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THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  ILLINOIS 

LIBRARY 

FA 


*\kJ 


ANGOLA 


MAP  SHOWING  ROUTE  OF  EXPEDITION 
Scale:  1  inch  =  229  miles; indicates  route 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 

Founded  by  Marshall  Field,  1893 

Publication  329 
Anthropological  Series  Vol.  XXI,  No.  2 


THE  OVIMBUNDU  OF  ANGOLA 

BY 

Wilfrid  D.  Hambly 

ASSISTANT  CURATOR  OP  AFRICAN  ETHNOLOGY 


Frederick  H.  Rawson-Field  Museum  Ethnological  Expedition 
To  West  Africa,  1929-30 


84  Plates  in  Photogravure  and  1  Map 


Berthold  Laufer 

CURATOR,   DEPARTMENT  OF   ANTHROPOLOGY 
EDITOR 


***** 

N'V£RS'TY  or 


CHICAGO,  U.  S.  A. 
1934 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 
BY  FIELD  MUSEUM  PRESS 


5' 
FA 


Z 


CONTENTS 

MM 

List  of  Illustrations 93 

Preface 103 

I.    Introduction 105 

II.    Geographical  Factors 108 

III.  Historical  Sources 112 

IV.  Physical  Appearance 128 

V.    Economic  Life 133 

Nature  Lore 134 

Food  Supply 140 

Collecting  and  Hunting 140 

Fishing 145 

Agriculture  and  Cooking 146 

Domestic  Animals 152 

Trade  and  Transport 156 

Industries 158 

Iron-work 158 

Wood-carving 161 

Domestic  Implements 165 

Pottery 167 

Mats  and  Baskets 169 

Weapons 172 

Leather  Work 176 

Spinning  and  Weaving 177 

VI.    Social  Life 179 

Sexual  Relations 179 

Courtship 179 

Marriage 180 

Divorce 181 

Pregnancy  and  Childbirth 183 

Naming 188 

Terms  of  Relationship 189 

Law  and  Government 199 

Warfare  and  Slavery 204 

Village  Organization 206 

VII.    Education 212 

Industrial  Training  and  Division  of  Labor 212 

Standards  of  Conduct,  Manners,  and  Salutations ....  213 

89 


90  Contents 

PAGE 

Educational  Value  of  Play,  Music,  and  Dancing 216 

Initiation 226 

VIII.    Language 234 

Affinities  of  Umbundu 234 

Vocabulary 236 

Phonetics 237 

Vowels 237 

Consonants 238 

Tone  and  Stress 239 

The  Syllable 240 

Grammar 240 

The  Class  System 240 

Pronouns 244 

Principal  Tenses 245 

Transcription  of  Folklore  Stories 248 

Sign  Language 252 

Riddles  and  Proverbs 253 

Folklore  Stories 255 

IX.    Religion 262 

Supreme  Being 262 

Survival  after  Death 262 

Religious  Beliefs  and  Conduct 264 

Funeral  Rites 265 

Commoners 265 

Medicine-men 270 

Kings  and  Chiefs 271 

Hunters 272 

Training  of  Medicine-men 273 

Functions  of  Medicine-men 273 

Divination 274 

Equipment  and  Miscellaneous  Duties 276 

Curing  the  Sick 278 

Rain-making 282 

Poison  Ordeal 283 

Ceremonial  Fire 283 

Prohibitions  and  Omens 285 

X.    Culture  Contacts 286 

Congo  Basin 286 

Rhodesia 296 

South  West  Africa 303 


Contents  91 

PAGB 

XL    Wider  Culture  Contacts 312 

Antiquity  of  Cultural  Traits 312 

The  Blacksmith's  Craft  in  Africa 313 

Bantu  Religion  and  Social  System 314 

African  Puberty  Rites 316 

Hunting  Appliances  of  Africa 317 

African  Pottery,  Baskets,  and  Musical  Instruments. .  319 

Kulturkreis  Theory 320 

XII.    Cultural  Processes 327 

Analysis  of  African  Cultures 327 

Assembling  of  Traits 331 

Cultural  Losses 334 

Integration  of  Traits 337 

Bibliography 349 

Index 356 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Map  (facing  title-page).  Angola. 

IX.  Basket-work  Patterns,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  Nos. 
208944-50,  actual  size.  Fig.  1.  Big  star  (olombun- 
gululu  vinene).  Fig.  2.  Trunk  of  epangue  tree 
(ocisila  cepangu).  Fig.  3.  Wave  pattern  (apuku 
atito).  Fig.  4.  Kerchief  pattern  (cdesu).  Fig.  5. 
Arrow  (usongo).  Fig.  6.  A  reclining  object  (onjandu). 
Fig.  7.  Following  one  another  (imbagu).  Fig.  8.  Hoe 
handle  (ovipi  viatimo).    Fig.  9.  Spots  (atumba). 

X.  Basket-work  Patterns,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  Nos. 
208087,  208879-82,  actual  size.  Fig.  1.  Wave 
pattern  (apuku  atito).  Fig.  2.  Pattern  of  kings 
(olosoma).  Fig.  3.  Ribbed  pattern  (olomati).  Fig.  4. 
Double  arrow  (usonge  wayombo).  Fig.  5.  Star 
(olombungululu) . 

XL  Incised  and  Burned  Designs  on  a  Gourd,  Vachokue, 
Kuchi.  Cat.  No.  208032,  dimensions  23  x  23  cm, 
patterns  half  actual  size. 

XII.  Incised  and  Burned  Decorations  on  Gourds.  Fig.  1. 
From  the  chief  village  of  the  Vangangella,  Ngalangi. 
Cat.  No.  208007,  dimensions  26x4  cm.  Fig.  2. 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208012,  dimensions 
21  x  8.5  cm.  Fig.  3.  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No. 
208010,  dimensions  15  x  10  cm.  Fig.  4.  Ovimbundu, 
Elende.  Cat.  No.  208004,  dimensions  31  x  20  cm. 
Fig.  5.  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208013, 
dimensions  22  x  9.5  cm.  Fig.  6.  Gourd  used  to 
contain  beer  for  a  bride  and  groom,  Ovimbundu, 
Bailundu.    Cat.  No.  208001,  dimensions  39  x  26  cm. 

XIII.  Wooden  Combs,  Tools,  Domestic  Implements,  and 
Weapons.  Fig.  1.  Knife  used  for  cutting  branches, 
Vasele.  Cat.  No.  208427,  dimensions  50  x  5  cm. 
Fig.  2.  Combined  ax  and  adze,  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 
Cat.  No.  208432,  length  73  cm.  Fig.  3.  Wooden 
pounder  for  maize,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No. 
208404,  length  31  cm.  Fig.  4.  Small  ax  used  by 
medicine-man  when  dancing  to  drive  away  evil 
spirits,  Ovimbundu,  Bailundu.     Cat.  No.  208415, 

93 


94  List  of  Illustrations 

length  32.5  cm.  Fig.  5.  Ceremonial  ax,  formerly 
used  for  beheading  slaves  at  the  death  of  a  king, 
Vasele,  near  Vila  Nova  de  Selles.  Cat.  No.  208263, 
length  42  cm.  Fig.  6.  Hunter's  pouch  for  ammuni- 
tion, Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  209059,  dimen- 
sions 15  x  12  cm.  Fig.  7.  Three  wooden  hair-combs, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende,  and  Vachokue,  Cangamba. 
Cat.  Nos.  208462,  208459,  208453,  one-fourth  actual 
size.  Fig.  8.  Iron  spear,  Ovimbundu,  Bailundu. 
Cat.  No.  208244,  length  37  cm.  Fig.  9.  Hoe,  Ovim- 
bundu, Elende.  Cat.  No.  208429,  length  51  cm. 
Fig.  10.  Hoe  used  by  Vangangella,  Ngalangi. 
Cat.  No.  208439,  length  85  cm. 

XIV.  Pottery  and  Wooden  Utensils.  Fig.  1.  Earthenware 
water-jar,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208208, 
dimensions  42  x  14  cm.  Fig.  2.  Small  cooking  pot, 
Vasele,  near  Vila  Nova  de  Selles.  Cat.  No.  208201, 
dimensions  12  x  10  cm.  Fig.  3.  Earthenware  water- 
bottle,  Vasele,  Vila  Nova  de  Selles.  Cat.  No.  209007, 
dimensions  24x23  cm.  Fig.  4.  Earthenware  food 
bowl,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208223,  dimen- 
sions 20  x  9.5  cm.  Fig.  5.  Cooking  pot,  Ovimbundu, 
Elende.  Cat.  No.  208202,  dimensions  16.5  x  13  cm. 
Fig.  6.  Milk  vessel,  Vakuanyama,  Mongua.  Cat. 
No.  208152,  dimensions  28  x  21  cm.  Fig.  7.  Wooden 
spoon,  Vachokue,  Kuchi.  Cat.  No.  208143,  dimen- 
sions 34x9  cm.  Fig.  8.  Wooden  milk  jug, 
Vakuanyama,  Mongua.  Cat.  No.  208243,  dimensions 
21  x  13  cm.  Fig.  9.  Wooden  spoon  and  stirrer, 
Vachokue,  Cangamba.  Cat.  No.  208164,  dimensions 
60.5  x  9.5  cm. 

XV.  Tobacco-pipes,  Snuff  Box,  Rat  Trap,  and  Basket. 
Fig.  1.  Tobacco-pipe,  Vachokue,  Ngalangi.  Cat. 
No.  208715,  length  74  cm.  Fig.  2.  Tobacco-pipe, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208709,  length  35  cm. 
Fig.  3.  Water-pipe  for  smoking  tobacco  and  hemp, 
Vachokue,  Cangamba.  Cat.  No.  208688,  length 
29  cm.  Fig.  4.  Carved  wooden  snuff  box,  Ovimbundu, 
Elende.  Cat.  No.  208708,  length  23  cm.  Fig.  5. 
Wicker  rat  trap,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No. 
208039,  length  33  cm.    Fig.  6.  Coiled  basket  with 


List  of  Illustrations  95 

inwoven  patterns  of  amber  and  black,  Ovimbundu, 
Bailundu.    Cat.  No.  208926,  dimensions  37  x  18  cm. 

XVI.  Tools  and  Weapons.  Fig.  1.  Spearhead,  Vachokue, 
Munyangi.  Cat.  No.  208372,  dimensions  30.5  x  3.3 
cm.  Fig.  2.  Knife,  Vachokue,  Saurimo  in  Lunda. 
Cat.  No.  208375,  dimensions  21.5  cm.  Fig.  3.  Black- 
smith's hammer,  Vangangella,  Ngalangi.  Cat.  No. 
208826,  length  18  cm.  Fig.  4.  Saw  of  native  make, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208362,  length  71  cm. 
Fig.  5.  Iron-bladed  tool  for  boring  wood,  Ovimbundu, 
Elende.  Cat.  No.  208368,  length  57  cm.  Fig.  6. 
Blacksmith's  tongs,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No. 
208813,  length  52  cm.  Fig.  7.  Blacksmith's  hammer, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208823,  length  33  cm. 
Fig.  8.  Axhead,  Vachokue,  Cangamba.  Cat.  No. 
208817,  length  26  cm.  Fig.  9.  Blacksmith's  punch, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208816,  length  24  cm. 
Fig.  10.  Knife  in  wooden  scabbard,  Vakuanyama, 
Mongua.  Cat.  No.  208357,  length  54  cm.  Fig.  11. 
Brass  bracelet  made  by  blacksmith,  Elende.  Cat. 
No.  208503,  width  5  cm.  Fig.  12.  Bellows  of  black- 
smith, Ngalangi.  Cat.  No.  208831,  dimensions 
55  x  34  cm. 

XVII.  Bows  and  Arrowheads.  Fig.  1.  The  bow  and  arrow, 
with  details  of  stringing  and  feathering,  are  typical 
of  implements  of  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue  tribes. 
Cat.  No.  208663,  length  143  cm.  The  arrowheads 
were  collected  from  Vachokue  hunters  from 
Cangamba  to  Saurimo  in  Lunda.  Cat.  Nos.  208643- 
652,  654,  656,  length  average  80  cm.  Fig.  2.  Arrow- 
heads, Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  Nos.  208623, 
615,  618,  616,  length  of  each  about  80  cm.  Fig.  3. 
Wooden  arrow  for  shooting  birds,  Ovimbundu, 
Elende.  Cat.  No.  208633,  length  88  cm.  Figs.  4-6. 
Socketed  iron  arrowheads,  Vakuanyama,  Mongua. 
Cat.  Nos.  208598,  592,  601,  lengths  67,  58,  66  cm. 
Fig.  7.  Barbed  wooden  arrow,  Vakipungo,  southwest 
Angola.  Cat.  No.  208607,  length  83  cm.  Fig.  8. 
Flat  bow  and  arrow,  Vakuanyama,  Mongua.  Cat. 
No.  208659,  length  122  cm.  Fig.  9.  Arrow  for  shoot- 
ing lizards,  Vasele.  Cat.  No.  208657,  length  87  cm. 


96  List  of  Illustrations 

XVIII.  Hut  Furniture  and  Mask.  Fig.  1.  Wooden  seat  with 
hide  top,  Ovimbundu,  Ngalangi.  Cat.  No.  208180, 
dimensions  53  x  28  x  30  cm.  Fig.  2.  Wooden  stool, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208864,  dimensions 
29x21  cm.  Fig.  3.  Wooden  chair  with  hide  seat, 
Vachokue,  Bailundu.  Cat.  No.  209006,  height  80  cm. 
Fig.  4.  Wooden  mask,  type  used  by  Vangangella  and 
Ovimbundu,  Ngongo,  Ngalangi.  Cat.  No.  208100, 
dimensions  20  x  18  cm. 

XIX.  Wood-carving,  Ovimbundu.  Fig.  1.  A  hawk,  Bailundu. 
Cat.  No.  208386,  dimensions  37x16  cm.  Fig.  2. 
Crane,  Bailundu.  Cat.  No.  208381,  dimensions 
27  x  10  cm.  Fig.  3.  Guinea  fowl,  burned  black  and 
speckled  with  white  paint,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208382, 
dimensions  20  x  8  cm.  Fig.  4.  Lizard,  Elende. 
Cat.  No.  208394,  dimensions  41x6  cm.  Fig.  5. 
Snake,  Elende.    Cat.  No.  208391,  length  24  cm. 

XX.  Staffs  of  Village  Chiefs.  Fig.  1.  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 
Cat.  No.  208778,  length  68  cm.  Fig.  2.  Vachokue, 
Cangamba.  Cat.  No.  208775,  length  82  cm.  Fig.  3. 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208757,  length  35  cm. 
Fig.  4.  Vachokue,  Kuchi.  Cat.  No.  208754,  length 
98  cm.  Fig.  5.  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No. 
208772,  length  90  cm.  Fig.  6.  Staff  of  dead  king 
from  hut  in  which  relics  of  kings  are  kept,  from 
capital  village  of  Ngalangi.  Cat.  No.  208748,  length 
123  cm.  Fig.  7.  Club  of  heavy  black  wood,  Ovim- 
bundu, Elende,  workmanship  of  Vachokue  and 
Lundatype.  Cat.  No.  208777,  length  71  cm.  Fig.  8. 
Staff  of  office  in  form  of  paddle,  carried  by  headman 
of  Lioko,  a  village  of  Ngalangi.  Cat.  No.  208745, 
dimensions  127  x  16  cm.  Fig.  9.  Heavy  throwing- 
club  for  killing  small  game,  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 
Cat.  No.  208767,  dimensions  40  x  12  cm.  Fig.  10. 
Ornamental  club,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No. 
208764,  length  56  cm. 

XXI.  Carved  Human  Figures.  Fig.  1.  Wooden  figure  nursed 
in  place  of  dead  twin,  Ovimbundu  and  Vangangella, 
Ngalangi.  Cat.  No.  208345,  length  20  cm.  Fig.  2. 
Wooden  figure  from  divination  basket  of  medicine- 
man, Ovimbundu,  Elende.    Cat.  No.  208307,  length 


List  of  Illustrations  97 

7  cm.  Fig.  3.  Wooden  figure  placed  by  anvil  of 
blacksmith.  Spirit  in  figure  assists  blacksmith, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208339,  length  36  cm. 
Fig.  4.  Female  wooden  figure  used  by  Vachokue 
medicine-man,  Cangamba.  Body  hollow  to  contain 
medicine,  head  detachable.    Cat.  No.  208355,  length 

61  cm.  Fig.  5.  Female  wooden  figure  used  by 
medicine-man  for  divining  correct  path  on  caravan 
journey,  Ovimbundu,  Bailundu.  Cat.  No.  208346, 
length  27  cm.  Fig.  6.  Wooden  figure  used  like  No.  1, 
Ovimbundu,  Elende.   Cat.  No.  208326,  length  18  cm. 

XXII.  Musical  Instruments.  Fig.  1.  Dumb-bell  basket  rattle, 
Vachokue,  Cangamba.  Cat.  No.  208732,  length 
26  cm.  Fig.  2.  Wooden  flute,  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 
Cat.  No.  208723,  length  29  cm.  Fig.  3.  Instrument 
played  by  rubbing  grooves  with  stick,  Ovimbundu, 
Elende.  Cat.  No.  208805,  dimensions  43  x  21  cm. 
Fig.  4.  Rattles  for  ankles,  made  from  seed  pods, 
Ovimbundu,  Bailundu.  Cat.  No.  208730,  length 
21  cm.  Fig.  5.  Instrument,  metal  keys  on  wooden 
board,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Cat.  No.  208734, 
dimensions  18  x  11  cm.  Fig.  6.  Musical  bow,  Ovim- 
bundu, Elende.  Cat.  No.  208722,  length  109  cm. 
Fig.  7.  Strip  of  rattan.  May  be  bent  to  form  musical 
bow,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.    Cat.  No.  208810,  length 

62  cm.  Fig.  8.  Frictional  instrument,  played  like 
No.  3,  Ovimbundu,  Bailundu. 

XXIII.  Drawings  Representing  Life  of  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 

Made  by  untrained  Ocimbundu  youth,  Elende,  who 
had  lived  with  Europeans.  Fig.  1.  Ovimbundu 
hunters.  Fig.  2.  Medicine-man  of  Ovimbundu 
divining.  Fig.  3.  Ocimbundu  woman  making  beer. 
Fig.  4.  Relative  of  deceased  interrogating  corpse  as 
to  cause  of  death.  Chief  mourners  in  group  on  left. 

XXIV.  Examples  of  Scarification.    Fig.  1.  Ocimbundu  woman, 

Ngalangi.  Fig.  2.  Vachokue  woman,  Cubango.  Fig.  3. 
Esele  woman.  Cuts,  made  to  cure  pain,  were  rubbed 
with  charred  gourd.  Fig.  4.  Ocimbundu  woman, 
Elende.  Scar  made  at  age  of  ten  years  by  male 
operator,  charred  rubber  placed  in  cuts.  Fig.  5.  Ocim- 
bundu woman,  Cuma.  Scars  ornamental  and  tribal. 


98 


List  of  Illustrations 


XXV.    Positions  of  Hands  in  Drumming,  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 
Front  View. 

XXVI.  Positions  of  Hands  in  Drumming,  Ovimbundu,  Elende. 
Side  View. 

XXVII.    Ovimbundu  Drummers,  Elende.    Fig.  1.  Long  drums. 
Fig.  2.  Flat  drum. 

XXVIII.    Ovimbundu,   Elende.    Fig.   1.   Man  carrying   gourd. 
Fig.  2.  Woman  with  field  produce. 

XXIX.  Agriculture  near  Ganda.  Fig.  1.  Tobacco  plants  on 
ant  hill.    Fig.  2.  Clearing  the  bush. 

XXX.  Transportation  at  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Portuguese  riding 
an  ox.    Fig.  2.  Ocimbundu  carrier. 

XXXI.  Transportation,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Boy 
carrying  pig.  Fig.  2.  Men  bearing  sick  man  in 
hammock. 

XXXII.    Ritual  for  Hunters.     Fig.  1.  Tomb  near  Luimbale. 
Fig.  2.  Trophies  near  Elende. 

XXXIII.  Ovimbundu  Making  Pottery,  Elende.    Fig.  1.  Building 

pottery  vessel.    Fig.  2.  Molding  pot  with  hands  and 
gourd. 

XXXIV.  Ovimbundu  Making  Pottery,  Elende.    Fig.  1.  Moisten- 

ing and  smoothing  wet  pot.     Fig.  2.  Finished  wet 
pots  with  incised  designs. 

XXXV.    Ovimbundu.    Fig.  1.  Man  using  drill,  Bailundu.   Fig.  2. 
Girl,  Elende. 

XXXVI.     Occupations  of  Ovimbundu,  Elende.     Fig.   1.   Male 
cotton  spinner.      Fig.  2.  Woman  pounding  maize. 

XXXVII.    Blacksmiths  at  Work,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.     Fig.  1. 
Working  bellows.    Fig.  2.  Forging  axhead. 

XXXVIII.    Blacksmiths  at  Work,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.     Fig.  1. 
Pounding  on  anvil.    Fig.  2.  Using  cutting  tool. 

XXXIX.    Ovimbundu,  Elende.    Fig.  1.  Hunter.    Fig.  2.  Woman 
making  coiled  basket. 

XL.  Ovimbundu.  Fig.  1.  Flute  players,  Bailundu.  Fig.  2. 
Bark  removed  for  making  utensils.  Fig.  3.  Girl,  hair 
studded  with  brass  nails. 


List  of  Illustrations 


99 


XLI.  Ovimbundu  Wood-carvers,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Making 
human  and  animal  figures.    Fig.  2.  Carving  drum. 

XLII.  Ocimbundu  Making  Mats,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Tool  for 
mat-making.    Fig.  2.  Threading  reeds  on  tool. 

XLIII.  Transportation,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Bridge 
across  swamp  and  stream.    Fig.  2.  Carrying  chickens. 

XLIV.  Building  Construction,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Fig.  1. 
Maize  bin.    Fig.  2.  Framework  of  house. 

XLV.  Funeral  Rites,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Old 
Ocimbundu  questioning  corpse  and  offering  food. 
Fig.  2.  Burial  place  of  chief. 

XLVI.  Funeral  Rites,  Ovimbundu.  Fig.  1.  Hut  where  posses- 
sions of  dead  chiefs  are  kept,  Elende.  Fig.  2.  Horns 
of  ox  over  grave,  near  Caconda. 

XLVII.    Funeral  Rites,  Ovimbundu,  Caconda.    Fig.  1.  Baskets 
and  coffin  pole  on  grave.    Fig.  2.  Hut  over  grave. 

XLVIII.    Social  Life  of  Ovimbundu.    Fig.  1.  Men's  club  house, 
Bailundu.    Fig.  2.  Guest  house,  Elende. 

XLIX.  Physical  Types,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Boys, 
showing  tooth  mutilation  on  left.  Fig.  2.  Girl 
with  field  basket. 

L.  Ovimbundu  Women  and  Infants,  Elende. 

LI.  Ovimbundu  Women  and  Children,  Elende. 

LII.  Ovimbundu  Youths,  Elende. 

LIII.  Ovimbundu  Men,  Elende. 

LIV.  Types  of  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Negro  type, 
teeth  mutilated  in  tribal  manner.  Fig.  2.  Modified 
Negro  type. 

LV.    Pigs  Owned  by  Ovimbundu,  Elende,  Keltic  Breed. 

LVI.  Domestic  Animals,  Ovimbundu.  Fig.  1.  Sheep  and 
lamb,  Elende.  Fig.  2.  Dog,  Elende.  Ears  clipped 
"to  make  him  hear  well."  Fig.  3.  Goat,  Bailundu. 

LVII.  Domestic  Animals,  Ovimbundu,  Elende.  Fig.  1.  Cattle. 
Fig.  2.  Goats. 

LVIII.  Physical  Types,  Southwest  Angola.  Fig.  1.  Girls  of 
Luvando  tribe.  Fig.  2.  Woman  of  Gambos  wearing 
omba  ornaments. 


100 


List  of  Illustrations 


LIX.    Female  Types,  Southwest  Angola.    Fig.  1.  Luvando 
girls  near  Kipungo.    Fig.  2.  Back  view,  same  types. 

LX.    Female  Types,  Southwest  Angola.     Fig.  1.  Girls  of 
Vaheneca  tribe  near  Huila.    Fig.  2.  Woman  of  Huila. 

LXI.    Female  Types,  Southwest  Angola.    Fig.  1.  Women  of 
Gambos.    Fig.  2.  Women  of  Humbe  tribe. 

LXII.  Vaheneca  Girl  at  Huila.  Fig.  1.  Front  view.  Fig.  2. 
Back  view. 

LXIII.  Vakuanyama  Types,  Mongua,  South  Angola.  Fig.  1. 
Man.    Fig.  2.  Man  wearing  omba  shells. 

LXIV.  Natives  of  Huila,  Southwest  Angola.  Fig.  1.  Man 
wearing  forehead  band  and  omba  shell.  Fig.  2.  Man 
wearing  beaded  collar  and  omba  shell. 

LXV.  Vakuanyama  Women,  Mongua,  South  Angola.  Fig.  1. 
Women  wearing  pleated  leather  skirts.  Figs.  2,  3. 
Woman  wearing  head-dress  which  denotes  position 
as  principal  wife  in  polygynous  family. 

LXVI.    Storage  of  Maize,  Vakuanyama,  South  Angola.    Fig.  1. 

Grain  basket.    Fig.  2.  Shelter  for  basket. 
LXVII.    Fig.  1.    Ukuanyama  Man  Treading  Hide  for  Making 
Woman's    Skirt.       Fig.     2.   House,    Vakuanyama 
Style,  Dom  Manuel. 

LXVIII.  Tribes  of  South  Angola.  Fig.  1.  Vaheneca,  right  and 
left;  Gambos  woman  and  children,  center.  Fig.  2. 
Vakuanyama  men,  with  assagais,  clubs,  and  bows, 
Mongua. 

LXIX.    Bushman,  Cassanga.  Fig.  1.  Front  view.  Fig.  2.  Side 

view. 
LXX.    Mussurongo    Types,    Malange,    Northwest    Angola. 
Fig.  1.  Girl.    Fig.  2.  Man. 

LXXI.    Mussurongo     Woman,     near     Malange,     Northwest 

Angola. 
LXXII.  Dugout  Canoes,  River  Kwanza,  near  Malange,  North- 
west Angola.  Fig.  1.  Exteriors.  Fig.  2.  View  of 
stern. 
LXXIII.  Fishing  and  Hunting.  Fig.  1.  Fishing  spear,  Ambrizette, 
northwest  Angola.  Fig.  2.  Stakes  for  impaling 
antelope,  Vasele,  west-central  Angola. 


List  of  Illustrations 


101 


LXXIV.  Fig.  1.  Hunter's  Tomb,  Vasele.  Fig.  2.  Village  of 
Vasele  near  Vila  Nova  de  Selles. 

LXXV.  Female  Types  of  Vasele,  West-central  Angola.  Fig.  1. 
Woman  wearing  nose-pin  and  cowrie-shell  hair-band. 
Fig.  2.  Woman  wearing  beaded  head-band.  Note 
scarification  of  forehead  and  cheeks. 

LXXVI.  Men  of  Vasele,  West-central  Angola.  Fig.  1.  Man 
showing  typical  mutilation  of  teeth.  Fig.  2.  Man 
with  scarification  on  chest,  said  to  cure  pain. 

LXXVII.  Women  in  Charge  of  Initiation  of  Girls  into  Secret 
Society,  Vanyemba  Tribe,  Ngongo.  Fig.  1.  Front 
view.     Fig.  2.  Back  view. 

LXXVIII.  Costumes  Worn  in  Tribal  Initiation  Ceremonies  for 
Boys.  Fig.  1.  Costumes  of  Vangangella  and  Ovim- 
bundu,  Ngongo.  Fig.  2.  Ceremonial  dress  of  mixed 
tribes  at  Katoko. 

LXXIX.  Tribal  Initiation  of  Boys,  Vachokue,  Cangamba. 
Fig.  1.  Novices  in  enclosure.  Fig.  2.  Public  appear- 
ance after  initiation. 

LXXX.  Tribal  Initiation  of  Boys,  Vachokue,  Cangamba.  Fig.  1. 
Fiber  skirts  worn  by  circumcised  novices.  Fig.  2. 
Cages  in  which  boys  lie  after  circumcision. 

LXXXI.  Concluding  Ceremonies,  Tribal  Initiation,  Cangamba. 
Fig.  1.  Stilt-walkers,  Vachokue.  Fig.  2.  Medicine- 
man, Valuchazi. 

LXXXII.  Vachokue,  East  Angola.  Fig.  1.  Medicine-man,  Can- 
gamba, performing  ceremony  to  make  thief  return  to 
village.    Fig.  2.  Man  at  Mona  Kuimbundu. 

LXXXIII.  Treating  Sick  Woman,  Vachokue,  Cangamba.  Fig.  1. 
Medicine-man  stroking  patient's  spine.  Fig.  2.  Pre- 
paring for  ablution  of  face. 

LXXXIV.  Vachokue,  Mona  Kuimbundu,  Northeast  Angola. 
Fig.  1.  Women  pounding  maize.    Fig.  2.  Dwelling. 

LXXXV. 


Vachokue  Fishing 
dragging  basket, 
net. 


at   Cangamba.     Fig.   1.   Women 
Fig.  2.  Man  in  bark  canoe,  holding 


102 


List  of  Illustrations 


LXXXVI.  Vachokue,  East  Angola.  Fig.  1.  Cupping  operation, 
Ngongo,  Ngalangi.  Fig.  2.  Group  at  Mona  Kuim- 
bundu. 

LXXXVII.    Vachokue  Women,  East  Angola.       Fig.  1.  Albino, 
Cangamba.     Fig.  2.  Group  at  Ngongo,  Ngalangi. 

LXXXVIII.    Vachokue  Women,  Ngongo,  Ngalangi.    Fig.  1.  Show- 
ing mutilated  teeth.    Fig.  2.  Showing  scarification. 

LXXXIX.  Fig.  1.  House  Where  King  Communes  with 
Ancestral  Spirits,  Ngalangi.  Fig.  2.  House  with 
Painted  Walls  near  Bailundu.  Fig.  3.  Group 
Showing  Mixture  of  Tribes,  Ngalangi. 

XC.    East-central  Angola.  Fig.  1.  Woman  of  Vangangella, 
Cassanga.    Fig.  2.  Beehive,  Inandongo. 

XCI.    Types  of  Babunda,  Cangamba,  Showing  Mutilated 
Teeth.    Fig.  1.  Woman.    Fig.  2.  Man. 

XCII.  Fig.  1.  Mound  of  Earth  Where  Childless  Women  Are 
Covered  with  Mud  to  Give  Fertility,  Vangangella, 
Ngalangi.  Fig.  2.  Trap  for  Leopards,  Cangamba. 


PREFACE 

As  leader  of  the  Frederick  H.  Rawson-Field  Museum  Ethnological 
Expedition  to  West  Africa  I  undertook  research  in  Angola  and 
Nigeria,  from  February,  1929,  to  February,  1930.  The  present  publi- 
cation is  concerned  with  the  ethnology  of  Angola  (Portuguese  West 
Africa),  where  a  study  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  their  culture  contacts 
was  made. 

At  the  outset  I  must  express  thanks  to  the  Portuguese  govern- 
ment for  permission  to  carry  on  this  investigation.  Owing  to  the 
courtesy  of  the  American  Vice-Consul,  Mr.  Arthur  F.  Tower  of 
Loanda,  I  received  from  the  Governor  General  of  Angola  a  letter  of 
introduction  which  was  of  inestimable  service  during  my  journey  in 
the  interior. 

From  Portuguese  officials  much  help  was  obtained,  and  sound 
advice  accompanied  by  practical  assistance  was  always  courteously 
given. 

In  London  I  was  assisted  in  the  most  cordial  way  by  Mr.  David 
Boyle,  of  the  Cunard  Steamship  Lines,  and  Colonel  B.  Follett,D.S.O., 
of  the  Tanganyika  Concessions  Company. 

My  base  camp  in  Angola  was  pitched  near  the  Elende  Mission 
Station,  where  Dr.  Merlin  W.  Ennis  kindly  provided  safe  storage 
for  collections  and  a  room  for  photography.  Dr.  Ennis  was  ever 
ready  to  discuss  and  aid  my  investigation  among  the  Ovimbundu 
with  whom  he  has  spent  thirty  years.  Mrs.  Ennis  and  Miss  Rounds 
aided  my  studies  of  handicraft  among  women.  Dr.  Hollenbeck  gave 
valuable  notes  on  the  ailments  of  the  Ovimbundu;  these  have  been 
incorporated  with  my  study  of  medicine-men. 

Ngonga,  my  interpreter  and  chief  informant,  was  secured  by 
Dr.  Ennis  to  assist  the  investigation,  and  this  he  did  with  the  greatest 
tact  and  ability.  Ngonga  speaks  English,  Portuguese,  and  Umbundu 
fluently.  These  accomplishments  were  so  combined  with  a  deep 
regard  for  the  customs  of  his  own  people,  the  Ovimbundu,  that  he 
made  an  ideal  interpreter. 

From  the  base  at  Elende  three  journeys  were  made  into  the 
interior.  The  first  of  these  led  to  the  far  south  of  Angola,  among  the 
Vakuanyama;  a  second  journey  took  me  into  the  Vasele  country  of 
northwest  Angola;  while  the  third  and  longest  itinerary  led  as  far 
east  as  Cangamba,  a  center  of  Vachokue  culture,  thence  northward 
to  Saurimo  in  Lunda. 

103 


104  Preface 

At  the  end  of  each  of  these  journeys,  which  totaled  5,000  miles,  I 
returned  to  the  base  camp,  developed  photographs,  shipped  collec- 
tions, and  continued  my  studies  among  the  Ovimbundu. 

In  the  interior  I  received  help  from  Mr.  and  Mrs.  H.  C.  McDowell 
of  Ngalangi,bothof  whomgave  considerable  aid  in  investigating  initia- 
tion ceremonies  for  boys  and  girls,  and  in  securing  three  medicine-men 
and  a  rain-maker  to  explain  their  vocations.  At  Bailundu  Mr.  G.  M. 
Childs  obtained  many  valuable  objects  relating  to  the  medicine-man's 
work,  and  the  worth  of  these  was  greatly  enhanced  by  full  descrip- 
tions, and  translations  of  the  Umbundu  language  in  which  the 
explanations  were  given. 

Owing  to  the  interest  of  Professor  Edward  Sapir,  formerly  of  the 
University  of  Chicago,  now  at  Yale,  assistance  in  transcribing  phono- 
graphic records  of  the  Umbundu  language  was  obtained.  The  phonetic 
transcriptions  were  made  by  Dr.  M.  H.  Watkins  and  Mr.  R.  T. 
Clarke,  whose  expert  aid  was  greatly  appreciated.  Records  of  drum 
music  were  transcribed  by  Dr.  G.  Herzog  of  the  University  of 
Chicago.  Drawings  of  objects  collected  have  been  prepared  by  Mr. 
Carl  F.  Gronemann,  Staff  Illustrator  of  Field  Museum. 

This  recognition  of  cooperation  would  be  incomplete  without 
gratefully  remembering  my  servants,  who  shared  the  fatigue  and 
hazards  of  the  journey.  Abilio  Esteves  proved  to  be  a  thoroughly 
competent  guide  and  adviser.  The  servants  aided  in  locating  cere- 
monies, acquiring  objects,  and  dealing  with  the  tribes  among  whom 

the  expedition  passed. 

Wilfrid  Dyson  Hambly 


THE  OVIMBUNDU  OF  ANGOLA 

I.    INTRODUCTION 

Research  work  among  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola  indicates  the 
presence  of  numerous  cultural  traits  revealing  what  are  probably- 
distinct  stratifications  of  culture.  These  diverse  elements  have  been 
welded  together  into  a  pattern,  the  examination  of  which  constitutes 
the  present  problem. 

The  object  of  this  study  is  an  analysis  of  these  traits  with  a  view 
to  showing  the  sequence  in  which  they  have  been  received,  from 
whence  they  came,  and  the  processes  which  have  been  responsible 
for  coordinating  them  so  as  to  form  the  present  social  system. 

My  presentation  passes  from  geographical  and  historical  consid- 
erations to  an  ethnological  approach,  locally  applied  in  the  first  place 
for  complete  analysis  of  the  culture  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  surround- 
ing peoples.  The  traits  have  to  be  considered  singly  and  in  combina- 
tion. Then  follows  an  examination  of  some  of  these  traits  which 
are  widely  distributed  outside  Angola.  We  next  seek  to  ascertain  the 
geographical  origin  of  traits,  their  history,  and  the  psychology  of  their 
combinations  and  assimilation  into  an  aggregate.  What  elements 
have  been  acquired  through  adoption?  And  what  has  been  the 
historical  process?  Which  traits  have  arisen  through  independent 
invention?  What  factors  have  been  discarded,  and  why?  To  what 
extent  have  the  Ovimbundu  utilized  opportunities  for  enriching  their 
culture,  and  what  possibilities  have  been  neglected? 

What  are  the  classes  of  evidence  which  might  be  expected  to  assist 
an  inquiry  into  the  growth  of  Umbundu  culture? 

Field  work  was  of  primary  importance  for  obtaining  a  first  hand 
knowledge  of  the  tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu  as  it  exists  today,  and 
in  order  to  estimate  the  effects  of  cultural  contacts  extensive  journeys 
were  made  to  the  north,  east,  and  south  of  the  central  territory  occu- 
pied by  the  Ovimbundu.  The  results  of  personal  investigation  are 
given  in  chapters  IV-IX,  dealing  with  the  economic,  social,  and 
religious  life  of  the  Ovimbundu.  These  facts  have  been  kept  free 
from  the  observations  of  other  investigators  whose  reports  are 
summarized  in  chapter  III,  "Historical  Sources." 

Unfortunately  there  are  no  archaeological  data  which  can  assist 
a  study  of  historical  processes,  for  archaeology  has  not  yet  been 
approached  in  Angola. 

105 


106  The  Ovimbundu 

Geographical  study  is  valuable  in  showing  that  physical  factors 
such  as  position,  topography,  soil,  and  climate  have  had  not  only 
a  permissive  but  a  stimulating  effect  on  the  development  of  certain 
cultural  traits. 

Historical  documents  dating  from  the  year  A.D.  1500  present 
valuable  evidence  for  tribal  movements,  the  effect  of  early  European 
contacts,  and  the  existence  of  certain  beliefs  and  ceremonies.  The 
facts  adduced  in  chapter  III  are  used  in  chapters  X-XII  in  discussing 
culture  contacts  and  cultural  processes. 

Inquiry  respecting  relationships  of  the  Ovimbundu  to  other  Afri- 
can tribes  is  aided  by  a  study  of  the  Umbundu  language,  which  is 
shown  to  be  of  pure  Bantu  structure  and  vocabulary  (chapter  VIII). 
The  characteristic  features  of  the  Umbundu  language  are  those  which 
form  the  basic  elements  of  Bantu  speech  in  general.  These  character- 
istics are  alliterative  concord  (that  is,  repetition  of  the  prefix  before 
every  word  in  agreement  with  the  noun);  absence  of  grammatical 
gender;  and  a  position  of  the  genitive  in  which  the  name  of  the  thing 
possessed  comes  before  the  possessor.  Umbundu,  though  structurally 
assignable  to  the  Bantu  group,  has  its  own  vocabulary,  whose  degree 
of  relationship  to  that  of  surrounding  peoples  may  to  some  extent  be 
judged  by  the  vocabularies  of  F.  and  W.  Jaspert  (Die  Volkerstamme 
Mittel  Angolas,  Frankfort,  1930,  pp.  144-150).  The  fact  that  the 
language  of  the  Ovimbundu  has  become  the  lingua  franca  of  Angola, 
still  further  testifies  to  the  thoroughness  of  the  contacts,  which  from 
historical  sources  are  known  to  have  been  made  in  the  period 
1500-1900. 

The  spelling  of  proper  names  leaves  a  wide  margin  for  individual 
preference.  The  Umbundu  language  requires  "M"  before  "B,"  yet 
custom  has  sanctioned  the  form  Bailundu.  Nevertheless  I  have 
retained  "N"  in  Ngalangi  despite  the  form  Galangi  on  several 
maps.  Maps  show  great  diversity  of  spelling,  but  I  have  adhered 
throughout  to  Kipungo  (Quipungo)  and  Kwanza  (Quanza).  Among 
tribal  names  I  prefer  Vakuanyama  to  OvaKwanyama  and  Vachokue 
to  BaKioko  or  BaDjokue;  in  making  the  choice  I  have  tried  to  imitate 
the  sounds  I  heard  from  the  natives  themselves.  In  referring  to  the 
papers  of  E.  Torday,  who  knew  the  southwest  Congo  well  and 
spoke  several  Congo  languages  fluently,  I  note  that  he  sometimes 
prefers  to  recognize  the  prefix  as  in  BaMbala  and  BaYaka,  but  he 
also  writes  Badjokue  and  Bayaka.  J.  H.  Weeks  writes  Bangala 
(BaNgala).  C.  H.  L.  Hahn  uses  the  form  Ovambo  (OvaMbo). 
Ovimbundu  I  have  preferred  throughout;  the  accent  is  on  the 


Introduction  107 

penultimate  syllable  as  is  usual  with  Bantu  words.  The  alternative 
form  would  be  OviMbundu.  Some  writers  hyphenate  after  a  prefix. 
Lu  is  the  plural  prefix  in  the  tribal  names  Luchazi,  Luvando,  Luena 
and  Luimba.  Ocivokue,  Ocimbundu  and  Uluchazi  are  singulars. 
The  word  Umbundu  is  used  adjectivally  as  well  as  for  the  name  of 
the  language. 

Observations  relating  to  the  physical  appearance  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu  (chapter  IV)  deal  with  physique,  dress,  tooth  mutilation,  hair- 
dressing,  scarification,  and  personal  ornaments.  The  object  of  this 
chapter  is  to  estimate  the  results  of  contacts  so  far  as  these  affect  the 
traits  just  mentioned. 

Of  great  importance  in  an  inquiry  into  the  growth  of  Umbundu 
culture  is  the  inferential  testimony  to  be  derived  from  ethnological 
study  of  surrounding  tribes.  This  subject  is  considered  in  chapter  X, 
"Culture  Contacts,"  with  special  reference  to  the  Congo  basin, 
Rhodesia,  and  South  West  Africa,  concerning  which  there  exists  an 
adequate  and  reliable  literature. 

In  chapter  XII,  "Cultural  Processes,"  ethnological  facts  derived 
from  field  work  and  historical  sources  have  been  combined  with 
data  relating  to  geography,  physique,  and  language.  This  has 
been  done  in  such  a  way  as  to  present  a  hypothesis  of  cultural  growth 
which  is  consonant  with  direct  evidence  and  inferential  testimony. 

Finally,  personal  acquaintance  with  the  daily  life  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu  is  made  the  corner  stone  for  behavioristic  study.  This  is 
intended  to  explain  the  operation  of  social  forces  and  controls  in 
welding  the  tribal  traits  whose  origin  and  assembly  have  been 
previously  discussed. 

Should  my  colleagues  of  the  functional  school  contend  that  my 
approach  is  too  static  in  its  historical  and  anatomical  method,  I 
would  reply  that  my  research  does  at  least  lay  a  sure  ethnological 
foundation  for  those  psychological  and  sociological  studies  which 
are  today  rightly  regarded  as  essential  for  the  adjustment  of  relation- 
ships between  Africans  and  their  European  administrators.  The 
correlation  of  all  aspects  of  tribal  life,  including  culture  contacts, 
cannot  be  too  strongly  stressed.  The  headings  chosen  for  chapters 
are  adopted  merely  for  convenience  of  presentation.  But  an  endeavor 
has  been  made  throughout  the  book,  and  particularly  in  the  final 
chapter,  to  emphasize  the  coordination  of  economics,  social  organiza- 
tion, education,  language,  and  religion. 


II.    GEOGRAPHICAL  FACTORS 

This  chapter  is  intended  to  give  an  outline  of  the  geographical 
conditions  of  Angola  and  to  point  out  the  way  in  which  these  have 
influenced  the  growth  of  Umbundu  culture  in  all  its  aspects. 

A  presentation  of  geographical  data  is  of  primary  importance  here, 
and  the  actual  relationship  between  the  facts  of  geography  and 
culture  is  a  matter  for  gradual  evaluation  in  the  following  chapters. 
The  extent  to  which  geographic  determinism  has  entered  into  the 
cultural  growth  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  particularly  well  seen  in  chapter 
V,  "Economic  Life,"  which  deals  with  industries,  agriculture,  domes- 
tic animals,  fishing,  and  transport. 

The  area  of  Angola  is  a  factor  of  importance,  for  the  greater  the 
extent  of  any  country  the  more  diversified  will  be  the  products  and 
the  cultural  differences.  This  is  particularly  true  if  there  are  consider- 
able differences  in  the  elevation,  because  altitude  modifies  temperature 
and  affects  the  distribution  of  rainfall. 

Angola  has  an  area  of  almost  500,000  square  miles.  The  greatest 
length  is  a  distance  of  about  900  miles  from  the  river  Congo  in  the 
north  to  the  region  of  South  West  Africa.  The  greatest  breadth  is 
about  700  miles  from  the  Atlantic  Ocean  on  the  west  to  the  borders 
of  the  Rhodesian  plateau  in  the  east.  This  range  over  twelve  degrees 
of  latitude,  from  5°  S.  to  17°  S.,  in  association  with  differences  in 
altitude,  have  produced  ecological  regions  which  are  described  in 
the  following  paragraphs. 

The  northern  part  of  Angola  is  ecologically  a  part  of  the  Congo 
basin,  with  conditions  of  heat  and  moisture  giving  rise  to  a  dense 
tropical  flora.  Owing  to  the  presence  of  tsetse  fly,  the  great  heat, 
and  the  lack  of  open  grasslands,  such  country  is  unsuited  for  the 
rearing  of  cattle,  while  agriculture,  including  cultivation  of  maize,  is 
restricted  to  forest  clearings.  Manioc,  palm  trees,  peanuts,  and 
sweet  potatoes  are  the  chief  products  serviceable  to  man.  This  region 
was,  according  to  the  historical  evidence  of  chapter  III,  the  area  in 
which  the  Ovimbundu  moved  before  they  entered  the  Benguela  High- 
lands of  central  Angola.  Parts  of  chapters  III  and  X  ("Historical 
Sources"  and  "Culture  Contacts,"  respectively)  are  devoted  to  an 
analysis  of  the  cultural  factors  of  the  Congo  area  from  the  year 
a.d.  1500  to  the  present  day. 

The  central  portion  of  Angola  is  the  area  most  important  in  this 
research  because  it  is  the  home  of  the  Ovimbundu,  whose  cultural 

108 


Geographical  Factors  109 

growth  is  under  examination.  This  central  plateau,  the  Benguela 
Highlands,  rises  in  places  to  a  height  of  6,000  feet,  an  altitude  which 
reduces  the  heat  of  the  tropics  and  so  modifies  the  flora,  discouraging 
some  types  of  vegetation  and  encouraging  others.  Hostility  of  the 
highlands  to  palm  trees  and  the  banana  is  appropriately  discussed 
when  dealing  with  cultural  losses;  while  the  fostering  effect  of  reduced 
temperature  and  the  presence  of  wide  expanses  of  open  country  on 
the  growth  of  maize  and  the  keeping  of  cattle  is  a  cultural  gain. 

The  prevailing  rains  of  Angola  are  from  the  northeast  to  the 
southwest;  consequently  the  high  plateau  intercepts  rain  clouds  which 
give  an  annual  fall  of  sixty  inches.  This  adequate  rainfall  is  another 
factor  which  has  affected  economic  life,  density  of  population,  com- 
munal welfare,  and  powers  of  expansion. 

The  villages  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  built  on  hillsides  having  a 
commanding  view  of  the  surrounding  country.  There  is  in  the 
nature  of  the  land  a  natural  protection  from  enemies.  In  addition 
to  this  the  Benguela  Highlands  are  an  admirable  base  from  which 
expeditions  both  predatory  and  commercial  might,  and  actually  did 
set  out  eastward  to  the  interior  of  Africa,  and  southwest  to  the 
cattle-keeping  country. 

It  is  important  to  note  that  this  central  plateau  is  the  watershed 
for  four  large  river  systems;  the  Kwanza  to  the  northwest;  the  Cunene 
to  the  southwest;  the  tributaries  of  the  Kasai  to  the  northeast;  and 
the  Zambezi  and  its  affluents  to  the  southeast.  Fishing,  with  attend- 
ant beliefs  of  a  ritualistic  kind,  is  of  local  importance;  so  also  is  the 
making  of  canoes.  Moreover,  the  river  valleys  have  marked  out  a 
natural  means  of  communication  in  several  directions. 

In  connection  with  the  river  system  the  biological  factor  of  the 
tsetse  fly  is  important,  because  the  presence  of  the  fly  locally  dis- 
courages human  habitation  and  prevents  the  keeping  of  cattle.  The 
exact  distribution  of  the  fly  is  imperfectly  known,  but  Glossinia 
palpalis,  the  cause  of  sleeping  sickness  in  human  beings,  also  Glos- 
sinia morsitans,  which  carries  disease  to  cattle,  are  both  present  along 
the  Kwanza  and  parts  of  the  other  rivers  (J.  C.  B.  Statham,  Through 
Angola,  p.  294). 

The  western  coastal  strip  is  a  region  of  great  aridity  which  has  in 
some  years  no  rainfall  whatever,  because  the  northeasterly  rains  have 
expended  themselves  on  the  high  plateau.  This  region  displays 
vegetation  of  the  semi-desert  type;  namely,  baobab  trees,  prickly 
acacias,  euphorbias,  and  aloes.  Population  in  this  area  is  sparse, 
always  nomadic,  and  in  some  places  non-existent.    The  coastal  strip 


110  The  Ovimbundu 

was  at  times  traversed  by  the  Ovimbundu  who  know  of  the  sea  and 
call  it  kalunga.  Bihean  caravans  crossed  to  the  coast  with  slaves, 
as  history  shows,  but  the  nature  of  the  coastal  strip  marks  it  as  a 
western  barrier  limiting  the  expansion  of  the  Ovimbundu  in  that 
direction.  The  coast  line  itself  is  of  the  greatest  moment  in  the 
consideration  of  historical  factors.  From  Loanda,  Benguela,  and 
Mossamedes  on  the  coast,  the  Portuguese  penetrated  the  interior,  so 
making  contacts  with  the  Ovimbundu  to  the  encouragement  of 
caravan  trade.  The  importance  of  this  European  contact  will  be 
seen  in  subsequent  chapters. 

The  south  and  southwest  parts  of  Angola  are  of  particular  impor- 
tance in  studying  the  contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu,  but  to  give  here  the 
details  of  the  wealthy  cattle-keeping  culture  of  these  regions,  which 
were  accessible  through  peaceful  proximity,  trade,  and  occasional 
raiding,  would  be  an  anticipation  of  chapter  X,  "Culture  Contacts." 
One  topographical  point  is  of  primary  importance;  namely,  the  ease 
with  which  the  Ovimbundu  could  descend  from  their  strongholds  to 
the  low-lying  land  of  the  west  and  south,  whereas  the  reverse  journey 
is  much  more  difficult  for  a  people  unaccustomed  to  manoeuvring 
and  finding  their  way  among  hills. 

Having  described  the  northern,  central,  western,  and  southern 
areas,  there  remains  only  the  eastern  section  to  consider;  this  presents 
several  features  of  peculiar  geographical  and  ethnological  interest. 
The  eastern  section  of  Angola  is  either  slightly  undulating  or  flat, 
the  general  characteristic  is  dryness,  and  vegetation  is  somewhat 
sparse  though  sufficient  to  shelter  many  kinds  of  antelope. 

The  major  population  is  the  Vachokue,  a  warlike,  hunting  people, 
who  follow  agricultural  pursuits  but  slightly,  and  do  not  keep  cattle. 
Examination  of  the  literature  describing  early  exploration  indicates 
the  truculent  nature  of  these  eastern  people  with  whom  caravans  of 
Ovimbundu  were  in  frequent  conflict.  Umbundu  caravans  crossed 
this  country  when  making  their  way  to  Rhodesia,  culture  contacts 
with  which  are  discussed  in  chapter  X. 

The  results  of  contact  of  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue  tribes,  so  far 
as  physical  miscegenation  is  concerned,  are  mentioned  in  chapter  IV, 
"Physical  Appearance";  while  the  social  effects  of  slavery  resulting 
from  hostilities  are  described  in  chapter  VI,  "Social  Life." 

Rhodesia  is  a  cattle-raising  country,  but  the  hostility  of  the 
Vachokue,  the  great  distance  from  central  Angola  to  Rhodesia,  and 
the  general  dryness  of  the  country  to  be  crossed,  discourage  the  idea 
that  the  Ovimbundu  obtained  their  cattle  from  Rhodesia.    If  it  is 


Geographical  Factors  111 

argued  that  the  cattle  might  have  been  brought  along  the  course  of 
the  Zambezi  and  Kwando  there  is  the  objection  that  there  are  here 
several  tsetse  fly  belts.  On  the  contrary,  cattle-producing  country 
in  the  southwest  and  south  of  Angola  is  far  more  accessible  than  the 
Rhodesian  plateau. 

In  the  south  there  is  the  cultural  habit  of  digging  wells,  especially 
among  the  Vakuanyama;  but  the  Vachokue  have  not  developed  this 
trait.  The  substrata  underlying  the  sand  of  southern  Angola  hold 
water  which  serves  through  the  dry  season,  a  fact  which  is  advanta- 
geously employed  by  the  cattle-keepers.  The  Vachokue  lack  this 
well-digging  habit,  and,  even  if  subsurface  water  were  present,  the 
transient  Ovimbundu  would  have  lacked  opportunity  to  dig  for  it 
when  passing  through  hostile  country. 

The  acquisition  of  cattle  by  the  Ovimbundu  is  of  great  impor- 
tance, because  it  is  concerned  with  the  grafting  of  a  series  of  pastoral 
traits  on  a  culture  in  no  way  originally  associated  with  pastoral 
pursuits.  The  truth  of  this  will  later  be  made  clear  by  examination 
of  historical  and  ethnological  evidence. 

Geographical  considerations  give  a  picture  of  the  Ovimbundu 
situated  in  naturally  fortified  country  from  which  they  had  access  to 
four  surrounding  areas,  whose  cultural  characters  agree  well  with  the 
determinism  of  topography  and  climate.  The  natural  advantages  of 
the  central  highlands,  and  the  results  of  contact  with  each  of  the 
adjacent  areas,  are  points  which  will  be  developed  in  appropriate 
sections  throughout  the  ensuing  chapters. 


III.    HISTORICAL  SOURCES 

The  object  of  this  chapter  is  the  presentation  of  a  summary  of 
literature  relating  to  Angola  from  a.d.  1500  down  to  the  present 
day.  In  this  literature  there  may  be  accounts  of  the  movements  of 
tribes  which  will  throw  some  light  on  the  origin  of  the  Ovimbundu, 
and  the  date  of  their  migration  into  the  Benguela  Highlands.  Present- 
day  tradition  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  unanimous  in  declaring  that  the 
tribe  came  from  the  northeast  of  its  present  locality,  but  some 
historical  justification  of  this  belief  is  desirable.  The  word  Ovim- 
bundu ("people  of  the  fog")  may  refer  to  the  heavy  morning  mists 
of  highland  regions,  and  there  is  the  possibility  that  the  Ovimbundu 
adopted  this  name  when  they  settled  on  the  high  plateau. 

If  there  is  historical  evidence  in  favor  of  the  traditional  home  of 
the  Ovimbundu  being  the  region  of  the  north  and  northeast  of  Angola, 
what  was  the  ethnological  background  of  these  areas  at  the  time  when 
the  Ovimbundu  became  detached  from  a  matrix  of  northern  Angolan 
tribes?  In  other  words,  what  cultural  factors  are  the  Ovimbundu 
likely  to  have  brought  with  them  into  the  Benguela  Highlands?  The 
ultimate  origin  of  these  factors  is  a  point  which  has  not  been  neg- 
lected (chapter  XI,  "Wider  Culture  Contacts"),  but  for  the  moment 
the  primary  concern  is  the  historical  background  of  the  Ovimbundu, 
with  special  reference  to  tribal  movements  and  cultural  traits. 

As  part  of  this  historical  inquiry,  contacts  of  the  Portuguese  and 
the  Ovimbundu  are  of  importance.  When  and  where  did  the  Portu- 
guese come  into  contact  with  the  Ovimbundu  and  with  what  results 
to  the  indigenous  culture? 

Chapters  IV-IX  deal  exclusively  with  my  field  work  among  the 
Ovimbundu  in  1929.  Therefore  it  is  pertinent  to  ask  to  what  extent 
the  ethnological  observations  of  travelers  and  early  explorers  will 
corroborate  the  information  recorded  in  my  own  notes.  Will  there 
be  contradiction  or  confirmation  of  personal  observations?  Possibly 
the  ethnological  notes  obtained  from  historical  sources  will  serve,  not 
merely  to  corroborate  my  field  work,  but  actually  to  extend  the  area 
of  occurrence  of  important  cultural  traits  which  I  noted  in  1929. 

The  literature  describing  Angolan  history  and  customs  is  here 
presented  in  the  form  of  a  chronological  bibliography,  which  is 
annotated  so  as  to  emphasize  points  bearing  on  the  purpose  of  this 
historical  analysis.  That  there  should  be  a  fragmentary  presentation 
of  data  is  an  inevitable  consequence  of  the  nature  of  the  literature 

112 


Historical  Sources  113 

itself.  Observations  have  been  made,  not  in  a  well-ordered  time 
sequence,  but  at  irregular  intervals.  Moreover,  the  writings  of  the 
majority  of  observers  have  not  been  undertaken  with  any  specific 
ethnological  purpose  in  view.  Early  explorers  in  particular  were 
prone  to  intersperse  historical  and  ethnological  notes  among  a  mass 
of  descriptive  material  relating  to  incidents  of  travel,  animal  life, 
and  meteorological  observations. 

At  the  conclusion  of  this  chapter  an  effort  is  made  to  remedy  the 
disjointed  nature  of  the  historical  evidence.  This  object  is  achieved 
by  summarizing  the  points  which  provide  an  answer  to  the  queries 
brought  forward  in  the  opening  paragraphs  of  this  chapter  respecting 
the  origin  and  cultural  background  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  Portuguese  entered  the  Congo  in  1482  under  the  leadership 
of  Diego  Cao  (E.  G.  Ravenstein,  The  Voyages  of  Diego  Cao,  Geog. 
Journ.,  1900,  pp.  625-649)  and  from  that  time  onward  Portuguese 
influence  of  a  political  and  religious  kind  was  exerted  along  the 
course  of  the  Congo.  Gradually  the  Portuguese  established  them- 
selves on  the  coast  of  Angola.  Paolo  Diaz  founded  Loanda  in  1576, 
and  about  eleven  years  later  built  the  fort  of  Benguela. 

The  year  1590  saw  the  Portuguese  making  war  in  the  interior  of 
Angola  against  the  Jaggas,  a  northern  tribe  among  whom  Andrew 
Battell  was  held  in  honorable  captivity  as  a  leader  against  the  Portu- 
guese and  all  natives  of  northern  Angola,  who  were  exploited  by  the 
Jaggas.  In  1645  another  Portuguese  punitive  expedition  penetrated 
the  interior  as  far  as  Bailundu,  the  center  from  which  the  strongest 
caravans  of  Umbundu  traders  and  slavers  set  out  for  central  Africa. 

Caconda  in  the  southwest  of  Angola  was  founded  in  1682,  and  a 
century  later  the  coastal  town  of  Mossamedes  became  a  starting  point 
from  which  early  exploration  penetrated  the  interior  in  search  of  the 
sources  of  the  Cunene  River.  (For  the  details  of  Portuguese  pene- 
tration of  Angola  see  Bibliography:  T.  E.  Bowditch;  R.  F.  Burton; 
E.  G.  Ravenstein;  T.  Lewis.) 

When  the  Portuguese  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century  they  came  into  contact  with  the  kingdom 
of  Congo,  ruled  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony  at  Ambassa,  about 
150  miles  inland,  and  identical  with  the  San  Salvador  of  the  Portu- 
guese. The  old  kingdom  of  Congo  was  made  up  of  six  strong  clans 
of  whose  rivalry  the  Portuguese  took  advantage  to  strengthen  their 
own  commercial  and  political  position.  The  slave  trade  was  con- 
sidered to  be  as  respectable  as  it  was  lucrative,  and  there  is  no  doubt 


114  The  Ovimbundu 

that  the  Church  participated  actively  (T.  Lewis,  The  Old 
Kingdom  of  Kongo,  Geog.  Journ.,  1908,  pp.  598-600). 

Political  influence  of  the  Portuguese,  working  often  through  the 
agency  of  Jesuit  priests,  led  to  factions  within  the  Congo  Empire, 
and  the  resulting  disturbances  caused  movements  of  peoples  that 
affected  the  whole  of  northern  Angola  and  the  population  of  the 
Benguela  Highlands. 

Portuguese  penetration  of  the  hinterland  of  Angola,  especially 
from  Loanda  to  Bih£,  was  concerned  with  attempts  to  subjugate 
native  tribes,  the  establishment  of  trading  posts,  and  the  encourage- 
ment of  the  slave  trade  (S.  Marquardsen,  Angola,  1928,  pp.  6-10). 

The  value  of  the  Portuguese  as  allies  of  Umbundu  caravans  from 
Bine"  lay  in  their  ability  to  supply  guns  and  powder  to  their  native 
henchmen,  who  gave  something  more  than  military  service  in  return. 
In  response  to  Portuguese  demand  for  slaves  and  ivory,  Umbundu 
caravans  made  long  journeys  into  the  Congo  basin,  Rhodesia,  south 
and  southwest  Angola,  and  possibly  across  Africa  to  lakes  Tanganyika 
and  Nyasa.  The  arms  supplied  in  exchange  for  ivory  and  slaves  must 
have  helped  the  Ovimbundu  in  all  their  predatory  excursions. 

Thus  the  Ovimbundu  were,  in  the  early  centuries  of  contact  with 
the  Portuguese,  invaders  encouraged  in  the  building  up  of  their 
tribal  life  and  resources.  Never  were  the  Portuguese  strong  enough 
completely  to  subjugate  northern  Angola.  Relationships  with 
natives,  especially  the  Bihean  section  of  the  Ovimbundu,  were 
directed  toward  alliances  on  a  commercial  basis.  The  political  result 
of  this  was  a  combination  of  the  Portuguese  and  the  stronger  tribes 
for  the  exploitation  of  the  weaker. 

The  historical  ethnology  of  the  southwest  Congo  is  so  complex 
that  the  elements  are  difficult  to  disentangle.  The  number  of  tribes 
concerned  is  great,  and  their  movements  are  not  easy  to  follow;  but 
a  gradual  extension  of  people  from  the  Congo  in  a  southwesterly 
direction  through  Lunda  to  the  Benguela  Highlands  (1600-1800) 
seems  to  be  the  summation  of  all  the  conflict.  I  regard  the  Ovim- 
bundu as  the  most  southerly  branch  of  these  mass  movements,  during 
which  they  received  a  discipline  that  enabled  them  to  make  their 
home  in  central  Angola,  despite  opposition  from  the  Portuguese 
and  earlier  arrivals. 

For  these  conclusions  reliance  has  been  placed  on  the  extensive 
field  work  and  historical  analyses  of  E.Torday  and  T.  A.  Joyce,  whose 
"Notes  on  the  Ethnography  of  the  Bambala"  (J.R.A.I.,  XXXV,  pp. 
398-426)  have  proved  of  particular  value  in  this  connection. 


Historical  Sources  115 

The  kernel  of  the  migratory  problem  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  reached 
when  Torday  traces  out  the  history  of  the  Kimbundu,  for  the  Kim- 
bundu  are  present-day  neighbors  of  the  Ovimbundu,  to  whom  they 
are  closely  allied  in  language  and  culture  (ovi  is  a  Bantu  plural  prefix, 
which  was  perhaps  used  to  express  the  inclusion  of  Kimbundu  and 
Babunda  under  the  general  name  Ovimbundu). 

Torday's  sifting  of  the  historical  evidence  results  in  the  conclusion 
that  the  Kimbundu  came  from  the  northeast,  fighting  their  way  to 
the  Luando.  These  Kimbundu  divided,  with  civil  war  as  a  conse- 
quence. One  section  crossed  the  river  Kwanza,  south  of  which  they 
specialized  in  agriculture  after  becoming  sedentary.  Their  sub-chief 
they  called  the  Kalunga,  which  is  the  present-day  word  used  by  the 
Ovimbundu  in  greeting  their  chiefs.  Traditions  of  the  Ovimbundu 
point  to  the  northeast  as  a  center  from  which  they  spread  at  least 
ten  generations  ago.  The  rise  of  the  powerful  kingdom  of  Lunda 
dates  from  the  seventeenth  century,  and  although  the  details  of  this 
concentration  of  power  in  northeast  Angola  are  unknown  the  general 
effects  are  understood.  There  was  a  great  displacement  of  tribes  in  a 
southerly  and  southwesterly  direction.  In  connection  with  the 
suggestion  that  the  Ovimbundu  came  from  the  northeast  of  Angola, 
there  is  the  necessity  for  recording  the  absence  of  even  a  fragment 
of  historical  evidence  or  tribal  tradition  indicating  that  the  Ovim- 
bundu came  from  the  south  or  the  east  of  Angola. 

Cultural  affinities  of  the  Ovimbundu  with  tribes  of  the  southwest 
Congo  in  particular,  and  with  western  Bantu  culture  in  general, 
strongly  support  the  foregoing  deductions  from  historical  sources 
(chapter  X). 

There  is  a  probability  that  tribal  disturbances  resulting  from  the 
rise  of  the  Lunda  Empire  led  to  a  spread  of  the  Vachokue  over  eastern 
Angola.  Some  of  the  effects  of  this  contact  have  already  been 
mentioned  in  chapter  II,  where  contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  the 
Vachokue  were  discussed.  The  journey  brought  me  into  contact  with 
the  Vachokue  at  Cangamba,  Katoko,  and  Ngalangi,  of  which 
Cangamba  is  the  most  easterly. 

Witnessing  of  initiation  ceremonies  combined  with  observation  of 
physique,  language,  and  artifacts,  leads  me  to  agree  with  Torday  that 
Cangamba  is  probably  the  ancient  center  of  Vachokue  culture.  As 
one  proceeds  from  Cangamba  westward  this  type  of  culture  becomes 
thinner  as  the  borders  of  the  country  occupied  by  the  Ovimbundu 
are  approached.  On  the  border  line  between  the  cultures  of  the 
Vachokue  and  the  Ovimbundu,  notably  at  Ngongo  near  Ngalangi, 


116  The  Ovimbundu 

there  is  tribal  and  cultural  miscegenation.  Both  Umbundu  and 
Vachokue  languages  are  spoken;  boys  of  Ngalangi  were  seen  to  wear 
initiation  costumes  similar  to  those  worn  at  Cangamba  by  the 
Vachokue,  but  on  proceeding  farther  westward  into  territory 
exclusively  occupied  by  the  Ovimbundu,  such  initiation  ceremonies 
are  either  absent  or  attenuated  in  ritual. 

Elende,  one  center  of  research  among  the  Ovimbundu,  repre- 
sents the  purest  Umbundu  speech  and  culture  observable  at  the 
present  day.  But  in  chapter  IV  some  physical  resemblance  of  the 
Ovimbundu  to  the  Vachokue  is  noted.  Warfare  commonly  resulted 
in  the  taking  of  slaves,  a  fact  which  might  account  for  an  apparent 
infusion  of  Vachokue  blood  in  some  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  historical  data  suggest  a  northern  or  northeastern  starting 
point  of  Umbundu  migrations.  Therefore  an  inquiry  into  the 
ethnology  of  these  areas  will  be  useful  in  showing  the  kind  of  culture 
with  which  the  Ovimbundu  were  in  contact  before  their  settlement 
in  the  Benguela  Highlands.  If  historical  sources  disclose  the  nature 
of  northern  Angolan  culture  from  the  year  a.d.  1500  onward,  such 
evidence  can  then  be  considered  in  relation  to  cultural  traits  of  the 
Ovimbundu  at  the  present  day. 

The  establishment  of  strong  cultural  resemblances  between  extant 
Umbundu  culture  and  older  cultural  patterns  of  northern  Angola, 
would  tend  to  strengthen  the  evidence  of  history  respecting  the 
northern  origin  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  regions  dealt  with  in  the  following  summary  of  ethnological 
facts  are  the  Cabinda  Enclave  to  the  north  of  the  Congo  estuary, 
the  region  of  San  Salvador,  the  hinterlands  of  Loanda  and  Benguela, 
and  the  area  of  northern  Angola  between  Lat.  7°  and  9°  S.  and 
Long.  13°  to  22°  E.  This  covers  the  whole  area  with  which  the 
Ovimbundu  are  likely  to  have  been  in  contact  before  entering  their 
present  home. 

My  survey  begins  with  the  observations  of  Andrew  Battell  in 
1596.  His  account  deals  mainly  with  the  northwestern  part  of 
Angola,  a  country  bordering  on  and  actually  including  territory  now 
occupied  by  the  Ovimbundu,  who  in  all  probability  came  in  contact 
with  the  Jaggas,  whose  habits  of  life  are  described  by  Battell. 

Tordayand  Joyceidentify  the  Jaggas  with  the  present-day  Bayaka, 
whose  cultural  resemblances  to  the  Ovimbundu  are  examined  later. 
In  my  opinion,  the  Jaggas  correspond  well  with  the  Bihean  section 
of  the  Ovimbundu,  an  itinerant  and  exceedingly  warlike  people. 


Historical  Sources  117 

As  early  as  1600  there  were  cattle  as  far  north  as  Benguela,  and 
the  Jaggas  regarded  these  as  a  most  valuable  part  of  their  plunder. 
Palms  are  a  characteristic  part  of  the  vegetation  of  Angola  north  of 
the  Benguela  Highlands.  Evidently  the  Jaggas  moved  extensively 
in  northern  Angola  because  they  cut  down  palms  for  making  wine 
(Battell,  p.  30).  The  usual  method  is  to  tap  the  top  of  a  standing 
tree,  but  the  Jaggas  were  an  itinerant  people  who  did  not  culti- 
vate palms. 

