the
general immortality of the soul is a delusion : this doctrine is as
untenable in philosophy as it is in theology. Endless temporal
existence is no more immortality, or life eternal, than ephemeral
existence is. Christ says most unequivocally the very reverse :
and so does a sincere and deep philosophy of the mind, confirmed
by conscience.
THIRTY THESES. 337
SYNOPSIS
OF
THE THIRTY THESES.
A. Theses on the Word of God, the Bible and Inspi-
ration - - - I — XIV.
B. Theses on the Church and her Infallibility, her
Sacrifice and her Sacraments - XV — XXL
C. Theses on Church and State, Man and Mankind,
the Millennium and Eternal Life - - XXJI— XXX.
I. No revelation except through Man's mind.
II. The fundamental faith is the Unity of the True and the Good.
Ill Historical revelation, or the manifestation of God in History.
IV. The Scriptures the Record of Humanity.
V. Christ and the Gospel the centre of Scripture.
VI. The Apostolical doings and teachings the supplement of the
Gospel.
VII. The indefectibility of Scripture as historically true.
VIIL The sacred character of Scripture is in its ideal element.
IX. Scriptural History fully intelligible only as part of Universal
History, as the manifestation of God's ways among mankind.
X. Scriptural prophecies fully intelligible only from the pro-
phetical nature of all History.
XI. The universal intellectual basis of Inspiration.
XII. The first subjects of Inspiration, Christ and the other Heroes
of Scriptural History.
XIII. The writers of the Life of these Heroes and of the history of
the Jewish and Christian people, the second subjects of In-
spiration.
VOL. II. Z
338 THIRTY TOESKS.
XIV. The Apostolical histories and the Apocalypse, the neces-
sary end of historical revelation and conclusion of the
canon of Scripture.
XV. The infallibility of the Church the correlate of the su-
preme authority of the Bible.
XVI. The two branches of Tradition, "Worship and Congrega-
tional Life.
XVII. The three manifestations of Worship : Meditation, Prayer,
and Sacrifice.
XVIII. Baptism, the pledge, the first symbol of the Consecration of
Spiritual Life.
XIX. Communion, the renewal, the second symbol of that Con-
secration.
XX. The Consecration of Natural Life, or the Sacraments of the
Church.
XXI. The Social Sacraments, or the Consecration of Political
Life.
XXII. The constitution of the Church as of an organised free
Society.
XXIII. The National and the Catholic element in this Constitution.
XXIV. Congregational Liberty and general Church-government.
XXV. Individual Spiritual Liberty and social Influence.
XXVI. The Incorporation of all Human Life in the Church,
XXVII. The Apocalyptic element, or the last things.
XXVIII. The Beast and Antichrist, Rome and Jerusalem.
XXIX. The Individual Soul the integral element in the Kingdom
of God.
XXX. Immortality, Eternal Life and endless duration of Existence.
APPENDICES.
z2
APPENDIX A.
GRIMM'S LAW, OR THE LAW OF TRANSPOSITION
OF CONSONANTS.
WE give first the correspondence of the sounds themselves, accord-
ing to Max Miiller's exposition, first exhibited in his article on
Comparative Philology, which opens the "Edinburgh Review"
of October, 1851, and then some examples arranged according to
this completed table :
1. Greek (and generally Sanskrit, Latin, and Lithuanian)
P corresponds with Gothic Ph (f) and Old High German B (v, f ).
2.
„ B
3.
„ Ph (f, V
4.
„ T
5.
„ D
6.
,, Th(f) „
7.
„ K (c) „
8.
„ G
9.
„ Kh (h, x)
1. Pad, padas (foot),
Pitar (father),
Upari (over),
2.
&ana-bisa,
3. Bhar (to bear),
Kapala (head),
Nabbas (air, cloud),
II
P(b)
ii ii
Ph (f ).
»
B
i» »
P.
II
Th
» H
D.
»l
T
ii ii
Th (z).
II
D
ii ii
T.
}•
Kh (h, g)
ii ii
G(h).
II
K
ii »
Kh (ch)
>l
G
,.
K
EXAMPLES.
Greek.
Latin.
Gothic.
Old High
German.
irovs, woSdj
Pes, pedis,
Fotus,
Vuoz.
a-OTTjp,
Pater,
Fadar,
Vatar.
intfp,
Super,
Ufar,
Ubar.
/JO/TTJ (coat of goat-skin),
Paida,
Pheit
ndvvaets,
Cannabis,
Hanpr, Norse,
Hanaf.
Turba,
Thaurps,
Dorf.
fipu,
Fero,
Baira,
Piru.
K«t>a\j
Caput,
Haubith,
Hoapit
Vf<t>OS,
Nebula,
Nihls,
Nepal.
z 3
342 APPENDIX A. GRIMM'S LAW, OR THE LAW
Greek.
Latin. Gothic.
Old High
German.
TV,
Tu, Thu,
Du.
Tftw,
Tres, Threis,
Dii.
(TffOS,
Alter, Anthar,
Andar.
ttttf
Duo, Tva,
Zuei.
Sdxpv,
Lacry-ma, Tagr,
Zahar.
Zeuy, Aiov,
Dies-(piter), Tius,
Zio.
SuyaT-jp,
Dauhtar,
Dohtar.
e'pvOp6s,
Ruber, Rauds,
Rot
Svpa,
Fores, Daur,
Tor.
KapSia,
Cor, cordis, Hairto,
Herza.
ira>v,
Pecus, Faihu,
Yihu.
tKvpds,
Socer, Svaihra,
Suehur.
ywos,
Genus, Kunni,
Chunni.
yva>fj.i}
Gnosco, Kan,
Chan.
H*yas,
Magnus, Mikils,
Mihil.
XJ">
Anser, Gans,
Kans.
X0ts,
Heri, Gistra,
Kestar.
Aelx&i,
Lingo, Laigo,
Lekom.
Sanskrit.
4 Tvam (thou),
Tray as (three),
Antara (other),
5. Dvau (two),
'As'ru (tear),
Dyans, divas (sky),
6. Duhitar (daughter),
Rudhira (red),
Dvar (door),
7. Hrid (heart),
Pa/u (cattle),
Svas'ura (father- "I
in-law), J
8. Ganas (birth),
Gna (to know),
Mahat (great),
9. Hansa (goose),
Hyas (yesterday),
Lih (to lick),
The Lithuanian follows generally the three classical languages,
Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, only substituting, from its deficiency
in aspirates, unaspirated for aspirated letters, for instance —
Sanskrit.
Ratha (waggon)
Ka (who?)
Dadami (I give)
Pati (lord.)
Pan^an (five)
Tray as (three)
Lithuanian.
Rata (wheel).
Ka
Ditini.
Pats.
Penki.
Trys.
A few irregularities occur, such as Sanskrit nakha (nail),
Lithuanian nagas, and not nakas, as it ought to be, according to
the general law.
The Zend also ranges with the Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin,
only that, according to its euphonic laws, tenues are sometimes
changed into aspirates by a following letter, in which cases it co-
incides apparently with the Gothic.
In the languages above compared there occur irregularities as
OP TRANSPOSITION OF CONSONANTS. 343
to the correspondence of consonants only in the middle and at the
end of words. Thus the Latin pater ought to be Gothic fathar
(parent), and the Old High German vadar, instead offadar and
vatar. Thus the Gothic Jidvor, instead offahvor (quatuor), Latin
ao]n'o, Gothic slepa, Old High German slafu, &c. Nor do the
grammatical inflexions always submit to these laws. For instance,
the Latin habet, and Gothic habeith, is in Old High German hapet,
and not haped.
At the beginning of words the law above exhibited is almost
without exception for Greek, Latin, and Gothic.
7.4
APPENDIX B.
ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF SEMITIC ROOTS.
By Dr. PAUL BOETTICHEB, of the University of Halle.
BEFORE we begin with a classification of the Semitic roots, we must
first make up our mind to acknowledge the real identity of the follow-
ing consonants :
lamed and resh : granted by every philological scholar of our days.
dalet and zain ( = Sanscrit d).
tav and shin ( = Sanscrit t).
l*t and cadeh ( = Sanscrit dh, Greek 6).
We find numerous instances of that identity, long noticed by nearly
every lexicographer : compare the following words :
Hebr. zahab
zanab.
zakar.
zebah.
zaki.
bazar,
'azar.
gada" succidit.
gaz.
Hebr. shabar.
shad,
shor.
sheleg.
shalosh.
sh*m6neh.
mashal.
hadash.
Hebr. 90!.
Vip
c'bi.
'acal
hu?.
Syr. dahbo gold,
Arab, dahab"0,
danbo tot?,
danabnn,
dekro male,
dakarnn,
debho sacrifice,
dibh°n,
d'ke pure,
dakiyynD,
baddar he scattered,
badara,
*'dar he helped,
gazaca,
gad he cut off,
gadda,
Syr. t'bar he broke,
Arab, tabira,
t«do breast,
tady",
tawro bull,
tawr"",
talgo snow,
talg",
t'lot three,
talatnn,
t'mone eight,
taman'11,
matlo parable,
mitl00,
h'det new,
hadit",
Syr. helolo shadow,
Arab, bilal"
hephro nail,
b.uphur"",
babyo antelope,
b.aby"",
'aj'.ala piger fvit.
liail- wall.
346 APPENDIX B.
It is but right to acknowledge the dominion of that rule, as ex-
tended throughout the language, and to say that every root in which
9adeh occurs, is but a regular alteration of another one, where pet
appears instead of ^adeh, and so on, so that the significations of both
must be reduced to one common source.
This granted, we take the biliteral roots of the Semitic languages
for the ground-work. We cannot go farther back safely, than to
roots which consist of two consonants. In the Indo-germanic lan-
guages we sometimes find them consisting of only one consonant and
a vowel, nay, even of a vowel only, such as ma to measure, or i to
go ; and we may trace the pedigree of many an enlarged root back to
such simple forms as, for instance, the Gothic mitan (English, to
mete) to ma. In Semitism, as long as we do not go down to a
deeper stratum in the structure of language, we have no vowel
necessarily forming a part of the root, as every vowel in Semitism
finds its explanation in the grammar, and not in the dictionary.
Out of the biliteral themes some triliteral roots are deduced, but
by no means all. This is a point which I must insist upon with pecu-
liar force, that there are in Semitism triliteral roots which do not
yield to any attempt to reduce them to biliterality ; and, if we but
consider the matter reasonably, we cannot expect it to be otherwise.
If a government circulates what numismatics call surfrappe coins,
money in which a new stamp is made over the old without melting
the metal, it is very certain that the same new stamp is given to
entirely new money also. So, if it were thought proper in the
Semitic languages to make triliteral roots out of the biliteral ones
previously used, we may expect that it also formed new roots
which, from their very cradle, were triliteral. The old biliteral
roots were sounds only by conventional agreement connected with
some idea, which always existed before the word (mind, if we speak
in abstracto /). We cannot tell for what reason da$ means to bite,
nor could the man who first used that sound in that signification.
This faculty of the human mind, to couple a certain sound with a
certain idea, was still alive when Semitism commenced a new cast of
roots, and so we find even some triliteral themes modelled in that
antique style of entire unconsciousness, whereas a great many of the
triliteral roots are framed with a half-awakened mind. In the Hebrew
ili'ihn. the Aleph at the end admits something like an explanation ;
but dak, and its connexion with the idea of biting and destruction,
always remain unintelligible.
CLASSIFICATION OF SEMITIC ROOTS. 347
Language, as well as every other thing in the world, has its in-
herent laws working with equal force in the beginning, the middle,
and the end of its course. The hand of the watch goes on from
midnight to noon, but is always moved by the same wheel. We,
therefore, are required to find out the law according to which, in
later times, the formation of roots goes on, if we want to know how
roots were formed in the first age of the Semitic language. We
may learn that law, first, from the common conjugation, which is
nothing else but a regular quadriliteration of the triliteral, a trilite-
ration of the biliteral theme ; and, secondly, from the formation of
the commonly called quadriliteral roots out of triliteral ones. Both
must be looked at from the same point of view.
Our attention, while endeavouring a classification of the Semitic
roots, is directed to the very period when language began to reject
the manner of speaking by mere roots, when grammar was born, and
the descendants of Sem, Cham, and Japhet began to go their own
way. Such an immense change, though, like every work of
genius, it arose from a depth where the light of human research is
far too dim for distinct vision, could not fail to make a very deep
impression upon the mind of the nations. They were not conscious
of its reasons, but conscious they were of its existence. The natural
consequence was, that the mind, as it bore with new energy upon a
new point, after having gained new territory felt it necessary to
secure the old dominions ; that, while it made the first attempts to
work out a grammar, would not lose the vocabulary hitherto used
without grammatical forms, to convey the ideas of man to his brother.
Thus we see at such times an alteration, or rather strengthening, of
the roots always going on. Every people, when leaving the common
home, feels obliged to keep what it has taken with it, as it has not
yet experienced the force of its inborn genius, and of necessity, and
does not know that it may itself easily create what it considers only
as a gift of its predecessors. So we may expect that the vocabulary
of the languages will be strengthened by any people emigrating and
left to its own efforts, and so we find it everywhere. How very
seldom German, Latin, and Greek roots entirely coincide with each
other, and with Sanscrit themes ! They generally show us one or
two consonants more, only added to strengthen the resisting force of
the root The same would have taken place when Sem, Cham, and
Japhet divided, and were no longer children of the -same family, but
chiefs of new separate houses.
348 APPENDIX B.
And Semitism had, besides that, another reason to develope its
roots. The principle of its grammar is to express every category
of thought by the inherent vowels of the word, which it alters with
a most absolute arbitrariness. But why between two consonants
could so many vowels be put in as grammar required forms to
be framed ? If the deep shade of the passive, and the gay sunlight
of the active, had been the only things which required painting, the
changes of one vowel would, perhaps, have been found sufficient ;
but look at the many categories expressed in Semitic grammar, and
you will easily understand that, if Semitism undertook to sing gram-
mar instead of speaking it, it necessarily must add some more con-
sonants, to gain room for vowels and their change, by which alone
it chose to express the gentle gradation of its ideas. Just as in
Sanscrit the conjugations are by no means intended to vary the
signification of the verb, so also in Semitism what we now call
conjugations originally did not imply an alteration of the sense of a
root ; they were not conjugations, but they made conjugation
possible.
I. FORMATION BY A PREFORMANT, AFTERWARDS USED AS
CAUSATIVES.
We put under this head the Aphel of the Aramaeans, the fourth
conjugation of the Arabic verb, and the Hiphil of the Hebrews :
'aqbel='aqbala.
hiqbil.
Secondly, the dental parallels of those conjugations, viz., Taphel,
Shaphel, Saphel, all especially used in the Aramseau dialects :
taqbel.
shaqbel.
saqbel.
A large number of triliteral roots owe their existence to the same
powerful engine which, in the conjugations just mentioned, appears
working even in the Semitism of our days. I select a few examples;
but purposely, for the greater part here as in the following
tables, such as had already been unconsciously stated by some
former lexicographers. Only of the reflective formation, as far as I
can ascertain, no one (except F Hitzig) has had even a faint idea,
CLASSIFICATION OP SEMITIC ROOTS.
349
and surely no one has laid down the rule in its general com-
plexiveness.
TABLE I.
Syr. J>a
Hebr. l>ur septum
„ 9ar pressit, colligavit
Sanscr. dhar tlpytw ->
„ rajju rope
Latin, lig-are
Coptic. 16j 1TpOSKO\\M>
„ lojlej
Hebr. 'aj>am
'arag
Hebr. ras he broke
Ar. marra fluxit
Sanscr. dav-ati he runs
Greek. Kv-txiv
:}
Hebr. haras <rwtrpiGe.
Ar. hamara fluxit cursu effuso.
Hebr. hadah, for hadaw (Tsajas, 11, 8.)
he made enter ; afterwards he led.
Ar. baH>a he clove, he beat
Sanscr. vadh to beat
Syr. )>am &£po|e
Ar. dara he ran
„ qar he digged -
Hebr. J>ur septum
Sanscr. ram to be quiet
Greek, rj-ptfia
Ar. ba>J>a he clove, he beat
Hebr. ras he broke -
„ |>ur septum
Sanscr. rach to make, to put ready
Ileb. haba> he beat.
„ hai'am &£po|f.
Ar. hadara Karriyev.
„ haqlnu tillable land.
Ohald. n*par f<ppo^€.
f Hebr. halam somniavit.
y
Arab, 'aba^a he clove.
Hebr. 'aras comminuit.
) „ 'aj>ar iraptv((
* „ 'arak firolua
Arab, pharra he clove, he broke
Greek ftipnv, •whence irtp6vri -
Arab, makka exsuxit -
I Hebr. taphar he sewed.
Arab, tamaka sued plenusfuit.
Arab, babha he clove, he beat
.. dara he ran
Hebr. bar he burnt
.. ham TrpostKoitro,
Ar. raha he went -
Sanscr. rub to go, compare
Hebr. shabab he beat.
Syr. sh'dar (Pael) he made run = he
sent.
Hebr. sh'hor eurg<J\Tj.
Syr. sh'ham he was black.
Hebr. shalah ke sent = he made <ro
350 APPENDIX 15.
b> D
Syr. \>&m ttf>pa£e - - Syr. s'J>am he coerced, he bridled.
Latin, ligare, r. ,s\ ... Hebr. sarag
Sanscr. dhavati commovet, agitat - 1 Ar sal>awa impctumfeciL
Greek. &vnv - - - J
1 »
Sanscr. sad - - 1 ,
T A. , > Heb. yasad nosuit. scdem dedit.
Latin, sed-ere - - - }
Sanscr. dhiir-ayati debet - Ar. wabara he owed.
„ pr to be full - - ) waphara multu* fuit.
Lithu. pil-ti -
II. MEDJAJ- FORMATIONS.
It would be a great error to say, that niqj>al is the passive of qafal.
The Arabs say, qutila wala inqatala, which would be in Hebrew,
qajml hu' welo niq})al— they made the attempt to kill him, but he
did not admit killing (er liess sich nicht toeten). Niphal, or the
seventh form of the Arabic verb, is a medial form, and its Nun
occurs in many triliteral roots, which by its omission are easily
reduced to biliterality.
TABLE II.
Hebr. qab cavavit - - Hebr, naqab cavavit.
Arab, dara he ran. - - Syr. nedar Kare^epero.
Hebr. qar he digged. - - Hebr. naqar he digged.
Arab, tarra decidit - - Syr. netar decidit folium velfrnctus.
Chald. shaph fricuit, contrivit - - Ar. nasapha comminuil, diruit.
Hebr. shal extraxit - - Hebr. nashal extraxit.
„ sag sepivit. " cf. sokek texuit "
— Gesenius - - Ar. nasaga texuit, plexit.
Ar. zala abiit - „ nazala descendit, devenit.
„ gasha vehementius commotus fuit „ nagasha excitavit, agitavit.
Sansc'dha/ 'JHebr. natha* Aeput
Greek, ri-oe-vai - - j
Sanscr. dav-ati he runs Ar. nadaba impulit ad eundem.
III. REFLEXIVE FORMATIONS.
The Arabs have in their eighth conjugation, which is formed by
the addition of Tav after the first radical (iqtabala from qabala), a
powerful engine to express the finer shades of signification. This
conjugation seems to be entirely lost in Hebrew and Aramaean ; but
by the analogy in the formation of some triliteral roots, which are
CLASSIFICATION OP SEMITIC ROOTS. 351
reduced by dropping the Tav, occurring as second consonant, it will
be clearly seen, that it once was well known in every Semitic dialect.
TABLE III.
Ar. 'adda paravit - - Ar. 'atuda paratus fuit.
Hebr. kar in orbem ivit - - "|
Arab, iklil00 corona - - > Hebr. keter corona.
Syr. kal (Pael) coronavit - - J
Ar. sirru" mysterium - Ar. satara obtexit, velavit.
„ ghamma mcerore affecit pressit-
que - „ ghatama pressit, suflbcavit.
Syr. lak vafer foetus est - Syr. 1'tak (Pael) dolose egit.
„ lamlem balbutivit, vagivit „ Ham (Pael) murmuravit.
„ kaph incurvatus est - - ~\ _
TT v i v i t Hebr. kateph humerus.
Hebr. kaph vola manus - - J
Arab, makka exsuxit - Ar. mataka sorpsit.
Ar. phaqa fregit - „ phataqa fidit, rupit.
„ phakka fregit - „ phataka fidit, rupit.
IV. INTENSIVE FORMATIONS.
The doubling of the second radical in the so-called Piel and Pael of
the Hebrews and Aramaeans, and in the corresponding Arabic forms,
qabbala and qabala, in the formation of roots, seems compensated by
the insertion of guttural letters and liquids.
TABLE IV.
M
Arab, pharra he clove, he broke - Ar. pha'ara he digged.
Hebr. qar Ac digged - - „ qa'ara he digged.
Syr. dob languit - - Hebr. da'ab languit.
Hebr. laj> abscondidit - - - ) ,», , , ,.,.^
> „ la ab abscondidit.
Greek, \a9-ev - - - 3
n
Ar. gadda studio et diligentia usus Ar. gahada siuilin et diligentia usut
fuit fuit.
Hebr. ra^ cucurrit - - Syr. r'haj? cucurrit.
„ nur lux ... Hebr. nahar iUuxit.
Arm. lak-«l \taUck . Hebn ^^ tinxit
Lithu. lak-ti >
Chald. shaph fricuit, contrivit • Arab, sahapha rasit.
Arab, shaqqa laceravit - Hebr. shahaq fricuit, comminuit.
352 APPENDIX B.
y
Arab. baj>l>a fidit - - - "I .
> Ar. ba'aha mactamt.
Sanscr. vadh to beat - - - J
- 1
£
- >
- 1
- >
- J
Hebr. qad tKv&tv, brtar.fv - - 1 0
£ Syr. qe ad procidit, geniiflexit.
Sanscr. 9ad = Latin ca<fere - - >
„ sad -
Latin, sed-ere - > Hebr. sa'ad fulsit.
Greek. nWf-eii' for liri-ktiafiv -
T
Sanscr. sad, etc., as before - - Ar. sanada nixusfuit.
(misnad=wisad pulvinar.")
Hebr. kaph vola manus - - Hebr. kanaph ala.
Syr. kosh collegit ... Chald. kl'nash congregavit.
Hebr. dug liquefieri. After a conjee- Hebr. donag cera.
ture of Gesenius, = da'ag.
I*
Hebr. baq evacuamt - • j Hebr
Latin vac-uus - - - J
Hebr. dash contrivit, trituravit » darash trivit (Prov. xxxi. 1 3).
Syr. derash trtvtt, trituravit.
Ar. dakka contudit- - - Hebr. darak calcavit.
Hebr. gaz totondit - - 1 fArab. garada
Ar. gazza secut< - - J I Hebr. garaz
D
Ar. gadda durus, molestus fuit - Ar. gamada duro animo et immiti
fuit.
Ar. salla eduxit, extraxit - „ samala eruit, expurgavit
V. FORMATIONS ANALOGOUS TO SOME SANSCRIT CONJUGATIONS.
It is very well known that the Indians divide their verbs into ten
classes, according to the alterations or additions the root experiences
in the Present and Imperfect. We have here, for reasons which it
is not necessary to explain, only to do with the four following classes,
and wave also the question about the so-called Guna :
IV. adds ya na$-ya-ti perit.
V. ., nu ap-no-mi adipisceor.
IX. „ na mrd-na-mi mordeo.
X. „ ay a ved-aya-ti scirefacit.
The very first example (na9yati), taken as it is from Bopp's Com-
parative Grammar, shows us a striking resemblance with a Semitic
verb. The same ya, which in Sanscrit remains separable from the
root, entered the root in the Semitic languages so as to form part of
it. The Sanscrit na<; is connected with the Greek viicvs and va£ai
CLASSIFICATION OF SEMITIC ROOTS. 353
= £t}<mi (see my Arica, p. 84), with the Latin necare and nocero, as
•well as with nancisci. In Arabic we have nakay(a) tutudit, affecit
noxa. Now, as nakay(a) is undoubtedly in close affinity with naka'a
and naka'a (=he beat) with the Syriac neko', whence nekyon=noxa
and the Hebrew nakah, whence the Hiphil hikkah, I think we are
right to say, that if ya in nak-ay(a) is identical with the sign of the
fourth Sanscrit conjugation, Aleph, He, Ain occur in Semitism as
final additions of the root, analogous to the Sanscrit afformatives of
conjugation. But to Yod, Aleph, He, Ain we must add Vav as next
in kin to Yod, Hej> and Qoph as near relations of He and Ain ; and,
besides those, we have in correspondence with the Sanscrit syllables
nil and nu, all the liquids used in Semitism on the same behalf, viz.,
to strengthen and lengthen the root, which looks so old and naked
when consisting merely of two consonants, and must be dressed a
little. Concerning such additions no lexicographer entertained the
slightest doubt, but the thing required was to explain the fact.
TABLE V.
N
Sanscr. nac= necare, nocere - - Arab, naka'a verberavit, nocuit.
„ jabh appetere (compare Greek Syr. g«bo' elexit (compare Hebr.
'agab amavif).
m »
I secare Ar. wasay.
isi 3
Sanscr. vas
Coptic, bas, was, bisi
Greek. j8aA.-A.ew > .
Coptic, berbor 3
Sanscr. bha(n)j to break
Greek, ^dy-ew to break with the teeth,
> Hebr. yagah (/or wagah) awe-rptet.
to eat - - - f
Coptic, •wojwej futaaaaBcu, KaraO\a.i>
Sanscr. van to kill
Zend, van to beat, to destroy - Hebr. yanah (/or wanab.) KUKOVV,
Annen. van-el to fight, to conquer
n
Sanscr. bandh (the Gothic bindan re-
quires bhandh) to bind - }• Hebr. biibah fidit.
Latin, fid-ere
Sanscr. urana (Jbr var-ana) berbex
Lithu. bar-onas aries - - ^ Chald. barha ariet.
Coptic, bare it „
Sanscr. hu (for dhu) sacrificare
:}
:)
m
Greek. dv-ta> - - , . - J
VOL. II. A A
354
APPENDIX B.
Sanscr. nay = necare,etc.
Ar. ragga nun-it, agitavit, commotus
fuit, tremuit
Sanscr. raj =laj = rj ire
„ rej tremere -
Ar. dakka contudit -
Arab, ragga muvit ...
Hebr. shak demisit se, incurvavit se sub
onere . . .
Arab, hacca fricuit, polivit, explora-
vit (whence mihkak touch-
stone) ...
•
Ar. gadda magnusfuit dignitate -
Chald. scka aspexit
This word is identical
with the Sanscrit root
sach, which in Latin
appears as sequi, in
Gothic as saihvan to
see (=assequi). Com-
pare, in the Armenian,
according to the Ira-
nian law of permuta-
tion, hasanel venire,
has-ov adveniens, in-
telligens (my Arica,
p. 33.).
Ar. qaH>a secuit,fidit
Sanscr. with transposition of the
aspiration, ch'hid = scin-
. dere. Gothic skaidan
requires ch'hidh
Ar. gadda magnusfuit dignitate -
Arab, naka'a verberavit.
Ar.
Ar.
ragaca rediit, profecit, passum in
incessu posuit camelus.
Arab, kamay texit
Ar. shabba adolevitpuer
juvenis evasit.
„ daga tenebrosa fuit nox
Ar. gadda diirus, molestus fuit
„ rakka vexavit
Saascr. ruo = ri<; ladders, ferire
dakama trudit, contudit.
„ ragama celerrime transivit cur-
currendo.
Hebr. sh'kem hnmerus.
JLth. sakkama bajulavit.
Hebr. hakam sapuit.
Hebr.
Chald.
gadal magnusfuit.
s'-'kal aspexit.
Hebr. qaj>al interfecit.
Ar. gadura dignus, idoneusfuit.
\
:)
Ar. kamana delituit.
shabana tener, mollis fuit adole-
scens.
dagana nubilosus fuit dies.
Ar. gadib gravis.
rakaba aggressus fuit.
< I ASSIFICATION OF SEMITIC ROOTS.
"I
Ar. gadda resecuit - Ar. gadapha amputavit.
Sanscr. dru currere, decedere, whence
Spdffos and the German
triefen „ darapha deftuzit,fudit.
Let me add that, as in Sanscrit the small roots dha and bhu =
ri-Qi-vai and 0u-tt>> shortened into dh and bh often are added to the
end of the roots to give them more resisting force ; also in the Semitic
languages, fet, the equivalent of dha (compare natha' posuit) and its
regular correspondent 9ade, appear at the end of the themes. Pharatha,
or pharaca, for instance (rupif), owes its origin to a sort of composi-
tion of phar and tha, just as in Syriac and Arabic the substantive
verbs are added before or after a full verb to express alteration of
the mode : kiina qatala and qethal hewo.
In our whole essay the original affinity of Semitic and Indo-ger-
manic roots has been taken for granted, and, indeed, it will soon
appear, that a great part of them entirely coincides. I give a few
examples :
Arabic, p-d to run= Sanscrit pad.
Hebrew, b-r to choose = Sanscrit var, Latin vel-le.
Hebrew, q-d LXX. iriirrEtt>= Sanscrit Qad, Latin cad-ere.
Hebrew. 1-q to lick= Lithuanian lak-ti, Armenian lak-el.
Syriac. r-g iiridvp.£ii>— Sanscrit raj, and Greek 6-pty-eadai.
We may feel inclined to derive that coincidence from physiological
reasons, or from chance ; but, if there were only physiological reasons
working, why, to explain the fact that so many other nations who
partake of the same human nature as Semites and Japhetites, express
the same ideas in a different way ? whereas, if the inherent meaning
of its sounds implies the signification of a root, over all the earth
the same root would mean the same thing, which certainly is not
the case. And, for being capable of an explanation from chance,
the examples are far too numerous. Moreover, there exists a great
argument, not yet used by anybody, in favour of the explanation of
that most curious coincidence from a common descent of both Japhe-
tites and Semites ; viz., the coincidence also of substantives formed
by the same additional letters out of identical roots, and the coin-
cidence of derivated significations, which are not naturally enough
derivated for admitting an explanation out of another thing than
real communion of language in the remotest time of ante-historical
antiquity. Here too I give a few examples to illustrate my words.
A A 2
356 APPENDIX B.
We have traces of an old theme, kar, in the Japhetic languages, the
mother of the Latin cur-vus, Greek (T-KO\-IOC, Slavonic kolo wheel.
That root means to become crooked, and is, by the by, identical with
the Hebrew 'q-1, where Ajin is as well a prefix as Sigma in ffcoXtoc.
Hence we have : —
Sanscrit. krimi for kar-mi worm.
Chald&an. qal-ma.
Coptic. kri-mi.
Lithuanian, kir-mi-nis.
Irish. crui-mh.
Russian. cher-vy.
even Finnish, ka'r-me.
Everywhere we see the same suffix m attached to the same root k-r,
the euphonic well known changes of k in ch, and of mh in v, of
course do not alter the matter. Compare the German phrase: sich
krummen wie ein wurm. In English, a derivate of the same word
is, in common use, viz. crimson = Sanscrit krimija what is born of a
worm, cochineal.
Another example is, the word for horn, whose root is Sanscrit <;ar
to pierce= Greek Kiipeiv : compare Gothic hairus sword, whence the
name of the Cherusci, sivordsmen.