Sprinkling  the  blood  of  sacrificed  animals  on  a  newly  kindled  fire 
I  have  mentioned  in  connection  with  Umbundu  rites  celebrating  the 
founding  of  a  new  village.  The  Jaggas  carried  out  this  ceremony 
before  a  raiding  expedition,  when  cows  and  other  animals  were 
sacrificed  (Battell,  p.  33).  Battell  mentions  the  use  of  red  tukula 
wood  for  personal  decoration.  This  wood  (Pterocarpus  tinctorius) 
is  used  in  many  parts  of  Angola  at  the  present  time. 

Reference  to  Battell  confirms  the  information  given  to  me  in 
relation  to  an  old  iron  gong  obtained  at  Ngalangi.  He  says  (p.  20), 
"The  general  did  strike  his  gong,  which  is  an  instrument  of  war  that 
soundeth  like  a  bell,  and  presently  made  an  oration  with  a  loud 
voice." 

Battell  reported  that  the  Jaggas  wore  beads  of  ostrich  eggshell. 
Ravenstein,  the  editor  of  this  volume  in  the  Hakluyt  Series,  seems 
to  doubt  this  statement,  saying,  "There  are  no  ostriches  in  Angola, 
and  as  to  beads  made  of  ostrich  eggs  I  can  give  no  explanation." 
I  noted  the  presence  of  captive  ostriches  in  southern  Angola  as  far 
north  as  Gambos.  The  Vakuanyama  women  greatly  value  their  long 
necklaces  of  ostrich-eggshell  beads.  Necklaces  made  in  the  north  of 
Angola  are  traded  to  the  south  and  conversely,  each  kind  of  necklace 
having  a  high  value  due  to  remoteness  of  origin.  This  instance,  like 
many  other  points,  confirms  the  reliability  of  Battell's  observations 
in  Angola. 

Father  Jerome  Merolla  (1682)  describes  the  poison  ordeal  which 
was  used  from  the  Congo  estuary  to  San  Salvador  (Churchills' 
Voyages,  II,  p.  675).  "The  aforesaid  oath  is  administered  to  the 
supposed  traitor  by  a  sort  of  wizard,  who,  making  a  certain  composi- 
tion out  of  the  juices  of  herbs,  serpent's  flesh,  pulp  of  fruits,  and 
divers  other  things,  gives  it  to  the  supposed  delinquent  to  drink.  If 
guilty  (as  they  tell  you)  he  will  immediately  fall  down  in  a  swoon 
or  trembling  to  the  ground."  The  marimba  was  used,  and  a  double 
iron  gong  was  carried  before  a  chief  and  struck  by  an  attendant. 


118  The  Ovimbundu 

0.  Dapper  (Description  de  l'Afrique,  1732,  p.  369)  shows  a  scene 
in  which  an  ax,  such  as  I  obtained  from  the  Vasele  country,  is  being 
used  for  beheading  a  slave. 

Cavazzi  (Istorica  descrizione,  etc.,  Bologna,  1687)  describes  the 
three  kingdoms  of  Congo,  Matamba,  and  northern  Angola.  The 
poison  ordeal,  the  scapegoat,  the  blacksmith's  bellows  (pp.  101, 170) 
are  all  traits  known  to  the  Ovimbundu.  The  musical  instrument 
made  from  a  large  gourd,  which  has  a  ridged  board  attached  for 
rubbing  with  a  stick,  is  the  type  I  collected.  Cavazzi  pictures  the 
double  iron  gong  and  the  long  drum  held  between  the  knees.  He 
also  shows  a  rain-maker  (p.  214)  and  the  sacrifice  of  two  hundred 
victims  at  the  accession  of  a  king  (p.  210). 

Consideration  of  the  history  of  maize  in  Africa  is  of  importance 
in  connection  with  these  early  writings,  as  this  grain  is  the  staple 
agricultural  product  of  the  Ovimbundu.  I  am  indebted  to  Dr. 
Berthold  Laufer  for  access  to  his  unpublished  research  on  this  subject. 
From  the  following  facts  one  may  assume  that,  in  all  probability, 
the  maize  culture  of  the  Ovimbundu  was  derived  from  the  Congo 
region  before  their  migration  into  the  Benguela  Highlands. 

Father  Jerome  Merolla  remarks  that  maize  was  growing  in  the 
neighborhood  of  San  Salvador  (1683-92).  The  native  names  were 
mampunni  and  massambuta;  from  this  corn  an  alcoholic  beverage  was 
prepared.  According  to  Cavazzi  (Ehrmann,  Geschichte  der  merk- 
wiirdigsten  Reisen,  XIII,  1794)  maize  was  not  intensively  cultivated 
by  the  Negroes  of  lower  Guinea,  though  it  thrives  well  and  may  be 
harvested  twice  or  thrice  a  year.  The  natives  said  that  the  grain 
was  brought  by  the  Portuguese,  but  they  did  not  esteem  it  highly, 
and  were  accustomed  to  use  it  as  food  for  pigs. 

Bosman  (p.  312)  records  that  prior  to  the  arrival  of  the  Portu- 
guese, Negroes  were  entirely  ignorant  of  milho  ("maize").  The 
account  of  Duarte  Lopez  preserved  by  Filippo  Pigafetta  states  that 
the  Negroes  consider  maize  the  vilest  of  all  grains,  so  that  it  is 
given  to  swine.  This  contempt  and  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  food 
value,  combined  with  ignorance  of  methods  of  preparation,  suggest 
a  recent  introduction  (Pigafetta,  translation  by  M.  Hutchinson, 
1881,  p.  40).  Dapper  (Description  de  l'Afrique,  1732,  p.  345)  also 
mentions  the  cultivation  of  maize.  Battell  lived  as  prisoner  in 
northern  Angola  about  the  year  1600,  consequently  his  records  of 
the  use  of  the  great  Guinea  wheat  (maize),  which  the  natives  call 
mas-importo,  give  early  evidence  for  the  use  of  this  grain  (Hakluyt 
Soc,  1901,  pp.  9,  11,  67). 


Historical  Sources  119 

The  foregoing  facts,  when  compared  with  field  work  among  the 
Ovimbundu,  indicate  that  the  old  culture  of  the  Congo  and  northern 
Angola  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  Umbundu  culture  at  the 
present  day.  A  more  detailed  analysis  of  this  resemblance  is  made 
in  chapter  X. 

The  following  notes  dealing  with  exploration  in  Angola  (1800- 
1930)  are  adduced  for  critical  comparison  with  my  own  observations 
among  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  work  of  Sir  R.  F.  Burton  describing  the  exploration  of  Lacerda 
and  other  Portuguese  pioneers,  is  more  useful  for  geographical  than 
for  ethnological  information.  Lacerda's  journey  to  Czambe,  south 
of  Lake  Moero,  was  performed  in  1798.  A  mention  of  veneration 
for  the  dead  and  consultation  of  the  deceased  on  all  occasions  of 
war  or  of  good  fortune,  is  made  (p.  127).  These  are  important  points 
in  the  present  tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

Bowditch  (1824)  writes  from  information  given  to  him  by  Almeida 
and  Saldanha.  There  are  valuable  references  to  the  Vacilenge,  a 
people  adjacent  to  the  Ovimbundu,  who  refused  to  kill  their  cattle, 
"rather  than  do  which  they  will  endure  famine  to  extremity."  This 
note  was  made  about  Long.  15°  E.  and  Lat.  15°  S.  (p.  34).  The 
cattle  were  milked,  and  cattle-raiding  by  the  Ovimbundu  was 
common  at  this  time.  Many  present-day  Ovimbundu  do  not  milk 
their  cattle,  but  the  Vacilenge  still  follow  their  milking  custom 
observed  before  1824. 

Livingstone's  journey  through  northeast  and  northern  Angola  in 
1853  contains  references  to  the  Vachokue  who  seemed  bent  on  plun- 
der (I,  p.  370).  Livingstone  noted  cotton  spinning,  which  I  recorded 
as  an  occupation  of  males  of  the  Ovimbundu  at  Elende.  Livingstone, 
like  other  early  travelers,  encountered  caravans  of  Biheans  (Ovim- 
bundu) bearing  elephants'  tusks  and  beeswax,  commodities,  which, 
along  with  slaves,  formed  the  chief  merchandise  of  these  caravans 
from  the  Benguela  Highlands  (p.  466).  Livingstone  notes  and 
sketches  (Plate  XIII,  Fig.  10)  the  double-handled  hoe  (p.  442)  which 
is  still  used. 

J.  J.  Monteiro  (I,  p.  61)  saw  the  poison  ordeal  administered.  The 
poison  itself  was  prepared  from  the  thick  hard  bark  of  a  large  tree 
(Erythrophlaeum  guineense).  The  place  of  observation  was  Mongue 
Grande,  just  south  of  the  Congo  estuary,  and  again  Monteiro  was 
present  when  the  poison  cup  was  given  to  two  women  at  Ambrizette. 
Of  this  ordeal  there  is  more  to  be  said  when  discussing  the  culture 
contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu,  because  the  ordeal  is  a  basic  factor  of 


120  The  Ovimbundu 

wide  distribution  in  Africa  (C.  Wiedemann,  1909)  and  the  ceremony- 
still  survives  among  the  Ovimbundu  in  modified  form. 

Though  an  informative  writer,  Monteiro  is  sometimes  vague;  he 
says  (I,  p.  278)  that  circumcision  is  a  universal  custom  among  the 
blacks  of  Angola.  In  view  of  the  extent  of  Angola,  the  diversity  of 
tribes,  and  the  fact  that  Monteiro  traveled  over  only  a  small  part  of 
the  country,  this  information  is  misleading. 

Monteiro  is  the  only  writer  in  whose  works  I  have  found  a 
reference  to  the  Vasele  tribe;  probably  no  part  of  Angola  has  been 
so  neglected  as  the  Esele  country  in  the  hinterland  of  Novo  Redondo. 
At  the  present  day  the  Vasele  have  a  reputation  for  cannibalism. 
Monteiro  saw  human  flesh  eaten  at  Cuacra,  while  the  skulls  of  the 
victims  were  placed  on  adjacent  trees.  Monteiro  states  (II,  p.  167) 
that  on  the  death  of  a  king  the  Mucelis  (Vasele)  put  out  all  the  fires 
in  the  kingdom;  these  were  relighted  by  the  succeeding  king  who 
used  fire  produced  by  rubbing  two  sticks  together.  The  flat  beads 
of  shell  called  dongos,  made  from  Achatina  monetaria  (II,  p.  168), 
are  made  today  and  traded  to  the  far  south  of  Angola,  where  their 
novelty  assures  them  a  value  far  beyond  their  intrinsic  worth.  I  was 
fortunate  in  obtaining  an  example  of  the  old  beheading  ax  mentioned 
by  Monteiro  (II,  p.  157)  and  sketched  by  Cavazzi  (p.  210).  Par- 
boiled and  roasted  rats  were  offered  to  me  as  food;  Monteiro  mentions 
the  offering  of  a  roasted  rat  on  a  skewer  (I,  p.  99). 

The  account  of  Commander  V.  L.  Cameron,  who  left  Zanzibar 
for  his  journey  across  Africa  in  1873,  mentions  several  points  of 
anthropological  importance  in  relation  to  the  Angolan  section  of  his 
journey.  Cameron  saw  a  net-covered  medicine-man  of  the  Kibokue 
(Vachokue)  wearing  a  mask  and  a  kilt  of  grass  (p.  384).  The  function 
of  this  man  was  to  frighten  devils  from  the  woods.  The  contest  in 
which  boys  discharge  their  arrows  at  a  rolling  root  was  seen  by 
Cameron  near  Kagnombe  (Cangamba?).  Skulls  of  victims  killed  in 
war  were  spiked  on  poles  (p.  399).  The  diviner  was  followed  by 
attendants  who  struck  iron  gongs,  while  the  diviner  himself  shook  a 
rattle  made  of  basket-work  in  the  form  of  a  dumb-bell  (p.  404). 
Cameron  gives  an  accurate  description  of  the  divination  basket  and 
its  use  without  going  into  details.  These  I  have  been  able  to  supply 
(chapter  IX).  The  explorer  met  caravans  of  Biheans,  renowned 
carriers  then  as  they  are  today.  They  were  usually  drunk  and 
abusive;  in  some  instances  they  attempted  to  rob  the  stragglers. 
The  use  of  caterpillars  as  food  is  noted  (p.  416) :  "A  man  cut  open 


Historical  Sources  121 

a  large  cocoon,  extracted  the  contents,  and  smacked  his  lips  with 
great  gusto."    My  field  notes  mention  the  use  of  caterpillars  as  food. 

Capello  and  Ivens  (1877-80)  remark  on  the  burial  places  of 
hunters  which  are  distinguishable  by  the  skulls  of  antelopes,  buffalo, 
and  hippopotamuses,  stuck  on  upright  poles,  mixed  with  skulls  of 
oxen  killed  in  honor  of  the  defunct.  The  writers  noted  that  a  heap  of 
stones  protected  the  body.  I  photographed  two  types  of  cairn  in  the 
regions  of  Ganda  and  Luimbale  respectively.  Capello  and  Ivens  are 
not  precise  in  their  locality,  but  I  judge  it  to  have  been  Long.  17°  E. 
and  Lat.  13°  S.,  a  considerable  distance  from  my  own  observations 
(Plates  XXXII,  Fig.  1;  LXXIV,  Fig.  1). 

I  photographed  the  stilt-walkers  at  the  final  stages  of  the  initiation 
ceremonies  at  Cangamba.  These  men  had  no  costumes;  on  the 
contrary  they  were  almost  naked  but  were  covered  with  white  clay. 
Capello  and  Ivens  (p.  295),  saw  a  stilt-walker  with  a  feathered  mask 
and  a  netting  costume.  Such  attire  I  saw  on  an  Uluchazi  medicine- 
man, but  not  on  the  stilt-walkers  (Plate  LXXXI,  Figs.  1,  2). 

I  was  unable  to  obtain  information  about  the  stilt-walkers,  but 
Capello  states  that  they  castigated  misdemeanants,  punished  shame- 
less women,  and  accused  criminals.  Capello  and  Ivens  were  187 
miles  to  the  northwest  of  my  area  of  observation.  The  Uluchazi 
medicine-man,  who  appeared  with  the  stilt-walkers  during  my  visits, 
was  said  to  make  bad  magic  for  women.  The  men  ignored  him  but 
women  gathered  round  in  a  derisive  way;  they  quickly  scattered 
when  he  pursued  them. 

Serpa  Pinto,  who  made  his  journey  across  Angola  in  1878,  has 
so  many  references  to  customs  and  objects  still  extant,  that  I  propose 
to  tabulate  his  observations  because  of  their  value  in  showing  the 
preservation  of  indigenous  traits  in  spite  of  Portuguese  contacts. 

The  body  of  a  chief  is  buried  with  a  covering  of  oxhide.  Many 
oxen  are  sacrificed  at  the  death  of  a  king.  The  heir  to  the  deceased 
is  bound  to  sacrifice  his  whole  herd  in  order  to  regale  his  people  and 
give  peace  to  the  departed  (S.  Pinto,  I,  p.  63).  The  Ovimbundu 
conform  at  the  present  time  to  similar  methods  of  burial  and  sacrifice. 

Near  Huambo,  Serpa  Pinto  saw  in  every  village  a  kind  of  "temple 
for  conversation."  This  is  the  onjango,  that  I  have  described  and 
photographed  (Plate  XLVIII,  Fig.  1).  It  is  the  house  in  which  all 
males  foregather  for  the  evening  meal,  which  is  brought  by  their 
women  (I,  p.  96). 

The  gathering  and  eating  of  caterpillars  is  described.  This  con- 
tinues today  (I,  p.  120). 


122  The  Ovimbundu 

Serpa  Pinto  saw  shafts  for  the  working  of  iron  ore  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Cubango.  The  ore  was  mixed  with  charcoal  and  smelted  in 
shallow  pits.  It  is  stated  that  the  iron  was  sometimes  tempered 
with  ox-grease  and  salt.  The  bellows  are  of  the  type  made  at  Elende 
(I,  p.  128).    Of  the  tempering  process  I  have  no  confirmation. 

Somewhere  near  Bih£  Serpa  Pinto  saw  the  ceremony  of  question- 
ing a  corpse  which  was  made  to  sway  to  and  fro,  the  people  believing 
all  the  while  that  it  does  so  without  human  intervention.  The 
diviner  declared  that  the  soul  of  a  dead  person  will  tell  who  caused 
the  death  (I,  p.  130).  I  observed  and  photographed  this  ceremony 
(Plate  XLV,  Fig.  1). 

The  ordeal  of  the  poison  cup  is  described;  blood-letting,  and 
divination  by  shaking  articles  in  a  basket  are  also  mentioned.  Pinto 
says  that  in  the  articles  that  appear  uppermost  the  diviner  reads  what 
his  hearers  are  desirous  of  learning  of  the  past,  present,  or  future. 
Sorcery  and  rain-making  are  likewise  briefly  mentioned  (I,  p.  132). 
The  divination  basket,  the  poison  ordeal,  and  rain-making,  are 
Umbundu  cultural  traits  today. 

Here  Pinto  illustrates  the  existing  practice  of  mounting  the 
skulls  of  animals  killed  by  a  hunter  on  a  pole  in  the  village.  There 
is  a  further  reference  to  this  custom  among  the  Ambuellas  (I,  p.  333). 
These  instances,  combined  with  those  personally  noted,  give  a  wide 
distribution  for  the  practice  (I,  p.  177). 

Pinto  saw  the  operation  of  tooth  mutilation  among  the  Luimba. 
The  operation  was  performed  with  a  knife  which  was  struck  by 
repeated  light  blows  (I,  p.  209). 

Pinto  illustrates  arrowheads  in  use  in  1879  (I,  pp.  277,  346). 
These  are  exactly  the  same  as  those  made  and  used  in  1929  (Plate 
XVII,  Figs.  1-9). 

Axes  used  by  the  Luchazi  are  sketched  with  a  detail  that  shows 
the  old  forms  to  persist  without  alteration  (II,  p.  36). 

Water-pipes  made  from  horns  and  gourds  by  the  Luina  of  eastern 
Angola  are  of  the  forms  now  used  in  that  region,  also  by  the  Ovim- 
bundu of  the  present  day  (II,  pp.  33,  37). 

For  use  in  checking  and  supplementing  my  observations  Serpa 
Pinto's  book  was  found  to  be  of  the  greatest  service,  though  the 
precise  locality  was  sometimes  difficult  to  identify.  This  explorer,  in 
common  with  others,  scattered  his  ethnological  observations  among 
descriptions  of  the  route  and  botanical,  zoological,  and  other  notes. 

Lux  traveled  from  Loanda  due  east,  following  the  Kwanza  on  the 
northern  bank  between  9°  and  10°  S.  Lat.,  and  so  into  Lunda. 


Historical  Sources  123 

He  draws  the  crescentic  arrowhead  (p.  123)  still  common  among 
the  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue;  the  double  iron  gong  (p.  122);  and 
the  musical  bow,  which  he  calls  a  viola  (p.  121). 

Sogaur  states  that  iron-working  had  an  advanced  technique  at 
Dindo,  more  than  half  a  century  ago.  According  to  Sogaur,  the 
blacksmith  was  using  scrap  iron  from  European  sources  (II,  p.  14). 

Perhaps  the  most  valuable  of  Chatelain's  books  is  "Fifty  Folk 
Tales  of  Angola."  The  stories  are  accompanied  by  translations  and 
ethnological  notes,  the  most  important  of  which  are  references  to  the 
carrying  of  a  corpse  on  a  pole;  the  building  of  a  cairn  of  stones  over 
the  corpse  of  a  hunter;  matrilineal  descent  and  the  power  of  the 
maternal  uncle  over  the  persons  of  his  nieces  and  nephews  (sisters' 
children).  My  observations  included  some  details  respecting  the 
pawning  of  a  sister's  children  to  redeem  the  debts  of  their  mother's 
brother.  Chatelain  adds  that  sisters'  children  are  successors  to 
private  property  and  chieftainship  (pp.  8-10).  My  notes  agree  that 
property  is  inherited  by  children  of  a  deceased  man's  sister,  but  my 
informants  said  that  a  new  chieftain  is  normally  the  eldest  son  of  the 
principal  wife  of  the  dead  chief.  Chatelain's  folklore  stories,  fifty  in 
number,  relate  chiefly  to  animals;  this  was  the  only  kind  of  story 
told  to  me,  but  W.  C.  Bell  has  recorded  a  few  tales  of  another  type. 

Marquardsen  (1928)  devotes  only  one-fourth  of  his  book  to  the 
ethnology  of  Angola,  which  he  treats  in  a  very  general  way;  there  is 
no  section  dealing  specifically  with  any  particular  tribe.  The  author 
calls  attention  to  Chapman's  observation  of  rock  paintings  of  South 
African  Bushman  type,  between  Cuma  and  Luimbale  in  northwest 
Angola.  I  have  elsewhere  remarked  on  the  occasional  occurrence  of 
physical  types  which  show  a  strain  of  Bushman  blood.  Today 
Bushmen  penetrate  southern  Angola  from  the  Kalahari  (Plate  LXIX, 
Figs.  1,  2),  but  their  presence  in  times  past  or  present  does  not  affect 
the  course  of  history  or  the  data  of  ethnology  to  an  appreciable  extent. 

Marquardsen  gives  some  notes  of  a  general  kind  on  Vaheneca, 
Mahuila  and  other  tribes  of  southwest  Angola.  The  suggestion  is 
feasible  that  the  Umbundu  name  Suku,  for  a  supreme  being,  is  the 
same  as  the  Nzambi  of  Lunda  and  the  Congo.  Marquardsen  refers 
to  the  importance  of  the  maternal  uncle  in  Umbundu  society,  to  the 
poison  ordeal,  and  to  the  burial  of  an  Umbundu  chief  in  oxhide,  all 
of  which  points  were  recorded  in  my  observations  at  Elende. 

Ferreira  Diniz's  book  is  unobtainable,  but,  judging  from  the  sum- 
mary given  in  Anthropos  (XX,  1925,  pp.  321-331),  the  information 
was  collected  by  a  questionnaire  widely  distributed  among  adminis- 


124  The  Ovimbundu 

trative  posts.  I  agree  that  people  between  Caconda  and  Huila 
represent  a  racial  mixture  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  the  Ovambo.  The 
record  speaks  of  painting-houses  for  girls  at  Cabinda,  an  item  which 
agrees  with  reports  from  other  sources.  The  jottings  concerning 
tribes  from  Cabinda  to  the  far  south  of  Angola  are  too  vague  to  be 
used  in  ethnological  work  with  confidence. 

There  are  many  points  on  which  the  work  of  A.  Schachtzabel 
should  be  consulted  for  the  purpose  of  making  comparisons  with  my 
own  observations.  The  chief  of  these  are  a  note  and  photograph  on 
village  construction  (p.  130);  the  musical  bow  (p.  32);  the  loom 
(plate  VI) ;  transmigration  of  the  soul  of  a  chief  into  an  animal  (p.  51) ; 
and  the  game  of  mancala  (p.  52).  My  observations  of  initiation  at 
Katoko,  Ngalangi,  and  Cangamba  agree  well  with  that  of  Schacht- 
zabel at  Katoko,  but  I  was  able  to  obtain  more  detail  and  more 
numerous  photographs  of  the  ritual  of  initiation.  The  spinning  of 
cotton  (p.  143)  is  exactly  the  process  so  frequently  witnessed  now  at 
Elende.  Iron-working  (p.  Ill)  appears  to  be  comparable  with  the 
technique  at  Elende,  but  Schachtzabel  seems  to  have  missed  the 
ritual.  I  was  not  so  fortunate  as  this  author  in  finding  the  old  type 
of  iron-smelting  furnace  in  use. 

The  work  of  Statham  is  devoted  primarily  to  hunting  and  descrip- 
tions of  plant  and  animal  life.  The  chapter  given  to  a  casual  descrip- 
tion of  people  among  whom  he  passed  is  not  useful  as  ethnology; 
but  the  book  is  of  service  in  providing  a  background  of  natural  history. 
Information  on  the  tsetse  fly  in  Angola  (p.  294)  assists  ethnological 
work  by  showing  the  determining  effect  of  this  biological  factor. 
Presence  of  the  fly  is  prohibitive  to  cattle-keeping,  therefore  cattle 
are  not  kept  along  the  river  courses  which  are  infested  with  this  pest. 

Alexander  Barns  made  no  pretence  of  writing  more  than  a  travel 
book;  nevertheless  he  publishes  photographs  of  ethnological  value, 
gives  useful  historical  summaries,  and  deals  with  economic  problems 
of  production  and  transportation. 

Tucker's  book  "Drums  in  the  Darkness,"  though  written  to 
interest  the  American  public  in  mission  work,  contains  many  ethno- 
logical statements.  The  chief  of  these  relate  to  the  structure  of  the 
compound  (p.  37) ;  the  dress  of  women  (p.  39) ;  naming  of  twins  and 
triplets;  and  other  items  which  agree  well  with  data  from  the  district 
in  which  I  worked.  There  are  notes  on  drum  signals  (p.  74)  and 
cannibalism  (p.  77).  Apparently  drum  signals  were  in  use  at  Bine" 
half  a  century  ago.  Forty  years  ago  a  slave  was  killed  and  eaten 
at  the  installation  ceremonies  for  a  new  king,  a  point  that  was  noted 


Historical  Sources  125 

in  the  works  of  Battell,  Cavazzi,  and  other  early  writers.  A  descrip- 
tion of  the  whipping  of  boys  at  initiation  (p.  99)  agrees  with  my  own 
records,  but  details  of  the  period  and  place  are  not  given  by  Tucker. 
Questioning  a  corpse  (p.  102)  is  a  ceremony  I  have  witnessed  and 
described,  but  the  instance  referred  to  by  Tucker  relates  to  the 
interrogation  of  the  corpse  of  a  chief  with  regard  to  his  choice  of  a 
successor;  there  are  laws  of  succession,  but  these  may  be  waived. 
The  ceremony  described  in  my  monograph  was  conducted  to  discover 
the  cause  of  death  and  not  to  determine  succession.  If  Tucker 
has  any  detailed  information  with  regard  to  puberty  ceremonies  for 
girls  his  reticence  is  regrettable  (p.  142).  Tucker  says  that  suicide 
among  women  is  common  (p.  143).  A  mention  of  ocisunji,  a  feast 
for  spirits  at  which  meat  is  offered  to  idols,  is  interesting  (p.  168) 
but  details  are  lacking,  and  the  use  of  the  word  idols  is  ambiguous. 
The  information  respecting  use  of  charms  is  corroborative  of  my 
own  observations  in  two  other  centers,  Elende  and  Ngalangi. 

The  most  recent  publication  on  the  ethnology  of  Angola  is  that  of 
F.  and  W.  Jaspert  of  the  Stadtisches  Volkermuseum,  Frankfort,  1930. 
Their  journey  was  undertaken  primarily  to  make  collections  for  a 
museum,  but  linguistic  and  ethnological  information  was  recorded 
among  several  tribes,  notably  the  Kimbundu,  Vachokue,  Luchazi, 
Luimba,  and  Kusongo.  The  farthest  point  attained  in  a 
southerly  direction  was  just  north  of  Kipungo,  and  the  general  line 
of  march  was  from  Benguela  to  the  northeast,  into  Lunda.  There  is 
very  little  overlapping  in  the  work  of  the  Jasperts  and  myself.  My 
itinerary  took  me  to  the  extreme  south  into  the  Vakuanyama  country, 
and  to  the  far  east  of  Moxico  among  the  Vachokue. 

My  work  is  presented  as  a  monograph  on  the  Ovimbundu  only, 
and  of  their  culture  I  treat  exclusively,  with  some  reference  to  the 
culture  contacts  observed  on  all  sides  of  them.  The  Jasperts  do  not 
give  an  entire  section  to  any  one  tribe;  but  combine  their  information 
respecting  the  tribes  in  a  concurrent  way,  under  such  subjects  as 
technology,  language,  and  art. 

If  the  sections  relating  to  history  and  languages  are  excluded  there 
remain  a  hundred  pages,  only  one-sixth  of  which  refer  to  the  Ovim- 
bundu; but  there  is  a  difficulty  in  reading  through  the  book  without 
being  confused  as  to  the  tribe  and  exact  locality  under  discussion. 

The  pages  devoted  to  a  comparative  vocabulary  form  an  important 
part  of  the  work,  and  one  which  I  barely  touched,  though  I  prepared 
an  outline  of  Umbundu  grammar  and  made  dictaphone  records  of  the 


126  The  Ovimbundu 

Umbundu  language.  The  illustrations  in  photogravure  are  excellent, 
but  the  small-scale  map  is  difficult  to  follow. 

As  might  be  expected  in  a  work  covering  an  enormous  tract  of 
country,  the  information  is  of  a  very  general  kind;  I  have  nowhere 
been  able  to  check  in  any  detail  on  my  own  observations.  F.  and  W. 
Jaspert  recognize  that  Umbundu  culture  is  primarily  based  on 
agriculture,  maize  being  the  most  important  crop,  but  they  do  not 
admit  the  importance  of  hunting  (p.  16). 

I  saw  many  successful  parties  of  Umbundu  hunters,  tested  their 
precision  with  the  bow  and  arrow,  and  was  able  to  record  the  ritual 
connected  with  the  initiation  of  a  professional  hunter.  There  is  also 
a  ceremony  before  the  hunter  sets  out.  It  would  be  more  accurate 
to  say  that,  although  Umbundu  culture  is  based  primarily  on  agri- 
culture, hunting  still  retains  some  of  its  earlier  importance. 

The  diagrams  of  houses  in  different  parts  of  Angola  are  a  useful 
feature  of  the  work.  I  made  many  photographs  but  did  not  record 
details  of  planning. 

The  masks  I  obtained  are  exactly  like  those  pictured,  but  my 
observations  were  carried  out  a  long  way  to  the  southeast  of  the 
point  where  the  Jasperts  touched  the  Vachokue  culture.  I  do  not 
understand  from  their  description  whether  the  writers  saw  an  initiation 
ceremony.  They  state  that  boys  are  circumcised  and  girls  are  excised 
when  very  young,  even  at  the  age  of  five  or  six  years.  I  observed 
initiation  camps  and  dances  at  three  centers,  Ngalangi,  Katoko,  and 
Cangamba;  the  last  named  is  the  main  center  of  Vachokue  culture. 
The  male  novices  varied  in  age  from  twelve  to  sixteen  years  hence 
they  were  older  than  the  novices  mentioned  by  the  Jasperts.  I  was 
informed  that  there  were  no  excision  operations  for  girls,  though  at 
Ngalangi,  Vanyemba  girls  were  secluded  in  the  bush  during  initiation 
rites  lasting  for  a  month. 

Bibliographical  references  to  the  research  of  H.  Baumann  will  be 
found  useful  for  comparative  study.  His  detailed  record  of  initiation 
among  the  Vachokue  is  valuable  as  a  check  on  my  observation,  as  we 
worked  independently  in  areas  separated  by  several  hundred  miles. 

Consultation  of  historical  sources  gives  the  following  answers  to 
questions  which  were  asked  as  an  introduction  to  this  chapter. 

On  the  grounds  of  tribal  tradition,  historical  evidence,  and  cul- 
tural affinities,  the  original  home  of  the  Ovimbundu  was  likely  to  have 
been  in  the  southwest  Congo.  The  Ovimbundu  undoubtedly  possess 
important  cultural  traits  that  have  been  characteristic  of  the  southern 
Congo  region  from  the  earliest  time  for  which  a  record  exists. 


Historical  Sources  127 

In  northern  Angola  the  Ovimbundu  could  not  have  had  other  than 
a  warlike  existence,  which  trained  them  in  military  tactics  and  the 
building  up  of  an  aggressive  confederacy.  In  this  they  were  aided 
by  contact  with  the  Portuguese,  who  supplied  guns  and  powder  in 
exchange  for  slaves  and  ivory  from  the  interior.  This  accumulated 
wealth  further  stimulated  the  building  up  of  Umbundu  tribal  life. 

Introduction  of  maize  by  the  Portuguese  gave  the  Ovimbundu  a 
knowledge  of  this  grain,  which  later  became  their  staple  wealth  and 
food  supply. 

The  cultural  pattern  of  the  northern  Congo  was  the  same  in  the 
year  1600  as  it  is  today,  and  consideration  of  the  ethnology  of  the 
Congo  region  reveals  numerous  similarities  with  Umbundu  culture 
of  the  present  time. 

Writings  of  explorers  in  Angola  from  A.D.  1800  to  the  present  day 
bring  out  many  points  which  are  in  agreement  with  my  field  observa- 
tions. There  are  no  discrepancies  which  would  make  me  question 
the  validity  of  information  given  by  my  informants. 

In  early  records,  Battell's  observation  of  cattle  in  the  hinterland 
of  Benguela  (1600),  is  important  in  showing  that  at  such  an  early  date 
the  Ovimbundu  had  access  to  cattle  when  raiding  from  their  home 
in  the  Benguela  Highlands. 

From  these  fundamentals  of  geography  and  history  the  inquiry 
turns  to  a  detailed  account  of  my  observations  among  the  Ovimbundu 
and  surrounding  tribes. 


IV.    PHYSICAL  APPEARANCE 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  there  are  two  main  physical  types.  One 
of  these  is  of  brown  skin  color  and  slender  build.  In  this  type  the 
calves  and  thighs  are  poorly  developed,  and  the  chest  girth  is  slender 
in  keeping  with  the  general  development.  In  general  the  physical 
characteristics  are  distinctly  different  from  those  of  a  typical  West 
African  Negro  as  represented  by  the  Kru  and  the  Ibo  tribes. 

The  Ovimbundu  are  Bantu  Negroes  who  possibly  result  from  a 
crossing  of  Hamites  and  true  Negroes,  a  hypothesis  which  would 
account  for  both  the  light-colored  slim  type  and  the  shorter,  darker, 
more  sturdy  type.  But  E.  Torday  (Herbert  Spencer,  Descriptive 
Sociology  of  African  Races,  London,  1930,  Preface,  p.  iii)  thinks  that 
differences  of  physique  among  Sudanic  and  Bantu  Negroes  are 
sufficiently  accounted  for  by  isolations  and  environmental  differences. 
Torday  denies  the  need  for  postulating  an  infusion  of  Hamitic  blood, 
but  his  opinion  is  opposed  to  that  which  has  found  general  acceptance. 

The  darker  Ovimbundu  with  more  facial  hair  may  represent  an 
infusion  of  Vachokue  blood  because  there  was  warfare  between  the 
Ovimbundu  and  the  Vachokue  of  eastern  Angola  with  the  result 
that  some  of  the  latter  were  taken  as  slaves.  Types  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu are  shown  (Plates  LII-LIV). 

The  Vasele,  an  Umbundu-speaking  people  of  west-central  Angola, 
form  a  linguistic  and  cultural  pocket  because  of  their  isolation  in 
rugged  country.  Their  physique  shows  no  pronounced  differences 
from  that  of  the  Ovimbundu,  but  the  methods  of  scarification,  tooth 
mutilation,  and  personal  ornament  are  in  distinct  contrast  with  those 
of  the  Ovimbundu.  The  Ovimbundu  have  only  a  V-shaped  notch  in 
the  two  upper  central  incisors,  whereas  the  Vasele  chip  all  their  teeth 
to  points  (Plate  LXXVI,  Figs.  1,  2). 

The  Luvando  of  southwest  Angola  resemble  the  Ovimbundu  in 
general  physique,  though  the  great  difference  in  hairdressing  and 
personal  ornament  is  likely  to  give  a  contrary  impression  (Plate  LIX, 
Figs.  1,  2). 

The  Vaheneca  are  particularly  well  developed  (Plate  LXII,  Figs. 
1,  2).  Not  until  Mongua  is  reached  does  one  find  a  people  who  are 
distinctly  different  from  the  Ovimbundu  in  all  respects.  The 
Vakuanyama  of  Mongua  are  noticeably  tall  and  slim,  much  taller 
and  slimmer  than  the  Ovimbundu,  while  their  physiognomy  is  more 
refined  (Plates  LXIII;  LXVIII,  Fig.  2).  The  Vakuanyama  are 
a  pastoral  tribe  whereas  the  Ovimbundu  are  principally  agricultural. 

128 


Physical  Appearance  129 

The  picture  of  types  gathered  at  Ngalangi  (Plate  LXXXIX, 
Fig.  3)  shows,  reading  from  left  to  right  along  the  back  row,  then 
along  the  front  row  in  the  same  direction:  an  Ocimbundu;  an  Oci- 
vokue;  a  man  of  the  Vangangella;  an  Uluchazi  woman;  a  Lunda  man; 
and  two  types  of  the  Vangangella. 

The  M'Bunda  man  and  woman  photographed  at  Cangamba 
display  characteristic  deformation  of  the  upper  central  incisors 
(Plate  XCI,  Figs.  1,  2).  Photographs  of  a  Mussurongo  man  and 
two  women,  taken  about  a  hundred  miles  east  of  Malange,  show  no 
great  difference  from  the  Ovimbundu  except  in  their  shorter  stature 
(Plates  LXX,  Figs.  1,  2;  LXXI,  Figs.  1,  2).  The  Bushman  (Plate 
LXIX,  Figs.  1,  2)  shows  a  type  found  wandering  in  small  bands  in 
the  south  of  Angola.    These  photographs  were  taken  at  Cassanga. 

The  dress  and  personal  ornaments  of  the  tribes  dwelling  to  the 
south  of  the  Ovimbundu  (Plates  LIX-LXVIII)  are  entirely  different 
from  the  clothing  and  decorative  styles  observed  in  the  areas  occupied 
by  the  Ovimbundu.  This  statement  is  true  with  regard  to  bodily 
covering,  ornaments,  tooth  mutilation,  use  of  pigment,  scarification, 
and  hairdressing. 

In  respect  of  all  these  factors,  males  and  females  of  the  Ovimbundu 
have  distinctive  patterns  which  do  not  appear  to  have  influenced, 
or  to  have  been  influenced  by  the  styles  around  them. 

In  working  southward  from  Elende  I  passed  through  typical 
Umbundu  cultures  until  the  vicinity  of  Kipungo  was  reached.  At 
this  place  the  change  in  physical  appearance,  ornaments,  and  hair- 
dressing  was  remarkable  both  for  its  abruptness  and  distinctiveness. 
But  the  change  from  agricultural  to  pastoral  pursuits  is  gradual. 

A  comparison  of  photographs  indicates  at  once  the  truth  of  this 
statement,  which  can  be  further  illustrated  by  a  detailed  description 
of  the  ornaments  observed  from  Kipungo  to  Mongua. 

By  far  the  most  important  of  these  is  the  circular  omba  shell 
made  from  the  basal  part  of  a  gastropod  shell  of  the  genus  Conns 
Linn;  and  allied  forms.  These  are  highly  prized,  not  because  of  any 
intrinsic  worth,  but  on  account  of  strong  sentiment  arising  from  their 
bequest,  which  is  usually  in  the  female  line.  I  have,  however,  seen 
a  few  males  of  the  Vakuanyama  wearing  these  shells.  For  the  old 
omba  shells  monetary  offers  equal  to  the  earnings  of  a  woman  for  a 
period  of  six  months  were  made,  but  without  success.  One  woman 
wavered  somewhat,  but  finally  decided  that  she  dared  not  return  to 
her  home  without  her  omba  shells.  From  a  Portuguese  trader  I 
bought,  for  a  small  sum,  omba  shells  showing  stages  in  manufacture. 


130  The  Ovimbundu 

The  new  ornaments  had  acquired  no  sentimental  value,  therefore 
their  price  was  moderate. 

Omba  shells  are  to  be  seen  in  use  from  Kipungo  southward  through 
Huila,  among  the  Luvando,  and  among  the  Vakuanyama  of  southern 
Angola.  In  the  places  mentioned  one  may  judge  the  social  status 
of  a  woman  by  the  number  of  omba  shells  she  wears.  A  principal 
wife  is  usually  well  supplied  with  these  ornaments. 

In  this  southern  journey  it  was  noticeable  that  there  was  an 
increasing  use  of  red  pigment  which  is  lavishly  employed  for  smearing 
every  kind  of  ornament,  the  body,  and  the  hair.  Leather  belts  and 
skirts  of  Vakuanyama  women  are  thickly  coated  with  red  pigment 
which  is  invariably  mixed  with  grease.  The  red  powder  is  prepared 
by  desiccating  a  red  wood  called  tukula  by  the  Vakuanyama,  a  name 
which  is  used  through  Angola  and  the  southern  Congo  area. 

From  Kipungo  southward  through  the  Vakuanyama  country 
there  is  a  notable  absence  of  decorative  wooden  hair  combs.  On  the 
contrary,  delicately  carved  combs  are  used  by  both  men  and  women 
of  the  Ovimbundu.  The  Vasele  make  such  combs,  but  by  far  the  best 
examples  are  made  and  used  by  the  Vachokue  tribe  of  eastern  Angola. 
Here  the  decorative  design  usually  includes  a  well-carved  human 
figure  at  the  top  of  the  comb. 

Among  the  Vakuanyama,  necklaces  of  disks  made  from  ostrich 
eggshell  are  worn  by  the  women  only.  A  woman  of  importance  has 
a  dozen  loops  of  such  necklaces,  each  loop  being  about  125  cm  long. 
These  necklaces  are  so  greatly  esteemed  that  only  after  much  persua- 
sion can  a  woman  be  induced  to  part  with  a  single  link.  Perhaps,  as 
is  the  case  with  omba  shell,  there  is  more  than  the  intrinsic  value  to 
be  considered.  One  point  is  constantly  noticed  in  considering  social 
status  and  ornament.  All  the  wives  of  a  wealthy  man,  especially 
among  the  Vakuanyama,  are  made  to  advertise  their  husband's  posi- 
tion by  the  profusion  of  their  ornaments  and  the  quality  of  their 
leather  skirts  and  belts. 

There  is,  in  addition  to  the  necklaces  of  ostrich-eggshell  beads,  a 
highly  prized  necklace  made  from  small  perforated  disks  of  shell 
having  a  diameter  of  about  a  centimeter.  The  Vakuanyama  women 
smear  a  necklace  of  this  kind  with  grease  and  tukula  powder;  the 
value  of  a  necklace  125  cm  long  is  equivalent  to  that  of  an  ox.  In 
describing  these  necklaces  there  is  interest  in  noting  that  they  are 
traded  to  the  south  of  Angola  from  places  six  hundred  miles  to  the 
north;  therefore  their  value  is  to  some  extent  dependent  on  rarity 
and  distant  origin. 


Physical  Appearance  131 

Young  unmarried  girls  of  the  Luvando  tribe  wear  a  large  number 
of  leg-bands  which  extend  from  the  ankles  to  the  knees  as  a  sign  that 
puberty  has  not  been  reached.  These  leg-bands  are  somewhat  roughly 
twisted  from  fibrous  roots  and  twigs  from  which  the  cortex  has  been 
removed.  Collars  of  tough,  elastic,  cane-like  substance  are  worn  by 
Luvando  women,  and  so  numerous  are  these  that  the  neck  is  entirely 
covered.  These  cane  neck-bands  are  ornamented  with  burned, 
incised,  geometrical  patterns,  and,  in  keeping  with  other  ornaments, 
are  thickly  smeared  with  grease  and  red  powder  from  tukula  wood 
(Plate  LIX,  Figs.  1,  2). 

Women  of  the  Vakipungo  and  Vakuanyama  wear  heavy  coils  of 
brass  or  copper  wire  on  their  forearms.  In  southern  Angola  women 
wear  bracelets  of  twisted  wire  which  are  identical  with  those  worn 
by  Zulu  women.  Bracelets  of  beaten  trade  brass,  ornamented  with 
incised  geometrical  designs,  are  worn  by  women  of  the  Ovimbundu, 
Vakuanyama,  Luvando,  and  Vakipungo  tribes.  Ovimbundu  women 
now  depend  largely  on  trade  goods  for  personal  ornament. 

Ovimbundu  men  and  women  are  dressed  in  trade  cloth.  Unmar- 
ried girls  wear  one  piece  of  cloth  which  hangs  from  the  armpits  to  the 
knees.  A  married  woman  drapes  herself  with  two  pieces  of  cloth, 
a  skirt  hanging  from  her  girdle,  and  an  upper  piece  so  folded  as  to 
hold  her  baby  tightly  to  her  back.  Men  wear  a  single  piece  of  cloth 
as  a  skirt;  the  upper  part  of  the  body  is  bare  (Plates  XLIX-LI). 
From  the  region  of  Kipungo  to  the  southern  border,  clothing  is  of 
leather.    The  Vachokue  wear  trade  cloth  or  bark  cloth. 

Hairdressing  is  of  many  styles.  Ovimbundu  women  braid  their  hair 
neatly  in  strands  across  their  foreheads,  and  small  blue  and  white 
trade  beads  are  used  to  decorate  the  braids.  The  hairdressing  of  the 
Ovimbundu  women  is  different  from  that  in  any  other  part  of  Angola. 
At  an  early  age  the  hair  is  trained  into  two  long  loops  at  the  back 
of  the  head.  Then  these  are  covered  with  black  cloth  which  is  bound 
tightly.  The  two  loops  are  afterwards  studded  with  brass-headed 
tacks  obtained  from  a  store  (Plate  XL,  Fig.  3). 

Luvando  women  in  the  region  of  Kipungo  dress  the  hair  to  form 
a  large  triangular  projection  from  the  back  of  the  head.  Girls  of  the 
Vaheneca  tribe  near  Huila  mass  the  hair  with  clay  to  form  large 
"cock's  combs."  Women  of  Gambos  pass  each  small  plait  of  hair 
through  hollow  reeds.  Humbe  women  do  not  redden  or  grease  their 
hair  which  is  massed  into  three  high  ridges  on  the  top,  while  at  the 
sides  there  are  hornlike  projections.  Vakuanyama  women  dress  their 
hair  with  grease  and  tukula  powder.    A  principal  wife  builds  up  her 


132  The  Ovimbundu 

hair  into  five  high  cones.  Vachokue  women  mass  their  hair  into 
separate  balls  shaped  and  held  by  clay  and  red  coloring  matter. 
I  know  of  no  hairdressing  for  Vachokue  men,  but  ornamental  wooden 
combs  are  sometimes  used. 

In  only  one  place  have  I  seen  a  nose  pin  worn,  namely,  the  Esele 
country  of  Vila  Nova  de  Selles.  The  fashion  is  out  of  date,  but  women 
of  only  twenty-five  years  of  age  have  the  septum  of  the  nose  bored; 
evidently  the  custom  has  not  been  obsolete  for  a  long  period  (Plate 
LXXV,  Fig.  1). 

The  most  popular  European  importations  are  blue  cloth  with 
white  spots,  metal  hair  combs,  beads,  and  bright  metal  crosses 
bearing  a  figure  of  the  Virgin  Mary  with  the  infant  Jesus.  This 
ornament  has  penetrated  to  districts  far  away  from  Christian 
missions,  and  its  wide  dispersal  shows  that  a  newly  introduced  and 
attractive  ornament  from  a  foreign  source  may  readily  be  accepted 
by  tribes  of  different  cultures. 

There  are  interesting  points  of  psychology  in  the  attitude  of  the 
Ovimbundu  toward  European  importations.  Only  a  few  patterns  of 
cloth  are  favored,  and  there  is  no  sale  for  any  other  design.  Some 
designs  are  thought  to  be  appropriate  for  young  girls  while  others  are 
favored  by  older  women.  The  same  may  be  said  of  colored  beads,  for 
whereas  both  blue  and  white  beads  are  the  usual  decoration  for  young 
women  and  immature  girls,  red  beads  are  worn  chiefly  by  the 
elderly  women. 

A  consideration  of  personal  ornament  establishes  the  general  truth 
that  in  scarification,  hairdressing,  tooth  mutilation,  the  use  of  red 
powder  and  grease,  the  anointing  of  the  hair  with  palm  oil,  and  the 
wearing  of  trade  cloth,  leather,  or  bark  cloth,  there  is  little  exchange 
of  styles.  There  are  diffusions  in  language  and  other  cultural  traits, 
but  decorative  elements  which  have  for  a  long  period  been  regarded 
as  distinctive  of  tribal  life  are  rigidly  preserved. 


V.    ECONOMIC  LIFE 

The  words  "economic  life"  are  here  used  with  a  wide  connotation 
including  nature  lore,  food  supply,  trade,  transport,  and  industries; 
all  these  are  combined  to  form  a  foundation  for  every  aspect  of  the 
social  life  of  the  tribe. 

The  truth  of  this  is  realized  if  one  pays  attention  to  the  rites 
connected  with  occupations.  For  the  hunter  there  is  special  training, 
ritual,  and  a  peculiar  mode  of  burial.  Final  ceremonies  in  the  initia- 
tion of  a  young  blacksmith  are  associated  with  sacred  acts  such  as 
sacrifice  of  animals  and  the  sprinkling  of  the  tools  with  their  blood. 
Even  the  simple  occupation  of  pounding  corn  requires  that  the  rock 
shall  be  dedicated  to  this  purpose  by  sprinkling  the  blood  of  a 
chicken  on  the  surface.  Similarly,  a  clay  pit  has  to  be  consecrated 
before  the  raw  material  may  be  taken  for  making  pottery.  A  caravan 
journey  is  not  merely  a  commercial  undertaking;  the  accompanying 
medicine-man  carries  a  wooden  figure  which  he  consults  with  regard 
to  the  route  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  5). 

Division  of  labor  according  to  sex  is  one  of  the  most  important 
principles  involved  in  the  economic  life,  more  particularly  in  occupa- 
tional groupings,  which  are  strictly  observed.  Moreover,  within  any 
one  activity,  such  as  house-building,  there  are  tasks  for  men  only, 
while  other  parts  of  the  work  are  performed  exclusively  by  women 
or  children. 

The  study  of  industries  is  of  great  importance  when  a  comparison 
of  Umbundu  and  adjacent  cultures  is  being  made.  This  is  particu- 
larly true  in  the  instance  of  wood-carving,  an  occupation  yielding 
highly  specialized  products  some  of  which  are  connected  with  religious 
belief  and  ritual.  All  artifacts  are  valuable  as  criteria  of  cultural 
contacts,  though  their  reliability  as  evidence  of  trait  diffusion  natu- 
rally varies  with  their  degree  of  complexity.  Study  of  native  indus- 
tries in  relation  to  European  contacts  illustrates  a  cultural  process 
which  may  result  in  acceptance,  rejection,  or  ingenious  adaptation 
of  new  ideas. 

That  a  study  of  the  economic  life  of  a  tribe  is  not  merely  a  record- 
ing of  material  processes  and  artifacts,  is  illustrated  by  observation 
of  the  treatment  of  cattle.  This  pastoral  pursuit  naturally  falls  under 
a  heading  "Domestic  Animals,"  but  the  ideas  associated  with  cattle, 
including  funeral  feasts,  use  of  horns  on  graves,  and  the  wrapping  of 
the  royal  corpse  in  oxhide,  lead  directly  into  important  matters  of 
belief  and  ritual. 

133 


134  The  Ovimbundu 

Nature  lore  of  the  Ovimbundu  rightly  forms  an  introduction  to 
other  aspects  of  economic  life,  because  there  is  no  better  introduction 
to  ethnological  research  in  the  field  than  that  of  associating  with  the 
people  in  daily  occupations  connected  with  the  food  supply  and 
industries.  In  this  way  a  field  worker  realizes  that  observation  on 
the  part  of  hunters  and  food  gatherers  is  fundamental,  not  merely  to 
economic  and  social  life,  but  to  the  growth  of  language  and  folklore. 

Observation  and  experiment  have  led  to  the  selection  of  many 
kinds  of  timber,  each  having  one  or  more  specific  uses.  Collection 
of  plants  is  connected  with  the  making  of  dyes  for  baskets,  a  varnish 
for  pots,  and  a  pharmacopoeia  for  the  medicine-man.  Minute 
observation  of  the  habits  of  animals,  primarily  carried  out  to  ensure 
successful  hunting,  is  clearly  reflected  in  the  growth  of  vocabulary, 
and  likewise  in  the  realism  and  humor  of  folk  tales  and  proverbs 
(chapter  VIII). 

This  chapter  is  concerned  chiefly  with  a  presentation  of  factual 
material  whose  psychological  and  cultural  bearing  is  more  fully  dealt 
with  in  chapters  X-XII. 

Nature  Lore 

The  Ovimbundu  are  keen  observers  whose  knowledge  of  the 
natural  history  of  plants  and  animals  is  comprehensive.  Almost 
any  boy  of  twelve  years  of  age  is  able  to  give  the  information  detailed 
here.  Some  of  the  birds  have  been  identified  by  Mr.  Rudyerd 
Boulton,  Department  of  Zoology,  Field  Museum. 

Ombo.     Ostrich.    The  knowledge  of  this  bird  must  come  from  the  south  of 

Angola.    In  traveling  south  I  first  saw  ostriches  at  Humbe.    These  were 

domesticated  birds. 
Epanda.    Wattled   Crane   (Bugeranus  carunculatus).    The  informant  said, 

"Epanda  is  a  big  bird  which  has  long  legs  and  a  long  neck." 
Epumumu.     This  is  the  Ground  Hornbill  (Bucorvus  cafer)  whose  black  wings 

are  tipped  with  white.     I  have  observed  them  from  Ganda  to  Vakuanyama 

country.    They  take  to  flight  slowly  after  hopping  heavily  for  a  few  paces. 
Ocamukongo.     From  the  Umbundu  word  ukongo,  a  hunter.    This  bird  lives 

on  small  buck  and  rabbits. 
Etokailo.    This  is  the  smaller  bustard  called  by  the  Boers  knorhaan. 
Ohanga.     The  Guinea  Fowl  (Numida  meleagris). 
Onjava.     Spur-winged  Goose  (Plectropterus  gambensis). 
Ongonga.    An  eagle.    The  word  is  used  generally  for  a  large  bird  of  prey. 
Ohokohoko.     The  Bateleur  Eagle  (Terathopius  ecaudatus).    The  bird  is  almost 

without  a  tail.      This  bird  is  not  predatory.      It  kills  snakes  but  does  not 

take  chickens  or  other  small  animals. 
Ociselele.     A  kite,  well  known  because  it  preys  on  chickens. 
Etalahanga.     A  hawk  which  waits  in  the  trees  then  volplanes  on  its  prey. 
Okapamba.    A  small  hawk  which  preys  on  chickens. 
Enyamahuti.     A  hawk. 

Ocikuamanga.    The  White-breasted  Crow  (Corvus  albus). 
Onguali  (ua-wa).    This  is  the  Red-necked  Partridge  (Pternistis  afer). 


Economic  Life  135 

Ekalanga.     A  species  of  francolin  without  red  coloring  on  the  legs. 

Esuvi.  This  is  a  bird  which  comes  out  at  night.  It  can  catch  spirits  and 
make  them  die  a  second  death. 

Onjimbi.  This  nocturnal  owl  (Bubo  maculosus)  is  thought  to  be  very  dan- 
gerous. People  who  hear  the  cry  of  this  bird  are  frightened  because  the 
noise  is  the  sound  of  death. 

Kacukucuku.     The  Barn  Owl  (Tyto  alba  affinis). 

Ongongayulombo.    An  eagle  which  eats  small  buck,  pigs,  and  rabbits. 

Ekuti.  Is  a  Red-eyed  Dove  (Streptopelia  semitorquata)  which  says  "oo— oo— 
oo"  very  sharply  all  day. 

Onende.     A  dove  (Streptopelia  capicola)  which  makes  the  same  noise  as  ekuti 

but  on  a  higher  note. 
Onduva.    This  bird  is  of  great  importance  to  the  Ovimbundu,  because  the 

feathers  are  used  for  decorating  the  head  of  a  dead  king.    A  medicine-man 

sometimes  uses  them  for  decoration  when  he  is  performing. 
Ondonga.     Is  a  little  bird,  which,  like  onduva,  belongs  to  the  royal  family 

of  birds. 
Ukuku.    A  water  bird. 

Ocisandombunji.    This  is  a  bird  which  feeds  on  white  ants. 
Epandacokocoko.    This  is  a  bird  (Geocichla  litsipsirupa)  whose  cry  tells  the 

people  of  a  village  to  make  the  guest  house  ready  as  strangers  are  coming. 
Ocilonga.    Is  a  beautiful  yellow  bird,  an  oriole  (Oriolus  monarchus  angolensis) . 
Etua,  singular;  ovatua,  plural.     A  species  of  bustard. 
Etioko.     A  small  bird  of  the  plains  (Anthus  leucophrys). 
Okakelekele.    This  is  the  Spur-wing  Plover  (Hoplopterus  armatus),  a  large 

bird  which  lives  on  flat  land  near  rivers. 

Ocikandi.    An  unidentified  bird.     My  informant  said,  "Ocikandi  can  cry  in 

the  same  way  as  any  other  bird." 
Okakongonyala.     This  is  a  bird  somewhat  like  a  pigeon  but  larger.    It  has 

long  legs  and  is  able  to  run  well. 
Undolo.    A  small  spotted  bird  which  always  looks  in  the  direction  of  the  sun. 
Omiapia.    This  is  a  swallow. 

Ocikungumiapia.     My  informant  said,  "This  bird  is  like  omiapia  but  larger." 
Omuipui.     "He  has  a  crest  on  his  head  and  when  he  sings  rain  is  coming." 
Esunguaguluve.     This  bird  has  a  long  beak.    It  lays  eggs  on  the  ground.    The 

bird  is  as  big  as  a  man's  fist. 
Omanula.     A  woodpecker  (family  Picidae) . 

Okangongo.    Has  a  white  breast  spotted  with  black;  the  head  is  blue. 
Ocinjonjo.    This  is  a  little  bird  having  a  long  beak  which  is  used  to  probe  into 

flowers. 
Koseselekete.    A  little  black  bird  which  makes  a  small  fine  nest. 
Ocituku.    A  river  bird.    These  birds  go  about  in  flocks. 
Ongombo.    A  small  yellow  bird. 
Epilili.     A  yellow  bird  rather  larger  than  ongombo.  This  bird  is  kept  in  cages 

very  cleverly  made  of  reeds  by  small  boys.    The  birds  are  caught  by  smear- 
ing a  sticky  substance  on  the  branches  of  trees. 
Ocikenge.     Agapornis  roseicollis.     A  small  green  parrot. 
Okalusondonjovo.    Is  to  be  seen  at  the  time  of  onjovo  (spring).  These  birds 

fly  in  flocks. 

A  description  of  bird-calls  illustrates  a  method  of  reasoning  by 
analogy.  This  results  in  a  transference  of  human  thoughts  and 
emotions  to  animals,  a  process  which  gives  animal  fables  their  strong 


136  The  Ovimbundu 

appeal.  For  example,  the  pigeon  says,  Tu  kolela  oku  iva  ("We  believe 
in  stealing"),  and  the  following  are  further  instances  of  the  same  kind. 

Ocinganja  is  a  bird  which  has  several  calls.  Early  in  the  year  the  female  says 
as  she  looks  at  the  newly  hatched  brood,  "This  year  I  have  borne  white 
children."  Later  the  little  birds  grow  black  feathers.  Then  the  mother 
cries,  "Each  year  disappointment."  Sometimes  the  female  says  to  the 
cock  bird,  "A  stick  has  stuck  in  my  eye.  I  wonder  whether  it  will  make 
a  growth  there."  The  bird  is  probably  the  Black  Flycatcher  (Melaenornis 
pammelaina) . 

Epandacokocoko  says,  "Where  will  the  guests  stay?  Where?  Where?  Where?" 
This  is  an  unfailing  intimation  that  strangers  will  visit  the  village. 

Omanula.  This  is  another  bird  which  announces  the  approach  of  strangers 
by  saying,  "Akombe!  Akombe!  Akombe!"  ("Guests!  Guests!  Guests!") 
Two  birds  are  supposed  to  carry  on  a  dialogue. 

Sankanjuele  says,  "He  who  has  eaten  should  leave  the  rest  for  the  important 
ones,"  meaning  himself. 

Ondonga  answers,  "Do  you  mean  me?  The  way  you  scold  hurts  me  to  my 
heart." 

Ungolombia.  The  male  and  female  birds  ungolombia  are  about  to  cross  a 
stream.  The  female  says,  "I  am  wearing  four  yards  of  cloth,"  meaning 
that  she  will  get  wet.  The  husband  says,  three  times,  "If  you  are  wearing 
four  yards  of  cloth,  why  do  you  not  cross  at  the  source  of  the  river?" 

Ombovo  says,  "When  I  lay  my  eggs  on  the  ground,  the  white  ants  destroy 
them."  The  call  continues,  "When  I  lay  them  up  high,  kalupamba  steals 
them."  Ombovo  cries,  "Such  hardship,  goodness  gracious  me!"  The  exclama- 
tion is,  "A  mat  we,"  literally,  "O  my  mother!" 

Kacukuku  the  Barn  Owl  (Typo  alba)  and  his  mate  speak  together.  The  female 
says,  "Cimuku,  do  you  eat  rats?"  He  answers,  "I  do  not  eat  them,  they 
have  tails." 

Ungungu  says,  "No  big  animal  lays  eggs,  so  the  crocodile  must  be  a  bird,  too." 

Ocimbamba  (night  hawk)  may  be  heard  on  moonlight  nights  saying, 
"O  lion,  here  are  the  people." 

Ekuti  says,  "My  child  is  gone  to  Koputu."  Koputu,  in  Umbundu,  means  a 
far  off  place.  Possibly  Koputu  is  a  corruption  of  Oporto.  This  bird  makes 
a  monotonous  and  continuous  cry  from  sunrise  to  sunset. 

Epumumu  (hornbills)  are  large  black  birds.  The  female  says,  "I'm  going, 
I'm  going,  I'm  going  to  our  village."  The  male  replies,  "Don't  go,  don't 
go,  the  rain  has  come;  let  us  plant." 

Katendipanga.  This  bird  is  quiet  until  September,  the  month  in  which 
rain  begins  to  fall.  Then  the  bird  says,  "Save!  Save!  Save!"  He  means 
this  as  a  warning  to  people  who  eat  their  corn  instead  of  saving  some  for 
seed.  The  seed  should  be  sown  in  October  when  the  rains  have  begun. 
The  derivation  of  the  name  of  this  bird  is  important.  Okutenda,  to  count; 
ovipanga,  the  rows  of  corn  in  a  field. 

Kalusundanjovo.  The  female  bird  says,  "Let's  throw  away  the  big  drum." 
The  male  answers,  "When  we  have  thrown  it  away,  what  shall  we  do  for 
dances?" 

Observations  of  the  weather  are  of  importance  in  fixing  dates  for 
sowing  and  reaping;  such  dates  are  the  base  of  time  reckoning. 
Rainfall  is  important  where  cattle  are  kept,  and  a  knowledge  of  the 
stars  is  of  service  to  hunters  and  caravan  leaders  when  following 
unfamiliar  routes. 

The  weather  is  thought  to  be  controlled  to  some  extent  by  the 
ocimbanda   ("medicine-man")   and   his  performances.     The  rain- 


Economic  Life  137 

maker's  dance  seen  at  Ngongo,  a  village  of  Ngalangi  in  east-central 
Angola,  will  be  described  in  dealing  with  the  ocimbanda  (chapter  IX). 

No  man  thinks  that  the  course  of  the  sun  can  be  altered,  but  there 
seems  to  be  a  hope  that  the  setting  of  the  sun  may  be  delayed.  A 
man  who  is  likely  to  be  overtaken  by  darkness  breaks  a  piece  from 
an  ant  hill.  This  fragment  is  placed  in  the  forked  branch  of  a  tree 
while  the  supplicant  says,  "Sun,  wait  a  little  while  for  me." 

Months  are  reckoned  by  observation  of  the  moon.  The  new  moon 
is  osai  ("moon")  yokaliye  ("new").  There  is  no  word  for  half  moon. 
The  phrase  for  full  moon  is  osai  ya  tunga  ohumba.  Ohumba  means 
"basket";  therefore  the  idea  appears  to  be  that  the  full  moon  is 
round  like  the  big  basket  used  for  field  work. 

A  star  is  called  olumbungvlulu.  To  describe  a  shooting  star,  the 
word  luenda  ("it  goes")  is  added.  The  large  bright  morning  star  is 
tanda.  Another  bright  star  is  tielele.  Three  bright  stars  in  a  line 
are  the  hunter,  the  dog,  and  the  quarry.  The  three  stars  are  ukongo 
("hunter"),  lombua  ("the  dog"),  locinyama  ("the  animal"). 

An  eclipse  of  the  sun  is  uteke  vutanya.  The  former  word  means 
"night,"  the  latter  word  means  "daylight."  Hence  the  meaning  is 
"night  in  daylight." 

Small  mammals  are  captured  in  cane  traps  or  stunned  with  blunt 
wooden  arrows.  The  pursuit  of  such  animals  is  a  pastime  for  boys 
who  thereby  receive  their  early  training  in  hunting.  Rats  are  used 
as  food  after  being  boiled  and  roasted.  This  fact  accounts  for  interest 
in  the  following  small  mammals. 

Umbili.    This  is  a  big  black  river  rat,  the  largest  of  the  water  rats. 
Ocifelefele.    A  big  gray  water  rat  (Cricetomys?) ,  not  so  large  as  umbili. 
Kalene.    A  river  rat  something  like  the  preceding  one  in  appearance.    Kalene 

can  stay  in  the  water  for  a  longer  period  than  that  endured  by  ocifelefele. 
Epeke.     This  is  a  bush  rat  which  is  light  gray  in  color. 
Ekolongonjo.   This  rat  stays  in  the  bush.   It  builds  a  nest  in  an  ant  hill  from 

which  it  comes  out  only  at  night.    The  color  is  gray. 
Elima  (Epomophorus) .    This  is  the  name  given  to  the  fruit  bat.     The  word 

elima  means  "not  one  thing  and  not  another."    Thus  elima  is  the  word 

applied  to  a  mulatto;  he  is  not  a  Negro,  not  a  white  man. 
Osili  (Rhabdomys).    This  is  a  large  light  brown  mouse  having  white  stripes 

on  his  back. 
Ongenge.    A  mouse. 
Epengue.    A  black  rat. 

Oeipili.    A  mouse  with  a  long  thin  nose,  probably  a  shrew. 
Osinge.    This  is  a  very  fat  mouse. 
Nakalongaka.    This  very  small  mouse  makes  a  hole  around  which  he  piles 

grass  to  conceal  the  entrance. 
Onjomboloka  (Lemniscomys).    A  mouse  with  a  stripe  on  his  back. 
Kandoti  (Dendromus).    A  very  little  mouse  something  like  nakalongaka. 


138  The  Ovtmbundu 

Observation  of  reptiles  is  a  necessary  self-protection  as  there  are 
many  poisonous  snakes.  The  flesh  of  the  python  is  eaten.  Snake- 
skin  and  lizard-skin  are  occasionally  used;  for  example,  in  covering  a 
round,  hard  fruit  in  order  to  make  a  ball  for  playing  a  game. 

When  collecting  lizards  and  snakes  I  found  that  each  kind  had  a 
well-known  name,  though  there  was  occasional  disagreement  among 
the  men  consulted. 

Ocivangoko  is  a  lizard  (Agama  planiceps)  about  ten  inches  long 
whose  tail  is  covered  with  sharp  spines.  This  reptile  has  colors  of 
bright  blue,  red,  and  orange.  Ovangu  is  a  large  spinous  gray  lizard 
(Agama  atricoU).  Ekangala  (perrhosaurus  nigrolineatus)  is  a  brilliantly 
colored  lizard  which  burrows  deeply  into  the  ground. 

Olutanjila  is  a  long  slender  green  snake  which  hides  in  trees  to 
capture  birds.  Ombandanjila  is  a  long  gray-backed  snake  with  a 
light  green  belly.  The  generic  name  for  snake  is  onyoha.  The  python 
is  omoma.  The  chameleon  (donatio)  seems  to  be  feared,  as  the  men 
and  boys  refuse  to  touch  a  dead  one  but  always  move  it  with  sticks. 
There  is  a  proverb  to  the  effect  that  the  chameleon  though  slow 
always  gets  there.  The  refusal  to  touch  even  dead  reptiles  is  due 
to.  an  exaggerated  fear  of  being  bitten.    I  could  find  no  other  reason. 

Trees  are  of  importance  in  connection  with  building  houses  and 
wood-carving.  The  qualities  of  different  timbers  are  well  known  to 
the  Ovimbundu.  For  the  main  part,  the  collection  of  medicinal 
plants  and  their  uses  will  be  described  in  connection  with  the 
medicine-man.  The  following  are  the  most  common  trees  which  are 
of  economic  importance. 

Usia  (pronounced  oosha).   This  tree  has  an  edible  fruit  the  size  of  a  walnut. 

The  kernel  is  valued  as  a  food. 
Ombula.    This  tree  provides  wood  which  burns  readily.    The  small  skin- 
covered  stools  to  be  found  in  every  hut  are  often  made  from  this  wood. 
Ukengo.    The  fruit  has  a  hard  rind. 
Owindo.   This  tree  has  a  small  acid  fruit  from  which  a  medicine  is  made  for 

the  cure  of  painful  menstruation. 
Usilosilo.    The  leaf  is  compound  and  palmate.    The  fruit  is  black. 
Usiambiambia.    Bears  a  little  red,  oval  fruit. 
UsoU.    Has  a  large  red  fruit. 
Uaombo.    Grows  near  streams.    It  has  a  fruit  like  that  of  okulakula,  but 

smaller. 
Uhuliungu.    Has  a  fruit  like  the  berry  of  a  coffee  plant.    The  fruit  is  used 

for  making  mucilage  which  is  used  for  capturing  small  birds. 
Omanda.  When  this  tree  is  small,  the  wood  is  springy,  and  is  therefore  useful 

for  making  bows.  The  wood  of  the  older  trees  is  burned  for  preparing  charcoal 

which  is  used  in  the  blacksmith's  fire. 
Onundu.    This  is  an  erect  tree  having  no  branches  on  the  lower  part.    The 

wood  is  extensively  used  in  building  native  huts. 


Economic  Life  139 

Omue.    A  large  tree  having  clusters  of  small  white  flowers  which  are  visited 

by  bees  on  account  of  their  content  of  honey.    The  tree  yields  a  hard  wood 

from  which  charcoal  is  prepared.    The  bark  and  leaves  yield  a  pigment 

which  is  used  for  dyeing  cloth  a  yellowish  brown. 
O&ui  is  valuable  because  it  gives  a  hard  wood  used  for  the  corner  posts  of 

houses.    White  ants  do  not  attack  this  wood,  which  is  therefore  useful  for 

making  the  uprights  on  which  granaries  are  erected. 
Okapelangalo.    A  tree  from  which  planks  of  hard  red  wood  are  obtained. 

These  are  used  for  making  doors  in  village  fences. 
Osasa  or  ekenge  or  usamba.    These  trees  have  small  compound  leaves  which 

are  very  similar.    The  bark  of  the  latter  two  is  used  as  rope  for  binding 

the  uprights  and  the  crosspieces  in  the  framework  of  native  houses.    Ekenge 

and  usamba  also  yield  a  bark  which  is  beaten  into  bark  cloth  in  the  Ngalangi 

district. 
Ociyeko.   The  bark  is  used  for  binding  posts,  also  for  the  fabrication  of  bark 

cloth. 
Ungolo.    The  roots  of  this  tree  yield  a  dye  for  cloth.   The  leaves  are  said  to 

have  a  value  for  curing  sore  eyes.    The  mother  of  a  child  afflicted  with 

sore  eyes  chews  the  leaves,  then  spits  into  the  child's  eyes. 
Ongaye.    Yields  a  wood  used  for  making  pestles  and  pounding  sticks. 
Omako  ("iron  wood").  This  tree  has  a  hard  wood  which  is  used  for  the  same 

purpose. 
Onjunge.    Gives  a  wood  used  in  the  making  of  houses,  doors,  and  beehives. 
Omone.    A  large  tree  which  gives  planks  for  building  purposes. 
Uvanje.    Yields  a  useful  red  timber. 
Ulondangandu.    A  tree  with  very  rough  bark.    The  word  ongandu  means  a 

crocodile.    This  is  the  tree  which  even  a  crocodile  can  climb. 
Onganja.    A  tree  which  yields  a  fruit  having  a  value  as  a  purgative.    The 

antelope  is  said  to  be  fond  of  the  fruits  of  this  tree. 
Ocikumbeolemba.    Gives  a  resinous  fluid  which  is  used  in  the  preparation  of 

lime  for  snaring  birds. 
Ulemba.    This  word  is  derived  from  the  word  ulembo,  meaning  shade.    The 

ombala  (native  capital)  of  Ngalangi  is  surrounded  by  such  trees. 
Omia.    A  tree  which  produces  yellow  flowers  in  September.    The  fruit  is  not 

edible  but  oil  is  made  from  it. 
Ohuku.    A  tree  having  fragrant  flowers  like  those  of  honeysuckle.    The  thick 

bark  is  used  in  making  mats. 
Osese.    A  soft  wood  which  is  easily  whittled  with  a  knife.   The  figures  from 

Bailundu  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  5)  are  often  carved  from  this  wood. 
Umbolombolo.    A  soft  wood  which  is  not  very  strong. 
Umbangalunda.    A  small  tree  which  produces  bright  red  fruits.    These  are 

used  by  women  for  the  manufacture  of  bead  necklaces. 
Ocilavi.    The  wood  is  used  for  the  heads  of  arrows  for  shooting  birds.    This 

timber  is  used  in  the  building  of  pigpens.    The  branches  have  projections 

which  are  said  to  guard  (pkulava,  to  guard)  the  occupants  of  the  pen. 
Itata.    From  the  roots  of  this  tree  a  medicine  for  pulmonary  complaints  is 

made. 
Ukua.    This  is  the  baobab,  whose  habitat  is  the  dry  regions.    Some  of  the 

trees  have  enormous  girth.    They  are  leafless  for  a  great  part  of  the  year. 

The  long  fruits  make  gourds.    The  seeds  in  the  fruits  are  bitter. 
Utuotuo   (pronounced  ootwdtwd).     From  the  wood  the  Ovimbundu    make 

wooden  platters  and  spoons  used  for  serving  mush  from  the  large  cooking 

pot. 
Onjiliti.    This  tree  yields  a  hard  red  wood  which  takes  a  lustrous  polish.   For 

this  reason  the  wood  is  employed  for  making  ornamental  sticks  and  clubs. 
Upondanjamba.   This  small  tree  has  roots  which  girls  use  for  making  ankle- 
bands. 


140  The  Ovimbundu 

Okalaluluka.  This  tree  has  leaves  which  are  used  in  treating  a  skin  disease. 
Uvendanguluve.    This  small  tree,  only  three  feet  in  height,  gives  straight 
twigs  which  are  used  in  making  arrow  shafts. 

Food  Supply 
collecting  and  hunting 

Collecting  of  natural  products  which  serve  as  food  substances  is 
chiefly  in  the  hands  of  women  and  children,  though  an  exception  has 
to  be  made  in  the  instance  of  honey,  which  is  gathered  by  men 
and  boys. 

Boys  diligently  search  for  nests,  noting  their  location  so  as  to  be 
able  to  visit  them  again  when  the  fledglings  are  large  enough  to 
serve  as  food.  Large  numbers  of  women  and  children  may  be  seen 
gathering  caterpillars  in  gourds.  The  insides  of  the  caterpillars  are 
squeezed  into  boiling  water  to  make  soup. 

When  a  cloud  of  locusts  appears,  as  in  1925,  the  creatures  are 
gathered.  They  are  sometimes  fried,  or  they  may  be  boiled  in  water, 
dried,  and  preserved  with  salt  in  earthenware  pots. 

A  number  of  miscellaneous  items  of  the  food  supply  were  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  names  of  trees  whose  fruits  are  gathered. 

Boys  engaged  in  food-gathering  usually  carry  small  bows  and 
blunt  wooden  arrows  {pcilavi).  One  type  of  bird  arrow  is  fixed  to 
the  bowstring.  The  forward  end  of  the  arrow  is  split  so  that  it 
may  contain  small  stones  that  are  ejected  when  the  string  is  released. 
From  the  wild  fig  tree  mucilage  is  obtained  and  this  is  boiled  until 
it  forms  a  thick  paste  which  is  smeared  on  the  boughs  of  trees. 
Some  of  the  small  birds  captured  in  this  way  are  eaten,  others  are 
kept  in  wicker  cages  made  by  children. 

In  all  parts  of  Angola  large  cylindrical  beehives  may  be  seen 
fixed  high  in  the  trees  (Plate  XC,  Fig.  2).  Two  types  of  hive  have 
been  noted  in  particular.  In  the  Elende  district  a  hive  is  made  by 
opposing  two  half  cylinders  of  wood  each  about  three  feet  long,  so 
forming  a  hive  which  has  a  diameter  of  one  foot.  The  ends  are 
covered,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  round  hole.  The  whole  struc- 
ture is  bound  round  with  grass  which  is  kept  in  position  by  lashings 
of  bark.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Cassanga  a  difference  in  the  structure 
of  the  hives  was  noticed.  This  type  of  hive  is  made  from  a  cylinder 
of  strong  reddish  bark,  the  edges  of  which  are  fastened  together 
with  stout  wooden  pegs.  The  dimensions  are  the  same  as  for  the 
hive  used  in  Elende,  but  the  hive  of  bark  is  uncovered. 

In  the  Elende  district  honey  of  wild  bees  is  removed  from  the 
hives  in  the  months  of  August  and  December.    One  man  ascends 


Economic  Life  141 

the  tree  in  order  to  lower  the  hive  with  a  long  rope  of  bark  or  plaited 
fiber,  while  beneath  the  tree  men  are  prepared  to  take  the  hive, 
which  is  opened  over  a  smoky  fire.  The  men  wear  no  protection, 
consequently  they  are  badly  stung.  Boys  are  encouraged  to  help, 
and  those  who  run  away  receive  no  honey.  Honey  may  be  eaten 
alone  or  with  manioc.  No  drink  is  made  from  honey  only,  but 
ochasa  is  the  name  given  to  beer  with  honey  in  it.  Ovingundu  is 
a  drink  made  from  pounded  corn  which  has  been  soaked  in  water 
to  which  a  little  honey  has  been  added.  The  drink  is  allowed 
to  remain  untouched  over  night;  thus  it  becomes  sweet  and  is  mildly 
intoxicating. 

Wax  is  a  very  important  item  of  trade.  In  the  remote  places 
natives  bring  to  small  trading  posts  balls  of  wax  which  are  about 
two  pounds  in  weight.  These  in  former  days  were  a  standard  of 
exchange  in  terms  of  which  other  values  could  be  measured.  These 
balls  of  wax  are  made  into  large  cakes  for  foreign  export.  In  the 
Esele  country  a  fiber  strainer  is  used  for  cleaning  the  wax.  Honey 
is  sometimes  dried  in  very  large  baskets  which  are  three  feet  in 
diameter  and  two  inches  deep.  These  baskets  were  not  observed 
among  the  Ovimbundu,  but  they  are  used  in  the  region  of  Cassanga 
in  southern  Angola.  The  honey  of  wild  bees  when  eaten  in  the  comb 
is  palatable;  it  would  be  more  so  if  one  could  disregard  the  presence 
of  numerous  dead  bees. 

The  bow  is  the  chief  weapon  of  the  hunter.  The  release  of  the 
arrow  is  made  with  the  index  and  middle  fingers  (Plate  XXXIX, 
Fig.  1).  I  have  observed  this  method  among  the  Ovimbundu  of 
the  Benguela  Highlands,  in  the  region  of  Kipungo,  in  the  far  south 
among  the  Vakuanyama,  and  among  the  Vasele  of  the  Novo  Redondo 
hinterland.  Arrows  differ  considerably  in  pattern  as  the  illustrations 
show  (Plate  XVII,  Figs.  1-9);  the  Ovimbundu  have  arrow-points 
of  excellent  workmanship.  The  manufacture  of  these  arrow-points  is 
one  of  the  most  skilled  occupations  of  the  blacksmith.  Each 
man  makes  his  own  shafts  and  feathers  them.  The  arrows  of  the 
Vasele  have  leaf-shaped  iron  points;  so  also  have  those  used  by 
the  Vakuanyama. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  are  specialists  who  make  bows  from 
elastic  woods  called  usia  and  osambia.  The  bow  itself  is  ohonji 
and  the  arrow  is  usongo.  At  the  third  shot  I  saw  a  young  Ocimbundu 
boy  split  a  cane  which  was  placed  upright  at  a  distance  of  thirty- 
three  feet.  The  throwing  club  (ohunya)  is  used  for  killing  small 
game  such  as  hares. 


142  The  Ovimbundu 

The  only  spear  (unga)  that  I  have  seen  is  made  entirely  of  iron. 
The  shaft  is  covered  with  the  tail  of  an  ox  to  which  the  tuft  of  hair 
remains  attached.  This  is  the  spear  formerly  used  in  warfare.  The 
distribution  is  wide.  Such  spears  were  purchased  from  the  Ovim- 
bundu of  Elende  and  Bailundu  and  also  from  the  Vakuanyama 
living  in  the  far  south  of  Angola,  but  I  do  not  think  that  the  Ovim- 
bundu make  these  spears,  which  are  probably  traded  from  the  south. 

A  hunter  is  considered  exceptionally  fortunate  if  he  possesses  an 
old  muzzle-loading  gun  (uta).  I  have  seen  only  two  hunters  who 
owned  such  a  weapon.  In  one  instance  the  barrel  was  bound 
to  the  stock  with  hide  thongs,  while  the  woodwork  was  decorated 
with  brass  tacks.  Powder  and  fragments  of  metal  are  carried  in 
a  leather  pouch  which  is  attached  to  a  broad,  leather  waist  belt 
(Plate  XIII,  Fig.  6).  There  is  certainly  a  feeling  among  hunters 
that  the  sale  of  a  well-tried  weapon  will  be  followed  by  bad  luck. 
The  gun  is  sometimes  fixed  to  form  a  trap  in  such  a  way  that  an 
antelope  may  tread  on  the  string  and  so  discharge  the  gun.  Some- 
times a  piece  of  meat  is  attached  to  a  string  which  is  fastened  to  the 
trigger.  A  heavy  beam  of  wood  into  which  an  iron  spike  is  fastened 
was  used  in  districts  where  the  hippopotamus  and  elephant  were 
hunted.  Such  a  trap  was  fixed  over  a  path  known  to  be  frequented 
by  these  animals.    Big  game  of  this  type  is  now  rare. 

In  the  Esele  country  the  following  traps  are  in  use:  (1)  A 
deep,  narrow,  grass-covered  pit  from  the  bottom  of  which  sharp 
stakes  project  upward;  this  trap  is  known  as  okueve.  (2)  A  simple 
trap  consisting  of  four  long  sharp  stakes  which  are  fixed  in  the  ground 
so  that  they  incline  toward  a  gap  through  which  a  buck  is  likely 
to  jump  (Plate  LXXIII,  Fig.  2).  (3)  The  trap  (ocisonga)  for  lions 
and  leopards.  This  is  a  heavily  built  structure  provided  with  a 
panel-like  door  which  slides  down  when  the  entering  animal  releases 
a  cord  fastened  to  the  bait  (Plate  XCII,  Fig.  2).  (4)  A  heavy 
trap  triangular  in  form.  This  trap  is  not  an  enclosure,  but  a  covering 
under  which  the  animal  has  to  go  in  order  to  reach  the  bait.  In 
addition  to  the  foregoing  examples  there  is  a  trap  (onjanjo)  which 
is  used  for  snaring  antelope.  The  essential  of  the  device  is  a  loop 
which  is  bound  to  the  end  of  a  supple  branch  lightly  fastened  to  the 
ground.    This,  however,  did  not  come  under  my  observation. 

Long,  cone-shaped,  cane  structures  are  placed  in  the  grass,  which 
is  then  fired.  Animals  disturbed  and  frightened  by  the  fire  rush 
into  the  wide  end  of  the  trap,  then  make  their  way  to  the  narrow  end 
(Plate  XV,  Fig.  5).    One  such  trap  is  modified  to  form  a  snare  with 


Economic  Life  143 

a  noose  which  hangs  over  the  entrance.  From  Ngalangi  I  obtained 
a  trap  formed  by  suspending  a  heavy  block  of  wood  inside  a  box. 
The  animal  enters  a  small  circular  hole,  passes  under  the  heavy 
block  and  begins  to  nibble  the  grain  which  is  strewn  on  the  bottom 
of  the  box.  Presently  he  releases  a  fine  string  which  brings  down 
the  block  in  such  a  way  that  he  is  pinned  underneath.  I  am  informed 
that  this  trap  is  used  at  Elende,  but  I  have  not  seen  it  there. 

Some  hunters  note  the  feeding  and  drinking  places  of  their  quarry, 
which  is  shot  from  a  hiding  place  in  a  tree.  Young  animals  may  be 
run  down  by  a  hunter  in  open  chase.  Screens  are  not  carried  in  front 
of  a  hunter,  but  he  does  sometimes  dress  in  the  skins  of  animals. 
His  disguise  is  completed  by  wearing  a  tuft  of  the  animal's  hair  on 
his  head. 

Dogs  are  used  for  tiring  out  young  animals  in  the  chase,  and 
also  for  catching  hares.  There  is  a  tendency  at  the  present  time 
to  improve  the  breed  of  native  dog  by  crossing  with  a  large  hunting 
dog  from  South  Africa.  In  the  Esele  country  I  have  seen,  high  on 
a  granite  rock,  a  small  cairn  of  stones  which  covered  the  skull  of  a 
famous  hunting  dog.  Dogs  are  used  most  commonly  when  the  hunt 
is  communal  (Plate  XXIII,  Fig.  1),  but  the  best  hunters  work  alone 
without  the  aid  of  dogs.  In  the  general  hunt  women  and  children 
may  take  part  in  driving  the  game;  often  a  fire  is  started  in  the  grass, 
which  is  very  dry  in  the  months  of  June  and  July.  A  hunter  who 
works  alone  may  excite  the  curiosity  of  an  animal  by  blowing  through 
a  horn  of  an  antelope.  Spider's  web  covers  the  wide  end  of  the  horn. 

I  have  observed  a  general  hunt  in  which  thirty  men  and  boys 
participated,  each  carrying  a  bow  and  arrows.  The  party  was 
accompanied  by  many  dogs.  The  antelope  which  had  been  killed 
was  carried  on  a  pole  slung  on  the  shoulders  of  two  men.  There 
was  intense  excitement  as  the  troop  advanced  toward  their  village, 
shouting  and  jumping.  In  another  hunt  of  this  kind  muzzle-loading 
guns  were  carried.  The  Ovimbundu  do  not  use  nets  in  hunting, 
neither  do  they  poison  animals.  Decoy  animals  are  not  used,  but  in 
the  large  wooden  trap  (ocisonga)  a  living  goat  or  pig  is  placed. 

It  is  necessary  to  distinguish  between  hunting  as  a  general  pas- 
time, in  which  all  males,  and  even  women  and  children  join  to  a 
certain  extent,  and  the  hunting  of  animals  by  a  professional  hunter. 
The  professional  hunter  is  usually  called  ukongo  (less  frequently 
enyanga) ;  but  there  is  no  name  for  the  non-professional  hunter.  A 
boy  who  wishes  to  become  a  professional  hunter  has  to  serve  for  a 
time  with  an  ukongo  before  he  himself  receives  this  title.    There  is 


144  The  Ovimbundu 

an  initiation  feast  when  the  training  is  ended.  At  the  feast  all  people 
of  the  village  may  be  present  but  they  do  not  dance;  only  the  profes- 
sional hunters  may  do  so.  The  boy  who  is  to  be  initiated  must  not 
speak  or  move  until  he  "feels  the  spirit  on  his  head";  then  he  gives 
meat  to  the  people.  After  hunters  have  captured  game  for  the 
feast,  the  blood  from  these  animals  is  used  to  smear  over  the  bow, 
arrows,  and  spear  which  have  been  made  for  the  novice  by  his  tutor. 
This  is  analogous  to  the  initiation  of  the  young  blacksmith  who 
receives  blood-sprinkled  tools  made  by  the  master  blacksmith. 

There  is  in  connection  with  the  life  and  death  of  the  professional 
hunter  a  certain  amount  of  ritual  and  precaution.  The  night  before 
setting  out  to  hunt  is  a  time  of  dancing  and  renewal  of  the  imple- 
ments of  the  chase,  which  are  kept  in  a  house  specially  prepared  for 
them.  A  hunter  who  is  on  the  eve  of  departure  calls  in  other  profes- 
sional hunters  to  share  the  ceremony,  which  includes  the  rubbing 
of  the  bows  and  other  implements  with  palm  oil.  A  libation  of  beer 
is  poured  on  the  bows,  spears,  and  arrows,  but  no  medicine-man 
is  present.  Some  of  the  bows  are  never  used,  because  they  are  merely 
the  symbols  of  the  personality  and  prowess  of  dead  hunters  whose 
names  they  have  taken.  The  food  and  cooking  pots  of  a  hunter 
must  never  be  associated  with  those  of  ordinary  household  use.  If 
a  hunter  is  following  the  tracks  of  an  animal  he  must  not  point  with 
his  finger  as  this  action  will  drive  the  animal  away.  The  correct 
way  to  point  is  by  use  of  the  feathered  end  of  an  arrow.  The  hunter 
must  not  sleep  with  his  wife  the  night  before  setting  out  in  quest 
of  game. 

I  have  frequently  seen  in  front  of  the  hut  of  a  hunter  a  number 
of  skulls  of  antelope  and  other  animals  mounted  on  poles  arranged 
in  circular  formation  (Plate  XXXII,  Fig.  2).  These  skulls  seem  to 
be  trophies,  which  are  invariably  taken  away  by  the  hunter  if  he 
finds  a  new  home.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  that 
these  skulls  are  an  offering  to  the  spirits  who  give  good  luck  in 
hunting,  because  such  a  belief  would  be  in  harmony  with  the  general 
respect  for  ancestral  ghosts,  which  are  thought  to  influence  the 
affairs  of  the  living. 

On  several  occasions,  notably  near  Ganda  and  in  the  Cassonge 
country,  I  have  seen  the  tombs  of  hunters.  These  are  large  structures 
built  of  slabs  of  granite  laid  with  some  symmetry.  The  rock  tomb 
is  invariably  placed  on  the  top  of  a  commanding  eminence  of  granite. 
The  skulls  of  animals  which  the  hunter  has  killed  are  piled  on  the 
top  of  the  cairn,  but  I  do  not  know  whether  these  are  the  trophies 


Economic  Life  145 

which  are  fixed  on  poles  in  front  of  the  hunter's  home  during  his 
lifetime  (Plate  XXXII,  Figs.  1,  2). 

There  are  at  the  funeral  of  a  hunter  special  observances  which 
will  be  mentioned  under  the  heading  of  funeral  rites. 

FISHING 

In  the  region  of  Elende  there  is  fishing  with  both  basket  and  line; 
a  method  of  poisoning  fish  is  also  practised.  Usually  a  male  fishes 
with  a  bark  line.  Women  catch  fish  by  the  poisoning  method,  and 
in  addition  to  this  they  generally  follow  the  procedure  in  which 
baskets  are  held  or  weighted  in  the  stream.  If  the  water  flows 
swiftly  men  may  take  charge  of  the  fishing  operations.  At  times 
both  men  and  women  fish  with  nets.  Husband  and  wife  may  not 
sleep  together  the  night  before  fishing,  as  this  is  believed  to  make 
the  male  and  female  fish  stay  together  at  the  bottom  of  the  river. 

The  fishing  line  consists  of  tough  green  bark  which  is  cut  into 
strips  whose  length  depends  on  the  height  of  the  river's  bank.  A 
hole  is  bored  through  the  body  of  a  grasshopper,  a  worm,  or  a  grub 
taken  from  under  the  bark  of  a  tree.  Through  this  hole  is  passed 
a  short  stiff  piece  of  grass  about  half  an  inch  long,  to  which  the  line 
is  attached.  The  fish  is  caught  when  the  crosspiece  of  sharp  grass 
becomes  fast  in  its  throat. 

When  the  fisher  throws  the  line  he  sings:  "0  fish,  come  and  take 
your  good  thing.  Do  not  send  the  little  fish  to  spoil  the  good  thing. 
Better  you  come  and  take  the  good  thing  with  all  your  strength." 

In  order  to  make  fish  poison  the  tuberous  roots  of  a  plant  are 
taken  and  soaked  in  water  until  a  scum  rises  to  the  top.  The  solid 
part  of  the  poison  is  not  given,  because  it  would  sink  and  the  fish 
which  ate  it  would  remain  at  the  bottom  of  the  river.  Therefore 
only  the  scum  of  this  poisonous  infusion  is  thrown  in  the  water. 
The  stupefied,  gasping  fish  remain  at  the  surface,  whereupon  they 
are  seized  by  women  who  transfer  them  to  gourds  or  baskets  worn 
around  their  necks.  Usually  poison  is  used  only  in  the  dry  season 
when  the  rivers  are  shallow. 

Sometimes  there  is  fishing  by  means  of  a  weir  (olunja)  which 
has  an  opening  in  the  middle.  On  the  lower  side  of  this  gap  a  basket 
trap  is  placed. 

There  is  no  fishing  by  torchlight.  At  the  coast,  and  along  the 
river  Kwanza  I  have  seen  heavy  dugout  canoes  in  use;  these  were 
about  twenty  to  thirty  feet  long  and  hollowed  from  single  trees 
(Plate  LXXII,  Figs.  1,  2).   At  Ambrizette  I  noted  the  use  of  a  fishing 


146  The  Ovimbundu 

spear  eight  feet  long,  the  end  of  which  consisted  of  ten  sharp  prongs 
of  palm  stem  (Plate  LXXIII,  Fig.  1). 

Near  Cangamba  in  eastern  Angola,  fishing  in  the  Kwando  River 
occupied  numerous  men  and  women  of  the  mixed  tribes  in  the  dis- 
trict, namely,  Vachokue,  Luchazi,  and  Babunda.  Men  paddled  into 
midstream  in  small  bark  canoes  from  which  fishing  operations  were 
directed.  The  fishermen  carried  small  conical  string  nets,  which 
were  attached  to  stakes  in  such  a  way  that  the  openings  of  the  nets 
faced  upstream.  Vachokue  women,  working  in  pairs,  dragged  baskets 
against  the  current  (Plate  LXXXV,  Figs.  1,  2). 

AGRICULTURE  AND  COOKING 

Osila  is  the  Umbundu  word  for  the  granary  which  stands  on 
wooden  supports  (Plate  XLIV,  Fig.  1) ;  this  osila  is  for  the  restricted 
family,  and  there  is  one  osila  for  every  house.  The  Ovimbundu 
store  their  corn  in  bulk,  but  in  the  Esele  country  I  noted  that  the 
cobs  themselves  were  carefully  packed.  Each  Ocimbundu  girl  culti- 
vates a  small  patch  of  ground,  the  produce  of  which  she  is  at  liberty 
to  sell  in  order  to  buy  brass  ornaments,  beads,  and  palm  oil. 

In  addition  to  maize,  barley,  oats,  and  wheat,  with  here  and 
there  a  little  rye,  are  occasionally  grown.  There  are  three  colors  of 
beans,  red,  white,  and  black.  There  is  no  attempt  to  keep  the  varieties 
separate,  so  they  cross-fertilize  freely.  The  Ovimbundu  try  to 
cultivate  a  surplus  of  beans  and  maize  which  they  use  to  pay  their 
taxes  to  the  Portuguese,  likewise  to  sell  at  the  stores  of  traders. 

Corn  is  pounded  on  the  rock  which  has  been  used  for  generations 
after  it  has  been  consecrated  by  sprinkling  the  blood  of  a  chicken. 
Pounding  begins  as  early  as  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  before  sun- 
rise, and  from  that  time  to  sunset  the  pounding-rock  is  in  use.  The 
rock  is  evidently  regarded  as  a  meeting  place  for  social  intercourse; 
it  is  undoubtedly  the  center  of  village  gossip  so  far  as  the  women 
are  concerned  (Plate  XXXVI,  Fig.  2). 

As  corn  alone  is  considered  a  poor  food,  it  is  sprinkled  on  boiling 
water  to  which  beans  are  added.  Cooking  goes  on  from  early  morning 
to  sunset  over  a  slow  fire.  Children  sometimes  receive  as  their 
evening  meal  a  thick  plastic  cake  of  mushed  corn  to  which  green 
leaves  of  a  squash  are  added. 

There  are  five  kinds  of  manioc  resembling  one  another  in  general 
appearance,  but  the  Ovimbundu  distinguish  the  plants,  and  reserve 
for  each  what  they  consider  to  be  appropriate  preparation.  The 
method  varies  for  sweet  and  bitter  varieties  of  manioc. 


Economic  Life  147 

Olungunga  is  not  a  sweet  manioc,  so  is  not  eaten  raw.  The  roots 
are  placed  to  soak  in  a  stream  for  three  or  four  days  before  they  are 
roasted  on  a  fire,  after  which  they  may  be  eaten  with  impunity. 
As  an  alternative  the  roots  may  be  dried  in  the  sun;  they  are  then 
pounded  into  meal  which  is  scattered  into  boiling  water  so  that  a 
mush  is  formed.  The  Umbundu  name  for  this  preparation  is  iputa 
viutombo,  meaning  "mush  of  manioc."  The  leaves  of  olungunga 
are  not  soaked  in  water;  on  the  contrary,  they  may  be  cooked  as 
soon  as  they  are  gathered,  but  they  must  not  be  eaten  when  warm. 
There  is  no  danger  in  eating  them  after  they  have  been  boiled  and 
have  been  allowed  to  become  cold.  The  leaves  are  served  with 
salt  or  fat. 

All  the  manioc,  with  the  exception  of  olungunga,  is  sweet. 
Kandona  has  roots  which  may  be  eaten  uncooked,  but  both  leaves 
and  roots  are  sometimes  cooked  in  water.  Other  varieties  of  manioc 
known  as  otetu,  elemba,  and  esela  are  eaten  in  the  same  way  as 
kandona.  Manioc  is  in  use  all  the  year,  but  the  greatest  quantity 
is  consumed  in  November  and  December,  a  period  when  the  growing 
corn  is  not  ripe  and  the  storage  supplies  have  dwindled. 

Sweet  potatoes  are  plentiful  all  the  year  with  the  exception  of 
the  months  of  November  and  December.  They  are  placed  in  the 
pot,  without  removal  of  the  skin,  and  boiled  for  a  period  of  twenty 
or  thirty  minutes.  They  are  taken  out,  peeled,  and  eaten.  Euro- 
pean potatoes  are  sometimes  peeled  and  made  into  a  mush.  The 
variety  of  garden  produce  naturally  depends  on  proximity  to  a 
trading  post,  a  mission,  or  some  other  European  settlement. 

In  propagating  manioc  a  stem  is  cut  off  from  the  parent  plant 
which  is  about  three  feet  high ;  but  probably  two  or  three  years  pass 
before  the  tubers  are  considered  large  enough  for  use.  Sweet  potatoes 
are  planted  in  January,  but  there  is  very  little  of  this  food  available 
in  February  and  March.  Toward  the  end  of  March  or  early  in  April 
a  few  potatoes  may  be  ready  for  consumption. 

Peanuts  (Arachis  hypogaea,  Leguminosae)  are  planted  in  October 
by  women  who  prepare  patches  of  ground  which  are  drilled  with  holes 
one  inch  deep  and  eight  inches  apart.  One  nut  is  placed  in  each  hole 
after  the  shell  has  been  removed.  Above  the  ground  small  leaves 
appear.  After  the  flower-stalk  withers  it  has  the  peculiarity  of 
elongating  and  bending  down.  In  this  way  the  young  pod  is  forced 
underground,  and  the  seeds  mature  a  little  way  below  the  surface. 

Some  natives  employ  irrigation  by  leading  small  channels  of 
water  from  a  hillside  stream  to  a  garden  containing  maize  and 


148  The  Ovimbundu 

bananas,  but  one  could  not  say  that  irrigation  is  generally  practised, 
even  when  circumstances  permit. 

The  papaya  and  the  banana  are  increasingly  cultivated,  but 
they  are  by  no  means  generally  distributed.  Here  and  there  I 
have  seen  a  little  sugar-cane  cultivated  by  natives  for  their  own 
use.  Near  the  main  railway  natives  may  be  seen  selling  their 
products,  which  include  cabbages  and  tomatoes.  Some  natives  are 
today  planting  the  guava  tree  which  yields  sweet  palatable  fruits. 
The  fruits  olosia  are  collected  from  the  usia  tree.  When  ripe,  the 
fruit  is  yellow,  round,  and  about  two  inches  in  diameter.  These 
fruits  are  gathered  in  September,  and  the  kernels,  which  are  about 
the  size  of  walnuts,  are  eaten  uncooked.  No  fruits  are  collected  for 
storage.    Olombula  fruits  ripen  in  October,  when  they  are  eaten  raw. 

Each  wife  sends  the  food  which  she  has  cooked  in  her  own  kitchen 
to  the  onjango  ("council  house").  After  carrying  the  food  to  this 
house  of  assembly,  where  the  men  meet  each  evening,  the  women 
return  to  their  houses  to  eat  alone,  or  with  the  young  children. 

When  there  is  a  plurality  of  wives  each  has  her  own  house  and 
kitchen.  Ngonga  states  that  separate  kitchens  built  outside  the 
living  houses  are  becoming  more  rare.  The  poor  have  their  kitchens 
in  the  living  room  because  they  cannot  provide  separate  structures 
for  living  and  cooking. 

The  first  meal  is  taken  between  five  and  six  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
the  most  usual  food  being  meal  sprinkled  on  boiling  water  to  form 
a  paste  which  is  eaten  with  sweet  potatoes.  A  mush  of  beans  is 
eaten  at  night;  generally  there  is  no  meal  at  midday.  Three  pounds 
of  cooked  beans  are  eaten  by  a  person  for  one  meal.  Over  the  cook- 
ing pots  leaves  are  placed  to  keep  in  the  steam,  especially  when 
the  pot  contains  sweet  potatoes.  I  have  made  a  meal  from  the 
sticky,  gluey  paste  which  results  from  sprinkling  meal  on  boiling 
water.  The  chief  objection  to  this  food  is  the  unpleasant  quantity 
of  grit  in  the  meal,  owing  to  the  fact  that  it  is  pounded  on  the  rocks. 
Manioc  and  sugar-cane  are  chewed  at  irregular  intervals  of  the  day. 

The  amount  of  meat  consumed  by  the  Ovimbundu  is  small  in 
comparison  with  the  quantity  of  vegetable  food  used.  This  adoption 
of  diet  of  a  particular  kind  is  largely  a  matter  of  habit,  and  there 
is  no  good  reason  why  meat  should  not  form  a  larger  proportion  of 
the  food  supply.  The  Ovimbundu  do  not  kill  their  cattle  for  food 
though  they  will  eat  the  meat  of  oxen  which  have  died  from  natural 
causes. 


Economic  Life  149 

The  flesh  of  goats,  sheep,  and  pigs  might  be  more  frequently- 
used  if  these  animals  were  bred  and  cared  for  under  some  system 
of  animal  husbandry.  The  Ovimbundu  are  familiar  with  the  preser- 
vation of  meat  by  smoking  and  drying  it,  because  flesh  of  animals 
killed  in  the  chase  is  sometimes  preserved  in  this  way  by  hunters, 
yet  the  method  is  not  widely  and  constantly  applied  in  order  to 
assure  a  regular  supply  of  meat. 

Failure  to  utilize  the  milk  of  cattle  and  goats  is  another  example 
of  the  neglect  of  useful  commodities.  The  Vacilenge,  who  are  near 
neighbors  of  the  Ovimbundu,  milk  their  cows  as  do  the  Ovimbundu 
themselves  in  some  districts,  though  the  practice  is  by  no  means 
general.  Even  where  cows  are  milked,  butter  and  cheese  are  not 
made,  though  the  Ovimbundu  know  of  the  process,  which  is  practised 
by  the  Vakuanyama  of  southern  Angola. 

There  are  three  kinds  of  beer.  Ocisangua  is  a  sweet  beer  which 
even  children  may  drink  because  it  is  not  intoxicating.  Water  is 
heated  slowly  in  the  pot  but  not  boiled;  meanwhile  meal  of  Kafir 
corn  or  maize  is  added.  Pounded  sweet  potato  is  strained  in  such  a 
way  that  the  liquid  part  goes  into  the  beer  pot;  the  residual  mush  is 
given  to  pigs.  After  the  beer  has  cooled  out  of  doors,  it  is  trans- 
ferred to  a  large  gourd  and  allowed  to  stand  over  night.  Next  day 
it  is  considered  a  fit  drink  to  consume  or  to  offer  to  visitors  (Plate 
XXIII,  Fig.  3). 

The  making  of  an  intoxicating  beer  ekundi  proceeds  as  for 
ocisangua,  but  instead  of  adding  strained  liquid  from  sweet  potatoes 
a  root  called  ombundi  is  included  in  the  brew.  The  large  pot  con- 
taining this  beer  is  covered  tightly  and  allowed  to  stand  untouched 
for  twenty-four  hours,  at  the  end  of  which  time  it  is  a  potent  drink. 
It  is  important  to  note  that  the  corn  is  allowed  to  sprout  in  the  ground 
before  it  is  made  into  the  infusion  to  which  the  root  ombundi  is  added. 

Ocimbombo  is  a  strongly  intoxicating  drink.  In  order  to  prepare 
this  brew,  corn  is  soaked  for  a  week;  then  it  is  left  in  the  ground 
for  the  same  length  of  time  until  it  has  germinated.  It  is  then 
pounded  on  the  rocks  and  placed  in  large  pots  filled  with  water  to 
which  sweet  meal  of  corn  is  added.  Simmering  over  the  fire  is 
continued  for  two  days  with  constant  stirring.  This  brew  differs  from 
ekundi  in  the  longer  germination  of  the  corn  and  the  longer  period  of 
simmering.  On  the  fourth  day  after  the  simmering  is  completed  the 
drink  is  said  to  be  ready  for  consumption.  If  the  people  have  honey, 
they  add  some  to  the  brew  on  the  third  day  of  standing.   My  inform- 


150  The  Ovimbundu 

ant  said,  "Sometimes  a  man  who  has  drunk  this  beer  will  sleep  on 
the  ground  all  day  and  say  nothing." 

Salt  is  a  welcome  gift  in  all  parts  of  Angola.  Native  tribes  appre- 
ciate its  culinary  value  but  show  no  eagerness  to  barter  for  the  com- 
modity. At  the  present  time  salt  is  sold  in  every  trader's  store,  but 
in  earlier  times  the  substance  had  to  be  obtained  along  caravan  routes 
from  the  coast  and  was  therefore  more  highly  prized  than  it  is  today. 
The  Ovimbundu  realize  the  value  of  salt  in  the  diet  of  cattle;  therefore 
the  animals  are  occasionally  driven  to  a  salt  lick  in  the  hills.  The 
Ovimbundu  do  not  use  this  salt  for  their  own  diet,  possibly  because 
the  salt  enjoyed  by  the  cattle  is  some  form  of  potash  and  not  sodium 
chloride. 

The  Vachokue  extract  salt  from  the  leaves  of  a  river  plant  by 
burning  it  to  ashes  which  are  soaked  and  strained.  This  is  a  common 
African  method,  but  I  did  not  hear  of  it  among  the  Ovimbundu.  The 
probability  is  that  the  Ovimbundu  have  always  obtained  salt  from 
the  coast. 

In  connection  with  cooking  and  brewing  beer,  methods  of  making 
fire  are  of  importance. 

Matches  are  coming  into  use  among  the  Ovimbundu,  but  the 
necessity  for  them  is  not  great  as  the  hearth  fire  is  not  extinguished. 
In  the  center  of  each  hut  is  a  fireplace  made  of  three  hearth-stones 
over  which  logs  of  wood  are  placed  with  their  ends  in  the  fire  which 
is  kept  alight  by  pushing  the  logs  forward  from  time  to  time.  A 
blaze  is  made  by  breaking  off  bark  from  the  logs,  placing  it  on  the 
center  of  the  fire  and  blowing.  Fire  is  carried  from  one  place  to 
another  by  conveying  a  smoldering  log.  In  the  Esele  country  boys 
may  be  seen  setting  off  at  dawn  to  scare  birds  in  the  corn  field, 
each  carrying  fire  with  him. 

Usually  the  children  or  some  other  members  of  the  family  sleep 
on  mats  close  to  the  fire,  which  requires  no  attention  other  than  a 
pushing  forward  of  the  logs. 

The  Vasele  make  fire  by  the  twirling  method,  and  at  Ngalangi 
the  same  procedure  was  witnessed.  In  the  twirling  method  two 
different  kinds  of  wood  are  used,  soft  wood  for  the  base  and  hard 
wood  for  the  twirling  stick.  The  twirler  used  at  Ngalangi  was  a 
piece  of  cane  into  the  end  of  which  a  piece  of  hard  white  wood  was 
secured  by  binding.  Ngonga,  my  interpreter  and  informant,  thinks 
that  any  man  of  the  Ovimbundu  could  make  fire  by  the  twirling 
method  if  the  necessity  arose,  but  the  performance  witnessed  at 
Ngalangi  led  me  to  doubt  the  truth  of  this  statement.  The  operator 


Economic  Life  151 

undoubtedly  knew  the  apparatus  and  the  method,  but  he  appeared 
to  have  lost  the  dexterity  which  is  necessary  for  a  rapid  moving  of  the 
hands  from  the  bottom  of  the  twirler  to  the  top.  There  was  conse- 
quently a  long  period  of  smoldering  before  the  flame  appeared. 

Among  the  Vachokue  a  little  wooden  box  of  tinder,  a  piece  of 
quartz,  and  an  iron  blade  are  carried  for  fire-making.  From  an  Esele 
man  a  bag  containing  tinder  and  quartz  was  obtained. 

The  making  of  fire  ceremonially  in  connection  with  ritual  and 
sacrifice  is  described  among  the  functions  of  the  medicine-man, 
because  the  sacred  and  profane  uses  of  fire  are  quite  distinct. 

Tobacco  is  a  very  important  item  of  trade.  The  cultivation  is  a 
domestic  industry  followed  usually  by  women  but  to  some  extent  by 
men.  In  former  days  when  the  Ovimbundu  traded  extensively  in 
Africa  every  man  had  a  field  of  tobacco  which  he  himself  cultivated. 
At  the  present  time  each  man  is  likely  to  have  a  mound  of  tobacco 
plants  in  the  middle  of  a  corn  field  (Plate  XXIX,  Fig.  1).  Women 
do  sometimes  cultivate  tobacco  near  their  huts,  but  in  this  case 
the  little  plantation  must  be  strongly  fenced.  Goats  are  numerous, 
and  they  eat  the  leaves  of  the  tobacco  plant  with  avidity. 

Toward  the  end  of  September,  when  the  rains  begin,  tobacco 
seed  is  sown  on  a  patch  of  ground  a  yard  square  to  raise  seedlings 
which  are  planted  out  in  October.  A  few  flowers  only  are  left  to 
produce  seed.  As  a  further  effort  to  improve  the  quality  of  the 
tobacco  many  of  the  lower  leaves  are  removed.  The  cutting  of 
leaves  intended  for  use  as  tobacco  is  done  by  men  in  the  months  of 
February  and  March;  women  and  children  assist  if  the  field  is  large. 

After  the  midrib  has  been  removed  from  each  leaf,  the  leaves  are 
suspended  from  the  roof  in  a  bundle.  At  the  end  of  five  days,  when 
the  leaves  have  turned  brown,  they  are  twisted  into  a  long  straight 
roll  which  is  hung  in  the  sun  for  three  days.  At  intervals  the  roll  is 
twisted  in  another  direction.  This  gradually  exposes  all  parts  of  the 
leaves,  so  that  the  drying  is  thorough.  There  are  three  methods  of 
making  up  the  rolls:  ombola  is  an  oval  roll;  ongalo  is  the  round  coil; 
ocine  is  the  name  given  to  tobacco  which  has  been  dried  and  twisted 
round  a  stick.  Tobacco-pipes  are  varied  in  size  and  design  (Plate  XV, 
Figs.  1-3) ;  those  for  men  are  larger  than  those  used  by  women.  A 
mixture  of  tobacco  and  hemp  is  smoked  in  a  water-pipe  made  from 
the  horn  of  a  cow.  Details  of  structure  and  ornament  are  given  under 
"Wood-carving." 

In  order  to  make  snuff  a  piece  of  dried  tobacco  is  slowly  baked 
near  the  fire  on  the  end  of  a  pointed  stick  which  is  turned  frequently. 


152  The  Ovimbundu 

The  snuff  is  pounded  and  placed  in  a  small  wooden  box  of  cylindrical 
shape.  Usually  the  box  is  ornamented  with  incised,  burned  patterns. 
The  Ovimbundu  of  Bih6  add  ashes  of  wood  to  their  snuff,  so  producing 
a  mixture  called  ulelemo.  The  Ovimbundu  of  Elende  usually  use  the 
snuff  without  adulteration.  Two  main  species  of  tobacco  plants 
are  grown. 

Women  smoke  in  all  parts  of  Angola.  The  Ovimbundu  do  not  chew 
tobacco,  neither  have  I  seen  it  so  used  elsewhere  in  Angola.  Boys 
and  girls  are  not  allowed  to  smoke  before  the  age  of  thirteen  years. 

In  the  ombala  of  the  Vangangella  near  Ngalangi,  I  asked  a  girl 
for  her  pipe  which  I  desired  for  my  collection.  The  interpreter  took 
the  pipe  when  she  proffered  it,  explaining  that,  according  to  local 
custom,  I  had  asked  for  the  girl.  If  I  took  the  proffered  pipe  from 
her  hand  I  accepted  her.  Another  social  custom  associated  with 
tobacco  is  the  passing  of  the  communal  pipe  from  hand  to  hand  in 
the  men's  council  house. 

Ngonga,  my  interpreter,  says  that  he  has  never  seen  an  Ocimbundu 
woman  smoke  hemp,  but  he  has  seen  a  woman  of  the  Vangangella 
(people  to  the  east  of  the  Ovimbundu)  smoking  hemp.  Hemp 
(epangue)  is  cultivated  only  by  the  Ovimbundu  men  who  smoke  it. 
Pure  hemp  is  smoked  in  the  water-pipe  which  is  not  passed  from 
hand  to  hand.  Only  tobacco  is  used  in  communal  smoking.  Smoking 
of  hemp  or  tobacco  consists  of  a  few  deep  inhalations;  there  is  not 
usually  a  prolonged  placid  smoking.  When  hemp  is  placed  in  the 
bowl  of  the  water-pipe  it  is  covered  with  large  grains  of  sand  or  a 
piece  of  tin.  This  intervening  substance  prevents  the  hot  coals 
from  coming  into  contact  with  the  hemp.  The  object  is  to  secure 
slow  ignition. 

DOMESTIC  ANIMALS 

The  principal  domestic  animals  are  cow  (onjindi),  ox  (ongombe, 
which  is  also  the  generic  name  for  cattle),  bull  (onui),  sheep  (omeme), 
goat  (ohombo),  pig  (ongulu),  dog  (ombua),  chicken  (osanji)  (Plates 
LV,  LVI,  LVII). 

The  transport  animals,  donkey,  horse,  and  mule,  are  not  used  by 
the  Ovimbundu  of  Elende  and  not  to  any  extent  by  Ovimbundu  of 
other  parts;  but  in  the  south  of  Angola  the  Vakuanyama  have  sturdy 
ponies  and  well-kept  mules.  The  ox  when  ridden  by  Portuguese 
is  provided  with  a  leather  saddle  which  is  very  comfortable  if 
covered  with  a  blanket.  The  brass  stirrups  are  broad  and  massive. 
Through  the  septum  of  the  bullock's  nostrils  there  is  a  short  brass 
rod  to  the  ends  of  which  the  reins  are  attached  (Plate  XXX,  Fig.  1). 


Economic  Life  153 

I  have  seen  an  Ocimbundu  male  riding  an  ox  without  saddle.    A 
cord  was  passed  through  the  animal's  nose  to  serve  as  reins. 

The  Portuguese  name  for  horse  is  cavalo,  a  word  which  the  Ovim- 
bundu  use  in  the  form  okavalu,  though  there  is  an  Umbundu  word 
ocingongovala,  which  means  "going  with  his  neck  up."  The  Umbundu 
words  for  donkey  and  mule  are  ocimbulu  and  omula,  respectively. 

Generally  speaking,  the  ears  of  animals  are  not  clipped,  neither 
are  cattle  branded  or  otherwise  marked  to  indicate  ownership,  but 
sometimes  the  ears  of  pigs  and  goats  are  cut  to  aid  identification. 
When  asked  why  the  tips  of  the  ears  of  dogs  are  mutilated  an  Ocim- 
bundu will  say  that  a  dog  with  uncut  ears  does  not  hear  when  called 
(Plate  LVI,  Fig.  2). 

Not  many  families  own  large  herds  of  cattle  among  the  Ovim- 
bundu,  and  I  did  not  see  a  big  kraal  until  I  was  in  southwest  Angola. 
Cattle,  which  are  a  measure  of  wealth,  are  used  for  paying  fines, 
making  funeral  feasts,  paying  debts,  and  securing  wives.  The  cattle 
throughout  Angola  are  well-developed,  handsome  animals  (Plate 
LVI  I,  Fig.  1).  The  bull  remains  with  the  herd  the  entire  year;  there 
is  therefore  no  particular  season  for  the  birth  of  calves.  Usually  cows 
are  not  milked  by  the  Ovimbundu,  consequently  these  people  have 
no  milk,  butter,  or  cheese.  The  Vakuanyama  of  the  south  milk  their 
cows  and  churn  butter  in  calabashes  slung  on  a  pole. 

The  Ovimbundu  say  that  milking  the  cow  makes  the  calf  thin, 
but  where  the  idea  of  milking  the  cow  is  borrowed  from  the  Portu- 
guese the  Ovimbundu  have  a  procedure  which  is  as  follows:  The  calf 
is  allowed  to  suck  for  a  few  minutes  in  order  to  deceive  the  cow; 
then  the  milker  begins  his  work.  At  intervals  of  a  few  minutes  the 
calf  is  allowed  to  suck  in  order  to  continue  the  deception. 

Cattle  are  killed  at  the  funeral  feasts  of  the  rich,  and  the  horns 
of  the  slaughtered  animals  are  generally  mounted  on  a  pole  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  grave  (Plate  XLVI,  Fig.  2). 

The  horns  of  the  cow  may  be  used  for  making  water-pipes  in 
which  tobacco  is  smoked,  or  they  may  be  employed  as  magical  horns 
when  filled  with  medicine.  The  hide  is  pegged  out  in  the  sunlight 
for  one  day  after  it  has  been  scraped;  it  is  then  rolled  and  kept  until 
required.  When  about  to  be  used,  the  skin  is  soaked  in  water  for 
one  day.  The  hide  is  used  to  cover  the  tops  of  stools,  to  make 
pouches  and  to  manufacture  bags  for  carrying  corn.  In  bygone 
days  each  king  had  a  wooden  box  covered  with  hide,  which  contained 
his  powder  and  metal  when  he  went  to  war.    The  cow's  tail  is  used 


154  The  Ovimbundu 

as  a  sheath  for  covering  the  iron  shafts  of  assagais,  and  it  is  sometimes 
made  into  a  switch  which  the  rain-maker  uses  during  his  performances. 

Bulls  are  castrated  when  two  years  old.  The  wound  is  rubbed 
with  ashes,  salt,  soot,  and  palm  oil.  Bullocks  are  used  for  riding,  also 
for  pull-carts  introduced  by  the  Boers.  The  herd  obtains  most  of 
its  food  by  grazing.  In  the  dry  season  grass  withers,  with  the  result 
that  the  animals  become  thin  and  stall-feeding  is  necessary.  In 
former  days  cattle-raiding  was  a  practice  of  the  Ovimbundu,  who 
robbed  the  Vacilenge.  It  is  certain  that  the  Ovimbundu  did  not  own 
cattle  when  they  entered  Angola.  If  the  general  tradition  is  correct 
the  Ovimbundu  came  into  Angola  from  a  northeasterly  direction, 
from  the  borders  of  the  Belgian  Congo  as  it  is  called  today;  this  is 
not  a  cattle-raising  region. 

The  Ovimbundu  of  Elende  have  a  joke  against  the  people  of 
Bailundu,  because  the  latter  on  first  seeing  a  cow  offered  the  animal 
some  food  on  a  wooden  platter.  This  story  suggests  that  the  Bailundu 
people,  who  are  of  the  Ovimbundu  confederacy,  did  not  know  the 
animal  and  its  habits  as  early  as  did  the  Ovimbundu  themselves. 

Although  the  Ovimbundu  do  not  usually  kill  their  cattle  they 
may  do  so  in  the  months  of  June  and  July,  because  at  this  time 
pasture  is  withered  and  food  is  scarce.  Animals  which  are  diseased, 
aged,  or  injured,  are  killed  and  eaten. 

The  native  pig  is  distinguishable  from  European  breeds  by  its 
long  thin  snout  and  slender  development.  This  breed  is  said  by  the 
Director  of  Animal  Husbandry,  Humpata,  to  be  the  Keltic  breed 
(Plate  LV).  There  is,  he  says,  no  evidence  to  prove  that  the 
Ovimbundu  have  at  any  time  domesticated  pigs  from  the  wild  hogs 
which  are  to  be  found  in  Angola.  There  is  no  family  which  does 
not  own  a  pig,  and  on  the  whole  the  pig  fares  much  better  than  the 
sheep  or  the  goat.  The  pig  receives  water  and  a  daily  ration  of  food, 
which  is  usually  sweet  potatoes  and  their  leaves,  together  with  some 
corn.  Male  pigs  are  castrated  at  any  time  between  the  ages  of  six 
months  and  one  year  by  an  operator  who  is  a  paid  specialist.  The 
fee  for  castrating  a  bull  is  four  yards  of  cloth,  but  a  small  gift  is 
considered  sufficient  reward  for  performing  the  operation  on  a  pig. 
If  a  pig  is  thin,  the  leather  is  said  to  be  of  good  quality  and  therefore 
suitable  for  making  sheaths  for  knives.  Usually  the  flesh  of  the  pig 
is  eaten  shortly  after  the  animal  has  been  killed,  but  the  meat  of  the 
bullock,  on  the  contrary,  is  sometimes  dried  over  a  fire  and  preserved. 
But  this  is  not  a  general  practice  as  the  animals  are  too  valuable  to 
be  slaughtered. 


Economic  Life  155 

Goats  are  more  common  than  any  other  animal;  there  are  few, 
if  any,  families  which  do  not  own  one  or  more  goats.  These  animals 
are  not  fed  or  watered.  Goats  are  able  to  exist  on  almost  any  kind 
of  vegetation;  consequently  these  animals  are,  almost  without  excep- 
tion, well  nourished.  Goats  are  not  milked.  Kids  are  born  at  any 
time  of  the  year,  and  the  young  males  are  castrated.  The  hides  are 
used  for  making  bags.  The  goat  has  the  misfortune  to  be  the  most 
desirable  sacrificial  animal.  This  is  not  entirely  due  to  the  fact  that 
it  is  cheap  and  easily  obtainable.  The  sheep  is  said  to  be  unsuitable 
as  a  sacrifice,  because  it  does  not  make  a  noise  when  killed.  The 
hair  of  the  goat  is  used  for  making  an  ornament  named  osala,  which 
is  worn  by  medicine-men. 

Sheep  are  of  the  long-tailed  Syrian  breed.  Like  the  goats,  the 
sheep  are  not  cared  for  in  any  way;  they  find  their  own  pasture  and 
water,  and  in  doing  so  may  wander  for  a  considerable  distance,  though 
they  always  return  to  the  village  at  sunset.  The  males  are  not 
castrated.  Sheep  are  not  so  frequently  kept  as  are  goats  and  pigs. 
The  skin  is  used  for  making  bags.  Twin  births  of  calves,  kids,  or 
lambs  are  not  regarded  with  awe;  on  the  contrary,  such  births  are 
welcome. 

Almost  every  man  keeps  one  or  more  dogs,  and  I  have  rarely  seen 
a  hut  in  which  there  were  no  dogs.  Usually  young  puppies  are  near 
the  fire,  and  on  the  whole  dogs  are  well  treated  because  they  are 
valuable  in  hunting.  They  also  give  warning  of  the  approach  of 
hyenas,  lions,  and  leopards.  I  have  frequently  seen  a  person  run 
into  the  road  to  pick  up  a  dog  when  an  automobile  is  approaching. 
A  tendency  to  improve  the  breed  of  dogs  by  crossing  the  lean  native 
animal  with  a  breed  of  large  dogs  from  South  Africa  has  been  men- 
tioned. In  contrast  with  the  generally  considerate  treatment  of  dogs 
by  the  Ovimbundu  one  has  to  note  the  very  emaciated  and  diseased 
condition  of  dogs  in  the  Esele  country.  Among  the  Ovimbundu  dogs 
are  regarded  as  desirable  food. 

Sacrifice  of  a  dog  at  the  inauguration  of  a  blacksmith  will  presently 
be  described.  A  medicine-man  who  is  about  to  perform  a  ceremony 
for  curing  the  sick  has  to  make  a  meal  of  dog's  flesh,  but  otherwise 
the  flesh  of  the  dog  is  taboo  to  him.  These  points  of  ceremony,  taken 
in  conjunction  with  the  food  value  of  the  animal,  and  its  use  in 
hunting,  show  that  the  dog  is  highly  esteemed. 

Poultry  are  of  very  mixed  breeds.  The  standards  of  size  and 
weight  are  higher  than  is  usual  in  African  chickens,  a  fact  which  is 
perhaps  attributable  to  contact  of  the  Ovimbundu  with  the  Portu- 


156  The  Ovimbundu 

guese  for  a  long  period .  The  chicken  is  highly  esteemed  as  a  sacrificial 
animal,  but  it  could  not  be  said  that  the  flesh  is  in  common  use.  This 
failure  to  develop  and  utilize  to  the  full,  again  raises  the  point  of 
social  custom  and  economic  habit.  Chickens  are  cared  for,  as  may 
be  seen  in  the  way  they  are  cooped  at  night.  Sometimes  a  hen  may 
be  seen  sitting  on  her  clutch  of  eggs  in  a  dark  corner  of  a  hut,  unmo- 
lested by  people  and  dogs;  yet  it  is  certain  that  there  is  no  concen- 
tration on  the  rearing  of  poultry. 

Eggs  are  laid,  and  chickens  are  hatched  throughout  the  year, 
except  in  the  months  of  November  and  December  when  corn  supplies 
are  at  their  lowest  ebb.  Eggs  are  boiled,  or  fried  on  a  fragment  of 
pottery,  but  they  are  not  sucked. 

The  domestic  cat  is  not  raised  by  the  Ovimbundu.  Wild  cats  are 
common,  but  there  is  no  evidence  of  their  domestication.  Small 
birds  and  monkeys  are  sometimes  kept  as  pets. 

Trade  and  Transport 

Caravan  trade,  which  was  at  one  time  an  important  factor  of 
tribal  life,  is  now  confined  to  short  journeys  for  transporting  corn, 
beans,  and  beeswax  to  traders'  stores.  But  in  spite  of  present-day 
decline  of  transportation  the  memory  of  more  prosperous  times 
still  exists. 

Names  of  distant  places  survive  in  the  Umbundu  language;  thus 
Tanganyika  is  called  Nakandundu,  while  the  name  for  far  eastern 
Angola  is  Muacimbundu,  the  name  of  a  one-time  important  chief. 
The  Umbundu  language  is  understood  in  all  parts  of  Angola,  far 
away  from  typical  Umbundu  centers  of  culture. 

In  the  old  days  there  were  professional  leaders  of  caravans,  and  a 
ceremony  was  conducted  before  starting.  The  medicine-man  and  the 
village  chief  were  the  principal  performers  in  a  rite  which  consisted 
of  bringing  from  its  box  the  head  of  a  former  chief,  sewn  in  oxhide. 
An  animal  was  sacrificed  so  that  the  blood  could  be  used  for  sprinkling 
on  the  chief's  head,  and  on  some  occasions  of  this  kind  the  head  was 
sewn  up  in  a  new  piece  of  oxhide.  Direct  appeal  was  made  to  the 
preserved  head  by  the  reigning  chief,  who  asked  for  good  fortune  on 
the  journey. 

The  medicine-man  who  accompanied  a  caravan  carried  with  him 
a  female  wooden  figure  decorated  with  feathers  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  5). 
When  a  branching  of  the  paths  gave  rise  to  doubts  concerning  the 
correct  way  the  wooden  figure  was  consulted  by  the  medicine-man. 


Economic  Life  157 

At  the  present  time  a  day's  march  is  twenty-five  miles,  during 
which  a  man  carries  sixty  pounds,  while  the  load  for  a  woman  is  half 
that  weight.  The  gait  of  the  Ovimbundu  includes  a  limp  at  every 
step,  so  suggesting  that  the  carrier  is  lame  or  tired.  This  appears 
to  be  a  method  consciously  adopted  as  a  protection  against  fatigue, 
because  all  muscles  are  momentarily  relaxed.  Loads  are  carried  on 
the  head  in  a  long  forked  stick  to  which  they  are  lashed.  When  the 
carrier  rests,  the  load  is  not  placed  on  the  ground,  but  is  held  upright 
on  the  stick  (Plate  XXX,  Fig.  2).  Such  a  method  avoids  the  strain 
of  lifting  the  load  from  the  ground  after  each  rest  pause. 

Although  the  Ovimbundu  have  an  exchange  of  products  among 
themselves  by  both  barter  and  the  use  of  Portuguese  money,  there 
are  no  large  markets,  with  the  exception  of  those  at  the  coastal 
towns  of  Loanda,  Lobito,  and  Benguela.  There  is  absolutely  nothing 
in  Angola  which  can  be  compared  with  the  great  markets  in  Nigeria. 

Despite  the  absence  of  a  system  of  exchange  on  a  large  scale, 
the  Ovimbundu  have  many  terms  describing  units  of  measurement. 
There  are  native  standards  of  length,  area,  and  capacity,  but  no 
measures  of  weight  which  are  undeniably  of  Umbundu  origin. 

The  unit  of  length  (epaluma)  is  the  distance  from  the  tip  of  the 
thumb  to  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger  when  the  hand  is  outstretched. 
The  term  for  two  of  these  units  is  apaluma  avali.  These  words  are 
the  plural  of  epaluma;  avali  means  two.  These  units  are  used  to 
measure  tobacco  before  it  has  been  coiled. 

Cloth  is  measured  by  stretching  the  arms  to  their  full  extent  in 
line  with  the  shoulders;  the  distance  between  the  tips  of  the  middle 
fingers  is  epeka.    The  stride  for  measuring  land  is  elianga. 

Onjimba  is  an  area  about  twenty-five  feet  square.  Etemo  ("hoe") 
is  an  area  of  land  two  hundred  yards  long  and  thirty  feet  broad.  A 
large  field  covers  two  or  three  atemo. 

Measures  of  capacity  are  provided  by  various  types  of  baskets. 
The  large  conical  basket  (ohumba)  has  an  interwoven  mark  which 
indicates  a  measure  for  corn,  meal,  and  beans.  Ocitenge  is  a  coarsely 
made  basket  used  as  a  unit  of  capacity.  Uhamba  is  a  basket  two 
feet  long  and  one  foot  deep.  The  basket  on  a  rectangular  base  is  also 
uhamba,  but  at  the  present  day  cans  are  taking  the  place  of  all  these 
old  measures.  Palm  oil  is  measured  in  a  gourd  (ocitau  or  ombangi) 
of  definite  size.  This  little  gourd  is  also  used  for  measuring  a  viscous 
substance  from  trees.  The  word  ekokoto  is  used  to  describe  this 
mucilage. 


158  The  Ovimbundu 

Balls  of  wax  and  tobacco  were,  and  are  now,  definite  standards 
of  trade.  To  some  extent  rubber  as  a  medium  of  exchange  has  been 
used  through  contact  with  eastern  Angola.  The  Umbundu  word 
ocilila  expresses  a  weight  of  about  thirty  kilos. 

There  is  no  measure  for  minutes  or  hours.  I  have  seen  a  man 
of  the  Luchazi  tribe  keep  account  of  the  number  of  days  taken  on  a 
journey  by  cutting  notches  on  a  stick.  Ngonga  says  that  the  Ovim- 
bundu reckon  by  cutting  notches,  also  by  knotting  a  piece  of  string. 
Three  days  would  be  expressed  by  the  words  akumbi  atatu  ("three 
suns")-  The  word  day  or  sun  is  used  in  fixing  a  time.  There  is  no 
word  for  week.  A  month  is  osai,  which  is  the  word  for  moon.  When 
the  corn  is  ripe  the  people  say,  "We  are  in  a  new  year."  Another 
yearly  time  mark  is  the  arrival  of  the  first  rains,  probably  in  the 
middle  of  September. 

The  words  oku  lima  ("to  cultivate")  yield  the  word  ulima,  which 
designates  the  period  between  the  beginnings  of  two  rainy  seasons. 
Corn  is  planted  about  the  time  of  the  first  heavy  rains,  which  occur 
in  late  September  or  early  October.  Naturally,  this  important  occa- 
sion forms  a  somewhat  uncertain  time  base;  nevertheless  it  is  the 
one  used  to  express  the  lapse  of  years  up  to  five  in  number.  After 
such  a  period  the  estimation  of  time  is  unreliable. 

Industries 
iron-work 

Among  occupations  of  primary  importance  is  that  of  the  black- 
smith (ocivinda).  Owing  to  the  increasing  importation  of  hoe  blades 
and  other  iron  goods,  together  with  the  facilities  for  collecting  scrap 
iron,  the  winning  and  smelting  of  iron  is  increasingly  rare.  There  are 
probably  very  few  places  where  the  old  type  of  conical  clay  furnace 
now  exists.  Almost  any  fragments  of  iron  are  melted  at  the  forge 
where  a  box  is  kept  to  hold  nails,  hoop  iron  from  packing  cases,  and 
other  fragments  resulting  from  proximity  to  a  European  culture. 

Nothing  is  mixed  with  the  iron,  neither  is  there  any  casting  in 
molds.  The  only  process  is  the  forging  of  red-hot  iron.  The  Ovim- 
bundu do  not  draw  iron  wire,  although  they  know  of  the  process 
which  is  practised  by  the  Vachokue. 

The  work  of  the  blacksmith  was  studied  at  the  village  of  Njongolo 
in  Elende.  The  men  were  for  a  time  reticent  respecting  the  nature 
of  their  training  and  the  ceremony  of  initiation,  but  the  chief  of  the 
village  helped  considerably  by  persuading  the  men  to  speak  freely. 


Economic  Life  159 

Any  boy  who  wishes  to  become  a  blacksmith  may  be  trained  for 
the  work.  It  is  not  necessary  that  his  father  should  have  been  a 
blacksmith.  When  the  youth  begins  his  training  he  must  be  eighteen 
years  of  age  and  physically  robust.  His  first  duties  are  the  beating 
of  hot  iron  on  the  anvil;  he  is  also  required  to  collect  and  soften 
fragments  of  iron.  He  works  very  hard  but  is  never  allowed  to  finish 
anything;  the  master  has  to  complete  the  work. 

At  the  end  of  two  years  the  youth  asks  the  master  blacksmith 
to  examine  him.  What  is  more  important  still,  the  master  is  asked 
to  make  the  heavy  hammer  (onjundo),  which  is  used  for  beating  hot 
iron  on  the  largest  anvil  (Plate  XXXVIII,  Fig.  1).  There  is  no 
doubt  as  to  the  sacredness  of  this  hammer,  which  is  a  symbol  of  the 
completion  of  apprenticeship.  There  is  also  the  idea  of  the  master 
handing  on  his  skill  to  the  pupil  by  personally  making  and  presenting 
the  tools.  I  made  repeated  efforts  before  being  able  to  purchase  one 
of  these  hammers ;  finally  it  was  procurable  only  at  a  high  price.  The 
value  is  due  to  ritualistic  associations,  the  large  quantity  of  iron  used 
in  the  making,  and  the  labor  required  to  weld  the  head  to  the  shaft. 

On  the  day  of  his  inception  the  boy  has  to  purchase  four  chickens, 
two  male  and  two  female,  one  pup,  and  a  goat.  The  master  black- 
smith makes  all  the  tools  for  the  apprentice,  but  ritual  centers  chiefly 
in  the  fabrication  of  the  big  hammer  (onjundo).  While  the  master  is 
making  this  the  boy  stands  on  the  small  anvil  which  is  close  to  the 
ground,  between  the  forge  and  the  large  anvil  under  the  tree. 

When  the  hammer  (onjundo)  is  made,  and  while  it  is  still  red-hot, 
the  handle  is  pushed  into  the  belly  of  the  dog.  The  goat  and  the  four 
chickens  are  then  killed.  All  the  tools  are  brought  together  so  that 
blood  from  the  slaughtered  animals  may  be  sprinkled  over  them.  The 
flesh  of  these  animals  is  eaten  with  corn  and  beans.  "The  blacksmith 
calls  many  people  to  help  him,  and  they  like  to  eat  the  food,"  con- 
cluded my  interpreter. 

During  the  entire  ceremony,  also  throughout  the  feast,  the  boy 
stands  on  the  anvil.  There  he  remains  until  the  master  says,  "You 
may  speak  and  tell  us  what  name  you  want."  Perhaps  the  boy  says, 
"I  am  Ndumbu."  The  people  in  the  crowd  clap  hands  and  make  a 
trilling  with  their  fingers  in  their  open  mouths.  The  boy  steps  from 
the  anvil;  he  is  a  blacksmith.  My  interpreter  continued,  "He  must 
work  hard  and  people  must  pay  him.  He  used  to  work  hard,  but  the 
master  took  the  money." 

There  was  an  ancient  belief  that  a  blacksmith  owed  his  skill 
to  the  help  of  the  spirit  of  a  person  he  had  killed.    Wooden  effigies 


160  The  Ovimbundu 

of  the  murdered  man  were  placed  near  the  large  anvil  (p.  163),  or 
they  might  be  kept  in  the  home  of  the  blacksmith.  Such  figures  are 
still  used  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  3)  but  the  killing  of  a  victim  is  not  now 
possible.  Blacksmiths  are  free  to  marry  without  restrictions  other 
than  those  imposed  by  the  classificatory  system  of  relationships. 

The  blacksmith's  forge  is  a  thatched  house  about  twelve  feet 
square  with  low  eaves  that  almost  reach  the  ground.  The  height 
from  the  floor  to  the  point  of  the  dome  is  fifteen  feet.  In  the  middle 
of  the  floor  is  a  pit  ten  inches  deep  in  which  there  is  a  quantity  of 
charcoal  brought  from  the  charcoal  burner's  fire  about  half  a  mile 
away.  At  the  sides  of  the  pit  are  three  stone  seats  for  the  workers. 
Two  of  these  seats  are  occupied  by  men,  each  of  whom  works  a  pair 
of  bellows.  The  two-chambered  bellows  is  hewn  from  a  block  of 
wood  in  such  a  way  as  to  give  two  circular  air  chambers  from  which 
wooden  tubes  lead  to  the  fire.  These  wooden  tubes  are  continued 
by  clay  tubes  which  project  into  the  fire.  Over  the  two  round 
wooden  chambers  a  piece  of  hide  is  stretched  and  tied  over  the  wood- 
work. Two  slender  upright  sticks,  which  the  operator  works  up  and 
down,  are  attached  to  the  hide.  In  one  corner  of  the  hut  there  is  a 
heap  of  charcoal,  and  in  another  corner  lies  the  scrap  iron.  An  iron 
rake  with  a  wooden  handle  is  used  for  stirring  the  charcoal  in  the  fire. 
Plates  XVI,  XXXVII,  and  XXXVIII  illustrate  tools  and  processes. 

The  principal  tools  are: 

(1)  A  flat  stone  anvil  resting  on  rocks  under  a  tree.  The  anvil  is 
at  such  a  height  that  the  striker  stands  upright.  At  this  anvil  the 
metal  is  beaten  with  the  heavy  hammer  onjundo. 

(2)  Onjundo,  the  most  sacred  of  the  tools,  is  12.5  cm  long.  Its 
value  is  about  that  of  an  ox. 

(3)  There  are  tongs  which  can  be  clamped  by  a  sliding  metal  ring. 
The  larger  tongs  are  63  cm  long  and  the  smaller  ones  are  35  cm. 

(4)  The  cutter  is  boat-shaped  and  triangular  in  cross  section. 
The  back,  which  is  grasped  in  the  hand,  is  0.5  cm  thick,  tapering  to 
a  fine  cutting  edge. 