Sanscrit. c,rin-ga horn.
Hebrew, qeren.
Latin. cornu.
Gothic. haurn.
Now, I give two examples of words, wherein, from a root common
to Japhetites and Semites, significations are developed, which are not
so obvious as to be able to arise naturally from themselves in
different countries.
Sar is in Sanscrit to walk, the same in Hebrew sur (Exod. 3, 4),
which receives its sense to recede only by the following preposition.
Compare Coptic ser to go out. The s is always the change of an
original t ; see my wurzelforschungen, pages 2 and 47. Hence
Sanscrit, sar-va all.
Zend. haur-va.
Greek. O\-OQ for hol-wos.
\Latin. sal-vus.]
Arabic, sair (a regular participle of sur) all.
Coptic. ter all, which still preserves the original t of the root.
CLASSIFICATION OF SEMITIC ROOTS. 357
Or, in another case from the abbve mentioned car=K£(p£t^ we have
Sanscrit, c^ira for kikira cold.
And in the Arian languages, according to Burnouf 's law :
Osethian. siil-iin to congeal.
Armenian, sarh-il to freeze.
And with the termination of the participle :
Zend. 9areta cold.
Persian. sard.
Lithuanian, szaltas. Compare the German " schneidend kalt."
And so in Hebrew, qor frost, coldness from q-r to pierce.
GENERAL RESULT.
A.
In the beginning of a root the following consonants may be
additional :
KM nny D n v
To these may be added :
I) as rare euphonical change of }
pand-| „ „ y
"!] » » n
B.
In the middle of the root the following consonants may be ad-
ditional :
K » 1 nny J^ID n
c.
At the end of the root the following consonants may be additional :
x > i nny }$TD 3 f) p a p
The following consonants are always radical :
In the beginning, 3 J1TB''J?De)PP
In the middle, 3 J T T B } f| f p D 0
At the end, J T t TJ D V
That is the result which I am now able to reach. I am happy to
have gone so far, and should be still happier if further inquiries
should entirely cover, with the superstructure of a splendid and
durable edifice, what, I know but too well, is only a foundation. For
AA 3
358
APPENDIX B.
the sake of exemplification, I insert here a pedigree of one root only,
and not even a complete one. I have purposely omitted many roots,
which I could not give without adding a commentary to prove such
significations of them as are not found in the dictionary. I hope that
* 3
1 3
'Sb
s
u
<cd rt
e« r«
"9. '-3
<rt
S\ 9
10
CLASSIFICATION OP SEMITIC ROOTS. 359
this example will show how very much Semitic lexicography is sim-
plified by my method of classification, and prove the existence of
laws which allow us to reduce even very considerably amplified roots
to two simple consonants.
*j tS -2 § ^ «S ^ ^ §
<S s jS S /-s ^ 3 /~s ^^ § 2
g I ^IJ^ISsrli*
| |S||I| if »! 1 2 t
- -• i si* § ii 11 ifi-^1
v^-3 2Sj23alS.S>j?£S.*
* OQSoQ<{£^fiSH^>
^ i sssssss»sisas«
-i 3
CM O
'^ Hi ^ B ^k ^
1 st fit!** *!
.00 ^*3Scs5ao ^
rt .9 C «S to •" en »
» *» .3 OT ^ 5 B
O p.S^«xoa)'O3oS _ -2 2
^ !lf| i-? i :!ssii§
1 II !'aa 51« I In I
11 11 §111^ sill i
«wOHQ<»QQ U * fc O J
• »•••»•• s = ^ s :
A A 4
2
The inscription of Abnshmlr
'
q>
N
e,
Al p li a b e t
? J
N
V
_3
I 1
u/
.oJ
A)
O| Q \ i
li = Ju,,n>nmvt~> afZ><3 -- III
-Lith.byA.BBtermaTm, 9 .ChjriagCko«».
London, Longman 8eC?.
APPENDIX C.
THE INSCRIPTION OF ABUSHADHR,
Explained by Professor FRANCIS DIETRICH.
I.
The Place where it is found, and the Country about it.
THE Inscription, communicated by Mr. Norris to Chevalier Bunsen,
is one of several that were found and copied by the celebrated de-
cipherer of Assyrian and Babylonian monuments on the classic
ground of ancient Babylonian history.
Colonel Rawlinson in a letter to Mr. Norris, dated March, 4th,
1853, remarks upon it, that he has himself carefully transcribed it
from " a roll of a thin sheet of lead, found in a sepulchral jar, among
the Chaldean ruins of Abushadhr (or Abushudhr) ; the lines are
complete, and the first line is the true beginning of the Inscription."
This Abushadhr is situated near the confluence of the Tigris and
Euphrates, midway between the two rivers.
Eastward of Abushadhr lies the city of Kerka, on the banks of the
river Kerkhan, which flows from the east into the united stream.
To the south-west of the confluence we find the village Elhalab,
and still more southward a place called Es-shadhr : northward,
very near to that junction, is Kurnah. But the capital or metro-
politan city of that country is Basra, situated somewhat more
to the south, on the banks of the united stream.
The present name of the place is quite Arabic, and bears the mark
of modern origin. The first part of it, Abu, is peculiar to Arabic
for circumscribing a derivated noun ; the word shadhr, written with the
dotted D, means in Arabic little grains of gold, or glass, also pearls ;
the whole being suitable for ruins, among which shining little ob-
jects of that kind are to be found.
362 APPENDIX C.
A few days' travel northwards by the Euphrates, south of Hillah,
are found the ruins of Cufa, from which the oldest Arabic alphabet,
the Cufic, derives its name.
If I endeavour now to read and to explain the Inscription, con-
fessing at the same time that some points remain doubtful, I hope to
be judged with indulgence by those who consider the extreme difficulty
of establishing a new alphabet from one single Inscription, contain-
ing not more than a few short lines.
I shall first put together the traces in the writing itself, which lead
to the discovery of the branch of the Semitic stock to which it must
be attributed.
THE INSCRIPTION OF ABUSHADHK. 363
II.
The Nation to which the Writing and the Language of the Inscrip-
tion belong.
As the country from the soil of which the jar and its leaden sheet
have been dug out, is and was inhabited not only by Aramaean tribes,
but also by Arabs, particularly in the lower regions down to thePersian
gulf, an Inscription, found at Abushadhr, may as well be supposed to
have issued from an Arabic family as from a Babylonian one.
Indeed, all Syriac alphabets which are known till now, are not
sufficient to explain our Inscription. Several of its characters mani-
festly resemble more the Sinaitic, and even the Arabic characters,
than any other. The very first letter is an Arabic Ajin : the He and
Vau represent only the Arabic form.
This, and the contents likewise, might seem to make it probable,
that we have before us an Arabic Inscription of a period when dia-
critic signs were not yet used. Also the proper names, and the con-
tents of the last lines, seemed to favour this opinion.
Still, there are more decisive reasons for calling the alphabet an
Aramaean one.
First of all, the greater part of the characters, known to us from
Semitic alphabets, are old Syriac letters: and most of the new signs of
our Inscription, stand at least nearer to the earlier Aramaean writing,
than to the Cufic.
In the second place, a character which occurs almost in every line
at least once, the small triangle, must be Aleph, denoting, particu-
larly in the middle and at the end of words, the long vowel A. But
only the Syriac and Chaldee, no other Semitic language, not even
Arabic, uses this Aleph so frequently as to explain its occurring
twenty-three times in twenty lines of so few letters. And, indeed, the
two clear numerals in the eighth and ninth line, which already Mr.
Norris had read as khamsha and telata, bear manifestly as termina-
tion the same Aleph and A, which they have only in the Aramaean
dialects.
Finally, I have discovered another vowel-mark attached to the
left extremity of various consonants : a little hook, or acute angle
364 APPENDIX C.
open below, which must be the sign of long I. This sign I find in the
numeral at the beginning of the ninth line, which I read telita, because
the simple Lamed is found without that hook (see first and sixteenth
line). Now, this numeral, if the Inscription were Arabic, would be
teldt (which means tselats), corresponding with the Hebrew shalosh,
It is only in the Syriac dialect that telita is found together with
teldta.
All this leads to the conclusion, that the writing and the language
of the Inscription are Chaldee. We have come to this result in-
dependently of the account of Colonel Rawlinson, who calls the
ruins Chaldean ; and this gives to our Inscription a quite peculiar
importance. Hitherto, not a line has been known of native Babylonian
or Chaldee writing in Semitic characters, and for the Chaldee of Ezra
and the Targums, even the name of Babylonian or Chaldee has
been given up by scholars.
Now, whatever corrections later discoveries may supply to our
interpretation, the fact will appear as certain, from what we have to
state, that the language of Ezra and the Targums, or the
so-called Chaldee, was the language of the southern
neighbourhood of Babel, for the Inscription of Abushadhr can
only be explained as Chaldee.
The inquiry into the alphabet itself will lead us to another im-
portant conclusion as to the history of Semitic writing in general,
and of the Hebrew square character in particular.
THE INSCRIPTION OP ABUSHADHR. 3G5
IIL
The Alphabet.
For the careful reviewer of the two accompanying plates, a few
explanatory remarks will suffice to fix the nature and origin of the
alphabet, and to justify the identification of the characters with the
corresponding Chaldee letters.
1. Our alphabet of consonants stands nearest, among the several Sy-
riac alphabets, not to the common Nestorian, but to the Palmyrene
character. When we look over the table 5, in Gesenius' Monumenta
Phreniciae, we shall soon observe the strong likeness between the two
series of signs. Gesenius has often placed, side by side, three and
more figures of the same sound ; those which, under each letter, he
places last, agree in general exactly with our Chaldee.*
2. The characters peculiar to our alphabet are not, however,
entirely new. The Daleth and Resh have almost the Phoenician
form, and are like each other, as they are almost in all Semitic
alphabets ; this circumstance is a strong evidence in favour of
our interpretation. The curious large Nun is somewhat less different
from the Palmyrene than from the Phoenician ; the upper horizontal
line is wanting in both. I have therefore doubted, whether it could
not be a Peh, which it resembles in the Palmyrene table. But this
supposition leads to words which cannot be Semitic. Indeed, our
sign is proved to be Nun, byMaccabee coins in the British Museum.t
Another proof is the Menda3an form :f of Nun ; the lower ex-
* Compare in particular the third Beth, the second Gimel, the third Vau, the
first and second Zajin, the third Khet, the first, third, and fourth Jod, the third
Kaph, the third Lamed, the third and fifth Mem, the first Samekh, the second
and third 'Aj in, the second Sade, the second and third Kop, the fifth Shin, the
second Thau.
f Gesen. Mon. Phoen. Tab. 3. does not give all the forms of the Maccahee
letters. I have seen a coin in the British Museum, where the name of Simeon
(Bar-Kochba, probably) was written with a Nun of this kind. (This coin repre-
sents, on the other side, a temple over which a star is placed.)
J For Mendsean alphabet, see A. G.. Hoffmann's Grammatica Syriaca, or,
Kopp's Bilder und Schriften, voL ii. p. 334.
366 APPENDIX C.
tremity a little rounded off makes it almost the same character, re-
ceiving the sign of the vowel at the left upper extremity of the line;
our Nun follows the same peculiar rule of taking the vowel A, as will
be seen in the second, third, twelfth, fourteenth and sixteenth line.
There remain two doubtful characters : the He, more Arabic than
Syriac, and the dotted Ajin, which as sound corresponds with the
Hebrew Ssade, and as sign represents the older form of the Ajin, as
on the stone of Carpentras.
3. Long vowels (not the short ones) are expressed in writing by
the corresponding semivowels, Aleph, Jod, Vau, and those are suffixed
to the most of the consonants.* Here we discover an analogy,
not so much with the Ethiopian — which uses for denoting the
vowels, besides its hooks and lines, also the shortening and the
lengthening of the consonant-sign — but with the Zabean or Mendzean
alphabet, which marks the vowels by signs occurring also ^singly as
semivowels. In this Zabean or Mendsean alphabet also, as in that of
Abushadhr, these semivowels are joined on only to the end of the
consonant, whilst the ./Ethiopian often joins them on at the beginning
of consonants.f
4. Our character is a cursive one, a running hand, like the
Zabean, the Estrangelo, and in part the Palmyrene. This results
already from the rounded-off character of the letters : on metal, we
might have expected rather a character with sharp corners. Further,
we discover several attempts to join two or more consonants. Thus,
the B is always connected with the following letter : also K, M, N,
and others. Vau is only connected with the preceding letter (see
seventeenth line), as it is the law in common Syriac and Arabic. The
very first sign is a connected one, containing 'Ajin and Zajin.
5. There is no trace of final letters. The Mem, Nun, Caph, present
always the same shape, and this leads me to consider the sign, which
runs out below the lines fifteen and eighteen, not as a Shin finale, but
as Sade, as it is written in Palmyrene inscriptions also, at the
* This rule seems to have been applied very rarely for the Vau : in our In-
scription we find this semivowel suffixed only to Ajin.
f This is the only analogy of our characters with the Zabean or Mendaean
alphabet : for the letter Aleph, which is quite the same in both, can be deduced
from the triangular Phoanician form ; and some other resembling signs are still
more cognate with the Palmyrene. A glance on Norberg's Liber Adami, or
Hoffmann's Syrian Grammar, will convince our readers of the truth of this obser-
vation.
THE INSCRIPTION OF ABUSHADIIR. 367
beginning of words. The whole, however, being ascriptio continua,
connected letters may belong sometimes to different words, at least
the end of the line must not necessarily coincide with the end of a
word.
6. Resembling characters are Beth and Caph, Daleth and Resh,
Mem, Koph, and Thau, and sometimes Lamed and Samekh. There-
fore, a variety of interpretation may arise from reading in a
certain case the one or the other. The following differences form the
rule. The Beth has sharp corners, Caph round ones — Daleth has
a large and broad head and a short vertical ; the head of Resh is
more round and small. I believe the second sign of the fifth line to
be a Daleth with an angular head, as it is in the Phoenician period. —
The distinctive feature in Mem is the short flat basis on which its
right vertical seems to rest. — Finally, the Samekh of the sixth and
seventh line has a stronger inward curvature than the Lamed of the
eleventh and thirteenth.
7. Most of the characters show a striking symmetry both in the
size of the consonants within the line, and in the signs exceeding
it upwards or downwards. The former take evidently the space of
a square, like the characters of our Hebrew manuscripts.
We may advert, at this stage of our inquiry already, to the ancient
tradition, that the square characters of the Hebrew alphabet are of
Babylonian origin.
In the foregoing remarks we have confined ourselves to such con-
clusions, in fixing the value of each character, as the comparison
with other Semitic alphabets seemed naturally to lead us to. Any
preconceived notions as to the probable contents of the Inscription
would have led us astray. Now, this laborious task being fulfilled,
we may try whether or not the Inscription so read will give us
words and good sense.
368 APPENDIX C.
IV.
Transliteration and Translation.
If our alphabet is true, we have before us a family record. A
father relates that his two daughters, and subsequently his wife, were
buried here. He then speaks of three children who are still alive, and
mentions in conclusion, that he has married a second time.
His name is not mentioned : it may perhaps be found on one of the
other leaden sheets, discovered together with ours in the jar. But we
do find two names of places : one, the native place of the persons here
buried, the other, the present residence of the writer of this family
record, which evidently is our modern Abu-shadhr.
The Inscription, transcribed into common Chaldee or Hebrew
characters, and translated, gives what follows : —
Asbalatam
et Nakebam
juxta earn hasc fovea
ND3 p'fiV profunda sepelit.
Adah mater juxta
sepulta est.
In Sikes peperit(liberos)
quinque.
Tres lab(orant)
10 KJHny ^ 1O manu tenus coram me. Uxorem,
morbus hausit earn.
Et Nabetam
qua3sivi mihi hic-
ce ductam
15 -1 pO2 in Kikas ; et
intravit grex mea
habitationem domua
in Kikas ; et
deinde grex
20 tfUmD 1 larga facta est.
THE INSCRIPTION OF ABUSUADHR. 369
i. e. " Asbulat, and Nakeba at her side, them this deep pit buries.
Adah, their mother, is buried beside them. In Sikes she bore five
children. Three do their handiwork beside me. My wife— illness
carried her off. And I have taken to myself Nabeta, whom I have
married here in Kikas : and my flock has entered the habitation of
my house in Kikas ; and henceforth my flock has increased."
VOL. II. B B
370 ATl'KNDIX C.
V.
Commentary.
The first two lines JODWl ntfSty consist of two female
T : T : - T : -
proper nouns. The first has a very genuine Semitic sound ; for the
former part of it, f j? , means might, also praise (compare Ps. viii.
3. ; xxix. 1. ; Ixviii. 35.), the latter part is the name of a Divinity
especially worshipped at Babel, BaaXr/c ; in Hebrew, B«alat and
Baala. The name 'A£/3aaXar corresponds to the Phoenician corn-
pound name of a man, 'AfcjueX/coe (Tj^E f J7), where Melekh (King)
designates the Tyrian Hercules, the principal Divinity of the land,
as in Melicertes, i. e. IMelek-kerth. The meaning of the name ex-
actly corresponds to the Greek, Alvearl^eoc, the German, Lobegott,
and Gottlob, the Hebrew, 'Ozn-jah and 'Uzzi. — The other name,
Nakeba, has at least a true Semitic root and form. In Arabic, ^3J
is invertit, impegit ; the derivative form of Nakeba is that of the
Chaldee participle with the usual feminine termination.
Lines 3. and 4. tfDD p»£j; $2) frOU N^tf • The writing
..-._.,-.. T T -:
, juxla earn, for H7^ > or i"P /V > ^s merely an orthographical
variety ; in the Targura also the suffix of the feminine is often only
written withtf, according to the ear. — Then tfjll, I take to be
identical with the more common shorter form 5O"T, /«c;du-nfi stands
in the same relation to Hebrew zu, as de-na to Hebrew /A
The following word is the masculine ^ jj , fovea, fossa, dstcnm,
with the annexed article ; X3J occurs in the sense of tomb also
T \
in the Targum to Ps. cxliii. 7. — p'£V» deep, is placed after its
substantive JOJ , according to the rule ; for amiq, we should have
expected amiqa, with the article, which, however, is not necessary.
This derivation by i is exactly the Chaldee form for the Hebrew
amoq, to which it is corresponding Targum, Prov. xxii. 14. ; xxv.
3. ; Dan. ii. 22.— The verb tfDD> Hebrew, HDp» (exit, occurs al.-o
in the Targums ; compare the participle passive, tfDD'J occultum,
2 Sara. xiii. 2. ; we find it used of the covering with earth, and of
burying, Numb. xvi. 33. ; Job, xxi. 26.
THE INSCRIPTION OF ABUSLIADHR. 371
Lines 5 and 6, 'tfp^n tfy tffcy JTJV • The first word
is a well known female name, for instance, one of Lamekh's wives,
Gen. iv. 19. ; and of Esau's wife, xxv. 2. 4. — The noun {$ £Jf appears
to have been written inaccurately for NQtf mater. — In 'tfCOn the
first letter can be doubted. If it is an Jl, we have the passive of
Aphel in the preterite tense, formed by Jl > &s it is in the Biblic
Chaldaism, for the f$ commonly used. If it can be taken for a
contracted J2 > this would give us the participle passive, which we
quoted above from the Targum of 2 Sam. xiii. 2.
Lines 7, and 8. Nt£>En 'TSO) D3'D3- The reading of the
first word is certain ; the letter following after 3 is a p , as in
6, 5. ; 7, 7. ; 13, 4. ; 14-, 5. ; 15, 3. ; 18, 3., with an annexed Jod,
as it is in 9, 3. This word must be a proper noun, as it is introduced
by the preposition ^ , in. Its root is Tpp > texit, sepsit, from which
also a town in Judea was named HDDP • PD*P would be formed
from n^p, as t5H$, from"r\jp, or \ywtf, from CDOtP- The
- V V
space between our proper noun and the next 7 is so considerable,
that I believe a consonant has been rubbed out, probably a Jod.
This would give us ~]fy, Chaldee, peperit, abbreviated from n"VV*
The gender was not expressed, as understood from the context, an
omission not unfrequent in inscriptions.
Lines 9— n. tfbitf »<?n «nfiy >3 T3 'DV tt
T : - • T; T;. T»
The numeral telita has been discussed above. The following '
seems to be abbreviated from the very common Chaldee word ^
Inborantes, sc. sunt, which could be understood from the next noun T ,
hand: "^ , secundum manum, means they do hand-work, or, they
work according to their power. In the latter sense "p^ is used,
1 Reg. x. 13.; Esth. i. 7.— KnriV for Nnj/ltf, as above, flfcy
for ^?D^f» the usual word for wife, Hebrew Ht^tf • — NV"Ttf, is
T • T • - T : -
praet. Aphel of Syriac, Chaldee, Hebrew, Arabic JO"1 , hausif,
metaphorically used, as in Prov. xx. 15.
Lines 12-15. v^oi N^'DJ KJKH ^ T33J* KDDNil
\-.: T.; T" •-: T:T:
I have translated, et Nabatam qucesivi mihi hie ductam in
Kikaq. The proper name cannot be doubtful. 'The verb, if we
insist upon "Q 3, denominative from "1^33 , or pPblD > would be
T .
primitias snmsi, as in Arabic, or primiparam fed. I will not say,
that this rather strong expression could not have been used ; but as
n K 2
372 AFI'KNDIX C.
the orthography on tombstones is often not very correct — almost
every runic stone proves the fact — I take it for "!pOtf> "Vp^ft »
qtuesivi. — The next group, if read ft3\*J|»7 , gives no Semitic word.
I suppose the sign exceeding the line below to be He, as it can be
written in Arabic. The preceding character is not simply 7 but 17 ,
miki, as in »7n> xi- 2- NJD'DJ for JO'D3> ductam, from ^£0 ,
the usual Chaldee word for sumere, ducere in matrimonium, Targum
Exod. xxi. 10.; Deut. xxiv. 4. ; Chron. v. 11.
Lines 16. and 18. \O\D1 ft/^
The Vau is to be carried over from line 15. 77Jf ia the Chaldee
word for Hebrew J< % , ingressus est, venit aliquo ; if the ft
T
after j"| is correct, we have a Hebrew form ftj"l7)7 instead of
Chaldee J~) 7^ ; but I rather think the semblance of an ft to have
arisen only from continuing the last sweeping line of the J") ; com-
pare the j") of line 5. sup. — The feminine of third person preterite,
rhy is caused by »ft \f , Hebrew Tfty, Arabic |ft^> which is
a feminine in all dialects. As for the dotted y, see above, III.
No. 2.; we find it in the same word, 19, 5. For the defective writing
°f ^^ instead of J1O > compare Ges. Mon. Phoen. p. 96. 105. and
often.
Lines 19, and 20. ft^niD WV ftElDl • The locative
demonstrative, which in Hebrew is also used for designating Time,
generally sounds ft£H > in Chaldee ; our vocalisation, analogous
with that of duna, 3, 4., is justified by Arabic tumma, deinde.—
K^HID is tne feminine of the passive participle to Aphel from the
common verb, ^fT"! > omplus, latusfuit. The causative is used of
enlargement of dominion, Exod. xxxiv. 24. ; Deut. xxxiii. 20. ;
Amos, i. 13. The Semite, when speaking of his herd, thereby de-
signates his wealth and station, and its increase means that his affairs
are in a thriving condition.
HIE INSCRIPTION OF A l'.l> I1ADHR. 373
VI.
The Age of the Inscription.
The contents give only a very slight clue for guessing the age.
The name Az-balat, as we have already shown, is a composition
connected with the worship of Baaltis. Now, Arabia became ac-
quainted with Christianity at the end of the second century (Basra,
which is only at a day's journey from Abushadhr, was the seat of a
bishop) ; Mesopotamia, the land of Abgarus, already before the
middle of the second century. Now, a name, which so pointedly
implies praise and service to the heathen goddess Baaltis would not
have been given by a Christian father. "We may, therefore, say, if
the Inscription does not belong to the time before Christ, it must be
attributed to one of the first post-Christian centuries, when the lands
round the Euphrates were still heathen.
The history of the Semitic alphabets, on the other hand, seems not
to allow us to go back very far into heathen antiquity.
The Semitic writing on the weights of the palace of Tiglath
Pileser * is of strictly Phoenician character: many closed heads, both
round and angular ; the letters unequal, unconnected, and awkward.
From this character, our Inscription differs considerably. It is
more developed, more symmetrical and rounded off; the heads are
mostly opened, and, in consequence, the characters shortened above :
finally, the characters are frequently connected. In short, we have
a cursive or running hand, later than the capitals of the Phoenician.
Now, this cursive character is most resembling that of the Palmy-
rene Inscriptions. As these extend from the year 49 to 250 of our
era, and as those among their characters, which are most rounded
off, are most resembling ours (see III. No. 1.), our Inscription might
seem to belong rather to a younger than to an earlier period than
the older Palmyrene.
But we meet also with some letters which bear a character anterior
tu the Palmyrene, having a more closed, compact shape. The absence
of tinal letters also bespeaks a high antiquity. A running hand might
* On the veil known Assyrian Lions in the British Museum, described by
.rd, Nineveh, p. 601.
B B 3
374 APPENDIX C.
form itself much earlier in a trading country, near a great river
and large cities, than in the interior. Now, Abushadhr lies in the
neighbourhood of Kufa and Basra : the Kufic character, of which we
know the antiquity to be very great, is also a cursive one.
On consideration of all these circumstances, we are inclined to
think it most probable that the Inscription of Abushadhr reaches up
to one of the last ante-Christian centuries.
Let us hope for more specimens of this important Babylonian
writing.
APPENDIX D,
THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET,
THE CONFERENCES REGARDING IT
HELD AT THE RESIDENCE OF CHEVALIER BUNSEN, IN
JANUARY, 1854.
S B 4
I.
THE LONDON CONFERENCES,
THE progress of the first part of the Outlines which I submit to the
public, and some concurrent circumstances have suggested to me the
idea of trying whether the publication of my work might not be made
instrumental for advancing, and if possible bringing to some practical
conclusion, the question of a universal alphabet. It appeared to me
that the philologists in England and on the Continent, and more par-
ticularly in Germany and France, having come to an understanding on
some leading principles, there was a good foundation for hoping that
the time had come when the civilised nations of the world might by
the irresistible verdict of enlightened public opinion be led to the
adoption of a standard alphabet for transcribing words of foreign
languages, always excluding those of Romanic and Teutonic Europe,
and Greek. To arrive at some conclusions respecting the funda-
mental principles of such a universal means of analysing and defining
the sounds of the leading languages of Europe themselves, and of
transcribing all other alphabets according to a uniform system, seemed
more than ever an urgent necessity. The researches of comparative
philology have of late become a subject of general interest, and a
work like the present showed by itself the defects of even the most
approved methods, and the impediments which this confusion throws
in the way of scientific researches conducted for the interest of the
public at large.
The communications into which, on these considerations, I entered
with my learned friends, and in particular with Professor Lepsius,
Doctor Carl Meyer, and Professor Max Miiller, confirmed me both in
the feeling of this necessity and in the hope of advancing at this
moment some steps at least in the important question at issue.
378 ATl'KNDIX D. T11K UNIVEltSAL ALPI1A1JKT.
My proposals for a conference were kindly received, and what
follows will best tell its own tale.
It is now for the enlightened public in Europe and America, and
for the concurrence and practical spirit of those who, as comparative
philologists, or as missionaries, are principally occupied with the
subject, to bring to a practical conclusion a problem so intimately
connected with the wonderful organisation of man, and with the
grandest and most universal work of the great family of mankind, and
so essential for the advancement of the highest theoretical and prac-
tical purposes. May the feeling of the sacredness of the subject in
both respects always be present to those who seriously enter into
these discussions, and lead to that sacrifice of individual predilections,
not to say imaginations, and of national pretensions, without which, the
great cause of Humanity, also in this neutral and peaceable field, can-
not be advanced and secured.
I. THE LONDON CONFERENCES. 379
FIRST CONFERENCE.*
Wednesday, the 25th of January, 1854.
ON the invitation of Chevalier Bunsen, some friends met at Prussia
House, Carlton Terrace, on Wednesday, the 25th January, 1854, in
order to take into consideration the important question whether or not
a uniform system of expressing foreign alphabets by Roman characters
could be devised and agreed upon. The gentlemen who met were
Sir John Herschel, Sir Charles Trevelyan, Professor Owen ; Revds.
H. Venn, F. Trestrail, Chapman, William Arthur ; Messrs. Edwin
Norris, R. Cull, E. Underbill, Captain Graham, and Dr. Max Miiller.
These represented most of the Missionary, the Asiatic and Ethnolo-
gical Societies. The Royal Academy of Berlin was represented by
Dr. Pertz, the editor of the Monumenta Historice Germanicce.
Chevalier Bunsen having been requested to take the chair, thus
stated the object for which this conference had assembled : —
" I have to open the discussions for which I have taken the liberty
of requesting your presence this day, as I shall have to close them,
with my best thanks for the kindness with which you have granted
that co-operation which, at the present conjuncture, I believe to be of
the highest importance.
" Two great phenomena have occurred in the course of this century
to urge upon Europe the importance and necessity of a universal
alphabet, so powerfully called forth by Volney : the rise and wonder-
ful advance of the science of languages, and of comparative philology,
combined with universal ethnology, and the great Protestant mis-
sionary movement all over the globe. As to the first, it was parti-
cularly the British sway in India which opened the way. The study
of Sanskrit, with its wonderful symmetric system of sounds and its
living traditions of elocution, gave the enlightened statesmen and
*•> holars employed in the administration of that vast empire a basis
* The following account is substantially taken from the article in the %i Times '
of Saturday, 25th January, 1854.
380 APPENDIX D. 1 IIK I MVEKSAL ALPHABET.
for a uniform Indian alphabet in Unman characters, and at the same
time forced the scholars and philosophers of Europe to go out of Un-
beaten track. The sounds of Sanskrit called for a comparison with
those of the cognate languages, the Greek, the Latin, the Germanic.
The theory of etymology showed itself inseparable from that of
phonology.
"As to the great missionary work, we find that in the beginning
almost every missionary who had to fix the sounds of tribes without
an alphabet followed his own inspirations. The specimens of transla-
tions of the Bible into such languages, published by the great British
and Foreign Bible Societies, exhibit a lively image of this variety. It
was the evident necessity of some principle and the desirableness of
uniformity which inspired the Rev. H. Venn some years ago with the
idea of making the great experiment to see how the natives of Africa
would receive what may be called a philosophical alphabet. Ex-
perience has shown that the natives of that interesting district where
the Yoruba dialect is spoken are willing and able to understand their
idiom if transcribed into such an alphabet.
" The proposed republication, in a much extended form, of my lecture
on the philosophy of language, delivered at Oxford in 1847, has
brought the great desideratum more forcibly before my mind in the
course of the last six months. I found a different system of transcrip-
tion adopted in every one of the contributions of my learned friends
to that work, now in the press, destined to give the last results of the
researches of comparative philology for the languages of Asia and
Europe. By reading them and the great works of Bopp, Burnouf,
and Humboldt, I was painfully reminded of the want of two great
principles — I mean, a physiological one for the basis, and a practical
one for the application. None of the systems I found, including that
which I use myself, proved to be consistent as to its basis ; none un-
objectionable as to its application. This distressing state of things,
and continued communication with my excellent and learned friend,
the Rev. H. Venn, brought me at last to the resolution of calling upon
those two of my younger friends who had for years occupied them-
selves with this problem, and who were, by universal consent, con-
sidered as men most particularly qualified to propose that definitive
project of a universal alphabet to the civilised world which might
I. THE LONDON CONFERENCES. 381
come before the public with some hopes of success. Both were dis-
posed to bring their researches and speculations to a conclusion. One
is present*, and his proposal is in your hands; the other, Professor
Lepsius, has left Berlin this morning in order to be present at our dis-
cussions ; and I hope you. all here present will see and hear him at
our next conference, for which I propose to fix next Monday, at the
same hour, for Professor Lepsius will be obliged to return to Berlin on
Tuesday.
" The course which I propose to follow in this first conference is to
discuss, first, the physiological basis, then the principles of application,
and, finally, the application followed out by Prof. Max Miiller.
" Our discussion will have to pass through three stages.
" The first question is, — Are we enabled by the present state of
physiological and mathematical research to define the nature of each
sound in a given language so as to reduce it to its proper place ? I
think we are, in consequence of the profound and ingenious researches
of Johannes Miiller in his Physiology (made also the object of a
lecture in the Royal Academy of Sciences at Berlin, printed in the
Transactions of that Academy), and of the illustrious philosopher and
astronomer who has honoured us this day with his presence. Prof.
Miiller * shows that he has placed himself upon the indestructible
basis thus created, and the great luminary of physiology, my friend,
Professor R. Owen, is ready to give us the benefit of his demon-
strations for this purpose. If we have gained such a basis, the next
question is, in examining any given proposal, — Is the system of
expressing these sounds alphabetically consistent? And the third
and last, — Has it been carried out in such a manner as to render
it universally applicable ?
"The greatest difficulty of the subject lies in the union of these
three different lines of inquiry. But it is worth all possible efforts.
Look to the missionary cause. We may hope to fix upon an alphabet
which will be the basis of civilisation and literature for tribes growing
into nations under the benign influence of Christianity. The same
alphabet may, with immediate effect, serve to give to the 150,000,000
of your Indian empire a uniform alphabet. Such an alphabet will take
* Dr. Max Miiller, of Oxford.
382 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
away a great bar to communication between such of the Indian popu-
lations as speak a very cognate language, and gradually with all ; and,
at the same time, bring them nearer to their European rulers, and the
rulers nearer to them. But finally, that same alphabet will render it
possible, not only for the scholar by profession, but for every friend of
ethnology and comparative philosophy of language, to transcribe and
to read the sounds, and to understand whatever belongs to the noblest
branch of ethnology, whether published at London, or at Paris, or at
St. Petersburg. And why not at Pekin and Nankin ? For I am sure
that the first step needful for the 360,000,000 composing the Chinese
empire, before entering into the stream of the common civilisation of
mankind, will be their adoption of an alphabet of sounds, to which, as
experience has already shown, even that most abnormal language can
be reduced. It is for such noble purposes, gentlemen, that I request
your kind and enlightened support."
The conference was opened by a concise and lucid exposition of
Professor OWEN. He exhibited several diagrams, illustrating from
them the formation of voice. He expressed his entire agreement
with the results laid down by Dr. Johannes Miiller, and with their
application as suggested by Prof. Max Miiller in a paper which formed
the subject of the present discussion. He had not obtained sufficient
specimens to compare carefully the organs of speech in different
races ; but the chief difference alread}' known to him was, that in
the Australians the cavities for resonant air, known as the frontal
sinuses, did not exist fully developed. Thence, perhaps, arose a
certain want of resonance for which their voice was remarkable. He
referred to a work by a German physiologist, Amman, De Loqueld,
published in 1700, as almost exhausting the subject.
A desultory conversation then arose, in the course of which
Sir JOHN HERSCHEL made some interesting statements as to the
formation of voice and vowels in particular. He held that the vowel
sounds were practically infinite, on account of the amazing flexibility
of the organs. In English he thought we had at least 13 vowels.
Mr. NORRIS observed that there were more ; Mr. CULL, that he
made out 17. Sir CHARLES /TREVELYAN showed that in practice
the tendency was, as society improved, to drop peculiar distinctions
in the same language and conform to one standard. He gave an
I. THE LONDON COM l.KKN'CES. 383
interesting account of cases in which the Roman character had been
applied to Oriental languages by himself and other gentlemen at
Calcutta some 20 years ago.
Several remarks were made to show that the vowel sounds are not
identical in different languages, even where so nearly the same as to
require one graphic expression. There seemed to be a unanimous
feeling that it would be useless and impossible to attempt to find for
each possible variety of sound a different graphic sign ; but that a
sufficient number of typical signs being formed, each nation, or
province, woul dattach to them their own shade of sound, while to
other people they would represent the sound in their own language
nearest to it.
Mr. ARTHUR stated that, on hearing the proposal of Prof. Max
Miiller to represent foreign alphabets by the Roman, using italics for
certain modifications of both vowels and consonants, he at first
thought it impracticable ; but, resolving to test it by the Canarese
alphabet, he found, to his surprise, that he could easily represent all
Canarese letters. Mr. NORRIS stated the points where he agreed with
Prof. Miiller's physiological definitions and alphabetical proposals. He
objected, however, to italics as ugly, and preferred dots, or other
diacritical marks.
Mr. VENN made a most interesting statement as to how the Church
Missionary Society wished, when introducing writing into African
languages previously unwritten, to accept an alphabetic system now
in use and successful. He objected to changes, unless they were ab-
solutely necessary, and remarked that among the Cherokee Indians a
syllabarium even had been found to serve so well that children did
not require to have any time spent in teaching them to read, but
learnt it in a morning. A letter was in existence written by a chief
on the same day that he first saw writing.
Prof. MULLER, who was called upon to answer some objections that
had been made to his proposals, said that one great point had been
gained in the course of these discussions, the general agreement on
the necessity of a physiological basis for a universal alphabet. He
showed that the same view had been taken in grammars appended to
the Veda, the sacred books of the Brahmans, and that the phy.sio-
logical definitions of the vowels and consonants, as given there, coin-
384 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
cided in some points almost literally with those of Johannes Miiller
and Professor Owen. This fact, might, therefore, be considered as
agreed upon. In order to adapt the Roman alphabet to the typo-
graphical words and consonants, it would be necessary either to intro-
duce Greek letters, or to cast new types with hooks and dots. Both
these methods he showed to be objectionable ; and he recommended
the use of italics to express certain modifications of the vowels and
consonants, the formation of which he illustrated from diagrams of
Professor Owen. He insisted on three points ; first, that no type
should be recommended which did not exist in every English fount ;
secondly, that modifications of certain consonants, such as kirk and
church, genus and gender, largus and large, should be expressed uni-
formly, and, as he proposed, by italics ; thirdly, that the missionary
alphabet should be as a segment of a more extended one, which would
be useful for scientific purposes, and which had been tested by him-
self and other scholars, and found applicable to Indo-European, Se-
mitic, and such of the Chinese family of languages as had received an
alphabetic representation. Two objections were made to italics ;
one says, they are too ugly and startling ; another says, they are not
striking enough. On the one hand, they were not so ugly as to shock
the aesthetic feelings of the Caffre; on the other, they were sufficiently
observable to fix the notice of the eye.
The conference lasted four hours, and was adjourned to Monday,
the 30th of January.
I. THE LONDON CONFERENCES. 385
SECOND CONFERENCE.
Monday, the 30th of January, 1854.
The members assembled at the first conference were also present at
this, with the addition of Professor Lepsius, of the Royal Academy,
at Berlin ; Professor H. H. Wilson, of the E. I. C., and of Oxford Uni-
versity ; and of Mr. Charles Babbage.
The chairman opened the conference by the following address : —
" The last time, gentlemen, that I had the honour of addressing
you, I proposed to open the present conference with calling upon
Prof. Max Miiller to give, in illustration of his printed statement, the
details respecting the application of his proposal ; the general prin-
ciples and method of application of which had formed the subject of
our conversations in the first conference. After I proposed to
request Professor Lepsius, whose arrival for our present meeting I
was authorized to announce, to lay before you that comprehensive
system which he has formed, during a long series of years, for the
use of all possible scientific transcriptions, as well as for missionary
purposes, and respecting which we were all anxious to hear his own
statement.
" I have now the gratification of seeing Professor Lepsius among u?,
and I have to announce to you that Professor Miiller has requested
me to state that he begs to refer to his printed statement, and does
not intend to take up any part of your time, desirous as he is that
this conference should be entirely dedicated to the development of
the system of Professor Lepsius. In now calling upon my friend to
give us such a statement of that system of his as he thinks best
adapted for the purpose, I cannot refrain from giving expression to
my delight in seeing this striking proof of the progress of scientific
intercourse and debates among the men of different countries. Here
the member of a German university, most strenuously occupied with
his lectures, and with preparing one of the most gigantic works of
the age, the Monuments of Egypt and their Explanations, leaves, in
VOL. II. C C
386 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
the midst of winter (and I may be allowed to add), under anxious
domestic circumstances, his domestic hearth and his country, to be
present at a scientific debate beyond the seas, 700 miles distant, and
to return home after a few days. In the midst of many signs and
events of the age which are of a nature to distress the observer of
European affairs, and to create in his mind grave thoughts respecting
the future, let us the more rejoice at this instance of free, unpre-
judiced, and friendly intercommunion between the men of science all
over the world. Humanity, civilisation, and religion, require and
demand such a co-operation, not less than science and literature; and
no branch of it more than that which is most immediately connected
with our debates, — ethnology, based upon comparative philology. I
propose, therefore, that the expression of the thanks of the meeting be
tendered to Professor Lepsius for his presence amongst us."
These thanks having been warmly expressed, and Professor Lepsius
having acknowledged them, he entered into a lucid exposition of his
system, for the details of which the public may now be referred to
the printed exposition appended to this historical statement.
I. THE LONDON CONFE11KNCE8. 387
THIRD CONFERENCE.
Wednesday, the 1st of February, 1854-.
The discussions and conversations to which the exposition of the
system of Professor Lepsius had given rise in the last conference
were continued in the present, and in particular to a reply of Professor
Miiller, in answer to the objections which had been raised against his
own proposal, and to a criticism upon some points in the system of
Professor Lepsius.
The time seemed now come to propose and consider some resolu-
tions framed by the chairman, in order to fix the preliminary, funda-
mental points, on which all, or almost all, members present seemed
to have agreed.
The following five resolutions were therefore successively sub-
mitted and recommended by the chairman.
RESOLUTIONS.
The conference, after having examined the proposals of Professor
Miiller and of Professor Lepsius, and after having taken into con-
sideration the observations suggested by several of its members, has
come to the following resolutions, to which it requires the adhesion
of those who wish to continue the deliberations upon the subject, and
which, it hopes, may gradually lead to a complete understanding.
First Resolution.
The object of the conference is to arrive, if possible, at a general
understanding upon an alphabet capable of serving both for scientific
and for practical purposes ; that is to say, both for transcribing the
works of all languages not using the Latin or Greek alphabet ; and for
constituting (as is the object of missionary labours) into a rational
system the sounds of the languages of such tribes or nations as
c c 2
388 APPENDIX. D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
possess no alphabet, — either having no writing at all, or not an
alphabetical one.
Second Resolution.
The first basis of such an alphabet must be a physiological one ;
which includes the requisite that every sound which is to form part of
the alphabet should be physiologically defined, and, if capable of such
a definition, considered as an individual element, and to be represented
by one letter.
Third Resolution.
That the second requisite is the linguistic basis, and that this
requires an organic arrangement of the sounds of all languages which
have been analysed philologically, and therefore presupposes a sys-
tematic arrangement of their sounds according to the organs of
speech, and according to the organic affections to which some of them
are liable.
Fourth Resolution.
That a graphic system, proposed upon this double basis, must be
rational and consistent, and must answer the purposes of reading and
writing, with a particular regard as to printing.
Fifth Resolution.
That the scientific alphabet, thus constructed, is to be considered
as the Standard Alphabet ; which, in its completeness, is to serve as
a medium of general transcription of all languages not using a Latin
alphabet ; and that each Missionary Alphabet shall draw its resources
from the same, with due consideration to the greatest possible
economy of signs; or, at least, if in any respect deviations be admitted,
such deviations should be specially noticed and explained, and should
never interfere with the Standard Alphabet by employing its signs to
represent any other sound than that which this alphabet prescribes.
After some discussions on these resolutions, the chairman proposed
that he should lay them before the conference at its next meeting in
an amended form, so as to render their unanimous adoption possible.
This proposal was approved.
I. THE LONDON CONFERENCES. 389
FOURTH CONFERENCE.
Friday, the 3rd of February, 1854-.
Professor Lepsius was present, having prolonged his stay on pur-
pose, with the understanding that the conferences should on this day be
brought to a close.
The chairman opened the conference with the following address: —
" As this conference will, for the present, be our last, Professor
Lepsius not being able to delay his departure any longer, and the
presence of Professor Miiller being required at Oxford, it appears to
me evident that we must do what the Romans call ' contrahere vela.'
Let us then quit as soon as we can the open sea of theoretical con-
troversy, and steer straight for the port of a common understanding
respecting the practical application. On this point, in particular,
Professor Lepsius will, on this day, submit to the conference his final
remarks, which undoubtedly will give rise to some concluding observa-
tions by Professor Miiller.
" Before we proceed to these, I beg to be allowed to lay before the
conference first a recapitulation of the results obtained, introductory
to the amended form of the resolutions. I shall then endeavour to
condense, in as few sentences as I can, what I consider the practical
results already obtained by our deliberations, and conclude with the
proposal of a compromise."
Recapitulations.
It was the object of these Conferences to consider whether all the
languages of the world, with the exception of Greek, Latin, and
the Teutonic and Romanic languages of Europe, could be represented
graphically by one uniform alphabet.
The discussion was naturally divided into two parts.
I. We had to consider the general principles which ought to guide
us in the composition of such an alphabet.
II. We had to see how these principles could be carried out
practically.
c c 3
390 APPENDIX P. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
It was necessary to listen to the wishes of the scholar, the mis-
sionary, and the printer, and to weigh any objections that might be
made by the one or the other. It was not intended to propose a system
ready made and perfect in all its details, but rather to find out what
system might prove most acceptable to all concerned in this matter,
and competent to give an opinion on it. It was understood, therefore,
that every one who took an active part in these conferences would
be open to argument, and ready to waive those points on which he
found himself at variance with the clearly expressed opinion of the
majority.
• The conference, after considering the proposals of Professor Max
Mliller and of Professor Lepsius, and after having taken into con-
sideration the observations suggested by several of its members, has
come to the following resolutions, to which it requires the adhesion
of those who wish to continue the deliberations upon the subject,
and which, it hopes, may gradually lead to a complete understanding.
THE FOUR AMENDED RESOLUTIONS.
First Resolution.
The basis of our alphabet must be a physiological one ; that is to
say, every sound must be defined physiologically before it can claim
its own graphic exponent in our alphabet.
Second Resolution.
This physiological system, offering an infinite variety of possible
sounds, must be checked and reduced by linguistic observation.
The comparative philologist, by means of the most comprehensive
induction, must determine which are the typical sounds employed in
the various manifestations of human speech; and after discovering
which sounds are primary or secondary, which simple or compound,
he must fix the number of letters requisite for a universal alphabet.
Third Resolution.
The graphic system built upon this double basis must be rational
and consistent, and must answer the purposes of reading and writing,
with a particular regard to printing.
I. THE LONDON CONFERENCES. 391
CorolL The graphic exponents should in the first place be drawn
from the Roman Alphabet. After this is exhausted, we should employ
in (lie second place, modifications of the Roman types, and
A. Modifications supplied by common founts.
B. Modifications expressed by diacritical dots, lines, &c., and
requiring new types.
Greek letters can only come in by way of exception. Arabic,
Russian, or fanciful types must be excluded altogether.
Fourth Resolution.
The scientific alphabet thus constructed is to be considered as the
Standard Alphabet, to which all other alphabets are to be referred,
and from which the distance of each is to be measured. If scholars
or societies, after following their own system of transcription in a
number of publications, consider themselves pledged to it, it should
be stated in what points their alphabet deviates from the common
standard. These systems will then be considered as Transition
Alphabets, which may in time be merged in a Uniform Alphabet.
These four resolutions, having been found to express the general
opinion of the members of the conference, were consequently
adopted, as bases of a further understanding.
It seemed now to remain for me to state how far an agreement
had been attained respecting the real construction of such an alphabet.
Having in the mean time consulted both Professor Muller and Professor
Lepsius, I am enabled to lay before the conference the following
statement as expressing the extent of the agreement hitherto obtained ;
and pointing out the differences of opinion which still stand in the way
of a perfect understanding.
The following letters are to form part of the Standard Alphabet:
1. Letters to which no objection has been raised as to the sound
which they represent:
K. (Gutturalis tennis) as in Kirk.
G. (Gutturalis media) as in go.
T. (Dentalis tenuis) as in town.
D. (Dentalis media) as in down.
c c 4
392 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
N. (Dentalis nasalis) as in no.
P. (Labialis tenuis) as in post.
B. (Labialis media) as in boat.
M. (Labialis nasalis) as in man.
Y. (Palatalis semivocalis) as in yes.
L. (Dentalis semivocalis or liquida) as in low.
R. (Lingualis semivocalis or liquida) as in row.
W. (Labialis semivocalis) as in will.
S. (Sibilans dentalis asper) as in sin.
Z. (Sibilans dentalis lenis) as in zeal.
F. (Sibilans labialis asper) as \njind.
V. (Sibilans labialis lenis) as in veil.
H. (Spiritus gutturalis asper, according to Miiller, or Spiritus
faucalis, or pectoral is, according to Lepsius) as in hand.
With regard to these letters no dissentient voice has been raised
as to the sound which they ought to represent in a Standard Alphabet.
The discussions to which they gave rise bore entirely on the technical
nomenclature of these letters, and the proper physiological definition
which should be given of them.
2. As to linguals, Professor Miiller assumed that an agreement had
been likewise arrived at which might be expressed in the following
sentence: — That the lingual series (sometimes called cerebral) should
have the same bases as the dental series, that is to say, T, D, N, S.
Discussions arose as to the best manner of marking the difference of
dentals and linguals. Dots, lines, accents, and italics were proposed.
Professor Lepsius, on the contrary, thought that there was no
agreement on this point, and gave the following statement : — That
there are two different series between the palatals and the dentals;
the one exists in Sanskrit, and is known by the not correct but gene-
rally received name of Cerebrals ; whilst the other series, which exists
in Arabic, is called Linguals. It was proposed to distinguish the first
series by dots or italics, the second by lines, the common basis for
both being the dental signs, T, D, N, S, Z.
Against this statement Professor Miiller observed in reply that the
agreement with regard to linguals was perfect, because what Lepsius
had added referred to another class of linguals or cerebrals in Arabic,
about which nothing was asserted in the above statement.
I. THE LONDON CONFERENCES. 393
3. With regard to the Palatal Series, two views were advocated:
According to the one they should be considered as modifications of
the Gutturals, and therefore have the same bases, with modificatory
marks, k or k'. According to the other view, their sound being
peculiar and a simple one in Sanskrit, they should have their own ex-
ponents : c, ch, tch, &c.
If the former view be adopted, which is that- of Bopp and Burnouf,
we shall only have to agree on the modificatory marks to be added to
the Guttural Series.
If the latter opinion prevails, which is advocated by Professor Wil-
son, Sir C. Trevelyan, and was that of Sir W. Jones, the exponents
most likely to prevail are ch for tenui*, andj for media. Klaproth's
proposal to adopt a Russian letter (l{) is against the general use, and
is excluded by our third resolution.
If therefore we agree on the modificatory marks to be applied to
Palatals and Linguals, nearly the whole of our object will have been
achieved. Professor Miiller proposes italics both for Palatals and
Linguals ; Professor Lepsius proposes the acute accent for Palatals,
the dots for Cerebrals, and the lines for Linguals. The former pro-
position removes, once for all, the practical objection so frequently
urged as an excuse by scholars and missionaries, that either the dotted
or the accented types not being at hand, some other expedient has
been adopted to mark the palatal or lingual modification. The latter
expedient has the advantage of looking better if the types are cast on
one body, and is more congenial to the methods hitherto adopted,
although never yet consistently.
It is evident, that the former of these two systems can only be car-
ried out thoroughly under the supposition, that one and the same letter
can never be affected by the palatal as well as the lingual modification.
Professor Lepsius maintains that the /, being palatal and lingual, as
well as dental, gives an instance of such being the case. Professor
Miiller denies that there exists a necessity of expressing in one and
the same language more than two primitive Ls. But should it be
shown that this is not sufficient, he allows (for such cases), by way of
exception, the use of diacritical signs. For the guttural, palatal,
lingual, and dental n also, he proposes n, ii, n, and n.
394 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPIIA15ET.
If we compare the peculiar advantages of either of the two systems
before us, we are led to the following observations : —
The system of Prof. Lepsius offers the advantage — and this for
\hejirst time, — that a given diacritical sign, a dot or point, above or
below, is always the exponent of one and the same organic affection,
and never anything else. The sign therefore impresses itself on the
mind as the exponent of a given modifying affection, and thus is
easily remembered and extremely instructive.
Prof. Miiller maintains that no doubt can ever exist whether a
modified k and t be meant for a lingual or palatal ; and therefore
considers the admission of a distinct modificatory sign for each class
as superfluous, and hence an impediment to our chief object — uni-
formity. But, admitting for argument's sake the view advocated by
Lepsius, he fears that it will be difficult to invent a new sign to
mark the syllabic accent, if the accentus aculus is made the exponent
of palatality. This is met by Professor Lepsius with two observations :
first, that generally, with the exception of the Sanskrit r and 1, an
accent is never used for consonants, but for vowels ; and, secondly, that
the sign might be so modified as to distinguish it from the accent.
Prof, Miiller misses the palatal accent on the palatal y. Professor
Lepsius allows this, but he asserts that his system allows perfectly
this modification being marked, if it should be found expedient.
Further, Prof. Miiller adverts to the fact that the cerebral dot is
used for different purposes under the vowels e and o (e and o).
Finally, Prof. Miiller denies the possibility of one local class, the
Dentals, producing three sets of Orales fricativfe .
s z -| she, pleasure,
s z L sin, please.
$' 3' J thin, the.
After these statements, the chairman added the following remarks
respecting the specified differences between the systems of Professor
Miiller and Professor Lepsius : —
" Having thus, to the best of my ability, laid before the Conference
what I consider to be an impartial historical exposition of the dif-
ferences existing at present between my two learned friends, I
beg, in conclusion, the permission to state in a few words my own
personal view of the case.
I. THE LONDON CONFERENCES. 395
" After mature consideration, I have come to the following con-
clusions and to a proposal of a compromise which I would recommend
to the calm consideration of my two friends, and to all members of
the conference present.
"Either system evidently has its advantages and its disadvantages,
and these may be considered inherent to the nature of the systems of
diacritical signs and of italics. Nor is this theoretical difference an
absolute one : for even Professor Miiller cannot entirely dispense with
diacritical signs.
" It cannot be denied that the remaining theoretical differences are
deserving of ulterior discussion. Supposing that such a discussion
should not lead to a perfect agreement, it is well to bear in mind, that
the points at issue are entirely theoretical, and that at all events it
should be attempted to waive them as subordinate to the importance
of the great practical object before us.
" As a basis of a common co-operation, I beg to propose the
following compromise. It consists simply of two articles : —
" First Article.
"^Professor Miiller might adopt (and is ready to adopt, as far as phy-
siological principles are concerned), the theoretical classification and
nomenclature of Professor Lepsius for practical application, reserving
to himself to lay before the public his objections as to some points of
detail, if he cannot prevail upon Professor Lepsius to modify his
theory respecting them.
" Second Article.
" Professor Miiller is ready to propose his system of italics, as a sup-
plementary one for those who have not the types required for the alpha-
bet of Professor Lepsius, and as particularly useful for transliteration,
that is to say, for translating any given sign of a given historical
alphabet into one of the Roman Alphabet, ordinary and italic, which is
of great importance and immediate use for all scientific purposes, as
for instance, transcribing Sanskrit or Arabic texts.
" I think I may say, with the concurrence of all here present, and of
the immense majority of all those who in Europe and in the United
II.
LEPSIUS'
SUCCINCT EXPOSITION OF HIS UNIVERSAL
STANDARD ALPHABET.
A COMPREHENSIVE exposition of the physiological basis would here
be out of place. We must limit ourselves to facilitating the under-
standing of the system. This will be best accomplished by not
separating the phonic from the graphic system, but by presenting the
first immediately in its application to the latter. We do not enlarge,
therefore, on the definition of voice and sound, of vowel and con-
sonant, and other physiological explanations, and shall only refer to
them as occasion offers.*
A. The System of Vowels.
There are three primary vowels, as there are three primary colours.
Like the latter, they can be best represented by the analogy of a
triangle, at the top of which is to be placed a, at the basis « and u
(pronounced as in the German and Italian languages).
The oiher vowels are formed between these three, as all colours
oi'twcen red, yellow, and blue. In the most ancient languages only
these three primary vowels were sufficiently distinct to be marked in
writing even when short. The Hieroglyphical, Indian, oldest Hebrew,
and Gothic systems of writing admitted either of no other vowels at
all, or at least of no other short vowels ; in Arabic writing, even now,
none but these three are distinguished.
* On this subject I refer the reader to the larger volume, which will shortly
follow the present pages, and in which the physiological part of the question will
be developed at large.
400 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
Next after these were formed, the intermediate vowels e between
a and t, o between a and u, and the sound of the German u (French M)
between i and u, also that of the German o (French eu) between e
and o. Thus arose the pyramid
a
e o o
i ii u
The distance between a and i and that between a and u is greater
than that between i and u. The intermediate vowels e and o were,
therefore, divided each into two vowels, of which one was nearer to a,
the other nearer to i or u ; and in the same manner two sounds out of
8 were formed. All these vowels exist in European languages, and
compose the following pyramid :
Fr. e
Fr. t
Fr.eu
(in yeur)
Germ. 6
o Ital.
au Fr.
Germ, w
In some European languages and dialects other shades are found ;
we have, however, the less occasion to mention them here, as hitherto
they have not been observed in any of the languages out of Europe
that come here under consideration.*
We might have wished to maintain for the middle series of vowels
the two dots over the u and o, on account of the generally known
precedent in the German orthography, the French double letter eu
not answering the simple nature of the sound. A practical objection,
however, to this mode is found in the circumstance, that occasionally
over every vowel the sign of long " and short v, and also that of the
accent of the word ' will be necessary, for which the whole space over
the letter is required. We have preferred, therefore, to preserve the
two dots, and to place them under the vowel, as o and «.
The distinction of the two modes of pronouncing e and o cannot
be marked by the French accents, partly because the upper space is
wanted for other signs too generally in use to be dispensed with, and
* TheJEnglish vowels especially deviate throughout a little from those of other
languages, there being a slight difference in the general formation of the mouth.
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 401
partly because the acute accent would not be distinguished from the
accent of the word. We add, therefore, as others have done before us,
a line below to mark the broad open vowel e and o, and a dot below,
to mark the pointed and closed vowel e, p, the shape of these marks
offering an analogy to the pronunciation itself.
From these combinations, the following system results, including
the indifferent intermediate sounds:
a
e o o
— u
e o
e o
i u
We must mention, however, one other vowel, which exists in
almost all languages, and ought not to be neglected by ^linguists.
This is the indistinct vowel-sound from which, according to the
opinion of some scholars, the other vowels, as it were, issued and grew
into individuality, and to which the unaccented vowels of our aged
European languages often return, as in the English words nation,
velvet ; the German lieben, Verstand ; the French sabre, tenir. This
vowel comes among the clear sounding vowels next to o, being
itself a mixture of all the others*, but it is capable of various shades,
and sometimes approaches nearer to o, or to i and u. From all of
these, however, as also from o, it is distinguished by the absence of
that clear resonance common to the others, which is lost by partially
contracting the mouth or even closing it entirely : in the latter case
it is heard through the nose.f This vowel is inherent in all soft
fricative consonants, as well as in the first part of the nasal explosive
sounds (see below) ; whence all these letters as z, n, m, appear some-
* The o resembles in the pyramid of colours the brown colour, which equally
arises from a mixture of the three prime colours, or of one of them with the oppo-
site intermediate colour.
red,
orange, brown, violet,
yellow, green, blue.
f It may be compared to grey, which also does not belong to the series of in-
dividual colours.
VOL. II. D D
402 APPENDIX D. TIIE UNIVERSAL ALPHAHJ.1.
times as forming syllables.* It assumes the strongest resonance, as may
be easily explained on physiological grounds, in combination with r
and I, which, as is well known, appear in Sanscrit asr and I, with all the
qualities of the other vowels.f We express this indistinct vowel, which
is almost always short, by the Greek character t, as has been done
already by Ludolf'm his Ethiopic grammar, Isenberg in the Amharic,
Piccolomini in the Otomi, and others. The vowel sound again, inherent
in certain consonants, when forming a syllable, we mark by a small
circle under the consonant asr, m. Any Latin vowel sign} would in
a genera] alphabet only lead to mistakes. It is not advisable to go
farther in the graphic distinction of the different shades of this indis-
tinct vowel than, in case of need, to mark the open pronunciation by
c, the closed by e, as with o and e.
Finally, the clear vowels are further capable of a peculiar alteration,
that of nasalisation. This is produced not by closing nor even by nar-
rowing the canal of the mouth, but by simultaneously opening the
canul of the nose. There is no consonantal element brought into
play (although the nasalisation is mostly caused by the dropping of a
nasal consonant), but it is an alteration entirely within the vowel. As
such it has been rightly understood by the Indian grammarians, who
express the nasalisation (armswara) by a vowel-like sign, namely, by
placing a dot over the letter. For the European alphabet, we choose
the sign ~ placed over the vowel $, as the dot would be inconvenient
in the case of the i, and write —
o, e, i) O) u, o, u.
The length of vowels is not expressed by the Greek sign*, but by
the line used in Latin prosody, which requires less space, and is more
* In the Chinese language, for instance, z is used as a vowel in the roots
•I . «•«?.
f I shall enter more fully into this subject in my larger volume. A similar
remark applies to the English vowel, into which all clear vowels resolve them-
selves before r combined with a second consonant as in steward, herd, bird,
•work, world, burn, and so on ; yet the Indian vowel is still different from these.
J As e, which has been often used for it (Burnouf, Roger, Endlicher, Petermann,
Edwards), £ (Bapp, Schon), a (Macbrair) or M, which Robinson has adopted in
his Palestine.
§ The same mark has occasionally been employed by Burnouf'm his Commen-
taire sur le Yafna (p. cxxiii. p. x. Tableau.)
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 403
easily combined with the accent a, d, e, and so on. The shortness, if
required to be specially expressed, is likewise, as in prosody, marked
by w, «, £, t, etc.
A complete and accurate theory of transcription would require a
distinction of diphthongs, as such, since two vowels united by accent
into one syllable are pronounced otherwise than when placed uncon-
nectedly by the side of each other, and forming two syllables ; the
German word Mai having a different sound from that of the Italian
mat. The first might be marked Mai, the second mdi. Practice,
however, seems in most languages not to require any distinction.