(5)  An  iron  holder  for  an  axhead  during  the  heating  and  ham- 
mering is  23  cm  long.  It  is  octagonal,  hollow,  and  fits  like  a  sheath 
over  the  shaft  of  the  axhead. 

(6)  For  heating  the  iron  on  the  small  anvil,  after  it  has  been 
roughly  pounded  to  shape  with  the  hammer  (onjundo)  on  the  large 
anvil,  there  is  a  smaller  hammer  (usonjolo)  of  which  there  are  three 
varieties.    These  differ  only  in  size. 


Economic  Life  161 

The  principal  products  of  the  forge  are  axheads,  which  can  be 
reversed  in  the  shaft  so  as  to  form  adzes.  Hoe  blades,  tools  for  mat- 
making,  brass  bracelets,  knives,  and  implements  for  gouging  out  the 
pith  of  gourds  or  hollowing  out  a  drum,  are  also  made.  Arrowheads 
are  likewise  an  important  manufacture. 

The  blacksmith  makes  a  saw  blade,  47  cm  in  length,  from  hoop 
iron.  The  teeth  of  the  saw  are  turned  alternately  to  the  right  and 
left  and  the  serrated  blade  is  roughly  hafted  in  wood  (Plate  XVI, 
Fig.  4).  Another  product  of  the  forge  is  an  iron  tool  hafted  in  wood. 
The  pointed  blade,  which  is  round  in  cross  section,  tapers  to  a  point 
used  for  boring  holes  in  wood,  after  the  tool  has  been  made  red-hot. 
Small  axes,  many  of  which  are  used  ceremonially  in  dances,  have 
remarkably  well-fashioned  blades  decorated  with  punched  designs 
in  the  form  of  geometrical  patterns. 

WOOD-CARVING 

A  glance  over  the  list  of  trees  named  and  used  by  the  Ovimbundu 
indicates  a  complete  knowledge  of  woodcraft  which  is  in  the  hands 
of  specialists.  To  name  only  a  few,  there  is  the  omanda  tree,  also 
the  omue,  which  yield  charcoal  for  the  smithy.  Ombula  wood  is  used 
for  stools,  while  the  elastic  timber  from  the  omanda  tree  is  suitable 
for  bows.  The  ekenge,  usamba,  and  ociyeko  trees  supply  bark  for 
binding  crosspieces  to  the  upright  poles  when  making  the  frame- 
work of  a  house;  the  same  bark  is  used  by  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue 
of  eastern  Angola  for  making  bark  cloth.  In  addition  to  the  use  of 
bark  for  these  purposes  it  is  made  into  large  cylindrical  receptacles 
for  maize,  while  its  use  for  beehives  is  general  throughout  Angola. 
Beehives  are  often  made  by  professional  hunters.  A  traveler  notices 
the  mutilation  of  trees  from  which  complete  cylinders  of  bark  have 
been  removed  (Plate  XL,  Fig.  2);  half  of  the  cylinder  makes  a 
receptacle  for  carrying  on  the  shoulder. 

When  a  small  pig  is  to  be  transported,  four  holes  are  bored  in  the 
bark  container.  Through  these  holes  the  legs  of  the  animal  are 
placed  and  tied  together  on  the  under  side  (Plate  XXXI,  Fig.  1). 
This  is  a  more  humane  transportation  than  that  of  tying  the  feet 
of  the  animal  to  a  pole  which  is  supported  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
two  men  who  are  carriers. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  Cangamba  fishermen  make  and  use  canoes 
of  bark  about  fifteen  feet  in  length  (Plate  LXXXV,  Fig.  2).  This 
illustration  shows  a  man  taking  his  nets  into  midstream  where  they 
will  be  pegged  to  the  river  bed. 


162  The  Ovimbundu 

The  tools  used  by  the  wood-carver  are  the  saw,  ax,  adze,  and  knife. 
The  products  of  this  craft  may  be  conveniently  divided  into  the 
following  groups: 

(1)  Figurines  of  human  form  (Plate  XXI,  Figs.  1-6). 

(2)  Animal  forms,  chiefly  snakes,  tortoises,  birds,  and  lizards. 
The  dog  is  sometimes  represented  (Plates  XIX,  Figs.  1-5;  XLI, 
Fig.  1). 

(3)  Parts  of  musical  instruments,  such  as  drums  and  the  base- 
boards of  sansas.  The  latter  often  have  the  metal  keys  mounted  on 
boards  decorated  with  elaborately  incised  patterns  (Plates  XLI, 
Fig.  2;  XXII,  Fig.  5). 

(4)  Domestic  implements  and  utensils,  chief  of  which  are  heavy 
wooden  beaters  for  flattening  mud  floors  of  houses,  grain  pounders, 
stools,  cups,  platters,  bowls,  and  a  heavy  pestle  and  mortar  (Plates 
XIII,  Fig.  3;  XVIII,  Figs.  1,  2). 

(5)  Carved  sticks  and  clubs;  these  often  show  elaborate  incised 
decorations  of  geometrical  patterns.  Frequently  the  head  of  the 
stick  is  carved  to  represent  a  human  head  or  a  full-length  figure. 
The  ornamented  stick  or  club  is  carried  as  part  of  the  personal  dress 
and  artistic  equipment.  The  throwing  club  is  usually  a  straight  stick 
with  an  undecorated  knob  at  the  end  (Plate  XX,  Figs.  1-10). 

(6)  Carved  wooden  posts  representing  the  human  form.  These 
are  set  up  at  the  wayside.  One  has  been  obtained  from  a  grave  near 
Bailundu. 

(7)  Tobacco-pipes  and  snuff  boxes  (Plate  XV,  Figs.  2,  4). 
Figurines  of  human  form  require  special  consideration,  because 

they  have  claims  other  than  that  of  aesthetic  expression.  The  figures 
representing  Europeans,  or  natives  using  some  article  of  foreign 
introduction,  illustrate  the  grafting  of  foreign  ideas  on  older 
methods  of  work. 

The  art  of  the  African  Negro  has  of  late  years  been  accorded  a 
place  of  honor  in  critical  circles  of  Europe  and  America  (P.  Guillaume 
and  T.  Munro,  Primitive  Negro  Sculpture,  New  York,  1926). 
Usually,  however,  the  formal  technique  of  lines,  curves,  and  the 
general  aesthetic  effect  have  been  discussed  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  ethnological  background  which  determines  style  and  function. 

By  far  the  best  example  of  carved  human  figures  collected  in 
Angola  was  the  one  from  Cangamba  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  4) .  This  female 
figure,  60  cm  high,  is  carved  from  hard,  dark,  red  wood  in  such  a 
way  as  to  achieve  a  graceful  result  by  the  employment  of  a  few 


Economic  Life  163 

straight  lines.  The  legs  show  the  usual  flexion  of  the  knees  and  a 
shortening  which  is  out  of  proportion  to  the  body  length.  The  lower 
limbs  of  most  Angolan  figures  have  these  characteristics.  The  body 
of  this  figure  is  hollow  and  the  head  detachable.  The  incised  head- 
dress is  imitative  of  the  coiffure  of  Vachokue  women. 

Cangamba,  a  village  in  eastern  Angola,  is  a  confluence  of  tribal 
elements,  namely,  Vambuella,  Luchazi,  Babunda,  and  Vachokue, 
whose  physical  appearance,  hairdressing,  tooth  mutilation,  and 
tribal  marks  differ  considerably.  The  man  who  sold  the  figurine 
brought  it  furtively.  He  was  an  Ocimbundu,  but  the  work  is  of 
Chokue  origin.  The  figure,  I  am  informed,  was  filled  with  medicine, 
then  placed  near  a  patient  who  was  undergoing  curative  treatment. 

The  figurine  (ngeve)  of  a  woman  having  a  number  of  dark  feathers 
attached  to  her  back  has  only  one  use.  A  caravan  setting  out  for  a 
long  journey  is  accompanied  by  a  medicine-man  whose  outfit  includes 
such  a  figurine.  Should  the  caravan  leader  be  in  doubt  when  choosing 
between  two  paths,  the  medicine-man  sets  up  the  image  at  the  parting 
of  the  ways.  He  kneels  before  it  and  asks  questions,  then  plugs  his 
nostrils  in  order  to  make  replies  in  a  falsetto  voice  supposed  to  come 
from  the  figurine.  Thus  advised  respecting  the  route  to  follow,  the 
caravan  continues  its  journey  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  5;  p.  156). 

The  wooden  figure  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  3)  is  of  exceptional  interest 
because  of  its  connection  with  the  blacksmith's  craft,  which  is  asso- 
ciated with  introductory  rites  for  apprentices.  In  former  days  a 
newly  initiated  blacksmith  was  expected  to  disappear  for  a  period 
during  which  he  killed  a  man.  On  returning  to  the  work  of  his  forge 
the  blacksmith  made  a  wooden  figure  of  which  this  example,  one  of 
five  obtained,  is  typical.  The  spirit  of  the  murdered  man  took  up 
its  abode  in  the  effigy  and  in  this  way  helped  with  the  work.  The 
figure,  which  is  of  the  usual  dimensions,  namely,  36  cm  high,  has  the 
greater  part  of  its  surface  covered  with  reddened  earth  (pp.  159-160). 

Two  figurines  (Plate  XXI,  Figs.  1,  6)  were  obtained  from 
women  of  the  Vachokue  tribe  in  the  village  of  Ngongo,  Ngalangi. 
Here  the  Vachokue  and  the  Ovimbundu  mingle  to  such  an  extent 
that  customs  are  no  doubt  transferred  from  one  culture  to  the  other. 
These  wooden  images  are  used  by  childless  women,  or  by  women 
whose  infants  have  died.  The  woman  who  sold  these  figures  pressed 
them  to  her  breasts  to  show  the  manner  of  use.  People  standing 
around  smiled  and  nodded  their  approval.  A  wooden  figure  of  this 
kind  is  substituted  for  a  dead  twin. 


164  The  Ovimbundu 

A  common  type  of  small  figurine,  some  of  which  are  female,  others 
asexual,  is  represented  by  an  illustration  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  2).  Such 
little  carvings  are  a  normal  part  of  the  miscellaneous  contents  of  a 
divination  basket  described  in  chapter  IX.  These  figures  have  been 
obtained  from  Elende,  Bailundu,  and  Caconda,  all  of  which  are 
centers  of  Umbundu  culture. 

In  addition  to  the  figurines  described,  the  collection  contains 
many  more  whose  use  may  be  conjectured.  The  interrogation  of 
Ovimbundu  people  indicates  clearly  that  there  are  specific  uses  of 
wooden  figures  which  are  consulted  by  the  medicine-man.  The  fore- 
going explanations  illustrate  the  nature  of  the  beliefs  associated  with 
carved  wooden  figures,  but  it  is  not  always  possible  to  elicit  a  clear 
account  of  the  specific  use  of  each  one. 

Consideration  of  this  aspect  of  the  wood-carver's  art  has  an 
important  bearing  on  the  culture  contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu.  In 
studying  this  question  I  have  instituted  comparisons  between  these 
figures  from  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola  and  similar  figures  from  the 
Kasai  area  of  the  Congo  region  (chapter  X).  The  publications  of 
the  Musee  Congo  Beige  provide  illustrations  for  comparison  with 
the  figures  in  Field  Museum's  collection. 

The  carving  of  animal  forms  (Plate  XIX,  Figs.  1-5)  is  no  more 
than  a  means  of  aesthetic  expression  resulting  from  accurate  observa- 
tions of  animal  life  as  recorded  under  "Nature  Lore."  Inquiry  failed 
to  show  that  figures  of  animals  are,  or  were  at  any  time,  used  in  rites 
and  ceremonies. 

The  carrying  of  a  carved  stick  is  essential  when  a  chief  is  visiting, 
attending  a  council  in  his  own  village,  or  receiving  visitors.  The 
ornamental  paddle  (Plate  XX,  Fig.  8)  was  owned  by  the  chief  of 
the  capital  village  (ombala)  of  the  Vangangella,  near  Ngalangi. 

At  the  death  of  a  chief  his  staff  of  office,  with  his  tobacco-pipe 
and  sleeping  mat,  are  placed  in  a  small  house  where  such  relics  of 
deceased  chiefs  are  kept  permanently  (Plate  XLVI,  Fig.  1).  Plate 
XX,  Fig.  6,  shows  a  staff  of  this  kind  which  was  preserved  in  a 
sacred  house  in  the  capital  village  of  Ngalangi,  and  on  the  same  plate 
are  drawn  short  ornamental  clubs  which  French  ethnologists  call 
batons  de  promenade,  an  appropriate  name  because  of  their  use  as 
part  of  the  full  dress  equipment. 

The  Ovimbundu  have  specialized  in  the  carving  of  small  objects, 
for,  in  addition  to  clubs  and  staffs,  tobacco-pipes  and  snuff  boxes 
are  often  elaborately  carved  (Plate  XV,  Figs.  2,  4). 


Economic  Life  165 

The  water-pipe  of  the  Ovimbundu  consists  of  the  horn  of  a  cow 
into  the  side  of  which  a  short  hollow  pipe  stem  is  introduced ;  at  the 
top  of  the  stem  is  a  clay  bowl  for  the  reception  of  tobacco,  or  a 
mixture  of  tobacco  and  hemp.  The  wide  end  of  the  horn  is  plugged 
with  clay,  while  a  hole  is  made  at  the  tip  in  order  to  provide  a  mouth- 
piece. A  gourd  water-pipe,  similar  to  that  used  by  the  Vachokue,  is 
also  found  among  the  Ovimbundu. 

Cylindrical  snuff  boxes  are  ornamented  with  incised,  burned, 
geometrical  patterns.  The  lid  is  usually  attached  to  the  box  by  a 
leather  thong.  One  large  snuff  box  is  ornamented  with  three  well- 
carved  female  figures.  The  smoker's  equipment  is  sometimes  carried 
in  a  leather  pouch  fastened  on  a  waist  belt,  or  the  container  may  be 
a  hollow  cylinder  of  ivory  with  a  leather  cap  at  each  end. 

To  this  information  respecting  the  smoking  and  snuff -taking  outfit 
of  the  Ovimbundu,  some  observations  on  the  pipes  and  snuff  boxes 
of  other  tribes  should  be  added.  When  making  a  journey  from 
Cangamba  to  Saurimo  I  seldom  met  an  Ocivokue  man  who  was  not 
carrying  a  gourd  water-pipe  for  the  smoking  of  tobacco  and  hemp. 
Such  pipes  are  usually  ornamented  with  brass  nails  and  are  finely 
bound  with  thin  brass  wire  (Plate  XV,  Fig.  3).  One  long  pipe  from 
Ngalangi  has  a  pair  of  metal  tongs  attached  for  taking  charcoal  from 
the  fire  in  order  to  ignite  the  tobacco  (Plate  XV,  Fig.  1).  A  pipe 
with  two  bowls,  closely  resembling  some  Zulu  patterns,  was  smoked 
by  an  Ocimbundu  woman  at  Ngalangi.  The  Vachokue  make  snuff 
boxes  from  a  yellow  wood,  which  they  ornament  by  burning  portions 
of  the  surface  in  such  a  way  that  the  yellow  color  is  here  and  there 
visible. 

Both  men  and  women  of  the  Vakipungo  and  Vakuanyama  tribes 
carry  snuff  boxes  of  conical  shape  on  their  leather  waist  belts.  At 
the  top  and  bottom  such  snuff  boxes  are  neatly  bound  with  brass 
or  copper  wire. 

DOMESTIC  IMPLEMENTS 

At  an  early  age  girls  become  accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  V-shaped 
pounder  which  is  made  from  hard  heavy  wood  (Plate  XXXVI, 
Fig.  2).  The  small  end  of  the  shaft  is  a  convenient  thickness  for 
grasping  in  such  a  way  that  the  knuckles  are  on  the  under  side  of 
the  shaft.  This  is  the  very  reverse  of  what  appears  to  be  the  natural 
grip.  Women  use  the  pounder  with  an  easy,  circular  swing  so  that 
the  flat  round  surface  comes  into  contact  with  the  grain  on  the  rock. 
Endurance  in  this  work  is  remarkable,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that 


166  The  Ovimbundu 

fatigue  is  avoided  by  the  method  of  holding  and  swinging  so  that 
the  work  of  crushing  is  done  by  the  weight  of  the  implement. 

Two  less  usual  methods  of  pulverizing  grain  are  by  use  of  a  long 
pestle,  which  is  worked  up  and  down  in  a  heavy  wooden  mortar  as 
shown  by  Plate  LXXXIV,  Fig.  1,  in  which  Vachokue  women  are  so 
employed,  and  the  crushing  of  grain  with  a  cylindrical  stone  which 
is  rolled  on  a  flat  slab.  This  latter  method  I  judge  to  be  very  old, 
for  on  a  pre-Umbundu  site  encircled  by  stone  walls  I  have  seen  flat 
slabs  of  stone  and  cylindrical  rollers.  Some  of  the  flat  slabs  were 
worn  extremely  thin  in  the  middle  and  a  few  were  perforated  by 
the  friction. 

It  is  noteworthy  that  there  are  rocks  especially  reserved  for  the 
pounding  of  grain  with  the  wooden  mallet.  Such  rocks  are  to  be 
found  close  to  every  village,  and  the  dedication  of  a  new  rock  for  this 
purpose  requires  the  killing  of  a  chicken  whose  blood  is  sprinkled 
on  the  rock. 

Work  of  this  kind  is  begun  before  daybreak.  From  that  time  to 
sunset  the  pounding  of  the  wooden  mallets,  accompanied  by  the 
singsong  of  the  women,  marks  the  progress  of  the  day's  work.  At 
intervals  the  pounded  grain  is  sifted  through  the  hands  and  spread 
out  on  a  basket-work  tray,  which  is  shaken  to  separate  the  fine  meal. 
The  unbroken  and  partly  broken  grain  is  replaced  on  the  rock  for 
further  pounding.  A  small  brush  of  grass  is  used  for  bringing  together 
the  grain  which  is  dispersed  by  the  blows. 

The  sole  implement  used  in  agriculture,  which  is  entirely  in  the 
hands  of  women,  is  the  hoe.  Of  this  implement  there  are  several 
variations  according  to  locality.  The  Ovimbundu  and  others  of 
Ngalangi  employ  the  form  illustrated  in  Plate  XIII,  Fig.  10.  The 
long  handles  measuring  85  cm  no  doubt  reduce  fatigue  by  minimizing 
bending.  Both  hands  are  used,  and,  furthermore,  the  increased  length 
of  the  handles  must  give  a  greater  leverage.  The  smaller  hoe  used 
by  Ovimbundu  women  of  Elende  has  short  handles  only  51  cm 
(Plate  XIII,  Fig.  9),  while  that  from  the  Esele  country  is  distin- 
guished by  a  broader  blade  and  still  shorter  handles  only  36  cm 
in  length. 

Included  in  the  outfit  of  every  Umbundu  home  is  the  heavy 
wooden  floor  beater.  This  implement,  which  is  fashioned  from  a 
single  piece  of  wood,  consists  of  a  narrow  handle,  round  in  cross 
section,  and  a  flat  portion  for  beating  the  moist,  newly  made,  mud 
floor  of  the  hut.    The  total  length  is  about  83  cm. 


Economic  Life  167 

Not  only  the  carpenter,  but  almost  every  Ocimbundu  man 
possesses  an  implement  which  may  be  readily  adapted  as  ax  or  adze 
(Plate  XIII,  Fig.  2).  The  wooden  shaft,  from  50  to  70  cm  in  length, 
terminates  in  a  narrow  grip  at  one  end,  while  the  other  end  expands 
into  a  large  oval  knob  into  which  a  circular  hole  is  bored.  The 
strong  iron  blade,  one  of  the  main  products  of  the  local  forge,  can 
be  removed.  If  the  round  tang  of  the  blade  is  inserted  so  that  the 
cutting  edge  is  in  the  same  plane  as  the  shaft,  the  implement  is  an  ax. 
On  the  contrary,  insertion  so  that  the  cutting  edge  is  at  right  angles 
to  the  shaft  converts  the  implement  into  an  adze.  When  placed 
over  the  shoulder  this  implement  is  used  for  carrying  utensils  in  a 
fiber  bag  (Plate  XXVIII,  Fig.  1). 

Gourds  are  of  three  main  kinds,  which  may  be  found  growing  on 
the  ground  or  resting  on  the  roofs  of  houses  at  the  ends  of  the  climbing 
stems  that  bear  them.  Ombenge  is  a  gourd  which  is  narrow  in  the 
middle.  It  is  often  converted  into  a  dipper  for  ladling  liquids.  The 
narrow  neck  is  the  handle,  while  a  round  hole  is  cut  in  the  larger  part 
so  that  the  dipper  can  be  filled  with  liquid.  Onganja  is  round,  or 
perhaps  oval  in  form.  There  is  a  size  used  as  a  measure  of  capacity. 
Onganja  can  be  used  as  a  ladle  by  fixing  it  at  the  end  of  a  stick. 
Olukuembo  has  a  round  body  and  a  narrow  hook-shaped  neck;  like 
the  gourd  ombenge,  it  is  used  as  a  ladle. 

Gourds  are  elaborately  decorated  with  incised  and  burned  designs 
(Plate  XII,  Figs.  1-6).  Usually  these  patterns  are  geometrical,  but 
human  figures  and  animals  are  sometimes  included.  Decorated 
gourds  from  Bailundu,  used  for  containing  beer  at  a  wedding,  are 
among  the  best  examples  of  their  kind  (Plate  XII,  Fig.  6).  The 
owner  of  a  decorated  gourd  takes  great  pains  to  repair  a  crack  with 
rattan,  which  is  threaded  through  holes  bored  in  the  edges  of  the 
fracture.  A  large  gourd  is  sometimes  carried  in  a  native-made  net 
of  vegetable  fiber. 

POTTERY 

A  large  and  varied  collection  of  pottery  has  been  acquired  from 
the  Ovimbundu,  the  Vachokue,  and  the  Vasele.  The  shapes  and 
styles  are  best  indicated  by  the  illustrations  in  Plate  XIV,  Figs.  1-5. 

Among  the  Ovimbundu,  only  women  make  pots,  which  are  inferior 
in  workmanship  to  those  of  the  Vachokue  and  the  Vasele.  At  Elende, 
among  the  Ovimbundu,  I  was  surprised  to  find  a  man  making  pottery. 
Further  inquiry  showed  that  he  had  learned  his  craft  when  young 
in  the  Vachokue  country  of  eastern  Angola.  This  man,  whose  work 
was  not  copied  at  all  by  Ovimbundu  women,  was  regarded  as  a 


168  The  Ovimbundu 

specialist  whose  products  were  in  great  demand.  Instead  of  making 
crude  patterns  with  a  piece  of  gourd,  as  do  the  Ovimbundu  women, 
he  presses  a  brass  bracelet  round  the  rims  of  the  pots.  The  bracelet 
is  deeply  indented  with  geometrical  patterns  which  appear  on  the 
clay  (Plate  XIV,  Fig.  5).  This  man  selects  a  very  fine  clay  for  his 
work,  his  products  are  symmetrical,  and  a  polish  is  given  with  a 
smooth  pebble  after  baking.  Like  all  other  potters  of  Angola,  this 
artisan  has  no  knowledge  of  the  potter's  wheel. 

The  vessels  made  by  Vasele  women,  among  whom  the  trade  is 
confined  to  female  specialists,  are  unlike  the  products  from  any  other 
part  of  Angola.  The  chevron  design  is  characteristic,  so  also  is  the 
ornamenting  of  the  pot  by  laying  on  strips  of  clay  below  the  rim. 
This  is  applique"  work  which  may  consist  of  only  a  few  bands  of  clay, 
or  the  strips  may  pass  repeatedly  round  the  pot  until  one-half  or 
two-thirds  of  the  surface  has  been  covered  (Plate  XIV,  Fig.  2). 

At  Elende  two  Ovimbundu  women  were  observed  during  the  pot- 
making  processes  (Plates  XXXIII,  XXXIV).  Woman  A  built  up  the 
pot  in  a  basket  lined  with  wet  leaves.  Woman  B  pounded  the  clay 
on  a  stone  with  the  heavy  wooden  pounder  used  for  pounding  corn 
on  the  rocks.  Between  the  two  women  was  a  gourd  of  water  in  which 
A  moistened  her  fingers.  Operator  B  poured  water  on  the  clay  which 
she  was  pounding.  A  made  a  cup  of  clay  five  inches  in  diameter  and 
four  inches  deep  which  served  as  a  base  on  which  the  pot  was  built 
up  by  the  coiling  process.  This  cup  was  placed  in  the  basket  contain- 
ing moist  leaves. 

The  rim  of  the  cup  was  built  in  height  and  breadth  by  the  addition 
of  rolls  of  clay  supplied  by  woman  B.  As  the  rolls  of  clay  were  laid  on 
the  edges  of  the  pot,  the  inside  was  smoothed  with  a  piece  of  gourd. 
Meanwhile  the  outside  of  the  pot  was  supported  with  one  hand. 
Shaping  of  the  pot  proceeded  by  applying  smaller  and  smaller  rolls 
of  clay  as  the  neck  of  the  pot  was  approached.  Gentle  smoothing 
pressure  forced  out  the  greatest  breadth  of  the  pot  just  below  the 
base  of  the  neck.  A  pause  was  made  to  allow  a  partial  drying  before 
the  neck  was  built  up.  Ornamentation  consisted  of  making  deep 
incisions  with  a  piece  of  gourd  while  the  pot  was  still  wet.  During 
these  processes  there  was  constant  wetting  of  the  hands. 

The  pots  were  sun  dried,  then  fired  several  at  a  time  by  placing 
them  in  a  kiln  of  dry  grass.  Polish  was  given  to  a  pot  while  it  was 
still  hot  by  covering  the  surface  with  liquid  made  from  a  tuberous 
root,  during  which  process  the  pot  was  quickly  turned  on  a  stick. 


Economic  Life  169 

When  the  clay  was  being  mixed  an  old  pot  was  broken  and  pul- 
verized so  that  some  of  the  powder  might  be  added  to  the  new  pot. 
There  may  be  the  underlying  idea  of  continuity  in  the  potter's  art. 
The  potters  said,  Sanga  yi  pita  ("Lest  it  leak").  There  may  be 
no  purpose  other  than  the  imparting  of  stability  to  the  new  clay. 

I  was  unable  to  find  any  trace  of  ritual  except  with  reference  to 
the  opening  of  a  new  clay  pit.  When  a  pit  is  first  opened  both  men 
and  women  attend.  The  head  of  a  chicken  is  twisted  off  by  a  medi- 
cine-man, then  the  bird  is  held  over  the  pit  by  either  a  man  or  a 
woman.  There  is  no  law  or  ceremony  to  determine  who  shall  take 
the  first  clay  from  the  pit.  The  art  of  making  pots  is  in  the  hands 
of  female  specialists  so  far  as  the  Ovimbundu  are  concerned.  Obser- 
vation makes  clear  that  women  will  go  for  a  long  distance  to  obtain 
clay  from  the  pit  which  has  been  opened  in  a  ceremonial  manner. 
On  their  way  to  such  a  pit  they  pass  clay  which  would  serve  their 
purpose  well,  but  they  do  not  use  it.  Children  sometimes  amuse 
themselves  by  making  animals  of  clay. 

The  pottery  of  the  Ovimbundu  includes  cooking  vessels  of  many 
sizes,  water  containers,  and  very  large  pots  for  brewing  beer  (olombia 
vi  okukela). 

MATS  AND  BASKETS 

This  occupation  illustrates  division  of  labor  on  a  sex  basis. 
Baskets  are  made  by  women,  while  mat-making  is  an  occupation  for 
males.  As  with  other  trades  there  is  specialization.  The  majority 
of  women  are  able  to  make  baskets  though  the  skill  of  individuals 
varies.  All  women  who  have  a  knowledge  of  basketry  understand  the 
manufacture  of  dyes.  Only  a  few  men  make  mats;  my  informant 
thought  that  perhaps  one  man  in  ten  would  have  the  necessary  skill. 
Such  specialization  is  continued  into  other  occupations;  for  example, 
only  a  few  men  spin  cotton  thread,  while  the  majority  of  people  buy 
pottery  from  expert  female  potters. 

The  mat-maker,  generally  an  elderly  male,  uses  two  tools,  a  borer 
and  a  needle,  both  products  of  the  native  forge.  The  borer  (utomo) 
for  piercing  the  reeds,  consists  of  a  long  thin  blade  in  a  wooden  grip. 
The  needle  (osinja)  is  threaded  with  bark  fiber  and  passed  through 
the  holes  made  by  the  utomo.  The  bark  thread  is  ombanja  (plural 
olombanja). 

The  sleeping  mat  (esisa)  is  made  of  reeds  which  are  gathered  in 
the  early  morning  by  a  man  who  wets  and  binds  his  material  into 
bundles,  each  of  which  contains  reeds  of  the  same  length.  The  length 
of  the  reeds  varies,  of  course,  with  the  size  of  mat  he  intends  to  make. 


170  The  Ovimbundu 

The  name  esisa  is  given  to  the  raw  material  as  well  as  to  the  mat. 
The  worker  begins  by  laying  out  the  reeds  on  the  ground,  side  by  side; 
then  the  slender  tool  utomo  is  passed  through  the  reeds  near  their 
ends.  This  position  is  made  permanent  by  sewing,  and  the  process 
is  repeated  at  intervals  along  the  length  of  the  reeds  (Plate  XLII, 
Figs.  1,  2). 

Evinda  is  a  large  mat,  about  120  cm  long  and  20  cm  wide,  while 
each  strip  of  coarse  elephant  grass  is  about  3  cm  wide.  Ability  to 
make  the  rush  mat  (esisa)  is  fairly  common,  but  skill  in  making 
evinda  is  less  usual.  The  mat  evinda  has  several  uses;  it  may  be 
stretched  on  the  floor  or  bed  as  a  sleeping  mat,  or  possibly  it  is  rolled 
so  that  the  ends  can  be  fastened  together;  so  treated  it  forms  a 
cylinder  which  may  be  filled  with  grain  when  stood  upright  on  the 
ground.  A  number  of  these  mats  is  sometimes  used  to  form  a 
temporary  storage  place  or  shelter.  The  technique  is  of  the  twilled 
variety  in  which  each  weft  passes  over  and  under  two  warps. 

Ocala  is  a  coarse  mat  made  from  long  stalks  which  are  called 
"elephant  grass"  by  the  Boers;  the  agricultural  term  is  "Napier's 
fodder."  The  long  rods  are  white  and  glazed,  so  forming  an  artistic 
contrast  to  the  crossbinding,  which  is  of  black  bark.  The  technique 
is  known  as  check,  a  term  used  to  describe  a  structure  in  which  warp 
and  weft  pass  over  and  under  each  other  singly. 

The  large  mat  (ocikanga)  which  is  of  soft  texture  shows  neatly 
woven,  diamond-shaped  patterns  of  dark  brown  grass.  The  technique 
of  this  mat  is  of  the  twilled  variety  in  which  each  weft  passes  over 
and  then  under  two  warps. 

String  bags,  which  are  used  for  suspending  gourds  or  hanging  them 
over  the  shoulder,  are  made  by  men  only.  The  root  ombundi,  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  brewing  beer,  is  used  for  making  string 
bags.  Two  fibers  that  have  been  teased  out  from  the  root  are  rolled 
tightly  together  by  rubbing  them  between  the  palm  and  the  thigh. 
Strong  rope  is  sometimes  made  by  plaiting  coarse  grass;  this  occupa- 
tion is  in  the  hands  of  males. 

In  basket-making  the  preparation  of  dyes  is  of  great  importance 
because  colored  strands  of  grass  are  inwoven  to  make  named  geomet- 
rical patterns  (Plates  IX;  X).  The  Umbundu  expression  for  dyeing 
is  oku  lisa  olosovo. 

Red  coloring  is  produced  by  taking  leaves  of  a  plant  named  evava 

and  cooking  them  in  water  along  with  the  bark  of  the  tree  ukondo. 

Ukondo  is  the  "tooth  brush"  tree  because  small  pieces  of  its  wood 

are  chewed  and  used  for  cleaning  the  teeth.    After  the  grass  has 


Economic  Life  171 

simmered  in  this  infusion  of  evava  leaves  and  ukondo  bark,  it  is  buried 
in  a  heap  of  ashes  and  earth.  These  processes  produce  the  red 
coloring. 

Yellow  dye  is  made  from  the  roots  of  a  wild  rhubarb  (ocilungtduila) 
which  has  sagittate  leaves.  The  roots  are  pounded  and  mixed  with 
cold  water,  after  which  the  grass  is  placed  in  the  mixture.  A  pot 
containing  the  mixture  is  put  on  the  fire  and  the  contents  are  boiled 
for  half  an  hour;  at  the  end  of  this  time  the  grass  is  an  amber-yellow 
in  color. 

In  order  to  dye  grass  black  the  leaves  of  evava,  the  plant  used  for 
making  red  dye,  are  mixed  with  an  iron  solution  obtained  from  the 
mud  of  stagnant  pools.  If  the  grass  which  has  been  cooked  in  this 
mixture  is  not  sufficiently  dark  it  is  reboiled  in  the  evava-iron  mixture 
to  which  the  pounded  leaves  of  ungalo  are  added.  Brown  coloring 
is  made  by  mixing  the  red  dye  with  the  yellow. 

Baskets  made  by  the  coiling  process  are  the  most  common  type 
manufactured  by  Ovimbundu  women  (Plate  XV,  Fig.  6).  The  large 
basket  ohumba  is  a  woman's  field  basket  in  which  she  carries  corn, 
sweet  potatoes,  and  manioc,  along  with  her  hoe  and  pounder  (Plate 
XXVIII,  Fig.  2).  Each  coil  consists  of  a  large  number  of  strands  of 
fine  grass  which  are  tightly  bound.  The  coils  of  the  better  baskets 
are  wrapped  with  the  grass  called  osoka;  this  wrapping  fastens  each 
coil  to  the  preceding  coil.  Coarser  baskets  have  the  coils  wrapped 
with  strips  from  the  leaf  of  the  screw  pine  (emanalalo).  There  is  a 
sewing  process  in  which  the  coils  are  bound  to  one  another  with  the 
bark  olondovi,  which  is  kept  damp  during  the  process.  I  have  seen  a 
needle,  threaded  with  bast,  used  for  sewing  coils  together;  the  needle 
was  rethreaded  every  time  it  passed  through  a  coil.  Success  in 
basket-making  depends  largely  on  the  ability  of  the  worker  to  keep 
the  coils  of  uniform  thickness.  There  is  constant  inspection  and 
plucking  out  of  a  strand  of  grass  here  and  there  (Plate  XXXIX, 
Fig.  2). 

In  making  basket  trays  (ongalo),  the  same  coiling  process  is 
followed,  but  the  work  is  kept  flat.  These  trays  are  used  for  winnow- 
ing corn.  Wicker-work  is  used  for  making  conical  traps  for  small 
game  such  as  hares  and  rats.  Conical  fish  traps  are  made  of  wicker- 
work.  Names  of  patterns,  which  are  of  a  simple  geometrical  kind, 
are  well  known  to  basket-makers.  Sometimes  a  pattern  is  woven 
round  the  basket  at  a  certain  height  to  indicate  a  generally  accepted 
standard  for  measurement  of  capacity. 


172  The  Ovimbundu 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  are  to  be  found  baskets  which  they  them- 
selves seldom  copy.  These  examples  are  from  the  Vachokue  country 
of  eastern  Angola.  The  Vachokue  specialize  in  making  winnowing 
trays  and  rectangular  baskets  which  are  twilled  by  passing  each  weft 
over  two  or  more  warps. 

By  this  technique,  combined  with  the  use  of  brown  and  black 
weft  and  warp,  a  great  variety  of  geometrical  patterns  is  produced. 
Trays  of  this  kind  vary  in  diameter  from  50  to  200  cm.  The  Vachokue 
also  make  large  strong  trays  in  which  honey  is  exposed  to  dry. 

In  the  neighborhood  of  Cassanga  wicker-work  baskets  are  made. 
The  warps  or  stakes  are  rigid  while  the  more  flexible  wefts  bend  in 
and  out.  At  this  place  there  are  both  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue 
inhabitants. 

Women  of  the  Vakuanyama  in  southern  Angola  make  exceptionally 
neat  little  conical  baskets  by  lashing  coils  very  tightly.  The  lashing 
is  done  in  such  a  way  as  to  leave  the  outer  surface  covered  with  small 
chevron-shaped  designs. 

There  is  an  intrusion  of  European  influence  which  tends  to  mar 
the  work  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  other  native  craftswomen.  Soft 
dyes  produced  by  methods  described  are  sometimes  replaced  by 
brightly  colored,  imported  dyes;  old  ribbons  from  typewriters  are 
soaked  in  order  to  extract  coloring.  The  Ovimbundu  are  imitating 
European  forms  of  basketry  in  a  few  centers,  though  the  native 
method  of  coiling  is  still  used. 

WEAPONS 

The  bow  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  made  of  hard  red  wood  which 
takes  a  high  polish  after  use.  It  is  round  in  cross  section  and  tapers 
considerably  toward  the  ends.  The  length  is  usually  150  cm,  not 
an  inconvenient  size  in  view  of  the  fairly  open  bush  through  which 
the  hunter  has  to  make  his  way.  The  bowstring  is  made  of  a  thin 
strip  of  twisted  hide,  which  is  looped  over  each  end  of  the  bow  by  a 
slip  knot  made  of  two  half-hitches.  A  shoulder  at  each  end  of  the 
bow  shaft  prevents  the  slip  knot  from  passing  down  the  shaft.  In 
some  examples  only  one  end  of  the  bow  stave  is  notched.  Usually, 
after  completing  the  slip  knot,  the  hunter  leaves  a  surplus  of  bow- 
string which  is  wound  round  the  shaft.  One  bow  which  is  not 
notched  has  rattan  wound  round  the  stave  to  prevent  the  loops 
from  slipping. 

The  bow  for  shooting  bird  arrows  is  small  and  is  used  only  by 
boys;  the  string  is  of  twisted  vegetable  fiber. 


Economic  Life  173 

The  foregoing  description  applies  to  all  bows  collected  in  Elende, 
an  Umbundu  center;  neither  is  there  any  appreciable  difference 
between  these  bows  and  those  of  the  Vachokue  of  the  area  from 
Cangamba  to  Saurimo  in  Lunda.  The  bows  collected  in  the  Vachokue 
region  are  on  the  average  10  cm  longer  than  those  collected  at 
Elende,  a  structural  difference  probably  connected  with  the  heavier 
arrowheads  used  by  the  Vachokue  (Plate  XVII,  Figs.  1-9). 

The  Vakuanyama  of  southern  Angola  make  and  use  a  bow  which 
bears  very  little  resemblance  to  those  already  described.  The  arrows, 
too,  are  entirely  different  from  those  used  by  the  Ovimbundu  and 
Vachokue. 

The  lengths  of  three  bows  collected  at  Mongua,  a  typical  Kuan- 
yama  center,  are  111,  123,  and  123  cm.  The  bow  stave,  which  is 
made  from  a  monocotyledonous  wood,  is  5  cm  broad  in  the  widest 
part,  while  the  cross  section  is  a  flattened  ellipse.  The  bowstring 
is  of  twisted  leather,  looped  at  each  end  for  slipping  over  the  ends 
of  the  bow  shaft  (Plate  XVII,  Fig.  8). 

According  to  L.  S.  B.  Leakey  (A  New  Classification  of  the  Bow 
and  Arrow  in  Africa,  J.R.A.L,  LVI,  1926,  pp.  259-294),  the  bows  and 
arrows  of  Angola  have  not  been  studied.  I  am  inclined  to  place  the 
bows  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue  with  Leakey's  "knotted 
string  bows"  (pp.  266-269). 

Leakey  states  that  the  technique  employed  in  stabilizing  flight 
forms  the  best  basis  of  classification  of  arrows,  but  so  far  as  Angola 
is  concerned,  the  shapes  of  arrowheads  form  a  basis  of  classification 
according  to  locality.  Ovimbundu,  Vachokue,  Vakuanyama,  and 
Vasele,  have  distinctive  patterns.  Naturally  there  is  borrowing  of 
patterns  where  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue  intermingle,  but,  even  so, 
there  are  distinguishing  signs  of  Vachokue  workmanship.  The 
information  respecting  bows  and  arrows  of  Angola  is  best  presented 
in  paragraph  form,  and  comparison  of  types  is  facilitated  by  refer- 
ence to  Plate  XVII,  Figs.  1-9. 

The  following  arrows  are  used  for  killing  birds: 

(1)  Elende.  Ovimbundu  boys  use  a  wooden  arrow  with  a  heavy 
blunt  head  which  is  carved  into  five  nodules  (Plate  XVII,  Fig.  3). 
The  head  is  tanged  into  a  reed  shaft  and  bound  there  with  fine  fiber 
covered  with  wax.  The  feathers  are  whole,  bent  over,  and  tied. 
The  number  of  feathers  varies  considerably  in  different  examples. 

(2)  Kipungo.  The  Vakipungo  have  a  wooden-headed  arrow  with 
nine  well-carved  barbs  (Plate  XVII,  Fig.  7).    The  head  is  socketed 


174  The  Ovimbundu 

fairly  tightly  into  a  reed  shaft  bound  at  the  junction  to  prevent 
further  splitting  of  the  shaft.  There  are  four  whole,  untrimmed 
feathers  at  the  butt;  these  feathers  are  bent  over  and  bound. 

(3)  Vakuanyama.  Wooden  arrows  having  eleven  sets  of  barbs 
are  in  use.  The  head  is  bound  into  a  reed  shaft  with  strong  gut. 
Another  type  of  wooden  arrow  has  three  sets  of  barbs  with  three 
barbs  in  each  set.    There  are  four  whole  feathers  at  the  butt. 

(4)  Vasele.  The  Vasele  use  an  arrow,  pointed  with  fine  pieces 
of  sharp  bamboo,  for  shooting  lizards  (Plate  XVII,  Fig.  9). 

The  foregoing  information  (1-4)  relates  only  to  wooden  arrows 
which  are  used  by  boys  when  hunting  birds.  The  following  para- 
graphs summarize  the  structural  details  of  arrows  used  by  men, 
and  the  data  are  arranged  to  call  attention  to  differences  in  the 
patterns  of  arrows  used  by  several  principal  tribes  of  Angola. 

The  Vasele  make  the  arrow  shafts  of  hollow  reeds,  and  into  these 
the  narrow,  ovate,  iron  heads  are  tanged  and  bound  in  position  with 
fine  bark  which  is  not  waxed.  Three  unsplit  feathers  are  bent  and 
tied  to  the  shaft  with  fine  bark  fiber.  The  nock  at  the  butt  of  the 
arrow  is  rectangular  in  shape  and  0.3  cm  deep.  No  quiver  was 
observed. 

The  Ovimbundu  form  arrow  shafts  from  hollow  reeds,  the  average 
length  of  which  is  76  cm.  All  arrowheads  of  iron  are  tanged  and 
the  tangs  are  inserted  in  the  hollow  reeds.  A  binding  of  fine  bark 
fiber  is  given,  and  this  is  covered  with  wax.  From  five  to  ten  feathers 
are  used  for  each  arrow.  The  feathers  may  be  split  or  they  may 
be  left  in  the  natural  state.  The  trimming  of  the  feathers  is  roughly 
executed.  The  depth  of  the  rectangular  nocks  is  0.5  cm,  and 
splitting  of  the  shaft  is  prevented  by  binding  the  nock  with  fine 
bark.    No  quiver  was  observed. 

The  Vachokue  of  Cangamba,  and  thence  northward  to  Saurimo, 
make  arrow  shafts  of  hollow  reeds  whose  average  length  (79  cm) 
is  a  little  in  excess  of  those  made  by  the  Ovimbundu.  The  shapes 
of  the  iron  heads  are  shown  in  comparison  with  those  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu (Plate  XVII,  Fig.  1).  All  arrowheads  are  tanged  and  bound 
into  the  hollow  shaft  with  bark  fiber  which  is  then  waxed.  The 
feathers  are  split  and  bent  with  a  neatness  much  greater  than  that 
shown  in  examples  of  Umbundu  arrows.  The  rectangular  nocks 
are  1  cm  deep.    No  quiver  was  observed. 

The  Vakuanyama  make  solid  wooden  arrow  shafts  having  an 
average  length  of  65  cm.     The  arrowheads  of  iron  are  socketed. 


Economic  Life  175 

Three  prevailing  shapes  of  arrowhead  are  conical,  narrow  ovate, 
and  V-shaped.  The  quills  are  split,  bent  over,  and  tied.  The  usual 
number  of  feathers  used  for  each  arrow  is  eight.  The  workmanship 
is  neat  and  symmetrical.  The  rectangular  nock  is  0.5  cm  deep. 
A  quiver  of  hide  is  used. 

In  addition  to  the  assagai  (Plates  XIII,  Fig.  8;  LXVIII,  Fig.  2) 
commonly  used  by  the  Vakuanyama  and  adopted  to  a  very  limited 
extent  by  the  Ovimbundu,  there  are  spearheads  which  originate  in 
eastern  Angola  among  the  Vachokue,  whose  blacksmiths  are  expert. 

Typical  spearheads  were  collected  at  Munyangi  where  Ovim- 
bundu and  Vachokue  cultures  meet.  The  leaf-shaped  blade  and 
tang  have  a  length  of  30  cm  and  an  average  breadth  of  4  cm  across 
the  blade  (Plate  XVI,  Fig.  1).  The  upper  part  of  the  tang,  made 
for  insertion  into  a  wooden  shaft,  is  round  in  cross  section  while 
the  lower  part  is  square.  The  blade,  which  has  a  keen  edge,  is  well 
graded  from  a  central,  raised  midrib  to  the  margin. 

I  did  not  observe  many  spears  among  the  Ovimbundu  and 
Vachokue.  The  former  value  highly  a  type  of  assagai  which  is  owned 
by  every  man  of  the  Vakuanyama.  At  Elende  and  Bailundu  I 
obtained  from  Ovimbundu  men  assagais  identical  with  those  collected 
in  the  Vakuanyama  country.  The  assagai  is  made  entirely  of  iron; 
it  has  a  narrow,  leaf-shaped  iron  blade  which  is  socketed  to  the 
iron  shaft.  The  butt  is  sharply  pointed.  The  shaft  passes  through 
a  cow's  tail  on  which  the  tuft  of  hair  remains.  Consequently  the  iron 
shaft  is  encased  in  hide  for  part  of  its  length. 

At  Elende  I  obtained  from  Ovimbundu  men  two  spears  said  to 
be  a  product  of  the  local  forge.  The  flat,  narrow,  leaf -shaped  blades 
were  tanged  into  very  rough  wooden  shafts.  Wax  was  thickly 
smeared  over  the  junction.  The  workmanship,  which  followed  the 
tanged  method  of  hafting  arrowheads,  was  extremely  crude. 

By  far  the  most  distinctive  knives  made  in  Angola  are  those 
manufactured  and  used  by  the  Vakuanyama  of  the  extreme  south 
(Plate  XVI,  Fig.  10).  I  have  never  found  this  knife  in  use  elsewhere 
in  Angola,  and  similar  types  are  to  be  found  only  among  the  Ovambo 
to  the  south  of  the  Vakuanyama. 

These  knives  vary  in  length  from  48  cm  to  73  cm,  with  a  breadth 
of  5  cm  to  7  cm  across  the  scabbard.  The  general  outline  is  a  well- 
balanced  ellipse.  The  wood  used  is  hard  in  texture  and  dark  red  in 
color.  On  one  side  the  scabbard  is  left  open  in  such  a  way  as  to 
display  the  blade,  which  is  long,  keen,  and  tapering.  A  leather 
thong  attached  to  the  back  of  the  scabbard  provides  means  of  attach- 


176  The  Ovimbundu 

ment  either  to  the  arm  or  to  the  belt  of  the  wearer.  The  crescent- 
shaped  expansion  at  the  tip  of  the  scabbard  is  sometimes  held  between 
the  toes  while  the  blade  is  withdrawn. 

A  small  knife  obtained  from  an  Ocivokue  man  near  Saurimo  in 
the  province  of  Lunda,  northeast  Angola,  has  a  black  wooden  haft 
neatly  bound  with  fine  brass  wire  (Plate  XVI,  Fig.  2).  The  steel 
blade  of  Vachokue  workmanship  is  eminently  suitable  for  the  purpose 
for  which  it  is  employed,  namely,  that  of  carving  pipe  bowls  and 
snuff  boxes,  which  are  sometimes  elaborately  incised.  The  knife 
has  a  distribution  from  Saurimo  to  Cangamba,  an  area  of  intermittent 
Vachokue  culture,  but  I  have  never  observed  it  in  the  possession  of 
an  Ocimbundu.  Men  of  the  Ovimbundu  have  knives  of  somewhat 
poor  quality.  The  roughly  made  wooden  haft  is  attached  to  a 
blade  which  is  protected  by  a  sheath  of  lizard  skin.  More  frequently 
than  not,  an  Ocimbundu  does  not  carry  a  knife;  neither  does  he 
appear  to  have  borrowed  knives  or  the  art  of  making  them  from  the 
expert  Vakuanyama  or  Vachokue,  who  are  reluctant  to  part  with 
their  tools  and  weapons. 

A  knife  used  by  Vasele  men  in  the  region  of  Vila  Nova  de  Selles, 
in  the  hinterland  of  Novo  Redondo,  resembles  one  used  by  the 
Bangala  of  the  Congo  (Plate  XIII,  Fig.  1).  The  distribution  of  the 
implement,  which  is  used  for  cutting  branches  from  trees,  is  local 
in  the  Esele  country.  I  have  never  seen  such  a  knife  in  use  among 
the  Ovimbundu  or  in  any  other  part  of  Angola.  The  preservation 
of  this  peculiar  form,  in  common  with  other  specialized  traits  of 
Esele  culture,  is  due  to  isolation  of  the  Vasele  among  hills  difficult 
of  access. 

LEATHER  WORK 

Leather  pouches  worn  on  a  broad  leather  belt  are  part  of  the 
essential  equipment  of  a  hunter.  The  pouch  usually  contains  scrap 
metal  and  powder  for  muzzle-loading  guns.  This  type  of  firearm  is, 
under  present  Portuguese  regulations,  difficult  to  obtain  and  still 
more  difficult  to  furnish  with  powder,  which  is  forbidden  to  the 
native.  Consequently  such  a  pouch  may  contain  only  a  pipe  and 
tobacco. 

The  pouch  itself  is  either  square,  rectangular,  or  semi-cylindrical 
in  shape  (Plate  XIII,  Fig.  6).  The  hair  may  or  may  not  have  been 
removed  from  the  hide.  Some  examples  show  signs  of  careful  work- 
manship in  stamping  cross-shaped  patterns.  Brass-headed  nails 
are  used  for  decorative  effect  on  these  pouches  among  the  Ovimbundu 
of  Elende  and  as  far  south  as  Huila. 


Economic  Life  177 

In  addition  to  pouches,  hide  is  used  by  the  Ovimbundu  for  the 
seats  of  four-legged  wooden  stools.  Before  stretching  the  hide  over 
the  wooden  frame  the  edge  of  the  leather  is  cut  into  strips  which  are 
interlaced  on  the  under  side  of  the  stool  (Plate  XVIII,  Fig.  1).  There 
are  few  evidences  of  the  hide  having  been  dressed;  usually  the  hair 
is  attached.  The  Ovimbundu  understand  the  dressing  of  hides  in 
a  crude  way.  The  hide  is  soaked,  after  which  the  inner  surface  is 
rubbed  with  ashes.  The  hair  is  scraped  away  and  the  hide  is  tightly 
pegged  out.  Hide  was  formerly  used  for  covering  wooden  boxes 
in  which  a  king  carried  his  powder  and  possessions  to  war.  Scraped 
hide  is  used  to  form  the  tympanum  in  tubular  wooden  drums. 

In  only  one  part  of  Angola,  notably  in  the  south  among  the 
Vakuanyama,  is  leather  used  as  clothing.  Women  wear  pleated 
skirts  of  hide  and  several  broad  leather  belts,  while  the  men  have 
small  leather  aprons  in  front  and  behind.  Men  only  are  the  leather 
workers.  The  hide  is  soaked  and  trampled  under  foot  for  many 
hours  in  order  to  soften  it  and  make  it  pliable;  the  hair  is  not  removed. 
Before  leather  clothing  is  worn  it  is  thickly  greased  with  a  mixture 
of  fat  and  red  powder  from  tukula  wood  (Plates  LXV,  Figs.  1-3; 
LXVII,  Fig.  1). 

SPINNING  AND  WEAVING 

My  interpreter  Ngonga  remembers  the  use  of  a  heavy  upright 
loom  about  twenty  years  ago,  but  this  loom  is  not  used  at  the  present 
time  among  the  Ovimbundu.  The  Ovimbundu  have  been  in  contact 
with  Europeans  for  three  centuries.  This  has  not  been  a  close  and 
permanent  contact,  but  it  has  been  sufficient  to  account  for  the 
disappearance  of  a  one-time  essential  art.  There  are  in  Elende  some 
very  fine  raffia  palm  trees,  but  no  use  is  made  of  the  leaf  fiber  for 
manufacturing  clothes.  Bark  cloth  is  not  made  by  the  Ovimbundu 
of  Elende,  but  I  have  seen  the  Vangangella  and  Ovimbundu  of 
Ngalangi  engaged  in  stripping,  beating,  and  preparing  bark  for  use 
as  clothing,  which  is  formed  of  one  piece  wound  round  the  body. 
The  bark  cloth  is  not  dyed  or  decorated  with  patterns. 

Frequently  at  Elende  men  are  seen  engaged  in  spinning  cotton 
which  is  used  for  repairs,  and  not  for  fabricating  garments.  The 
cotton  is  obtained  from  a  shrub  which  has  reddish  leaves  and  yellow 
flowers.  The  cotton  may  be  seen  protruding  from  the  calyx  in  the 
months  of  June  and  July.  The  man  who  is  winding  holds  high  in  his 
left  hand  a  slender  stick  which  is  wrapped  for  a  length  of  two  feet 
with  fluffy  cotton.  All  work  of  pressing  and  twisting  the  cotton  into 
a  thread  is  done  by  the  thumb  and  index  finger  of  the  right  hand. 


178  The  Ovimbundu 

In  the  beginning  a  thread  from  the  fluffy  mass  on  the  stick  is  fastened 
to  a  corncob  or  to  a  potato,  the  weight  of  which  keeps  the  thread 
taut  (Plate  XXXVI,  Fig.  1). 

I  have  never  seen  a  woman  spinning  and  am  informed  that  in 
former  days  the  working  of  the  loom  was  a  task  for  men  only. 

In  presenting  facts  bearing  on  the  economic  life  of  the  Ovimbundu 
attention  has  been  paid  to  the  importance  of  ritual,  specialization 
in  industry,  and  division  of  labor  on  a  sex  basis.  Clearly,  the  economic 
life  is  one  of  the  fundamentals  of  social  structure,  while  at  many 
points  it  is  a  field  in  which  the  magician  works. 

Topography  and  climate  have  fixed  certain  conditions  which,  so 
far  as  the  Benguela  Highlands  are  concerned,  favor  agriculture  on 
an  extensive  scale,  also  the  keeping  of  cattle.  In  the  Benguela 
Highlands  a  moderate  temperature,  combined  with  sufficient  rainfall, 
has  produced  a  type  of  vegetation  which  provides  timbers  serviceable 
to  the  craftsman,  together  with  bush  that  affords  shelter  for  game. 

The  bearing  of  these  economic  facts  on  the  probable  origins  of 
traits,  and  their  assembly  to  form  the  tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu, 
is  reserved  for  discussion  in  chapters  dealing  with  culture  contacts 
and  cultural  processes.  In  chapters  X-XII  the  factual  material 
presented  here  under  "Economic  Life"  is  correlated  with  what  is 
known  of  similar  activities  in  cultures  surrounding  that  of  the 
Ovimbundu. 


VI.    SOCIAL  LIFE 

Sexual  Relations 

courtship 

There  is  a  certain  humor  and  quaintness  of  language  used  by 
Ngonga  in  describing  sexual  relations  of  the  Ovimbundu.  So  far  as 
possible  the  interpreter's  style  of  expression  has  been  preserved 
because  of  its  value  in  revealing  the  native  attitude. 

When  a  man  begins  to  like  a  girl,  he  looks  at  her  for  several 
days.  Perhaps  the  boy  will  talk  to  the  girl  who  will  tell  him  to  go 
to  her  father  and  mother.  The  boy  must  ask  the  parents  for  a  friend- 
ship, which  may  last  for  one  or  two  years.  During  this  time  the  boy 
must  not  do  anything  to  the  girl,  and  if  he  tries  she  ought  to  tell  her 
parents.  If  a  baby  were  born  to  them  in  this  time  it  would  be  a 
shameful  thing.  After  the  boy  has  told  the  parents  that  he  wishes 
to  marry  the  girl  he  must  find  something  to  give  to  them.  The  girl 
must  have  agreed  to  marriage  before  the  boy  asks  the  parents.  The 
first  token  may  be  no  more  than  a  ball  of  wax  or  a  present  of  salt. 
This  token  says,  "The  girl  is  mine,"  and  no  other  boy  will  ask  for 
her  because  it  is  understood  that  she  is  promised  to  somebody.  In 
former  days  there  were  restrictions  against  marriage  with  other  tribes, 
but  in  eastern  Angola  at  the  present  day  the  Ovimbundu  occasionally 
marry  with  the  Vachokue. 

Soon  the  boy  will  start  building  a  house  on  his  father's  plot, 
because  he  intends  to  bring  the  girl  to  his  father's  land.  The  boy 
must  at  this  stage  make  a  further  present  to  the  parents  of  the  girl. 
In  the  old  days  he  would  take  about  five  kilos  of  salt;  but  now  he 
will  take  a  bottle  of  Portuguese  wine,  two  or  three  blankets,  or  a  piece 
of  cloth.  The  people  who  carry  the  present  must  be  the  brother, 
father,  or  a  male  cousin  of  the  suitor.  These  relatives  will  say,  "This 
is  the  day  we  have  come  for  our  boy's  wife."  Then  the  parents  will 
examine  the  things.  Perhaps  they  will  say,  "You  must  bring  a  better 
blanket."  The  father  or  the  girl's  mother's  brother  must  call  the 
relatives  of  the  girl  to  a  council  (onjango)  where  the  relatives  of  the 
boy  and  girl  are  gathered. 

The  parents  say,  "We  are  taking  these  things  for  our  daughter; 
we  hope  she  will  be  a  good  girl  and  not  shame  us.  She  is  a  good  girl 
to  us  and  we  hope  she  will  be  a  good  girl  in  your  house."  The  girl's 
parents  turn  to  her  and  say,  "We  should  like  to  hear  that  you  are 
hospitable;  give  food  to  your  husband's  relatives  when  they  visit 

179 


180  The  Ovimbundu 

you."  There  is  no  infant  betrothal.  There  is  not  and  never  was  any 
compulsion  of  a  girl  in  marriage,  but  slave  girls  were  disposed  of  in 
marriage  by  their  masters. 

A  girl  is  not  allowed  to  do  anything  to  show  that  she  loves  a  boy, 
for  it  would  be  a  great  shame  for  her  to  tell  the  boy  that  she  loves  him. 
Often  a  girl  who  prefers  a  boy  will  pretend  that  she  does  not  like  him. 
The  Ovimbundu  have  a  story  which  states  that  a  man  said,  "I  will 
bring  my  cow  to  the  green  grass" ;  he  did  so,  but  the  cow  would  not 
eat.  This  expresses  the  idea  that  a  boy  would  not  like  a  girl  who 
confessed  a  preference  for  him. 

MARRIAGE 

The  prospective  bride  chooses  one  married  woman  and  six  unmar- 
ried girls  to  accompany  her  to  the  house  prepared  by  her  husband. 
Here  a  feast  consisting  of  a  pig  and  some  chickens  is  provided  by  the 
husband  for  the  relatives  of  both  families.  For  three  nights  the  girl 
returns  to  the  house  of  her  parents  while  the  boy  sleeps  at  his  home. 
The  married  woman  and  six  girls  sleep  at  the  house  prepared  by  the 
bridegroom.  During  these  days  beer  is  provided  by  the  boy's  parents. 
The  prospective  husband  is  ironically  addressed  as  sandombua. 
Ndombua  means  bridegroom,  sa  is  an  abbreviation  of  isia  meaning 
father.  The  term  "father  bridegroom"  refers  to  the  fact  that  the 
youth  is  a  potential  husband  only;  the  marriage  has  not  been 
consummated. 

On  the  fourth  day  the  bride  brings  her  supply  of  domestic  utensils. 
These  are  the  cooking  pots  (olombia) ;  the  wooden  spoons  (ovito) ;  the 
brush  of  grass  for  sweeping  (olueyo);  some  meal;  also  the  pounder 
(upi).  For  the  first  month  the  wife  is  not  allowed  to  cook  in  her  own 
home;  she  cooks  food  in  the  home  of  her  husband's  parents  and  sends 
it  to  the  council  house  (onjango)  where  her  husband  takes  his  meals 
with  other  men  according  to  Umbundu  custom.  At  the  end  of  the 
first  month  of  married  life  the  mother  of  the  husband  invites  any 
three  old  women  who  have  been  happily  married  to  lay  the  hearth 
stones  in  the  new  home.  Each  of  the  old  women  brings  a  stone  for 
the  hearth.  A  chicken  is  killed  and  its  blood  is  sprinkled  on  the 
hearth  stones.  While  the  young  wife  is  preparing  food  at  the  new 
hearth,  she  is  helped  by  the  old  women.  If  the  girl  is  stirring  with 
the  big  wooden  spoon,  one  of  the  old  women  places  her  own  hands 
over  those  of  the  girl.    There  is  this  kind  of  guidance  in  every  action. 

I  understand  that  at  the  present  day  virginity  in  a  bride  is  not  so 
highly  valued  as  in  former  days.   The  old  custom  was  an  examination 


Social  Life  181 

of  the  girl  by  her  husband,  and  if  she  were  not  a  virgin  he  took  a  hot 
stick  from  the  fire  and  burned  a  hole  through  her  loin  cloth.  "The  girl 
began  to  cry,  but  she  had  to  take  the  burned  cloth  to  her  mother."  In 
such  an  instance  there  does  not  seem  to  be  an  idea  of  guilt.  The 
husband  had  accepted  something  that  was  damaged,  and  the  payment 
of  a  pig  by  the  girl's  parents  reunited  the  two  young  people.  In 
former  days,  also  at  present,  there  are  boy  and  girl  companions  who 
sleep  together,  supposedly  without  having  sexual  connections, 
although  they  may  be  seventeen  years  of  age.  The  girl  calls  the  boy 
ombaisi,  and  he  calls  her  by  the  same  name.  The  Ovimbundu 
understand  something  of  the  physiology  of  conception;  the  woman 
is,  however,  regarded  as  only  a  receiving  vessel.  "The  man  puts 
something  into  her  which  grows." 

Husband  and  wife  do  not  sleep  in  the  same  bed  during  the  wife's 
menstrual  period ;  the  wife  sleeps  on  a  mat  at  the  side  of  her  husband's 
bed.  A  woman  who  is  menstruating  never  cooks  food,  but  women 
give  mutual  aid  in  this  matter.  A  man  with  more  than  one  wife 
sleeps  either  four  nights  or  seven  nights  with  each;  the  four-night 
cycle  is  more  usual  than  the  seven-night  cycle  among  the  Ovimbundu. 
Each  wife  has  a  separate  hut  and  kitchen.  There  is  no  wife  lending, 
but  a  visitor  may  be  provided  with  a  widow  or  even  with  an  un- 
married girl.    Then  the  man  would  have  to  pay  the  woman. 

Ngonga  was  able  to  give  information  with  regard  to  homosexual- 
ity. "There  are  men  who  want  men,  and  women  who  want  women." 
Ngonga  says  he  has  heard  people  talk  about  it,  and  "they  think  this 
very  bad."  A  woman  has  been  known  to  make  an  artificial  penis 
for  use  with  another  woman.  The  medicine-man  will  sometimes 
dress  as  a  woman.  Ngonga,  who  has  seen  a  man  dress  as  a  woman, 
stated  that  the  man  arranged  his  cloth  like  that  of  a  woman,  put 
palm  oil  on  his  hair,  and  joined  the  women  to  pound  corn  on  the  rocks. 
"The  other  people  laughed  and  spoke  bad  words  to  him.  His  brother, 
father,  and  uncle  beat  him,"  but  without  producing  reformation. 

DIVORCE 

There  are  many  grounds  on  which  a  man  may  secure  a  divorce, 
but  it  does  not  follow  that  divorce  is  frequent.  On  the  contrary  the 
evidence  indicates  that  the  majority  of  difficulties  are  overcome  by  a 
compromise  between  the  relations  of  the  husband  and  those  of  the 
wife.  The  main  causes  of  dissatisfaction  with  a  wife  are  want  of 
ability  in  cultivating  her  garden,  physical  weakness,  a  habit  of 
thieving  from  the  gardens  of  other  women,  incompetence  in  cooking, 


182  The  Ovimbundu 

bad  temper,  too  much  talking,  some  physical  defect  arising  from 
childbirth,  and  infidelity.  But  the  husband  usually  accepts  payment 
from  the  adulterer,  and  in  that  event  divorce  is  not  sought. 

If  a  mother  has  no  milk,  there  is  a  likelihood  that  her  children 
will  die  in  infancy ;  this  is  a  cause  for  divorce.  Barrenness  gives  great 
dissatisfaction,  but  is  not  necessarily  a  cause  for  divorce.  Usually 
the  husband  marries  another  girl,  while  the  first  wife  retains  her 
position  as  head-wife.  With  regard  to  frigidity  my  informant  said 
that  sometimes  "a  married  woman  does  not  want  her  husband  to 
do  those  things  which  husbands  like  to  do,  or  she  may  want  him 
very  seldom."  The  husband  is  so  angry  that  he  may  go  away 
hunting  for  a  long  time.  The  husband  may  tell  some  old  people,  who 
talk  to  the  girl.  If  his  wife  is  a  good  cook,  the  husband  may  keep 
her  and  secure  another  girl  as  a  second  wife.  Sometimes  the  husband 
ties  the  hands  of  the  girl  if  she  resists  him.  If  a  wife  is  returned 
to  her  parents  on  the  grounds  of  her  frigidity  her  husband  does  not 
receive  compensatory  payment,  but  he  hopes  that  another  man  will 
take  the  girl  and  pay  him  for  her. 

Sterility  of  the  male  is  sometimes  suspected,  in  which  case  the 
husband  tries  another  girl,  possibly  with  his  wife's  consent.  The 
wife  may  be  allowed  to  have  relations  with  another  man  in  the  hope 
of  producing  children.  The  evidence  shows  that  there  is  definite 
experiment  to  test  barrenness  of  the  woman  and  sterility  of  the  male. 

In  case  of  impotence  (not  sterility  of  the  male  sperm)  the  wife 
leaves  her  husband.  In  event  of  barrenness  the  woman  visits  a 
medicine-man,  who  gives  her  a  charm  consisting  of  two  cowrie 
shells  on  a  strip  of  leather  which  she  wears  round  her  neck;  a  potion 
also  will  be  given  her.  If  the  barren  condition  is  due  to  malevolence 
of  spirits,  the  face  of  the  woman  is  painted  with  streaks  of  red  and 
white.  Such  a  woman  is  said  to  gain  ocitumba.  Tumba  means  "a 
swell,"  "a  rise." 

A  woman  may  divorce  her  husband  if  he  does  not  treat  her  well. 
If  he  beats  her  or  refuses  to  give  her  cloth  and  palm  oil,  she  will  leave 
him;  but  she  will  not  leave  him  if  he  is  merely  unfaithful.  If  a 
woman  is  unhappy  with  her  husband,  she  will  tell  her  people  about 
the  trouble.    Her  father  and  mother  may  say,  "Go  and  try  again." 

After  a  year  the  woman  may  still  be  unhappy,  in  which  case  she 
goes  to  her  parents.  The  husband  visits  his  wife's  parents  to  ask 
why  she  has  left  him.  The  parents  give  reasons  and  offer  to  return 
the  token  he  presented  for  the  girl.  The  return  of  the  husband's 
tokens  is  usually  long  delayed  because  the  parents  of  the  girl  are 


Social  Life  183 

hoping  that  another  man  will  ask  for  their  daughter;  this  new  suitor 
will  have  to  make  payment  to  the  deserted  husband.  The  chief  of  the 
village  is  not  consulted  unless  the  return  of  the  husband's  presents 
is  long  delayed  or  is  in  some  way  unsatisfactory.  A  woman  who 
claims  even  remote  relationship  with  the  royal  family  is  treated  well, 
because  her  husband  is  afraid  of  the  influence  which  may  be  used 
against  him.  A  woman  who  returns  to  her  parents  takes  with  her 
the  articles  she  contributed  to  the  home;  these  are  pottery,  corn 
baskets,  a  wooden  pounder,  and  wooden  spoons.  If  a  wife  returns 
to  her  parents  without  telling  her  husband  that  she  intends  going, 
he  will  beat  her  if  he  finds  her  packing  up  her  utensils. 

The  procedure  of  divorce  contains  a  very  human  element.  When 
a  man  has  fully  decided  that  he  would  like  to  divorce  his  wife,  he 
will  first  of  all  inform  his  parents  of  his  intention.  The  parents  may 
advise  their  son  to  try  the  girl  for  a  longer  time. 

On  the  contrary,  the  parents  of  the  man  may  be  mischief-makers. 
Sometimes  the  parents  will  say  to  the  husband,  "Do  you  know  that 
your  wife  is  doing  these  things?  It  is  better  you  should  send  her 
away."  If  the  man  is  fond  of  his  wife,  he  will  take  her  to  another 
place  where  his  parents  cannot  watch  her.  When  a  woman  divorces 
her  husband  to  marry  another  man,  she  takes  to  her  new  home  all 
children  under  three  years  of  age.  Older  children  go  to  the  home 
of  her  parents. 

The  chief  of  the  village  has  to  witness  the  final  ceremony  of 
divorcing  a  woman;  but  the  husband  and  wife,  also  the  wife's  father, 
are  the  principal  people  concerned  in  the  divorce  ceremony.  The 
husband  receives  from  his  wife's  father  a  roll  of  tobacco  and  a  pig, 
then  he  places  leaves  and  palm  oil  on  the  back  of  his  wife.  He  slaps 
her  back  saying,  "It  is  finished,"  after  which  the  woman  goes  to  her 
father  or  to  another  man. 