The complete tableau of the vowels and their modifications is there-
fore the following :
a a e i o u o u e
e o o a & i 6 u 6 u r I m h n
e o o a e ~i b u o u
u u
B. THE SYSTEM OF CONSONANTS.
On the Division of Consonants.
The consonants may be divided on different principles. Two
principles of division, however, are prevalent, and will therefore be
here adopted : although the exact place of every sound in the physio-
logical system can result only from a minute enquiry into all its
qualities.
The first and most important division is that determined by the
place in the mouth where the sounds are formed. The breath
which forms the sounds issues from the larynx into the mouth, and is
here modified in a manifold manner, until it passes the outward gate of
the lips. Thus the breath on its way can be stopped in various places
either by the lips or by the tongue. We are accustomed in our
languages, like the Greeks and Romans, to distinguish three such stop-
pings, and thus to divide the consonants into three classes, gutturals,
ili iitals, and labials, according as they are formed in the throat, at the
teeth, or with the lips.
There is another essential difference in the pronunciation, in as far
as either the mouth at the above-mentioned places is completely
D D 2
404
APPENDIX D. T1IE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
closed and reopened, or the passage of the breath is only narrowed
without its stream being entirely interrupted by closing the organs.
The consonants formed by the first process we call explosive or divi-
sible (dividuce), because the moment of contact divides the sound
into two parts*, the others fricative, from their sound being deter-
mined by friction, or continuous (continues) because this friction is not
interrupted by any closing of the organs. The sounds r and /partici-
pate in both qualities, being continuous, and at the same time formed
by a contact, which is vibrating in r, and partial in /.
We are thus enabled to give the following synopsis of the most
generally known simple consonantal sounds.
The Simple Consonants of the European Language.
ancipites.
eutt. T
explosivse
or
dividuae.
f ricativae
or
continuse.
fortis lenis nasalis
fortis
lenia § em i vocal is
Gutturales k G.g a.ng
G. C/t, h
Danish^ Q.J
Dentalesl d n
("Fr. ch
«j sharp *
Fr- J
Fr. Z
Labiales p b m
/
Fr. V Er*l. W
* It will, on examination, soon appear that we often pronounce only half of a
consonant, as, for instance, in all cases in which a nasal consonant meets another
explosive letter of the same local class. The full pronunciation of an explosive
letter requires the closing and opening of the organ. In anda we close the
mouth with n and open it with d, the reverse in adna, pronouncing thus only half
the n and half the d, whilst in ana and ada we pronounce the whole of n and oi
d ; the same in ampa and anka, and so on. It is a decided mistake, to reckon nt
and n among the consonantes continue? ; for in m and n it is only the vowel element
inherent in the first half, which may be continued at pleasure, whilst in all the
continuous consonants it is the consonantic element (the friction) which must be
continued, as in /, v , «, z. When in a final m we do not reopen the mouth, we
pronounce only half an m, not a whole one. The complete consonant is best per-
ceived when placed between two vowels. It is evident that in ama closing and
opening are as necessary to the completeness of m, as in aba to that of b. This
has been correctly understood by the Indian grammarians. More on this in the
larger volume.
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 405
Upon what principles are these sounds to be rendered in a general
Of these sounds only 11, viz. k, h, t, d, n, r, I, p, b, m,f, have one
and the same universally acknowledged value in the European alpha-
bets, leaving aside a few minor differences. The others require to be
specially defined. Even among these the simple signs, g, s, z, v, and
to are already so generally introduced into linguistic books in the
value indicated above, that we may safely use them without further
discussion.
We meet with some difficulty, however, with respect to the "sounds
of the German ng, ch, andj, the French ch (or English sK) andj, the
English sharp and soft th, the Danish g, and the guttural r. These 9
sounds have been represented in linguistic books by various means.
The inconvenience of the common way of writing them will be
evident, when we refer to the principles upon which every alphabet,
aiming at general application, must be grounded, and which are
essentially as follows : —
I. Every simple sound ought to be represented by a simple sign. This
excludes the combinations ng, ch, th.
II. Different sounds are not to be expressed by one and the same sign ;
contrary to which principle ch, j, th have been used each with a
double value.
III. Those European characters which have a different value in the
principal European alphabets, are not to be admitted into a, general
alphabet. To these belong especially c and j. The former is pro-
nounced in German ts, in French and English s or k, in Italian ts or k,
and when combined with h, in German like the Greek x> in English
&, in French s, in Italian k; j in German and Italian like the English
y in year, in English dz, in French z, in Spanish like the German ch,
or Greek x- No less different are the meanings of x. The charac-
ters c, ch,j, are therefore to be excluded entirely.
IV. EXPLOSIVE letters are not to be used to express FRICATIVE sounds,
and vice versa. On the contrary, the simple characters (bases) must
form a separate series in each of the two great divisions ; if not, inex-
tricable confusion will inevitably arise. Consequently c ( = k, ts, ts),
being explosive, cannot serve as basis for the fricative sound ch. For
D D 3
406 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
the same reason the explosive c is to be avoided in rendering the
fricative French ch, as also the explosive t in the fricative English M.
If, then, we look for signs which can be applied to the sounds
above indicated, so as not to violate these most important prin-
ciples, we shall find the choice of letters more circumscribed than it
would at first appear.
German ng.
In German and in English (as for instance, Germ, enge, Engl.
singing') ng expresses the guttural n*, for which linguistic use had
very generally adopted w, particularly in transcribing the Sanscrit. It
is evident that n must remain the basis, and there is no reason for
introducing any other diacritical sign.
Guttural r.
The guttural r differs from the usual dental r, in as much as the
velum palati is put in vibration instead of the tip of the tongue. It is
often thus pronounced in different dialects of the German, French,
and other languages. The point over the letter marking already the
guttural pronunciation of n, no other diacritical sign will be chosen
for the same purpose in r. We write it, therefore, r.
German j.
The German j is the semi-vowel which, in English (year, yes),
and sometimes also in French (Mayence, Bayonne), is expressed byy.
As, according to rule No. III., we cannot retain the sign^', we write
y, following here also the use generally adopted in linguistic books.
German ch.
The German ch in lachen is known to be the fricative sound, which
arises from the throat, not being closed at the guttural point (which
would give A), but only narrowed, so that the strong and continuous
breath produces a friction, such as is heard at the teeth in s, and at
* In most other languages, as in Sanscrit, it appears only before other gut-
turals ; Indian scholars, therefore, do not generally distinguish it from the
dental n.
JI. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 407
tin- lips in /: The English, French, and Italians, do not know the
sound at all; in the Spanish language it is marked byj or x. In the
Semitic languages (Hebrew ff, Arabic *•) it is very frequent. Of
European alphabets only the Spanish and the Greek have a simple
letter for the sound. The Latin language did not know the sound,
and therefore did not express it. The signs hitherto used by
linguistic scholars, ch, kh, qh, k, x, are in opposition to the inviolable
principle that fricative sounds must not be rendered by explosive
bases, such as c, k, q (above No. IV.), or are altogether improper, like x.
The nearest applicable fricative basis would be h. But it will appear
from the sequel that this sign would be used for six different
sounds, if we do not confine it strictly to its proper meaning. The
difficulty of finding an appropriate sign for this sound is therefore
great, and has been long felt. We possess one, however, in a
European alphabet, namely, the Greek, which is almost as generally
knovvn as the Latin. From this it has been adopted into the Russian
alphabet ; and the Spanish x owes its pronunciation, probably, rather
to the Greek x> than to the Latin or. The want of a new sign, which
naturally could not be supplied from an Oriental alphabet, had already
caused Volney to propose the Greek x in his alphabet of 1795, a,nd,
after the mistaken experiment of substituting k, to reproduce it in
his last alphabet of 1818. The same sign is used by Jok. Mailer*,
Rapp^, Bunsen\, and others.
We therefore consider it not only as an essential advantage, but
even as the only means of solving all difficulties, to follow these pre-
cedents, and to receive the Greek ^ as the representative of this
sound in the general alphabet Of the soft sound, which corresponds
with the strong, we shall have to speak below.
English sh, French ch, German sch.
For the rushing sound of the English sh we should not hesitate to
propose a new basis, and to borrow it, if necessary, from the Greek
alphabet, if any such existed. But neither the Greeks nor the Ro-
* Ilandbuch der Physiologic, vol. ii. (1837), pp. 237, 238.
f Physiologic der Sprache, p. 65.
J Aegyptens Stellc in der Wei tgesohic lite, vol. i.
1> D 4
408 APPENDIX I). THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
mans had this sound ; and we must'avoid recurring to the Oriental, or
even the Russian alphabet, as few persons could be expected to follow
us so far. Our only resource, therefore, is to content ourselves with
the nearest basis *, and to qualify this by a diacritical mark. This
has been done, moreover, by all those that sought a simple sign for
this simple sound, except by Volney, who first proposed a newly
invented sign m, and afterwards preferred f, viz. the inverted j.
Some used s' or s. More generally s' has been adopted, from the
precedent of Bopp, who has used it since 1833. Others have preserved
the combination sh, which not only offends against the simplicity of the
sound, but has produced also the incorrect impression, that the rushing
sound implied a stronger breath than the common s. We should
adopt Bopp's s, on account of the authority of the precedent and its
reception by his school, if it did not meet with serious difficulties.
The spiritus asper is, like h, a sign of aspirates, and from the analogy
of the aspirates k', t', p', one ought to read s as s-h, pronounced sepa-
rately, or, from the analogy of k', x'> etc. (see below), to suppose an
augmentation of the breathing of the s. None of these is the case.
It would be, therefore, introducing a new meaning of the spiritus
asper, used only in this single case. Nor can we adopt s', since the
accent indicates the palatal series (see below), and the single pre-
cedent of s used by Schleiermacher has hitherto found no imitation.
We propose to write I, using a sign which, by its semicircular
shape, recalls the position of the mouth proper to its pronunciation ;
a consideration, by which we have been led occasionally in the choice
of diacritical signs, when more conclusive motives were wanting.
It is an advantage, also, that the proposed mark over the s comes as
near as possible to the widely extended method of Bopp. Finally,
we may refer to the Serbian and the modern Bohemian alphabet, in
which the slightly different 2 for our s has been in constant and
general use.
French J.
This letter is the soft and vocalised sound, which corresponds to
the strong French ch (German sch), and bears exactly the same pro-
portion to it as the French z to the strong s. Volney retained the
French^', which we cannot use even as a basis (see above), any more
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 409
than :/i, which has been introduced by others. There can be no
doubt, however, that the parallelism with our I for French ch
requires a soft z for French j, which, following the same analogy, the
Serbians write z.
English strong th.
The English th* offers exactly the same difficulties as the Gorman
ch. It is a littera fricativa or continua, and must not, therefore, have
the explosive letter t, for its basis. The only Latin character of the
fricative division, which might be applied to it, is s, and, for the soft
sound, z. Both, however, have been already applied each to two
uses, and would besides have the disadvantage of favouring the ten-
dency, common to most European nations, to substitute the usual
dental s for the peculiar lisping sound. In this case, also, it will soon
(when frequent use shall have overcome the first-felt apprehension)
be acknowledged as an advantage, if, instead of s with a diacritical
sign, we adopt the universally known Greek character 6 as a new and
original basis. Nor is it without precedent, 0 having been used for
this purpose by many, among whom we may again mention Volney
(1795) and Fleischer (1831).
We do not undervalue the evident and serious difficulty, that by
the reception of two Greek characters, the generally required con-
finement to the Roman alphabet suffers an exception ; and we foresee
that many who do not sufficiently appreciate the great importance of
the organic laws of the alphabet, may be shocked at first. A further
consideration will, however, soon make it evident, that the peculiar
poverty of the Latin language in fricative sounds and letters, and the
general tendency of all languages to transform the explosive into frica-
tive sounds |, have rendered the disproportion between the two great
divisions of sounds, with respect to their graphic representation,
already so great that an essential and lasting remedy is absolutely
required. There are, indeed, eight bases for the above-stated nine
* The same lisping sound exists in the Arabic and many other, also in some
African, languages.
f Instances of this tendency are generally known from the Romanic languages,
and further proof will be given in the larger volume soon to be published. See
also below, where the Palatals are considered.
410 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
explosive sounds, and only six for the twelve fricative sounds. An
augmentation of the latter by introducing the two Greek signs x
and 0, is consequently almost unavoidable ; and their absolute neces-
sity will soon be still more evident when we come to consider the
Asiatic sounds in addition to the European.
T7te soft English th, and the Danish a.
The sound of the soft English th (thine, thon) appears also in the
Danish d and in the modern Greek 2 ; the soft guttural corresponding
to the strong German ch presents itself in the Danish g and the
modern Greek y.* It cannot be denied that it would be a real
advantage if we had other bases for these soft sounds than x and
0, as z differs from s, z from s, v from f; and when in future
time the natural antipathy against the Greek characters x and Q shall
Iiave given way to the conviction of their necessity, perhaps it may
be less difficult to go still farther and to mark the corresponding soft
sounds equally by the Greek letters y and 3.| For the present we
hesitate to make this proposal, although we might adduce the im-
portant precedent of Fleischer (1831), partly because the modern
Greek pronunciation of y and 3 is less known than that of x and 6,
partly because we wish to depart from the general basis of Latin letters
only in cases of extreme necessity. An easy analogy will lead us
therefore, retaining the same basis, to express the strong and soft
breathing by the spiritus asper and lenis respectively, writing the
strong x'> &> the soft x'» &• The basis itself having been used in the
Greek alphabet originally for the strong sound, and this sound being
by far the more frequent, the spiritus asper may be omitted.^
* The modern Greek y passes, at least before *, i, v, into the fricative sound.
f There can be no doubt, that neither did x and 6 originally signify the fricative
sounds substituted in a later time, but the aspirates K and f. The epoch of the
altered pronunciation of x> ^» an<! </>» cannot be accurately defined, but has been
probably contemporaneous with the alteration of y and 5, whilst ft seems to have
approached v in still earlier times.
J There may certainly be inconsistency in our using the sign ', which otherwise
indicates an interruption of breath, to mark a soft spiration ; but this is unavoid-
able, and of no great practical importance in this case.
II. LEPSIUS EXPOSITION.
411
We are thus enabled to give the following tableau of the Euro-
pean sounds :
Alphabet of the European Consonantal System.
Gutturales
Dentales
Labiales
explosivse
or
dividuse.
fort. len. nasal.
k g n
t d n
p b m
fricativas
or
continuse.
fort.
len. gemivoc
x (x) h x (y) y
. w w
s z
J Z
ff(6} 0(3)
f V W
ancipites.
r I
Enlargement of the Alphabet by the Addition of the Foreign Sounds of
Oriental Languages.
The Asiatic languages, especially the Indian and the Arabic,
possess, besides the sounds hitherto considered, others, which hardly
exist at all in European languages, or at least are only fully developed
in Asiatic languages, and, therefore, can only find their proper posi-
tion in a more comprehensive system. Instead of the three European
classes, we must distinguish seven, which we shall now consider se-
parately.
I. THE FAUCAL CLASS.
h.
We are accustomed to reckon h among the gutturals. It is
easily observed, however, that we pronounce this sound behind the
guttural point, immediately at the larynx. When pronounced so
softly as to be vocalised, t. e. so as to imply a vowel sound produced
in the larynx (as with z, v, 0', z) the friction ceases to be audible,
and only the vowel element is heard. This vocalised consonantal
breathing, is, therefore, not peculiarly marked in any language. /*
belongs, therefore, to the un vocalised strong fricatives.
412 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
Arabic \, Hebrew tf, Sanscrit TjJ, Greek spiritus lenis.
By closing the throat and then opening it to pronounce a vowel,
we produce the slight explosive sound which in the Eastern lan-
guages is marked separately, but not in the European, except in the
Greek. We perceive it distinctly between two vowels which fol-
lowing each other are pronounced separately, as in the Italian sara 'a
casa, the English go 'over, the German See-adler ; or even after conso-
nants when trying to distinguish, in German, mein 'Eid (my oath)
from Meineid (perjury), or Fisch-art (fish species) from Fischart (a
name), &c. We indicate this sound, when necessary, by the mark ',
like the Greeks.
Arabic £, \ain.
The soft sound, just described, can be pronounced hard by a
stronger explosion at the same point of the throat. Thus arises the
sound which the Arabs write £. We find it expressed by scholars
generally by placing a diacritical sign over the following vowels,
d, a, a, d, a ; sometimes below, a. This method would suppose,
from the analogy of all systems of writing, that the £ were only an
indication of a change in the vowel. It is, however, a full consonant,
preceding the vowel. We indicate it, therefore, with regard to its
affinity to the soft sound, by doubling the spiritus lenis, $•
Arabic -., h'a.
The fricative sound corresponding to ', is not the common h, but
a stronger aspiration, which requires a greater contraction of the
faucal point, and is distinguished by the Arabs from the simple //. It
has, therefore, been often indicated by hh. We write h' corresponding
with x'j ff} and have a precedent in the writings of Feischer (1831),
Ewald (1831), Vullers (184-1).
The absence of any nasal sound in the faucal series is necessitated
by the physiological position of the faucal point, the contraction of
which closes at the same time the canal of the nose.
The faucal series is confined, therefore, to the following four sounds,
thus represented:
> , ', h', h.
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 413
II. THE GUTTURAL CLASS.
As we have already excluded the h from this class, on account of
its being pronounced behind the proper guttural point, we must, to be
accurate, exclude the y also, and put it in the next following class,
this sound being formed in the mouth before the guttural point.
Again we are obliged to comprise a sound peculiar to the Semitic
languages, —
The Arabic Jj and Hebrew p qof,
which is formed at the posterior soft part of the palate, although this
class has its place of formation a little more forward, at the point
where the velum palati joins the hard palate. We indicate this sound
by the sign which the Greeks and Romans substituted for it, although
it cannot be proved that they pronounced it exactly in the same
manner, viz. q.
We obtain by this addition the following complete guttural series :
k q g; n; X x' (y) ; r
III. THE PALATAL CLASS.
We find in the Sanscrit a class of sounds placed between the
gutturals and dentals by the Indian grammarians, who indicate as the
place of their formation the hard palate (tdlu).
The first two sounds of this class being explosive, are pronounced
by the natives, according to all descriptions, like the English ch andj
in choice and join, or like the Italian c and g in cima and giro. These
English and Italian sounds are, as no one that hears or pronounces
them will doubt, compound sounds, beginning with a dental or
lingual t or d, and terminating with * or z. But in the sacred,
Devanagri writing of the Indians, simple signs only represented
simple sounds ; and their language itself leaves not the least doubt
that the sounds Zf ?f 3T were really simple, not compound sounds.
This is proved, for instance, by their not rendering the preceding
416 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
which at first accompanies the palatal sound so closely that a fine
ear perceives it as well before as after the moment of closing the
organ in uttering the explosive sounds, increases afterwards easily, so
as to become independent, and to grow into a full subsequent y, next
into a x'> finally into a s. Thus arises a series of compound sounds,
which, from the palatal k' through ky, k'%', fy', fs, frequently pass into
a simple *, or even s.
In those languages in which, as in Sanscrit, the pure and simple
palatal is found distinct from the gutturals, or in which the friction
connected with the palatals appears to be so inherent that in the
organic construction of the language it may be considered as still
forming a simple sound, it seems advisable also to retain the simple
signs of k', ff\ ri. But when the compound sound is manifestly
marked in pronunciation, every consistent transcription ought un-
doubtedly to represent it by two signs. Of the peculiar case, when
in a foreign alphabet these sounds are represented as simple from
their being originally such, but which are now pronounced as com-
pound, we shall have to treat below.
The series of pure palatal sounds will therefore be as follows :
*' 9 n> ' XX (?')*• V
It is to be observed only that x and the semivowel y are so near to
each other that the ^ will hardly appear in any language as a peculiar
sound by the side of y. It is self-evident that y need not assume the
palatal mark, as there is no corresponding guttural sound.
IV. THE CEREBRAL CLASS.
This class, almost exclusively peculiar to the Indian languages, is
formed by bringing the tip of the tongue backwards and upwards to
the neighbourhood of the palatal point, so as to produce there the
explosion or friction. For our ear, these sounds are nearest to the
dentals. We retain for them also the diacritical sign introduced by
Bopp and his school, viz. the dot under the letter, and write this
Indian series
t d n; s; r.
we do not raise the tongue quite up to the palate, but only bring it near it, so that
the sound is more and more dissolved in y, ayeau,fouye.
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 417
V. THE LINGUAL CLASS.
belongs as exclusively to the Arabic and cognate languages. In
its formation, the breadth of the tongue either touches or approaches
tin- whole anterior space of the hard palate as far as the teeth, its tip
being turned below. It is consequently entirely different from the
Indian cerebrals, although these, too, are frequently called linguals. It
appears, therefore, suitable to confine this latter denomination to the
Arabic sounds, and to retain the former for the Indian.*
The graphic representation hitherto adopted by Robinson, Caspari,
Davids, and others, is a dot under the dentals, like that of the cerebrals.
We have chosen instead of the dot, after the precedent of Volney,
a small line, which conveniently indicates the broad position of the
tongue of the Arabic linguals, in contradistinction from the cerebral
formation, and yet is little different from the dot hitherto used. The
Arabs have developed only four letters of this class, namely,
t, d; s, z.
VI. THE DENTAL CLASS.
exists complete in the European languages, and has been discussed
above.
The essential distinction of the three fricative formations s, s and
0, together with the corresponding soft sounds z, z and 0', from the
guttural and palatal x and ^, consists in the friction of the breath
being formed and heard at the teeth. Modifications of this dental
friction arise from the greater or smaller hollow space which the
tongue leaves behind the teeth. When the tip of the tongue is placed
at the very point of the friction, 6 is pronounced ; if it is laid against
the lower teeth, whilst the upper side of the tongue is brought back
behind the upper teeth, we haves; when the tongue recedes still
farther, so that behind the upper and lower teeth a greater hollow-
space remains, this enlarged resounding space produces the sound s.
It would be possible to bring the posterior termination of the re-
sounding space still farther back as far as to the palatal, or even to
* Cerebral was the original English denomination, which arose indeed from a
false translation of the Indian name murdanya, i. e. letters of the dome of the
palate, but has not yet been supplied by a more appropriate one.
VOL. II. E E
418
APPENDIX D. TIIE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
the guttural point ; the cavity also of the canal of the mouth can be
prolonged by means of the lips. This, however, produces no essen-
tially distinct impression upon our ear, for which the purely dental
element of the sound, i.e. the friction at the teeth, prevails decidedly.*
The Indian cerebral 5, however, receives from the peculiar flexion of
the tongue, which produces a double cavity in the mouth, a somewhat
different expression, indicated by the cerebral point.
The dental series remains, therefore, the same as above,
t, d, n; s, z; s, z; 0, 0' (I); r, I
VII. THE LABIAL CLASS.
is also known from European languages, and has been developed
above,
p b m; f v; w.
If we now comprise the seven classes in a general tableau, we ob-
tain the following arrangement :
The Consonants of the general Alphabet.
ancipiles.
explosives
fricativce
or
or
dividuce.
continue*.
fortis. lenis. nasalis.
fortis.
lenis. semivoc.
I. Faucales.
3 ' —
K h
—
II. Gutturales.
k g h
X
x(y>
—
III. Palatales.
k' g n
x'
Cx"]
y
IV. Cerebrates.
t d n
5
r$]
__
(Indies;
V. Linguales.
(Arabicsp)
t d [«]
s
5
—
w
I
w
z
VI. Dentales.
t d n
. s
z
—
ff
«•(«)
VII. Labiales.
f
v
w
* The distinction of a double * exists, as far as -we know, in Slavonic languages
alone ; there the formation next to the teeth (Pol. s) may be marked as lingual,
by placing the line under the letter *.
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 419
Examples of the Pronunciation of these Sounds in an Alphalctic Series.
We arrange these examples in an order which, in vocabularies of
foreign languages, especially such as are rich in sounds, offers decided
advantages over the usual one, viz. according to the organs. The
Semitic alphabet, from which our common order is derived, had
originally itself an organic arrangement, which in course of time has
been almost obliterated.* At present the order of our alphabet ap-
pears utterly confused, and it seems as little justifiable, as it is in-
convenient, to force the same confusion, or even a greater one, upon
all those new discovered languages which are to be presented with
the art of writing. The inconvenience will be at once felt, when
a vocabulary is to be formed, especially with regard to the new signs
' J x and #•
Our alphabetic tableau shows at first sight that an organic ar-
rangement can be attained in a double manner, viz. by following
either the vertical columns (as the Semitic and the oldest Sanscrit
alphabets did essentially) or the horizontal ones, like the Devanagari.
We should prefer the latter one, if it did not labour under the dis-
advantage of separating from each other those letters which in the
different classes have the same bases. By following the vertical
columns, we keep all those letters together, so that, without great
inconvenience, the diacritical signs might even be entirely neglected
in the alphabetical arrangement. Only x an(l x'' ^ ana" ^' wou^ be
separated, if it should not be preferred to write y and S. In books,
however, which are only destined for the European science, and in
which few new characters or diacritical signs are to be employed,
it is preferable not to alter the usual order of letters.
& g. recht, wenn.
VOWELS. g engl. vein, fr. donne, g. tceh,
a germ. Vater, fr. dme, ital. ital. re.
caro. & engl- men.
a. g. Mann, ital. ballo. » engl. see, g. mir, fr. //'/.
e fr. mere, g. Bur. t engl. sin, g. mich, fr. ///.
~g engl. fat, man. o engl. all, ital. perd.
e ital. scema. j* engl. hot, not.
• See the author's Essay : Ueber die Anordnung und Verwandtschaft des
itischen, Indischen, Acthiopischen, Alt-Persischcn und Alt-Aegyptischeu Al-
phabets. Berlin, 183G-8.
E E 2
420
A1TKNDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
<5 lat. non.
8 g. von.
o engl. no, g. Ton, fr.faux.
8 lat. coma.
ii g. Ruhe, engl. rr*/e, fr. nous.
ii engl. foot, fr. ours, g. Null.
f> fr. beurre, cceur.
ft engl. &?//, current.
7) g. kb'nnen.
0 g. Kb'nig, fr.fru.
'u fr. fumes, g. Gute.
ii fr. 6ztf, g. wiirdig.
ai engl. wziwe, g. Kaiser.
au engl. /iowse, g. //aws.
a« g. Hauser, heute.
ei span. rema.
o?< gr. ion. wuro'c, old germ, bourn.
01 engl. join,
a fr. an, en.
e fr. examen, Inde.
o fr. o/z.
o fr. un.
f. engl. nation, g. Verstand.
d sanscr. t^.
d arab. ^ (da).
d engl. cfear, g. der.
b engl. '6y, g. bet.
n engl. singing, g
w' sanscr. 3? ital. gnudo.
n sanscr. TJJ-
w engl. no, g. we/w.
w engl. me.
K arab. ^ (h'a).
h engl. Aawrf.
X g. Buck, ach; pol. chata; dutch,
#oe.
x' sanscr. "3[, g. ich, recht.
s sanscr. Tif.
S pol. 5M/7V.
s arab. (sad).
r sanscr. 'sy.
/ sanscr. ^J.
0 d
z chin, mandar. £
CONSONANTS.
> arab. c^(;am).
y arab. Jj (^o/")-
A g. Kunst, fr. cause,
k' sanscr. ^.
t sanscr. "£.
s engl. show, fr. c/m^, g. schon.
s engl. sense, fr. savoir, g. <4*£.
0 (0') engl. thin, mod. gr. Seoe.
/ engl.jfine, g.fein.
X' (y) arab. £_ (xai'w)» mod'
arab. » (to).
engl. town, g. Ta^
t
t
p engl. pine, g. Pein.
' arab. \ hebr. N (
spir. len. '.
g fr. gauche, g. (7oW.
t/ sanscr. 5f, arab. y'emel.
pol. pozno.
arab. 1? (za).
fr.jeune, pol. bazant.
fr. zeVe, engl. zea/.
(2) engl. %, mod. gr. Su//a
engl. year, fr. Bayonne, g. ,
engl. we.
g. stark, fr. dial, grasseyer.
sanscr. "^
ital. rabbia.
gr. pdfitioc.
ital. gli.
welsh, //.
sanscr. tf".
eng. /ow.
II. LEPSIUS* EXPOSITION". 421
On tlie Aspirates and Consonantic Diphthongs.
Aspirates are those explosive sounds which are pronounced with a
Dimple but audible breath. This class has been most fully developed
in the Sanscrit, where the fortes as well as the lenes of all classes can
be aspirated in this manner. • In the ancient Greek only the fortes
admitted of the aspiration, and these afterwards passed into the cor-
responding fricatives. The aspiration can only follow the explosion,
not accompany it throughout, as it does the friction of the fricatives.
Thus, a real composition takes place.* If, notwithstanding this, the
aspirates are represented in the Sanscrit as simple letters, this is to
be explained by the circumstance, that the spiritus unites itself more
closely with the explosive letters than any other consonant, and is of
so little weight, that it does not make the preceding syllable long, and
is, properly speaking, no more than an increase of the breath neces-
sarily inherent in every consonant. It is optional, therefore, whether
we will regard the aspirates as simple consonants, or as compositions
with h. In this case, we think it proper to follow the system of the
different nations, retaining, for instance, in the Indian aspirates, the
simple bases, with the additions of the diacritical spiritus asper, and
writing K K f £ p g g" d d b', whilst in the Hindoostanee, where
the aspiration is treated as a new and independent element, we shall
write kh, k'h,
We call those combinations of consonants consonantic diolithonys
in which an explosive sound is combined with the correspondent fri-
cative, as in #x» ^ X '» '*» ^» ts> az> Pf> an(^ others. The history of
languages shows that these sounds are particularly easy of formation,
and arise frequently out of the simple sounds by a subsequent friction.
This etymology is the reason why they are often represented by
simple signs, as the Italian c and g for tS, dz ; the German z for ts ;
Greek £ for dz. Our principles, however, will oblige us to resolve all
such diphthongs into their simple elements, wherever the real pro-
nunciation, not the etymological origin, is to be indicated. As for
• The best linguistic proof is, that no aspirate can be doubled ; when a dupli-
cation is intended, the unaspiratcd sound is placed before the aspirate-. From
ah'a arises by reduplication not ah'h'a, but nhh'a.
BB I
422 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
double consonants, it will readily be granted, that they ought not to
be written, even after a short accentuated vowel, except in those
cases where either the duplication (from the prolongation of the
friction or of the moment of touching) is distinctly heard, as in the
Arabic or Italian, or the double letter is justified etymological!?, as
originating in the assimilation of different consonants, or wherever
nothing is intended, but a transcription of a foreign orthography,
which makes use of double letters.
On the Application of the General Alphabet to the Alphabets of
particular Languages.
It has been remarked above, that the general alphabet, when ap-
plied to particular languages, must be capable as well of simplification
as of enlargement. All particular diacritical marks are unnecessary in
those languages where none of those bases has a double meaning ; and
we write simply \, -&, e, o. Where two sounds belong to the same basis,
one only of the signs is wanted; and we may write x ar>d x'» ^ ant^ &>
e and e, o and o, o and o. Where, however, the intermediate or indif-
ferent sound exists between the two contrasted sounds, both the dia-
critical signs are indispensable.* They are required also, when two
or more languages are to be compared with each other, in which the
indifferent or imperfectly known soupd of the one is placed by the side
of the developed contrast in the other.f Again, the same diacritical
marks may be used in connection with other than the above-mentioned
letters, whenever in particular languages such variations appear.