When  a  woman  takes  the  initiative  and  has  declared  her  intention 
of  divorcing  her  husband,  she  returns  to  her  parents  as  described;  but 
the  divorce  cannot  be  completed  until  the  husband  has  been  per- 
suaded to  perform  this  ceremony  of  slapping  her  back  and  making 
a  ceremonial  renunciation  in  public. 

PREGNANCY  AND  CHILDBIRTH 

When  a  woman  finds  that  she  is  pregnant,  she  makes  and  drinks 
an  infusion  prepared  from  bark  fiber.  This  is  to  insure  the  removal 
of  all  stringy  matter  at  delivery.     Formerly  a  husband  was  not 


184  The  Ovimbundu 

supposed  to  have  intercourse  with  his  wife  during  her  pregnancy,  but 
this  custom  of  continence  is  declining. 

A  pregnant  woman  in  particular  must  not  steal.  If  she  does  so, 
her  child  will  refuse  to  be  born  until  some  one  present  at  the  confine- 
ment goes  out  and  steals  something. 

Eating  the  flesh  of  a  hare  during  pregnancy  will  give  the  baby 
a  split  lip.  If  the  flesh  of  the  owl  is  eaten,  the  baby  will  have  large 
round  eyes. 

The  expectant  mother  must  not  sit  on  a  mortar,  a  pestle,  or  a 
piece  of  rock;  if  she  does  so,  labor  will  be  prolonged. 

A  pregnant  woman  takes  earth  from  just  outside  her  door.  She 
drinks  this  in  water  so  that  the  placenta  will  be  delivered  whole. 

A  pregnant  woman  is  not  supposed  to  carry  anything  in  her  cloth. 
If  she  does  so,  the  child  will  have  a  long  head. 

A  pregnant  woman  is  a  potential  corpse.  A  man  ought  not  to 
quarrel  with  his  pregnant  wife  and  if  she  says  angry  things  to  him 
he  should  not  reply.  He  would  not  speak  to  a  corpse  in  anger;  on 
the  contrary,  he  would  respect  a  corpse;  he  must,  therefore,  respect 
a  pregnant  woman.  It  is  a  bad  omen  to  see  a  pregnant  woman  up 
in  a  tree.   A  man  who  sees  such  a  woman  is  expected  to  shoot  her. 

If  a  pregnant  woman  has  scolded  her  husband  and  is  sorry,  she 
goes  out  to  the  fields.  There  she  gets  her  cloth  covered  with  burrs 
then  returns  home.  If  her  husband  begins  to  pick  off  the  burrs  there 
is  reconciliation. 

There  are  several  arrangements  whereby  a  woman  who  has  borne 
only  girls  may  secure  male  births,  provided  she  can  find  a  woman 
who  has  borne  only  boys  and  is  anxious  to  have  a  girl.  The  simplest 
way  of  reversing  the  births  is  for  the  women  to  exchange  belts.  The 
belt  is  a  string,  or  possibly  a  plaited  fiber  girdle  an  inch  in  width 
which  is  worn  next  to  the  body.  From  this  string  depends  the 
woman's  lower  garment.  A  second  way  of  reversing  the  births  is 
for  the  women  to  make  an  exchange  of  food  through  a  hole  in  the 
wall  of  a  hut.  The  food  is  handed  in  on  a  basket  tray.  The  woman 
inside  the  hut  receives  the  food  while  standing  with  her  back  to  the 
hole;  she  then  places  the  food  under  the  bed.  The  tray  is  handed 
back  through  the  hole  by  the  recipient  who  still  keeps  her  back  to 
the  aperture.  There  is  a  third  method  whereby  a  woman  who  has 
borne  boys  may  be  made  to  bear  girls,  and  vice  versa.  The  woman 
who  has  borne  only  boys  gives  to  the  woman  who  has  borne  only 
girls,  an  arrow,  a  knife,  a  bow,  and  an  ax.  The  articles  given  in 
return  are  a  pounding  stick,  a  broom,  a  tray  and  a  basket.   The  value 


Social  Life  185 

of  this  symbolism  relating  to  occupations  of  males  and  females 
respectively,  is  obvious. 

Many  women  bear  children  when  they  are  away  in  the  fields,  but 
help  at  home  is  often  given.  The  mothers  of  the  wife  and  of  the 
husband  may  not  be  present  at  the  confinement.  No  childless  woman 
may  be  near  during  the  confinement  or  convalescence.  The  father 
may  not  be  present  or  "the  child  would  be  ashamed  to  be  born." 
Before  and  during  her  pregnancy  a  woman  feeds  her  husband  with 
a  prickly  plant  which  is  mixed  in  his  food;  this  makes  him  faithful 
to  her. 

The  abdomen  is  bound  after  delivery  in  order  to  keep  the  uterus 
in  position.  There  is  a  very  small  amount  of  bleeding  after  childbirth; 
in  fact  the  flow  of  blood  is  quite  finished  in  two  or  three  days.  The 
nearer  the  diet  comes  to  that  of  the  white  man  the  greater  the  bleeding 
at  delivery.  A  pregnant  woman  may  not  beat  a  drum,  or  she  will 
bear  a  drum.  A  woman  who  sees  the  blood  from  circumcision  of  a 
male  will  not  have  any  children. 

When  a  female  child  is  born,  the  umbilical  cord  is  cut  with  a  hoe 
to  ensure  that  the  female  will  be  a  good  worker  in  the  field.  The 
cord  of  a  male  is  cut  with  an  arrow  to  insure  good  hunting.  A  newly 
born  child  receives  a  drink  of  beer,  and  a  cord  is  tied  round  its  waist. 
This  is  not  for  support;  it  is  the  string  from  which,  much  later,  the 
lower  garment  hangs.  Girls  do  not  menstruate  until  they  are  fifteen 
or  even  seventeen  years  of  age.  During  the  months  after  first  men- 
struation a  girl  advances  rapidly  from  childhood  to  womanhood. 

The  medicines  that  women  take  to  secure  abortions  are  bitter. 
A  woman  will  refuse  quinine  because  she  thinks  it  will  cause  abortion. 
It  is  certain  that  twins  are  welcome  among  the  Ovimbundu,  but  there 
are  special  observances  connected  with  their  birth  and  death.  A  twin 
birth  is  not  thought  to  imply  dual  fatherhood.  Twins  are  called 
Njamba  ("elephant")  and  Hosi  ("lion").  Although  twins  are  of 
opposite  sexes  each  receives  one  of  the  two  names.  Njamba  is  the 
first  born,  and  Hosi  is  the  second  to  be  delivered.  The  medicine- 
man holds  a  ceremony  to  cure  the  mother  of  twins.  The  afterbirth 
of  twins  is  placed  in  two  gourds  and  carried  outside  the  village  for 
burial  by  two  midwives.  The  mother  of  twins  must  wear  round 
her  neck  the  horn  of  an  antelope  given  by  the  medicine-man.  She 
has  to  blow  this  when  crossing  a  river,  meeting  a  crowd  of  people, 
or  seeing  a  hawk  overhead.  People  laugh  at  her  and  in  fun  say 
that  she  is  a  pig  or  a  bitch.  "The  woman  says  the  same  kind  of 
words  to  them."    Children  may  be  adopted,  but  they  never  really 


186  The  Ovimbundu 

belong  to  the  foster  parents.  When  an  adopted  girl  marries,  half 
the  presents  from  the  husband  are  given  to  the  natural  parents, 
and  the  other  half  to  the  foster  parents. 

In  a  case  of  triple  birth  at  Ngalangi  two  infants  died  at  birth;  the 
other  succumbed  after  three  months.  In  another  instance  a  woman 
bore  three  children  and  in  the  vernacular  of  my  informant  "something 
which  was  nothing,"  but  all  died.  In  a  third  case  of  triple  birth  a 
woman  had  a  boy  and  two  girls.  The  boy  died  at  the  age  of  fifteen 
years;  the  girls  grew  up  and  bore  children.  Albinos  do  not  find  it 
easy  to  obtain  wives.  I  was  told  that  an  albino  man  at  Ngalangi 
could  not  find  a  wife  until  he  married  a  widow  who  had  several 
children,  because  unmarried  girls  of  his  own  age  did  not  want  him. 
One  of  the  charms  collected  has  to  be  worn  by  a  woman  who  has 
triplets.  The  object  is  a  rattle  (olusangu),  which  the  woman  shakes 
when  she  meets  any  one.  If  she  gave  an  ordinary  greeting  the 
children  would  die. 

The  greater  part  of  this  information  was  obtained  at  Ngalangi 
by  interrogating  women  who  were  questioned  in  Umbundu  by  Mrs. 
McDowell.  At  Elende  I  asked  my  interpreter  Ngonga  to  interrogate 
his  wife.  According  to  Ngonga  a  woman  must  visit  a  female  prac- 
titioner in  the  first  month  of  her  pregnancy.  The  face  and  the  body 
of  the  pregnant  woman  are  painted  with  red,  black,  and  white  spots. 
This  means  that  she  will  have  no  difficulty  in  bearing  children, 
neither  will  she  have  any  sickness  during  the  nine  months  of  gestation. 
"When  her  belly  hurts"  (i.e.,  the  quickening),  the  woman  goes  to 
the  same  female  ocimbanda,  who  paints  lines  of  white,  red,  and  black 
across  her  breast. 

The  ocimbanda  gives  the  woman  a  necklace  consisting  of  a  strip 
of  leather  to  which  two  cowries  are  attached.  Experience  proves 
that  such  a  necklace  is  difficult  to  buy.  If  the  woman  has  a  necklace 
of  this  kind  which  was  worn  by  her  grandmother,  it  is  a  very  powerful 
aid  to  conception,  a  relief  in  painful  menstruation,  and  a  means  of 
securing  easy  delivery  and  normal  gestation.  I  could  not  find  any 
trace  of  an  idea  relating  to  the  entry  of  a  soul,  ancestral  or  otherwise, 
into  the  foetus. 

Ongandu  is  the  name  for  a  disease  of  the  genitalia;  but  Ngonga 
used  the  word  to  describe  abdominal  pain  suffered  by  a  woman  who 
has  had  no  children.  By  this  I  suppose  he  means  painful  menstrua- 
tion.   The  curative  root  which  is  given  is  called  kayambua. 

Abortion  is  never  secured  by  mechanical  means.  The  medicine 
(ihemba)  is  made  from  the  root  of  a  plant  that  is  boiled  in  water  and 


Social  Life  187 

drunk.  The  concoction  is  described  in  Umbundu  as  ihemba  vioku 
tundisapo  imo  ("medicine  to  take  away  belly"). 

When  the  monthly  period  begins  too  early  in  life,  the  medicine- 
man recommends  that  the  young  girl  should  wear  the  cowrie  necklace 
worn  by  her  mother's  mother. 

A  deformed  child  is  destroyed,  but  not  if  it  has  been  allowed  to 
survive  the  first  day. 

If  male  triplets  are  born,  two  stay  permanently  with  the  mother. 
At  the  age  of  five  years  one  child  goes  to  the  king,  whose  child  he 
becomes. 

When  a  woman  has  had  relationships  with  more  than  one  man, 
she  will  die  in  childbirth  unless  the  medicine-man  is  called  to  cure  her. 

In  a  Vachokue  village  of  eastern  Angola  I  bought  a  female  wooden 
figure.  It  was  explained  that  this  would  be  nursed  by  a  woman,  one 
of  whose  twins  was  dead,  in  order  to  induce  another  conception. 
Moreover,  the  nursing  of  the  figure  prevents  the  death  of  the  second 
twin.  The  Ovimbundu  also  use  these  wooden  figurines  for  replacing 
dead  twins  (p.  163). 

Children  are  suckled  for  a  long  time;  even  those  of  three  years  and 
older  come  to  the  breast.  There  are  instances  in  which  milk  is  present 
but  lacking  the  nutritive  qualities;  then  the  baby  is  likely  to  die.  The 
matter  is  simpler  when  a  mother  gives  no  milk  at  all  because  the  baby 
is  given  to  another  woman,  but  not  necessarily  to  a  woman  who  is 
suckling  a  child.  A  baby  whose  mother  has  no  milk  may  be  given 
to  a  woman  who  has  not  borne  a  child  for  many  years,  and  the  sucking 
of  the  child  quickly  induces  a  milk  supply.  This  is  agreed  upon  by 
informants  at  Ngalangi  and  Elende  who  have  seen  a  child  nursed 
by  a  woman  with  withered  breasts.  Protection  is  given  to  the 
fontanelle  by  covering  it  with  a  vegetable  gum  which  hardens. 

Near  the  chief  village  of  the  Vangangella  at  Ngalangi  there  is  a 
mound  decorated  with  feathers  and  painted  wooden  posts  (Plate 
XCII,  Fig.  1).  Childless  women  are  placed  on  the  mound  which  is 
near  a  river.  They  are  covered  with  mud,  after  which  the  medicine- 
man sings  songs  and  administers  potions.  The  women  go  home  and 
are  made  to  sit  on  mounds  in  their  kitchens.  These  mounds,  which 
are  made  in  rows,  like  earth  heaped  up  after  hoeing  a  trench,  may 
be  a  symbol  of  successful  agriculture  and  human  fertility. 

On  looking  into  the  subject  of  blood  brotherhood  I  found  that  an 
exchange  of  blood  between  two  males  who  swore  mutual  fidelity  was 
at  one  time  common.    At  the  present  day  an  exchange  of  blood  is 


188  The  Ovimbundu 

sometimes  made  between  husband  and  wife,  at  night  and  in  secret. 
People  say  that  those  who  exchange  blood  will  die  at  the  same  time. 

NAMING 

In  addition  to  the  words  chosen  to  describe  twins,  there  are  some 
points  of  importance  in  connection  with  the  naming  of  children.  The 
father  and  mother  change  their  names  when  the  first  child,  male  or 
female,  is  born,  but  there  is  no  change  of  name  at  the  birth  of  subse- 
quent children.  In  a  certain  family  the  name  of  the  first  child,  a  girl, 
was  Vitundo.  The  name  of  her  father,  which  was  Cingandu,  was 
abandoned;  he  became  Savitundo,  "the  father  of  Vitundo."  The 
mother's  name  of  Visolela  was  changed  to  Navitundo,  "the  mother 
of  Vitundo." 

If  the  first  child  dies,  the  parents  dislike  their  names;  they  there- 
fore revert  to  their  original  names.  When  another  baby  is  born,  the 
parents  again  change  their  names  in  the  way  described.  A  post- 
humous child  is  called  Lusati.  A  child  born  after  twins  is  Kasinda, 
which  means '  'to  push . ' '  Twins  are  cal  led  the  Lion  and  the  Elephant, 
or  the  Elephant  and  the  Hippopotamus.  There  are  no  secret  names. 
The  names  of  the  dead  must  not  be  mentioned ;  the  deceased  is  referred 
to  as  "the  one  who  has  gone."  Children  may  change  their  own  names 
at  the  age  of  about  sixteen  years,  and  actually  do  so  if  their  names  are 
distasteful  to  them.  Ngonga's  friend,  named  Katito  ("little"), 
changed  his  name  to  Mukayita  (meaning  not  known).  Ngonga's 
sister,  named  Ndumbila  (meaning  not  known),  changed  her  name 
to  Cilingohenda,  which  means  "It  is  a  pity."  I  met  a  chief  near 
Bailundu  who  was  called  Kandimba,  meaning  "the  Little  Hare." 

There  may  be  a  change  of  name  during  sickness.  A  man  now 
named  Katahali  suffered  sickness  in  addition  to  other  misfortunes. 
His  sickness  recurred,  so  he  changed  his  name  from  Kopiongo  to 
Katahali.  The  meaning  of  the  former  name  is  not  known.  The  new 
name,  Ka  tala  ohali,  means  "He  who  has  seen  trouble";  Katahali  is 
an  abbreviation.  Another  instance  of  change  of  name,  also  in  the 
village  of  Cilembo,  was  that  of  a  man  who  changed  his  name  from 
Lumingu  to  Kaihemba,  which  means  "the  one  who  lives  by  medicine" ; 
because  without  medicine  he  would  have  died.  A  sick  child  may 
receive  a  bad  name,  for  instance,  the  name  Pig.  If  one  or  more 
children  have  died  a  subsequent  child  receives  an  ugly  name  with  a 
bad  meaning.  There  is  no  totemism,  but  children  may  be  named 
after  animals.  A  girl  is  sometimes  named  Kambundu  ("a  little 
frog").  Other  names  for  females  are  Esenje  ("the  rock  where  corn 


Social  Life  189 

is  pounded")  and  Cisengu  ("a  small  bird  with  a  long  tail").  A  boy- 
may  be  Kangwe  ("the  little  leopard"). 

Names  sometimes  give  an  indication  of  descent.  Ngonga's  full 
name  is  Ngonga  Kalei  Liahuka,  Ngonga  ("eagle"),  Kalei  ("one  who 
works  for  the  king"),  Liahuka  (the  father's  surname).  Ngonga's 
sister  is  Cinyaiiala  ("the  old  basket").  This  was  the  name  of  her 
father's  father's  sister.  As  the  father  of  Cinyaiiala  is  Liahuka,  the 
daughter  is  surnamed  Yaliahuka  (ya,  "of").  The  father  chooses  the 
names  of  the  three  first  children  whether  boys  or  girls.  The  mother 
chooses  the  name  of  the  fourth  child  whether  male  or  female.  If  the 
child  is  a  boy,  the  mother  probably  chooses  the  name  of  her  brother 
or  of  her  father's  brother.  When  a  first  son  is  born,  the  father  usually 
gives  the  name  of  his  father;  for  example,  Ngonga's  father's  father 
was  Ngonga.  If  the  first  baby  is  a  girl  the  father  chooses  the  name 
of  his  sister.  Ages  are  not  known,  but  reckoning  of  age  goes  back 
five  years  by  counting  the  number  of  times  maize  has  been  sown; 
maize  is  planted  each  October.  The  period  from  sowing  to  sowing 
is  ulima. 

If  a  man  has  a  child  by  a  woman  who  is  not  a  wife  or  a  concubine, 
the  woman  keeps  the  child  for  eight  or  ten  years.  The  man  must  give 
the  mother  a  cloth  in  which  to  carry  her  illegitimate  baby,  also  oil 
for  her  hair.  Sometimes  the  girl  will  go  to  the  father  of  her  child  to 
be  his  concubine,  but  her  parents  will  not  let  her  do  so  if  he  has  a 
bad  reputation.    To  bear  a  child  out  of  wedlock  is  a  disgrace. 

Terms  of  Relationship 

In  preparing  the  following  tables  Ngonga  was  the  ego,  or  male 
speaker,  and  each  term  is  given  in  relation  to  himself,  with  its 
reciprocal.  The  tables  give  firstly  Ngonga's  own  generation,  then 
his  ascendants,  and  finally  some  of  his  descendants.  Tables  E  and 
F  are  diagrammatic  forms  of  tables  A-D. 

TABLE  A 

(See  Table  E  III) 
Ngonga's  Own  Generation 

Terms  in  italics  are  Umbundu  names  either  for  persons  or  for  kindred  classes. 
Reciprocals  are  placed  in  brackets;  W.S.  means,  "woman  speaking." 

Ukai  wange  is  my  wife;  uketu,  which  means  "spouse,"  is  a  modern  form  of 
address  for  husbands  and  wives  when  speaking  to  each  other  (veyange, 
my  husband). 

Kota  or  huva  is  my  elder  brother  (mume  wange  or  manja,  younger  brother). 

Kota  or  huvange  is  my  elder  sister.  An  elder  brother  speaking  to  his  sister 
calls  her  by  name,  or  he  uses  the  term  mbuale.  When  speaking  of  her  he  says 
mukai  wange  (mume  wange  or  manjange,  younger  brother).  The  same  terms 
are  used  in  the  same  way  to  apply  to  my  father's  brother's  son,  and  my 


190  The  Ovimbundu 

father's  brother's  daughter.  Similarly  the  terms  manja  or  kota  are  applied 
to  my  mother's  sister's  son.  The  former  is  used  if  this  relative  is  younger 
than  myself;  the  latter  term  is  employed  if  the  relative  is  older  than  myself. 
Mukai  is  the  term  for  my  mother's  sister's  daughter  (reciprocal,  manja, 
kota,  or  huva,  means  mother's  sister's  son).  Manjange  is  a  general  name 
for  a  mother's  sister's  child,  male  or  female. 

Upalume  describes  my  father's  sister's  son  (upalume,  mother's  brother's  son). 
The  word  is  also  applied  to  my  father's  sister's  daughter.  Marriage  with 
a  father's  sister's  daughter  is  permissible,  but  it  is  not  favored  since  the 
offspring  of  such  a  union  may  be  stupid.  Upalume  also  designates  my 
mother's  brother's  daughter,  who,  according  to  custom,  is  regarded  as  the 
most  suitable  spouse  for  me. 

Cepua  cange.  This  term  is  applied  to  any  child  of  my  mother's  brother 
and  to  any  child  of  my  father's  sister  (reciprocal,  cepua  cange). 

Nawa.  The  term  is  used  as  follows:  for  my  elder  brother's  wife;  (W.S.)  my 
husband's  younger  brother;  my  younger  brother's  wife;  (W.S.)  my  husband's 
elder  brother;  my  elder  sister's  husband;  my  wife's  younger  brother;  my 
younger  sister's  husband;  my  wife's  elder  brother;  my  father's  brother's 
son's  wife;  (W.S.)  my  husband's  father's  brother's  son;  my  father's  brother's 
daughter's  husband;  my  wife's  father's  brother's  son;  my  father's  sister's 
son's  wife;  (W.S.)  my  husband's  mother's  brother's  son;  my  father's  sister's 
daughter's  husband;  my  wife's  mother's  brother's  son;  my  mother's  brother's 
son's  wife;  (W.S.)  my  husband's  father's  sister's  son;  my  mother's  brother's 
daughter's  husband;  my  wife's  father's  sister's  son;  my  mother's  sister's 
son's  wife;  (W.S.)  my  husband's  mother's  sister's  son;  my  mother's  sister's 
daughter's  husband,  my  wife's  mother's  sister's  son. 

This  completes  the  terms  of  relationship  for  Ngonga's  own  generation. 

TABLE  B 

(See  Table  E  II  and  IV,  also  Table  F  II) 

First  Generation  op  Ngonga's  Ascendants 

Tate.  The  term  is  applied  to  my  father;  my  father's  brother;  and  my  mother's 
sister's  husband  (the  word  omolange,  my  child,  is  the  Umbundu  reciprocal 
for  the  English  reciprocal  terms,  son,  brother's  son,  wife's  sister's  son). 

Mai.  The  word  is  applied  to  my  uterine  mother,  my  mother's  sister,  and 
my  father's  brother's  wife  (again  the  Umbundu  omolange  is  the  reciprocal 
for  the  English  reciprocals,  son,  sister's  son,  and  [W.S.]  husband's  brother's 
son). 

Aphai  means  my  father's  sister,  and  the  term  is  said  to  designate  a  "female 
father."  My  mother's  brother's  wife  is  also  aphai  (the  Umbundu  reciprocal 
for  either  male  or  female  is  ocimumba  cange,  which  is  the  equivalent  of  the 
English  reciprocals,  brother's  son  and  husband's  sister's  son). 

Manu  or  inanu  is  my  mother's  brother  (reciprocal  is  ocimumba  cange,  which 
means  sister's  son). 

Cikulume.  The  term  is  applied  to  my  father's  sister's  husband  (the  reciprocal, 
ocimumba  cange,  means  wife's  brother's  son). 

This  completes  the  first  generation  of  Ngonga's  ascendants. 

TABLE  C 

(See  Table  E  I  and  F  I) 

Second  Generation  of  Ngonga's  Ascendants 

Sekulu  yange.  The  term  is  applied  to  my  father's  father,  and  literally  means 
my  older  father  (the  reciprocal  is  onekulu  yange,  meaning  son's  son). 

Sekulu.  The  word  designates  my  mother's  mother's  brother,  and  my  mother's 
mother's  sister's  husband  (the  reciprocal,  onekulu,  means  sister's  daughter's 
son,  and  wife's  sister's  daughter's  son). 


Social  Life  191 

Kukululu  or  sekululu.  These  terms  are  applicable  to  my  father's  father's 
brother,  my  father's  father's  brother's  wife;  my  father's  father's  sister's 
husband;  and  my  mother's  father  (the  reciprocal  onekulu  describes  the 
reciprocals,  brother's  son's  son;  husband's  brother's  son's  son;  wife's 
brother's  son's  son;  daughter's  son). 

Maikulu.  This  designation,  which  is  derived  from  mai,  meaning  mother, 
and  kulu,  an  old  person,  is  applied  to  my  father's  mother  (reciprocal, 
onekulu  yange,  son's  son).  Maikulu  also  means  my  father's  father's  sister; 
my  mother's  mother;  my  mother's  mother's  brother's  wife;  and  my  mother's 
mother's  sister  (the  reciprocal  is  onekulu  which  equals  the  English  recip- 
rocals brother's  son's  son;  daughter's  son;  husband's  daughter's  child;  and 
sister's  daughter's  child). 

This  completes  the  second  generation  of  ascendants. 

Note:  Ngonga's  wife  uses  the  names  maikulu  and  kukululu  for  those  relatives 
of  her  husband  to  whom  Ngonga  himself  applies  those  terms.  These  rela- 
tives call  Ngonga's  wife  onekulu. 

TABLE  D 

(See  Table  E  IV  and  V,  also  Table  F  II,  IV  and  V) 

Some  of  Ngonga's  Descendants 

Nunulu  or  uveli  is  my  first-born  son.  Other  sons  are  omola,  meaning  child. 
Omola  ulume  means  a  male  child.  Omola  ukai  is  a  female  child.  Uveli 
also  means  a  first  daughter  (the  reciprocal  for  these  terms  is  tale,  meaning 
father). 

Omolange  means  my  child.  I  apply  the  word,  not  only  to  my  own  children, 
but  to  my  elder  brother's  son  (reciprocal,  late,  father's  younger  brother); 
to  my  elder  brother's  daughter;  and  to  my  younger  brother's  son. 

Ndatembo.  The  word  is  applied  to  my  son's  wife;  my  daughter's  husband; 
my  elder  brother's  son's  wife;  my  elder  brother's  daughter's  husband;  and 
my  younger  brother's  son's  wife  (the  same  word  ndatembo  is  used  for  the 
reciprocals  of  these  terms;  namely,  husband's  father;  wife's  father;  husband's 
father's  younger  brother;  wife's  father's  younger  brother;  and  husband's 
father's  elder  brother). 

The  foregoing  classificatory  system  of  relationship  is  not  peculiar 
to  the  Ovimbundu,  but  is  a  cultural  trait  of  many  Bantu-speaking 
and  some  Sudanic-speaking  Negroes.  The  similarity  of  the  Umbundu 
system  to  those  of  surrounding  peoples  in  Rhodesia  and  the  Congo 
will  be  pointed  out  in  chapters  dealing  with  culture  contacts. 

When  describing  marriage  rites  reference  was  made  to  the  fact 
that  a  wife  goes  to  live  near  her  husband's  relatives;  the  system  is 
therefore  patrilocal.  The  limited  family  consists  of  husband  and 
wife  (or  wives)  with  their  children.  The  greatest  number  of  wives 
observed  in  the  family  of  a  commoner  was  four,  and  in  the  family 
of  a  king  eleven.  A  household  sometimes  contains  adopted  children, 
also  domestic  slaves  (pawns)  who  are  working  to  pay  off  debts  for 
their  maternal  uncles.  An  extended  family  may  include  a  grand- 
father and  his  wife,  his  sons,  their  wives  and  children,  and  his 
unmarried  daughters,  with  classes  and  nomenclatures  mentioned  in 
the  foregoing  tables. 

The  phrase  epata  lia  tate  (or  aluse)  means  "family  of  my  father" 
and  includes  all  relatives  on  the  father's  side.    The  words  epata  lia 


192  The  Ovimbundu 

mat  (or  oluina)  mean  "family  of  my  mother."  These  terms  seem 
to  indicate  a  bilateral  rather  than  a  unilateral  lineage.  Inquiry  did 
not  show  that  there  were  totems  for  the  mother's  or  the  father's 
people,  or  that  marriage  into  any  particular  local  group  was  com- 
manded or  enjoined.  A  village  is  a  unit  under  the  administration 
of  a  chief  (sekulu)  and  as  such  is  part  of  a  large  group  of  villages 
forming  a  kingdom  ruled  by  a  king  (osoma),  but  such  village  units 
are  concerned  with  government  and  warfare,  not  with  exogamy. 

In  tracing  descent  an  Ocimbundu  gives  the  names  of  relatives  of 
both  the  father  and  mother,  but  commoners  are  unlikely  to  know 
the  names  of  their  relatives  beyond  the  grandparent  class.  The 
children  of  a  king  were  at  one  time  able  to  recite  many  generations 
of  ancestors  along  both  parental  lines.  But  if  the  king  had  married 
a  commoner,  as  he  was  allowed  to  do  after  choosing  his  first  wife 
from  the  royal  line,  the  children  knew  only  the  genealogy  of  their 
father.  This  is  obvious  since  the  commoner  mother  would  not  be 
likely  to  know  her  line  of  descent.  The  son  of  a  village  chief  (sekulu) 
may  marry  a  commoner,  but,  according  to  Ngonga,  the  sekulu,  his 
father,  "would  have  a  very  good  look  at  her." 

Ngonga  had  not  heard  of  the  marriage  of  brothers  and  sisters, 
not  even  in  the  royal  family;  the  idea  of  such  a  union  was  new  and 
repulsive  to  him.  In  Umbundu  society  there  would  be  no  necessity 
for  such  a  marriage  as  that  of  brother  and  sister  or  other  close  relative, 
because  members  of  a  royal  family  of  one  part  of  the  country  could 
intermarry  with  members  of  a  royal  family  in  some  area  far  away. 
There  might,  for  example,  be  marriages  between  the  royal  families 
of  Bailundu  and  Ngalangi,  which  are  two  principal  kingships  of  the 
Ovimbundu  confederacy. 

When  asked  what  would  be  the  fate  of  a  man  who  committed 
incest  with  his  blood  daughter  or  uterine  sister,  Ngonga  said  he  would 
be  killed  by  his  brother  or  by  his  mother's  brother.  If  he  escaped 
he  would  have  to  go  far  away  so  that  his  people  could  never  see  him 
again.  If  a  fine  were  accepted  for  incest,  the  culprit  would  have  to 
pay  his  own  kin  "because  he  had  shamed  them." 

Table  A,  Ngonga's  Own  Generation,  calls  attention  to  a  plurality 
of  terms  for  brother  and  sister  according  to  the  relative  ages  of  the 
speaker  and  the  person  addressed.  Moreover,  there  is  a  term  for 
direct  address  and  another  which  is  used  when  speaking  of  a  brother 
or  sister. 

Ngonga  was  questioned  with  regard  to  forms  of  address  for  his 
brothers  and  sisters  other  than  the  children  of  his  uterine  mother. 


Social  Life  193 

Ngonga  actually  has  a  brother  by  his  father's  first  wife,  and  for  this 
male  he  uses  the  same  terms  as  for  his  uterine  brothers.  The  same 
terms  are  used  for  uterine  sisters  and  sisters  begotten  by  his  father 
through  wives  other  than  his  uterine  mother.  Ngonga  said,  "If 
people  ask  you  which  sister  or  which  brother  you  can  explain  it  in 
words." 

A  wife  of  Ngonga's  father,  other  than  Ngonga's  uterine  mother, 
is  called  mai  yesepakai;  that  is,  "the  mother  who  is  jealous  of  my 
mother."  Mai  means  "mother,"  and  the  remainder  of  the  term  is  a 
derivative  from  the  word  esepa,  meaning  "woman's  jealousy."  If  two 
women  A  and  B  desire  to  marry  the  same  man  and  only  A  is  suc- 
cessful, B  calls  A  sepakai.  Under  similar  circumstances  a  man 
would  call  his  successful  rival  cikuelume  cove. 

There  is  a  distinct  word  for  man's  jealousy.  In  explaining  this 
Ngonga  said,  "When  I  see  my  wife  look  at  another  man,  I  have 
ukuelume  ["man's  jealousy"]  in  my  heart." 

If  on  the  death  of  Ngonga's  father,  his  mother  married  again 
this  male  would  be  called  by  Ngonga  tate  yesepakai  ("the  father  who 
is  jealous"). 

A  wife  calls  the  children  of  the  family,  who  are  not  her  own, 
omala  vesepakai;  that  is,  "the  children  who  are  jealous  of  the  other 
children."  A  mother-in-law  taboo  operates.  Conversation  between 
mother-in-law  and  son-in-law  must  always  be  carried  on  while  the 
speakers  stand  back  to  back. 

The  foregoing  note  on  a  mother-in-law  taboo  has  been  supple- 
mented by  a  letter  from  Dr.  Merlin  W.  Ennis  of  Elende,  Angola 
(August,  1931).  "Mother-in-law  and  father-in-law  taboos  seem  to 
be  directed  against  seeing  each  other.  The  persons  involved  may 
not  see  each  other.  If  they  meet  on  the  path,  one  steps  aside  and 
turns  the  back  while  the  other  passes  on.  The  one  passing  by  goes 
through  the  motions  of  seeing  no  one.  If  it  is  necessary  to  converse 
on  some  subject,  they  sit  looking  in  different  directions,  or  one  sits 
out  of  doors  and  the  other  within,  around  the  corner  of  the  door. 
This  holds  equally  for  a  man  and  his  son's  wife,  and  for  a  woman 
and  her  daughter's  husband.  A  man  may  see  and  talk  with  his 
daughter's  husband,  and  a  woman  may  see  and  speak  to  her  son's 
wife,  but  no  son-in-law  may  eat  with  a  father-in-law,  likewise 
daughters-in-law  and  mothers-in-law  may  not  eat  together.  Brothers- 
in-law  may  not  eat  together  unless  they  have  gone  through  a  certain 
ceremony;  this  also  holds  for  sisters-in-law." 


194  The  Ovimbundu 

Table  A  indicates  a  wide  use  of  the  word  nawa  for  "in  laws"  of 
the  speaker's  generation.  Thus  Ngonga  calls  the  wives  and  husbands 
of  his  brothers  and  sisters  nawa  without  distinguishing  them  in  any 
way.  The  term  nawa  has  a  still  wider  connotation  for  it  includes 
Ngonga's  father's  brother's  son's  wife,  and  his  father's  sister's 
daughter's  husband.  Ngonga's  wife  said  that  she  uses  the  word 
nawa  for  all  the  brothers  and  sisters  of  her  husband,  for  all  the 
children  of  her  husband's  father's  brother,  her  husband's  father's 
sister's  children,  her  husband's  mother's  brother's  children,  and  her 
husband's  mother's  sister's  children.  Reciprocally,  all  these  people 
call  Ngonga's  wife  nawa. 

Table  A  introduces  the  question  of  cross-cousin  marriage,  which 
is  the  functional  form  among  the  Ovimbundu.  My  informant  said 
that  he  calls  his  mother's  sister's  children  brothers  and  sisters,  there- 
fore he  could  not  marry  the  girls.  Neither  are  his  father's  brother's 
daughters  eligible  for  marriage  with  him.  The  table  shows  the  truth 
of  this,  for  Ngonga  calls  his  father's  brother's  daughter  mukai,  mean- 
ing "sister";  she  addresses  him  as  kota  or  huva  ("brother").  Ngonga 
also  addresses  his  father's  brother's  son  by  the  term  manjange 
("younger  brother")  or  huvange  ("older  brother")  according  to  the 
relative  ages  of  the  speaker  and  the  person  addressed. 

When  Ngonga  was  asked  whether  he  could  marry  a  daughter  of 
his  mother's  brother,  he  replied,  "I  could  marry  her  very  well  indeed." 
A  marriage  of  Ngonga  with  his  father's  sister's  daughter  would  be 
permissible  but  Ngonga  said  the  marriage  is  not  regarded  as  a  good 
one  "because  the  children  will  be  stupid."  Ngonga  could  marry  his 
mother's  brother's  daughter's  daughter,  or  his  mother's  brother's 
son's  daughter.  It  would  also  be  permissible  for  Ngonga  to  marry 
his  father's  sister's  daughter's  daughter,  or  his  father's  sister's  son's 
daughter. 

Ngonga  said,  "My  father's  brother  is  my  father,  and  my  mother's 
sister  is  my  mother."  When  questioned  further  my  informant  said 
that  a  marriage  with  daughters  of  these  relatives  would  make  him 
ocinyama,  which  means  "an  animal."  Relatives  would  say,  "You 
have  shamed  the  family."  It  will  be  noted  from  Table  B,  First 
Generation  of  Ngonga's  Ascendants,  that  Ngonga's  father's  brother 
calls  him  omolange,  meaning  "my  child,"  for  which  the  reciprocal  is 
tate  ("father").  Ngonga's  father's  brother's  wife  is  mai  ("mother"), 
and  she  calls  him  omolange  ("my  child").  Ngonga  distinguishes 
between  his  mother's  oldest  sister  {mai  yukulu),  and  his  mother's 


Social  Life  195 

youngest  sister  (mat  yumalele).    Ngonga's  father's  oldest  brother 
is  tate  yukulu. 

Thus  far  Ngonga  was  clear  about  his  eligibility  for  marriage,  and 
in  addition  to  this  he  was  sure  that  he  could  not  marry  a  sister  of 
his  wife  while  his  wife  was  alive,  but  he  could  marry  his  wife's  sister, 
after  the  death  of  his  wife.  The  wives  of  a  deceased  elder  brother  are 
divided  among  his  younger  brothers,  or  a  man  may  inherit  the  wife 
of  his  mother's  brother.  Ngonga  always  laughed  heartily  at  the  idea 
of  marrying  a  woman  much  older  than  himself.  He  did  not  know 
whether  he  could  marry  certain  older  people  of  the  ndatembo  and 
maikulu  class  but  thought  the  idea  amusing  because  of  their  age. 

In  discussing  law,  inheritance,  and  slavery,  the  importance  of  the 
mother's  brother  will  be  indicated,  and  for  this  relative  there  is  the 
term  manu  (or  inanu).  The  manu  calls  Ngonga  ocimumba  cange, 
but  he  calls  Ngonga's  wife  ndatembo.  Ngonga's  mother's  brother's 
wife,  also  Ngonga's  father's  sister,  are  aphai,  which  my  informant 
interpreted  as  a  "female  father." 

The  use  of  the  word  nawa  has  been  explained  in  such  a  way  as 
to  show  that  Ngonga's  wife  uses  this  term  for  a  large  class  of  relatives 
by  marriage  who  are  of  the  same  generation  as  her  husband,  while 
these  people  reciprocally  use  the  word  nawa.  Ngonga  uses  the  word 
nawa  in  exactly  the  same  way  for  corresponding  relatives  of  his  wife. 

This  term  nawa  is  not  to  be  confused  with  the  term  ndatembo 
whose  connotation  is  indicated  by  the  following  examples.  The  wife 
of  Ngonga  applies  the  term  ndatembo  to  certain  of  her  husband's 
relations  who  are  not  of  his  generation.  Thus  she  calls  Ngonga's 
mother  ndatembo  when  speaking  of  her,  but  she  addresses  her 
mother-in-law  as  max  ("mother"),  while  ndatembo  describes  the  rela- 
tionship between  Ngonga's  wife  and  his  father.  Moreover,  Ngonga's 
wife  uses  ndatembo  to  describe  her  husband's  father's  brother's  wife, 
and  Ngonga's  wife  is  called  ndatembo  by  her  husband's  father's  sister, 
her  husband's  father's  sister's  husband,  and  her  husband's  mother's 
brother.  These  are  relatives  by  marriage  but  they  are  not  of  the  same 
generation  as  her  husband. 

Table  C,  Second  Generation  of  Ngonga's  Ascendants,  gives  no 
particular  difficulty.  Maikulu  includes  the  paternal  grandmother, 
the  father's  father's  sister  (great  aunt),  the  maternal  grandmother, 
the  mother's  mother's  brother's  wife,  and  the  mother's  mother's 
sister.  Therefore  maikulu  is  a  class  name  for  the  second  generation 
of  female  ascendants. 


196 


The  Ovimbundu 


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Social  Life 


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198  The  Ovimbundu 

Sekulu  includes  the  father's  father,  the  mother's  mother's  brother, 
and  the  mother's  mother's  sister's  husband.  The  terms  sekululu  and 
kukululu  were  used  by  Ngonga  as  being  synonymous,  and  therefore 
they  have  the  same  connotation.  With  regard  to  the  term  maikulu 
Ngonga  seemed  clear,  but  in  reply  to  questions  concerning  the  reason 
for  having  the  terms  kukululu  and  sekululu,  he  was  evidently 
confused.  At  last  he  said,  "It  does  not  matter,  they  are  the  same 
people."  Ngonga  never  hesitated  in  giving  the  reciprocal  for  all 
these  terms,  which  is  in  every  instance  onekulu.  These  terms  may 
have  been  correlated  with  different  functions  which  have  now  become 
obsolete. 

The  two  most  important  collateral  relatives  in  the  parent's 
generation  are  the  father's  sister  (aphai)  and  the  mother's  brother 
imanu).  The  term  for  father's  sister  means  "female  father."  As 
such  her  relations  to  ego  are  similar  to  those  of  a  father,  consequently 
it  is  not  considered  right  to  marry  her  daughters.  The  mother's 
brother,  on  the  other  hand,  is  without  doubt  ego's  most  important 
relative.  The  two  are  linked  by  a  series  of  reciprocal  duties  and 
obligations.  Marriage  of  a  mother's  brother's  daughter,  or  a  mother's 
brother's  widow,  is  a  correct  procedure.  The  value  of  the  more 
important  reciprocal  duties  is  indicated  in  the  following  sections 
on  law  and  government. 

There  was  no  possibility  of  devoting  more  time  to  the  matter 
of  relationship  terms,  but  there  is  here  sufficient  to  indicate  the 
remarkable  persistence  of  the  kinship  system  in  spite  of  three 
centuries  of  contact  with  the  Portuguese  and  other  Europeans. 
Moreover,  the  information  gleaned  by  interrogation  of  Ngonga  and 
his  wife  gives  the  main  points  for  comparison  with  systems  of  a 
similar  kind  that  have  been  given  for  Ashanti,  Uganda,  and  Rhodesia, 
by  Rattray,  Roscoe,  and  Smith  and  Dale  respectively.  These  kin- 
ship systems  are  the  same  both  in  general  principles  and  in  con- 
siderable detail. 

The  foregoing  notes  and  tables  were  studied  by  Mr.  Zachary 
Taylor  of  the  University  of  Chicago,  who  prepared  Tables  E  and  F. 
Mr.  F.  Eggan  offered  useful  criticisms.  The  Arabic  numerals  on 
these  charts  refer  to  the  numbers  used  to  designate  terms  of 
relationship  on  the  list  on  page  199.  The  ego  or  speaker  is  Ngonga, 
my  interpreter,  whose  direct  line  of  relationships  is  shown  in  Table 
E,  while  Table  F  indicates  the  terms  used  by  Ngonga  for  his  wife's 
relatives.  The  levels  numbered  in  Roman  numerals  on  Tables  E 
and  F  indicate  the  generation  stratification  as  follows: 


Social  Life  199 

I.  Grandparents. 
II.  Parents. 

III.  Speaker's  generation. 

IV.  Children. 

V.  Grandchildren. 

Numbers  on  the  left  of  the  sign  (=)  refer  to  males,  those  on 
the  right,  to  females. 

The  terms  of  relationship  used  in  Tables  E  and  F  are  as  follows: 

1.  Ukai  wange.     My  wife  (vocative).  1L  Ocimumba.    Children    of    spouse's 

Ngonga  s  wife  calls  him  veyange,  family 

my  husband. 

9    tut,.™*  ™n~>in  ~»™i„~>n„     v™, «-  12.  Manu,   inanu.     Mother's  brother 

brothel        man^ar^e-    hunger  (dir^jt  3^^). 

3.  Kota,  huva.    Older  brother.  13'  Kulv"    £n  °Jd  pe*?°°  j,n  ^"and- 
.    „,,     ,      _.  .      ,        ,«  .„  parent  s  and  grandchild  s  genera- 

4.  Mouale.    Sister  (vocative).  tjon 

Mukai  wange.  Sister  (non vocative).  g^    yy^      Male  d. 

5.  Nawa.    In-laws  of  speaker  s  genera-  parents. 

_    -T.10n",       T    ,  .  ,.  14.  Maikulu.    Female  grandparents. 

6.  Ndatembo.    In-laws  of  ascending  or      ,  c    ^    ,   ,       „       ,  ....    ,    ... 

descending  generation.  15-  Onekulu.    Grandchild  of  either  sex. 

7    Tate     Father  16.  Upalume.     Mother's  brother's  or 

ft.  Mai.    Mother.  father's  sister's  children- 

9.  Aphai.      Father's  sister    (female      17-  Ctfculume.     Father's   sister's   hus- 

father).  band- 

10.  Omolange.  Child,  used  for  speaker's      Note:  Age  distinctions  are  made  chiefly 
family  only.  in  the  speaker's  own  generation . 

Law  and  Government 

In  dealing  with  marriage  rites  it  was  stated  that  a  woman  had  to 
contribute  certain  articles  to  the  home;  these  are  the  utensils  that  she 
uses  in  her  daily  work.  The  baskets,  pottery,  pounders,  and  brushes 
may  seem  insignificant,  but  nevertheless  there  are  rules  regulating 
their  disposal  at  death.  Her  husband  will  retain  some  of  the  articles; 
the  remainder  will  be  shared  among  the  deceased  woman's  sisters. 

The  disposal  of  a  widow  is  a  matter  for  discussion  among  the 
relatives.  The  husband  makes  no  bequest  to  his  widow  and  children, 
though  the  children  may  receive  a  small  gift  of  a  pig  or  some  corn. 
The  property  of  a  man  is  bequeathed  to  his  mother's  brother  or  to 
his  sister's  sons.  The  eldest  brother  of  the  deceased  or  the  maternal 
uncle  of  the  widow  takes  her  to  his  house  along  with  her  children. 
If  her  father  is  alive  he  may  take  her.  Ngonga  says  that  each 
responsible  relative  says,  "It  is  better  that  you  should  take  her"; 
at  last  some  one  says,  "I  will  take  her." 

When  explaining  the  system  of  inheritance  Ngonga  was  clear  on 
two  points.    In  the  first  place  wives  and  children  of  the  deceased  are 


200  The  Ovimbundu 

not  entitled  to  inheritance  of  land,  cattle,  or  anything  else  belong- 
ing to  the  dead  man.  The  greater  part  of  the  property  would  be 
bequeathed  to  the  eldest  brother  of  the  deceased's  mother. 

There  appears  to  be  discussion  as  to  the  distribution  of  property, 
but  the  maternal  uncle  is  responsible  for  settling  disputes.  He  him- 
self has  the  first  claim,  and  in  Ngonga's  words,  "If  there  are  quarrels 
about  the  cattle,  land,  and  other  things,  the  mother's  eldest  brother 
will  settle  them." 

The  mother's  brother  has  rights  over  his  sister's  children  even  to 
the  extent  of  pawning  them  to  pay  his  own  debts.  On  the  other 
hand  the  maternal  uncle  is  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  his  sister's 
children.  He  would  have  to  pay  fines  incurred  by  thefts  they 
committed,  and  he  provides  for  his  sister's  son  a  wife  who  is  either 
his  daughter  or  his  widow. 

Ngonga  stated  that  the  maternal  uncle  does  not  invariably  take 
all  the  property  of  a  deceased  nephew  for  himself.  He  may  give 
something  to  the  deceased's  mother,  the  deceased's  maternal  grand- 
father, or  to  a  brother  of  the  deceased.  Such  gifts  appear  to  be  the 
outcome  of  good  will  on  the  part  of  the  dead  man's  maternal  uncle; 
there  is  no  compulsion.  Women  never  inherit  cattle  or  rights  to 
the  use  of  land. 

The  king  is  the  head  of  the  legal  system,  though  his  activities 
as  such  are  not  so  great  as  those  of  the  village  headman  (sekulu). 
The  olosekulu  (there  are  usually  more  than  one)  of  a  village  witness 
the  final  act  in  a  divorce  ceremony.  They  used  to  have  charge  of 
trials  for  theft,  murder,  adultery,  likewise  the  right  of  settling  argu- 
ments concerning  the  ownership  of  land.  It  was  the  sekulu  who 
distributed  the  land  to  the  extended  families  when  a  new  village  site 
was  opened.  The  maternal  uncles  settled  the  minor  divisions  among 
the  limited  families. 

There  are  many  kings  among  the  Ovimbundu,  but  I  thought  that 
there  was  a  tendency  to  confuse  the  titles  of  osoma  ("king")  and 
sekulu  ("headman"  or  "chief"  of  a  village).  The  jurisdiction  of  a 
king  is  so  well  known  that  any  person  is  able  to  say  under  which 
king  he  lives.  Ngonga  said  definitely  that  a  man  of  the  Ovimbundu 
who  was  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a  certain  king  would  have  to  obey 
the  commands  of  a  visiting  king,  provided  they  were  not  in  any  way 
disapproved  of  by  the  king  to  whom  first  allegiance  was  due. 

A  chief  may  demand  labor  for  the  building  of  his  house  or  the 
cultivation  of  his  land.  He  does  not  pay  for  this  but  usually  gives 
beer  to  the  workers;  sometimes  he  secures  the  labor  and  gives  nothing 


Social  Life  201 

in  return.  Even  a  slave  used  to  have  rights  of  appeal  to  the  king 
if  he  were  starved  and  beaten  without  cause.  The  king  was  the  prime 
mover  in  warfare.  The  whole  legal  system  is  at  this  time 
directly  under  Portuguese  administration  though  the  kings  and  chiefs 
have  minor  powers.  Ngonga  says  that  complainants  who  are  dis- 
satisfied with  the  decision  of  their  own  chief  go  to  the  Fort,  meaning 
of  course  the  Portuguese  military  post,  or  office  of  the  Administrador. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  in  former  days  the  responsibility  for  crime 
and  debt  was  transferred  to  a  relative  in  the  absence  of  the  delinquent. 
If  a  thief  escaped,  responsibility  would  rest  with  a  brother,  a  father 
or  a  son.  The  mother's  brother  was  often  held  to  be  responsible  for 
the  misdeeds  and  debts  of  his  sister's  children.  The  mother's  brother 
has  rights  that  extend  to  the  sale  of  his  sister's  children  to  pay  his 
debts.  For  this  reason  Ngonga  says,  "If  I  have  done  wrong  and  they 
cannot  catch  me  it  is  right  that  he  (mother's  brother)  should  pay 
for  me." 

I  supposed  the  case  of  Ngonga  having  stolen  a  cow;  he  has  been 
caught  but  escapes.  Ngonga  said  that  the  man  from  whom  he  had 
stolen  the  animal  would  go  to  his  (Ngonga's)  mother's  brother  in 
order  to  name  the  price  required  for  the  cow,  or  any  other  possession 
which  had  been  stolen.  If  the  mother's  brother  thought  the  price 
reasonable  he  would  pay.  On  the  contrary,  if  the  price  claimed  were 
too  high  the  mother's  brother  would  appeal,  first  to  the  village  chief, 
then  if  necessary  to  the  king. 

Ownership  of  land  does  not  appear  to  have  been  a  source  of  dis- 
pute. Apparently  land  was  distributed  by  the  chief  as  explained  in 
dealing  with  village  organization.  Rights  seem  to  have  been  well 
defined  and  there  was  always  enough  land  for  a  stranger.  When  a 
man  was  going  away  on  a  trading  journey  he  might  lend  his  land  to 
another  who  would  agree  to  cultivate  it  and  take  the  produce  for  a 
year.  I  was  unable  to  satisfy  myself  that  land  is  now,  or  was  in 
time  past  held  to  be  the  property  of  dead  ancestors.  The  right  to 
land  depends  on  its  use  and  allotment  by  a  chief  at  the  time  of 
founding  a  village.  A  man  who  intended  to  be  absent  would  make 
a  payment  so  that  he  might  leave  his  goods  at  the  house  of  another. 
The  chief  would  settle  any  disputes  arising  from  these  arrangements. 

The  complainant  in  a  suit  is  called  ombile,  the  defendant  is  ovilue. 
The  name  for  a  witness  is  uvangi.  In  the  old  days  a  false  witness 
had  to  make  recompense  to  the  man  about  whom  he  had  told  a  lie; 
he  would  probably  have  a  beating  as  well.  A  master  was  in  every 
way  responsible  for  the  actions  of  a  slave.    The  degree  of  responsi- 


202  The  Ovimbundu 

bility  of  women  is  mentioned  in  describing  the  penalties  for  adultery 
and  theft. 

The  penalties  for  offences  against  the  king  were  undoubtedly 
more  severe  than  those  imposed  for  the  same  offences  against  a  com- 
moner. Ngonga  says  that  the  punishments  for  crimes  against  a  chief 
or  medicine-man  were,  and  are  now,  the  same  as  the  penalties  for 
offences  against  any  other  person.  It  seems,  however,  that  if  the 
chief  were  a  very  powerful  man,  he  could  claim  penalties  which 
would  have  been  appropriate  for  offences  against  a  king. 

A  thief  was  punished  by  beating,  in  addition  to  which  he  would 
have  to  pay  a  fine  to  the  people  from  whom  he  had  stolen,  but  he 
rarely  escaped  without  the  beating.  The  thief  would  be  beaten  just 
as  much  for  stealing  one  animal  as  he  would  for  stealing  many.  If  a 
woman  stole  from  her  neighbor's  garden,  those  who  caught  her  would 
tie  her  and  take  her  to  her  husband,  who  would  pay  compensation 
and  then  beat  her.  A  child  caught  stealing  would  be  taken  to  the 
maternal  uncle  or  to  his  own  father.  If  a  woman  stole  from  relations 
she  would  probably  have  no  punishment  other  than  a  beating.  Her 
husband  would  have  to  compensate  the  relations.  Stealing  honey 
from  hives  is  an  offence  that  is  punished  according  to  the  general 
laws  relating  to  theft. 

If  a  man  was  sentenced  to  a  death  penalty,  or  to  a  beating,  there 
was  an  official  appointed  by  the  king  or  by  the  chief  to  see  the 
sentence  carried  out.  This  representative  was  called  ukuenje  welombe 
which  means  "the  servant,  or  minister,  of  the  court." 

Ngonga  described  the  penalty  for  murder  saying,  "It  was  a  terrible 
thing  they  did  to  the  murderer.  A  tight  triangle  of  wood  was  fastened 
on  to  his  neck  by  a  peg  and  to  this  a  cord  was  attached  so  that  he 
was  suspended  to  the  roof  with  his  feet  barely  touching  the  ground. 
In  some  instances  his  head  was  placed  through  a  hole  in  the  door 
of  his  house  while  his  body  was  inside  the  hut.  He  had  very  little 
food  or  water  and  people  threw  things  at  him.  He  was  kept  tied  up 
for  a  month  to  see  whether  he  could  pay  something.  Suppose  he 
could  not  pay,  and  nobody  would  pay  for  him,  he  was  taken  outside 
the  village  where  his  head  was  cut  off.  If  he  had  many  possessions, 
he  said  on  the  first  day,  'If  you  will  take  this  thing  off  my  neck  I 
will  pay  two  oxen  and  two  slaves.'  The  payment  would  be  made, 
not  to  the  wife  or  children  of  the  murdered  man,  but  to  the  brother 
of  the  mother  of  the  murdered  man,  or  to  the  mother  of  the  murdered 
man,  or  to  the  son  of  a  sister  of  the  victim.  If  the  murderer 
agreed  to  make  the  payment  the  people  kept  him  tied  up  until  the 


Social  Life  203 

fines  were  in  their  hands.  If  he  murdered  one  of  the  royal  family 
he  was  killed  after  he  had  paid  the  fine."  The  punishment  of  a  woman 
who  has  committed  a  murder  is  the  same  as  that  for  a  man. 

Ombulungu  is  the  name  given  to  trial  by  poison  ordeal.  The 
medicine-man  holds  out  both  his  hands,  in  each  of  which  there  is  a 
potato,  only  one  of  which  is  poisoned.  The  accused  man  says,  "If  I 
have  done  this  thing,  this  potato  will  be  poison  for  me.  If  I  have 
not  done  this  thing,  this  potato  will  be  food  for  me."  The  complainant 
says,  "If  this  is  not  the  man  who  poisoned  my  brother,  this  potato 
will  be  poison  for  me."  They  sit  in  front  of  the  medicine-man,  and 
each  must  take  the  potato  in  the  hand  opposite  to  him.  The  poison 
makes  a  man  very  sick.    His  mouth  swells  so  that  he  cannot  speak. 

When  a  woman  was  accused  of  murder  her  son  or  her  brother 
would  take  her  place  in  the  poison  ordeal.  A  boy  of  fifteen  years  of 
age  would  have  the  same  treatment  as  a  man.  "I  don't  think  a  girl 
would  kill  anybody.  I  never  heard  about  it,"  said  Ngonga.  It  appears 
that  resort  was  made  to  a  medicine-man  when  the  accused  was  thought 
to  have  committed  murder  by  poison  or  magic.  If  the  murderer  used 
weapons,  the  accuser,  who  was  usually  a  relative,  was  entitled  to  kill 
him  with  the  kind  of  weapon  used  for  the  crime. 

The  penalties  for  adultery  were  the  same  as  those  for  murder. 
The  woman  appears  to  have  escaped  punishment,  except  that  "her 
husband  would  not  have  her  any  more."  The  male  adulterer  had 
to  pay  the  husband;  if  he  could  not  pay  or  escape,  the  husband  had 
the  right  to  kill  him.  In  the  old  days  the  price  for  adultery  was  two 
oxen,  a  pig,  and  a  slave.  At  the  present  day  a  man  who  has  com- 
mitted adultery  and  made  payment,  possibly  takes  the  woman  and 
all  children  under  three  years  of  age.  The  husband  has  the  right  to 
decide  whether  the  adulterer  has  the  privilege  of  taking  the  woman 
and  her  children.  An  adulterer  with  one  of  the  king's  wives  was 
castrated  but  not  killed.  He  might,  instead  of  mutilation,  pay  a  very 
high  price,  while  he  himself  along  with  his  sisters  and  the  sons  of 
his  sisters,  would  become  slaves  of  the  king.  If  a  man  could  not  pay, 
he  might  be  sold  as  a  slave  in  order  to  provide  money  for  the  fine. 
Criminal  law  did  not  distinguish  between  responsibility  for  inten- 
tional and  unintentional  offences. 

It  is  very  difficult  to  say  how  much  of  the  old  law  survives.  One 
feels  that  underneath  the  ostensible  Portuguese  rule  there  is  an  active 
native  life  that  is  resisting  subjugation. 

Only  two  years  ago  Ngonga  paid  an  ox  to  prevent  one  of  his  female 
relatives  from  being  pawned.    Within  the  past  ten  years  Ngonga  has 


204  The  Ovimbundu 

actually  paid  to  redeem  his  brother  and  sister  who  were  sold  to  pay 
the  debts  of  his  maternal  uncle.  Officialdom  is  one  thing  and  actual 
practice  is  another.  Ngonga  is  right  when  he  says  that  people  appeal 
to  the  native  law  as  laid  down  by  the  chief  or  king.  If  they  are  not 
satisfied  they  pretend  a  great  respect  for  Portuguese  law  and  therefore 
go  to  the  Administrador. 

Warfare  and  Slavery 

The  Ovimbundu  have  been  for  centuries  an  organized  people 
possessed  of  a  well-developed  language,  a  legal  system,  and  complex 
social  organization.  In  trade  and  travel  too,  the  Ovimbundu  have 
been  in  the  vanguard  of  African  tribes.  These  reasons,  in  conjunction 
with  the  fact  of  numerical  superiority  and  early  contact  with  the 
Portuguese,  would  account  for  the  success  of  the  Ovimbundu  in 
warfare.  The  defensive  federations  existing  between  the  ten  or  twelve 
main  political  units,  whereby  they  did  not  habitually  war  on  each 
other,  helped  to  assure  success.  Should  the  eldest  son  of  a  king's 
principal  wife  be  thought  unsuitable  as  successor,  a  competent  son 
of  the  deceased  king  was  elected  by  a  council  of  village  chiefs. 

There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Ovimbundu  poisoned  their  weapons, 
neither  do  they  do  so  today.  The  Ovimbundu  do  not  use  a  shield 
at  the  present  time,  neither  is  it  certain  that  they  had  shields  in 
former  times.  A  skin-covered  powder-box  was  carried  in  the  king's 
train  when  on  the  warpath. 

Signaling-drums  were  about  two  feet  long.  They  were  made 
from  a  cylinder  of  wood  over  the  ends  of  which  skin  was  stretched. 
Signaling,  which  was  accomplished  by  drumming  with  the  palms 
of  the  hands,  was  the  task  of  boys  who  resided  in  the  king's  com- 
pound, except  when  they  accompanied  him  to  war  or  on  a  trading 
journey.  There  was  no  system  of  smoke  signaling.  The  iron  war 
gong  was  named  ongonge,  but  the  instrument  is  nowadays  tapped 
by  the  assistant  of  a  medicine-man  during  his  performance.  In 
former  times  the  gong  was  struck  in  the  night  to  give  assurance 
that  the  enemy  was  not  in  sight. 

In  war  the  oldest  son  of  a  king  or  of  a  chief  went  ahead  of  the 
war  party  accompanied  by  a  few  men  who  wore  red  leaves  on  their 
foreheads. 

Intertribal  jealousies,  raiding  for  cattle  and  slaves,  also  reprisals 
for  interference  with  caravan  trade,  were  the  chief  causes  of  conflict 
with  surrounding  peoples.  There  was  undoubtedly  some  internal 
warfare  within  the  confederacy.    The  Ovimbundu  of  Elende,  Bail- 


Social  Life  205 

undu,  and  Ngalangi  are  said  to  have  had  conflicts.  In  time  past, 
as  at  the  present  day,  a  king  reigned  over  territory  which  was 
extensive  but  definitely  delimited  for  purposes  of  administration. 
Encroachment  of  one  king  on  the  rights  of  taxation  and  administra- 
tion of  another  led  to  raids  and  reprisals.  Village  chiefs  collected 
taxes  in  the  form  of  agricultural  produce  and  gave  these  to  the  king, 
who  personally  visited  a  village  from  which  payments  had  not  been 
made.  A  folklore  story  begins,  "The  people  had  not  paid  taxes 
so  the  king  came  to  the  village  and  told  them  a  parable." 

A  king,  if  young,  accompanied  his  people  on  the  warpath.  There 
was,  however,  a  permanent  leader  named  kesongo,  a  derivative  from 
songola  ("to  lead").  The  declaration  of  war,  likewise  the  tactics, 
were  discussed  by  a  council  of  olosekulu  ("village  chiefs")  in  the 
ombala  ("capital")  where  the  king  had,  and  still  has,  a  royal  com- 
pound. If  war  had  been  conducted  among  sections  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu,  the  defeated  people  had  to  pay  taxes  and  tribute;  moreover, 
their  women  and  cattle  were  taken.  In  event  of  a  successful  war 
against  the  Vachokue  there  was  plundering  of  cattle  and  women, 
but  it  was  not  found  practicable  to  exact  periodical  payments 
from  the  enemy. 

The  subject  of  warfare  is  intimately  related  to  that  of  slavery. 
There  was  until  very  recent  times  a  domestic  slavery  which  followed 
from  the  inability  of  a  person  to  pay  his  debts.  In  connection  with 
this  reduction  of  free  persons  to  a  condition  of  slavery  there  are 
several  points  of  exceptional  interest.  The  debtor  himself  is  not 
taken  as  a  slave,  neither  are  his  wife  or  children.  The  correct  proce- 
dure is  a  sale  of  his  sister's  children;  but  more  frequently  the  children 
themselves  are  taken  by  the  creditor.  "The  debtor's  sister  will  say 
nothing  because  this  is  the  law  of  the  Ovimbundu."  If  payment  of 
the  debt  is  made  later,  the  children  are  set  free.  Usually  the  word 
pawning  is  used  by  ethnologists  to  describe  this  proceeding. 

Further  consideration  of  Ngonga's  payment  to  his  mother's 
brother  clarifies  the  facts  of  domestic  slavery.  "I  paid  for  them, 
I  took  their  place,"  said  my  interpreter.  The  payment  for  the 
return  of  these  two  children  was  two  oxen.  The  girl,  who  was  ten 
years  of  age  when  she  was  taken  to  pay  the  debt,  was  returned  to 
her  people  when  she  was  a  woman  with  three  children.  Ngonga's 
brother  was  not  actually  taken  from  his  home.  He  was  made  to 
pay  his  mother's  brother's  debt  by  working  for  the  creditor.  In 
general,  these  domestic  slaves  were  not  ill  treated,  though  their 
rights  were  limited.    The  position  of  slaves  taken  from  a  hostile 


206  The  Ovimbundu 

people,  especially  if  they  were  from  outside  the  Ovimbundu,  was 
one  of  absolute  and  abject  servitude. 

The  master  had  rights  of  punishment  including  a  death  sentence; 
but  Ngonga  says  that  a  slave  could  appeal  to  the  headman  of  the 
village  if  he  were  starved  and  cruelly  treated.  All  children  of  a  slave 
became  slaves  of  the  master.  As  the  slave  had  no  property  he  could 
not  pay  a  fine;  the  master  would  pay  the  fine  then  relieve  his  feelings 
by  beating  the  slave.  Instead  of  paying  the  fine  the  master  might 
sell  the  slave. 

Slaves  were  not  branded  or  marked  in  any  way.  Ngonga  has  seen 
runaway  slaves  hunted  with  dogs.  A  slave  was  not  allowed  to  buy 
his  own  freedom.  A  master  could  dispose  of  his  slave  girls  in  marriage ; 
for  instance,  a  young  girl  might  be  sold  to  an  old  man.  The  condition 
of  the  slave  is  well  expressed  in  Ngonga's  own  words:  "The  slave 
worked  hard  at  everything,  then  the  master  said  he  had  done  nothing." 

Slaves  used  to  go  to  war  to  fight  with  their  masters  against  an 
enemy.  A  slave  might  become  a  blacksmith  or  a  hunter,  two  very 
esteemed  occupations,  but  all  his  work  would  be  for  the  master. 
Ngonga  says  there  was  no  slave  market  belonging  to  the  Ovimbundu, 
but  every  man  knew  where  he  could  buy  a  slave.  Slaves  could  act 
as  witnesses  in  a  trial.  Slave  women  were  not  lent  out  for  prostitu- 
tion. A  slave  owner  did  not  have  promiscuous  intercourse  with  his 
slave  women,  but  he  chose  two  or  three  girls  as  concubines.  A  slave 
girl  who  was  married  to  a  free  man  would  revert  to  her  master  along 
with  her  children  when  her  husband  died.  If  a  master  had  married 
his  own  slave  woman  she  would,  at  his  death,  become  the  property 
of  his  eldest  brother  and  her  children  would  go  with  her.  In  some 
instances  the  slave  woman  and  her  children  would  be  given  to  the 
son  of  her  master's  brother. 

Village  Organization 

When  choosing  a  site  for  a  new  village,  a  preference  is  shown  for 
a  hillside,  though  woods  or  valleys  are  at  times  selected.  The  foot  of 
cliffs  is  a  favorite  site.  In  addition  to  the  shade  afforded  by  the  cliff 
there  was  in  time  past  the  advantage  of  being  hidden  from  the  view 
of  enemies.  Further  shelter  was  afforded  by  the  planting  of  wild 
fig  trees.  Sometimes  an  ombala  ("capital")  was  rendered  picturesque 
by  the  planting  of  trees  which  grow  to  a  great  size;  such  a  plan  was 
followed  at  the  ombala  of  Ngalangi. 

Caves  in  the  wall  of  a  cliff,  likewise  rugged  hillsides,  gave  a  place 
of  retreat  for  women  and  children  during  an  attack.    Usually  there 


Social  Life  207 

are  small  streams  of  pure  water  falling  down  the  cliffs  and  hillsides. 
Near  Bailundu  and  Ngalangi,  villages  still  retain  their  defences  which 
consist  of  high  poles  set  in  a  trench. 

Judging  from  sites  visited  at  Elende  there  was  a  pre-Ovimbundu 
stone-building  culture.  One  of  the  sites  has  such  a  commanding 
view  over  extensive  plains  and  valleys  that  the  position  would  be 
almost  impregnable.  At  the  present  day  the  line  of  fortifications  is 
well  marked  by  stone  walls  three  feet  high.  These  are  composed  of 
boulders  to  which  the  builders  had  ready  access  on  adjacent  hillsides. 
Large  stones  were  no  doubt  rolled  from  the  slopes  to  the  small  plateau 
chosen  as  a  building  site.  This  small  plain  lies  midway  between  the 
hill  crest  and  the  valley. 

At  present  this  old  site,  which  is  enclosed  by  lichen-covered  walls, 
is  overgrown  by  tall  grass  and  trees  attaining  twenty  feet  in  height. 
Photography  would  be  uninstructive  unless  a  preliminary  clearance 
were  made — a  formidable  task  owing  to  the  density  of  vegetation. 

In  the  center  of  the  enclosure  is  a  group  of  transported  boulders 
possibly  marking  the  site  of  a  place  of  assembly.  A  search  among  the 
long  grass  reveals  stone  slabs  and  cylindrical  crushers  which  were  used 
for  grinding  grain  over  a  very  long  period,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  wear 
on  the  base  stone;  some  thick  stones  are  so  worn  as  to  be  almost  per- 
forated. Weather-worn  stones  that  were  probably  used  as  scrapers, 
are  to  be  found.  Surface  potsherds  are  of  the  material  of  which 
present-day  Ovimbundu  women  make  their  cooking  pots.  These 
sherds  mark  the  places  now  used  by  small  nomadic  bands,  hence  the 
surface  pottery  may  have  no  connection  with  a  pre-Umbundu  culture. 

In  the  vicinity  of  this  walled  stone  village  are  hillside  cairns 
marking  the  sites  of  graves.  These  have  been  robbed  by  medicine- 
men in  search  of  material  for  their  charms. 

The  Ovimbundu  have  no  traditions  regarding  the  site,  neither  is 
there  legendary  or  other  evidence  to  show  that  the  Ovimbundu  ever 
made  their  villages  of  stone.  The  raising  of  a  cairn  of  stones  over 
the  body  of  a  hunter  is,  however,  a  present-day  practice  near  Ganda 
and  in  the  Esele  country. 

If  a  site  cannot  be  systematically  worked,  it  is  better  left  alone 
until  scientific  investigation  is  possible.  The  preliminary  clearance 
of  grass  and  timber  would  be  a  long  process.  The  archaeological 
material  recovered  from  such  a  site  would  be  of  a  uniform  and  simple 
kind.  There  is  no  evidence  of  anything  beyond  an  elementary  stone 
age  culture. 


208  The  Ovimbundu 

At  the  present  time  one  type  of  village  is  surrounded  by  stout 
stakes  ten  or  more  feet  high  set  in  a  roughly  circular  plan.  The 
arrangement  of  alleyways  within  the  village  is  complicated  without 
following  any  symmetrical  plan.  A  visitor  sees  only  a  labyrinth  of 
passages  between  high  poles,  with  here  and  there  a  rectangular  wooden 
gate  at  intervals  along  the  passages.  The  door  itself  is  made  from 
four  stout  heavy  planks  which  are  roughly  hewn  and  as  a  rule  undec- 
orated,  but  occasionally  I  have  seen  the  panels  of  a  door  carved  with 
designs  representing  the  breasts  of  a  woman;  or  there  may  have  been 
simple  geometrical  patterns.  The  top  ends  of  the  door  panels  are 
massive  spheres  of  wood  bored  through  with  holes.  Through  the 
holes  in  the  tops  of  these  panels  a  pintle  is  passed  in  such  a  way 
that  the  door  is  suspended  from  above.  During  the  daytime  the 
lower  ends  of  the  panels  are  raised  to  the  level  of  the  lintel.  They  are 
there  supported  on  a  Y-shaped  upright  which  is  erected  in  front  of  the 
doorway.  At  night  the  planks  are  removed  from  this  support  and 
allowed  to  hang  downward  in  the  doorway.  There  is  a  sliding  cross- 
piece  to  push  over  the  lower  ends.  The  same  arrangement  is  some- 
times used  to  make  a  door  for  a  hut.  This  old  type  of  village 
doorway,  common  twenty  years  ago,  is  becoming  increasingly  rare. 

The  house  of  a  king  or  a  chief  is  larger  than  that  of  a  commoner. 
The  enclosure  which  contains  a  king's  house  and  the  other  buildings 
is  named  elombe,  while  epandavailo  is  the  word  used  to  describe  the 
entrance  to  this  compound.  The  elombe  is  built  by  men  and  women 
who  receive  no  payment.  There  is  a  ceremony  when  the  compound 
is  opened.  The  house  of  the  chief,  Kandimba  Sanjahulu,  near 
Bailundu,  is  rectangular,  with  mud  walls  raised  on  a  platform  of 
earth  and  stones.  Whitewash  has  been  applied  to  the  outside  of  the 
walls  and  some  ornament  is  given  in  the  form  of  painted  blue  crosses. 
Complete  study  of  structural  types  and  the  planning  of  internal 
divisions  has  been  made  by  F.  and  W.  Jaspert,  of  the  Stadtisches 
Volkermuseum,  Frankfort. 

At  a  village  near  Cuma  the  house  of  the  chief  differed  from  the 
dwellings  of  commoners  in  being  somewhat  larger.  The  house  had 
been  abandoned,  not  because  the  chief  died  there,  but  because  the 
chieftainship  had  been  transferred  to  an  adjacent  village.  The  tomb, 
which  will  be  described  in  connection  with  funeral  rites,  was  a  few 
yards  from  the  house.  This  mausoleum  was  surrounded  by  a  high 
wooden  palisade,  to  a  stake  of  which  were  attached  the  horns  of  an 
ox  killed  at  the  funeral  feast,  while  the  jawbone  lay  in  the  enclosure 


Social  Life  209 

(Plate  XLV,  Fig.  2).  The  house  of  bows  for  holding  sacred  relics 
will  be  described  in  connection  with  religion  (Plate  XLVI,  Fig.  1). 

In  former  days  there  used  to  be  a  hard  mud  floor  for  dancing, 
centrally  placed  in  the  village. 

In  the  center  of  the  village  is  the  communal  house  where  all  men, 
and  boys  over  four  years  of  age,  gather  to  eat  their  food,  which  is 
sent  by  the  women.  This  onjango  is  the  place  of  assembly  for  dis- 
cussion of  village  affairs.  A  house  of  this  kind  at  Bailundu  is  circular 
in  form  with  a  diameter  of  seventeen  feet  (Plate  XLVIII,  Fig.  1). 
In  the  middle  of  the  onjango  are  stones  forming  a  fireplace.  In 
another  such  house  there  were  jawbones  of  oxen.  These  were 
suspended  from  the  walls  as  tokens  of  the  payment  of  fines.  There 
is  no  communal  house  for  females.  In  some  villages  there  is  a 
common  kraal  for  cattle. 

The  king's  compound  usually  contains: 

(1)  The  king's  house,  which  invariably  has  a  separate  sleeping 
room. 

(2)  A  house  and  kitchen  for  each  of  his  wives. 

(3)  A  tomb  for  the  burial  of  kings  and  their  wives. 

(4)  The  house  of  bows  for  staffs,  bows,  mats,  and  tobacco-pipes 
of  dead  chiefs. 

(5)  A  house  of  meditation  for  the  king  (Plate  LXXXIX,  Fig.  1). 

(6)  Pens  for  pigs  and  chickens. 

The  guest  houses  (Plate  XLVIII,  Fig.  2)  that  I  have  seen  were 
not  in  the  king's  compound.  Granaries,  which  are  conspicuous  in 
every  village,  have  been  mentioned  in  connection  with  food  supply 
(Plate  XLIV,  Fig.  1).  Each  house  has  its  own  granary.  I  have 
noticed  garbage  pits  containing  corn  husks  and  refuse  from  sweet 
potatoes,  but  there  is  as  a  rule  no  organized  scheme  for  disposing  of 
refuse ;  dogs  and  pigs  are  the  scavengers.  There  is  no  particular  place 
for  defecation;  people  use  the  bush. 

Every  man  has  a  knowledge  of  house-building.  Women  do  not 
actually  build,  but,  along  with  the  children,  they  pour  water  into 
the  clay  pit  and  carry  clay  to  the  men  who  are  plastering  the  walls. 
Ngonga  says,  "People  would  be  surprised  to  see  a  woman  building 
a  house.  They  would  call  her  a  he-woman."  Men  help  one  another 
in  house-building  by  giving  reciprocal  service  for  which  there  is  a 
gift  of  food  and  beer. 

A  deep  rectangular  clay  pit  is  made  as  close  to  the  house  as  possi- 
ble, and  the  children  thoroughly  enjoy  puddling  the  clay  with  their 


210  The  Ovimbundu 

feet.  A  trench  about  eighteen  inches  deep  is  dug  for  the  poles 
(akoso),  which  form  the  framework.  The  wattle  work  is  tied  to  the 
uprights  with  strong  strips  of  red  bark  before  the  plastering  is  begun. 
The  old  type  of  Umbundu  house  was  round,  but  most  of  the  houses 
now  show  a  transition  to  square  or  rectangular  forms  (Plate  XLIV, 
Fig.  2). 

Exterior  wall-painting  is  found  only  in  the  northern  districts  of 
Angola  (Plate  LXXXIX,  Fig.  2).  Between  Saurimo  and  Malange 
in  the  north,  rectangular,  painted  houses  are  frequently  seen.  Wall- 
painting  is  a  cultural  trait  from  the  Congo  region  where  that  form 
of  decoration  is  common. 

The  method  of  forming  a  village  site  and  the  right  of  the  chief  to 
allot  land  have  been  described.  The  house  of  the  chief  is  the  first 
to  be  erected.  There  is  drinking  of  beer  to  celebrate  the  completion 
of  the  village,  and  the  pots  of  beer  have  to  be  stirred  with  the  claws 
of  chickens;  these  have  been  killed  to  provide  blood  for  sprinkling 
the  walls  of  the  new  houses.  Village  chiefs  go  through  the  process 
of  stirring  and  drinking.  The  medicine-man  drinks  first,  then  he 
offers  the  cup  to  the  chief. 

The  communal  house  is  built  by  the  united  efforts  of  all  men  of 
the  village.  Ngonga  says,  "The  king  never  helps  with  any  of  the 
building,  but  he  talks  very  much."  The  guest  house  is  also  built 
by  communal  labor.  The  king  of  the  ombala  of  Ngalangi  told  me 
that  a  king  always  uses  the  house  of  his  predecessor,  which  must 
not  be  pulled  down.  No  repairs  are  permitted  and  the  house  is  used 
until  it  is  absolutely  untenable. 

The  interior  of  a  commoner's  house  has  three  hearth  stones  in  the 
middle  of  the  floor,  which  is  of  hard  mud  beaten  down  with  a  heavy 
wooden  implement  called  ocikandulo.  The  ceremonial  placing  of  the 
stones  has  been  described  in  discussing  marriage.  There  is  no  chim- 
ney, consequently  the  walls  and  roof  are  blackened  with  smoke. 
The  junction  of  roof  and  walls  provides  pockets  for  the  reception  of 
small  articles.  On  the  floor  near  the  walls  may  be  several  large  beer 
pots.  The  dark  smoky  interior  is  almost  intolerable.  The  sleeping 
room  is  sometimes  separated  from  the  living  room  by  matting.  The 
bed  is  made  from  a  cross-work  of  sticks  supported  on  four  Y-shaped 
posts,  one  at  each  corner.  On  the  bed  are  coarse  sleeping  mats  and 
possibly  a  modern  blanket. 

The  miscellaneous  contents  of  the  hut  are  gourds,  dippers,  cooking 
pots  of  several  sizes,  pounders,  and  baskets.  In  many  of  the  huts 
I  found  cooking  going  on  in  the  general  room,  but  frequently  a  sepa- 


Social  Life  211 

rate  hut  is  provided  as  a  kitchen.  In  some  dark  corner  of  the  hut 
there  is  likely  to  be  a  sitting  hen  or  a  bitch  with  pups.  Goats  and 
pigs  intrude  from  time  to  time.  Lean  dogs  scavenge  round  the 
doorway.  Naked  little  children  whitened  with  dust  play  on  the 
floor.  A  woman  crouches  over  the  cooking  pot  stirring  the  glutinous 
mass  of  corn  meal.  About  sunset  men  are  gathering  in  the  council 
house  to  which  their  meals  are  sent. 

They  push  forward  the  logs  into  the  fire,  throw  their  blankets 
around  them  and  chatter  until  the  women  and  children  arrive  with 
the  evening  meal.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  village,  boys  are  wandering 
about  with  blunt  wooden  arrows  fitted  to  their  bowstrings,  to  be 
ready  for  the  homeward  flight  of  birds.  Other  boys  are  driving  cattle 
to  the  kraal. 

As  darkness  falls  the  long  tubular  drums  are  brought  out.  These 
are  held  between  the  legs  and  played  in  compound  rhythm  (Plate 
XXVII,  Fig.  1).  A  shuffling  dance  begins,  slowly  at  first,  then  with 
increasing  vigor,  to  be  continued  far  into  the  night. 


VII.    EDUCATION 
Industrial  Training  and  Division  of  Labor 

Usually  there  is  no  formality  connected  with  the  industrial  and 
occupational  training  of  Ovimbundu  children.  The  section  dealing 
with  play  shows  that  boys  and  girls  learn  by  spontaneous  imitation 
of  their  elders. 

There  are,  however,  exceptions  to  this  general  truth.  Special 
rites  connected  with  the  training  and  inauguration  of  blacksmiths 
and  hunters  have  been  described.  The  training  of  medicine-men 
and  women  will  be  dealt  with  in  chapter  IX,  "Religion." 

In  describing  economic  life  in  chapter  V,  division  of  labor  on  a 
sex  basis;  also  specialization  in  industry  because  of  peculiar  tastes 
and  aptitudes,  were  noted.  There  is  clearly  a  twofold  division  in 
industrial  life.  In  the  first  place  sex  determines  occupation,  and 
within  this  primary  grouping  there  is  a  secondary  grouping  depending 
on  personal  preference  and  individual  ability.  I  have  found  no 
instance  of  exclusive  hereditary  right  to  any  occupation  or  industry. 

The  net  result  of  the  Umbundu  system  of  division  of  labor  is 
indicated  by  the  following  summary: 

When  building  houses,  men  dig  the  rectangular  trench,  cut  the 
poles  for  the  framework,  lash  the  crosspieces,  cut  grass  and  lay  the 
thatch,  then  place  clay  over  the  wattle  walls.  Women  carry  water 
for  mixing  the  clay  and  convey  the  moist  clay  to  the  plasterers. 
Children  puddle  the  clay  with  their  feet.  Males  are  hunters  both 
professional  and  general.  During  a  communal  hunt  women  and 
children  assist  in  driving  game,  which  is  frightened  by  the  firing  of 
grass.  Boys  organize  games  in  which  they  imitate  these  activities. 
Men  fish  with  a  line  and  bait,  whereas  women  use  baskets  and 
narcotic  poison.  Men  and  boys  take  care  of  cattle  and  have  charge 
of  dogs.  Women  and  girls  give  what  slight  attention  is  afforded  to 
other  domestic  animals.    Male  specialists  castrate  bulls   and  goats. 

During  agricultural  operations  men  clear  the  ground  and  burn  the 
bush.  Women  carry  on  hoe  cultivation  without  assistance  from 
men.  Men  are  the  chief  carriers  in  caravans,  but  women  and 
children  may  sometimes  be  seen  carrying  loads.  They  march  in 
line  with  the  men  but  have  smaller  burdens.  Males  are  employed 
in  blacksmith's  work,  wood-carving,  making  weapons  and  tools, 
weaving  mats,  dressing  hides,  spinning  cotton,  and  formerly  in 
weaving  on  an  upright  loom.    Men  are  exclusively  the  makers  of 

212 


Education  213 

musical  instruments,  and  males  are  the  musicians.  Men  are  the 
only  persons  engaged  in  warfare  and  administration,  and  the  onjango 
or  council  house  is  used  exclusively  by  males.  Men  follow  the 
occupation  of  medicine-man,  in  which  there  is  considerable  speciali- 
zation. Female  practitioners  deal  with  pregnancy  and  women's 
ailments.  In  addition  to  the  tasks  for  women  mentioned  above,  the 
following  are  staple  occupations:  collecting  firewood,  drawing  water, 
caring  for  infants,  making  pottery,  weaving  baskets,  dancing,  and 
singing.    Young  girls  share  these  activities  with  older  women. 

The  foregoing  categories  explain  division  on  the  grounds  of  sex. 
Degrees  of  specialization  are  not  so  easy  to  formulate,  but  in  general 
a  man  follows  some  one  occupation,  for  example  wood-carving.  Then 
within  this  occupation  there  is  specialization  in  the  making  of 
drums,  domestic  utensils,  or  figurines. 

Almost  any  woman  could  make  pottery  or  baskets,  but  the 
difference  in  skill  leads  naturally  to  concentration  in  the  hands  of 
expert  potters  and  basket-weavers  respectively.  These  sell  their 
wares  to  those  who  either  do  not  make  such  articles  or  are  inept 
at  the  process. 

Standards  of  Conduct,  Manners,  and  Salutations 

The  parents  of  a  child,  also  his  maternal  uncle,  assume  respon- 
sibility for  training  in  the  precepts  and  standards  given  here.  The 
maternal  uncle,  who  is  the  mother's  oldest  brother,  is  particularly 
interested  because  he  has  to  pay  fines  should  his  sister's  children 
commit  thefts.  The  evidence  indicates  that  the  home  and  restricted 
family  have  formative  influences  over  the  conduct  of  children. 

Children  are  beaten  if  they  tell  lies,  answer  old  people  rudely, 
or  steal  food.  Ngonga  says  that  his  "stealing  hand"  was  once  placed 
in  the  hot  leaves  of  the  cooking  pot.  If  a  child  steals  an  egg  which 
is  cooking,  the  hot  egg  is  held  between  the  culprit's  hands. 

One  cannot  fail  to  notice  the  quiet  and  unobtrusive  way  in  which 
children  sit  in  the  presence  of  their  elders  both  in  the  home  and  in 
the  council  house.  Children  do  not  speak  when  their  elders  are  in 
conversation,  unless  addressed. 

A  child,  likewise  an  adult,  receives  a  gift  with  both  hands.  The 
implied  idea  is  that  reception  with  one  hand  is  a  depreciation  of  the 
gift.  If  a  child  holds  out  one  hand,  the  hand  is  slapped.  When 
receiving,  an  Ocimbundu  says  "kuku,"  literally  grandfather  or  elder. 
Colloquially  the  word  is  used  to  mean  greeting,  "I  thank  you,"  or 
"I  beg  your  pardon." 


214  The  Ovimbundu 

Lying  is  strongly  disapproved  and  the  liar  is  called  ohembi.  The 
Ovimbundu  appreciate  hospitality  (unu)  which  also  means  generosity. 
A  man  who  is  hospitable  is  said  to  be  ongavi.  Greediness,  which  is 
disliked,  is  described  by  the  word  oku  sapa  ("to  be  greedy").  There 
are  standards  of  honesty  in  sales  and  exchanges.  A  deceiver  in 
trade  is  ohembi. 

With  regard  to  the  relation  of  the  sexes  in  early  years  it  may  be 
said  that,  in  spite  of  boy  and  girl  friendships,  and  the  communal 
sleeping  of  boys  and  girls  at  the  home  of  one  of  the  girls,  a  man  expects 
to  marry  a  virgin,  a  point  which  has  been  dealt  with  in  describing 
marriage  ceremonies. 

Naturally  there  is  a  difficulty  in  obtaining  precise  information 
respecting  the  details  of  these  nocturnal  gatherings  of  boys  and  girls. 
Ngonga  said  that  girls  inform  their  parents  concerning  the  house 
where  the  night  is  to  be  spent,  and  there  is  a  point  of  etiquette 
requiring  that  girls  must  not  go  to  a  house  where  boys  are  staying 
together. 

Standards  of  conduct  already  described  under  courtship  are  a 
result  of  direct  teaching  by  parents.  Marriage  rules  and  a  classifica- 
tory  system  of  relationships,  with  its  prohibitive  decrees,  are  taught 
in  the  home,  in  the  men's  council  house,  and  at  initiation  ceremonies 
where  such  exist.  In  addition  to  these  sources  of  instruction  there 
is  no  doubt  an  unconscious  absorption  of  ideas  and  standards.  The 
power  of  suggestion  is  always  at  work  through  everyday  examples. 

Apart  from  demands  made  by  tribal  custom  and  direct  instruction 
there  are  variable  personal  standards  of  modesty.  Ngonga  states 
that  many  lascivious  stories  are  told  among  men,  and  when  the  men 
are  drunk,  they  tell  these  to  women.  "Sometimes  the  women  laugh, 
but  the  good  women  do  not  like  to  hear  these  tales." 

A  male  commoner  when  meeting  the  king  bows  low,  extends  his 
arms,  claps  his  palms  and  says, "ohosi  ["lion"]  akuku  ["grandfather"]." 
Only  the  old  people  follow  the  ancient  custom  of  falling  on  their  knees 
when  greeting  the  king.  The  Ovimbundu  never  were  in  the  habit  of 
doing  more  profound  obeisance,  but  the  Vangangella,  when  greeting 
one  of  their  kings,  rub  their  chins  on  the  ground  and  place  dust  on 
their  chests.  Even  at  the  present  day  a  woman  or  child  of  the 
Ovimbundu  is  expected  to  kneel  when  greeting  a  king,  but  such  an 
acknowledgment  is  not  now  usual  in  greetings  given  by  a  male 
commoner.  The  reply  of  the  king  to  the  commoner  is  "kalunga."  This 
word  enters  into  greetings  of  all  kinds.  The  literal  meaning  of  the 
word  is  "the  sea,"  "king,"  "god,"  or  "death,"  but  the  interpretation 


Education  215 

of  the  word  depends  upon  the  syllable  accented  and  the  context,  as 
further  explained  in  the  chapter  on  the  Umbundu  language. 

A  man  or  woman  of  the  royal  family  greets  the  king  with  the 
words  na  kuku;  na  means  "lord,"  and  kuku  is  a  term  used  for  any 
old  man  to  whom  the  speaker  intends  to  show  respect.  Kuku  is  also 
applied  to  a  man  who  stands  in  the  relationship  of  grandfather.  The 
king  is  expected  to  reply  to  a  greeting  given  by  one  of  the  royal 
family  by  placing  his  right  hand  on  his  chest  and  saying  twice, 
"kalunga."  There  may  then  follow  from  the  king  a  question  relating 
to  welfare  in  general.  Possibly  the  king  will  inquire  the  object  of 
his  subject's  journey.  A  sekulu  ("chief  of  a  village")  greets  a  king 
in  the  same  manner  as  does  a  commoner,  and  the  king  replies  as  he 
would  to  a  commoner. 

Commoners  greet  a  sekulu  with  the  words  na  kalunga  ("lord, 
greeting").  One  sekulu  greets  another  of  the  same  rank  with  the  one 
word  kalunga,  accompanied  by  clapping  of  the  palms.  Male  com- 
moners clap  hands  on  meeting;  this  action  is  accompanied  by  the 
word  kalunga,  from  each  of  them.  Two  female  commoners  use  the 
word  kalunga  as  a  greeting,  but  as  a  rule  they  do  not  clap  hands. 
They  do,  however,  clap  their  palms  when  greeting  a  woman  of  the 
royal  house. 

Boys  and  girls  must  greet  their  fathers,  maternal  uncles,  grand- 
fathers, and  other  old  men  with  either  of  the  terms  na  kuku  or  na 
kalunga,  the  latter  being  more  usual.  Na  kuku  would  be  the  appro- 
priate term  of  respect  for  any  elderly  man.  Children  use  the  same 
words  (na  kuku)  when  addressing  any  elderly  woman,  including  a 
grandmother.  A  usual  greeting  of  a  child  to  the  mother,  likewise  to 
the  mother's  sister,  would  be  kalunga  mai  ("greetings,  mother"). 

There  is  no  prescribed  form  of  address  to  the  medicine-man. 
Greetings  between  a  commoner  and  a  medicine-man  follow  the  usage 
noted  for  two  commoners.  Ngonga  says,  "They  will  treat  him  (the 
medicine-man)  like  a  village  chief  if  he  is  an  old  man  and  good. 
Perhaps  they  will  say  na  kalunga  as  if  talking  to  a  chief." 

In  the  early  morning  people  pass  the  greeting  oku  lipasula.  This 
means  "we  have  been  like  dead,  we  are  awake."  The  appropriate 
early  morning  greeting  of  a  commoner  to  the  king  or  to  a  chief  is 
oku  lipasula  a  kuku.  A  usual  afternoon  greeting  is  oku  lanisa.  The 
evening  greeting  is  oku  lisuninya. 

One  who  desires  to  pass  across  a  room  usually  walks  in  front  of 
other  people,  but  while  passing  the  attitude  must  not  be  erect.  The 
thumb  and  middle  finger  should  be  snapped  together,  while  the  words 


216  The  Ovimbundu 

konyimo  oko  are  spoken.  The  literal  interpretation  of  these  words  is 
"back  there."  Ngonga  says  the  words  actually  mean  "excuse  my 
back." 

Spitting  in  the  vicinity  of  the  house  of  the  king  or  of  the  chief 
is  not  allowed.  "If  you  did  that  in  the  old  days,  you  would  have  to 
pay  something."  Some  people  spit  near  the  hearth  in  their  own 
houses.  A  man  who  spits  in  the  road  is  expected  to  cover  the  spittle. 
No  person  would  spit  in  the  presence  of  the  chief  or  of  the  king.  A 
hand  should  be  placed  in  front  of  the  mouth  by  a  person  who  is 
coughing  or  sneezing. 

Shortly  after  the  birth  of  a  boy  or  girl  all  who  are  on  good  terms 
with  the  parents  greet  them  by  saying  kalunga.  The  word  is  repeated 
four  times  with  clapping  of  the  palms.  When  words  have  been 
imperfectly  heard  and  the  listener  desires  repetition  it  is  customary 
to  say  kuku  in  an  interrogative  tone. 

No  particular  etiquette  is  observed  when  eating.  Two  or  three 
children  eat  from  one  platter,  helping  themselves  with  their  fingers 
to  the  mush  or  sweet  potatoes. 

Rules  forbidding  the  preparation  of  food  by  menstruating  women, 
likewise  prohibitions  relating  to  stepping  over  a  person,  are  mentioned 
in  discussing  taboos  and  omens. 

Educational  Value  of  Play,  music,  and  dancing 

The  educational  value  of  play  lies  in  its  imitation  of  the  pursuits 
of  adult  life.  Though  there  are  specialists  in  music,  dancing,  and 
singing,  these  exercises  are  indulged  in  by  everyone.  Music,  singing, 
and  dancing  are  more  than  amusements,  they  are  fundamental  as 
coordinating  forces  in  tribal  life  at  all  levels  of  culture  (W.  D.  Ham- 
bly,  Tribal  Dancing  and  Social  Development,  London,  1926). 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  Cimbamba  Co  Lia  is  a  popular  game  for 
girls,  who  form  a  circle,  join  hands,  and  sing: 

Part  I 

Omola  una,  ndo  sile  vekango,  Cimbamba  co  lia  ("That  little  child 
was  left  in  the  desert,  the  nighthawk  ate  it") .  At  the  word  Cimbamba 
they  begin  to  dance,  facing  from  side  to  side  in  such  a  manner  that 
they  meet  and  bow.  Some  sing,  Cimbamba  co  lia  ("The  nighthawk 
ate  him"),  and  others  respond,  Kalikisi  ("'tis  the  goblins"),  as  many 
times  as  they  wish.  Finally  a  return  is  made  to  the  first  words  which 
are  sung  again.  All  musical  transcriptions  have  been  made  by 
Dr.  G.  Herzog  from  my  phonographic  records. 


Education 


217 


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Part  II 
The  children  then  form  in  a  line  holding  each  other.  The  leader 
is  the  mother  and  all  the  others  are  her  children,  except  one 
who  is  the  leopard.  The  last  child  in  the  line  calls,  A  mai,  ongue 
yi  ndia  ("Mother,  the  leopard  will  eat  me").  Mother,  Ka  yi  ku  li, 
("It  will  not  eat  you").  Child,  Yi  lia  utapi  wovava  ("It  is  eating  the 
water  carrier").  Mother,  Ka  yi  ku  li.  Child,  Yi  lia  utiani  wolohui. 
Mother,  Ka  yi  ku  li.  The  one  who  represents  the  leopard  now 
attempts  to  pass  the  outstretched  arms  of  the  mother  in  order  to 
catch  the  child.  Every  time  the  leopard  is  foiled  in  his  attempt 
to  catch  the  child  they  all  cry,  Ah-ah-ah  Ka  yi  ku  li. 

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Eventually  the  leopard  gets  the  last  child  and  deposits  it  on  the 
ground  where  it  immediately  begins  to  imitate  the  pounding  of  meal 
and  to  sing,  Fule,  fule,  fule,  fule,  kolohanda  ko  Luwa  ("Pound,  pound, 
pound,  pound  on  the  rocks  of  Luwa").  This  ditty,  which  is  sung 
by  women  during  their  daily  occupation  of  pounding  maize  on  the 


218 


The  Ovimbundu 


rocks,  is  repeated  until  all  the  children  have  been  captured.  Lastly, 
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Education  219 

says,  "Here's  your  mother."  The  children  look  and  sing,  "She's  not 
there."  They  throw  sand  in  that  direction.  The  leopard  repeatedly 
leads  to  places  where  the  mother  is  not  hidden,  while  each  time  the 
same  words  are  repeated  and  sand  is  thrown.  Finally  the  leopard 
leads  the  children  to  the  place  where  the  mother  is  hidden.  Then 
the  mourning  song  is  changed  to  a  glad  dance.  The  children  clap 
hands  and  sing,  Mai  Cisangu  weya.  Mai  Cisangu  weya  ("Mother 
Cisangu  has  come"). 

After  transcribing  the  music  of  this  song  Dr.  Herzog  reported, 
"The  melodies  are  rather  simple,  moving  within  a  restricted  range, 
with  a  plain  rhythm,  the  same  short  unassuming  melodic  fragment 
being  repeated  as  long  as  the  game  may  require  it,  or  changed  slightly 
to  suit  the  words.  It  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  these  are  children's 
songs;  other  songs  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  probably  much  more 
elaborate.  The  manner  of  singing  songs  by  a  solo  and  a  responding 
choir  is  highly  characteristic  of  African  singing.  Thirds  as  seen  in  the 
transcriptions  on  page  218  are  often  used  in  the  music  of  west  Africa. 

"In  the  musical  notations,  S  stands  for  Solo,  Ch  for  the  Choir. 
A  as  a  sign  above  a  note  indicates  that  the  tone  is  sung  approximately 
a  quartertone  higher  than  noted.  It  indicates  a  short  transitional  tone 
of  slight  rhythmic  or  melodic  significance  and  of  uncertain  pitch." 

There  is  but  one  example  of  children's  dolls  in  Field  Museum's 
collection.  This  was  obtained  from  a  little  Ocimbundu  girl  of  Elende. 
The  doll  is  made  from  a  corncob  which  is  draped  in  blue  cloth  of 
European  origin  such  as  women  wear.  My  interpreter  said  that  the 
dressing  of  dolls  made  from  corncobs  is  a  general  custom  at  the 
time  of  cutting  the  corn.  In  view  of  the  frequent  occurrence  of 
agricultural  rites  among  Bantu  Negroes,  the  use  of  dolls  led  me  to 
inquire  into  the  possibility  of  there  being  some  kind  of  fertility  cult 
associated  with  a  corn-mother  concept,  but  my  inquiries  met  with 
negative  results. 

There  is  an  Umbundu  word  for  game  (omapalo;  plural,  olomapalo) 
which  is  used  for  games  in  general.  The  verb  oku  papala  means 
"to  play."  As  a  rule,  male  adults  do  not  play  games,  but  they  have 
the  game  of  mancala  which  is  called  ocela.  This  is  difficult  because 
it  involves  quick  counting.  Mancala  has  a  wide  distribution  as 
shown  by  the  fact  that  it  occurs  in  Africa,  Syria,  the  Malay  Archipel- 
ago, South  America,  and  the  West  Indies.  At  Dom  Manuel  in  the 
southeast  of  Angola  I  saw  an  arrangement  of  holes  in  the  ground 
which  was  used  for  this  game.  There  were  four  rows  of  fourteen 
holes  in  each  row.    The  counters  were  nuts  from  an  oil  palm. 


220  The  Ovimbundu 

In  the  compound  of  the  king  at  Ngalangi  there  was  an  ocela 
board  consisting  of  an  oval  piece  of  wood  on  a  short  base.  This 
board  had  holes  arranged  in  four  rows  of  seven,  twenty-eight  holes 
in  all.  The  king  refused  to  sell  the  board.  He  said  that  it  was 
highly  valued  and  that  the  gambling  stakes  were  high. 

Up  to  the  age  of  sixteen  years  boys  play  the  game  of  ocitina. 
Each  side  has  a  number  of  bulbs  from  a  figwort,  which  are  rolled 
along  between  two  lines  of  boys  who  shoot  at  them  with  arrows. 
The  winners  are  those  who  have  shot  the  greater  number  of  their 
opponents'  bulbs.  The  party  A  rolls  bulbs  while  the  opponents  B 
do  the  shooting.  Then  the  positions  are  reversed.  A  game  with 
whipping  tops  is  ongilili  which  is  said  to  be  of  Umbundu  origin, 
not  a  derivative  from  a  Portuguese  game.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  games  are  seasonal;  any  game  may  be  played  at  any  time. 

Games  of  mimicry  naturally  form  a  diversion,  and  boys  imitate 
the  occupations  of  their  elders.  The  chief  activities  of  adult  males 
are  warfare,  hunting,  and  carrying,  all  of  which  used  to  play  a  very 
important  part  in  the  communal  life  up  to  a  few  years  ago.  When 
boys  play  at  making  war  they  have  two  sides,  the  attack  and  the 
defense.  The  attacking  party  runs  about  the  village  taking  prisoners, 
who  are  tied  with  bark  rope.  Girls  sometimes  play  this  and  other 
games  with  the  boys,  but  usually  boys  and  girls  play  separately. 

Sometimes  strong  boys  are  selected  for  hunters  whose  dogs  are 
the  little  boys.  Boys  who  pretend  to  be  the  antelopes  or  other  game 
go  to  the  tall  grass  to  hide.  Toy  bows  and  arrows  are  made,  but 
sometimes  the  hunters  go  through  only  the  movements  of  shooting. 
The  boys  who  are  pretending  to  be  the  game  roll  over  and  gasp  when 
shot.  The  "dead  game"  has  to  cling  to  the  pole  on  which  it  is  borne 
to  the  village  on  the  shoulders  of  the  hunters.  The  little  boys  go 
along  on  all  fours  barking  like  dogs. 

The  Ovimbundu  were,  and  still  are,  renowned  carriers  whose 
prowess  is  imitated  in  boys'  games.  Boys  make  up  loads  in  the  correct 
way;  that  is,  lashed  in  the  fork  of  two  long  sticks  which  can  be  rested 
on  the  ground.  These  they  carry  along,  singing  as  they  go.  There 
is  some  wrestling,  also  stone  throwing  to  test  distance  and  accuracy. 
Rubber  is  made  into  a  ball  which  is  bounced  rapidly  and  repeatedly 
with  the  open  palm.  Men  and  boys  sometimes  form  a  ring  around 
which  the  ball  is  thrown  from  one  person  to  another. 

The  Ovimbundu  have  no  game  played  with  string  wound  around 
the  fingers,  and  I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  evidence  for  the  past 
or  present  formation  of  string  figures.    I  have  seen  boys  making  bird 


Education  221 

cages  and  wooden  animals  to  use  as  playthings.  Girls  mold  small 
animals  from  clay.    The  bull-roarer  is  in  use  as  a  plaything  at  Elende. 

There  is  a  game  of  hide  and  seek  for  boys.  A  knife  is  hidden; 
then  a  boy  who  has  been  absent  for  a  time  enters  the  ring  marked 
off  for  the  game.  His  proximity  to  the  knife  is  indicated  by  playing 
on  a  musical  bow.  There  are  taps  on  the  instrument  which  mean 
that  the  knife  is  far  away.  On  the  contrary,  when  the  searcher 
approaches  the  hidden  knife,  the  boy  with  the  bow  plays  a  distinc- 
tive note,  yelula,  yelula,  meaning  "pick  it  up,  pick  it  up." 

Boys  readily  make  a  simple  apparatus  for  playing  a  game  of 
lassoing  a  hoop.  A  pliable  branch  is  bent  so  as  to  form  a  circle,  then 
the  ends  are  lashed  together  with  bark  strips.  The  lasso  is  a  piece 
of  rattan  or  bark  having  at  each  end  a  corncob  or  a  small  stick 
three  inches  long.  One  boy  bowls  the  hoop  so  that  it  passes  in  front 
of,  and  a  few  feet  away  from  his  opponent,  who  stands  twenty-five 
feet  distant.  As  the  hoop  passes  in  front  of  him,  the  boy  throws 
his  lasso  in  such  a  way  that  it  twines  round  the  hoop  and  brings  it 
to  the  ground. 

There  are  dances  of  many  kinds,  but  Ngonga  says  that  he  would 
not  know  from  the  steps  only  what  particular  purpose  the  dance 
served.  Several  dances  have  been  described,  each  in  its  appropriate 
section.  There  are  no  dances  specially  arranged  to  celebrate  weddings 
or  births.  The  funeral  dance  is  described  along  with  other  ceremonies 
relating  to  interment.  The  medicine-man  dances  in  connection 
with  making  rain  or  curing  the  sick.  In  order  to  say  why  the  dance 
was  being  performed,  it  would  be  necessary  to  listen  to  the  words 
of  the  songs;  these  are  usually  chanted  in  accompaniment  to  shuffling 
movements  and  the  rhythm  of  drums. 

Some  of  the  older  men  and  women  perform  dances  and  sing  songs 
that  are  unknown  to  the  younger  generation.  Dancing  is  in  favor 
during  the  months  of  May  and  June  because  there  are  supplies  of 
maize  for  making  beer.  As  the  dry  season  advances  the  maize  formerly 
available  for  making  beer  is  consumed  as  food,  hence  dancing  is  not 
so  usual.  Ngonga  says  that  the  old  people  know  a  dance  which 
should  be  performed  at  new  moon  "so  that  there  will  be  no  sickness 
during  this  moon."  Older  men  dance  in  commemoration  of  events 
during  past  wars,  while  women  are  spectators,  and  on  these  occasions 
there  are  beer-drinking  and  the  slaughter  of  an  ox.  A  group  of  men 
keeps  up  a  shuffling  dance  while  an  old  man  relates  a  war  story  in 
a  singsong  voice.  The  oldest  man  is  the  first  to  cut  the  meat, 
after  which  each  man  helps  himself. 


222  The  Ovimbundu 

Almost  every  evening  one  may  hear  the  tapping  of  drums  and 
the  songs  of  dancers,  because  in  addition  to  dances  for  a  funeral  or 
other  special  occasion  there  are  ordinary  dances  of  amusement  in 
which  lines  of  men  and  women  advance  and  retreat,  or  men  and 
women  circle  round  the  drums  making  arm  movements  accom- 
panied by  a  swaying  rhythm. 

The  dance  onyaco,  performed  in  June  when  the  corn  is  ripe,  may 
have  an  ancient  history  and  special  significance  as  part  of  an  agri- 
cultural rite.  When  corn  is  being  stored  the  people  sing,  "There  is 
grain  in  the  house,  may  it  never  be  out."  There  is  no  dance  in 
connection  with  fishing. 

There  is  mimicry  of  animals  in  the  hunting  game  played  by  boys. 
The  frog,  the  leopard,  and  other  animals  are  imitated  in  certain 
games,  but  I  have  no  evidence  of  the  performance  of  mimetic  dances 
in  relation  to  any  cult  for  increasing  the  supply  of  animal  life. 

The  use  of  the  small  ball  ombunje  illustrates  the  way  in  which 
an  apparent  toy  can  be  used  in  rites  of  a  religious  kind.  Ombunje 
consists  of  a  hard  spherical  fruit  about  six  centimeters  in  diameter, 
in  which  several  hard  seeds  rattle.  The  sphere  is  covered  with  a 
layer  of  cloth  over  which  lizard  skin  is  stretched  and  sewn. 

When  the  people  wish  to  commemorate  the  death  of  a  king,  or 
when  the  king  is  sick,  the  medicine-man  (ocimbanda)  says  that  there 
must  be  osaka  dancing.  A  strong  man  dances  for  many  hours  while 
holding  this  little  ball  in  his  outstretched  hand.  Other  men  who  are 
dancing  use  their  fists  to  hit  the  muscles  of  the  outstretched  arm  in 
an  attempt  to  make  the  holder  drop  the  ball  (ombunje).  If  he  does 
so  another  man  will  promptly  take  hold  of  it.  The  precise  nature  of 
the  endurance  test  is  unexplained,  but  there  is  possibly  the  idea  of 
giving  strength  to  a  sick  king  by  this  tension  and  endurance.  My 
interpreter  thought  this  was  so,  but  could  not  explain  why  the  dance 
should  be  performed  to  commemorate  the  death  of  a  king.  It  would 
seem  natural,  however,  to  transfer  the  ombunje  rite  to  a  commemora- 
tive festival,  if  in  the  first  place  it  was  part  of  the  last  rites  of  a 
dying  king. 

There  are  among  the  Ovimbundu  specialists  in  dancing,  singing, 
and  the  playing  of  musical  instruments.  Onjimbi  is  the  word  for 
a  singer  of  merit  who  starts  the  choruses.  Ocili  is  a  dancer  of  more 
than  ordinary  skill.  When  a  man  is  required  to  play  a  drum  or  other 
instrument  I  have  noticed  that  it  is  thought  necessary  to  bring  a 
specialist.  There  is  no  doubt  that  drumming  requires  special  aptitude 
and  practice.    The  man  who  plays  the  long  drum  is  usiki,  the  drum 


Education  223 

itself  is  onoma.  The  flat  wooden  drum  without  membrane  is  ocingufu, 
the  player  of  this  drum  is  usiki  wocingufu  (Plate  XXVII,  Fig.  2). 
The  long  tubular  drums  vary  in  length  from  50  to  103  cm.  At  a 
funeral,  four  of  these  tubular  drums,  which  are  usually  held  between 
the  legs  or  placed  upright,  are  played  in  compound  rhythm.  A 
performer  always  warms  the  skin  of  the  drum  at  a  fire,  and  sometimes 
the  pitch  is  altered  by  sticking  a  lump  of  wax  on  the  membrane 
of  a  long  drum,  or  on  the  sides  of  a  wooden  drum. 

Dr.  Herzog  reports  as  follows,  after  transcribing  several  cylinders 
of  phonographic  records  of  rhythms  played  on  the  long  drum,  and 
after  examining  motion  pictures  which  were  synchronized  with  the 
drumming  (Plates  XXV,  XXVI). 

"These  motion  pictures  indicate  the  position  of  the  performer's 
hands,  and  suggest  that  the  sharply  accented  tones  are  produced 
by  impacts  from  the  phalanges.  The  higher  notes  so  produced  have 
been  marked  by  notes  above  the  line.  A  mark  placed  between  notes 
indicates  a  very  short  rest. 

"No.  1  (dictaphone  record  3)  represents  the  drumming  of  a  young 
player,  who  is  apparently  still  an  apprentice,  since  his  rhythm  is 
very  simple.  The  three  forms  of  his  playing  given  below  were  used 
interchangeably,  and  he  shifted  from  one  to  the  other  without 
stopping.  In  the  second  form,  the  order  of  the  sharp  and  of  the 
plain  beat  is  reversed.  Otherwise,  the  sharp  beat  occurs,  in  the 
playing  of  all  drummers,  on  the  off  beat.  The  rhythm  of  No.  2 
(dictaphone  record  15)  is  a  little  more  varied  because  the  player 
was  changed.  The  drummer  of  No.  3  (dictaphone  record  30)  was 
the  best  performer  in  the  neighborhood,  according  to  Mr.  Hambly; 
and  his  playing  is  the  most  interesting.  The  drum  records  consist 
of  a  small  number  of  rhythms  which  are  freely  interchanged;  the 
two  predominating  rhythms  are  given  below.  The  moving  pictures 
were  made  from  this  player's  performance. 

"The  notations  found  here  do  not  convey  to  the  reader  the 
bewildering  complexity  of  African  rhythm,  for  this  appears  only 
when  a  performance  includes  the  use  of  several  drums  and  musical 
instruments  in  conjunction  with  dancing." 

From  Ngalangi  a  large  friction  drum  120  cm  long  and  47  cm  in 
diameter  was  obtained.  This  instrument,  which  was  the  property 
of  the  village,  was  played  only  on  public  occasions.  Apparently 
the  drum  had  been  hollowed  from  a  log  of  wood,  one  end  of  which 
was  left  open  while  the  other  was  covered  with  hide.  To  the  inner 
side  of  this  hide  a  long  cane  was  attached.  On  the  side  of  the  drum 


224  The  Ovimbundu 


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and  in  the  middle  was  an  oval  aperture.  The  performer  laid  the 
drum  on  the  ground  and  took  his  seat  astride  it.  He  dipped  his 
right  hand  in  a  gourd  of  water,  then  rubbed  his  wet  palm  up  and 
down  the  cane  rod,  which  he  could  reach  through  the  oval  aperture. 
The  sound  of  the  rubbing  on  the  rod  was  communicated  to  the 
membrane. 

A  short  friction  drum  made  at  Elende  measures  21  by  42  cm. 
One  end  of  the  drum  is  covered  with  hide  kept  taut  by  pegs  of 
wood  while  the  other  end  is  open  for  the  insertion  of  the  player's 
hand.  A  cane  rod  is  attached  to  the  inside  of  the  membrane.  The 
assistant  of  a  medicine-man  holds  this  instrument  under  his  arm 
and  plays  during  divination.  The  medicine-man  sits  on  a  stool 
shaking  his  divination  basket  (Plate  XXIII,  Fig.  2). 

Rattles  are  of  three  kinds,  and  of  these  the  more  common  are  a 
small,  long-necked  gourd  containing  hard  seeds,  and  a  compound 


Education  225 

rattle  made  by  fixing  seed  pods  on  a  stick.  Rattles  of  the  latter 
type  are  sometimes  tied  to  the  ankles  during  dancing  and  they 
usually  form  a  part  of  the  medicine-man's  outfit  (Plate  XXII, 
Fig.  4).  From  Cangamba  a  basket  rattle  of  dumb-bell  form  was 
obtained;  the  basket-work  receptacles  at  each  end  of  the  connecting 
rod  contain  hard  seeds  (Plate  XXII,  Fig.  1). 

At  Bailundu  three  Ovimbundu  flute  players  met  a  party  of 
visitors  whom  they  accompanied  around  the  native  village  under 
the  leadership  of  a  chief.  The  men  played  the  flutes  continuously 
except  when  the  chief  was  speaking.  The  wooden  flutes  varied  in 
length  from  20  to  50  cm.  The  instruments  were  end-played,  and 
the  smallest  of  them  had  seven  stop-holes.  The  visitors  were  con- 
ducted from  the  village  by  this  small  orchestra  which  is  a  permanent 
guard  of  honor  for  the  chief  (Plate  XL,  Fig.  1). 

At  Cangamba  the  Vachokue  have  an  instrument  consisting  of 
eight  slats  of  wood  which  vary  in  length  and  thickness.  These 
sounding  boards  are  attached  to  two  parallel  cords  which  are  kept 
tight  by  two  assistants.  The  performer  taps  the  wooden  slats  with 
two  sticks  terminating  in  balls  of  wax.  This  is  the  well-known 
marimba,  but  the  gourds  which  are  usually  fastened  under  the 
slats  of  wood  were  absent  in  this  instance. 

The  instrument  ocisanji  is  played  well  by  only  a  few  men.  It 
consists  of  a  wooden  board,  often  well  carved,  on  which  there  are 
from  eight  to  nineteen  thin  keys  of  metal.  These  can  be  pushed 
backward  and  forward  in  their  bridge  so  as  to  alter  the  vibrating 
length  and  pitch  of  the  note.  The  pitch  may  also  be  varied  by 
placing  small  balls  of  wax  on  the  under  side  of  the  keys.  When 
the  instrument  is  held  between  the  palms  the  player's  thumbs  are 
in  position  for  stroking  the  keys.  Sometimes  ocisanji  is  played 
inside  a  wide  gourd  (Plate  XXII,  Fig.  5). 

The  musical  bow  is  called  ombumbumba.  The  bridge,  which  is 
a  small  stone,  or  a  piece  of  wood  placed  at  one  end  of  the  bow,  keeps 
the  string  taut.  The  gourd  is  tightly  fastened  to  the  bowstring  with 
a  loop  of  string.  One  end  of  the  bow  is  sometimes  placed  in  the 
player's  mouth.  The  left  hand  holds  the  bow  and  presses  the  gourd 
to  the  body,  then  releases  it  a  little  from  time  to  time  in  order  to 
assist  tone  and  resonance.  The  player  holds  in  his  right  hand  a 
reed  which  is  tapped  lightly  on  the  bowstring,  while  the  thumb 
and  forefinger  of  the  left  hand  are  used  occasionally  in  pressing  on 
the  string  to  alter  its  vibrating  length  (Plate  XXII,  Fig.  6). 


226  The  Ovimbundu 

Another  musical  bow  named  ekolowa  is  of  simple  construction, 
consisting  of  a  strip  of  cane  from  54  to  70  cm  long  and  2  cm  wide. 
At  each  end  of  the  cane  is  a  projection.  A  string,  when  tightly 
stretched  between  these  projections,  pulls  the  cane  into  the  form 
of  a  bow.  The  performer,  placing  one  end  of  the  bow  in  his  mouth, 
plucks  the  string  with  his  thumb  and  forefinger  (Plate  XXII,  Fig.  7). 

Two  rubbing  instruments  are  used  by  the  Ovimbundu.  Ogolanda 
is  a  large  gourd  with  a  slit  in  the  top  along  which  there  is  a  board 
cut  into  sixteen  notches.  The  rubbing  of  a  short  stick  along  these 
notches  produces  a  sound  which  is  greatly  amplified  by  the  gourd 
resonator.  The  second  instrument  of  this  type  is  in  the  form  of  a 
wooden  bow  having  its  thickest  part  notched  for  rubbing  with  a 
stick  (Plate  XXII,  Figs.  3,  8). 

Only  specialists  are  skilled  in  composing  songs,  and  both  men 
and  women  are  composers.  The  younger  people  sometimes  go  to 
the  old  people  to  learn  songs  which  were  popular  a  generation  ago. 
There  are  no  professional  itinerant  story-tellers. 

There  is  a  chant  for  funerals  which  has  been  quoted  in  the 
appropriate  section,  but  no  special  wedding  songs  are  used.  The 
Ovimbundu  have  satirical  songs  humorously  describing  individual 
foibles  and  peculiarities,  and  as  usual  in  Negro  communities  a 
satirical  song  is  feared  by  thieves,  adulterers,  or  other  offenders. 

In  former  days  when  men  were  on  the  warpath  they  sang, 
Okaimbo  ketu  katito  eteke  tu  lisanumbula  tu  tandako.  ("Our  village 
is  little  today,  we  attack,  we  extend.")  Another  war  song  is  Ocisonde 
ci  likoka  ove  o  kasi  vonjila  tumdamo.  ("Red  ant  that  creeps  along, 
you  who  are  in  the  way,  get  out.") 

When  men  on  the  march  came  to  a  camping  ground  occupied 
by  another  caravan,  they  sang  as  a  challenge,  Cinene  nye?  Cinene 
onjamba  kakuli  okachama  kavela  ukuavo.  ("What  is  the  largest? 
There  is  no  animal  largest.    The  largest  is  the  elephant.") 

During  hauling  and  carrying,  men  sing,  Yende,  yende  chale, 
ocimboto  lomala  vaco.  ("Let  it  go,  let  it  go,  the  crab,  the  frog,  with 
its  children.") 

Lifting  loads  is  always  accompanied  by  noises  which  suggest 
that  someone  is  injured.  Part  of  the  men  make  deep  grunts  to  which 
their  companions  answer  with  prolonged  groans. 

Initiation 

Evidence  bearing  on  initiatory  rites  in  Angola  shows  that  the 
ceremonies  are  arranged  as  a  process  of  incorporation  into  the 


Education  227 

tribes,  for  everywhere  these  rites  aim  at  securing  ideas  of  unity,  coop- 
eration, conformity  to  tribal  law,  and  admission  to  adult  tribal  life. 

The  methods  used  to  achieve  these  aims  are  seclusion,  circum- 
cision, physical  suffering,  direct  tuition,  dancing,  hunting,  a  change 
of  name,  and  finally  a  ceremonial  return  to  the  tribe  with  adult  status 
and  the  right  to  marry. 

The  following  notes  give  details  of  ceremonies  witnessed  at 
three  centers;  namely,  Katoko,  Ngalangi,  and  Cangamba.  For 
comparison  of  these  rites  with  others  performed  in  eastern  Angola 
reference  should  be  made  to  the  books  of  A.  Schachtzabel,  and  to 
the  papers  of  H.  Baumann  (III),  and  F.  and  W.  Jaspert,  whose 
observations  were  made  independently  of  each  other  and  of  my 
own  investigation. 

The  dances  of  the  novices  at  Klatoko,  where  there  is  a  mixed 
population  of  Ovimbundu,  Vangangella,  and  Vachokue  tribes,  are 
part  of  the  final  ceremonies  following  circumcision  and  seclusion. 
The  social  group  formed  by  this  collective  circumcision,  seclusion, 
and  dancing,  is  called  ovinganji,  which  is  the  name  of  the  initiatory 
rites  themselves.  A  boy  who  has  been  initiated  is  not  allowed  to 
become  friendly  with  one  who  has  not  suffered  the  ceremony,  and 
all  boys  who  were  circumcised  at  the  same  time  preserve  a  sense 
of  unity  by  dancing  in  a  company  and  moving  about  together  for 
twelve  weeks  after  their  return  to  the  village  from  which  they  came. 

Circumcision,  which  is  prohibited  by  the  Portuguese  govern- 
ment, is  still  practised  secretly  in  some  regions.  When  circumcision 
is  carried  out  by  primitive  methods  serious  infection  may  result 
from  the  lack  of  clean  instruments,  for  the  knife  is,  of  course, 
unsterilized. 

After  the  operation  the  patients  are  subjected  to  harsh  treatment 
during  the  period  of  cure  that  follows.  The  circumcised  are  secluded 
in  a  wooded  area.  Food  provided  by  the  parents  is  placed  on  the 
bank  of  a  river  near  which  the  initiation  camp  is  built,  and  after 
the  parents  have  gone  away  the  boys  bring  their  rations  from  the 
river  to  the  camp.  Before  eating,  the  boys  are  obliged  to  give  profuse 
thanks  to  the  men  who  are  acting  as  tutors.  In  some  regions  there 
is  no  food  ration  for  the  boys,  and  the  rule  is  that  each  boy  must 
subsist  on  what  he  is  able  to  catch  and  collect  with  his  hands. 

Each  boy  has  a  male  guardian  who  takes  care  of  him  after  the 
operation.  Those  who  have  been  operated  upon  are  not  permitted 
to  wear  clothes,  nor  are  they  allowed  to  warm  themselves  until 
quite  healed.   Any  infraction  of  the  rules  results  in  a  severe  whipping. 


228  The  Ovimbundu 

During  the  period  of  isolation  costumes  for  the  dance  are  made. 
These  consist  of  clothing  of  tightly  fitting,  coarse  netting,  masks, 
and  girdles  which  are  for  the  use  of  only  those  boys  who  have  been 
circumcised.  The  feasts  and  dances  celebrating  the  conclusion  of 
initiatory  rites  are  of  great  importance.  Women  are  not  supposed 
to  know  that  the  operation  of  circumcision  is  taking  place,  and 
they  are  taught  that  ovinganji  are  supernatural  beings  who  have 
sprung  up  from  the  earth;  therefore  every  effort  is  made  to  conceal 
masks  and  costumes  from  the  sight  of  women  and  the  uninitiated. 
No  female  is  allowed  to  go  near  the  enclosure  where  novices  are 
confined. 

A  few  days  after  observing  the  costumes  and  dances  of  the 
newly  initiated  boys  at  Katoko  I  was  in  the  Ngalangi  region  at 
the  village  of  Ngongo,  about  a  hundred  miles  to  the  north  of  Katoko. 
At  Ngalangi  two  boys  of  the  Ovimbundu  were  questioned  with 
regard  to  their  experiences  in  the  initiation  camp. 

It  is  certain  that  initiation  ceremonies  are  held  at  irregular 
intervals  and  not  more  frequently  than  once  in  four  years.  The 
name  given  to  the  ceremonies  for  boys  in  the  Ngalangi  area  is 
ocinganji  (oci,  "big";  nganji,  "judge,"  or  a  masked  person).  When 
there  is  a  number  of  boys  who  have  not  been  circumcised,  these 
approach  the  oldest  men  to  ask  for  a  circumcision  ceremony.  The 
old  men  visit  the  sekulu  ("headman")  of  the  village  to  request  that 
arrangements  shall  be  made.  An  ocimbanda  ("medicine-man"), 
assisted  by  other  men,  prepares  a  camp  in  a  wooded  area.  Usually 
the  father  of  each  boy  has  to  arrange  that  a  tutor  shall  accompany 
his  son  to  the  camp,  but  sometimes  as  many  as  three  boys  have  the 
same  guardian.  The  guardian  receives  a  small  fee,  possibly  nothing 
more  valuable  than  a  chicken. 

The  camp  is  made  on  the  side  of  a  stream  remote  from  the 
village.  Each  boy  takes  a  chicken  to  the  camp  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  special  meal,  which  is  given  at  the  name-changing  ceremony 
which  follows  initiation.  The  chicken  is  eaten  soon  after  the  boy 
has  been  circumcised.  The  boy  changes  his  own  name  for  a  new 
one  which  is  announced  in  the  village  from  which  he  came.  While 
circumcision  is  in  progress  the  enclosure  is  surrounded  by  male 
drummers  and  men  who  shout,  so  that  any  noise  made  by  the  boys 
during  circumcision  will  not  be  heard. 

The  period  spent  in  camp  is  uncertain,  probably  from  three 
to  six  months.  The  rule  is  that  camp  is  not  disbanded  until  every 
boy  is  healed;  which  means  that  the  confinement  may  be  greatly 


Education  229 

prolonged  if  even  one  boy  fails  to  recover.  One  of  the  two  youths 
interrogated  said  that  in  his  camp  there  were  seventy-eight  boys, 
three  of  whom  died.  My  other  informant  said  that  in  his  camp 
there  were  sixty-eight  boys,  only  one  of  whom  died.  The  informants 
agreed  that  the  deaths  were  due  to  an  epidemic  of  influenza  and 
not  to  privations  or  septic  conditions  arising  from  the  operation. 

During  the  period  of  seclusion  the  boys  are  taught  songs  and 
dances  used  at  the  ceremony  that  celebrates  the  conclusion  of  their 
initiation.  By  privation  the  boys  are  taught  the  value  of  food  and 
fire.  Novices  are  beaten  if  they  show  any  disrespect  for  their 
guardians,  and  trifling  offences  are  severely  punished.  Every  boy 
has  to  take  from  the  fire  a  burning  stick,  which  he  holds  in  his  hand 
while  running  between  two  lines  of  men  who  beat  him,  and  if  he 
drops  the  stick  he  has  to  start  his  run  once  more.  The  boys  swear 
allegiance  to  one  another.  A  novice  thinks  that  he  will  die  if  he 
gives  information  to  a  woman  or  to  a  man  who  has  not  been  initiated. 

From  his  mother,  each  boy  receives  food  in  a  gourd  which  he 
deposits  on  the  bank  of  a  river  near  the  novices'  camp.  If  a  boy 
dies,  a  hole  is  bored  in  the  gourd  so  that  when  the  mother  receives 
this  she  will  not  send  more  food.  Each  guardian  has  a  stick  which 
is  sent  to  the  mother  of  his  pupil  when  the  ceremony  of  initiation 
and  seclusion  is  ended.  If  the  boy  has  died,  bark  is  cut  from  both 
ends  of  the  stick  before  this  symbol  of  death  is  sent  to  his  parents. 

When  the  boys  come  out  from  their  camp  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  rites  one  man  and  one  woman  stand  on  the  bank  of  the  river, 
and  the  boys  pass  under  the  legs  of  both  the  man  and  the  woman. 
When  the  boys  arrive  at  the  village  the  whole  population  comes 
out  to  welcome  them.  There  is  a  feast  and  beer-drinking  bout  on 
the  day  of  return. 

During  seclusion  no  water  is  allowed  for  washing,  and  the  inform- 
ants laughed  as  they  spoke  of  the  order  "wash  hands,"  whereupon 
the  boys  merely  rubbed  their  hands  together.  When  the  order, 
"wash  dishes,"  was  given  the  boys  rubbed  their  platters  with  their 
hands.  On  the  day  of  leaving  camp  the  novices  bathe  in  the  river. 
Ablution  consists  of  three  dips,  after  each  of  which  the  boy  stands 
on  the  bank  until  he  is  dry. 

For  two  months  the  boys  wear  strips  of  bark  cloth.  During  this 
period  all  the  novices  must  move  together,  but  there  is  no  objection 
to  their  leaving  the  village  provided  they  do  so  all  in  one  company. 
While  wearing  bark  cloth  the  boys  have  each  day  to  attend  a  cere- 


230  The  Ovimbundu 

mony  at  which  the  older  initiates  dance  while  the  novices  clap 
their  hands. 

I  witnessed  the  dance  of  initiated  boys  at  Ngongo,  where  the 
costumes  resembled  those  I  had  seen  at  Katoko.  At  night  a  youth 
brought  for  me  a  set  of  initiation  costumes  (Plate  LXXVIII,  Fig.  1), 
which  resembled  those  worn  during  the  dance;  this  he  did  with  great 
secrecy. 

While  at  Ngalangi,  the  initiation  of  girls  was  investigated.  After  sev- 
eral days  of  negotiation  with  a  village  headman  three  female  guardians 
of  the  girls  came  from  the  bush.  The  illustrations  (Plate  LXXVII, 
Figs.  1,  2)  show  the  attitudes  of  these  women  and  their  decoration. 
There  were  three  male  drummers  in  the  orchestra  and  several  women, 
who  sang  and  clapped  their  hands.  On  emerging  from  the  bush  the 
females  moved  toward  the  orchestra  with  their  backs  toward  the 
players.  As  there  were  about  two  hundred  yards  to  cover,  this 
slow  backward  movement  occupied  a  long  time,  since  the  three 
women  did  not  take  more  than  a  few  inches  at  each  step.  The  dance 
itself  was  a  slow,  shuffling,  swaying  movement,  made  while  the 
bodies  of  the  performers  remained  inclined  forward  and  their  heads 
were  bent  so  that  it  was  almost  impossible  to  see  their  faces.  The 
women  wore  no  clothing  except  loin  cloths.  Each  female  was 
plastered  from  head  to  foot  with  alternate  bands  of  red  and  white 
clay  smeared  thickly.  These  three  females  are  the  women  who  act 
as  instructors  for  the  girls  during  isolation  in  the  bush  where  they 
receive  sexual  and  domestic  instruction. 

The  seclusion  of  girls  covers  a  period  of  one  month.  During 
this  time  the  novices  suffer  no  harsh  treatment  though  an  operation 
is  performed,  possibly  excision  of  the  clitoris,  but  I  am  not  certain 
on  this  point.  It  was  also  stated  that  a  corncob  is  introduced  into 
the  vagina.  The  tribe  practising  this  ceremony  for  girls  was  the 
Vanyemba,  living  close  to  the  Ovimbundu  at  Ngongo  near  Ngalangi 
in  central  Angola. 

In  order  to  corroborate  further  the  two  accounts  of  initiation 
ceremonies  for  boys  I  journeyed  to  Cangamba  in  Moxico,  eastern 
Angola.  The  position  of  the  two  first  centers  visited  (Katoko  and 
Ngongo)  is  on  the  border  line  where  Ovimbundu  and  Vachokue 
mingle,  and  although  there  is  a  mixture  of  these  and  other  tribes 
at  Cangamba,  the  culture,  language,  and  physique  of  the  Vachokue 
predominate.  A  description  of  the  circumcision  ceremonies  witnessed 
at  Cangamba  is  given  below  for  comparison  with  the  accounts 
resulting  from  visits  to  Katoko  and  Ngongo. 


Education  231 

The  compound  in  which  the  initiates  had  been  confined  for 
three  months  was  a  circular  enclosure  made  of  light  branches  and 
leafy  boughs,  at  the  narrow  embrasure  of  which  stood  a  guardian 
of  the  boys,  who  permitted  entrance.  In  the  middle  of  the  large 
enclosure  were  seven  small  cages,  each  of  which  was  just  large  enough 
to  allow  one  boy  to  lie  on  his  back,  and  I  was  informed  that  the  boys 
lie  thus  for  two  weeks  after  circumcision  (Plate  LXXX,  Fig.  2). 

The  ages  of  the  boys  appeared  to  be  from  ten  to  seventeen  years 
(Plate  LXXX,  Fig.  1),  an  observation  which  agrees  well  with  that 
made  at  Katoko  and  Ngongo.  The  disparity  of  age  among  the 
novices  at  each  center  where  initiation  was  observed  bears  out  the 
statement  that  initiation  ceremonies  are  held  at  irregular  intervals, 
but  not  more  frequently  than  once  in  four  years. 

During  confinement  in  the  large  enclosure  the  novices  had  made 
masks  and  costumes  (Plate  LXXIX,  Fig.  1),  and  when  they  were 
pulling  on  the  coarse  netting  suits,  which  fit  tightly,  I  observed 
that  circumcision  had  been  performed  thoroughly,  evidently  some 
weeks  ago,  for  the  wounds  were  healed.  Masks  were  obtained,  and 
these  the  instructors  of  the  boys  were  careful  to  wrap  in  bark  cloth, 
at  the  same  time  requesting  me  not  to  show  the  objects  to  women. 

A  few  days  later  these  boys  returned  to  their  village  to  dance 
while  wearing  the  costumes  which  had  been  made  in  the  enclosure. 
At  Cangamba  the  final  ceremony  lasted  twelve  hours  amid  great 
excitement,  including  ceaseless  drumming  and  dancing.  One  boy, 
who  wore  a  skirt  on  his  fiber  costume,  lifted  this  to  display  an 
artificial  penis  of  great  size  (Plate  LXXIX,  Fig.  2).  This  organ 
he  grasped  in  his  hand  while  chasing  the  women  and  girls,  who 
ran  away  screaming  and  laughing. 

At  this  ceremony  there  appeared  stilt-walkers  (Plate  LXXXI, 
Fig.  1)  and  a  medicine-man,  a  member  of  the  Luchazi  tribe  (Plate 
LXXXI,  Fig.  2). 

Circumcision  among  the  Bdjok  (Vachokue)  has  been  witnessed 
by  C.  P.  Holdredge  and  described  by  Kimball  Young  (Amer.  Anthr., 
XXIX,  pp.  661-669).  This  ceremony  took  place  in  the  far  north- 
east of  Angola.  The  man  described  as  the  magish  of  whom  women 
are  afraid,  but  who  is  known  to  the  initiates,  corresponds  to  the 
Uluchazi  medicine-man  seen  in  the  final  ceremony  at  Cangamba. 
Of  this  grotesquely  dressed  person  the  men  and  boys  took  no  notice, 
neither  did  he  pay  attention  to  them.  On  the  contrary  he  chased 
women,  who  ran  away  screaming.  Kimball  Young's  description 
of  the  enclosure  where  boys  are  confined,  and  his  account  of  the 


232  The  Ovimbundu 

short  fiber  skirts  worn  within  this  enclosure  by  the  novices,  are  in 
agreement  with  the  observations  made  at  Cangamba.  There  is 
also  a  close  resemblance  between  the  independent  accounts  of 
H.  Baumann  and  F.  and  W.  Jaspert  for  the  Vachokue,  also  P.  A. 
Delille  and  E.  de  Jonghe  for  the  southwest  Congo. 

The  question  of  initiation  rites,  past  and  present,  among  people 
of  pure  Umbundu  culture  is  important.  The  matter  is  more  fully 
dealt  with  later  in  discussing  cultural  contacts  and  cultural  losses, 
but  there  are  a  few  points  which  should  not  be  omitted  here. 

At  Caconda,  an  Umbundu  center  of  western  Angola,  Pere  R.  P. 
Laagel  stated  that  only  two  years  ago  he  had  visited  an  initiation 
camp  of  Ovimbundu  boys  in  the  hope  of  persuading  them  to  return 
to  his  mission  school  at  Caconda.  My  informant  stated  that  the 
boys  were  circumcised,  beaten,  and  confined  to  an  enclosure  for 
several  weeks.  Those  who  cried  out  when  flogged  received  a  double 
portion  of  blows.  Poisoning  is  the  fate  of  a  boy  who  reveals  the 
secrets  of  the  initiation  camp  to  women  or  uninitiated  boys.  This 
is  the  most  direct  testimony  I  have  received  concerning  initiation 
rites  among  unmixed  Ovimbundu. 

From  Bailundu  and  Elende  I  have  obtained  slight  evidence  of 
initiation  rites.  At  the  former  place,  which,  like  Elende,  is  a  center 
of  the  Ovimbundu  tribe,  fiber  costumes  were  obtained.  The  mask 
from  Elende  is  unlike  those  used  at  Cangamba,  Katoko,  and  Ngongo. 
The  fiber  suits  are,  however,  no  different  from  costumes  used  at 
these  places.  Initiation  ceremonies  are  not  held  at  Elende  today, 
and  beyond  Dr.  Ennis's  statement  that  circumcision  rites  have  been 
revived  in  the  past  fifteen  years  of  his  long  residence  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Elende,  I  have  no  evidence  of  ritual. 

The  data  relating  to  initiation  of  boys  in  Angola  suggest  loss 
of  the  initiatory  rites  from  Umbundu  culture,  until  only  a  few  old 
masks  and  costumes,  along  with  attenuated  ritual,  remain  sporadi- 
cally. On  the  contrary,  in  eastern  Angola  and  particularly  among 
the  Vachokue,  who  are  farther  than  the  Ovimbundu  from  coastal 
influence,  initiation  ceremonies  flourish.  At  present  there  is  occurring 
a  penetration  of  initiation  rites  from  the  Vachokue  area  into  east- 
central  Angola,  which  is  a  region  of  cultural  admixture. 

The  foregoing  pages  have  described  certain  institutions  and  social 
forces  which  collectively  bring  individuals  into  conformity  with  tribal 
standards  of  conduct.  The  influences  at  work  in  this  direction  may 
be  direct  or  indirect. 


Education  233 

Among  direct  educational  forces  are  the  home  training  given 
by  parents  and  the  mutual  responsibility  of  children  and  their 
mother's  brother,  whose  reciprocal  obligations  have  been  explained. 
Family  life  is  undeniably  an  important  institution  whose  power  is 
by  no  means  suppressed  by  the  strength  of  the  village  community 
and  tribal  organization. 

Initiation,  which  may  or  may  not  coincide  with  puberty,  is 
perhaps  the  most  potent  direct  influence  in  formation  of  character 
and  the  inculcation  of  principles  tending  to  tribal  solidarity. 
Formerly  warfare  and  hunting  were  more  important  than  they  are 
today,  consequently  initiation  rites  imposing  hardship  and  emphasiz- 
ing the  importance  of  concerted  action,  had  a  greater  social  value 
than  they  have  at  present. 

Formal  instruction  in  industries  such  as  iron-working,  or  pro- 
fessional hunting,  indicates  one  aspect  of  occupational  training. 
In  these  instances  there  are  apprenticeship  and  an  initiatory  rite. 
All  children  are,  however,  subject  to  an  indirect  industrial  education 
through  the  agency  of  play,  while  a  few,  according  to  desire  and 
aptitude,  become  experts  in  some  particular  occupation. 

At  all  times  the  force  of  suggestion  is  at  work  in  the  home,  in 
the  men's  council  house,  and  through  everyday  observation  of  the 
conduct  of  elders.  Probably  folklore  stories  also  have  an  indirect 
educational  value,  because  some  of  the  fables  show  the  desirability 
of  courage,  honesty,  and  foresight,  at  the  same  time  deprecating 
cowardice,  stupidity,  and  low  cunning. 