If further essential differences should be shown, which are not
yet represented in the general alphabet, and cannot be expressed
analogically, nothing will prevent the selection, or, if necessary,
invention of other new diacritical signs, without deviating from the
principles above developed.
* In the German (compare Grimm, Gramm. i. pp. 78, 79.) the contrast it deve-
loped only in the long e and e and the long o and o, to which a short $ and 8 cor-
respond. In most languages the short vowels are not so accurately differenced
as the long ones ; this is the reason why the former wore not indicated at all in
the most ancient languages.
f For instance, when the Latin, or Greek, or Gothic e and o is to be compared
•with the French c and f, the Italian d and o.
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 423
Among these latter cases we may reckon, for instance, the clicks of
the southernmost African languages, which are formed, not by throw-
ing out the breath, but by drawing it inward. We often produce the
same clicks by the same movements of the tongue, but do not use
them as articulate elements of speech.
In the Hottentot language there are four clicks, in the Zulu and
other languages of the great African branch only three. When
isolated, these sounds are not difficult to pronounce.
The first, which had been written hitherto q, is made by pressing
the tongue closely upon the middle palate and withdrawing it sud-
denly, and from the place of its formation is to be reckoned among
the cerebrals. The second (found principally in the Hottentot, but,
according to Boyce*, also in some words of the Kaffir language), arises
from placing the breadth of the tongue in the palatal position, and
withdrawing it with a suction. The third, generally written c, is in
the same manner dental, as only the tip of the tongue smacks against
the upper teeth. The fourth is formed at the side of the tongue, by
drawing in the air towards the middle of the mouth from the right or
left side. It has been called lateral, therefore, and generally rendered
by x.
The pronunciation of these sounds becomes difficult only when
they are connected with other sounds. Whilst the anterior part of
the tongue is smacking, the throat can open itself for a g or n, so that
these latter sounds are pronounced almost at the same time with the
click, or immediately after it.f It is incorrect to write the gutturals
before the clicks, as they can never be pronounced before them.
At the same time, the choice of c, q, and x, as signs of clicks, appears
to be inconvenient, since they are taken from the European alphabets,
in which they express well known sounds, not bearing any relation to
the clicks. Essential to the latter is the peculiarity of stopping in
* Grammar of the Kaffir Language, p. 4. Ho writes it qc. I myself heard it
pronounced by Zulu Kaffirs.
f Boyce distinguishes only two accompanying gutturals, which he writes g and
«; Appleyard and Grout mention three, g and two nasals, n and ng (n). The
author himself could only distinguish two gutturals, •/ and n, as connected with
clirk* 1>> tin- Zulu Kuflirs, who in the beginning of 1854, sojourned for sonic
tiiu.' in IkTiin.
E E 4
424 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
part, and even drawing back the breath, which appears to be most
easily expressed by a simple bar |. If we connect with this our common
marks for the cerebral or the palatal, a peculiar notation is wanted
only for the lateral, which is the strongest sound. We express it by
two bars ||. As the gutturals evidently do not unite with the clicks
into one sound*, but form a compound sound, we make them simply
to follow, as with the diphthongs. Thus we get the tableau :
Palatals (qc) \' — —
Cerebrals (0) j Iff \h
Dentals (c) | \g \n
Laterals '(*) || \\g \\n
The difficulty of transcription is greatest in those systems of writing
which, originating in an earlier period of the language, and fully
developed, have been retained unaltered, whilst the pronunciation
has undergone a change, as also in those in which several reformations
have left their traces. An instance of this kind has already been
mentioned in speaking of the Sanscrit palatals. The differences of
European orthography have mostly arisen from similar circumstances.
Some such difficulties, however, are presented by almost all existing
alphabets which are not of modern formation. As the object of a
standard transcription is to avoid, as much as possible, all such incon-
gruity of sound and sign, no other course remains open in such cases
than to fix upon a distinct period of the language in question, and to
adapt its transcription to the different purposes of rendering either
the actual pronunciation, or the ancient one which had been expressed
by the alphabet, and which may be deduced from it by linguistic
researches. The difference is generally found to be greater in the
vowels than in the consonants, the former being, in all languages, the
more changeable element.
The Arabs write only three vowels, but pronounce these three
letters very differently, according to distinct rules: in a like manner,
* We cannot, therefore, assent to Grout, who, instead of the former notation,
proposes the following :
q , ? . 7 » 'i
c , c , q , c
x x , x , x
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION. 425
a certain number of consonants have a different pronunciation in
different dialects, although in literature they are expressed by means
of one and the same written letter. Eli Smith* and Robinson (in
the work on Palestine) propose to render the actual pronunciation
in the country, and their endeavours are to be highly prized*; but
the linguistic scholar will prefer to follow the written system fixed
by literature, and to neglect the varying deviations and shades of
modern pronunciation. The Armenian alphabet has also undergone
peculiar alterations of pronunciation, which may be historically proved.f
The greatest difficulties, however, are met with in transcribing the
-jflebreiv system of punctuation, which, having only in after times been
grafted upon the alphabet inherited from former ages, appears to be
inconsistent in itself. The labours of modern scholars, in elucidating
the historical development of these signs, and comparing it with the
traditional and actual pronunciation of the Jews, have not yet led to
results on which a complete and well-founded system of transcription
might be based.
In conclusion, we present the reader with a number of alphabets
transcribed after our own system. We are aware that in many in-
stances further researches must correct and complete our labours.
We have followed the best and latest investigations to which we had
access in each individual language. The attempt is intended to show
the easy applicability of our alphabet to the most different languages ;
and to induce scholars to follow in the same way, and eventually to
correct and improve the details.
* Compare also the excellent essay of Lane on the modern pronunciation of
the Arabic vowel, inserted in the publications of the German Oriental Society,
t See Petermann, Grammatical Armenica.
426 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
HIEROGLYPHIC.
LEPSIUS.
(0
k - -
i u t - n
i
II. LEPSIUS EXPOSITION.
427
LEPSIUS.
COPTIC.
£ (x)
(0
h
V
^
a k g (n)
X
C*f]
*. Kv(n)
A
e e o o k' g (n')
s
(y)
GH oco (T^x(rt)
a
(0
u t [rf] n
«
r/
CO
I, T OT T [>] It
c
pX
pb m
/
(«;)
O']
n B.JUL
q
(OT)
at au ei 01
61 01
[cfe]
428
APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
LEPSICS.
ETHIOPIC. (Gt>,ez).
T. LUDOLPH, Gram.
Frankf. a. M. 1702.
«
h'h
£ .. .. -
hh
a a k g -
x-
y
K
a a k g -
h-
e 00
s-
e o
s -
ii uu t dn
s z
rl
e
i i uu t d u
s z
p b m
f-
w
p
p b m
f-
ts fe' ts tz*
rl
w
II. LEPSIUS' EXPOSITION.
429
LEPSIUS.
£
a a <7
e e od A ^ -
If M M
t d n
pbm
HEBREW.
With Points.
h
T »«-
n
— — p
n 3
XX
» T
x'~
y
_ _ _ - (i) 3 a •
D -
1-
<»-> ID
v •
s -
rl
_ t _ _ .-» n i* a
_.
D to-
00'
<T>
ri T
/*
w
B3»
a n
a a
o 6
e e
i i U u
430
APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
LEPSIUS.
I -
* t a u
at u u t (I -
tdn
- b m
h'h
XX
s z
S Z
Off
rl
ARABIC.
t.
ELI SMITH, on the Pronunciation of the Arabic, in
Robinson's Palestine, vol. iii. Pt. II. pp. 832. sqq.
(German edition, Halle, 1812.)
a a '
h h
k. g
y
i i u u k g,j -
kh gh
ai au t d,dh -
s z, dh,d
sh -
tdn
s z
rl
th,t,s dh,d,z
- b m
f
w
ARABIC, according to actual pronunciation.
LEPSIUS. En SMITH.
\ ' -
K h
u ' ' -
h h
ad q
ad k
e e o 06 h g -
XX
eei o 06 kg-
kh gh
il u u u k g -
y
it y uu (cft)J -
- -
y
ai di au td-
£ 5
ai ai au t d-
s z
s -
sh '-
t d n
s z
r I
t d n
s z
r I
Q 0'
th dh
- b m
f-
w
- b m
f -
w
II. LEPSIUS EXPOSITION.
431
LEPSIUS.
a d ) ' -
t I 11 if q
kg -
ai au di ui t d -
tdn
PERSIAN.
FLEISCHER, in his German edition of
the Persian Grammar of Mirza Mo-
hammed Ibrahim. Leipzig. 1847.
p b m
Ji h
X X
s z
S Z
6 &
f •
y
rl
w
a a
i i u u k
kff-
ai au di ui t z -
tdn
p b m
It h
s z
s z
f -
rl
ts dz
432
A1TENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
SANSCRIT.
LKPSIUS.
a a
i I it it
r r I I u a * T, etc.
O O O o
at (e) di au (o) du ar dr
h :
k ff n
X
k' g'
k' g ri
x(»)
y
K y
t d n
M
A1
rl
t d
t d n
S
I
t d
p b m
X
V
p' b'
etc<
SANSCRIT, HINDI, MARATHI, AND BENGALI.
Borp, Vergleichende Grammatik.
Berlin. 1833.
According to a communication
of H. H. WILSON. 185k
a d
a d
a u u
i i u u
T T cut OH in* etc.
ri ri an in, etc.
c di 6 du ar dr
e at o au
h h'
h h
k g n
k'ff
k g "
Jih c/J>
c g n
s
y
<? ff
ch j n
s
y
cJili jh
t d n
s
r ...
id
t (/ »
sh
r
t'l 'dh
t d n
s
/
'( <f
t ff n
s
t
'th (ill
p b m
V
p b'
p b m
-
V
l>h bh
II. LEP8IUS* EXPOSITION.
433
ZEND.
LEPSIUS.
« a k g h
e i' o 5 Kg n
it u t d -
a etc.
at mi t d n
p b m
h
8 «? -*-
»
x x'
JJ Mi 5 P .?
(3^ 0
x' •
y
•t 1
IHI:
8 Z
•* •? > ? s? 7?
^Oeto
S z
*•*?
30-0
s z
r
JAM £*M fl) J} t
MJ
d 0'
^ Q^
f v
w
o> -1 5
» dxT
Ya^na. 1S33.
a rf
g ng
e e 06 tchdj ng
u t t
f do t d n
p b m
hm
lire sur le
BOPP, Vergleichende Grammat
Berlin, 1833.
h
e kh...
h -
kh gh
ad k g n
• gh
y -
y
e £ 06 c g -
y •
sk j
it u u t - -
- sh
clt S
an n
s s
9 z
r
I do I d n
s z
th dh
t dh
f w
V
p b m
f *>
VOL. II.
r F
434 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
ARMENIAN. According to the ancient pronunciation.
Li;rsius.
c
h
(L
<>J
a k g -
X X
K
u, if. (r -
b"i_
e e o o k' <j -
K
h If n 0
„
J.
f,
s z
y
^~
i u t d -
t
ft i_ q. ut
t d n
s z
rrl
t'
"it
u a
r--L
p b m
f -
w
P
p. u/ iT
<R<-
<j
PKTEUMANN, Grammat. linguae Armenicae. Berolini, 1S31
e
a g k -
e £ do g' c' -
i u d t -
d t n
b p m
h
ch g
sj
s z
f •
rrl
ARMENIAN. According to the actual pronunciation.
a k g -
e e o o
i u u
ai au
t d n
p b m
h' h
X X
y
K
s z
s z
rrl
t'
f *
w
P
dz ts ts dz
a kg •
66 66
i ii u t d n
ai au ' p b m
U h
chg
s J-
f
rrl
P
c' g'f t d z
II. LEPSITS EXPOSITION.
435
CHINESE.
According to an oral communication of the Missionaries, Rev.
THOMAS M'CLATCHIE and Rev. FREDERICK GOUGH.
K
e
K h
a k g n
x -
e o k' g' n'
x'-
>/
e o o i (ts) d (dz) -
V V
6- Z
i u u t (h) d (dz) -
S Z
1
n m r z t d n
a> ci an ett p b m
f
ir
a e 7 u n
/»
r (*)
p
ah en in on un on (For the representation of the compound sounds
(or an, eh, etc.) $, dz, etc., by simple letters, see above p. 41 4.)
ENDLICHER, Anfangsgriinde der Chinesischen Grammatik.
Wien, 1845.
e
h h
a
k k '
'
k'
e o
c' c' '«
9 ~
y, i
c"
i u
tc1 tc' -
sh sh
tc
at ei ao eu
ts ts -
ts
S« 8
i
an en, etc.
tin
t
an/; en9t etc-
p p m
f f
u>, u
p
rr 2
MAX MITLLER'S
PROPOSALS FOR A MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
THE want of a standard system of orthography has been experienced
by all persons engaged in the study of languages, written or unwritten.
The philologist, the historian, the geographer, and more than all the
missionary, — he whose message of good tidings is to all nations, —
are harassed in their labours by the diversity of alphabets ; and the
difficulties hence arising may be judged second only to those caused
by the diversity of language: — that main barrier, we may confess
with Humboldt and with St. Augustine, against the establishment of
the Civitas Dei, and the realisation of the idea of Humanity.
Whatever may be thought of the practicability of finally supplanting
all existing alphabets by one uniform system of notation, it is at least
our duty, and for the members and directors of Missionary Societies
a sacred duty, not to increase the existing diversity, but to do all
in our power towards preparing the way for the accomplishment of
that highest, though as yet indefinite, aim of society towards which
Christianity has from the first been striving.
For the practical solution of the problem, " How to establish one
uniform system of notation which shall be acceptable to the scholar \
t tn (he missionary, and easy for the printer" we must con-
sider three points : —
r* a
438 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
I. Which are the principal sounds that can be formed with our
organs of speech, and therefore may be expected to occur in any of tlie
dead or living dialects of mankind ?
This is a physiological question.
II. How can these principal sounds, after proper classification, be
expressed by us in writing and printing so as to preserve their physic
logical value, without creating new typographical difficulties ?
This is a practical question.
III. How can this physiological alphabet be applied to existing
languages, and
a. to unwritten dialects ;
This depends on a good ear.
b. to written dialects ;
This depends on philological research.
Coroll. III. a. In the application of the physiological alphabet to
languages not yet fixed by writing, the missionary should be guided
entirely by ear, without paying any regard to etymological coi
siderations, which are too apt to mislead even the most accomplis
scholar.
III. b. In transcribing languages possessed of an historical ortho-
graphy, and where, for reasons best known to the archaeologist, one
sign may represent different sounds, and one sound be expressed by
different signs, new and entirely distinct questions are involved, such
as must be solved by archaeological and philological research. We
shall, therefore, discuss this part (III. b.) separately, and distinguish
it by the name of "Transliteration," from the usual method of
" transcribing " as applied to unwritten tongues.
I.
Which are the principal Sounds that can be formed with our Organs
of Speech, and therefore may be expected to occur in any of
the dead or living Dialects of Mankind ?
On the first point, which must form the basis of the whole, wu have
the immense advantage that all scholars who have written on it have
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 439
arrived at results almost identically the same.* We are here still in
the sphere of physical science, where facts are arranged by observa-
tion, and observation may be checked by facts so as to exclude
individual impressions and national prejudice. The classification of
vowels and consonants proposed by modern physiologists is, so far as
general principles are concerned, exactly the same as the one con-
tained in Sanskrit grammars composed in the fifth century before
Christ, and appended to the different collections of the sacred
writings of the Brahmans, — the four Vedas. These grammatical
treatises, called " Pratisakhyas," exist in manuscript only, and have
not hitherto been published. The classification established by phy-
siologists, as the result of independent research, would receive the
most striking confirmation by a translation of these writings, now
more than two thousand years old. But, on their own account also,
these phonetic treatises deserve to be published. Their observations
are derived from a language (the Vaidik Sanskrit) which at that time
was studied by means of oral tradition only, and where, in the absence
of a written alphabet, the most minute differences of pronunciation
had to be watched by the ear, and to be explained and described to
the pupil. The language itself) the Sanskrit of that early period, had
suffered less from the influence of phonetic corruption than any tongue
from which we can derive our observations ; nay, the science of pho-
netics (jSlksha), essential to the young theological student (who was
not allowed to learn the Veda from MSS.), had been reduced to a
more perfect system in the schools of the Brahmans, in the fifth
* In a very able article by Professor Heise, in Hoefer's Zeitschrift fur die
>chaft der Sprache, iv. 1. 1853, the following authorities are quoted: —
Chladni, Uber die Hervorbringung der Menschlichen Sprachlaute, in Gilbert's
Annalen der Physik. vol. Ixxvi. 1824.
A. J. Ilibbrck, Uber die Bildung der Sprachlaute. Berlin, 1848.
K. M. Rapp, Versuch einer Physiologic der Sprache. Stuttgardt, 1836.
II. V.. Bindseil, Abhandlungen zur Allgemeinen Vergleichenden Sprachlehre.
Hamburg, 1838.
.). Miilli-r, I'.lements of Physiology. London, 1842. vol. ii. p. 1044.
\V. MolcK-r, Elements of Speech: an Essay of Inquiry into the natural Produc-
tion ot I.cturs. London, 1669. — This is one of the earliest and best works on the
subject.
An excellent account of the researches of the most distinguished physiologists
on the human voice, and the formation of letters, is found in Ellis, " The
Alphabet of Nature." — A work full of accurate observations and original thought
r r 4
440 Al'I'K.NDIX I). Till: UMVKUSAL A 1.1'H A II K I .
century before Christ, than has since been anywhere effected. Our
notions on the early civilisation of the East are of so abstract a
^nature that we must expect to be startled occasionally by facts like
these. But we now pass on to the general question.
CONSONANTS AND VOWELS.
If we regard the human voice as a continuous stream of air,
emitted as breath from the lungs and changed into vocal sound as it
leaves the larynx, this stream itself, as modified by certain positions
of the mouth, would represent the vowels. " The vowels," as Pro-
fessor Wheatstone says, " are formed by the voice modified, but not
interrupted, by the various positions of the tongue and the lips." In
the consonants, on the contrary, we should have to recognise a
number of stops opposing for a moment the free passage of this vocal
stream. These consonantal stops, against which the wavrs of the
vowels break themselves more or less distinctly, are produced by
barriers formed by the contact of the tongue, the soft palate, the
palate, the teeth, and the lips with each other.
CONSONANTS.
Gutturals, Dentals, and Labials.
According to an observation which we find already in Vaidik gram-
mars, the principal consonantal stops in any language are : —
the guttural (k),
the dental (t),
the labial (p).
The pure guttural sound, without any regard as yet to its modifica-
tions (whether tenuis, media, aspirata, nasalis, semi-vocalis, or
flatus), is produced by stopping the stream of sound by means of a
contact between the root of the tongue and the throat, or, more cor-
rectly, the soft palate, or the velum pendulum. The throat is called
the "place," the root of the tongue the '; instrument," of the guttural.
The pure dental sound is produced by contact between tongue and
treth. Here the teeth are called the "place," and the tip of the
tongue the "instrument."
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 441
The pure labial sound is produced by contact between the upper
and lower lip ; the upper lip being the " place," the lower the
" instrument."
All consonants, excluding semi-vowels and sibilants or flatus, are
formed by a complete contact between the active and passive organ.
Formation of the Tennis.
If the voice is stopped sharp by the contact of the organs, so as
to allow for the moment no breath or sound to escape, the consonant
is called tenuis ($t\ov), hard or surd (k, t, p).
Formation of the Media.
If the voice is stopped less abruptly, so as to allow a kind of
breathing to continue after the first contact has taken place, the con-
sonant is called media (^iaov\ soft or sonant (g, d, b). The soft
consonant does not arrest the sound at once, but allows it to be
heard during a moment of resistance.
The difference between a surd and sonant consonant is best illus-
trated by a speaking-machine. " The sound p," as Professor Wheat-
stone says, " was produced by suddenly removing the left hand from
the front of the mouth, which it had previously completely stopped ;
the sound b, by the same action ; but instead of closing the mouth
completely, a very minute aperture was left, so that the sound of the
reed might not be entirely stifled." This coincides fully with the
description given by Mr. Ellis. " In pronouncing ba," he says, " the
vowel is uttered simultaneously with the act of relieving the lips from
contact, or rather before they are quite released. If we separate
them before the vowel is uttered, allowing the breath to be condensed
during a very brief space of time, the sound pa is heard. There is a
similar distinction between ab and ap : in the former the effect of the
voice remains throughout the consonant, and we may feel a slight
tremor of the lips while it is being produced ; in the latter the vowel,
properly so called, entirely ceases before the contact is completed."
Formation of Semi-vowels.
If there is only an approach or a very slight contact between the
444 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
the corresponding flat s, the common German s. Exactly the same
grammatical process applied to the labial flatus changes "life" into
" live," i. e. the sharp labial flatus into the flat.
Some languages, as, for instance, Sanskrit, acknowledge none but
sharp sibilants ; and a media followed by a flatus is changed in Sanskrit
into a tenuis.
Formation of Nasals.
If, in the three organs, a full contact takes place and the vocal
breathing is stopped, not abruptly, but in the same manner as with
the sonant letters, and if afterwards the voqal breathing be emitted,
not through the mouth, but through the nose, we get the three full
nasal consonants n., n, and m, for the guttural, dental, and labial series.
A speaking-machine leaves no doubt as to the manner in which a
tenuis may be changed into a narisonant letter. " M," as Professor
Wheatstone says, " was heard on opening two small tubes representing
the nostrils, placed between the wind-chest and the mouth, while the
front of the mouth was stopped as for p."
In most cases the peculiar character of the nasal is determined by
the consonant immediately following. In " ink," the n is necessarily
guttural; and if we try to pronounce it as a dental or labial, we have
to stop after the n, and the transition to the guttural k becomes so
awkward that, even in words like to " in-cur," most people pronounce
the n like a guttural. No language, as far as I know, is fond of such
incongruities as a guttural n. followed by any but guttural con-
sonants, and they generally sacrifice etymology to euphony. In
English we cannot pronounce em-ty, and therefore we pronounce and
write emp-ty. In the Uraon-Kol language, which is a Tamulian
dialect, " enan " is /, and the possessive prefix is "in," my. But in
the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal we find " im-bas," my
father,' but " ing-kos," my child. Cicero alludes to the same where
he speaks of the n adulterinum. He says, that " cum nobis " was pro-
nounced like " cun nobis."
At the end of words and syllables, however, the three nasal sounds,
guttural, dental, or labial, may occur independently ; and as it is ne-
cessary to distinguish a final m from a final n (ayaddr, bonum), it will be
advisable also to do the same for a final guttural nasal, as the I'retich
III. PROF. HOLLER 8 PROPOSALS.
445
•' bon," " Lundi," or the English " to sing." It is true that in most
languages the final guttural nasal becomes really a double consonant,
i.e. n + g, as in " sing," or n + k, as in " sink ;" still, as the pronunciation
on this point varies even in different parts of England, it will be ne-
cessary to provide a distinct category, and afterwards a distinct sign,
for the guttural nasal.
In some languages we meet even with an initial guttural nasal, as in
Tibetan " nga-rang," I myself. Whether here the initial sound is
really so evanescent as to require a different sign from that which we
have as the final letter in "rang," is a question which a native alone
could answer. Certain it is that in the Tibetan alphabet itself both are
written by the same sign, while Csoma de Koros writes the initial
guttural n by n, the final by ng ; as " iia-rang."
We have now, on physiological grounds, established the following
system of consonants :
Senri-
vocales.
Tenucs. Mediae.
Gutturales : k (cap) g (go)
Dentales : t(town) d (do)
Labiales: p(pint) b (bring) w (win)
Spiritus asper: ' or h(hear).
Spiritus lenis : ' (ear).
Flatus sibilantes :
asperes. lenes.
'h (dag) 'h (loch) 'h (tag)
s (seal) z(zeal)
f(life) v(live)
1 (low)
Nasales.
n. (sing).
n (sin),
m(sum).
Formation of Aspirates.
According to Sanskrit grammarians, if we begin to pronounce the
tenuis, but, in place of stopping it abruptly, allow it to come out with
what they call the corresponding "wind" (flatus, wrongly called
sibilans), we produce the aspirata, as a modified tenuis, not as a
double consonant. This is admissible for the tenuis aspirata, but not
for the media aspirata. Other grammarians, therefore, maintain that
all mediae aspirata: are formed by pronouncing the mediae with a final
'h, the flatus lenis being considered identical with the spiritus;
and they insist on this principally because the aspirated sonants could
not be said to merge into, or terminate by, a surd sibilant. Ac-
cepting this view of the formation of these aspirates, to which we
have no corresponding sounds in English, we may now represent the
Tenuis.
i emus
aspir.
Media.
Media
aspir.
vocales. sibilant
Guttural :
k
kA
g
g*
'h
'A 'A
Dental :
t
tA
d
dA
1
s z
Labial :
P
pA
b
bA
w
f V
446 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
complete table of the chief consonantal sounds possible in any dialect,
as follows: —
Nasales.
n.
n
It should be remarked that in the course of time the fine distinc-
tions between kh, gh, and 'h, between pA, bA, and/, become generally
merged into one common sound. In Sanskrit only, and in some of the
southern languages of India, through the influence of Sanskrit, the
distinction has been maintained. Instead of Sanskrit th we find in
Latin the simple t; instead of dA, the simple d, or, as a nearer ap-
proach, the f (dhuma, = fumus, &c.). The etymological distinction
maintained in Sanskrit between " Ahn" to put, to create, and " da," to
give, is lost in Persian, because there the two initial sounds d and dA
have become one, and the root "da" has taken to itself the meaning
both of creating and giving. Whatever objections, therefore, might
be raised against the anticipated representation of the tenuis and
media aspirata by means of an additional h or h, they would
practically apply only to a very limited sphere of languages. In
Sanskrit no scholar could ever take kh for k-f-h, because the latter
combination of sounds is grammatically impossible. In the Tamulian
languages the fine distinctions introduced into their orthography have
hardly found their way into the spoken dialects of the people at
large.
Modifications of Gutturals and Dentals.
From what has been said before on the formation of the guttural
and dental sounds, it must be clear that the exact place of contact
by which they are produced can never be fixed with geometrical pre-
cision, and that by shifting this point forward or backward certain
modifications will arise in the pronunciation of individuals, tribes, or
nations. The point of contact between the lips is not liable to the
III. PROF. MULLEIl'S PROPOSALS. 447
same changes, and the labials are, therefore, the most constant sounds
in all dialects.
A. Dialectic Modifications of Gutturals and Dentals.
Where this variety of pronunciation is only in degree, without
affecting the nature and real character of a guttural or dental con-
sonant, we need not take any notice of it. Gutturals from a
Semitic throat have a deeper sound than our own, and some gramma-
rians have made a new class for them by calling them pectoral letters.
The guttural flatus asper, as heard in the Swiss " ach " is deeper, and
as it were more pectoral, than the usual German ch : but this is owing
to a peculiarity of the organs of speech ; and whatever letter might be
chosen to represent this Swiss ch in a phonetic alphabet, it is certain
none but a Swiss could ever pronounce it. Sanskrit grammarians
sometimes regard h as formed in the chest (urasya), while they
distinguish the other gutturals by the name of tongue-root letters
(^ihvanmltya). These refinements, however, are of no practical
use ; because, in dialects where the guttural sound is affected and
diverted from its purer intonation, we generally find that the pure
sound is lost altogether ; so that the two hardly ever co-exist in the
same language.
B. Specific Modifications of Gutturals and Dentals.
1. Palatals as Modifications of Gutturals.
But the place of contact of the gutturals may be pushed forward
so far as to lie no longer in the throat, but in the palate. This
change has taken place in almost all languages. Latin "cantus"
is still "canto" in Italian, but in English "chant." In the same
manner, the guttural tennis in the Latin "vocs" (vox) has been
softened in Sanskrit into the sound of the English ch, at least where
it is followed by certain letters. Thus we have :
" vachmi," I speak,
but " vakshi," thou speakest,
" vakti," fie speaks.
The same applies to the media. Latin " largus" is Italian "largo,"
448 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
but English "large." The Latin guttural media g in "jungo" is
softened in Sanskrit into the sound of the English j. We have
Sanskrit " yuga," Latin "jugum;" but in the verb we have:
yunaj + mi, I join.
yunak -f- shi, thoujoinest.
yunak + ti, he joins.
The identity of many words in Latin and Sanskrit becomes palpable
at once, if, instead of writing this modified guttural, or, as we may now
call it, palatal sound, by a new type, we write it by a modified k.
Sansk. " chatvar," or as some write " tschatwar," does not look like
"quatuor;" but Lithuanian " keturi " and Sanskrit "Aatvar" speak
for themselves. Sanskrit "cha" or " tscha" does not look like
Latin " que ; "^but Greek " KE " and Sanskrit " ka. " assert their re-
lationship without disguise. Although, therefore, we are forced to
admit the palatals, as a separate class, side by side with the gut-
turals, because most languages retain both sets and use them for
distinct etymological and grammatical purposes, still it will be well
to remember that the palatals are more nearly related to the gutturals
than to any other class, and that in most languages the two are still
interchangeable.
That the pronunciation of the palatals may vary again, like that of
the gutturals, requires no explanation. Some people imagine they
perceive a difference between the English palatal in " church," and
the Italian palatal in "cielo," and they maintain that no Englishman
can properly pronounce the Italian palatal. If so, it only proves what
was said before, that slight modifications like these do never co-exist
in the same language ; that English has but one, and Italian but one
palatal, though the two may slightly differ. But even if we invented
a special letter to represent the Italian palatal, no one except an Italian
would be able to pronounce it, not even for his life, as the French
failed in " ceci " and " ciceri " at the time of the Sicilian Vespers.
All consonants, therefore, which are no longer gutturals, and not
yet dentals, should be called palatals. That palatals have again a
tendency to become dentals, maybe seen from words like
instead of "Aatvaras" or "keturi."
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 449
Frequently the pronunciation of the palatals becomes so broad that
seem, and in some cases really are, double consonants. Some
people pronounce " church " (kirk) as if it were written " tchurtch."
If this pronunciation becomes sanctioned, and we have to deal with
a language which has as yet no historical orthography, it must be left
to the ear of the missionary to determine whether he hears distinctly
two consonants, or one only though pronounced rather fully and
broadly. If he hears distinctly the two sounds t + ch, ort+sh, he should
write both, particularly if in the same language there exists another
series of letters with the simple palatal sound. This is the case, for
instance, in Tibetan and its numerous dialects. If, therefore, the mis-
sionary has to deal with a Bhotiya dialect, which has not yet been
fixed by the Tibetan alphabet, the simple palatals should be kept
distinct from the compound palatals, tsh, dsh, &c. In the literary lan-
guage of Tibet, where the Sanskrit alphabet has been adopted, an
artificial distinction has been introduced, and the compound sounds,
usually transcribed as tsh, tshA, and dsh, are distinguished by a diacri-
tical mark at the top from the simple palatals, the sound of which is
described as like the English ch in church, and j in join. How this
artificial distinction should be rendered in transliteration, will have to
be considered under III. b. If we have once the palatal tenuis, the
same modifications as those described above give us the palatal media,
the two aspiratae, the nasal, the semi-vowel, and the sibilant.
The sound of the tenuis is given in the English " church ;" of the
media, in " to join." The semi-vowel we have in the pronunciation
of" yea." The nasal again hardly exists by itself, but only if followed
by palatals. We have it in " inch " and " injure." Where the Spaniards
use an n, they write a double by a simple sound ; for the sound is the
nasal followed by the corresponding semi-vowel, ny. The French
express the same sound in a different manner. The French " besogne,"
if it occurred in an African language, would have to be expressed by
the missionary as " bezonye."
As to the palatal flatus or sibilant, we must distinguish again
between its sharp and flat sound. The sharp sound is heard in
" sharp," or French " chose." The flat sound is less known in English,
but of frequent occurrence in French; such as " je," and "joli," very
VOL. II. G G
450 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
different from the English "jolly." It is a sound of frequent occur-
rence in African languages.* The difference between the hard and
soft palatal flatus may best be illustrated by a reference to the modern
languages of Europe. A guttural tenuis in Latin becomes a palatal
tennis in English, and a palatal sibilant in French ; cantus, the chant,
le chant. Here the initial sibilant in French is a tenuis or asper like
the English sh in "she." A guttural media in Latin becomes a pa-
latal media in English, and a palatal sibilant in French ; elegia, the
elegy, 1'elegie. Here the sibilant sound of the French g is the same
as in " genou " or " je ;" it is the soft palatal sibilant, sometimes ex-
pressed in English by s, as in erasure and pleasure.
It should be remarked, however, that the proper, and not yet
assibilated sound of the palatal flatus asper is not the French ch
as heard in " Chine," but rather the German ch in " China," " miid-
chen," " ich," " konig." Both sounds are palatal according to our
definition of this term ; but the German might be called the simple, the
French the assibilated palatal flatus. Ellis calls the former the " whis-
pered guttural sibilant," and remarks that it is generally preceded by a
vowel of the i class. The corresponding " spoken consonant " or the
flatus lenis, was discovered by Ellis in such words as " kb'n'ge."
2. Linguals as Modifications of Dentals.
While the pure dental is produced by bringing the tip of the
tongue straight against the teeth, a peculiarly modified and rather
obtuse consonantal sound is formed if the tongue is curled back til
its tip is at the root, and the dome of the mouth then stri
with its back or under-surface. The consonants produced by this
peculiar -process differ from the dentals, both by their place and by
their instrument, and it has been common in languages where these
peculiar consonants occur to call them "linguals." Although this
name is not quite distinct, the tongue being the agent in the palat
and dentals as well as in these linguals, still it is preferable
another name which has also been applied to them, Cerebrals — i
* See the Rev. Dr. Krapf's " Outline of the Elements of the Kisuaheli Language :"
Tubingen, 1850, pdge 23.
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. r.l
mere mistranslation of the Sanskrit name " MwrddAanya." * These
linguals vary again in the degree of obtuseness imparted to them
in different dialects, and which evades graphical representation.
All letters that cease to be pure dentals by shifting the point of
contact backward from the teeth, must be considered as linguals ; and
many languages, Semitic as well as Arian, use them for distinct
etymological purposes. As with the palatals, we have with the
linguals also a complete set of modified consonants. The lingual
tenuis, tenuis aspirata, media, media aspirata, and nasal have no cor-
responding sounds in English, because, as we shall see, the English
organ has modified the dental sounds by a forward and not by a back-
ward movement. The semi-vowel is the lingual r, produced by a
vibration of the curled tongue in which the Italians and Scotch excel,
and which we find it difficult to imitate. The English and the German
r become mostly guttural, while, on the contrary, the Semitic gut-
tural semi-vowel, 'hain, takes frequently the sound of a guttural r. It
might be advisable to distinguish between a guttural and a lingual r ;
but most organs can only pronounce either the one or the other, and
the two therefore seldom co-exist in the same dialect.
The lingual sibilant is a sound peculiar to the Sanskrit ; and as,
particularly in modern Indian dialects, it interchanges with the gut-
tural tenuis aspirata, its pronunciation must have partaken of a certain
guttural flatus.
There is a peculiarity in the pronunciation of the dental tenuis
aspirata and media aspirata, which, though it exists but in few languages,
deserves to be noticed here. In most of the spoken idioms of
Europe, although a distinction is made in writing, there is hardly any
* " Murddhanya," being derived from " mwrddhan," head or top, was a tech-
nical name given to these letters, because their place was the top or highest
point in the dome of the palate, the ofyavos of the Greeks. The proper trans-
lation would have been " Cacuminals." " Cerebrals " is wrong in every respect ;
for no letter is pronounced by means of the brain, nor does " murddhan" mean
brain. It is not advisable to retain this name, even as a technical term, after
it has been proved to owe its origin to a mere mistranslation. It is a word which
has given rise to confused ideas on the nature of the lingual letters, and which
ought therefore to be discarded from philological treatises, though the mis-
translation and its cause have hitherto failed to attract the observation of either
Sanskrit or comparative grammarians.
G o 2
452
APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
difference in the pronunciation of t and tk, or d and <1A. The German
" thun," to do, the French " thcologie," are pronounced as if they were
written " tun," " teologie." In the Low German and Scandinavian
dialects, however, the aspiration of the t and d (according to Grimm's
law, an organic aspiration) has been preserved to a certain extent,
only the consonantal contact by which they are produced takes place
no longer between the tongue and the inside of the teeth, but is
pushed forward so as to lie really between the tongue and the edge
of the teeth. This position of the organs produces the two well-known
continuous sounds of th. in "think" and "though." There is a distinct
Runic letter to express them, p ; and in later MSS. a graphical dis-
tinction is introduced between -J) and d, tenuis and media. The dif-
ference between the tenuis and media is brought out most distinctly
by the same experiment which was tried for f and v. (page 442.). We
have the tenuis in " breath," but it is changed into media in " to
breathe."
We may consider these two sounds as dialectical varieties of the real
th and dh, which existed in Sanskrit, but which, like most aspirated
sonant and surd consonants, have since become extinct. To many
people the pronunciation of the English th is an impossibility; and
in no dialect, except perhaps the Irish, does the English pronunciation
of the th coexist with the pure and simple pronunciation of th and
dh. Still, as their sound is very characteristic, it might be desirable
to mark it also in writing, so that even those who do not know the
peculiar accent and pronunciation of a language, should be able to
distinguish by the eye the English sound of the th from the usual th
and dh.
The principal consonantal sounds, without any regard as yet to their
graphic representation, may now be classified and defined as follows.
Where possible, the approximate sound is indicated by English words.
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
/•
ff<
TmnU.
Tenuis
upirata
Media.
Media
aspiraia.
Natalis.
SemiTocalis.
Flalu»
(libUaiu}.
1. Gutturals -
3. Palatals -
3. Dentals -
kite
church
tan
(breath)
gate
join
dock
'.breathe)
sing
Fr. signe
not
dag ( Dutch)
yet
let
loch, tag
sharp, Yr.je.
grass, graze.
4. Linguals -
.
•
.
-
_
run
. •
5. Labials
pan
"
bed
- *
man
will
life, live.
in. ruoF. MULL Kit's ruorosALS. 453
VOWELS.
!•
The Physiological Scale of Vowels.
If we recall the process by which the semi-vowels were formed in the
three principal classes, and if, instead of stopping the vocal sound by
means of that slight remnant of consonantal contact or convergence,
which characterized the formation of the semi-vowels, we allow
the full volume of breath to pass over the point of contact and
there to vibrate and sound, we get three pure vowel sounds,
guttural, palatal, and dental, which can best be expressed by the
Italian A, I, U, as heard in psalm, ravine, flute.
Formation of the Labial Vowel.
Let us pronounce the labial semi-vowel, the English w in woe,
and, instead of stopping the vocal sound as it approaches the labial
point of contact, emit it freely through the rounded aperture of
the lips, and we have the vowel u. Here also the experiment of
the candle will elucidate the process that takes place, but of which
A\e are hardly conscious. The mere semi-vowel w, not followed
by any vowel, should not produce any disturbance in the flame ;
at least not more than might be occasioned by the motion of the
lips, which is the same for all consonants. The labial flatus, f, on
the contrary, will disturb the flame considerably, and the vowel u
may extinguish it.
Formation of the Palatal Vowel.
The same process which changes w into u, changes the guttural
semi-vowel 'h into a, and the palatal semi-vowel y into i. Let us
pronounce the y in yea without any vowel after it, and it only requires
the removal of that stoppage of sound which takes place between tongue
ami palate, in order to allow the vowel i, as in ravine, to be heard
distinctly.
o c 3
454 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
Formation of t/ie Guttural Vowel.
Let us pronounce the guttural semi-vowel as heard in the Dutch
dag or the Hebrew 'hain, and, if we try to change this semi-vowel
gradually into the vowel a, we feel that what we effect is merely the
removal of that stoppage which in the formation of the semi-vowel
takes place at the very point of guttural contact.
The vowels, as was said before, are formed by the voice modified,
but not interrupted, by the various positions of the tongue and the
lips. " Their differences depend," as Professor Wheatstone adds, " on
the proportions between the aperture of the lips and the internal
cavity of the mouth, which is altered by the different elevations of
the tongue."
r
Succession of Vowels, natural and artificial.
The organic succession of vowel sounds is the same as for con-
sonants,— guttural, palatal, labial, a, i, u. The succession of vowel
sounds produced by the gradual lengthening of a cylindrical tube
joined to a reed organ-pipe, as described by Professor Willis*, is an
interesting experiment as to the scale of vowels in the abstract. It
gives, or, at least, is reported to give,
i, e, a, aw, o, u.
beat, bait, bath, bought, boat, boot.
But as these pipes are round and regular, while the construction of
the pipe formed by larynx, throat, palate, jaws, and lips is not, the
succession of vowels given by these pipes cannot be expected to
correspond with the local succession of vowels as formed by the
organs of speech.
Kempelen states that if we pay attention to the successive contrac-
tion of the throat only, we shall find, indeed, that the aperture of the
throat is smallest if we pronounce the Italian i, and that it gets
gradually larger as we pronounce e, a, o, u ; while if we pay attention
to the successive contraction of the lips, which is quite as essential
* Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, vol. iii. paper in.
1828-29.
III. I'KOF. Mi'LLKlt's PROPOSALS. 455
to the formation of the vowels as the contraction of the throat, the
scale of vowels is a different one. Here the aperture of the lips is
largest if we pronounce the a; and it gradually decreases as we go
on to the e, i, o, and u.
Hence, if we represent the opening of the lips by Roman, and the
opening of the throat by English figures, taking the smallest aperture
as our unit, we may, according to Kempelen, represent the five
vowels in a mathematical progression :
i =111. 1. e = IV. 2. a=V. 3. o = II. 4-. u = I. 5.
It has been remarked by Professor Purkinje, that the conditions for
the formation of some of the vowels, particularly of a and e, as heard
in far and name, have not been quite correctly stated by Kempelen.
The production of both these sounds depends principally on the form
of the cavity of the throat between the root of the tongue and the
larynx ; in both cases this space is large, but largest in the pronun-
ciation of e. The size of the opening of the mouth is the same in
the two cases ; not different, as Kempelen states. The position
which he ascribes to the lips in pronouncing o is also unnecessary.*
The experiments of Professor Willis show that, if we look on the
instrument by which the vowels are formed as a vibrating membranous
tongue, with one tube prefixed, and another added below the tongue,
the shortest length of the tube gives i ; the longest, u ; and an in-
termediate one, a. But as the human organ of speech is not a regular
tube, we must insist on this, that in the mouth the shortest length is
indicated by the point of palatal contact, the longest by the point of
labial, and the intermediate by the point of guttural contact ; and
that here, by the simultaneous operation of the guttural and labial
aperture, the vowels i, u, and a are formed.
The Lingual and Dental Vowels.
Besides the three vowels struck at the guttural, palatal, and labial
points of contact, the Sanskrit, in strict analogy, forms two peculiar
vowels as modifications of the lingual and dental semi-vowels. R
and L, subjected to the same process which changes 'h into a, y into
* See J. Miiller, Elements of Physiology, p. 1047.
c c 4
456 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
i, and w into u, become ri, li, or re and le. At least these sounds
ri and li, approach as near to the original value of the Indian vowels
as with our alphabet we can express it. According to their origin,
they may be described as r and 1 opened and vocalised.
Unmodified Vowels.
If we attempt in singing to pronounce no particular vowel, we still
hear the vowel-sound of the Italian a. This vowel expresses the
quality of the musical vibrations emitted from the human larynx and
naturally modified by a reverberation of the palate. But if we arrest
the vibrations before they pass the guttural point of contact — if,
either in a whispered or a vocalised shape, we emit the voice without
allowing it to strike against any part of the mouth — we hear the
unmodified and primitive sound as in but, bird, lull. It is the sound
which, in Professor Willis's experiments, " seems to be the natural
vowel of the reed," or, according to Mr. Ellis, " the voice in its least
modified form." We hear it also if we take the larynx of a dead
body, and blow through it while compressing the chordae vocales.
In these experiments it is impossible to distinguish more than one
sound ; and most people admit but one unmodified vowel in English.
According to Sir John Herschell, there is no difference in the vowels
of the words spurt, assert, dirt, virtue, dove, double, blood. Mr. Ellis
considers the u in cur as the corresponding long vowel. Other writers,
however, as Sheridan and Smart, distinguish between the sounds of
bird and work, of whirl'd and world ; and in some languages this dif-
ference requires to be expressed. It is a very delicate difference,
but may be accounted for by a slight palatal and labial pressure, by
which this obscure sound is affected after having escaped the guttural
reverberation.
In English almost every vowel is liable to be absorbed by this
obscure sound ; as beggar, offer, bz'rd, work, but. It is sometimes pro-
nounced between two consonants, though not expressed in writing ;
as el-m, mar-sh, schis-m, rhyth-m. Here it is the breath inherent in
continuous consonants. In French it is the e muet, as in entendre,
Londres. In German it is doubtful whether the same sound exists
at all, though I think it may be heard occasionally in such words as
leber, leben.
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 457
Quantity of Vowels.
All vowels may be short or long, with the exception of the un-
modified breathing (Rapp's " Urlaut "), which is always short.
The sound of the long a we have in psalm, messa (//.) ; short, in Sam.
„ „ i „ neat, Italia ; „ knit.
„ „ u „ fool, usarono (It.) ; „ full.*
The sound of e we have in bird,
o work.
DIPHTHONGS.
From the organic local succession of the three simple vowels a,
i, u, it follows that real compound vowels can only be formed with
a, as the first and most independent vowel, for their basis. The a,
on its onward passage from the throat to the aperture of the mouth,
may be followed or modified by i or u. It may embrace the palatal
and labial vowels, and carry them along with it without having to
retrace its steps, or occasioning any stoppage, which of course
would at once change the vowel into the semi-vowel. In Sanskrit,
therefore, the palatal and labial vowels, if brought in immediate
contact with a following a, relapse naturally into their corresponding
semi-vowels, y and w, and never form the base of diphthongs. The
vowels i-f a, or u + a, if pronounced in quick succession, become ya
and wa, but they will never coalesce into one vocal sound, because
the intonation of the a lies behind that of i; the vocal flatus has to be
inverted, and this inversion amounts in fact to a consonantal stoppage
sufficient to change the vowels i and u into the semi-vowels y and w.
T/te four Bases of Diphthongs.
According to our definition of diphthongs, their basis can only
be guttural ; but as the guttural a may be short or long, and as the
two unmodified vowels (£, o) lie even behind the guttural point of
contact, we get really a four-fold basis for diphthong sounds. Each
* The examples are mostly taken from Ellis, who distinguishes between the
short a in messa and the stopped a in Sam ; a distinction which, though essential
in a theoretical analysis, does not require to be expressed in alphabetical notation.
458 Al'PENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
of the four vowels (a, a, C, o) being liable to a palatal or labial
modification, we may on physiological grounds expect eight different
compound vowels.
This can best be represented by a diagram :
/ / \ \
' / fl \ »
/ / A \ \
/ / / \ \ \
i / ' J v » *
/ / a \ \ \
' / ' * \ \ \
/ / ./ /K \ \ \
i/ y' i/fenl-mibst \u xgi x-
.
Palatal y i/ y' i/fenl-mibst \u xgi x-u Labial.
oi ei ai ai (e) (o) au ou eu ou
I I I I I ||
voice. »ce. ire. sailor. home. bow. Europa. bought.
Diphthongs with A as base.
If the short a is quickly followed by i and u, so that, as the Hindus
say, the guttural is mixed with the palatal and labial vowels like milk
and water, we get the diphthongs ai and au, pronounced as in
French. They correspond in sound to the Italian e and o, and to the
English sounds in sailor and home.
Diphthongs with A as Base.
If the a, as the first element, retains more of its independent
nature, or is long, then a + i pronounced together give the German
diphthong ai, as in pie and buy ; a -f u give the German di-
phthong au, as in proud.
III. PROF. MiJLLElt'S PROPOSALS. 459
Diphthongs with E as Base.
If, instead of the short or long a, the base of the diphthong
becomes e, we get the combinations ei and eu, both of rare occur-
rence except in German, where the sound of ei (English isle), is
thinner than that of ai (English ire). In eu, the two vowels are still
heard very distinctly in the Italian Europa. In German they co-
alesce more, and almost take the sound of oy in boy.
Diphthongs with 6 as Base.
In the diphthong oi also, the pronunciation may vary according
to the degree of speed with which the i follows the o. O and u, on
the contrary, coalesce easily, and form the well-known deep sound of
ou in bought, or of a in fall.
Different Kinds of Diphthongs.
Although the sounds of the Italian e and o are here classed to-
gether, as diphthongs, with the English sounds of i and ou, this is not
meant to deny a difference in degree between the two. The former
might be called monophthongs, because the ear receives but one im-
pression, as when two notes are struck simultaneously. It is only by
theoretical analysis that we can detect the two component parts of e
and o — a fact well known to every Sanskrit scholar. The ai and au,
on the contrary, are real diphthongs ; and an attentive ear will per-
ceive ah + ee in the English " I," ah + oo in the English " out." Sir
John Herschell compares these sounds to quick arpeggios, where two
chords are struck almost, but not quite simultaneously.
In African dialects, as, for instance, in Zulu, some Missionaries say
that two vowels combine for the formation of one sound, as in hai (no),
Umcopai (a proper name) ; others, that there are no diphthongs, but
that, whenever two vowels meet, the separate power of each is dis-
tinctly marked and preserved in pronunciation.* This may depend
on a peculiar disposition in the organ of hearing as well as in the
organ of speech.
Objections are likely to be raised against our treating the
\nvel in "bought" and " fall" as a diphthong. There is, however, a
* An Essay on the Phonology and Orthography of the Zulu and kiiidrvd
Dialects in Southern Africa, by L. Grout, p. 441.
460 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
diphthong sound which stands to au (proud) in the same relation as
oi (voice) to ai (vice). I imagine to hear it in the English broad,
which has the same vowel as all, bawl, Paul, nor, war ; and we cer-
tainly have it in the Swedish a- The labial element, no doubt, is
very slight ; still, let any body pronounce a and ou (far and bought),
and a looking-glass will tell him that he adds a distinct labial pressure
in order to change the a into ou.
Vowels broken by E or I.
In some languages we find that certain vowels are modified by an
inherent e, or, as some say, by i. The vowels most liable to this
modification are a, o, u.
The a, with an inherent e, becomes German a, as in va'ter, very
nearly the same sound as in the English substantive bear. O, by the
same influence, takes the German sound of o in Konig, or that of the
French eu in peu. U, in German, becomes ii, the French u in jurer.
To many organs these sounds are so troublesome that they are
sometimes avoided altogether, as in English. Their pronunciation
varies in different dialects ; and the German a sounds in some places
like e, the French ii like u.
If we remember how the simple vowel sounds were represented by
Kempelen in a mathematical progression according to the amount of
aperture of the throat and lips required for their formation, we shall see
that what takes place, if an a is changed to ae, an o to oe, and an u to ue,
is in each case a diminution of the guttural aperture. While the pure
a is formed by 5 degrees of labial and 3 degrees of guttural aperture,
the ae is produced by 5 degrees of labial, but only 1 degree of gut-
tural aperture. Thus, in the pronunciation of oe, the labial aperture
remains at "2 degrees, and in the pronunciation of ue at 1 degree ; but
in either case the guttural aperture is respectively reduced from
4 degrees and 5 degrees to 1 degree. We may, therefore, represent
the broken vowels (Grimm's Umlaut) in the following manner: —
ae=V. 1 ; oe=II. 1 ; ue=I. 1.
Thei e is one class of languages, the Tataric, where these broken
sounds are of frequent occurrence, and of great importance. The
" harmony of vowels " which pervades these dialects would be lost
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS.
461
altogether (as it is, to a great extent, if Tataric languages are written
with Arabic letters), unless to these vowels a distinct category were
assigned. Besides the broken or softened a, o, and u, the Tataric lan-
guages have a fourth vowel, a softening of the i, which we hear in
" will." Thus we have, in Yakute :
Hard vowels a, o, i, u. Heavy vowels a, a, o, o,
Soft vowels a, 6, i', ii. Light vowels i, i, u, U.
All the vowels in a Yakute word depend on the first. If the first
is hard, all following vowels must be hard ; if soft, all become soft.
Again, if the vowel of one syllable is heavy, that of the next can only
be the same heavy vowel, or its corresponding light vowel. If it
is light, that of the next syllable must be the same light vowel, or its
corresponding heavy vowel. For instance, if the first syllable of a word
has a, the next can only have a or i ; if a, a or i' ; if o, o or u ; if o,
o or ii.
The vowels would, therefore, come under the following physiological
categories : —
a, short, as in Sam ; long, as in psalm.
work\ .-/ox
Guttural
Palatal i
Labial u
Gutturo-palatal ai (e)
„ „ ai
>> » ei
,y „ oi
Gutturo-labial au (o)
„ „ au
,, „ eu
ou
Lingual
Dental
re
IS
bird J
knit ;
full;
debt ;
not
fiery;
friendly
neat.
fool.
, date.
, ire.
, ice.
, voice.
, note.
, proud.
Ital. Europa.
, bought.
, reach.
leach.
A broken, as in Voter.
O „ Kb'nig.
I broken, as in Diener.
U Giite.
It has frequently been remarked that the short vowels in English
(hat, bed, pit, pot, full) differ from their corresponding long vowels,
402 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
not merely in quantity, but in quality also. As they mostly occur in
unaccented syllables, they have lost that vocal timbre which the short
vowels in German and Italian have preserved. Still it is not neces-
sary to invent new signs for these surd vowels, because in origin they
correspond exactly to the short vowels in other languages, only that
they are uniformly modified by a peculiarity of pronunciation inherent
in the English tongue. The English language has lost the pure short
vowels altogether ; and it is not by the eye, but by the ear only, that
foreigners can learn the peculiar pronunciation of the short vowels
in English.
II.
/Tow can these principal Sounds, after proper Classification, be expressed
by us in writing and printing, so as to preserve their physiological
Value, without creating new typographical Difficulties ?
The results at which we have arrived in the first part of our
inquiry are those on which, with very slight and unimportant excep-
tions, all may be said to agree, who, whether in India or Europe, have
attempted to analyse scientifically the elements of human speech.
There are, no doubt, some refinements, and some more accurate sub-
divisions, as will be seen in the extracts given from the Pratisak/iyas,
which it will be necessary to attend to in exceptional cases, and par-
ticularly in philological researches. But, as far as the general phy-
siological outlines of our phonetic system are concerned, we hardly
expect any serious difference of opinion.
Widely different opinions, however, start up as soon as we ap-
proach the second question, how these sounds are to be expressed
in writing. Omitting the different propositions to adopt an Oriental
alphabet, such as Sanskrit or Arabic, or the Greek alphabet, or
newly invented letters, whether short-hand or otherwise, we shall
take it for granted that the Latin alphabet, which, though of Semitic
origin, has so long been the armour of thought in the struggles and
conquests of civilisation, has really the greatest and most natural
claims on our consideration.
There are two principles regulating the application of the Latin
III. PROF. MULLEH'S PROPOSALS.
alphabet to our physiological sounds on which there has been a
general agreement since the days of Halhed and Wilkins :
1 . T7tat each sound shall have but one representative letter, and that
then-fore each letter shall always express tJie same sound.
2. That each simple sound shall be expressed by a single letter, and
compound sounds by compound letters.
If with these two principles we try to write the forty-four conso-
nants of our physiological alphabet by means of the twenty-four con-
sonants of the Latin, it follows that we must add to the latter diacri-
tioil signs, in order to make them answer our purpose.
Now, in the adoption of diacritical signs, another principle should
be laid down :
" Tliat the same modification should always be expressed by the same
diacritical mark"
In a theoretical system we might even go a step beyond this, and
lay it down as a principle that the same diacritical mark should always
express one and the same modification. The advantages which
would result from the adoption of such a principle are palpable ; but
the variety of diacritical marks which it would entail upon us, and
the number of new types which would have to be cast to carry it out
consistently, must strongly militate against it, particularly in the con-
struction of a Missionary alphabet. Here, as in all branches of Mis-
sionary labour, it must be our aim to obtain the greatest results by
the smallest means.
Guttural, Palatal, and Dental Tenues.
The guttural, dental, and labial tenues are naturally expressed by
k, t, p.
Guttural, Palatal, and Dental Media.
The modification which changes these tenues into mediae should
consistently be expressed by a uniform diacritical sign attached to
k. t, p. For more than one reason, however, we prefer the Latin
letters, g, d, b.
464 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
It is understood tlmtg, after once being chosen as the representative
of the guttural media, like g in gun, whatever vowel may follow, can
never be used promiscuously hoth for the guttural and the palatal
media, as the English g in gun and gin.
How to express Aspirates ?
The aspirated tenues and mediae in the guttural, dental, and palatal
series, which, according to the description given above, are not com-
pound, but simple though modified sounds, should be written by
simple consonants with a diacritical mark of aspiration. This would
give us:
k', t', p', g, d', b'.
These types have been cut many times since Count Volney
founded his prize at the French Academy for transcribing Oriental
alphabets, and even before his time. They exist at Berlin, Paris,
Leipzig, Darmstadt, Petersburg, and several other places. They
have been cut in different sizes and on different bodies. Still the
difficulty of having them at hand when required, making them range
properly, and keeping always a sufficient stock, has been so great
even in places like London, Paris, and Berlin, that their adoption
would defeat the very object of our alphabet, which is to be used in
Greenland as well as in Borneo, and is to be handled by unex-
perienced printers even in the most distant stations, where nothing
but an ordinary English font can be expected to exist. In our Mis-
sionary alphabet we must therefore have no dots, no hooks, no accents,
no Greek letters, no new types, no diacritical appendages whatsoever.
No doubt, Missionary Societies might have all these letters cut and
cast on as many sizes and bodies as necessary. Punches or fonts
might be sent to the principal Missionary stations. But how long
would this last ? If a few psalms or catechisms had to be printed
at Bangkok, and if there were no hooked letters to represent the aspi-
rated palatal sound by a single type (k"), is it likely that they would
send to Calcutta or London for this type, which, after it arrived,
might perhaps be found not to range with the rest ? It is much
more likely that, in the absence of the type prescribed by the Mis-
sionary Societies at home, each missionary would find himself thrown
on his own resources, and different alphabets would again spring
III. PIIOF. MULLEll'S PROPOSALS. 465
lip in different places. Besides, our alphabet is not only to be an
alphabet of missionaries. In -time it is to become the alphabet of
those tribes and nations whose first acquaintance with writing will be
through the Bible translated into their language and transcribed in a
rational alphabet. Fifty or a hundred years hence, it may be the
alphabet of all the civilised nations of Africa, Australia, and the
greater part of Asia. Must all the printers of Australian advertise-
ments, the editors of African newspapers, the publishers of Malay
novels or Papua primers, write to Mr. Watts, Crown Court, Temple
B.ir, for new sorts of dotted and hooked letters? I do not say it is
impossible ; but many things are possible, and still not practical ;
and these new hooked and dotted types seem to me decidedly to
belong to this class.
In questions of this kind, no harm is done if principles are sacri-
ficed to expediency ; and I therefore propose to write the aspirate
letters, as all English and most French and German scholars have
written them hitherto, by
kh, th, ph, gh, dh, bh.
What do we lose by this? The spiritus asper (') is after all
but a faintly disguised II, changed into h and I, for asper and lenis,
and then abbreviated into ' and '. Besides, the languages where
these simple aspirates occur are not many ; and in India, where
they are of most frequent use, the phonetic system is so carefully
arranged that there no ambiguity can arise whether kh be meant for
an aspirated guttural tenuis or for k followed by the semi-vowel h. If
the semi-vowel h comes in immediate contact with k, k + h is changed
into g-f gh, or a stop (virama) has to be put after the k. This might
be done where, as in discussing grammatical niceties, it is desirable
to distinguish between kh and k-h. The missionary, except in India
will hardly ever suffer from this ambiguity ; and if the scholar should
insist on its being removed, we shall see immediately how even the
most delicate scruples on this point could be satisfied.
There is still, if we examine the alphabets hitherto proposed or
adopted, a whole array of dots and hooks, which must be elimi-
(1, or at least be reduced, as far as possible ; and though we
might, after gaining our point with regard to the h, get through
gutturals, dentals, and labials, we still have new and more formidable
enemies to encounter in the palatals and linguals.
VOL. II. H H
466 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
How to express Palatals ?
Palatals are modifications of gutturals, and therefore the most
natural course would be to express them by the guttural series,
adding only a line or an accent or a dot, or any other uniform diacri-
tical sign to indicate their modified value. So great, however, has
been the disinclination to use diacritical signs, that in common
usage, where the palatal tenuis had to be expressed, the most anoma-
lous expedients have been resorted to in order to avoid hooks or
dots. In English, to represent the Sanskrit palatal tenuis, ch has
been used ; and as the h seemed to be too much in the teeth of
all analogy, the simple c even has been adopted, leaving ch for the
aspirated palatal. On the same ground, the Germans write tsch
for the palatal tenuis, and tschh for the aspirate. The French write
tch and tchh. The Italians do not hesitate to use ci for the tenuis,
though I do not see how they could express the corresponding
aspirate. The Russians recommend their q ; and the Brahmans
would probably recommend a Sanskrit type. Still all, even the
German tschh, are meant, to represent simple consonants, which, as
in Sanskrit, would not make a preceding short vowel long. That in
English the ch, in Italian ci, and in German tsch, have a sound very like
the palatal tenuis, is of course a mere accident. In English the ch is
not always sounded alike ; and its pronunciation in the different dia-
lects of Europe varies more than that of most letters. Besides, our
alphabetic representative of the palatal sound is to be pronounced
and comprehended, not by a few people in Germany or Italy, but by
all the nations of Africa and Australia. Now to them the ch would
prove deceptive ; first, because we never use the simple c (by this
we make up for the primary alphabetical divorce introduced by the
libertus -of Spurius Carvilius Ruga), and, secondly, because the h
would seem to indicate the modification of the aspirate.