In  chapter  IX  religious  beliefs  are  discussed,  and,  in  connection 
with  these,  standards  of  conduct  are  outlined.  Although  the  Ovim- 
bundu  have  a  belief  in  a  supreme  being  and  creator  (Suku),  and 
although  they  believe  in  survival  after  death,  there  is  no  evidence 
to  show  that  conduct  and  education  are  influenced  by  theological 
beliefs.  Suku,  who  is  vaguely  conceived,  is  far  away  and  unin- 
terested. He  issues  no  commands.  Neither  is  there  a  belief  in 
punishments  and  rewards  after  death.  The  standards  of  conduct 
are  based  on  utilitarian  principles  which  secure  harmony  and  unity. 

The  efficiency  of  the  direct  and  indirect  educational  forces  of 
the  Ovimbundu  is  attested  by  the  history  of  the  tribe.  The  indige- 
nous system  of  education,  supported  by  favorable  environment, 
consolidated  these  people  so  that  they  became  the  dominating  power 
in  Angola.  Moreover,  their  cohesion  has  been  such  that  three 
centuries  of  European  contacts  have  failed  to  eliminate  all  the 
basic  elements  of  their  tribal  life. 


VIII.    LANGUAGE 
Affinities  of  Umbundu 

The  Umbundu  language  is  widely  understood  in  Angola  owing 
to  the  journeys  of  the  Ovimbundu  as  raiders  and  traders  in  large 
caravans.  Umbundu  is  as  important  for  communication  in  Angola 
as  Hausa  is  for  Nigeria,  or  Swahili  for  the  east  coast  of  Africa. 

Notwithstanding  this  use  of  Umbundu  as  a  lingua  franca  it  is 
necessary  to  note  that  tribes  surrounding  the  Ovimbundu  have 
their  own  distinctive  Bantu  languages;  moreover,  the  Umbundu 
language  itself  has  several  dialects. 

For  example,  the  Vasele  tribe  living  in  rugged  country  in  the 
hinterland  of  Novo  Redondo  have  a  dialect  of  Umbundu  (Usele)  so 
distinctive  that  a  competent  Ocimbundu  interpreter  has  difficulty 
in  making  himself  understood,  or  interpreting  what  is  said.  Isola- 
tion of  the  Vasele  from  the  Ovimbundu  has  led  to  the  formation  of 
a  cultural  pocket  in  which  linguistic  developments  have  shared  in 
a  specialization  of  culture.  The  differences  between  the  Umbundu 
of  Elende  and  that  of  the  Ambundu  tribes  may  be  noted  by  comparing 
this  brief  outline  of  Umbundu,  recorded  at  Elende,  with  the  records 
of  Amandus  Johnson,  whose  research  relates  to  the  language  spoken 
in  the  hinterland  of  Loanda.  The  present  chapter  will  deal  only 
with  notes  on  vocabulary,  phonetics,  an  outline  of  grammar,  sign 
language,  folklore  and  proverbs,  all  of  which  are  briefly  treated. 
In  the  field  phonographic  records  of  the  Umbundu  language  were 
taken,  and  for  the  analysis  of  tonal  values  and  other  aspects  of 
phonetics  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  M.  H.  Watkins,  a  student  of  Professor 
E.  Sapir,  formerly  of  the  University  of  Chicago,  now  at  Yale. 

The  section  on  Umbundu  grammar  conclusively  shows  Umbundu 
to  be  a  representative  language  of  the  Bantu  family  of  languages. 
Umbundu  possesses  all  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  Bantu 
speech.  The  truth  of  this  may  be  seen  by  comparing  this  outline 
of  Umbundu  with  the  analysis  of  Bantu  languages  given  by  A. 
Werner  (Language  Families  of  Africa,  London,  1925).  Moreover, 
Carl  Meinhof  (Grundzuge  einer  vergleichenden  Grammatik  der 
Bantu  Sprachen,  Berlin,  1906,  pp.  112-115,  and  translation  by 
A.  Werner  and  N.  J.  von  Warmelo,  London,  1932)  indicates  the 
degree  of  relationship  of  Umbundu  to  other  Bantu  tongues  by  giv- 
ing comparisons  of  the  stems  of  personal  and  possessive  pronouns, 
along  with  other  comparative  data. 

234 


Language  235 

H.  H.  Johnston  (A  Comparative  Study  of  the  Bantu  and  Semi- 
Bantu  Languages,  Oxford,  1919,  vol.  I,  p.  350)  places  Umbundu  in 
his  Group  X ;  that  is,  the  southwestern  group  of  Bantu  languages. 
Johnston's  map  indicates  that  throughout  Angola  there  is  a  gradual 
transition  from  the  southwestern  Bantu  group  to  that  of  the  south- 
west Congo,  which  is  exactly  what  might  be  expected  from  a  con- 
sideration of  the  geographical  position  of  Angola.  Johnston's 
grouping  is  based  on  root  forms  and  vocabulary. 

This  difficulty  of  making  a  comparison  of  the  affinities  of 
Umbundu  does  not  preclude  the  possibility  of  recording  some 
preliminary  observations,   especially  with  regard   to  vocabulary. 

F.  and  W.  Jaspert  have  prepared  a  comparative  vocabulary  of 
250  words  in  the  languages  of  the  Ovimbundu,  the  Luena,  the 
Basongo,  the  Luchazi,  the  Luimbi,  and  the  Vachokue  tribes. 
Inspection  of  the  columns  indicates  a  close  connection  of  Songo, 
Luchazi,  and  Luimbi;  in  fact,  the  vocabularies  of  the  two  latter 
are  almost  identical.  The  vocabularies  of  the  Vachokue  and  the 
Luena  have  much  in  common  with  those  mentioned,  but  the 
Umbundu  vocabulary  has  only  a  minor  agreement  with  the  vocab- 
ularies of  these  eastern  and  northeastern  tribes.  There  are,  how- 
ever, some  words  which  are  identical  in  all  these  languages  mentioned 
by  F.  and  W.  Jaspert.  Examples  of  identity,  or  very  close  similarity, 
are  found  in  the  words  for  "bow,"  "elephant,"  "to  eat,"  "firestick," 
"finger,"  and  a  few  other  forms,  but  the  principal  deduction 
from  inspection  of  the  columns  is  the  distinctiveness  of  the  Umbundu 
vocabulary. 

On  the  contrary,  examination  of  the  vocabularies  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu and  the  Vakuanyama,  of  the  south  of  Angola,  appears  to 
justify  Johnston's  inclusion  of  Umbundu  with  southwestern  Bantu 
in  so  far  as  similarity  of  vocabulary  is  a  criterion.  The  correspond- 
ence is  further  borne  out  by  P.  H.  Brincker's  "Lehrbuch  des  Oshi- 
kuanyama."  In  the  light  of  these  comparisons  the  relationship  of 
Umbundu  vocabularies  is  readily  seen,  for  instead  of  searching  for 
similarities  the  numerous  identities  are  at  once  evident.  At  a  glance 
one  sees  that  the  Umbundu  and  Kuanyama  words  for  "arm," 
"arrow,"  "ax,"  "banana,"  "beard,"  "bird,"  "blood,"  "bone," 
"breast,"  "charcoal,"  "guinea  fowl,"  "hand,"  and  "hoe,"  are 
either  identical  or  closely  related.  I  noted  the  easy  communication 
of  my  Ocimbundu  interpreter  with  the  Vakuanyama  of  Mongua. 

Some  of  the  following  chapters  show  that  the  Ovimbundu  have 
an  undeniable  southwest  Congo  culture;  they  have,  however,  taken 


236  The  Ovimbundu 

cattle  and  a  few  other  traits  from  the  Vakuanyama  of  southern 
Angola,  and  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  the  vocabularies  of 
the  Ovimbundu  and  the  Vakuanyama  have  been  influenced  by 
these  southern  contacts.  Yet  structure  will  prove  the  final  arbiter 
in  deciding  linguistic  relationships,  for  the  Ovimbundu  as  exten- 
sive travelers  have  widely  distributed  their  vocabulary. 

Caution  is  necessary  in  making  comparisons  of  Umbundu  with 
surrounding  languages;  for,  although  Kuanyama  has  received  careful 
attention,  and  the  researches  of  Meinhof  have  given  a  reliable 
background  for  Ovambo  and  Herero  speech,  the  language  of  the 
Vachokue  of  eastern  Angola  and  the  speech  of  the  Mussurongo  of 
northern  Angola,  call  for  a  comprehensive  work.  Moreover,  there 
yet  remains  the  task  of  providing  a  standard  Umbundu  dictionary 
and  grammar,  and  pending  the  collation  of  this  linguistic  material 
there  are  no  means  of  determining  the  exact  syntactical,  phonetic, 
and  other  relationships  of  Umbundu. 

Vocabulary 

Apart  from  a  broad  question  of  the  linguistic  evidence  of  culture 
contacts,  there  are  points  of  interest  connected  with  the  recording  of 
vocabularies  in  a  restricted  area.  Under  the  heading  "Nature  Lore" 
attention  was  called  to  an  extensive  Umbundu  vocabulary  connected 
with  those  activities  which  underlie  the  economic  structure.  The 
vocabulary  showed  that  the  Ovimbundu  are  keen  observers  whose 
activities  have  resulted  in  the  formation  of  a  large  vocabulary 
arising  from  trades  and  occupations.  In  nature  study  many  fine 
distinctions  are  made;  thus,  there  are  words  to  distinguish  not  only 
trees  and  plants  of  economic  importance,  but  varieties  of  snakes 
and  lizards  which  are  of  no  great  economic  interest. 

In  order  to  test  further  mental  activity  and  the  acquisition  of 
vocabulary,  an  Ocimbundu  girl  of  about  twelve  years  of  age  was 
asked  to  name  some  of  the  objects  in  my  collection.  Without 
hesitation  she  made  the  following  list.  The  object  was  indicated, 
then  the  child  gave  the  name.  This  information  was  checked  by 
an  adult  interpreter  who  found  that  the  child  was  correct  in  every 
instance,  although  the  objects  do  not  specially  appeal  to  the  in- 
terests of  a  young  girl. 

The  objects  named  by  this  girl  are  as  follows: 

Ocimanda.  Wooden  dish.  Ukinda.  Switch  made  from  the  tail  of 
Omutopa.    Tobacco-pipe  made  from  a         an  ox. 

horn.  Opatalonya.    Leather  pouch  for  belt. 

Etenga.    Pipe  for  smoking  hemp.  Upi.    Pounding  stick. 

Ocinunga.    Brass  bracelet.  Ombenje.    Gourd  with  a  long  neck. 


Language  237 

Onganja.    Large  round  gourd.  Embungumbungu.    Bull-roarer. 

Onguwa.   Net  in  which  gourd  is  carried.  Olosangu  (singular,  olusangu).    Rattles 

Ohonji.    Bow.  for  tying  on  the  legs  when  dancing. 

Usongo.    Arrow.  Olumbendo.    Wooden  flute. 

Olundovi  (plural  olondori)     Bark  rope,  g^  m  oeifiumia0t    Wooden  hair. 

Ombulunwumba.    Musical  bow.  comb. 

Onoma.    Drum.  Osinja.     Long  needle  used  in  making 

OhuHya.    Throwing  stick.  mats 

Ohanyanga     Drill  for  boring  wood  0nemk     Wooden    j          and  doye 

Ongombo.     Basket  used  in  divination.  _    ,         -,     -  . 

Esanga.    Water  jar.  0sala-  ,   Head-dress    worn    by    kings, 

r\  >             T     t         1       -i  warriors,  medicine-men  and  hunters. 

Ocipupu.    Jar  for  palm  oil  Small  bmsh  used  b     medicine-man. 

Ocimbangu.     Skin-covered  box  carried  _  .„        „             _     , 

to  war  by  a  king.  Ocinumariuma.    Wooden  image  of  hu- 

Omusaka   (diminutive,   okamisaka).         man  "S111"6- 

Flour-sifter.  Olupunda.    Rat  trap  of  cane. 

Opesi.    Tobacco-pipe.  Ombntesa.    Snuff  box. 

The  names  for  colors  are  restricted  to  a  few  words;  but  in  all 
other  respects  the  Umbundu  vocabulary  is  extensive. 

My  interpreter  said,  "When  I  was  learning  colors,  the  women 
at  the  school  told  me  many  names,  but  I  could  see  no  difference  at 
all."  Ngonga  contended  that  there  was  no  difference  between  the 
color  of  a  dark  blue  book  and  the  black  box  on  which  it  was  resting. 

The  following  colors  have  names.  Black  is  tekava.  White  is 
yela.  Yellow  is  ondunga.  Red  is  kusuka.  Greens  and  blues  are 
not  well  distinguished  linguistically,  but  green  is  anirtamboto.  The 
word  tekavisa  is  used  to  indicate  that  a  color  is  not  distinctly  green 
or  blue.  The  word  yelisa  is  used  to  describe  gray,  and  all  dark 
reds.    Wumbula  is  the  term  which  describes  a  greenish-blue  shade. 

A  further  study  of  vocabulary  was  made  by  asking  Ngonga 
to  speak  into  the  dictaphone.  In  doing  so  he  gave  lists  of  words 
including  nouns  in  their  singular  and  plural  forms,  together  with 
many  examples  of  other  parts  of  speech  and  illustrations  of  syntax. 
These  records  have  been  transcribed  by  Dr.  M.  H.  Watkins.  (This 
section  was  prepared  with  use  of  phonetic  symbols  that  were  easily 
available.  For  the  most  recent  system,  see  "Practical  Phonetics  for 
Students  of  African  Languages,"  by  D.  Westermann  and  I.  C. 
Ward,  London,  1933.) 

Phonetics 
vowels 

The  vowels  are  a,  e,  i,  o,  u,  and  perhaps  a.  They  seem  to  be  some- 
what lower  than  the  cardinal  vowels.  There  was  only  one  word  in 
which  the  vowel  a  was  heard,  dpdtdl&nd  (leather  pouch  for  a  belt). 
This  word,  however,  appears  in  the  field  notes  as  opatalona  (opata- 


238 


The  Ovimbundu 


lonya)  and  the  obscure  vowel  heard  might  have  been  a  result  of 
imperfection  in  the  record.  These  vowels  are  fairly  close  to  the 
European  vowels,  their  nearest  equivalents  in  the  European  languages 
being  approximately  as  represented  below: 

a,  as  in  German  Masse. 

e,  as  in  French  He". 

i,  as  in  English  machine. 

o,  as  French  eau. 

u,  as  in  German  Buck. 

2,  as  e  in  German  Klasse,  and  a  in  about. 

The  nasal  vowel  q  appears  in  a  fairly  large  number  of  words, 
and  the  nasal  g  is  occasionally  heard.  Before  another  vowel,  u  takes 
the  sound  of  w:  bhohyb  (olu-eyo),  "broom";  dtumqlq'  twayge*  (tu-ayge), 
"my  little  children." 

The  rising  diphthongs  (a,  je,  ju,  and  jo  and  the  falling  diphthong 
a\  appear  in  the  material,  but  every  combination  of  two  vowels 
does  not  make  a  diphthong.  In  several  instances,  when  a  word 
terminating  in  a  vowel  was  followed  by  another  word,  the  initial 
letter  of  which  was  also  a  vowel,  the  final  vowel  was  elided.  Final 
vowels  on  the  low  tone  tend  to  vanish;  that  is,  they  are  only  slightly 
voiced,  as  in  dsaygokaluygi  (dsaygd  dkaluygi),  "he  found  (a)  little 
hole";  ndav6len6ne~  (ndave"ld  enenb),  "I  am  big  sick."    (I  am  very  sick.) 

CONSONANTS 

The  table  of  consonants  is  as  follows: 


StoDs  1  Voiced 
I  Voiceless 

Spirantsj™<*f 

I  Voiceless 
Aflfricatives  I  Voiced 

I  Voiceless 
Nasals 
Lateral 
Semivowels 


Bilabial 

Dentilabial 

Alveolar 

Prepalatal 

Palatal 

Glottal 

b 

d,  »d 

9 

V 

V 

t 

k 

f 

s 
dj,  ndj 
tc 

h 

m 

n 
I 

n 

V 

w  and  y 

The  symbols  nd  and  ndj  indicate  "nasal  attack"  consonants,  i.e., 
the  fully  pronounced  consonants  d,  dj,  and  g  are  preceded  by  their 
homo-organic  nasals  not  completely  formed.  It  is  as  if  one  prepared 
to  make  the  sound  of  n  but  before  its  completion  changed  to  d  or  dj; 
likewise  the  change  is  made  from  y  to  g.     Letter  c  is  ch  as  in  church. 


Language  239 

tone  and  stress 

Apparently  there  are  three  tones  in  this  language,  but  one 
cannot  be  quite  sure,  since  under  the  somewhat  unusual  condition 
of  attempting  to  record  his  voice  on  the  dictaphone  the  informant 
might  have  distorted  the  pitch  of  certain  syllables.  That  three 
tones  can  be  distinguished  when  listening  to  the  records,  and  that 
these  tones  tend  to  follow  a  definite  pattern,  for  example,  in  the 
singular  and  plural  forms  of  the  same  word,  can  be  asserted  with 
satisfaction;  but  there  is  less  assurance  in  trying  to  understand  all 
the  nuances  of  these  tones  and  in  assigning  them,  without  reservation, 
a  definite  place  in  the  phonetics  of  the  language.  Nothing  short  of 
field  work  aided  by  delicate  instruments  can  afford  any  satisfactory 
conclusions  on  this  point. 

The  data  did  not  present  any  clear  instance  in  which  tone  had 
semantic  value.  That  is,  there  were  no  examples  of  two  or  more 
words,  which,  otherwise  identical,  differed  only  in  tone  and  meaning. 

The  field  notes  state  that  the  difference  between  cardinal  and 
ordinal  numbers  is  one  of  tone  only,  and  this  was  partially  verified 
from  the  phonographic  records,  but  the  words  were  not  clear  enough 
for  transcription. 

The  following  words  have  tones  of  semantic  value,  but  the 
phonographic  record  was  not  clear.  Kalunga,  according  to  tone, 
can  mean  "god,"  "sea,"  "death,"  or  "greeting."  Ombambi  can  mean 
a  "fever"  (low  tone)  or  a  "bush  buck"  (high  tone).  Onjila  means 
"bird"  or  "path."  Ombundi  means  "gateway"  or  the  root  which  is 
commonly  used  in  brewing  beer.  Ongongo  means  "earth"  (middle 
tone),  or  "hardship"  (high  tone). 

In  this  chapter  tones  are  indicated  by  placing  a  grave  accent  (d) 
to  indicate  a  low  tone,  and  an  acute  accent  (d)  to  show  the  occurrence 
of  a  high  tone.    The  middle  tone  is  left  unmarked. 

The  tones  are  not  fixed,  and  they  will  be  shown  to  shift  in  context. 
For  example,  a  high  tone  on  the  penultimate  syllable  tends  to  be 
carried  along  to  the  last  syllable  also.  This  shifting  of  tone  is 
especially  noticeable  when  a  noun  is  brought  into  concord  with  its 
qualifying  adjective  or  relative,  or  when  a  noun  is  the  subject  of 
a  verb.  The  following  are  instances  in  which  tones  do  not  maintain 
their  original  positions  as  found  in  isolated  words:  uti,  "tree," 
utt  unkind,  "large  tree";  blwkyb,  "broom,"  6lw6y6  luwa,  "good  broom"; 
dmunu,  "person,"  omunu  utito,  "small  person." 

This  kind  of  tonal  behavior  was  clearly  indicated  in  five  records 
of  single  words,  and  expressions  of  two  words.    But  in  the  transcrip- 


240  The  Ovimbundu 

tions  of  folklore  texts  tonal  behavior  will  be  seen  to  be  less  consistent. 
Discrepancies  in  the  incidence  of  tones  may  be  due  to  different  speeds 
at  which  words  are  spoken.  The  placing  of  tones  is  perhaps  most 
reliable  when  transcriptions  are  made  from  free,  continuous  speech, 
as  in  the  case  of  fluent  reading,  or  talking  in  continuous  sentences. 
Many  words  received  a  definite  stress  on  the  last  syllable,  and 
in  others  the  penultimate  syllable  received  a  light  stress.  The 
majority,  however,  received  slight,  if  any,  stress,  hence  no  definite 
conclusions  could  be  reached  on  this  subject.  In  several  instances 
it  is  obvious  that  the  informant  was  striving  to  be  clear  and  distinct 
in  pronouncing  each  syllable;  therefore  he  possibly  sacrificed  certain 
characteristics  of  his  intonation. 

THE  SYLLABLE 

Every  syllable  ends  in  a  vowel,  consequently  a  vowel  terminates 
each  word,  and  consonants  are  pronounced  with  the  following  vowel, 
or  with  a  consonant  plus  the  vowel.  The  vowel  of  the  penultimate 
syllable  is  long  when  the  word  stands  alone,  and  in  larger  sound- 
groups  the  vowel  is  long  in  the  penultimate  syllable  of  the  last 
word,  while  in  the  preceding  word,  or  words,  the  corresponding  vowel 
seems  to  be  only  half  the  length.  Vowel  length  is  not  indicated  in 
these  transcriptions. 

Grammar 
the  class  system 

The  data  available  were  sufficient  to  establish  the  following 
classes  of  nouns,  on  the  basis  of  their  prefixes  in  the  singular  and 
plural;  the  formation  of  the  adjectival  or  relative  concords  was 
likewise  noted.    There  is  no  assurance  that  this  list  is  exhaustive. 


Class 

Prefix 

Relative 

Singular 

Plural 

Singular 

Plural 

1. 

omu-,  omo- 

oma- 

U- 

va- 

la. 
2. 

u- 

u-,  oku- 

a-,  ova- 
ovo- 

U- 

u-  (ku-) 

va- 
a- 

3. 
4. 
5. 
6. 

u- 
o- 
olu- 
otci- 

ovi-,  i- 
olo- 
olo-,  a- 
ovi-,  i- 

u- 

t 

tci- 

vi- 
vi- 
vi-,  a- 
vi- 

7. 

7a. 

8. 

e- 

-,  i- 
oka- 

a-,  ova- 

ova- 

otu- 

li- 
li- 
ka- 

a- 
a- 
tu- 

According  to  the  principle  of  concord,  the  noun  prefix  is  the 
governing  element  which  determines  the  concordial  agreement  of 
parts  of  speech  when  these  are  brought  into  relationship  with  the 
noun.    The  prefixes  also  indicate  number  and,  together  with  the 


Language  241 

concordial  agreement  as  stated  above,  divide  the  nouns  into  several 
classes  or  class  genders.  We  need  not  enter  upon  a  general  discussion 
of  concord,  which  in  the  Bantu  languages  is  a  method  of  expressing 
grammatical  relations  that  are  of  fundamental  importance.  Concord 
need  not  always  appear  in  the  form  of  perfect  alliteration,  although 
it  frequently  does  so,  for  the  essential  fact  is  that  all  nouns  of  the 
same  class  are  recognizable  as  such,  and  other  elements  of  speech 
when  brought  into  syntactic  agreement  with  these  nouns  must 
carry  similar  distinctions. 

Students  of  Bantu  have  suggested  that  the  various  noun  classes 
probably  represent  a  proto-Bantu  classification  which  formerly 
betokened  a  grouping  based  on  common  characteristics  (A.  Werner, 
Some  Bantu  Linguistic  Problems,  Jour.  Afr.  Soc,  XXVIII,  1928-29, 
pp.  155-165).  The  nouns  listed  here  under  Class  1  may  accordingly 
be  recognized  as  belonging  to  the  so-called  personal  class,  and  the 
prefixes  of  Class  8  indicate  a  diminutive  class. 

CLASS  1 

Singular  Prefix:  omu-,  omo-  Relative:  u- 

Plural  Prefix:  oma-  Relative:  va- 

omunu,  person  omQlq,  child 

dmanu,  people  dmfylq,  children 

Illustrations  of  concordial  agreement  with  these  nouns: 
omunu  utito,  small  person  drnQlq"  utito,  small  child 

dm&nu  vdtito,  small  people  dmfylq'  vdtito,  small  children 

CLASS  1A 

Singular  Prefix:  u-  Relative:  u- 

Plural  Prefix:  a-,  ova-  Relative:  va- 

ulume,  man  ufeko,  girl 

alume,  men  afeko,  girls 

ovalume,  men  dvdfeko,  girls 

ukqi,  woman  umalehe,  lad 

akqi,  women  amalehe,  lads 
ovdkqi,  women 

The  following  forms  show  the  concordial  agreement  for  Class  1A: 
ulume  utito,  small  man  akqi  vdtito,  small  women 

alume  vdtito,  small  men  ovdkqi  vdtito,  small  women 

ovalume  vdtito,  small  men  afeko  vene  (va-ene),  your  (pi.)  girls 

ukqi  utito,  small  woman  amalehe  vavd,  their  lads 


242 


The  Ovimbundu 


Singular  Prefix:  u-,  oku- 
Plural  Prefix:  ovo- 

uld,  bed 
ovdld,  beds 
uta,  gun 
ovdta,  guns 

Concordial  agreement  for 
uld  unenk,  large  bed 
ovdld  dnSnd,  large  beds 
uta  utito,  small  gun 

Singular  Prefix:  w- 
Plural  Prefix:  ovi-,  i- 
uti,  tree 
oviti,  trees 
upi,  handle 
ovipi,  handles 

Concordial  agreement  for 
uti  unene,  large  tree 
oviti  vinenk,  large  trees 

Singular  Prefix:  o- 
Plural  Prefix:  olo- 
dndjo,  house 
oldndjo,  houses 
dmangu,  chair 
dldmangUy  chairs 

Concordial  agreement  for 
6ndj6  yiwa,  good  house 
oldndjd  viwa,  good  houses 
dmaygu  yitito,  small  chair 

Singular  Prefix:  olu- 
Plural  Prefix:  olo-,  a- 
dluni,  fly 
dl&ni,  flies 
dluhSygo,  wild  plum 
dlohtygo,  wild  plums 


CLASS  2 

Relative:  u-,  ku- 

Relative:  a- 

dkulu,  leg 

dvdlu,  legs 

okwdkwd,  arm 

ovdkwd,  arms 
Class  2: 

otf&A  dZifo,  small  guns 

dkulu  kutito,  small  leg 

dvdlu  dtito,  small  legs 
CLASS  3 

Relative:  u- 
Relative:  vi- 
utima,  heart 
ovitima,  hearts 
itima,  hearts 

Class  3: 

utima  utito,  small  heart 

ovitima  vitito,  small  hearts 
CLASS  4 

Relative:  yi- 

Relative:  vi- 

dyg&mb&,  ox 

oldygfrmbb,  oxen 

dygulu,  pig 

dldygulu,  pigs 

Class  4: 

dlomdygu  vitito,  small  chairs 
dygulu  yinSnb,  large  pig 
oloygulu  vinknh,  large  pigs 

CLASS  5 

Relative:  Zm- 
Relative:  w-f  a- 
olwi  (olu-i),  stream 
oldndwi,  streams 
olwiyd,  broom 
oldndwfyd,  brooms 
dlwiyd,  brooms 


Language 


243 


Concordial  agreement  for 
oluni  lutito,  small  fly 
oldni  vitito,  small  flies 
olwi  lunknk,  large  stream 
oldndwi  vinkne,  large  streams 

Singular  Prefix:  otci- 
Plural  Prefix:  ovi-,  i- 
otcimunu,  thief 
dvimunu,  thieves 
imunu,  thieves 
otcitunu,  pit 
ovitunu,  pits 

Concordial  agreement  for 
otcitunu  tcinknk,  large  pit 
ovitunu  vinene,  large  pits 

Singular  Prefix:  e- 

Plural  Prefix:  a-,  ova- 

ekd,  hand 

ovdkd,  hands 

ep{d,  field 

ovdpyd,  fields 

ewe,  stone 

ov&we",  stones 

dp&kd,  fruit 

Concordial  agreement  for 
ekd  litito,  small  hand 
dvdkd  dtito,  small  hands 

Singular  Prefix:  -,  i- 
Plural  Prefix:  ova- 

imbo,  belly 
dv&imbd,  bellies 

Concordial  agreement  for 

imb6  linenk,  large  belly 
ov&imbd  dnene,  large  bellies 
isd  litito,  small  eye 


Class  5: 

olwSyd  luwa,  good  broom 
dldndwiyd  viwa,  good  brooms 
clink, yd  dwa,  good  brooms 

CLASS  6 

Relative:  tci- 
Relative:  vi- 
itunu,  pits 
dtcitd,  one  hundred 
ovitd,  hundreds 
dtcipd,  skin 
ovipd,  skins 

Class  6: 

dtcipd  tciwa,  good  skin 
ovipd  viwa,  good  skins 

CLASS  7 

Relative:  li- 
Relative:  a- 
dvdpdkd,  fruits 
dpdkd,  fruits 
ekdndu,  wrong 
dvdkdndu,  wrongs 
dkdndu,  wrongs 
hpumu,  corncob 
dpumu,  corncobs 

Class  7: 

epyd  liwa,  good  field 
dvdpid  dwa,  good  fields 

CLASS  7A 

Relative:  li- 
Relative:  a- 

isd,  eye 
ovdsd,  eyes 

Class  7A: 

ovdsd  dtito,  small  eyes 
imbd  lidngfrmbe,  belly  of  ox 
dvdimbd  dlongdmbd,  bellies  of  oxen 


244  The  Ovimbundu 

CLASS  8 
As  previously  stated,  the  prefixes  of  this  class  signify  diminutive 
forms.  In  Chewa,  one  of  the  languages  spoken  in  Nyasaland 
Protectorate,  these  prefixes  and  the  augmentative  prefixes  when 
used  with  the  personal  nouns  convey  a  somewhat  derogatory  mean- 
ing. In  Zulu  the  diminutive  and  augmentative  suffixes,  although 
not  determining  classes,  are  likewise  of  this  nature  when  employed 
with  nouns  of  the  personal  class.  The  records  upon  which  this 
brief  description  of  Umbundu  is  based  were  not  clear  on  this  point, 
but  I  note  that  -tito  means  "small,"  so  that  the  distinction  between 
dkalume  ("little  man")  and  ulume  utito,  translated  in  the  field  notes 
as  "small  man,"  may  be  of  considerable  importance.  Likewise, 
otcvmunu  ("thief"),  Class  6,  may  be  an  augmentative-derogatory 
form  in  origin,  provided  that  there  is  an  augmentative  class  and 
that  it  coincides  with  Class  6. 

Singular  Prefix:  oka-  Relative:  ka- 

Plural  Prefix:  otu-  Relative:  tu- 

okandjo,  little  house  otwalume,  little  men 

otundjo,  little  houses  okatcipd,  little  skin 

dkalume,  little  man  dtuvipd,  little  skins 

Concordial  agreement  for  Class  8: 

dkamglq  kdwa,  good  little  child 
otum<m  tuwa,  good  little  children 
dkandjd  kdygulu,  little  house  of  (the)  pig 
dtundjd  twdldrjgulu,  little  houses  of  the  pigs 

PRONOUNS 

The  personal  pronouns  are  given  below.  Those  for  the  third 
person  are  obviously  Class  1  pronouns.  Pronouns  for  the  other 
classes  were  not  obtained.  These  forms  are  of  the  independent  or 
absolute  type. 


Singular 

Plural 

First  Person 

dmh 

Uu 

Second  Person 

6v& 

kne 

Third  Person,  Class  1 

eye 

dvd 

The  possessive  pronominal  stems  are  to  a  great  extent  identical 
with  the  absolute  forms,  but  follow  the  nouns  which  they  qualify, 
and  are  preceded  by  the  concord  of  the  thing  possessed  and  the 
qualificative  formative  (a).     In  some  instances  this  formative  is 


Language  245 

elided.    Again,  for  the  third  person  we  can  give  only  the  forms  of 

Class  1. 

Singular  Plural 

First  Person  -ygl  -etu  (q) 

Second  Person  -6ve  -ene  (c) 

Third  Person,  Class  1       -M  -vd 

(c)  Note  that  the  tone  differs  from  that  of  the  "absolute"  forms. 

Examples  of  the  use  of  the  possessive: 
dtcitunu  tc&yge,  my  pit  ukqi  wetu,  our  woman 

dtcitunu  tcdve,  your  pit  akqi  vetu,  our  women 

dtcitunu  tc&hk,  his  (Class  1)  pit      uti  wdvb,  your  tree 
otcitunu  tcetu,  our  pit  oviti  vjene,  your  (pi.)  trees 

dtcitunu  teem,  your  (pi.)  pit  uti  wahk,  his  (Class  1)  tree 

dtcitunu  tc&vd,  their  (Class  1)  pit   uti  w&vd,  their  (Class  1)  tree 
dvitunu  vj&ygk,  my  pits  oviti  vi&vd,  their  (Class  1)  trees 

dvitunu  vi&vd,  their  (Class  1)  pits  6ndj6  yetu,  our  house 
omunu  w&ygh,  my  slave  6ndj6  yene,  your  (pi.)  house 

omunu  wdvk,  your  slave  6ndj6  yavd,  their  (Class  1)  house 

omunu  w6M,  his  (Class  1)  slave     oldndjd  v\etu,  our  houses 
dm&nu  vdygk,  my  slaves  oluhe'ygd  Iw&yge,  my  wild  plum 

om&nu  v6vk,  your  slaves  dluhSygd  Iwdvh,  your  wild  plum 

dm&nu  v&hd,  his  (Class  1)  slaves    dluhSygd  IvobM,  his  (Class  1)  wild 
dm&nu  vetu,  our  slaves  plum 

dm&nu  vene,  your  (pi.)  slaves         dkam$lo\  k&ygb,  my  little  child 
dm&nu  v&vd,  their  (Class  1)  slaves  dk&ndjd  kdvk,  your  little  house 
ukqi  w&ygk,  my  woman  (my  wife)  dtundjd  twdvh,  your  little  houses 
ukqi  wdvh,  your  woman 

The  following  examples  of  syntax  were  not  recorded  on  the 
dictaphone,  therefore  they  have  not  been  phonetically  analyzed. 

The  verb  stem  is  seen  in  the  imperative  singular: 
tuyga,  build  (thou)  tila,  flee  (thou) 

tuyga  ondjo,  build  the  house 

Example  of  imperative  plural  ending  with  i: 
tuygi,  build  ye  till,  flee  ye 

PRINCD7AL  TENSES 

FUTURE 

The  following  examples  suggest  that  there  is  no  formal  distinc- 
tion between  the  present  and  the  future: 

ndi  tuyga  onjo  or  nunga  onjo,  I  shall  build  the  house 
o  tuyga  onjo,  you  will  build  the  house 


246  The  Ovimbundu 

0  tuyga  onjo,  he  will  build  the  house 
tu  tuyga  onjo,  we  shall  build  the  house 
vu  tuyga  onjo,  you  will  build  the  house 
va  tuyga  onjo,  they  will  build  the  house 
omunu  o  tuyga,1  a  person  builds 
omanu  va  tuyga,  the  people  build 
omiapia  yi  tuyga,  a  swallow  builds 
olomiapia  vi  tuyga,  swallows  build 
eveke  li  tuyga,  the  fool  will  build 
ocimunu  ci  tuyga,  the  thief  will  build 
ovimunu  vi  tuyga,  the  thieves  will  build 
okamola  ka  tila,  the  little  child  will  flee 
otumala  tu  tuyga,  the  little  children  will  build 
olusenge  lu  tila  (monitor  lizard),  the  lizard  will  flee 

PAST 

nda  tuyga  onjo,  I  built  the  house 
wa  tuyga  onjo,  you  built  the  house 
wa  tuyga  onjo,  he  built  the  house 
tua  tuyga  onjo,  we  built  the  house 
va  tuyga  onjo,  they  built  the  house 
ocimunu  ca  tila,  the  thief  fled 
ongombe  ya  tila,  the  ox  fled 
eveke  Via  tila,  the  fool  fled 
okamola  ka  tila,  the  little  child  fled 
omunu  wa  tila,  the  person  fled 

The  pronoun  as  object  comes  between  the  prefix  and  the  verb: 

ombua  ya  ci  lumana,2  the  dog  bit  it 

ocimunu  co  lumana,  the  thief  bit  him 

cu  lumana,  it  will  bite  him 

olusenge  emalanaga  lu  lilumana,  the  lizard  will  bite  the  cheetah 

okamola  olunyihi  lua  ka  lumana,  the  little  child,  the  bee  stung  him 

The  perfect  tense  uses  the  prefix  of  the  past  tense  with  -He  or 
-ele  added  to  the  stem  of  the  verb.  The  perfect  is  used  to  indicate 
an  action  in  some  definite  past  time,  or  to  state  a  condition  which 
has  ceased: 

ulume  wa  solele  ukai  wake,  the  man  used  to  love  his  wife 
helaombuayalumanele  omunu  (ulume),  yesterday  the  dog  bit  a  man 

1  The  o  is  not  a  pronoun  but  is  used  to  preserve  concord. 

2  The  letter  y  is  part  of  the  concord.  The  letter  y  survives  from  the  personal 
pronoun  eye  meaning  "he."  Letter  a  indicates  past  tense;  ci  means  "it"  or 
"thing."    Hence  the  literal  meaning  is  "dog  he  thing  bit." 


Language  247 

enyamuale  va  tuygile  olonjo,  last  year  they  built  the  houses 

The  causative  is  expressed  by  the  suffix  -isa: 

va  tuygisa  onjo,  they  caused  the  house  to  be  built 

o  toygisa  ombinja,  he  will  cause  a  shirt  to  be  sewed 

The  suffix  -ila  has  the  force  of  a  preposition: 
ombua  ya  tilila  konjo,  the  dog  fled  to  the  house 
olusenge  lua  fila  vocitunyu,  the  lizard  died  in  the  pit 
Illustrations  of  indirect  object: 

wa  tuygila  ukai  onjo,  he  built  the  house  for  the  woman 
va  tu  tongela  olombinja,  they  sewed  the  shirts  for  us 
The  prefix  oku  is  the  sign  of  the  infinitive: 
oku  tuyga,  to  build 
oku  tila,  to  flee 
oku  Via,  to  eat 

The  subjunctive  is  expressed  by  changing  final  a  to  e: 
a  tuyge  onjo,  let  him  build  the  house 
va  tile,  let  them  flee 

va  sia  epangu  okuti  oco  ovava  a  pite,  they  left  a  hole  so  that  the 
water  might  pass 

The  auxiliary  ka  ("to  go")  is  used  with  all  tenses: 

o  ka  tuyga  kimbo,  he  will  go  and  build  at  the  village 

wa  ka  tuyga  onjo,  he  has  gone  to  build  a  house 

wa  ka  tuygile  onjo,  he  has  been  there  and  built  a  house 

The  negative  is  expressed  in  the  following  words: 

si  tuygi,  I  shall  not  build 

ku  tuygi,  thou  wilt  not  build 

ka  tuygi,  he  will  not  build 

ka  tu  tuygi,  we  will  not  build 

ka  va  tuygi,  they  will  not  build 

ongombe  ka  yi  tuygi,  the  ox  will  not  build 

ocimunu  ka  ci  tuygi,  the  thief  will  not  build 

olusenge  ka  lu  tila,  the  lizard  will  not  flee 

okamola  ka  ka  tuygi,  the  little  child  will  not  build 

ukai  ka  tuygi,  the  woman  will  not  build 

The  past  negative  is  expressed  as  follows: 

sa  tuygile,  I  did  not  build 

kua  tuygile,  you  did  not  build 

ka  tuygile,  he  did  not  build 

ka  tua  tuygile,  we  did  not  build 


248 


The  Ovimbundu 


ka  wa  tuygili,  you  did  not  build 

ka  va  tuygile,  they  did  not  build 

omanu  ka  va  yongola  oku  tila,  the  people  do  not  wish  to  flee 

ocimunu  ka  ci  yongola  upange,  the  thief  does  not  wish  work 

ha  ngombe  ko,  it  is  not  an  ox 

ha  njoko,  it  is  not  a  house 

ha  munuko,  it  is  not  a  person 

ha  manuko,  they  are  not  people 

ha  ci  munuko,  he  is  not  a  thief 

ha  meko,  it  is  not  I 

he  yeko,  it  is  not  he 

ha  veko,  it  is  not  you 

he  tuko,  it  is  not  we 

he  neko,  it  is  not  you 

ha  voko,  it  is  not  they 

si  ci  munuko,  I  am  not  a  thief 

ku  ci  munuko,  you  are  not  a  thief 

ha  ci  munuko,  he  is  not  a  thief 

ka  tui  munuko,  we  are  not  thieves 

ka  wi  munuko,  you  are  not  thieves 

ha  i  munuko,  they  are  not  thieves 

Transcription  of  Folklore  Stories 


Ombwa       khyau, 
Dog  on  bridge 

olwi.        Vovava 
stream.      In  water 

yinene     ydsltu. 
big  of  meat. 

vovava      hd  yi 
in  water  in  order  to 

nelisa       dldnumba 
lost  pieces 

yikwavo 
(the)  other 

oluygdygd. 
greed. 


Ombwa 
Dog 

okdsitu 
little  meat 


lolwisd 
with  Greed 

vdmkld. 
in  mouth. 


Iw&yo1 
His 

Yi 
It 


li 


Ibkuybkdyoka 
there  to  cross 


y% 

it 

Ombwa 
Dog 

kwatd 
catch 


letemo 
sees 

yd  I6ld 
dropped 

dsltu 
meat 


dmbwd 
dog 

okdsitu 
little  meat 


yekwdvd 
another 

kdhe; 
his; 


y% 
it 


lete 


ls6 

Eye 


vivdli, 
two, 

pdlwi. 
v     in  stream. 

lilmdld  mdld 

sees 
(continuously) 


yinene 
large 

yikwavo 
the  other 

Yd  vi 
It  then 

ondjdmba, 
elephant, 


yikwavd 
other. 

ya 

it 


momo 
because 


nelisd 
lost 

dku  lienda 
in  going 


lonumbd 
with  piece 

yd  wild 

it   threw  itself 

Omd       yd 
Thus         it 

kdile         layd, 
was    with  him, 

o  kwete 
he  had 

ka  li  ka 
it  is  not 


velela  ohatu. 

increased    meat-hunger. 

Presumably  an  adoption  of  the  well-known  European  fable  of  the  dog  and  his 
reflection. 


Language 


249 


Sdmd 

King 


Tciyukd 
Tciyuka 


S&mb     Tciyukd    dmQlq,     d     djofyd      wde'ndd      ku    Kaygandji 
King       Tciyuka         son        of       John  went  to        Kangandji 


okulid  dvimbu. 

to  eat  fines, 
(impose) 

dvimbu  vjetu. 

fines  of  ours." 


who 


k&  Me 

went  (and) 

imposed 


V&ti 
They 
said, 

Eyi 
He 

dvimbu, 
fines; 


tambula 
"Take 

Tciyukd 
Tciyuka 

wd 
he 


ted  sdkd. 

that  which 

is  proper. 


Kdkwkne      kulivo 

Among  there 

yourselves       are  also 


hati,       kwa       k&fle      ukdygd 
said,  "There  was    once       a  hunter 


kdndjila 

along  the 

path 

wdtild 
fled; 


wa  yeva 
he  heard 


wd  Idndd 
he  climbed 


ondjuvuygo 
a  rustling 


tambula 
received 

ykatu 
of  iguana 


dpfyu. 
(a)  stick. 


lomfylq 

with 
children 


vahL 
his. 


Okwiya 
Coming 

Eyb 
He 


vuti 
tree 


N6ke 
After- 
ward 


btdtu 
iguana 


dkwiya 
coming 


luta 
with 
gun 

wdmdld 


walnh.      Opfyu 
his.     (The)  stick 


yasiala        pdsi. 
remained       down 
(on  the 
ground). 


dpfyu 
stick; 


hati, 
said, 


hati    kdtdkd 
said,     'Not  so 


dpfyu 
stick 


yayge. 
my.' 


y6vk 
yours 


ndb 
then 


wa  Idndd      layd. 
you  (would)  with  it.' 
have  climbed 


Etatu 
Iguana 

Ndke 
After- 
wards 


hati 
said, 


ndati. 
'No. 


nd&  luld. 
'I  have 
seen.' 

»D& 
If 


etatu 
iguana 


kdmanu. 
to  the 
people. 

kimbd 
to  village 


Ukdygd 
Hunter 


wdpumbd, 
lost, 


wdtundbpd 

(he)  went 

away 


wdtdmbuld, 
took  (it), 

dvdkd, 
empty 
handed, 


Ukdygd 
Hunter 

yd  k&ite 
it  had  been 

waited 

he  gave 

(it) 

wdendb 
(he)  went 


liavd. 
his. 


NdM 
'Afterward 


wdldUkd 
he  invited 


dndjevd 
a  hunt 


votcisuku, 
of  the  tall  grass, 


6tcd 
so  that 


tedsi 
all 


tc&pid. 

was 
burned. 

a  tilila 

one  may 

flee 

iyilakd 
'(I  will) 
enter 
there.' 


Etatu 
Iguana 

kd  ku 
it  does 


hamd 
however 


akdld 
was 


votcisuku. 
in  the 
tall  grass. 


Hati      dvandjd      6kd 
He  said,   'One  looks  where 


moUhd. 
not  appear.' 


Otcd 

Then 


ka         swikd. 
He  could  not  be 
contained 
(in  it). 


Etimbd 
(The)  body 


ds&ygd 
he  found 

lidiyild, 
entered, 


dkaluygi,        hati 
a  little        he  said, 
hole, 

utcild        wdsi&ld 
the  tail       was  left 


250 


The  Ovimbundu 


pdsamwd. 
outside. 

wHdtu 
of  the 
iguana 

kdtdkd 
'Not  so 


Ndke 
Afterwards 

pdsamwd. 
outside.' 


ukdygd 
hunter 

Leye 
And  he 


wSyd. 
came. 

hdti, 
said, 


otcd 
that  (is) 


"Dd 
If 


lidk&ile 
it  had  been 


kimbd 
body 

l\6vk 
yours 


lidygk. 
my.' 

»dd 

it 


Hdti 
(He)  said, 

nd&  luld. 
'I  have  seen. 

Ukdygd 
Hunter 


dvdndjd       utclld 
'One  sees      (the)  tail 

Etdtu        hdti 
'        Iguana        said, 


hdti 
said, 


lidiyild. 

would  have 

entered.' 


"Oke 

Afterward 


wdnayuld 
(he)  stretched 
out 


Otcd 
So 


dmdkd 
knife 

Tclyukd 
Tciyuka 


yahh, 
his, 

hdti, 
said, 


wd  tetd. 
he  cut. 


Otcd 
Thus 


ame 
"I 


"did 
shall 


etdtu 
iguana 

tcdyge*. 
eat  mine. 


kdtdkd. 
'Not  so. 

ukdygd 
hunter 

lidfd. 
died." 

Noke 
After 


"dd 
if 


ywete 
I  have 


tcene, 
yours, 


lame 
with  me 


wiyi, 
come, 


u 
you 


llsdygeld. 

with  it  will 

find  yourselves." 


Hdsi  la   nGuli 
Lion  and  Hyena 


a 

he 

that 


Tcisukild 

Tcisukila 

katule 

you  cause 

to  arise 


wd  tumild 
sent 


kusdmd 

to  king 


Tcipdyge 
Tciponge, 


ukulu 
(an)  elder 


unene 
great 


IdvdkwSndje. 

with  young 

men. 


hdti,      a  ende 
said,  "Let  him  go 

Veye     va     lemele 
Let  them  they         may 


ofekd      ydygb,       yd      ndmbd.       Sdmd 
country       my,        which  despises  me."    King 


dlusdpd       hdti, 
a  proverb,      said, 

tcdhe.       nGuli 
his  Hyena 

(things). 


kwd  kdla 
"There  was 


dygull, 

hyena, 


Tcipdyge 
Tciponge 

dmdnu 
people 


yu 
he 


vdsl 
all 


etci 
when 


wd  endd 
(he)  went 


kimbo 
to  village 


vd  hdyga 
they  him 
drove  off 


lolohdndji. 
and  clubs. 


nOke 
Then 


tcovdla 

it  him 

hurt 


ku  hdsl, 
(to)  lion 


eye 
he 


tela 
able 


oku 
to 


kutimd 

to  (the) 

heart 

kwdtd 
catch 


hdti, 
he  said, 


ha 
'I  go 


wd  tela 
told 

vo  levdld 
from  him 
borrowed 

lovdtd 
with 
guns 

sembikd 
I  engage 


dmdnu. 
people.' 


Etci 
When 


a 
he 


sdygd 
found 


hdsi, 
lion, 


hdsi 
lion 


hdti, 
said, 


twendd 
'Let  us  go 


ku 
to 


bulu 
jackal 


0 
he 


kweth 
has 


esuyga, 
honesty 


he 


dtclmbanda 
(is)  medicine- 
man 


tclnene'. 

great.' 


Otcd 
So 


hdsi      languli      vd  likwql      oku  inda 
lion      and  hyena  they  followed       to  go 
each  other 


Language 


251 


ko  bulu. 
to  jackal. 

ame" 
I 

Amk, 
I 


Bulu 
Jackal 

*djimbem6 
thrust  in 


hdti,      tu     vdndjiliyd 
said,      'We     shall  search 


imbd     liovisdndL      Otcd 
village  of  driver  ants.    Thus 


"djiyild 
shall  enter 


utcild 
tail 

vimbo 
in  the 
village 


wdygd. 
my. 

oko 

there 


lidsi. 
all. 


Otcd 
So 

ku 
to 


Omdnu 
People 


Hci 
when 


vatundd 

they  come 

out 


ove 
you 


EnS 
You 

nild 

I  shall 

sprinkle 

u  hdsi 
0  lion 


usidld 
remain 

ovisdnde 
driver  ants 


wendd 
go 


kofSkd. 

in  country 

(outside). 

vimbo 
in  the 
village 

loku  kwdtd. 

(them)  to 

catch. 


tea 

that 


sokd 
shall  be 
enough 


oku 
to 


fetd 
pay 


Tcisukild, 
Tcisukila, 


ndd  ydtuld 

"Should  I  cause 

to  arise 


ofuka 
debt 

ukulu 
(an)  elder 


ya  nguli.      Okd     sapuld 
of  hyena.'  "  This  one      tells 
goes 


tea  sdkd 
it  (would) 
be  equal 

Mumunu 
am  (a) 
person 

evdndd 
slowly 


H6si 
Lion 


oku  sdnduld 
to  scatter 


ofikd 
country 


ydhk, 
his, 


IdkwSndj^ 

with  young 

men 

mdmd 
for 


vel&mte 

from  the 

court 

ame 
I 


cmknh. 
great. 


Ove  a 
You 


Tcisukild, 
Tcisukila, 


lemeld 


ofekd        ydve 
country       your 


6tc6 
so 


wa 
he 


u  kola        tciwd. 
you  shall  be      well." 

H6si    Id    Bindji 
Lion    and  Wild  Dog 

tuygd     kusiyge'.     Wd  kuka. 
built    in  the  woods.    He  was  old. 


Kd     kwite     dygusu 
He     had  not    strength 


ydku  limwisa 

to  provide 

himself 


dkulid.      Wd  sdka      dku 
food.        He  thought     to  be 


luygukd. 
cunning. 


Yu 
He 


wdkndd 
went 


kblha,        wd  yd{ld 
to  cave,      he  crawled 


Ovindmd 

The  animals 


vidsi 
all 


kohondo, 
to  a  corner, 

vykyd  v{6 

came  they 

at  him 


wdluvikiya 
he  made  out 

vdndjd, 
looked, 


dku  vild. 
to  be  sick. 

ndd       d  veld       dtcUi. 
if        he  is  sick    indeed. 


Etci     v{eyd     hdsi     d     I6ku     vi     tdkdild.     Etci     ovinama     vyblwa 
As        they       lion      he    them  ate.  When       animals         many 

came 


vid 

kwdtiwa 

Id 

hdsi, 

bindji 

weya 

wd  lurjgd. 

Eye 

o  tdfi 

they 

were 
caught 

by 

lion, 

wild 
dog 

he  came 

he  took 
warning. 

He 

stands 

252 


The  Ovimbundu 


kuveld     wetevd. 
at  open-     of  the 
ing  cave. 


Wd  pula 
He  asked 


ndb 
'lam 


vUd 
sick 


very." 


Wd 
He 


hdsi 
lion, 

laleka 
invited 


h&ti, 
saying, 

bindji 
wild  dog 


wdkdl&pd. 

"Are  you 

well?" 

oku  iyild 
to  enter 


Hdsi 
Lion 

vhUva 

into  the 

cave 


hati, 
said, 

oku 
to 


vdygula    l&he. 

talk  with 

him. 


nda 
I 


limbuka 
noticed 


Bindji 
Wild  dog 

dJcdsd 
tracks 


wa 
he 


OSl 
all 


kumbululd     h&ti,     nda     tavd,     pwdi 
replied         saying,      "I  should  but 

have  agreed 


dimbd 
go 


dv&so 
toward 


kUevd. 
the  cave. 


Kd      kuli 
There     are 


dkdsd       dimbd       dv&sd       pds&mwd.       Ted      liygud      mbwi       ted 
no  tracks     going        toward    the  outside."       That  goes         down?         it 

which  (sinks) 

luygisd        av&        vd        ywd. 
warns  those       who        swim. 

Sign  Language 

Various  language  signs  are  in  use.  The  action  of  throwing  a 
mat  on  the  ground  and  laying  the  head  on  the  hands  indicates  sleep. 
Inquiry  about  the  health  of  a  father  may  be  made  by  stroking  an 
imaginary  beard.  If  the  father  is  strong  and  well  the  reply  will 
be  a  flection  of  the  forearm  to  harden  the  biceps. 

There  are  dumb  signs  for  numbers: 

(1)  The  right  hand  is  used  to  bend  the  little  finger  of  the  left 
hand  into  the  left  palm. 

(2)  The  little  finger  and  the  one  next  to  it  on  the  left  hand  are 
turned  over  into  the  palm. 

(3)  Three  fingers  are  turned  inward. 

(4)  Four  fingers  are  turned  inward. 

(5)  Four  fingers  and  the  thumb  are  turned  inward.  The  thumb 
is  then  tapped  with  the  index  finger  of  the  right  hand. 

(6)  The  right  hand  is  extended  and  the  thumb  of  the  left  hand 
is  placed  on  the  little  finger  of  the  right  hand.  This  action  adds 
one  to  five. 

(7)  The  right  hand  is  extended,  then  the  thumb  of  the  left  hand 
is  placed  on  the  little  finger  and  the  one  next  to  it.  This  adds  two 
to  five. 

(8)  The  thumb  of  the  left  hand  is  placed  on  the  extended  little 
finger,  middle  finger,  and  third  finger  of  the  left  hand. 


Language  253 

(9)  Four  fingers  of  the  right  hand  are  placed  on  the  thumb  of  the 
extended  left  hand. 

(10)  The  hands  are  placed  together  palm  to  palm. 

A  very  insulting  sign  is  made  in  this  way.  The  left  arm  is  held 
up  with  the  fist  closed.  The  left  wrist  is  grasped  with  the  right 
hand.  The  left  fist  is  then  shaken  while  the  right  hand  is  still  grasping 
the  left  wrist.  "This  is  done  when  a  man  is  very  angry,  and  he 
cannot  find  words." 

A  bending  forward  of  the  head  accompanied  by  wide  opening 
of  the  eyes  and  protrusion  of  the  tongue  means  "you're  a  fool." 

Shaking  the  head  means  "no."  If  the  right  hand  is  shaken  in 
front  of  the  face  with  the  index  finger  extended,  a  negative  is  implied. 
Nodding  the  head  is  an  affirmative  sign.  To  indicate  absence  of 
anything,  or  the  completion  of  something,  the  index  finger  of  the 
right  hand  is  drawn  across  the  mouth.  Rubbing  the  palms  together 
rapidly  has  the  same  significance.  In  order  to  call  some  one  the 
right  arm  is  extended  with  the  palm  down.  If  they  summon  some 
one  from  a  distance  the  arm  is  lowered,  while  a  scratching  movement 
is  made  with  the  fingers.  The  sign  indicating  "go  away"  is  a  flipping 
of  the  hand  outwardly,  while  the  arm  is  extended. 

Riddles  and  Proverbs 

"There  is  a  red  belt  round  our  field.  What  is  it?"  The  answer 
is,  "red  ants." 

"We  have  somebody  who  lies  all  his  life  in  our  field.  He  always 
lies  on  one  side."    The  answer  is,  "a  squash." 

"We  have  a  stump  in  the  house  that  is  always  burning  and 
always  moving."  This  is  a  metaphor  rather  than  a  riddle.  The 
stump  is  the  log  which  is  pushed  forward  into  the  fire.  It  is  always 
alive  yet  is  gradually  dying.  The  saying  is  intended  to  refer  to 
human  lives.  People  are  alive  but  their  lives  are  becoming  shorter 
each  day. 

"What  is  it  that  we  eat  above  and  below  the  ground?"  The 
answer  is,  "manioc,  because  the  leaves  and  roots  are  eaten." 

"The  turtle  cannot  climb  up  on  a  stump,  some  one  has  to  put 
it  there."  This  is  said  in  reference  to  some  person  who  gains  a 
high  position  which  he  could  attain  only  by  influence  and  not 
through  merit. 

When  a  person  makes  threats  without  being  able  to  fulfil  them 
the  following  expressions  are  appropriate:  "Hot  water  does  not 


254  The  Ovimbundu 

burn  a  house."    "Cold  water  does  not  make  mush."    "A  sleeping 
dog  does  not  catch  a  hare." 

If  advice  is  given  and  disregarded,  or  if  an  effort  fails  and  has 
seemed  likely  to  do  so,  the  people  say,  "Bark  rope  comes  from  a 
tree;  if  it  does  not  come,  leave  it  there." 

"He  who  sits  by  a  pot  of  honey  does  not  soon  leave  it."  This 
means  that  a  man  does  not  readily  leave  that  which  he  enjoys. 

"When  eating  honey  a  man  does  not  put  in  his  finger  only  once." 
A  good  thing  is  not  used  in  small  portions;  or,  one  goes  back  to  a  good 
thing. 

When  two  people  have  a  secret  there  is  a  saying,  "They  uncovered 
the  pot,  ate  a  little  honey,  and  covered  it  up  again." 

"If  you  are  full  of  food,  do  not  climb  on  a  leopard's  back."  If 
you  yourself  are  not  hungry,  this  does  not  imply  that  the  leopard 
has  no  appetite.  In  other  words,  do  not  be  foolish  through  good 
fortune. 

"He  caught  no  fish  and  lost  his  bracelet."  This  is  said  when  an 
object  of  value  is  lost  while  performing  a  task  of  small  importance. 
This  saying  would  be  applied  to  an  instance  of  a  man  who  left  his 
work  to  take  up  a  task  for  smaller  payment. 

"If  it  is  not  heavy,  it  is  not  worth  while."  That  which  is  desirable 
is  deserving  of  some  effort  for  attainment. 

The  fact  that  something  can  be  accomplished  by  a  number  of 
united  people  is  expressed  by  the  saying,  "Where  there  is  a  crowd 
there  is  a  bridge." 

"You  may  throw  away  what  is  in  the  hand,  but  you  cannot  throw 
away  what  is  in  the  heart."  It  is  difficult  to  dismiss  important 
matters  from  mind. 

"You  cannot  tie  a  buck's  head  in  a  cloth.  The  horns  will  stick 
out."  This  means  that  a  crime  cannot  be  concealed.  Murder 
will  out. 

"That  which  destroyed  the  buck  came  from  its  own  head."  The 
hunter's  whistle  is  a  buck's  horn.  This  means  that  man  is  the 
cause  of  his  own  troubles. 

"A  chicken  knows  a  dangerous  thing."  The  implication  is  that 
a  man  should  know. 

The  English  expression,  "six  of  one  and  half  a  dozen  of  the  other," 
is  expressed  by  the  Umbundu,  "If  it  is  on  cattle  or  on  people  it  is 
still  a  louse." 


Language  255 

Folklore  Stories 
the  leopard  and  the  hare 

A  hare  said  to  a  leopard  who  was  about  to  eat  him,  "Don't  eat 
me,  I  will  give  you  something  good."  Holding  out  his  hand  the 
hare  said,  "I  have  a  little  bit  of  something  good  in  my  hand  now, 
taste  it." 

This  was  honey  that  the  hare  gave  to  the  leopard,  who  licked  his 
mouth  and  said,  "This  is  a  good  thing  that  you  have  given  me." 

The  hare  promised  to  bring  some  more  honey  to  the  leopard. 
Next  morning  the  hare  went  to  the  woods,  collected  a  swarm  of 
bees  and  placed  them  in  a  gourd  under  a  covering  of  honey.  The 
hare  told  the  leopard  to  gather  his  wife  and  family  into  a  hut, 
saying,  "You  will  have  a  good  feast  of  honey,  but  you  must  be 
careful  to  close  the  door  and  fill  up  all  the  holes  in  the  walls." 

The  leopard  was  told  to  drop  the  gourd  on  the  floor  of  the  hut 
in  order  to  get  the  honey.  He  did  exactly  as  he  was  told.  He 
gathered  his  family  in  the  house,  closed  the  door,  and  filled  up  all 
the  holes  in  the  walls.  Then  when  all  was  dark  he  dropped  the 
gourd  on  the  ground  to  get  the  honey.  The  gourd  broke  and  out 
came  a  swarm  of  bees.  The  hare  was  listening  outside.  Presently 
the  cries  died  down,  then  the  hare  went  away  thinking  that  the 
leopard  and  all  his  family  were  dead.  The  mother  and  the  young 
leopards  died,  but  the  father  leopard  recovered  from  the  stings 
of  the  bees. 

The  leopard  said,  "Whenever  I  find  a  hare  I  will  kill  him." 

One  day  the  leopard  caught  the  hare  who  had  given  him  the 
swarm  of  bees.  Of  course  the  hare  was  frightened,  so  he  said, 
"I  made  a  mistake,  I  thought  that  there  was  nothing  but  honey  in 
the  gourd." 

The  hare  pleaded  for  his  life  promising  to  give  the  leopard  some 
good  oil  to  make  his  coat  shine.  "First  of  all  you  must  let  me  drive 
a  wooden  peg  into  your  head,"  said  the  hare. 

The  leopard  allowed  this,  and,  of  course,  died  immediately. 

THE  HARE  IS  PUNISHED 

A  young  leopard  and  a  young  hare  were  tired  of  obeying  their 
mothers,  so  they  decided  to  kill  them.  The  hare  said,  "Let  us  eat 
your  mother  first  of  all." 

They  did  so.  The  hare  pretended  that  he  had  killed  his  mother 
and  buried  her  in  the  woods,  but  the  truth  was  that  the  hare  had 


256  The  Ovimbundu 

hidden  his  mother,  hoping  that  the  leopard  would  forget  about  the 
agreement  they  had  made.  The  leopard  was  suspicious,  so  he 
searched  the  woods  and  at  last  found  the  hare  and  his  mother  in 
hiding.    The  leopard  ate  both  of  them. 

THE  BIRD  AND  THE  BAT 

The  bird  Choko  met  a  rat  with  a  long  snout.  The  rat,  whose 
name  is  Enganga,  said,  "Run  from  the  drill,"  meaning  his  snout. 
The  bird  was  afraid,  so  flew  up  into  the  branches  of  a  tree. 

One  day  the  bird  saw  that  the  rat  was  asleep,  so  summoned 
courage  to  fly  down  and  tap  his  nose  with  a  stick.  The  bird  saw 
that  the  nose  was  soft,  so  flew  back  to  the  tree  calling  out,  "Brother 
rat  said,  'Run  from  the  drill,  run  from  the  drill,'  but  I  smashed 
it  and  found  that  it  was  meat." 

The  bird's  cry  is  expressed  in  Umbundu  by  the  call  "Kota  Enganga 
wa  ndinga  hati,  tila  eseka,  tila  eseka." 

THE  QUAIL  AND  THE  ROOSTER 

The  quail  found  a  large  fat  white  grub  under  the  bark  of  a  tree. 
He  said  to  the  rooster,  "You  live  with  people  who  have  fire,  so  go 
and  cook  this  for  me." 

The  rooster  carried  the  grub  to  the  village  in  his  mouth.  The 
people  of  the  village  liked  these  grubs,  so  they  caught  the  rooster 
and  took  the  grub  from  his  beak. 

The  quail  waited  for  a  long  time,  then  called,  "Rooster,  rooster, 
bring  the  grub." 

The  rooster  replied,  "The  fools  have  eaten  it." 

THE  STORY  OF  THE  CRICKET 

The  cricket  was  very  quiet;  he  did  not  talk  too  much  or  quarrel 
with  other  people.  One  day  he  invited  people  to  dig  in  his  field, 
and  promised  that  he  would  give  them  some  beer.  The  first  helper 
to  arrive  was  the  rooster,  who  drank  a  pot  of  beer.  While  drinking 
the  beer,  the  rooster  looked  out  and  saw  the  wild  cat  coming  toward 
the  cricket's  home.  The  rooster  was  very  much  afraid  of  the  wild 
cat,  so  hid  under  the  bed.  Presently  the  wild  cat  entered  the  house 
and  received  a  pot  of  beer.  But  looking  out  he  saw  the  dog  coming 
that  way,  so  hid  under  the  bed. 

The  dog  said  to  the  cricket,  "Did  I  see  somebody  as  I  came 
along  the  path?" 


Language  257 

The  cricket  said  that  nobody  had  called.  While  the  dog  was 
drinking  the  gourd  of  beer  he  saw  the  hyena  coming,  and  he  was 
so  afraid  that  he  hid  under  the  bed.  Soon  after  the  hyena  had 
settled  comfortably  in  the  hut,  a  man  carrying  a  gun  approached 
the  cricket's  home.  The  hyena  felt  sure  that  the  hunter  would 
kill  him  so  hid  under  the  bed.  All  the  animals  were  now  crowded 
under  the  bed  not  daring  to  fight  among  themselves,  because  they 
were  all  afraid  of  the  man. 

For  a  long  time  the  hunter  sat  drinking  beer  and  talking  to  the 
cricket.  The  animals  under  the  bed  were  quite  safe  because  they 
kept  quiet.  Suddenly  a  cockroach  fell  from  the  roof  to  the  floor 
of  the  hut.  The  rooster  was  so  excited  that  he  forgot  that  he  was 
hiding.  He  dashed  out  from  under  the  bed  and  gobbled  up  the 
cockroach.  The  wild  cat  then  became  excited  and  dashed  out  after 
the  rooster.  The  dog  followed  the  cat,  and  the  hyena  attacked  the 
dog.  There  was  a  terrible  noise  as  the  animals  fought  in  the  middle 
of  the  floor.  The  cat  killed  the  rooster.  The  dog  killed  the  cat. 
The  hyena  killed  the  dog.  The  hunter  shot  the  hyena,  then  went 
away.  Presently  a  tortoise  arrived.  He  was  frightened  when  he 
saw  the  dead  bodies  of  all  these  animals,  so  sent  for  the  little  hare. 
The  hare  dug  up  the  cricket  from  the  hole  where  he  was  hiding. 
The  tortoise  and  the  hare  killed  the  cricket,  because  they  said  he 
had  caused  the  death  of  all  the  other  animals. 

THE  WATTLED  CRANE  (EPANDA)  AND  THE 
SPUR-WING  GOOSE  (ONJAVA) 

These  two  birds  agreed  to  lay  their  eggs  together  in  one  nest. 
Onjava  is  a  clean  bird  who  washes  her  eggs,  but  Epanda  is  a  dirty 
bird  whose  eggs  are  never  clean.  The  little  ones  of  Epanda  hatched 
out  looking  dirty  and  ugly,  while  the  little  ones  of  Onjava  were 
pretty  and  clean. 

One  day  the  two  birds  went  in  different  directions  to  find  food 
for  their  young.  Epanda  watched  Onjava  out  of  sight,  then  returned 
to  the  nest  and  stole  the  pretty  young  ones.  When  Onjava  returned 
with  worms  to  feed  her  chicks  she  found  only  the  young  of  Epanda, 
so  began  to  cry,  "Epanda,  Epanda,  Epanda,  with  your  long  neck 
and  long  beak,  you  have  stolen  my  young  ones." 

Onjava  set  out  to  follow  Epanda.  The  little  ugly  chicks  of 
Epanda  kept  up  with  Onjava  for  a  time  then  died  because  they 
were  so  tired.    When,  at  last,  Epanda  was  overtaken,  she  said  to 


258  The  Ovimbundu 

Onjava,  "You  have  killed  my  chicks  by  making  them  walk  so  far, 
I  shall  keep  your  children." 

Then  the  great  hornbill  was  called  in  as  judge.  He  said  that 
the  chicks  were  to  stay  with  Epanda.  For  a  time  the  little  birds 
did  as  the  judge  had  said,  but  soon  they  returned  to  their  mother, 
Onjava,  because  they  were  clean  birds  and  Epanda  was  a  dirty  bird. 

THE  HARE  (NDIMBA)  AND  THE  LEMUR  (EVOVO) 

Evovo  (the  Great  Galago)  is  somewhat  like  a  lemur.  It  has 
gray  bushy  fur  and  a  long  fluffy  tail. 

One  day  Evovo  addressed  the  hare,  saying,  "0  comrade,  what 
is  the  noise  I  am  always  hearing  from  the  place  where  you  have 
your  house." 

Ndimba  answered,  "My  friend,  have  you  never  seen  the  people 
carry  me  in  a  hammock  while  they  sing?" 

"No,  I  never  saw  anything  like  that,"  responded  Evovo. 

Ndimba  invited  Evovo  to  the  plains  where  they  hid  themselves, 
Ndimba  in  one  place,  Evovo  in  another.  Presently  the  two 
hidden  animals  heard  the  sound  of  people  singing,  "We  know  where 
Ndimba  is  hidden." 

Then  the  barking  of  dogs  was  heard,  and  the  people  called  their 
dogs,  shouting,  "Haow!  Haow!" 

Ndimba  said,  "I  hear  them  coming  with  my  hammock." 

Evovo  replied  excitedly,  "Yes,  yes,  I  can  hear." 

The  dogs  chased  the  two  animals.  Ndimba  knew  the  paths 
across  the  plain  and  so  escaped,  but  Evovo  knew  of  no  hiding  place, 
so  was  killed. 