The natural way of writing the palatals, so as not to obscure their
close relationship to the gutturals, would be, k, kh, K, gh.
But here the same difficulty arises as before. If the dots or marks
are printed separately, the lines where these dots occur become
more distant than the rest. For one such dotted letter the compo-
sitor has to compose a whole line of blanks. These will shift, par-
ticularly when there are corrections, and the misprints are endless.
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 467
In Tumour's edition of the Mahavansa, which is printed with dotted
letters, we get thirty -five pages quarto of errata to about a hundred
pnges of text. But they might be cast on one body. True, they
niijjht be — perhaps they will be. At all events they have been;
and Volney offered such types to anybody that would ask for them.
Still, when I inquire at a press like the University press of Oxford,
they are not forthcoming. We must not expect that what is im-
possible in the nineteenth century at Oxford, will be possible in the
twentieth century at Timbuktu.
Now the difficulfy, so far as I can see, was solved by a compositor to
whom I sent some MS., where each palatal letter was marked by a
line under it. The compositor, not knowing what these lines meant,
took them for the usual marks of italics, and I was surprised to
see that this answered the purpose, saved much trouble and much
expense, and, on the whole, did not look badly. As every English
font includes italic letters, the usefulness of these modified types for
our Missionary alphabet "springs to the eyes," as we say in German.
They are sufficiently startling to remind the reader of their modified
pronunciation, and at the same time they indicate, as in most cases
they ought, their original guttural character to the reflecting philo-
logist. As in ordinary books italics are used to attract attention, so
also in our alphabet. Even to those who have never heard the
names of guttural and palatal letters, they will show that the k is not
the usual k. Persons in the slightest degree acquainted with pho-
netics will be made aware that the k is, in shape and sound, a modifi-
cation of the k. All who admit that palatals are modifications of
gutturals would see at once that the modification intended by k
could only be the palatal. And as to the proper pronunciation of the
k, as palatal tenuis, in different dialects, people who read their own
language expressed in this alphabet will never hesitate over its pro-
nunciation. Others imist learn it, as they now learn the pronun-
ciation of Italian ci and chi, or rest satisfied to know that k stands
for the palatal tenuis, and for nothing else. Sooner or later this
expedient is certain to be adopted. Thus we get, us the repre-
sentatives of the palatals,
k, £h, ff, ^h.
Now, also, it will appear how we can avoid the ambiguity before
n H 2
468 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
alluded to, — whether the h of aspirated consonants expresses their
aspirated nature or an independent guttural semi-vowel or flatus. Let
the h, where it is not meant as a letter, but as a diacritical sign, be
printed as an italic h, and the last ground for complaint will vanish.
Still this is only needful for philological objects; for practical pur-
poses the common h may remain.
In writing, the dots or lines under the palatals will have to be
retained. Still they take too much time thus employed to allow us to
suppose that the Africans will retain them when they come to write
for themselves. They will find some more current marks; as, for
instance, by drawing the last stroke of the letter below the line.
In writing, however, anybody may please himself, so long as the
printer knows what is intended when he has to bring it before the
public. As a hint to German missionaries, I beg to say that, for
writing quickly in this new alphabet, they will find it useful in manu-
script notes to employ German letters instead of italics.
An accidental, though by no means undesirable, advantage is
gained by using italics to express the palatals. If we read that
Sanskrit vach (or vatch, or vatsch) is the same as Latin vox, but
that sometimes vach in Sanskrit is vak or vac, the eye imagines that
it has three different words to deal with. By means of italics, vak and
va/< are almost identical to the sight, as kirk and kuvk (church), would
be if English were ever to be transcribed into the missionary alphabet.
The same applies to the verb, where the phonetic distinction between
vakmi, vakshi, vakti, can thus be expressed without in any way
disguising the etymological identity of the root. It would be wrong if
we allowed the physiological principles of our alphabet to be modified
for the sake of comparative philology ; but where the phonetic
changes of physiological sounds and the historical changes of words
happen to run parallel, an alphabet, if well arranged, should be capable
of giving this fact clear expression.
If the pronunciation of the palatals is deteriorated, they sometimes
take the sound of tch, ts, s, sh, or even th. Ccelum (coIXor) becomes
Italian cielo ; where the initial sound is the same as in church
(kirk). In old Friesic we have "tzaka" instead of English "check."
In French, "del" is pronounced with an initial sharp dental s;
"chose," with an initial sharp palatal s. In Spanish, the pronuncia-
in. PROF. MULLEK'S PROPOSALS. 469
tion of a c before e and i is that of the English th. In these cases
when \\e have to deal with unwritten languages, the sounds, whether
simple or double, should he traced to their proper phonetic category,
and be written accordingly. It will be well, however, to bear in
mind that pronunciation may change with time and vary in different
places, and that the most general representation of these sounds
by palatals or italicized gutturals will generally prove the best in the
long run.
It must be clear that, with the principles followed hitherto, it would
be impossible to make an exception in favour of the English j as
representative of the palatal media. It would be a schism in the
whole system, and would besides deprive us of those advantages
which comparative philology derives from a consistent representation
of modified sounds: that Sanskrit yuga (^uyoy) is derived from
" yug," to join, would be intelligible to everybody ; while neither the
German, to whom j is y, nor the Frenchman, nor the Spaniard would
see the connexion between j and g.
The wish to retain the j is natural with Missionary Societies.
It would enable us to spell uniformly the name of our Lord — and
in all the translations of the Bible which the pious zeal of the
mother country is now sowing over the virgin soil of Africa,
Australia, and Asia, that one name at least would stand un-
altered and uncorrupted in all tongues and all ages. But we may
consider this from another point of view. As with other words, and
with many of the most sacred in our own language, their full and real
meaning seems to grow more clear and distinct the more the
material body of the words changes and decays, and the more their
etymological meaning becomes dim and forgotten, so will it be with
the name of our Lord. Let the name grow and change and vary in
all the tongues of the earth, and the very variety of the name will
proclaim the unity of Him who has promised to all tongues the gift
of His Holy Spirit. And would it avail, even if now we insisted on this
point ? A thousand years ago, and all the nations of Europe wrote
and pronounced this name uniformly; but at the present day there are
hardly two languages where the name is pronounced exactly alike ;
and in several the spelling has followed the pronunciation. It will
ultimately be the same in Africa, whatever we do at present. But if
H H 3
470 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
an exception is here to be made, let it be a single exception, while
we retain the regular notation for every other word in which the pure
palatal media occurs.
How to express Linguals ?
The linguals, as modifications of the dentals, have been hitherto
written by common consent as dentals with dots or lines. In writing,
this method must be retained, though no doubt a more current form
will soon grow up if the alphabet is used by natives. They will
probably draw the last stroke of the t and d below the line, and
connect the body of the letter with the perpendicular line below.
The linguals, therefore, will be, t, th, d, dh ; only here also the
printer will step in and convert the dotted or underlined letters into
italics, t, th, d, dh.
I am at a loss how to mark that peculiar pronunciation of the
dental aspirate, whether tenuis or media, which we write in English
simply by th. It is not of frequent occurrence; still it occurs not only
in European, but in Oriental languages, — for instance, in Burmese.
If it occurs in a language where no trace of the pure dental aspirate
remains, we might safely write th (and dh) or th (and dh), as we do
in English. The Anglo-Saxon letters -p and S would be very con-
venient ; but how few fonts, even in England, possess these forms !
Again, ^h and zh, and even $' and .&', have been proposed ; but they
are liable to still stronger objections. Where it is necessary to dis-
tinguish the aspirated th and dh from the assibilated, I propose for
the latter a dot under the h (th and dh). But I think th and
dh will, on the whole, be found to answer all practical purposes, if we
only look .to people who have to write and read their own language.
Philologists, whatever we attempt, cannot be informed of every
nicety and shade in pronunciation by the eye. They must learn from
grammars or from personal intercourse in what manner each tribe
pronounces its dental aspirate ; and comparative philology will find
all its ends answered if th represents the organic dental aspirate,
until its pronunciation deteriorates so far as to make it a flatus or a
double consonant. In this case the Missionary also will have to write
it ts, or ss, or whatever sound he may happen to hear.
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 471
The five principal classes of physiological sounds would, therefore,
have the following typographic exponents: —
Tcnuis.
Tennis asp.
Media.
Media asp.
Guttural
k
u
g
gA
Palatal
k
kh
9
9h
Dental
t
ih (th)
d
dA (dA)
Lingual
t
til
d
dh
Labial
P
pA
b
hi
How to express the Nasals ?
In each of these five classes we have now to look for an exponent
of the nasal.
Where the nasal is modified by the following consonant, it requires
no modified sign, for reasons explained in the first part of our essay.
The nasal in sink and sing is guttural ; in inch and injure, palatal; in
hint and bind, dental ; in imp and dumb, labial.
But where these nasals occur at the beginning of words or at the
end of syllables, each must have its own mark. Let the dental
nasal be n, the labial nasal m, the lingual nasal n. Where the gut-
tural nasal is really so evanescent as not to bear expression by
ng, we must write n and a dot after it (n-), which makes no difficulty
in printing, and will very rarely occur. What we call the palatal n is
generally not a simple but a compound nasal, and should be written ny.
For transliterating, however, we want a distinct sign, because the
palatal nasal exists as a simple type in Sanskrit, and every single
type must be transliterated by a single letter. Here I should pro-
pose the Spanish n.
The lingual n occurs in Sanskrit only. Its character is generally
determined by lingual letters either following or preceding. Still,
where it must be marked in Sanskrit transliterations, let it be repre-
sented by an italic n.
How to express the Semi-voicelsf
The Latin letters which naturally offer themselves as the counter-
parts of the semi-vowels, are 'h, y, r, 1, and w.
a H 4
472 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
The delicate sound of the guttural semi-vowel occurs very rarely
in Arian languages. In Semitic dialects, however, the y has usually
been considered as the guttural semi-vowel. In Hebrew it is some-
times not pronounced at all, or, as we should say, it is changed into
the flatus lenis ; whence, in the Arabic alphabet, to remove this
ambiguity and to show in every word the full or weak pronunciation
of the guttural semi-vowel, the y was split in two : the one, the
r, little more than the flatus lenis; the other, the c, the hollow
guttural semi-vowel which only a Semitic throat is able to utter, and
which comes very near to the guttural flatus asper as heard in " loch."
The palatal semi-vowel is usually transcribed in Germany by j,
which, as far as archaeological arguments go, would certainly be the
most appropriate sign to represent the semi-vowel corresponding to
the palatal vowel i. As, however, the j is one of the most variously
pronounced letters in Europe, and as in England it has been usual to
employ it as a palatal media, it is better to discard it altogether from
our alphabet, and to write y.
The lingual semi- vowel is r; if in some dialects the r is pronounced
very near to the throat, this might be marked by an italic r, or rh.
The dental semi-vowel is written I. The mouillc sound of 1 may
be expressed by an italic /.
Where the labial semi-vowel is formed by the lips, let it be written
w. More usually it is formed by the upper lip and the edge of the
lower teeth. It then becomes what the Hindus call a labio-dental
semi-vowel, but is hardly to be distinguished from the labial flatus
lenis.
How to express the Flatus (Sibilants) ?
As the unmodified flatus, or, as it should more properly be called,
the spiritus asper and lenis, can only occur before a vowel, the
printer will find no difficulty in representing these two sounds by the
usual signs ' and ' placed before or over the vowel which follows.
At the beginning of words there could be no reasonable objection to
this mode of representing the very slight and hardly consonantal
sound of the spiritus asper and lenis. But it will take some time
before our eyes are accustomed to it in the middle of words. In
such cases the Greeks did not mark it. They wrote cipun, chariot,
III. PROF. MULLEll'S PROPOSALS. 473
but tvdp/j.aTo^ with beautiful chariots ; they wrote un'/p, man, but
flai-Spia, manliness. Nor in fact does there seem to be any neces-
sity for marking the spiritus lenis in the middle of words. Every
vowel beginning a syllable has necessarily the spiritus lenis; as
going, seeing. As to the spiritus asper, which we have in " vehe-
ment," "vehicle," I fear that " ve'ement," "ve'icle," will be ob-
jected to by the printer. If so, we have still the h as a last resource
to express the spiritus asper in this position.
The guttural flatus asper, as heard in loch, might be expressed by
an Italic h. The flatus lenis cannot be distinguished in pronunciation
from the guttural semi-vowel, and has therefore never received an
alphabetical exponent. If it should be necessary, however, to assign
a type to this physiological category, we should be obliged to write
the flatus asper by 'h, and the flatus lenis by 'h.
The dental flatus sibilans, pronounced sharp as in "sin" or "grass,"
has, of course, the best claims on the letter s as its representative.
Its corresponding soft sound, as heard in please or zeal, is best ex-
pressed by z; only we must take care not to pronounce it like the
German z. The more consistent way of expressing the sonant flatus
rould be to put a spiritus lenis over the s. This, however, would
hardly be tolerated, and would be against the Third Resolution of our
alphabetical conferences, where it was agreed that only after the
Roman types, and the modifications of Roman types as supplied by
common fonts (capitals, italics, &c.), had been exhausted, diacritical
signs should be admitted into the standard alphabet.
As all palatals are represented by italics, the palatal sibilant would
naturally be written with an italic s. This would represent the sharp
sound as heard in "sharp" or " chose." The soft palatal sibilant
would have the same exponent as the soft dental sibilant, only
changed into italics (z). This would be the proper sign for the
French sound in "je," "genou," and for the African soft palatal
sibilant, which, as Dr. Krapf, Mr. Tutschek, and Mr. Boyce remark,
will never be properly pronounced by an adult European.
Where it is necessary to express the original, not yet assibilatcd,
palatal flatus, which is heard in kb'nig and kon'ge, an italic y, with the
spiritus asper and lenis, would answer the purpose (y and y).
The labial flatus should be written by f. This is the sharp flatus.
474 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
as heard in " life" and "find." The soft labial flatus ought consis-
tently to be written as f with a spiritus lenis. But here again I fear
we must sacrifice consistency to expediency, and adopt that sign with
which we are familiar, the Latin v. As we express the labial semi-
vowel by w, the v is still at our disposal, and will probably be pre-
ferred by the unanimous votes of missionaries and printers.
The lingual flatus is a sound peculiar to Sanskrit, and, owing to its
hollow guttural pronunciation, it may be expressed there, as it has
been hitherto, by s followed by the guttural h (sh). The Sanskrit
knows no soft sibilants ; hence we require but one representation
for the lingual sh.
The different categories of consonantal sounds which we represented
at the end of the first chapter by means of English words may now be
filled out by the following graphic exponents: —
a. b, c. d. e. f. g.
Tenuis.
I. Guttur. k
II. Pal. k
III. Dent. t
IV. Ling. t
V. Labial, p
Spiritus asper : '.
Spiritus lenis : '.
Although these exponents of the physiological categories of articu-
lated sound have not been chosen because their present pronunciation
in English, or French, or German is nearest to that physiological
category which each has to represent, still, as we have avoided letters
of which the pronunciation fluctuates very much (such as c, j, x, q),
it will be found, on the whole, that little violence is done by this
alphabet to the genius of any of these languages, and that neither an
Englishman, nor a German, nor a Frenchman will ever feel much
hesitation as to how any one of our letters should be pronounced.
Vowels.
The pronunciation of the vowels is more liable to change than that
of the consonants. Hence we find that literary languages, which
Tenuis
asp.
Media.
Media
asp.
Nasalis.
Semi-
vocal is.
rintus
siljjlaiis.
a.-p. Icn.
kA
g
g*
n.
'h
'A
'A
kh
9
gk
fi
y
s
z
ih
d
dA
n
1(0
s
z
th
d
dh
n
r(r)
sh
_
pA
b
bA
m
w
f
V
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSAL-. 475
retain their orthography in spite of changes in pronunciation, have no
scruple in expressing different sounds by the same sign; or, where
t\vo originally different vowels have sunk down to one and the
same intermediate sound, we see this same sound expressed often
by two different vowels. In the selection, therefore, of letters to
express the general vowel sounds of our physiological alphabet, we
can pay less attention to the present value of each vowel sign in the
spoken languages of Europe than we did even with the consonants.
And as there it was impossible, without creating an unwieldy mass
of consonantal signs, to express all the slight shades of pronunciation
by distinct letters, we shall have to make still greater allowance for
dialectical varieties in the representation of vowels, where it would be
hopeless should we attempt to depict in writing every minute degree
in the sliding scale of native or foreign pronunciation.
The reason why, in most systems of phonetic transcription, the
Italian pronunciation of vowels has been taken as normal, is, no
doubt, that in Italian most vowel signs have but one sound, and the
same sound is generally expressed by one and the same vowel. We
propose, therefore, as in Italian, to represent the pure guttural vowel
by a, the pure palatal vowel by i, and the pure labial vowel by u.
Besides the short a, we want one, or according to others, two graphic
signs to represent the unmodified sound of the vocal breathing, which
may be deflected from its purity by a slight and almost imperceptible
palatal or labial pressure. These are the sounds which we have in
"birch" and "work," and which, where they must be distinguished,
we propose to write 6 and o. As we do not want the signs of w
and ~ to mark the quantity of vowels, we may here be allowed to use
this sign w to indicate indistinctness rather than brevity.
In most languages, however, one sign will be sufficient to express
this primitive vowel ; and in this case the figure 0 has been recom-
mended as a fit representative of this undetermined vowel.
Among the languages which have an alphabet of their own, some,
as, for instance, Sanskrit, do not express these sounds by any pe-
culiar sign, but use the short a instead. Other languages express
both sounds by one sign; for instance, the Hebrew Shewa, the pronun-
ciation of which would naturally be influenced, or, so to say, coloured
either by the preceding or the following letter. Other idioms again,
476 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHA I! KT.
like Latin, seem to express this indistinct sound by e, i, o, or u. Be-
sides the long e in res and the short e in celer, we have the indis-
tinct i- in words like adversum and advorsum, septimus and septumus,
where the Hindus write uniformly saptama, but pronounced it pro-
bably with vowels varying as in Greek and Latin. Besides the long
o in odi, and the short o as in moneo, we have the indistinct o or u
in orbs or urbs, in bonom or bonum. In Wallachian, every vowel
that has been reduced to this obscure, indefinite sound, is marked
by an accent, a, e, i, o, u ; but if Wallachian is written with
Cyrillic letters, the ' Yerr' (Tb) is used as the uniform representative
of all these vowels. In living languages one sign, the figure 0, will
be found sufficient, and in some cases it may be dispensed with
altogether, as a slight Shewa sound^is necessarily pronounced, whether
written or not, in words such as mil-k, mar-sh, el-m, &c. The
marks of quantity, v and ~, are superfluous in our alphabet; not that
it is not always desirable to mark the quantity of vowels, but
because here again, as with the dotted consonant, a long syllable
can be marked by the vowel in italics, while every other vowel is to
be taken as short. Thus we should write in English br/th, bar, but
ass, bank; rav/'ne, and pin ; but (i.e. boot), and butcher. We should
know at once that a in bath is long, while in ass it is short.
All compound vowel sounds should be written according to the
process of their formation. Two only, which are of most frequent
occurrence, the guttural short a, absorbed by either i or u, might
perhaps be allowed to retain their usual signs, and be written e and o,
instead of ai and au. The only reason, however, which can be given
for writing e and o, instead of ai and an, is that we save a letter in
writing; and this, considering how many millions of people may in
the course uf time have to use this alphabet, may be a saving of
millions and millions of precious seconds. The more consistent way
would be to express the gutturo-palatal sound of the Italian e by ai,
the a being short. The French do the same in " aimer," while in
English Uiis sound is expressed by ey in prey, by ay in pray, by a in
gate, and by ai in sailor. The gutturo-labial sound of the Italian o
should be written au, which the French pronounce o. For etymo-
logical purposes also this plan would be preferable, as it frequently
happens thai an o (au), if followed by a vowel, has to be pronounced
III. PUOF. MULLEli's PiiOrOSALS. 477
av. Thus in Sanskrit blw, to he, becomes bhau (pronounced bho), and
if followed by ami, it becomes bhav-ami, I am.
The diphthongs, where the full or long guttural a is followed by
i and u, should be written ai and au. "To buy" would have to be-
written bai ; to bow, bau. Whether au coalesce entirely, as in
German, or less so, as in Italian, is a point which in each language
must be learned by ear, not by eye.
Most people would not be able to distinguish between ai and ei.
Still some maintain that there is a difference; as, for instance, in
German kaiser and eis. Even' in English the sound of ie in "he lies"
is said to be different from that of " he lies." Where it is necessary
to mark this distinction, our diagram readily supplies ai and ei.
The diphthong eu is generally pronounced so that the two vowels
are heard in succession, as in Italian Europa. Pronounced more
quickly, as, for instance, in German, it approaches to the English
sound of oy in boy. According to our diagram, we should have to
write ei and eu ; but ei and eu will be preferable for practical pur-
poses.
The same applies to the diphthong oi. Here, also, both vowels
can still be heard more or less distinctly. This more or less cannot
be expressed in writing, but must be learned by practice.
The last diphthong, on the contrary, is generally pronounced like
one sound, and the deep guttural 0 seems to be followed, not by the
vowel u, but only by an attempt to pronounce this vowel, which
attempt ends, as it were, with the semi-vowel w, instead of the vowel.
In English we have this sound in bought, aught, saw ; and also in fall
and all.
The proper representation of these diphthongs would be oi and
ou ; but oi and ou will be found to answer the purpose as well, except
in philological works.
For representing the broken sounds of a, o, u, which we have in
German viiter, hohe, gvite, in the French pretre, peu, and une, but
which the English avoids as sounds requiring too great an effort, no
hi'tter signs offer themselves than ii, o, ii. They are objectionable
because they are not found in every English font. For the Tataric
languages a fourth sound is required, a broken or soft i. This, too,
we must write i.
478 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
The Sanskrit vowels, commonly called lingual and dental, are best
expressed by ri and /i, where, by writing the r and / as italics, no
ambiguity can arise between the vowels ri and /i, and the semi-vowels
r and 1, followed by i. Instead of i, e also or the figure 0 may be used.
Thus have all the principal consonantal and vowel sounds been clas-
sified physiologically and represented graphically. All the distinctions
which it can ever be important to express have been expressed
by means of the Roman alphabet without the introduction of foreign
letters, and without using dots, hooks, lines, accents, or any other
diacritical signs. I do not deny that for more minute points, par-
ticularly in philological treatises, new sounds and new signs will be
required. In Sanskrit we have Visarga and the real Anusvara (the
Nasikya), which will require distinct signs (h, ni) in transliteration. In
some African languages, clicks, unless they can be abolished in speak-
ing, will have to be represented in writing. On points like these an
agreement will be difficult, nor would it be possible to provide for all
emergencies. It is an advantage, however, that we still have the c,
j, and x at our disposal to express the dental, palatal, and lateral
clicks. Further particulars on this and similar points I must reserve
for a future occasion, and refer the reader, in the mean time, to the
very able article of the Rev. L. Grout, alluded to before. But I
cannot leave this subject without expressing at least a strong hope
that, by the influence of the Missionaries, these brutal sounds will be
in time abolished, at least among the Kaffirs, though it may he
impossible to eradicate them in the degraded Hottentot dialects. It is
clear that they are not essential in the Kaffir languages, for they
never occur in Sechuana and other branches of the great Kaffir family.
If uniformity can be obtained with regard to the forty-four conso-
nantal and the twenty-four vocal sounds, which are the principal mo-
dulations of the human voice fixed and sanctioned in the history of
language, so far as it is known at present ; if these sounds are always
accepted, as defined above, solely on physiological grounds, and hence-
forth expressed in those letters alone which have been allotted to
them solely for practical reasons, a great step will have been made
towards facilitating the intellectual intercourse of mankind and
spreading the truths of Christianity.
But the realisation of this plan will mainly depend, not on ingenious
arguments, but on good-will and ready co-operation.
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 479
III.
How can this Physiological Alphabet be applied to existing Languages?
a. To umoritten Languages.
After the explanations contained in the first and second parts, there
is little more to be said on this point.
The missionary who attempts to write down for the first time a
spoken language, should have a thorough knowledge of the physiolo-
gical alphabet, and have practised it beforehand on his own language
or on other dialects the pronunciation of which he knows.
He should put from recollection, as much as possible, the historical
orthography of German, English, French, or whatever his language
may be, and accustom himself to write down every spoken sound
under the nearest physiological category to which it seems to belong.
He should first of all endeavour to recognise the principal sounds,
guttural, dental, and labial, in the language he desires to dissect and
to delineate ; and where doubtful whether he hears a simple or a
modified secondary sound, such as have been described in our alpha-
bet, he should always incline to the simple as the more original and
general.
He should never be guided by etymological impressions. This is a
great temptation, but it should be resisted. If we had to write the
French word for knee, we should feel inclined, knowing that it sounds
<7znokyo in Italian and genu in Latin, to write it <?enu. But in
French the initial palatal sound is no longer produced by contact, but
by a sibilant flatus, and we should therefore have to write zenu. If
we had to write down the English sound of knee, we should probably,
for the same reason, be willing to persuade ourselves that we still
perceived, in the pronunciation of the n the former presence of the
initial k. Still no one but an etymologist could detect it, and its
sound should be represented in the Missionary alphabet by " ni."
Those who know the difficulty of determining the spelling of words
according to their etymology, even in French or English, although we
can follow the history of these languages for centuries, and although
the most eminent grammarians have been engaged in analysing the ir
structure, will feel how essential it is, in a first attempt to fix a spoken
language, that the writer should not be swayed by any hasty etymo-
logical theories. The Missionary should give a true transcript of a
480 APPENDIX D. THIi UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
spoken language, and leave it to others to decipher it. He who,
instead of doing this, attempts, according to his own theories, to im-
prove upon the irregular utterance of savages, would deprive us of
authentic documents the loss of which is irreparable. He would act
like a traveller who, after copying an inscription according to what he
thought, ought to have been its meaning, destroyed the original ;
nay, he may falsify unawares the ethnic history of the human race.
Several sentences having been once written down, the Missionary
should put them by for a time, and then read them aloud to the
natives. If they understand what he reads, and if they understand
it even if read by somebody else, his work has been successful,
and a translation of the Bible carried out on these principles among
Papuas or Khyengs will assuredly one day become the basis for the
literature of the future.
Although the basis of our Standard Alphabet is purely physio-
logical, still no letter has been admitted into it, which does not
actually occur in one of the well known languages of Asia or Europe.
The number of letters might easily have been increased, if we had
attempted to represent all the slight shades of pronunciation, which
affect certain letters in different languages, dialects, patois, or in the
mouth of individuals. But to increase the number of letters is tanta-
mount to diminishing the usefulness of an alphabet.
It may happen, indeed, as we become acquainted, through the
persevering labours of Missionaries, with the numerous tongues of
Africa, Polynesia, and Asia, that new sounds will have to be acknow-
ledged, and will have an independent place allotted to them in our
system. But here it should be a principle, as binding as any of the prin-
ciples which have guided us in the composition of our alphabet, that
" No new sound should ever be acknowledged as such, until we
are able to give a clear and scientific definition of it on physio-
logical grounds"
We are too prone perhaps to imagine, particularly where we have
to deal with languages gathered from the mouth of a single inter-
preter, or in the intercourse with a few travellers, that we hear sounds
of an entirely new character, and apparently requiring a new sign.
But if we heard the same language spoken for a number of years
and by a thousand speakers, the natural variety of pronunciation
would make our ears less sensitive, and more capable of appreci-
III. PROF. Ml'l.l.KK^ I'UOI'OSALS. 481
ating tlie general rule, in spite of individual exceptions. We are
not accustomed to pay attention to each consonant and vowel, as
they are pronounced in our own language ; and if we try for the
first time to analyse each word as we hear it, and to write down
every vowel and consonant in a language we do not understand,
say Russian or Welsh, we shall be able to appreciate the difficulties
which a Missionary has to overcome, if he tries to fix a language
alphabetically, before he himself can converse in it freely. It has
happened, that travellers collecting the dialects of tribes in the Cau-
casus or on the frontiers of India, have brought home and published lists
of words gathered on the same spot and from the same people, and
yet so different in their alphabetical appearances, that the same dia -
lect has figured in ethnological works, under two different names.
Much must be left to the discretion of Missionaries; for in most cases
it is impossible to control the observations which they have made in
countries hitherto unexplored, and in dialects known to themselves
alone. But it will be found that Missionaries who know their lan-
guage best, and have used it for the greatest number of years,
familiar thus with all its sounds and accents, are least clamorous for
new types, and most willing to indicate, in a general manner, what
they know can never be represented with perfect accuracy. Too
much distinction leads to confusion, and it shows a spirit of wise
economy in thePhenician, the Greek, the Roman, and Teutonic nations,
that they have contrived to express the endless variety of their pro-
nunciation by so small a number of letters, rather than invent new
signs and establish new distinctions. Attempts have been made
occasionally, at Rome and elsewhere, to introduce new letters ; but
they have failed ; and though we may feel no scruple to introduce
new signs, and marks and accents into the African alphabets ; though
we, with our resources, may succeed for a time in framing an alpha-
bet of our own where each letter, besides its simple value, has two
or three additional values expressed by one, two, or three accents
piled one upon the other, — common sense, without appealing to his-
tory, should teach us, that Africa will never bear what Europe has
found insupportable.
The following alphabet, taken out of the general system of sounds,
defined physiologically and represented graphically in the preceding
pages, will be found to supply all that is necessary for the ordinary
VOL. 11. i i
482
AI'I'KNDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
purposes of the Missionary, in his relation to tribes whom he
has to teach the writing and reading of their own spoken language,
pronounced inevitably by them with shades of sound that no alphabet
can render. In philological works intended for a European public,
the case will be different. Here it will be necessary to represent
the accents of words, the quantities of vowels, and other features
essential for grammatical purposes. Here the larger alphabet will
come in ; and it will always prove a reserve-fund to the scholar and
Missionary, from which they can draw, after their usual supply of
letters has been exhausted.
It should be borne in mind, that although in this smaller alphabet
it would be easy to suggest improvements, no partial alteration can be
made with any single letter, without disturbing at once the whole
system of which it is but a segment.
Missionary Alphabet.
1.
a, a
Sara, psalm.
2.
b
bed.
3.
d
dock.
4.
e, e
debt, date.
5.
f
fat.
6.
g
gate.
7.
h(')
hand.
8.
i, i
knit, neat.
9.
k
kite.
10.
1
let.
11.
m
man.
12.
n
not.
13.
o, o
not, note.
14.
P .
pan.
15.
r
run.
16.
s
sun.
17.
t
tan.
18.
u, u
full, fool.
19.
V
vail.
20.
w
wilL
21.
y
yet.
22.
z
zeal.
23.
9
join, gin.
24.
k
church.
25.
ng(n-)
English.
26.
ny (n)
Espana, new.
27.
h ('A)
loch.
28.
a
she.
29.
z
pleasure.
30.
th
thin.
31.
dh
the.
32.
0 (P, 6)
but, birch, work.
33.
ai
ire.
34.
au
proud.
35.
oi
voice.
36.
ou
bought.
37.
a
Vater.
38.
6
Konig.
39.
I
Giite.
If we compare this list of letters with the Anglo-Hindustani alpha-
bet, so ably advocated by Sir Charles Trevelyan, the differences
between the two are indeed but small ; and if we had only to agree
in. PEOF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. 483
upon a small alphabet sufficient to express the sounds of the spoken
Hindustani, there is no reason why the Anglo-Hindustani alphabet
should not be adopted. It expresses the general sounds which occur
in Oriental dialects, and it employs but five dotted letters, for which
new types would be required.
The defects of this system become apparent, however, as soon as
we try to expand it; and we are obliged to do this even in order to
write Hindustani, unless we are ready to sacrifice the etymological
distinction of words by expressing jb and by h, ^w L*_>, and * by s,
<^j and 1? by t, and j, J, ^>j and Is by z. If distinct types must be
invented to distinguish these letters, the array of dotted letters will
be considerably increased. Even in Hindustani we should have to use
different diacritical marks where we have to express two, three, or
four modifications of the same type ; and it would become extremely
perplexing to remember the meaning of all these marks. Our diffi-
culties would be considerably increased if we tried to adapt the same
letters to more developed alphabets, like Sanskrit and Arabic ; and if
we went on adding hooks and crooks, crosses and half-moons, dots
and accents, &c., we should in the end have more modified than
simple types.
These modified types might, no doubt, be reduced to a certain
system ; and, after determining the possible modifications of guttural
and dental consonants, each diacritical mark might be used as the
exponent of but one modification. A glance at the comparative
table of the different systems of transliteration will shdw how this has
been achieved by different scholars more or less successfully.
But it is only after this has been done, after all letters have been
classified, after their possible modifications have been determined,
after each modification has been provisionally marked by a certain
exponent — such as the accent for expressing the palatal, dots for
expressing the lingual modification, — it is then only that the real
problem presents itself: " How can all these sounds be expressed by
us in writing and printing, without sacrificing all chances of arriving
in the end at one uniform and universal alphabet? " It is clear that
every type that has to be compounded or cast afresh is an impedi-
ment in the progress of uniformity, because those who have once
provided themselves with diacritical types will not change them for
II 2
484 AIM'LNDIX L>. TIJM UN1VKU>AL A LI'II A I'.ET.
others, and those who have but a common English font at their dis-
posal will express the necessary modifications as best they can. The
question, then, that must be solved, is not whether we should take
dots or hooks, but whether it is possible to express all essential
modifications in such a manner as to take away all excuse for indi-
vidual crotchets, by proposing an expedient accessible to every one.
This can be done if we avail ourselves of the resources of our fonts,
which invariably contain a supply of one class of modified letters —
italics. Many scholars, from Halhed down to Ellis, have seen the use
to which these letters could be put in transliterating Oriental lan-
guages ; but they have not hitherto been employed systematically.
The principle by which we have been guided in making use of italics
is this :
As in each language most letters are liable to but one modification,
let that modification, wJiatever it be, be expressed by italics.
We thus reduce the number of letters, in our physiological
alphabet, that require diacritical marks, on account of their being
liable to more than one modification in the same language, to two ;
and while our Missionary alphabet is thus accessible in every part of
the world, we reserve our few diacritical dots to the purposes of
transliteration, where, as in Arabic, we may have to represent the
same type with more than one diacritical mark.
b. To written Languages,
Though this is a question which for the present hardly falls within
the compass of Missionary labours, still it may be useful to show that,
if required, our alphabet would also be found applicable to the trans-
literation of written languages. Besides, wherever Missionary in-
fluence is powerful enough, it should certainly be exerted towards
breaking down those barriers which, in the shape of different alpha-
bets, prevent the free intercourse of the nations of the East.
The philologist and the archaeologist must, indeed, acquire a know-
ledge of these alphabets, as in the case when their study is a language
extinct, and existing, perhaps, in the form of inscriptions alone. But
where there is no important national literature clinging to a national
alphabet, where there are but incipient traces of a reviving civilisa-
tion, the multiplicity of alphabets — the worthless remnant of a bygone
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS 485
civilisation bequeathed, for instance, to the natives of India — should
be attacked as zealously by the Missionary as the multiplicity of castes
and of divinities. In the Dekhan alone, with hardly any literature of
either national or general importance, \ve have six different alphabets
— the Telugu, Tamil, Canarese, Malabar, Tuluva, and Singhalese — -all
extremely difficult and inconvenient for practical purposes. Likewise,
in the northern dialects of India almost every one has its own corrup-
tion of the Sanskrit alphabet, sufficiently distinct to make it im-
possible for a Bengalese to read Guzerati, and for a Mahratta to
read Kashmirian letters. Why has no attempt been made to inter-
fere, and recognise at least but one Sanskritic alphabet for all the
northern, and one Tamulian alphabet for all the southern, languages
of India ? In the present state of the country, it would be bold
and wise to go even beyond this ; for there is very little that
deserves the name of a national literature in the modern dialects
of the Hindus. The sacred, legal, and poetical literature of India is
either Arabic, Persian, or Sanskrit. Little has grown up since, in
the spoken languages of the day. Now it would be hopeless, should
it ever be attempted, to eradicate the spoken dialects of India, and
to supplant them by Persian or English. In a country so little
concentrated, so thinly governed, so slightly educated, we cannot
even touch at present what we wish to eradicate. If India were laid
open by highroads, reduced by railways, and colonised by officials,
the attempt might be conceivable, though, as to anything like success,
a trip through Wales, and a glance at the history of England, would
be a sufficient answer. But what might be done in India, perhaps
even now, is to supplant the various native alphabets by Roman letters.
The people in India who can write are just the men most open to
Government influence. If the Roman alphabet were taught in the
village schools — of late much encouraged by the Government, parti-
cularly in the north-western provinces — if all official documents, in
whatever language, had to be transcribed into Roman letters to obtain
legal value; if the Government would issue all laws and proclamations
transcribed in Roman characters, and Missionaries do the same with
their translations of the Bible and other works published in any dialect
of India, I think we might live to see one alphabet used from the
" snows " to Ceylon.
Let us see, then, lio\v our physiological Missionary alphabet could
486 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
be applied to languages which have not only an alphabet of their
own, but also an established system of orthography.
We have here to admit two leading principles : —
First, that in transliterating written languages, every letter, however
much its pronunciation may vari/, should always be represented by
the same Roman type, and that every Roman type should always
represent the same foreign letter, whatever its phonetic value may be
in different combinations.
Secondly, that every double letter, though in pronunciation it may
be simple, should be transliterated by a double letter, and that a sitif/tc
letter, although its pronunciation be that of a double letter, should be
transliterated by a single letter.
If these two principles be strictly observed, everyone will be
able to translate in his mind a Canarese book, written with Roman
letters, back into Canarese letters, without losing a tittle of the pe-
culiar orthography of Canarese. If we attempted to represent the
sounds in transcribing literary languages, we should be unable to tell
how, in the original, sounds admitting of several graphic representa-
tions were represented. In written languages, therefore, we must
rest satisfied with transliterating letters, and not attempt to transcribe
sounds.
This will cause certain difficulties, particularly in languages where
pronunciation and spelling differ considerably. In Arabic we must
write al ra'/iman, though we pronounce arra'/tman ; and even in Greek,
if we had to transliterate eyyvc, we should, no doubt, have to write
'eggus, though none but a Greek scholar would know how to pronounce
this correctly ('engiis). But if, instead of imitating the letters, we
attempted to represent their proper pronunciation at a certain period
of history, liow should it be known, for instance, in transcribing the
French of the nineteenth century, whether "su" stood for " sou,"
halfpenny, or " sous," under, or " soul," tipsy. In historical lan-
guages the system of orthography is too important a point to be
lost in transcribing, though it is a mistake to imagine that in living
languages all etymological understanding would be lost if phonetic
reforms were introduced. The change in the pronunciation of words,
though it may seem capricious, is more uniform and regular than we
imagine; and if all words were written alike according to a certain
system of phonetics, we should lose very little more of etymology than
in. PROF. MULLER'S PROPOSALS. is 7
have already lost, l^ay, in some cases, the etymology would be
established by a more consistent phonetic spelling. If we wrote
areign" " foren," and " sovereign" "soveren," we should not be led
imagine that either was derived from "reign," regnum, and the
ilogy of such words as " Africen" would point out "foranus" or
braneus" as the proper etymon of "foren.'' But although every
tion has the right to reform the orthography of its language, with all
ngs else, where usage has too far receded from original intention,
II, so long as a literary language maintains its historical spelling, the
nciple of transliteration must be to represent letter by letter, not
und by sound.
Which letter in our physiological alphabet should be fixed upon as
e fittest representative of another letter in Arabic or Sanskrit, in
ndustani or Canarese, must in each case depend on special agree-
gnt. If we found that ^ in Sanskrit had in most words the nature
the guttural spiritus, we should have to write it ' or h, even though
• some respects it may represent the guttural semi-vowel. If y in
Hebrew can be proved to have been originally the simple guttural
Umi -vowel, it will have to be written 'h, even though it was pronounced
as semi-vocalis fricata("h), as guttural flatus asper ('A), as guttural
media aspirata (gh), or not pronounced at all. Likewise, if English
were to be transliterated with our alphabet, we should not adopt any
of the principles of the " Fonetic Nus ; " but here also, if the letter h
had been fixed upon as on the whole the fittest representative of the
English letter h, we should have to write it even where it was
not pronounced, as in honest.
It \villbe the duty of Academies and scientific societies to settle,
for the principal languages, which letters in the Missionary alphabet
wil best express their corresponding alphabetical signs.
1 lie first question, taking a type, for instance, of the Sanskrit
alphabet, would be, " What is its most usual and most original
value ? " If this be fixed, then, " Is there another type which has a
better claim to this value ? " If so, their claims must be weighed
and adjusted. When this question is settled, and the physiological
category is found under which the Sanskrit type has its proper place,
we have then to look for the exponent of this physiological category
in the Missionary alphabet, and henceforth always to transliterate the
one by the other.
488 APPENDIX D. THE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET.
The following lists will show how some of the Arian, Semite,
and Turanian languages have been transliterated, and how all thtie
alphabets and their transcriptions can be expressed by means of the
Missionary alphabet. Objections, I am aware, can hardly fail to >e
raised on several points, because the original character of several He-
brew, Arabic, and Sanskrit letters has been so frequently controverte:!.
If the disputed value of these letters can be clearly settled by argu-
ment, be it so; and it will then never be difficult to find the exponent of
that physiological category to which it has been adjudged. Failing
this, the question should be decided by authority or agreement; for,
of two views which are equally plausible, we must, for practical
purposes, manifestly confine ourselves to one.
TEXT OF A HYMN OF THE RIGVEDA,
TRANSCRIBED WITH THE MISSIONARY ALPHABET.
{A Translation is given in Vol. I. p. 140.)
Na-asad asin, no sad asz't tadamm, na-asid rag-o, no vyoma paro yat,
Kim avarivaA ? kuha kasya sarmann ? ambha/i kim asz'd gahanam gabhiraw ?
Na mrityur asid, amrita/n na tarhi ; na ratrya ahna asit praketaA —
Anid avatam svadhaya tad ekam, tasmad dha-anyam na paraA kimka. na-asa.
Tama ast't, tamasa guMam agre 'praketam salilawi sarvam a idant,
TuMyena-abhv apihitam yad asit tapasas tan mahina-a^ayata-ekam.
Komas tad agre samavartata-adhi, manaso retsJi prathamawi yad asit,
Sato bandhum asati niravindan hridi pratzshya kavayo mam'sha.
TirasAzno vitato rasmir esham adha svid aszd ? upari svid ast't ? —
Retodha asan, mahimana asant, svadha avastot, prayatiA parastat
Ko addha veda, ka iha pravoAat, kuta agala kuta iyam visrishfiA ?
Arvag deva asya visar^anena-atha ko veda yata ababhuva ?
Iyam visrish^ir yata ababhuva, yadi va dadhe yadi va na,
Yo asya-adhyakshaA parame vyomant, so anga veda — yadi va na veda.
Oxford, Christmas, 1853.
THE END OF "OUTLINES."
LONDON t
A. and G. A. S POT ris WOODS,
New-ttreet-Square.
A CATALOGUE
ov
2W WORKS IN GENERAL LHERATDEE,
rfliLlsllhli BY
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS,
3U, PATERNOSTEK KOW, LONDON,
CLASSIFIED INDEX.
a] culture and Rural
flairs. rages.
Paces.
Richardson's Artof Horsemanship IB
Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - lit & ID
Page*
Rogers' Essays from 1
Roger. EnistLV - 19
1 >n valuing Rent*, Arc. - 4
Roger* Englikh Thesauius - - la
ultuie - 5
Ko«lon'» Debater - - - -IK
"•^ Lift of 1 11 19
.,, ' - - - fi
- - 20
St. John's ln.li - 11
" Self Instruction - - 13
i 's Domestic Economy - 24
Si.ntl.'i. Sacred Annals - - 10
:.',ture - 14
•West on Children's Diseases- - 24
Soul he)'. Doctor - - - 11
Domesticated Animals - 14
•Willich's Popular Tables - - 24
Stephen '• Ecclesiastic al Blot »pb; 21
__„
•Wilmot's Blackttone - - - 24
" Lecture* on French b tUn 21
,1 , Manufactures, and
rchrtecture.
Botany and Gardening.
Sydney Smith's Works - 20
" S.leit Works - 13
" Lectures - - *>
irne On the Screw Propeller - 4
Hooker's British Flora - 9
Taylor's LoyoU - - 11
nde's Dictionary of Science,&e. 4
" Guide to Kew Garden) - 9
Wesley - ... II
« Organic Chemistry- - 4
vreul on Colour . - - - 6
" " " Kew Museum - 9
Lindley's Introduction to Botany 13
Thirlwall's History of Greece - 13
Toonsend's State Trials - - 23
•y's Civil Engineering - - 6
.tlake On Oil Painting - - ^
" Theory of Horticulture - 1:1
London's Hortus Britannicus - 13
Turkey and Christendom - - 23
Turner's Anglo-Saxons - - 2J
ill's F.ncvclo. of Architecture - 8
" Amateur Gardener - 13
" Middle Ages - - 22
ne«on' Sacred & Legeudarj Art 10,11
•• Trees and Shrubs - - 13
Sacred Hist, of the World 22
" Commonplace Book - 10
" Gardening - 13
Whitelocke's Swedish Embatey - 24
nig'sPicto.ial Lif* of Luther - *
" Plants - - - 13
Woodi' Crimean Campaign - - XI
adon'8 Hun.l Architecture - 12
Pereira's Materla Medica - - 17
Young's Christ of History - - ;*
seley's Engineering - - - 17
River»'s Rose Amateur's Guide - 19
____
«e'. Art of Perfumery - - - 18
•hard&on's Art of Horsemanship 18
Wilson's British Mosses - - 24
Geography and Atlases.
i»enor on the Iron Trade - - 19
i , !>_._*;.,„ _ - 23
Chronology.
ArrowtmiUi's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 1
Brewer's Historical Atlas - 4
.rk s Printing - *°
am Engine, l,v the Artisan Club 4
of Materials - 21
e'l Dictionary of Arts, Ac. - 22
Blair's Chronological Tablet - 4
Brewer's Historical Atlas ... 4
Bunsen's Ancient Egypt - - A
Haydn's Beit&on's Index - - 9
Butler's Geography aiid Atlases - t
Cabinet Gazetteer .... A
Cornwall, its Mines, &e. . . 23
Durrieu s Morocco - - - 23
t rraphy.
Jaquemet's Chronology - - 11
Johns & Nicolas' Calendar of Victory.ll
rlughes's Australian Colonies - 23
Johnston's General Gazetteer - II
affo's Autobiography - - 23
Kicolaa's Chronology of History - 12
Lewis's English Rivets - - 11
rifle Men - :t
__ __
M'Culloch'b Geographical Dictionary 14
denstedt and Wapner's Scharayl 23
ickingham's iJ.S.) Memoirs - 5
msen's Hippolytus - - - 5
Vvnes) Autobiography «
ckayne's Nlarshal Ti.reune - 23
i-n 7
Commerce and Mercantile
Affairs.
Francis On Life Assurance 8
Francis's Stock Exchange - 8
Lonmer's Young Master Mariner 1:1
" Ku.kia ind Turkey - 21
Milner's Baltic >.-.i - - - 18
Crimea ----!«
" Russia • - - - 11
Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 17
Sharp's British Gazetteer • - 19
- 23
Mac Leod's Bunking - - - 11
M<Culloch'tC.inimerceft Navigation 14
Wheeler's Geography of Herodotus 24
,n 23
Scrivcnor on Iron Trade - - 19
Thornton's Interest Tablet - - 23
Juvenile Books.
' ilcroft's Memoirs - - " **
Aland's 'Lord) Memoirs - - £
Tooke't History of Pi icta - - -J
Amy Herbert 30
rdner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12
«~—
H...1I . . .20
|iun<'-r 'Treasury- 1A
run 23
.Lrvof Jam.- vlol.t-.r,., ry - 1'.
Criticism, History, and
Memoirs.
Earl's Daughter (The) - - - 2O
Experience of Life - - - 20
Gertrude - - - 10
IXalJ's Merr)o*rs of C^ro - IS
- 17
n. Russell 19
uthey's Life of Wesley - - 21
Austin's Germany - - - • 1
Blair's Chron. and Histor. Tables - 4
Brewer's UUorical Atlat ... 4
Bunsen's Ancient Eg)pt - - A
Gilbart's Logic for the Y'onng - S
Howitt's Boy'. Countrv Hook - 10
" (atinl Children's Yea* - 9
Katharine A.hton - - 20
" Life and Correspondence 21
'. a .•- 21
enhen's Kcclesiastical Biography 21
dnevSn.ith. Memoirs - - 21)
Burton's Hi.torv of Scotland - A
Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 8
Eautlake's History of Oil Painting 7
F.rbkineV History of India - - 7
Laneton Parsonage - - 20
Mrs Marcel'. Conversations- - 16
Margaret Percivil ... -20
PycrotVt English Heading - - Ib
•ola - - - -31
'.« \\, .;.., ... - 21
iwnsend'. Eminent Judges - 85
> aterton'sAutobiographyAEssays 22
Francis's Annals of Life Assurance 8
Gleig's Leipsic Campaign - - 23
Gurney's Historical skctchn - 8
II... nilton's Essayt from the Edin-
Medicine and Surgery.
Brodie't Psychological Inquiries - 4
Bull's Hinu to Mothers- - - 6
heeler's Life of Herodotus - 24
burgh Review - 8
" ManaKemcntof Children - A
II ks of General Utility.
.... j
Haydon'a Autobiography.by Taylor b
HolUnd'tlLord) Whig Party - 9
Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 11
- Calendar of
Copland's 1 n. tn.ii.iM of M.Uicine - 6
(u.t's Invalid s O*» Book - 8
Holluid's Mental Physiology
Mi.li.-.il NI.I.-S and H.I:
ie on pnwuiBj
\ -11
How to Norse - - 9
• avsnet Gazetteer - >
« Anglo Saxons • - 11
11
•» ti Rook - 8
Lardner's Cabinet Cjeloi-sTdia - IV
Latham On Uisraxs of Uie Heart - 11
•i -
< tc - - 9
Klacaulav't Crit. and Hist. Essayt 14
•< History of England - 14
« On Food and Diet -
Pereira's Mateiia Medica - - 17
]''ri-n - - 9
" 8|»echet - - - 14
Rawce's Medical G uide - - - 1-
> - - 10
Mackintosh's Mi.cellaneoua Works 14
Weat on Diseases of Infancy - -34
.•Wills - - 10
" Hi.torv of England - 14
^_^_
- 11
M'Culloch'sGeogiaDhicalDictionarj 14
Martmeau's Church History - - 14
Miscellaneous and General
« 1A
" Biographical Treasury 1A
" Si it ntifi' 1 rcii.ury - 14
Maunde r's Trea.urj of History - 1A
Memoir of the Duke oi Wellington S3
klerlvato's History of Rome - - 1A
Literature.
Austin's Sketches of German Lifs 4
C»r!.- Addrestci 23
« treasure of History - 14
" Niitural History - - 14
ewe's Art of Perfumery ... 18
seator -h - - 1»
«ket and the Stud - - - 6
^croft's English Heading - - 18
MCe's Medical Guide - - - 18
ich'K Comp. to I. ..tin Dictionary 18
" Homan Republic - - 1A
Milner's Church Histor) - - It
Moor.'. (Thomas) Mtmoirs,&c. - 17
Mure's Greek Literature • - 17
Haikes's Journal ... - 18
Kanke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 23
Id. h's Comp. to Latin Dictionary IN
Riddle's Latin Dict>»n><rie« Ih&lS
Ecu>?ofPaiuf"- "-'
Greg's Ess y on 1'uLtical and ;
Social S--i.'u.e ... 8
Hassi.ll on Adulteration of Food *\
lls.du . ll.K.k ol inm.itn. , •
Holland's Mental Phytiolufd 9*1
H,,<.krr'. Kew (,uide> - *
2 CLASSIFIED INDEX.
page..
Pages. pj
Hewitt's Rural Life of England - in
Laneton Parsonage
Mann on Reproduction -
" VuiUto KemarU" lel'lace l 10
Long's Inquiry concerning Religion, 13
Marcefs (Mrs.) Conversations j
Jameson's Common place -Book - 10
Lira Germanica ...
Mo«cie>'iKngm,-,:rmi»*ArchitfcUl
Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 11
Multland'aChureh inCaUcombs - 14
Oxen's Lectureson CompAnatomB
Last of the Old Squire* - - 17
Margaret Percival ... - SO
Our Coal Fields and our Coal Pita!
Macaulay'. Crit. and Hist. E**ay» 14
" Speeche. ... H
Maitineau's Christian Life - - 15
" Church History - 15
Pereira on Polan-ed Light - 1
Peschel's Element* of I'hysi, , .
Mackintosh's M iscellaneons Work. 14
Milner's Chnrch of Christ - - 16
Phillip*'* Fos.il* of Corn* all, Ac.l
Vemoirn of a Maltre d'Armes - 23
Montgomery's Original Hymn* - 18
" Mineralogy -
M.irtineau's Miscellanies - - 13
Moore On the Use of the Body - 16
" •• Soul and Body - 1«
" Guide to Geology - «j
Portlock's Geology ofl,undon<!err»
Pascal'* Works, by Pearce - - 17
" '» Man and his Motives - 16
Powell's Unity of Worlds - -
Printing: It* Origin, &c. - - 13
Morcionism .... 23
BmM'e Electro-Metallurgy -
Pycroffs English Heading - - 18
Neale's Closing Scene - - 17
Steam Engine (The)
Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18
" Resting Places of the Just 17
Tate On Strength of Materials -
Riddle's Lntin Dictionaries - 18 & 19
" Riches lhal Bring no Sorrow 17
Wilson's Electric Telegraph - -
Rotvton's Debater - - 13
" Risen from the Ranks - 17
^^_^
Seaward'* Narrative of his Shipwreck 19
Sir Roger de Coverley - 2O
Newman's (J. H.) Discourses * 17
Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 2)
Rural Sports.
Smith's (Her. Sydney) Works - 2<)
Readings for Lent - - - 20
Baker's Rifle and Hound in Ceylon
Southey's Common-place Book* - 21
'* Confirmation - - 20
Berkeley's Reminiscences - -
" The Doctor Ac. - - 21
Robins against the Roman Church, 19
Blaine's Dictionary of Sport*
gonvestre's Attic Philosopher - 23
" Confessions of a Working Man 23
Robinson's Lexicon to the Greek
Cecil's Stable Practice -
" Records of the Chase - -
Spencer's Psychology - - • 21
Saints our Example - 19
" Stud Farm -
Stephen's Essay* - - - - 21
Self Denial - - 19
The Cricket Field -
Slew's Training System - - 21
Sermon in the Mount - - 19
Davy's Piscatorial Colloquies-
Tagart on Locke's Writings - - 21
Sinclair's Journey of Life - - 20
Ephemera On Angling •
Thomson's Laws of Thought - 22
Smith's (Sydney) Moral Philosophy 2I>
" Book of the Salmon *
Townsend'* State Trials - - 22
•• IG.) Sacred Annals - - 20
Hanker's Young Sportsman - -
•Willich's Popular Tables - - 24
Yonge's English-Greek Leiicon - 24
" Latin Gradus - - 24
Southey's Life of Wesley - - 21
Stephen's Ecclesiistical Biography 21
Tayler's (J. J.) Ditcourtes - - 21
The Hunting Field
1. lie's Hints on Shooting
Pocket and the Stud ...
Zumpt's Latin Grammar - - 24
Taylor's Loyola - - - 21
Practical Horsemanship
__
•' WrsleT - - - - 21
Richardson's Horsemanship - -
Natural History in general.
Theologia Germanica - - - 5
Thomson on the Atonement - - 25
St John's Sporting Rambles «
SUble Talk and Table Talk -
Catlow's Popular Conchology - a
Thumb Bible (The) - - M
Stonehen_-e On the Greyhound
Ephemera and Young On the Salmon 7
Turner's Sacrtd History- - - 25
The Stud, for Practical Purposes -
Gosse's Nat. Hist, of Jamaica - 8
Twinine's Bible Types - 22
— —
Kemp's Natural Hist, of Creation 23
Kirby and Spence's Entomology - 11
Wheeler's Popular Bible Harmony 24
Veterinary Medicine, Ac
Lee's Elements of Natural History 1 1
Mann on Reproduction - - 14
Poetry and the Drama.
Cecil's Stat.le Practice
" Stud Farm - - J
Maunder's Natural History - - 15
Turton'sShellsoftheBritishlslands 22
Arnold's Poems - - - - 8
Alkin's (Dr.) British Poets - - 3
Hunting Field (The) -
Milee's Horse-Shoeing •
Waterton'sEssaysonNaturalHUt. 2i
Baillie's (Joanna) PoUical Works 3
Pocket and the Stud
Youalt'8 Th« Dog - 24
Bode's Ballads from Herodotus - 4
Practical Horsemanship
" The Horse - - 24
Calrert's Wife's Manual - - 5
Riclmn1. sou's Horsemanship
Flowers and their Kindred Thoughts 11
Stable Talk and Table Talk
1 -Volume Encyclopaedias
and Dictionaries.
Goldsmith's Poems, illustrated - 8
Kippis's Hymns - - - - H
L.E. L.'s Poetical Wor' a - - 13
Linwood's Anthologia ( xonie.iai* - 13
Stud (The i
Youatt's The Dog -
" The Horse - -
Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3
Blaiue's Kural Sports 4
Ltra Germanica -
Voyages and Travels.
Drande's Science, Literature, ft Art 4
Mac Donald's Within and Without 14
Allen's Dead Sea -
Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6
Montgomery's Poetical Works - 16
Baines's Vaudois of Piedmont
Cresy's Civil Engineering - (
Gwilfs Architecture - - 8
•< Original Hymni - 16
Moore's Poetical Works - - 16
Baker's Wanderings in Ceylon
Barrow's Continental Tour -
Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 11
" Lalla Rookh ... 16
Burton's Medina and Mecca -
London's Agriculture - - 13
" Irish Melodies - - - 1C
Carlisle's Turkey and Greece
" Rural Architecture - 13
" Songs and Ballads - - 16
De ( uMine's Russia
" Gardening - 18
" Plants ... is
Shakspeare.bv Bowdler - - 20
" Sentiments A Similes 10
lluLerly's Journal of the War
Eothen -
•• Trees and Shinh* - - 13
Southey's Poetical Works - - 21
Ferguson's Swiss Travels -
M'Culloch'sGeographical Dictionary 14
« British Poets - - - 21
Forester's Rambles in Norway -
" Dictionary of Commerce 14
Thomson's Seasons, Illustrated - 21
Gironiere's Philippines -
Murray's F.ncyclo. of Geography - 17
Gregorovius's Corsica -
Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 19
Hill'- Travis in Sil>eria
tre's Dictionary of Art«,fte. - - 22
Political Economy and
Hope's Brittanv and the Bible
Webster's Domestic Economy - 22
Statistics.
" Chase in B.ittanv
Caird's Letters on Agriculture - B
Honitfs Art Student in Munich -
Religions & Mural Works.
Census of iMl - - - - •
" (\V.) Victoria -
Hue'* Chinese F.mpire -
Amy Herbert - 20
Arrowsmith's Ge^zr. Diet, of Bible 3
Greg's Essays on Political and
Social Science 8
Hue and Gahet's lartarv ft Thibet
Hughes'* Australian Colonies
Bloomfield'kUitek Testament - 4
Laing's Notes of a Traveller - 11 & 23
Huniboldt's Aspects of Nature .
" Annotation* on do. - 4
Bode's Bampton Lectures - - 4
Calvert's Wife's Manual - 6
H'Culloch's Geog . Statist . ftc. Diet. 14
" Dictionary of Commerce 14
« London - - 23
Jameson's Canada -
Kenniird's Eastern Tonr
Jerrmann's St. Petersburg -
Cleve H.dl 20
" Statistics of Gt. Britain 14
Laing's Norway -
Conybears's Essays - . - J
Marcel's Political Economy - - IS
" Notes of » Traveller 11 <
Conybeare and Howson's 8t. Paul «
Dale's Domestic Liturgy - 7
Defence of Belipte of FaitK - 7
Despre* On the Apocalypse - 7
Rickards On Population & Capital 18
Tegoborski's Hussian Statistics - 21
Willich's Popular Tables - - 24
Marrvafs California
Mason's Zulus of Natal
Mayne's Antic Discoveries -
Miles'* Haml.lesin Iceland -
Othorn's North West 1 •
Earl's Daughter (The) - 20
The Sciences in General
Pfeifler'* Voyage round the World
Eclipse of Faith ... 7
Englishman's Greek Concordance 7
and Mathematics.
" Second ditto - - -
Richardson's Arctic Boat Voyage
Englishman'sHeb ftChald. Concord. 7
Arago's Meteorological Essays -
" Popular Astroncmy -
Seaward 's Narrative •
St John's (H.) Indian Archipelago
Gertrude ----- 20
Bourne On the Screw Propeller -
' " (Hon. F.) Rambles
Harrison's Light of the Forge - 8
Brande's Dictionary ofStience. fte.
Sutherland's Arctic Voy»ge -
Hook's Lectureson Passion Week »
" Lectures on Organic C hemistry
Weld's United States and Canada -
Home's Introduction to Scriptures 9
" Abridgment of ditto - 9
DelaBeche'sGeologyofCornwall.fte.
Wheeler's Travels of llercdotu* -
" Communicant's Companion 9
" Geological Observer -
Young's Christ of History -
Jameson's Sacred Legend* - - 10
De la Rive's Electricity
^^__
" Monastic Legends - - 10
" Legends rfute Madonna 10
Faraday's Non Metallic Elements
Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy
Works of Fiction.
" Sisters of Charity - 10
Holland's Mental Physiology
Arnold'sOakfield
Jeremy Taylor's Works - - - 11
KalUch'sCommentaiyon Exo4vi- 11
Hnmboldt's Aspect* of Nature - 1
" Cosmo* - - - 1 1
Lady Willoughbv'* Diary -
Mac'donald's Villa \ -rocrhio
Katharine Ashton - 20
Hunt On Light - - 10
Sir Roger de Coverley -
Kippis's Hymns - - - - 11
Kemp'* Phasis of Matter - - 11
Southey's The Doctor *c. -
Konig's Pictorial Life of Luther - H
Lardnrr's Cabinet Cyclopedia - 12
Trollope'* Warden ...
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