THE  FRUIT  BAT  AND  THE  SUN 

The  child  of  the  sun  was  sick.  The  bat  was  a  good  ocimbanda 
(medicine-man),  so  the  sun  sent  for  him  to  cure  his  child.  The  bat 
arrived  without  delay,  performed  the  cure,  and  returned  home. 
The  sun  was  very  grateful  at  the  time,  but  soon  forgot  the  kindness 
of  the  bat.  By  and  by  the  son  of  the  bat  fell  ill  with  a  sickness  for 
which  the  sun  was  a  clever  ocimbanda. 

The  messengers  from  the  bat  arrived  after  the  sun  had  risen 
above  the  horizon.  The  sun  told  them  that  he  could  not  come  to 
cure  any  one  after  he  had  started  across  the  sky  on  his  journey  for 
the  day. 

"Come  very  early  tomorrow,"  he  said.  Next  morning  the 
messengers  were  sent  away  again,  because  they  were  too  late. 


Language  259 

Sadly  these  messengers  returned  to  the  bat  with  their  disappointing 
news,  only  to  find  that  the  young  bat  was  dead. 

The  bat  said,  "I  hate  the  sun  and  I  will  never  look  at  him  again." 
The  bat  made  a  vow  that  he  would  never  again  go  out  into  the 
sunlight  to  find  food. 

This  is  the  reason  why  the  bat  never  flies  by  day.  He  hangs 
head  downward  in  a  dark  place  all  day,  so  that  he  will  not  see  the  sun. 

THE  DOG  AND  THE  LIZARD 

The  dog  and  the  lizard  met  on  the  pounding  rocks  where  a 
woman  had  left  a  little  meal  when  she  finished  pounding  her  corn. 
When  the  dog  began  to  lick  up  the  meal  the  lizard  said,  "You  ought 
to  be  ashamed  to  eat  this.  All  the  corn  on  the  rocks  belongs  to 
me  because  you  have  people  in  the  village  who  give  you  food." 

The  dog  said  that  this  was  not  true.  "Come  to  the  village  with 
me  and  I  will  show  you  how  the  people  treat  me,"  continued  the  dog. 

The  two  animals  went  to  the  village  together,  and  the  dog 
found  a  hiding  place  for  the  lizard  in  a  fence  near  his  home.  When 
the  dog  entered  the  hut  a  woman  picked  up  a  stick  and  drove  him 
out.  Then  the  dog  cried  as  he  came  running  from  the  hut,  "Tala! 
tola!  sa  ci  popele,"  meaning  "See!  see!  Didn't  I  say  so?" 

Ever  since  that  the  lizard  and  the  dog  have  been  great  friends 
who  may  be  seen  on  the  pounding  rocks  eating  together. 

THE  JERBOA  AND  THE  LEOPARD 

This  story  which  is  told  at  Ngalangi  is  essentially  the  same  as 
one  related  at  Elende,  but  in  the  latter  version  the  dog  and  the 
hyena  are  the  actors. 

The  leopard  hired  the  jerboa  to  act  as  nurse  to  her  cubs.  While 
the  mother  leopard  was  absent  hunting  for  food,  the  jerboa  decided 
to  eat  one  of  these  fat  little  leopards. 

Presently  the  mother  leopard  returned  and  said,  "Bring  out  the 
children,  I  will  feed  them." 

The  jerboa  brought  out  the  cubs  one  by  one,  taking  care  to  bring 
out  the  first  one  twice  over.  Next  day  when  the  mother  leopard 
was  away  the  jerboa  ate  another  cub.  Again  the  leopard  asked  for 
her  little  ones.  The  jerboa  had  been  placed  in  charge  of  four  cubs. 
As  two  were  eaten,  the  jerboa  had  to  bring  out  each  of  the  two 
remaining  cubs  twice  over  in  order  to  satisfy  the  mother  leopard. 
On  the  third  day  the  jerboa  ate  another  little  leopard.    When  the 


260  The  Ovimbundu 

mother  leopard  returned,  the  jerboa  brought  out  the  only  cub  four 
times.    On  the  fourth  day  the  jerboa  ate  the  last  of  the  cubs. 

When  the  mother  leopard  came  home  the  jerboa  was  terrified, 
so  said,  "The  cubs  are  not  very  well,  you  must  go  in  the  room  to 
feed  them;  I  cannot  bring  them  out."  When  the  leopard  had  gone 
into  the  sleeping  room  the  jerboa  ran  quickly  into  his  hole  in  the 
ground. 


These  tales  from  my  records  were  all  told  to  me  by  Ngonga.  It 
is  true  that  some  of  the  stories  appear  in  the  Umbundu  reader 
"Olosapo  Vioku  Likisa  Oku  Tanga"  (Kamundongo,  1914).  But  when 
this  book  was  printed  Ngonga  was  already  well  acquainted  with  all 
the  stories  therein,  and  many  more.  Most  of  the  tales  were,  and 
are  today,  an  integral  part  of  the  Umbundu  language. 

My  own  inquiries  had  the  same  result  as  those  of  Chatelain  in 
revealing  a  preponderance  of  stories  of  animals.  Yet  W.  C.  Bell 
was  able  to  collect  several  tales  relating  entirely  to  the  adventures 
of  human  beings  {Jour.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  XXXV,  pp.  116-150). 
At  times  there  is  a  didactic  theme  running  through  a  tale,  which 
emphasizes  the  value  of  courage,  presence  of  mind,  and  perseverance. 
A  sense  of  humor  is  shown  in  the  conversations  of  animals  and  the 
tricks  which  the  smaller  creatures  use  to  the  discomfort  of  the  larger 
animals. 

Comparative  study  of  stories  told  by  the  Ovimbundu  with  those 
from  other  parts  of  Africa  opens  up  a  field  of  research,  especially 
in  view  of  the  long  caravan  journeys  of  the  Ovimbundu.  Chatelain 
narrates  the  Angolan  story  of  the  frog  who  boasted  that  he  could 
ride  the  elephant,  and  contrived  to  do  so  by  a  clever  ruse  {Jour. 
Amer.  Folk-Lore,  VII,  p.  62).  The  Nigerian  story  of  the  tortoise 
who  fulfilled  the  same  boast  is  told  by  A.  B.  Ellis  (Yoruba-speaking 
Peoples  of  the  Slave  Coast,  London,  1894,  p.  265). 

The  Ovimbundu  have  the  story  of  the  tortoise  who  made  a  wager 
with  the  antelope  respecting  a  race  which  they  agreed  to  run.  The 
tortoise  won  the  wager  by  placing  one  of  his  brothers  at  the  winning 
post.  The  Umbundu  version  is  given  in  "Olosapo"  (p.  53),  and  there 
is  a  Cameroon  version. 

The  tug-of-war  story  which  tells  of  a  trick  played  against  the 
hippopotamus  and  the  elephant  is  known  to  the  Ovimbundu.  The 
story  has  a  wide  distribution  with  local  variations.  Sometimes 
the  elephant  and  the  hippopotamus  are  unwittingly  made  to  pull 


Language  261 

against  one  another  by  some  small  clever  animal  such  as  the  monkey 
or  the  hare.  In  the  version  given  by  H.  S.  Stannus  (Harvard  African 
Studies,  vol.  Ill,  p.  329)  the  hare  perpetrates  this  ruse.  The  version 
given  by  Smith  and  Dale  (The  Ila-speaking  Peoples  of  Rhodesia,  vol. 
II,  p.  377)  makes  the  contestants  a  hippopotamus  and  a  rhinoceros, 
but  the  hare  again  arranges  the  tug-of-war.  E.  Dayrell  (Folklore 
Stories  from  Southern  Nigeria,  London,  1910,  p.  104)  gives  another 
variant  of  the  tug-of-war  story,  which  states  that  one  end  of  the  rope 
was  made  fast  to  a  palm  tree.  The  hippopotamus  was  under  water 
so  he  could  not  see  the  object  against  which  he  was  pulling.  He 
thought  he  was  tugging  against  the  tortoise  as  arranged. 

Umbundu  stories  are  humorous  and  didactic,  while  some  indicate 
a  process  of  rationalizing.  An  example  of  the  latter  kind  is  found 
in  the  story  explaining  why  the  bat  flies  at  night.  Dayrell  (pp.  36,  51) 
gives  two  different  versions  of  this  rationalizing  tale. 

These  folklore  stories  of  the  Ovimbundu  give  information 
respecting  vocabulary,  structure  of  the  language,  powers  of  observa- 
tion, customs,  and  ideas  of  conduct. 

I  have  found  no  stories  which  illustrate  the  grafting  of  elements 
from  two  different  cultures.  In  some  parts  of  Africa  tales  may  be 
heard  which  contain  blended  elements  from  a  Negro  and  a  Semitic 
culture,  as  in  Nigeria.  But  assimilation  of  features  which  were 
foreign  to  the  story  at  its  cultural  origin  does  not  occur  in  the  tales 
given  here,  with  the  exception  of  the  European  story  of  the  greedy 
dog,  which  is  an  importation. 

The  Ovimbundu  were  noted  for  their  long  caravan  journeys, 
which  were  undertaken  in  territory  occupied  by  tribes  of  the  same 
linguistic  family  (Bantu),  a  fact  which  may  account  for  the  similarity 
of  Umbundu  and  other  Bantu  versions  of  the  same  tales. 


IX.    RELIGION 
Supreme  Being 

Suku  is  the  name  of  the  most  important  dead  person  mentioned 
by  the  Ovimbundu.  Ngonga  says  that  Suku  made  mountains,  rivers, 
sky,  and  people.  The  name  Suku  is  known  all  over  the  great  territory 
inhabited  by  the  Ovimbundu.  I  have  seen  at  the  ombala  of  Ngalangi 
a  small  house  of  meditation  where  the  king  retires  accompanied  by 
an  old  woman.  This  retirement  for  communion  with  spirits  of  the 
dead  takes  place  in  time  of  drought,  and  a  gourd  filled  with  water 
is  always  kept  in  the  house.  In  another  village  of  the  Ngalangi 
region  I  photographed  a  house  of  meditation  for  the  king  who  re- 
tires for  communion  with  spirits  whenever  he  is  troubled  (Plate 
LXXXIX,  Fig.  1).  The  painted  marks  on  the  door  are  said  to  be 
an  indication  to  spirits  that  this  is  the  king's  house  of  meditation, 
but  there  is  no  reason  for  saying  that  the  king  communes  with  Suku. 

The  evidence  regarding  Suku  was  supplemented  at  Ngalangi 
by  two  Ovimbundu  boys  who  agreed  that  Suku  was  very  important. 
They  associated  Suku  with  rain;  but  the  word  suku  does  not  mean 
rain,  water,  or  food;  these  are  expressed  by  ombela,  ovava,  and 
okulia,  respectively.  I  know  of  no  meaning  of  the  word  suku  which 
might  assist  in  explaining  the  attributes  of  this  respected  spirit. 
Names  of  medicine-men  are  remembered  and  used  but  they  are  not 
associated  with  the  name  Suku.  My  informants  at  Ngalangi  said 
that  names  of  kings  are  sometimes  coupled  with  the  name  Suku. 

At  Ngalangi  an  informant  stated  that  in  the  beginning  every- 
thing was  water.  A  man  dropped  from  above,  caused  land  to  appear, 
and  began  hunting.  At  the  side  of  a  stream  he  saw  an  animal 
that  disappeared  beneath  the  water.  He  was  about  to  shoot  when 
he  saw  that  the  animal  was  a  person  something  like  himself,  yet 
different.  He  took  the  animal  home,  mated  with  it,  and  reared  a 
family.  This  story  is  told  also  at  Cileso,  about  two  hundred  miles 
from  Ngalangi.  At  Ngalangi  I  was  informed  that  the  first  being 
was  a  calf  with  human  attributes,  who  walked  about  on  the  rocks 
leaving  mixed  tracks  of  an  animal  and  human  kind,  which  may  be 
seen  to  this  day. 

Survival  after  Death 

There  are  ideas  of  reincarnation.  Two  Bailundu  boys  said  that 
the  lion  was  considered  to  be  a  powerful  old  man.  If  a  lion  is  found 
dead  divination  is  practised  to  discover  the  cause  of  death.    If  a 

262 


Religion  263 

lion  visits  a  village  an  old  man  talks  to  it  through  the  palisade. 
The  conversation  is  carried  on  in  a  series  of  grunts,  after  which  the 
lion  goes  away.  One  of  my  informants  said  that  "lions  and  leopards 
are  watchdogs  for  old  men  who  have  died."  When  one  of  these 
animals  kills  a  domestic  animal  or  a  person,  the  assumption  is  that 
the  predatory  animal  was  sent  by  a  deceased  old  man  who  requires 
a  sacrifice.  Ngonga  of  Elende  said  that  "when  a  lion  killed  a  man  it 
was  a  sign  that  there  was  a  bad  spirit  from  the  man's  family  within 
the  lion."  There  is  divination  to  find  who  requires  a  sacrifice,  since 
some  ancestor  has  been  neglected.  W.  C.  Bell  relates  an  Umbundu 
tale  of  a  woman  who  changed  herself  into  a  wild  animal,  but  I  was 
not  able  to  ascertain  that  belief  in  transformation  is  held  today 
(Jour.  Amer.  Folk-Lore,  XXXV,  p.  129). 

I  am  unable  to  prove  that  the  Ovimbundu  have  definite  ideas 
of  the  nature  of  a  future  life,  but  they  certainly  think  of  survival 
after  death,  and  have  clear  concepts  of  good  and  bad  spirits  who 
influence  the  fortunes  of  the  living.  There  is  no  idea  of  punishment 
or  reward,  but  a  bad  man  has  a  bad  ghost  which  can  do  evil  things. 
Spirits  will  follow  their  relations  on  earth;  moreover,  they  will  come 
to  the  house  of  bows  where  their  property  is  preserved. 

A  man  returning  from  a  hunt  with  trophies,  or  from  the  collec- 
tion of  honey,  will  leave  some  of  these  on  a  grave.  There  is  no  idea 
of  spirits  in  rivers  and  trees,  but  the  first  tree  felled  for  building 
the  house  of  a  man  of  importance  must  not  be  allowed  to  fall 
violently.    This  may  imply  a  belief  in  a  tree-spirit. 

Spirits  move  at  night  only  and  mentioning  the  dead  by  name  or 
whistling  at  night  calls  spirits.  There  are  many  instances  of  sacrifice 
connected  with  the  idea  of  a  spirit  who  has  to  be  appeased.  The 
medicine-man  can  induce  a  spirit  to  enter  an  image  of  wood.  Thus 
there  are  wooden  images  containing  spirits  useful  to  the  blacksmith. 
There  is  an  image  which  can  show  travelers  the  right  path  when 
the  medicine-man  consults  it  (Plate  XXI,  Figs.  3,  5). 

Osande  is  a  good  spirit  who  will  "bring  good  luck  and  do  good 
things  for  the  people,  while  Ondele  is  a  bad  spirit  who  harms  the 
people,"  said  Ngonga.  When  a  person  is  sick,  mad,  or  dizzy  he 
has  Ondele.  Only  a  powerful  ocimbanda  can  cast  out  Ondele. 
Ocilulu  is  the  general  name  for  a  disembodied  spirit,  either  good 
or  bad.   An  Ekisi  is  an  Osande;  apparently  the  terms  are  synonymous. 

A  spirit  can  die  a  second  time.  There  is,  for  instance,  an  evil 
bird  of  the  night  whose  name  is  Esuvi.  This  bird  is  able  to  catch 
a  spirit  in  order  to  make  it  die  a  second  death.    A  living  person 


264  The  Ovimbundu 

suffers  sickness  or  misfortune  if  an  ancestral  spirit  dies  a  second 
death.  A  person  who  has  bad  health  says,  "The  spirit  of  my  grand- 
father has  been  caught  by  Esuvi."  The  name  of  the  good  spirit 
Osande  is  used  by  a  person  who  is  suffering.  Such  a  one  says,  "I 
have  no  more  Osande."  These  instances  clearly  reveal  a  belief  in 
the  dependence  of  human  welfare  on  the  interest  of  benevolent 
ancestral  spirits. 

After  a  lapse  of  three  months  I  asked  Ngonga  again  about 
Osande  and  Ondele.  He  confirmed  what  he  had  previously  said,  but 
spoke  in  the  plural  of  these  spirits;  good  spirits  are  called  Olosande, 
bad  spirits  are  called  Olondele.  The  medicine-man  will  visit  a  hut 
to  foretell  the  future,  and  while  there  he  puts  a  concoction  in  an  image 
to  which  he  addresses  questions.  He  plugs  his  nostrils,  then  in  a 
falsetto  voice  feigns  answers  from  the  image.  The  father  of  a  family, 
or  possibly  the  mother's  brother,  may  kill  an  animal  in  front  of  the 
hut  on  this  occasion.  He  then  says  to  Olosande,  "We  hope  when 
we  kill  this  there  will  be  no  more  sickness."  The  Ovimbundu  are 
afraid  of  death,  and  they  therefore  sacrifice  to  Olosande,  asking  that 
there  shall  be  no  death  in  the  family. 

I  do  not  know  whether  the  Ovimbundu  distinguish  multiple 
souls  as  some  Negro  tribes  do.  The  part  of  a  man  which  does  not 
die  is  sometimes  called  utima,  which  is  the  word  for  heart.  Dr. 
M.  W.  Ennis  says  that  the  utima  and  the  omuenyo  are  both  names 
of  the  spirit  existing  in  a  living  body.  Ngonga  seems  certain  that 
every  person  irrespective  of  age,  rank,  and  sex  has  a  spirit,  but  I 
could  find  no  evidence  that  the  Ovimbundu  visualize  a  separation 
of  ranks  or  sexes  after  death.  When  a  man  kills  himself  he  is  buried 
near  a  river  so  that  his  spirit  will  go  to  the  sea,  and  for  the  same 
reason  a  murdered  man  is  buried  near  a  river.  At  Ngalangi  I  inquired 
from  other  Ovimbundu  people  concerning  suicide.  Women  who 
commit  suicide  generally  do  so  by  hanging  or  drowning.  Men  stab 
themselves  in  the  heart  or  use  a  flintlock  gun,  the  trigger  of  which 
they  pull  with  their  toes.  It  is  feared  that  the  spirit  of  a  suicide  will 
return  to  induce  another  suicide  in  the  family,  therefore  there  is 
anxiety  to  rid  the  community  of  these  spirits. 

Religious  Beliefs  and  Conduct 
The  Ovimbundu  have  many  high  standards  of  conduct,  some  of 
which  have  been  mentioned  in  dealing  with  the  education  of  children. 
There  is,  however,  no  idea  of  sin.    That  is  to  say,  there  are  no  com- 
mands laid  down  by  some  authority  which  is  more  than  human. 


Religion  265 

Nevertheless,  the  idea  of  crime  is  well  developed,  and  there  are 
many  actions  which  are  punishable  because  they  contravene  the 
laws  of  the  tribe.  Adultery  is  a  crime  on  a  par  with  theft;  but 
adultery  is  not  a  sin.  Suku,  the  supreme  being,  issues  no  commands. 
Ancestral  spirits  are  concerned  only  with  sacrifice  and  homage  to 
themselves.  There  is  no  theory  of  punishment  or  reward  in  a  future 
life  according  to  conduct  on  earth. 

Perhaps  ekandu  is  the  only  word  which  could  express  sin.  An 
Ocimbundu  would  say  that  murder  is  the  chief  ekandu.  "Ekandu 
is  to  make  anything  have  a  bad  time."  To  send  a  stranger  along  the 
wrong  path  is  ekandu.  It  would  be  ekandu  to  throw  an  animal  on 
the  fire.  It  is  ekandu  if  a  man  is  guilty  of  fornication  with  his  wife's 
sister.  Such  an  act  is  said  to  be  ekandu  only  if  the  wife's  sister  is 
visiting  the  house  of  the  culprit.  The  male  defaulter  is  regarded  as 
blameless,  but  the  people  of  the  village  from  which  the  wife's  sister 
came  would  be  expected  to  pay  the  wronged  wife.  Sexual  offences 
against  young  children  are  very  serious.  In  fact  the  death  penalty 
or  banishment  would  be  inflicted,  and  such  offences  are  given  by 
the  Ovimbundu  as  examples  of  ekandu. 

This  subject  of  moral  responsibility  leads  naturally  into  the 
question  of  laws  and  penalties.  There  are  among  the  Ovimbundu 
well-defined  moral  codes  and  clearly  formulated  tribal  laws  which 
have  been  described  in  chapter  VI. 

Funeral  Rites 
commoners 
In  the  village  of  Cilema  in  the  district  of  Elende  I  witnessed 
the  funeral  rites  of  a  boy  aged  twelve  years.  When  a  few  hundred 
yards  from  the  village,  I  heard  sounds  of  drumming  coming  from 
a  secluded  place  in  the  tall  grass.  On  reaching  the  clearing  four 
drummers  were  seen,  each  of  whom  held  a  tubular  drum  between 
his  legs;  these  drums  were  of  different  lengths.  The  man  on  the 
left  of  the  drumming  squad  played  with  an  up  and  down  movement 
of  his  left  hand  only,  to  provide  the  bass  tone.  Other  drummers 
played  with  the  palms  and  fingers  of  both  hands.  Thirty  feet  from 
the  drummers  stood  a  group  of  women  who  always  started  the 
rhythm  for  the  drums  by  clapping  their  hands,  and  the  hand-clapping 
continued  as  an  accompaniment  for  the  drums. 

Near-by,  men  were  seated  on  the  ground,  while  a  large  number 
of  women  walked  about  or  sat  on  the  ground  chatting  and  smoking 
their  pipes.     The  general  impression  was  not  one  of  solemnity. 


266  The  Ovimbundu 

The  interpretation  of  the  chanting  is  "God  has  cheated  me  of  a  life." 
That  is,  God  gave  a  life  and  he  has  taken  it. 

My  interpreter,  who  was  a  relative  of  the  deceased  boy,  explained 
to  the  people  that  I  was  seriously  interested.  This  was  necessary, 
as  they  were  afraid  of  ridicule  and  hostile  opinion.  I  sat  down  by 
the  father  of  the  dead  boy  and  talked  with  him  through  my 
interpreter.  In  the  meantime  I  observed  that  the  corpse  was  in 
a  cloth-covered  box  slung  on  a  pole,  which  was  supported  on  the 
shoulders  of  two  men  who  stood  very  close  to  the  drummers.  The 
bearers  remained  immovable  except  for  the  occasional  changing  of 
the  coffin  pole  from  one  shoulder  to  another.  At  intervals  women 
came  out  from  the  group  to  dance  near  the  coffin,  one,  two,  or  three 
at  a  time.  One  boy  was  particularly  energetic  in  leaping  in  front  of 
the  corpse.  When  the  performers  had  danced  they  returned  to  the 
crowd  from  which  other  persons  immediately  advanced.  These 
detached  and  spontaneous  performances  each  lasted  about  two 
minutes. 

After  two  hours  the  bearers  of  the  coffin  moved  away,  followed 
on  one  side  by  some  of  the  men,  on  the  other  side  by  a  few  women. 
A  large  number  of  men  and  women  remained  behind  with  the 
drummers.  The  music  and  the  solo  dancing  continued.  The  corpse 
was  removed  to  a  place  about  a  hundred  yards  from  the  spot  where 
the  initial  ceremonies  had  been  performed.  The  bearers  still  held 
the  coffin  on  their  shoulders,  while  men  and  women  seated  themselves 
on  each  side  of  the  bier.  This  part  of  the  proceeding  was  solemn 
and  there  was  little  conversation,  though  tobacco-smoking  continued 
among  both  men  and  women  (Plate  XLV,  Fig.  1). 

A  woman  about  forty-five  years  of  age  held  a  plate  of  corn  meal 
in  her  hand  while  she  stood  close  to  the  corpse  and  in  line  with 
the  bier.  She  addressed  the  corpse  very  earnestly  and  paused 
intermittently  for  a  reply.  While  speaking,  the  woman  looked 
intently  at  the  foremost  of  the  bearers,  who  both  stood  immovable 
with  their  heads  inclined  forward  and  eyes  directed  to  the  ground. 

My  interpreter  (Ngonga)  said  that  the  woman  addressing  the 
corpse  was  the  oldest  sister  of  the  father  of  the  dead  boy,  and  that 
she  was  asking  the  spirit  of  the  dead  boy  why  he  died.  Here 
Ngonga  threw  a  side  light  on  family  relationships. 

The  father  of  the  dead  boy  was  the  son  of  Ngonga's  mother's 
brother.  The  dead  boy  used  to  call  Ngonga  tate  ("my  father"); 
Ngonga  called  him  omolange  ("my  child").  When  the  woman  had 
addressed  the  corpse  an  old  man  took  her  place.    He  held  up  the 


Religion  267 

plate  of  meal  and  earnestly  asked  questions.  Lukuma  was  the 
name  of  the  father  of  the  dead  boy.  The  old  man  who  addressed 
the  corpse  was  the  brother  of  Lukuma's  mother.  Ngonga  explained 
that  the  woman  addresses  the  corpse,  "to  giv.e  him  sense  so  that  he 
will  not  be  ashamed  to  tell  all  about  it";  that  is,  about  the  manner 
of  his  death.  The  old  man  said  to  the  corpse,  "Etali  ["today"] 
omolange  ["my  boy"]  tu  yongola  ["we  want"]  oku  ["you"]  tu  ["us"] 
sanjuisa  ["make  glad"]  o  tu  ["to  us"]  sapuila  ["tell"]  muele  ["indeed"] 
cost  ["all"]  ca  ["that"]  ku  upa  ["you  take"]  kilu  lieve  ["from  earth"]. 

The  pause  which  followed  a  question  was  intended  to  give  the 
corpse  time  to  reply.  It  is  supposed  that  if  the  answer  is  in  the 
negative  the  spirit  causes  the  pole  to  swing  slightly  backward.  An 
affirmative  answer  is  given  if  the  spirit  makes  the  pole  swing  forward. 
The  old  man  demanded,  "Is  it  witchcraft  that  hates  us  and  killed 
you?  If  it  is  witchcraft,  come  to  the  front."  I  could  see  no  swing 
of  the  corpse  on  the  pole,  but  Ngonga  said  that  he  could  see  the 
coffin  swing  backward  to  indicate  a  negative  answer.  I  suspected 
that  the  interrogator  of  the  corpse  gave  a  signal  to  the  bearers, 
indicating  that  the  coffin  was  to  be  made  to  swing,  but  I  could  see 
no  signal  or  movement  of  the  coffin.  While  the  corpse  was  inter- 
rogated, males  among  the  spectators  spoke  to  the  old  man  who  was 
asking  the  questions.  Ngonga  explained  that  these  men  were 
suggesting  questions  which  might  be  asked  respecting  the  cause  of 
death.  A  witness  in  the  crowd  would  say,  "You  have  forgotten 
this,"  or  "You  have  forgotten  that." 

The  next  question  was  one  that  calls  for  a  detailed  explanation. 
Sambulu  is  a  bad  spirit  which  is  able  to  cause  death  when  crying 
women  and  children  offend  him  by  their  wailing.  The  mother  of  the 
dead  boy  was  a  slave  whose  husband  was  absent  from  the  village 
for  a  time.  During  this  period  the  master  of  the  woman  threatened 
to  sell  her;  consequently  she  went  to  a  Christian  mission  with  her 
children,  one  of  whom  was  the  boy  now  deceased.  The  woman  and 
children  were  crying,  hence  the  possibility  that  the  evil  Sambulu 
had  at  that  time  entered  the  person  of  the  boy  whose  funeral  rites 
were  now  in  progress.  The  woman  had  visited  the  mission  a  year 
ago,  but  this  lapse  of  time  apparently  made  no  difference  to  the 
possibility  that  Sambulu  had  entered  one  of  the  children.  The  spirit 
made  a  negative  answer  to  this  ingenious  suggestion  and  eventually 
indicated  that  death  was  due  to  a  "bad  belly."  If  no  answer  is 
returned  affirmatively,  recourse  is  made  to  the  medicine-man,  who 
carries  out  divination.     The  details  of  this  method  are  described 


268  The  Ovimbundu 

later  in  explaining  the  meaning  of  the  articles  which  are  contained 
in  the  divination  basket. 

I  interrogated  my  interpreter  respecting  funeral  customs,  and 
from  these  inquiries  elicited  the  following  information.  Burial  of 
the  corpse  takes  place  a  mile  or  more  from  the  village  in  a  grave 
dug  by  the  father's  sister's  children.  The  depth  of  the  grave  is  about 
six  feet.  Each  village  has  its  own  burial  ground.  The  woman  who 
questioned  the  corpse  carried  a  sleeping  mat  which  would  be  used 
to  spread  on  the  bottom  of  the  grave,  though  sometimes  the  mat  is 
placed  outside  the  grave  on  the  mound  of  earth.  Midway  between 
Cuma  and  Caconda  I  photographed  graves  of  the  Ovimbundu 
(Plate  XLVII,  Figs.  1,  2).  The  articles  on  the  graves  were  the  poles 
used  for  carrying  the  coffin,  a  basket,  broken  gourds,  and  in  one 
instance  the  horns  of  a  bullock  which  was  killed  at  the  funeral  feast. 
The  horns  were  mounted  at  the  top  of  an  upright  pole  (Plate  XLVI, 
Fig.  2).  Ngonga  said  that  the  belongings  of  a  well-to-do  person 
would  usually  be  broken  and  placed  on  the  grave;  the  breaking  is 
necessary  in  order  to  prevent  theft.  I  could  find  no  trace  of  the 
idea  that  property  is  broken  so  that  its  spirit  will  accompany  the 
man  to  a  world  of  spirits. 

The  corpse  was  in  a  wooden  box  covered  with  a  thin  piece  of 
blue  and  white  chequered  cloth  tightly  wound  about  the  coffin. 
Ngonga  explained  that  the  body  was  prepared  in  the  following 
manner  before  it  was  placed  in  the  coffin.  The  corpse  was  extended 
in  a  supine  position  with  the  thumbs  tied,  the  palms  together,  and 
the  hands  on  the  pubes.  The  great  toes  were  tied  together  and 
the  upper  arms  were  bound  to  the  torso  with  bands  of  bark  or 
cloth.    The  use  of  bark  no  doubt  represents  the  older  method. 

At  the  funeral  of  a  baby  one  of  the  grandmothers  carries  the 
dead  child  to  the  grave  on  her  back.  The  ceremony  of  questioning 
the  corpse  is  carried  out  if  the  child  is  old  enough  to  walk  and  talk. 
Ngonga  said,  "If  the  dead  child  was  old  enough  to  talk  they  think 
he  will  say  something."  If  the  child  was  unable  to  talk,  the  parents, 
accompanied  by  their  brothers  and  sisters,  would  visit  the  medicine- 
man to  inquire  the  cause  of  death. 

There  are  a  few  special  observances  connected  with  the  burial 
of  twins.  When  the  children  were  alive  the  mother  had  to  shake 
a  rattle  or  to  blow  a  small  horn  instead  of  giving  the  usual  greetings 
to  a  passer-by,  and  this  she  has  to  do  at  the  funeral  of  one  or  both 
of  her  twins. 


Religion  269 

A  mourning  widow  must  leave  her  hair  loose  and  undressed,  and 
she  has  to  wear  a  cloth  which  conceals  her  from  crown  to  sole. 
For  three  days  she  is  obliged  to  sleep  close  to  the  corpse  of  her 
husband  with  only  a  stick  between  them.  The  stick,  which  is  about 
the  length  of  the  bed,  is  laid  between  the  widow  and  the  corpse. 
During  this  time  she  has  no  food,  and  her  wailing  is  expected  to 
be  almost  continuous  day  and  night.  When  the  corpse  is  tied  and 
prepared  for  burial  the  widow  says  farewell  to  it.  Relatives  support 
the  corpse  and  make  it  advance  toward  her,  while  she  herself  is 
held  in  the  position  of  a  bound  corpse,  and  is  supported  by  relatives 
who  make  her  confront  the  dead  body  of  her  husband.  The  widow 
does  not  go  to  the  funeral. 

Mourning  continues  after  the  funeral,  with  fasting  and  periodical 
wailing  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  again  twelve  hours 
later.  At  the  end  of  a  month  of  mourning  the  widow  lies  for  one 
night  in  the  place  where  the  corpse  of  her  husband  lay  the  night 
before  burial.  At  the  beer-drinking  which  marks  the  end  of  the 
period  of  mourning  a  medicine-man  guides  the  hand  of  the  widow 
as  she  dips  a  ladle  into  the  beer  pot  and  distributes  the  beverage. 

The  widow  may  stay  with  her  mother's  brother  or  she  may  return 
to  her  parents,  but  she  must  not  become  the  wife  of  another  man 
until  a  year  has  elapsed.  The  second  husband  will  make  a  present 
to  the  widow's  parents  or  others  who  have  taken  her,  but  this  gift 
will  not  be  as  valuable  as  if  the  groom  were  taking  a  virgin. 

Tree  burial  I  have  not  seen,  but  heard  of  it  near  Ngalangi,  and 
it  has  recently  taken  place  at  Cileso.  Tree  burial  is  the  method  for 
disposing  of  the  corpse  of  a  person  who  has  died  in  debt.  Any  one 
who  gives  interment  to  a  corpse  assumes  responsibility  for  the  debts; 
hence  tree  burial  is  the  most  convenient  way  of  disposal. 

An  Ocimbundu  from  Bailundu  said  that  in  that  district  the 
child  is  taken  from  the  womb  of  a  woman  who  has  died  pregnant. 
Food  is  placed  on  the  lips  of  the  removed  foetus  so  that  it  will  not 
induce  the  death  of  other  pregnant  women.  Near  Ngalangi  a 
pregnant  woman  would  be  buried  with  the  point  of  a  long  stick  on 
her  abdomen,  and  after  the  grave  had  been  filled  a  blow  would  be 
given  to  the  top  of  the  stick. 

The  foregoing  are  the  principal  points  of  importance  in  the 
funeral  rites  of  commoners.  Ceremonies  connected  with  the  death 
and  burial  of  medicine-men,  kings,  chiefs,  and  hunters  require 
separate  consideration. 


270  The  Ovimbundu 

medicine-men 

When  a  medicine-man  dies  the  people  call  in  another  medicine- 
man to  take  charge  of  the  ceremonies.  The  corpse  is  tied  in  a  sitting 
posture,  which  is  the  attitude  for  burial.  His  charms  are  attached 
to  his  body  and  in  this  position  they  remain  in  the  grave.  The 
head  ornament  osala,  which  may  be  feathers,  quills  of  the  porcupine, 
or  hair  from  a  goat's  beard,  is  placed  upright  on  the  head  and  fastened 
by  a  band  under  the  chin  (Plate  XXIII,  Fig.  2).  The  corpse  is  kept 
in  a  seated  position  lashed  to  a  stool  for  three  days.  There  is  no 
coffin. 

The  corpse  is  carried  in  the  posture  described  to  the  grave  which 
is  dug  at  a  cross-path.  The  corpse  of  a  medicine-man  is  questioned 
in  the  same  manner  as  that  employed  in  interrogating  the  corpse  of 
a  commoner.  When  the  corpse  is  placed  in  its  grave  the  medicine- 
men, some  of  them  from  a  distance,  dance  because  they  have  "spirit 
in  their  heads."  The  medicine-men  shake  their  heads  while  dancing, 
and  without  pausing  each  eats  a  living  chicken  that  he  carries  in 
his  hand.  At  the  side  of  the  grave,  a  dog,  a  chicken,  and  a  goat 
are  killed.  No  part  of  the  flesh  is  buried;  it  is  consumed  by  those 
present  at  the  funeral. 

A  sleeping  mat  is  placed  in  the  grave,  and  on  the  mound  of 
earth  are  placed  horns  filled  with  medicine,  and  skins  which  used 
to  hang  from  the  waist  of  the  medicine-man  when  he  was  performing. 
The  rain-making  charms  are  not  buried  in  the  grave,  because  their 
interment  would  cause  the  rainfall  to  diminish;  the  charms  may, 
however,  be  placed  on  the  outside  of  the  grave.  No  food  is  placed 
in  or  on  the  grave.  The  mound  of  earth  is  painted  with  a  human 
male  figure.  When  a  new  medicine-man  is  making  medicine  or 
performing  ceremonies  he  uses  the  name  of  a  deceased  medicine-man. 

It  is  thought  that  the  dead  medicine-man  has  spirits  which  he 
is  able  to  send  to  earth.  No  images  of  the  medicine-man  are  made. 
Medicine-men  visit  the  grave  at  night  in  order  to  take  parts  of  the 
corpse  to  include  in  their  medicine.  At  Caconda  in  western  Angola 
I  obtained  the  outfit  of  a  medicine-man  who  included  in  his  equip- 
ment two  small  hoe  blades  which  he  used  for  disinterring  the  dead. 
There  was  a  portion  of  human  tibia  in  the  basket  and  a  round 
stone  pounder  for  pulverizing  bone  along  with  other  ingredients. 

The  funeral  rites  of  a  medicine-woman  are  the  same  as  those  of 
a  medicine-man  except  that  medicine-women  carry  the  corpse.  An 
osoma  ("king")  or  a  sekulu  ("chief")  will  visit  the  grave  of  a  medicine- 
man to  ask  for  rain  or  other  favors. 


Religion  271 

kings  and  chiefs 

A  chief  (village  headman)  is  buried  in  a  specially  constructed  en- 
closure in  the  village  over  which  he  ruled  (Plate  XLV,  Fig.  2). 
The  mausoleum  is  a  small  hut  with  a  substantial  wooden  door  which 
is  surrounded  by  a  strongly  built  wooden  fence  ten  feet  high. 

I  was  taken  inside  a  tomb  in  the  capital  of  Ngalangi,  where  the 
king  showed  the  interior  of  his  burial  place  of  kings.  There  were 
four  mounds  of  earth,  each  of  which  covered  the  body  of  a  king, 
and  a  little  distance  away  were  the  graves  of  the  principal  wives. 
The  hut  contained  pottery  and  gourds;  also  a  small  fire,  which 
is  replenished  by  an  attendant  who  must  not  allow  it  to  be 
extinguished. 

Ngonga  says  that  the  burial  chamber  at  Elende  contains  the 
head  of  the  chief  in  a  box.  After  one  year  from  the  time  of  burial 
the  box  containing  the  head  is  opened  in  order  that  a  libation  of 
beer  may  be  poured  over  it.  Sometimes  the  head  is  anointed  with 
palm  oil  and  a  new  band  of  cloth  is  added.  These  attentions  are 
paid  to  the  head  in  time  of  sickness  and  drought.  If  the  head  shows 
signs  of  desiccation  an  ox  is  killed  in  order  to  provide  a  new  piece 
of  skin  in  which  the  head  is  sewn.  The  tomb  is  visited  by  men 
who  come  to  ask  for  good  fortune  when  they  are  departing  for  a 
journey  to  the  interior,  and  these  supplicants  are  led  to  the  tomb 
by  the  ruling  chief.  Near  the  burial  place  of  the  sekulu  ("village 
headman")  at  Elende  there  was  the  house  of  bows  (Plate  XLVI, 
Fig.  1),  which  is  typical  of  several  seen  in  different  parts  of  Angola. 
These  repositories  always  contain  staffs,  bows,  arrows,  sleeping 
mats,  and  possibly  other  articles  which  belonged  to  the  dead. 

The  corpse  of  a  king  is  suspended  from  the  top  of  the  burial  hut 
by  a  rope  which  is  tightly  fastened  round  his  neck.  That  the  king 
has  died  is  not  admitted  and  the  announcement  states  that  "the 
king  has  a  cold  in  his  head."  The  head  of  a  specially  selected  family 
twists  the  rope  until  the  head  is  severed.  The  twisting  is  carried 
out  gradually,  a  little  each  day,  so  that  a  week  or  more  is  required 
for  severance.  In  former  times  the  head  was  detached  by  twisting 
only,  but  at  present  a  knife  is  used  to  hasten  the  friction  of  the 
rope.  When  the  body  of  the  king  has  fallen  into  the  basket  placed 
underneath  to  receive  it,  the  people  may  say  that  the  king  is  dead 
and  mourning  begins. 

Judging  by  the  arrangement  seen  at  the  ombala  of  Ngalangi  the 
bodies  are  buried  in  a  hut  constructed  as  a  burial  place  for  kings, 
but  Ngonga  states  that  the  older  method  was  cave  burial.    The  body 


272  The  Ovimbundu 

of  a  dead  king  would  in  former  times  be  taken  at  night  by  chiefs 
and  interred  in  one  of  the  caves  which  are  numerous  in  the  rugged 
hills  of  the  Benguela  Highlands.  The  burial  posture  for  a  king 
is  the  same  as  that  described  for  a  medicine-man.  The  severed  head 
is  eventually  kept  in  a  box,  but  primarily  both  head  and  body  are 
buried,  though  in  separate  places.  At  the  end  of  a  year  the  head 
is  dug  up  and  transferred  to  its  casket. 

Mourning  for  a  king  lasts  for  seven  days,  during  which  his  children 
and  wives  wear  strips  of  oxhide  on  their  left  wrists.  The  village 
chiefs  gather  to  choose  a  king  from  the  "blood  of  kings,"  though 
"sometimes  a  bad  man  will  make  himself  king  without  waiting  to 
be  chosen."  The  choice  should  be  in  favor  of  the  oldest  son  of  the 
chief  wife,  "but  if  she  has  stupid  sons,  a  son  of  another  wife  of 
the  king  will  be  chosen." 

Sometimes  during  drought  chiefs  and  their  wives  go  to  the  grave 
of  a  chief  where  they  say,  "If  you  are  angry  tell  us  what  you  want. 
If  you  want  an  ox  we  will  kill  one."  If  they  visit  the  tomb  of  a  king, 
the  king's  corpse  is  asked,  "Do  you  want  a  new  box  for  your  head? 
We  will  make  one."  The  oldest  chief  takes  from  the  tomb  the  box 
which  contains  the  head.  This  is  slung  on  a  pole  supported  on  the 
shoulders  of  two  boys.  The  head  is  then  questioned  in  the  way 
described  for  the  funeral  of  a  commoner.  The  oldest  chief  offers  a 
sacrifice,  if  such  procedure  is  demanded  by  a  forward  swing  of  the 
pole  which  supports  the  casket  containing  the  king's  head. 

The  house  is  not  burned  after  a  death  has  occurred  within,  but  it 
is  still  customary  to  take  down  the  surrounding  fence  and  to  build 
a  new  one.  The  house  in  which  death  took  place  is  then  used  as 
before.  I  was  informed  at  the  capital  of  Ngalangi,  and  by  the  king 
himself,  that  he  must  continue  to  use  the  house  of  former  kings 
until  the  structure  collapses.  No  repair  work  may  be  done;  con- 
sequently the  house  was  in  a  dilapidated  condition.  Some  months 
after  receiving  this  account  at  Elende  I  was  in  Moxico,  several 
hundred  miles  away,  and  learned  that  at  Cangamba  the  custom  of 
severing  the  head  of  a  king  by  suspension  and  friction  prevails  in 
the  manner  described  above. 

HUNTERS 

While  traveling  in  the  district  of  Ganda,  likewise  in  the  Vasele 
country  in  the  hinterland  of  Novo  Redondo,  one  cannot  fail  to 
notice  the  presence  of  rock  tombs  (ombilia  or  osonje)  which  are 
mausoleums  of  hunters.    These  are  invariably  placed  in  commanding 


Religion  273 

positions  on  domes  of  rock.  The  first  tomb  examined  was  in  Ganda 
(Plate  LXXIV,  Fig.  1).  This  tomb  is  carefully  built  up  from  pieces 
of  granite  detached  from  the  rocks  which  serve  as  a  base.  Horns 
of  animals  are  placed  on  the  cairn  which  is  further  decorated  by  a 
stick  bearing  the  tail  of  an  animal.  Plate  XXXII,  Fig.  1,  shows 
a  tomb  of  similar  structure  in  the  country  of  the  Vasele.  From  one 
such  tomb  it  was  possible  to  detach  a  slab  so  that  the  interior  could 
be  seen.  There  were  two  male  skeletons;  one  lay  supine  while  the 
bones  of  the  other  were  in  disorder. 

In  a  hunter's  house  of  bows  there  are  implements  of  deceased 
hunters,  whose  ceremonies  centering  in  these  relics  have  been 
described  under  the  heading  of  hunting. 

Training  of  Medicine-men 

Training  for  the  position  of  male  or  female  magician  (ocimbanda) 
is  not  carried  out  with  formality  ending  in  initiatory  rites,  neither 
is  the  position  hereditary;  but  the  boy  or  girl  who  wishes  to  become 
an  ocimbanda  must  have  "spirit  in  the  head."  This  choice  of  children 
of  peculiar  neurotic  temperament  for  the  positions  of  medicine-men 
and  medicine-women  is  widely  distributed,  as  I  have  shown  in 
some  detail  (Origins  of  Education,  1926,  pp.  256-259). 

Among  the  Ovimbundu  there  does  not  appear  to  be  an  inten- 
sifying of  natural  psychoses  by  seclusion,  starvation,  or  beating. 
When  a  boy  is  sick,  the  medicine-man  says,  "You  have  a  spirit 
who  wants  you  to  be  ocimbanda."  The  medicine-man  kills  a  dog, 
a  goat,  and  four  chickens,  then  the  boy  has  to  accompany  his  master, 
carrying  his  apparatus  and  obeying  him  in  every  way.  The  medicine- 
man says,  "Your  father  was  an  ocimbanda  and  the  spirit  wants  you." 
The  female  ocimbanda  is  called  cambula  by  other  women,  and  her 
services  are  preferred  to  those  of  the  male  ocimbanda  in  cases  of 
difficult  childbirth. 

In  Ngalangi  I  was  informed  that  the  Ovimbundu  have  great 
faith  in  the  medicine-men  of  the  Vangangella,  a  name  vaguely 
applied  by  the  Ovimbundu  to  several  tribes  of  east-central  Angola. 
An  Ocimbundu  will  make  a  journey  of  several  days  in  order  to 
visit  a  distant  medicine-man  of  another  tribe. 

Functions  of  Medicine-men 

Magical  practices  are  of  two  kinds,  social  and  anti-social.    The 

man  who  carries  out  divination,  rain-making,  healing  the  sick,  and 

many  other  functions  is  ocimbanda,  while  the  secret  worker  of  evil, 

the  witch  or  wizard,  is  onganga.    In  one  village  there  may  be  several 


274  The  Ovimbundu 

men  and  women  each  of  whom  receives  the  name  ocimbanda,  and 
specialization  in  some  particular  form  of  magical  practice  is  the 
rule.  Some  practitioners  are  more  highly  esteemed  than  others. 
For  example,  an  ocimbanda  who  has  the  reputation  for  curing  dizzi- 
ness, madness,  and  onyalai  (p.  281)  is  one  of  great  repute;  so  also 
is  the  man  who  can  cure  a  case  of  blood  in  the  urine  (biliosa). 
This  is  the  Portuguese  term  commonly  applied  to  blackwater  fever. 

DIVINATION 

An  examination  of  objects  collected  gives  the  best  indication  of 
the  equipment  of  the  ocimbanda,  and  among  these  no  item  is  more 
important  than  the  small  divination  basket  containing  a  hetero- 
geneous collection  of  objects. 

A  diviner  receives  the  distinguishing  title  of  ocimbanda  congomba, 
and  a  description  of  his  methods  explains  his  belief  in  the  activities 
of  spirits.  He  shakes  the  basket  while  his  assistant  plays  a  small 
friction  drum;  then  he  inspects  the  objects  lying  at  the  top. 

A  figure  with  beads  on  its  neck  indicates  that  trouble  is  due  to 
the  ghost  of  a  dead  baby  whose  spirit  wishes  to  come  back. 

A  piece  of  gourd  with  a  round  orifice  means  that  some  one  has 
been  talking  too  much.  The  orifice  represents  a  human  mouth. 

Two  figures,  male  and  female,  whispering  together,  indicate 
that  a  husband  and  wife  are  making  a  plan  to  poison  somebody. 

The  figure  of  a  female  with  a  large  abdomen  indicates  that  the 
spirit  of  a  deceased  pregnant  woman  is  causing  sickness  in  the  village. 

The  horn  with  shells  on  it  indicates  that  the  woman  who  is  con- 
sulting the  diviner  will  not  bear  children. 

There  is  a  little  figure  with  a  black  tuft  on  its  head,  whose 
arrival  at  the  top  of  the  basket  indicates  that  misfortune  among  the 
natives  is  caused  by  Europeans.  When  talking  to  this  figure  the 
medicine-man  tries  to  speak  like  a  white  man  by  adopting  a  falsetto 
voice  and  mimicking  the  intonation  of  Europeans. 

The  figure  with  a  little  crest  on  its  head  is  an  indication  of 
sickness  or  other  trouble  arising  from  a  spirit  which  likes  to  drink 
blood.  When  this  figure  comes  to  the  top  of  the  basket,  the  medicine- 
man induces  the  blood-drinking  spirit  to  enter  a  man,  because  the  evil 
must  first  be  localized  before  it  can  be  exorcised.  This  possessed 
person  dances  with  a  small  ax  or  a  hair  switch  in  his  hand.  When 
dancing  has  induced  a  frenzy,  the  dancer  kills  a  pig  and  drinks  the 
fresh  blood.  The  blood-drinking  spirit  is  in  this  way  exorcised 
from  the  community. 


Religion  275 

If  the  figure  with  united  legs  comes  to  the  top  of  the  basket 
the  meaning  is  that  a  medicine-man  used  to  be  in  the  family  of  the 
consultant.  The  spirit  of  this  medicine-man  wishes  some  member 
of  the  family  to  become  a  medicine-man. 

The  little  wooden  snake  signifies  cords  and  binding.  Dream- 
ing of  a  snake  indicates  that  the  dreamer  will  be  tied  and  sold  into 
slavery.  When  the  wooden  snake  comes  to  the  top  of  the  basket, 
the  significance  is  that  a  spirit  has  tied  the  sick  person  who  is  con- 
sulting the  diviner. 

If  the  wooden  figure  of  a  girl  appears  at  the  top  of  the  basket, 
the  inference  is  that  the  spirit  causing  trouble  is  that  of  a  girl. 

The  appearance  of  a  thin  wooden  figure  at  the  top  of  the  basket 
means  that  the  troublesome  spirit  is  that  of  a  person  who  died 
when  away  on  a  long  and  fatiguing  journey.  The  afflicted  person 
who  is  consulting  ocimbanda  has  to  make  an  offering  to  one  of  the 
wooden  human  figures  which  are  to  be  found  along  trade  routes. 

The  piece  of  iron  in  the  basket  may  come  to  the  top  when  the 
contents  are  shaken.  When  this  happens  it  is  assumed  that  a  death 
will  take  place.  The  death  is  attributed  to  something,  for  example, 
alcohol,  which  has  come  from  white  people. 

The  piece  of  horn  from  the  hoof  of  an  ox  indicates  that  a  trouble- 
some spirit  desires  an  ox  to  be  sacrificed.  If  a  sick  man  is  consulting 
the  diviner,  he  is  told  to  take  a  drink  containing  parings  from  the 
hoof  of  an  ox. 

The  bone  from  a  chicken's  leg  indicates  that  sickness  has  come 
from  the  road,  that  is,  from  a  journey.  The  Ovimbundu  have  been 
famous  for  their  long  journeys  across  Africa,  hence  the  implication 
seems  to  be  that  a  disease  of  an  infectious  kind  has  been  brought 
from  a  distance. 

A  corncob  indicates  that  trouble  has  arisen  from  a  spirit  which 
can  affect  the  growth  of  corn  if  not  appeased  by  sacrifice. 

A  coin  indicates  that  the  sick  or  deceased  person  was  too  fond  of 
money;  misfortune  has  come  from  the  spirit  who  gives  wealth  and 
good  luck,  because  it  has  been  offended  in  some  way. 

There  is  in  the  basket  a  white  bone  which  means  that  there 
will  be  laughter  in  the  village. 

The  small  cocoon  of  sticks,  which  I  think  belongs  to  a  caddis 
fly,  means  that  some  one  has  stolen  a  bale  of  cloth. 

Small  round  shells  indicate  that  everything  is  well. 

A  small  wooden  boat  indicates  that  some  one  will  be  drowned. 


276  The  Ovimbundu 

The  handle  of  a  hoe  is  the  symbol  of  cultivation.  The  appearance 
of  the  miniature  handle  at  the  top  of  the  basket  implies  that  the 
spirit  of  a  woman  who  was  rich  in  corn  is  troubling  the  community. 

Two  united,  human  figures  of  wood  indicate  that  a  twin  will 
die.  The  Ovimbundu  welcome  twins;  when  one  is  dead  the  mother 
has  a  wooden  figure  (Plate  XXI,  Fig.  1)  made  to  take  its  place; 
this  is  nursed  to  induce  another  conception  and  to  comfort  the 
remaining  child. 

The  little  gourd  means  that  a  deceased  person  was  secretly 
poisoned  in  revenge  because  of  his  thefts  from  a  field. 

The  seed  of  the  oil  palm  means  that  a  large  gourd  of  palm  oil 
has  been  stolen. 

The  description  of  funeral  rites  gave  an  account  of  the  question- 
ing of  the  spirit  of  the  deceased.  If  no  answer  is  given,  divination 
is  made  to  learn  the  cause  of  death. 

There  is  no  divination  by  examination  of  entrails.  Bones  are 
thrown  in  playing  a  game,  but  this  is  not  connected  with  divination. 

EQUIPMENT  AND  MISCELLANEOUS  DUTIES 

The  basket  of  an  Ocimbundu  medicine-man  at  Caconda  con- 
tained, in  addition  to  the  human  bone,  pounder,  and  hoe  blades 
already  mentioned,  two  carved  wooden  female  figures  whose  specific 
use  is  unknown.  It  is  known,  however,  that  such  figures  may  be 
nursed  and  held  to  the  breast  of  a  woman  who  wishes  to  conceive. 
There  was  a  cowrie  shell  on  a  cord  which  forms  a  charm  to  be  worn 
round  the  neck  of  a  woman  who  desires  children.  A  small  tin  box 
containing  a  coin  and  some  stones  was  used  for  shaking.  The  kind 
of  sound  produced,  also  any  arrested  movement  of  the  objects  in 
the  box,  are  indications  of  the  guilt  of  a  person  whose  name  was 
mentioned  just  as  the  objects  ceased  to  move. 

A  large  antelope  horn,  filled  with  a  mixture  of  goat's  fat  and 
charcoal  from  the  bones  of  a  goat,  was  intended  for  use  in  curing  the 
sick.  The  contents  of  the  horn  become  liquid  when  heated;  then 
they  can  be  dropped  on  the  heads  of  the  people  who  come  for 
treatment.  It  was  explained  that  a  number  of  sick  people  sat  around 
the  medicine-man  who  walked  to  each  person  and  poured  out  a 
small  quantity  of  medicine  on  the  patient's  head. 

The  only  musical  instruments  used  by  a  medicine-man  are  a 
small  friction  drum  and  a  rattle.  At  Ngalangi  I  saw  a  medicine- 
man give  a  dance  during  which  he  slashed  about  him  with  a  small 
ax,  which  was  evidently  a  ceremonial  object,  since  the  construction 


Religion  277 

was  too  light  to  make  it  effective  as  a  tool  or  weapon  (Plate  XIII, 
Fig.  4).  At  Bailundu  I  was  informed  that  an  ax  of  this  kind  is  used 
in  a  medicine-man's  dance  which  is  intended  to  cure  a  man  who  is 
sick  because  a  spirit  has  entered  into  him.  The  sickness  may  have 
occurred  because  the  man  has  broken  a  promise. 

The  medicine-man,  or  sometimes  the  patient  himself,  dances 
violently,  meanwhile  cutting  about  him  with  the  ax  (omutaka), 
which  is  finally  used  for  killing  a  little  pig  whose  blood  is  drunk  by 
the  sick  man.  This  is  the  ritual  that  was  previously  mentioned  in 
describing  divination. 

The  following  are  important  ceremonial  objects:  The  ax  ekuva 
(Plate  XIII,  Fig.  5)  was  the  one  used  for  killing  slaves  who  were 
eaten  at  the  death  of  a  king.  This  object  was  secured  in  the  Vasele 
country  near  Vila  Nova  de  Selles.  It  is  of  handsome  appearance, 
having  a  copper  circle  inlaid  into  the  iron  blade.  A  spear  from 
Bailundu  is  likewise  important  because  of  its  use  in  ritual  (Plate 
XIII,  Fig.  8).  Before  war  and  hunting  this  spear  was  thrust  first 
into  an  ox  then  into  a  slave.  The  human  and  animal  flesh  were 
cooked  together  and  eaten  from  the  same  pot.  The  female  figure 
used  by  the  medicine-man  for  consultation  with  regard  to  the  correct 
path  for  a  caravan  has  been  described.  A  carved  wooden  post 
obtained  from  Bailundu  was  set  up  at  cross-paths  so  that  it  might 
be  visited  by  a  sick  person  or  his  representative  who  would  make 
sacrifice  there. 

Without  parallel  among  ceremonial  objects  used  by  the  Ovim- 
bundu  is  a  small  wooden  cloth-covered  box  from  Bailundu.  This 
contains  a  piece  of  root  of  cylindrical  form  tightly  bound  with  cloth 
having  at  one  end  a  cowrie  shell.  The  box  is  the  shrine  of  Kandundu, 
for  whom  a  small  hut  is  built  in  order  to  contain  the  box.  Any  one 
who  sees  the  contents  of  the  shrine  is  said  to  become  blind.  Kandundu 
is  believed  to  be  the  "spirit  of  dreaming  who  makes  swellings  come 
on  the  body." 

Antelope  horns  are  in  general  use  as  containers  of  magical  potions. 
One  horn  from  Bailundu  is  used  for  holding  sweet  beer  which  is  drunk 
by  a  person  afflicted  by  bad  dreams.  A  large  horn  with  a  piece  of 
fur  attached,  also  from  Bailundu,  is  named  ocindiko.  The  horn 
contains  a  mixture  of  fat  and  charcoal  which  is  heated  near  camp 
after  sunset,  when  men  are  on  the  march.  The  spreading  fumes 
keep  away  lions  and  thieves.  It  was  said  that  a  thief  is  deterred 
because  the  fumes  make  him  cough. 


278  The  Ovimbundu 

The  charm  osonge  or  ombuiyu  is  in  the  form  of  small  neckbands 
of  plaited  fiber  to  which  two  or  three  cowrie  shells  are  fastened. 
It  is  worn  by  women  who  wish  to  induce  conception.  A  neckband 
of  this  kind  which  was  worn  by  the  maternal  grandmother  is  thought 
to  be  specially  effective.  Sometimes  a  small  rattle,  formed  from 
seed  pods  attached  to  a  stick,  is  tied  to  the  neckband.  The  rattle 
is  shaken  when  the  mother  of  twins  meets  a  friend  to  whom  she 
is  not  allowed  to  give  the  ordinary  greeting. 

A  tortoise  shell  containing  fat  and  charcoal  is  worn  by  the  mother 
of  a  child  who  is  afflicted  by  the  spirit  of  Kandundu,  which  may 
cause  the  baby  to  have  skin  eruptions  or  a  very  small  amount  of 
hair.  In  order  to  cure  her  child,  the  mother  must  eat  small  quantities 
of  the  contents  of  the  shell  from  time  to  time.  In  some  sympathetic 
way  the  medicinal  benefits  are  transferred  to  the  infant. 

When  dancing,  the  medicine-man  usually  wears  a  goat's  beard 
attached  to  a  circular  piece  of  basketry.  This  osala  is  sometimes 
fastened  on  the  top  of  his  head.  In  place  of  the  ax  already  mentioned 
he  may  flourish  a  small  ceremonial  hoe  or  whisk,  or  a  wooden  baton 
with  a  tuft  of  hair  at  the  end. 

Among  the  varied  duties  of  the  medicine-man  is  that  of  washing 
the  body  of  a  king  (osoma)  or  a  chief  (sekulu).  To  water  in  a  pot, 
the  medicine-man  adds  some  of  the  blood  of  a  freshly  killed  chicken. 
Then  in  a  hut  specially  reserved  for  the  purpose  he  performs  the 
ceremonial  ablution. 

At  Cangamba  an  Ocivokue  performed  a  ceremony  which  was 
supposed  to  make  a  thief  return  to  the  village  for  trial.  The 
medicine-man  sat  on  his  haunches,  holding  in  one  hand  a  small 
rattle  and  in  the  other  a  slender  stick  on  which  the  decorated  carapace 
of  a  tortoise  was  poised  (Plate  LXXXII,  Fig.  1).  Very  earnestly 
the  man  talked,  shook  his  head,  and  gazed  at  the  tortoise  shell 
which  began  to  twist  on  its  pivot.  As  the  medicine-man  muttered 
and  shook  his  rattle,  the  movement  of  the  shell  grew  faster.  Pres- 
ently the  rotation  of  the  tortoise  shell  was  reversed,  but  so  adroitly 
that  I  could  not  follow  the  movement  or  imitate  it  when  allowed 
to  try.  The  reversed  movement  of  the  carapace  on  its  pivot  represents 
the  culprit  turning  back  to  his  village. 

CURING  THE  SICK 

At  Cangamba  a  female  ocimbanda  was  seen  painting  marks  of 
red  and  white  on  the  face  of  a  sick  woman.  The  ceremony  was 
called  ovihamba  and  its  object  was  said  to  be  the  relief  of  rheumatism, 


Religion  279 

of  which  there  are  several  named  varieties.  Painting  of  women  has 
previously  been  mentioned  in  describing  ceremonies  associated 
with  pregnancy. 

Several  distinct  performances  for  curing  the  sick  were  observed 
at  Cangamba,  which  is  a  center  of  the  Vachokue  tribe,  though 
a  few  people  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  many  Luchazi  and  Babunda 
mingle  at  this  place. 

In  the  first  instance  the  sick  woman  knelt  in  front  of  a  hut  two 
feet  high  which  contained  a  clay  leopard  marked  with  white  spots. 
The  medicine-man  dipped  a  bunch  of  leaves  in  water  and  stroked 
this  along  the  patient's  spine  from  the  neck  to  the  sacrum. 

The  second  performance  was  more  elaborate,  and  detailed 
preparations  were  made  outside  the  hut  of  the  medicine-man  (Plate 
LXXXIII,  Fig.  2).  A  screen  of  posts  and  boughs  was  erected,  and 
on  one  side  of  this  two  male  drummers  stood,  each  with  a  long 
tubular  drum  before  him.  On  the  other  side  of  the  fence  were  three 
wooden  posts,  each  two  feet  high,  circular  in  cross  section,  and  painted, 
as  indicated  in  the  illustration.  Near  the  posts  was  a  basket,  so 
closely  woven  that  it  contained  water  in  which  green  twigs  and 
leaves  were  soaking.  The  drums  began  to  beat  and  a  group  of 
women  clapped  hands  in  rhythm. 

The  patient  knelt  before  the  small  painted  wooden  posts  close 
to  the  basket  of  water,  into  which  she  dipped  her  face  from  time  to 
time.  While  the  drum  music  and  hand-clapping  continued,  the 
medicine-man  took  wet  twigs  from  the  basket.  He  drew  these 
very  slowly  along  the  spine  of  the  patient  from  neck  to  sacrum, 
as  if  painting  with  a  brush.  The  patient  occasionally  shivered 
from  head  to  foot;  then  remained  still,  except  for  the  dipping  of 
her  face  in  the  water,  until  the  next  paroxysm  shook  her.  This 
routine  continued  for  ten  minutes.  The  medicine-man  then  knelt 
by  the  woman,  dug  a  small  hole  in  the  ground,  and  pulled  up  one 
of  the  painted  wooden  posts  which  he  placed  in  the  patient's  hands. 
The  medicine-man  kept  his  hands  over  those  of  the  patient  while 
she  transferred  the  painted  post  to  the  new  hole  that  he  had  pre- 
pared. Finally  the  basket  containing  the  water  and  leaves  was 
buried  thirty  feet  from  the  scene  of  operations. 

A  similar  ceremony  was  witnessed  near  this  site.  In  this  instance, 
however,  the  water  was  obtained  from  a  boat-shaped  receptacle 
mounted  on  two  Y-shaped  posts,  at  a  height  of  three  feet  from  the 
ground  (Plate  LXXXIII,  Fig.  1).    Outside  the  hut  of  the  medicine- 


280  The  Ovimbundu 

man,  and  fastened  to  the  wall,  was  a  strip  of  bark  cloth  painted  with 
white  circles.  These  recorded  the  number  of  times  the  patient 
came  for  treatment. 

At  Ngalangi  there  was  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  information 
respecting  plants  used  medicinally.  Each  of  three  medicine-men 
returned  with  a  number  of  roots  and  stems  which  they  readily 
described.  Okakamba  and  okapelangalo  are  roots  that  cure  "big 
head."  This  disease,  which  is  rare  in  white  people,  begins  with 
blood  blisters  in  the  mouth;  these  may  spread  to  the  intestines  and 
cause  death.  Okayenje  is  a  root  that  induces  vomiting;  it  is  also 
a  purgative  to  free  a  patient  from  worms.  Olutikitiki  is  given  to 
a  woman  soon  after  her  baby  is  born.  Kalungdumona  is  a  plant 
having  a  purple  flower.  If  the  root  is  pounded  and  drunk  in  water 
it  acts  as  an  aperient.  Okumbiasoko,  when  pounded  and  placed  on 
the  fire,  restores  a  person  after  fainting;  the  head  of  the  patient  is 
held  in  the  smoke.  To  a  violent  maniac  the  root  usonge  is  given, 
pounded  in  water  and  mixed  with  maize  beer.  At  Ngalangi  a 
man  who  had  been  subject  to  homicidal  mania  was  sitting  on  the 
ground  quietly  with  his  hands  tied  behind  his  back.  I  was  informed 
that  usonge  was  making  him  better.  Ocinyeni  is  a  bark  that  is  chewed 
to  remedy  stomachache.  Kosamba  is  a  plant  used  to  cure  people 
who  fall  into  the  fire;  it  is  also  a  remedy  for  toothache.  The  action 
of  this  drug  kosamba  causes  vomiting  and  evacuation. 

Cilendaluka  is  pounded  in  water  and  smeared  on  the  patient's 
body  as  a  treatment  following  the  internal  application  of  kosamba. 
Mbundakataka  is  a  root  that  is  pounded  and  applied  externally  to 
cure  sores  on  the  lips. 

In  addition  to  the  plants  just  mentioned  the  following  are 
important: 

Ocimbinga.     This  plant,  whose  name  means  "the  big  horn,"  is  probably 

Strophanthus.    It  is  used  in  the  treatment  of  worms  and  chest  colds. 
Ocipumbulu.    This  is  a  trailing  herb  whose  leaves  when  pulverized  are  said 

to  be  a  cure  for  bad  sores. 
Ocindiambala  and  oluavava.  These  are  used  to  give  to  women  who  are  suffer- 
ing in  difficult  delivery.  Ongolo  sometimes  takes  the  place  of  these  drugs. 
The  bark  of  ongolo  is  pounded  in  boiling  water  which  is  contained  in  a  basin 
over  which  the  woman  sits.  Use  of  the  bark  in  this  way  is  a  protection 
against  injuries  resulting  from  childbirth. 
Omondolua.     This  is  good  for  headaches  and  whooping  cough.     The  roots 

are  boiled  and  mixed  with  sweet  beer. 
Okalolula-lohala.    This  is  said  to  be  used  in  cases  of  dysentery.    At  Elende 

it  is  used  for  curing  skin  diseases. 
Ohaile.    This  is  used  in  cases  of  snake  bite,  swellings,  and  stings. 

In  connection  with  the  foregoing  study  of  the  native  pharmacopoeia 
it  will  be  of  interest  to  consider  some  maladies  to  which  the  Ovim- 


Religion  281 

bundu  are  subject.  Information  relating  to  these  points  was  given 
by  Dr.  Hollenbeck  of  the  Mission  Station  at  Elende. 

Of  intestinal  worms  there  are  many  kinds.  Hookworm  is  of 
somewhat  common  occurrence.  Ascaris,  an  intestinal  worm  several 
inches  long,  is  extremely  common.  Infection  may  arise  from  the  soil, 
also  from  the  use  of  dirty  cooking  utensils.  The  disease  trichinosis, 
which  arises  from  the  activities  of  the  parasite  trichina,  is  rare. 
Tapeworm  is  frequent  because  much  of  the  pork  and  beef  is  infected. 
Oxyuris,  a  small  round  worm  about  half  an  inch  long,  is  common. 
Bilharzia  is  fairly  prevalent. 

Malaria  is  so  usual  that  almost  every  one  suffers  at  some  period. 
Every  baby  has  malaria  within  the  first  two  years  of  its  life.  Malaria 
is  not  followed  by  blackwater  fever,  but  possibly  by  onyalai,  which 
is  known  at  Elende.  The  symptoms  are  the  appearance  of  blood- 
blisters  on  the  tongue.  These  spread  to  the  throat  and  intestines, 
possibly  with  fatal  results.  This  disease,  which  does  not  attack 
white  people,  is  local. 

There  is  no  sleeping  sickness  at  Elende,  but  the  disease  occurs 
at  Katombela,  at  some  points  on  the  Kwanza,  also  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Congo.  There  are  at  Elende  cases  of  elephantiasis  due  to 
the  activities  of  a  filaria  which  affects  the  lymphatic  glands.  Infan- 
tile paralysis  occurs. 

Leprosy  is  fairly  common;  the  nervous  form  is  more  usual  than 
the  nodular.  There  are  instances  of  yaws,  a  disease  somewhat 
resembling  syphilis  inasmuch  as  the  disease  is  communicated  by 
a  spirochaete,  but  yaws  is  not  communicated  by  sexual  infection. 
Venereal  disease  is  not  common  at  Elende. 

The  pulmonary  form  of  tuberculosis  occurs,  but  is  not  usual 
at  Elende.  There  are  places  in  the  Benguela  Highlands  where  the 
disease  is  increasing.  Both  whooping  cough  and  measles  are  well 
known,  but  there  is  no  scarlet  fever  or  diphtheria.  Chickenpox  and 
smallpox  are  both  known  to  occur,  the  latter  in  epidemic  form  from 
time  to  time.    There  is  occasional  dysentery,  but  no  typhoid. 

Hernia  in  its  inguinal  form  is  common.  Umbilical  hernia,  due 
to  lack  of  skilled  attention  at  birth,  is  frequent,  but  with  advancing 
age  this  defect  is  often  rectified,  or  at  least  greatly  modified.  There 
are  cases  of  injury  to  women  at  childbirth;  for  example,  vesical- 
vaginal  fistula.  Blindness  is  fairly  common  as  a  result  of  the  neglect 
of  inflammation  of  the  conjunctiva.  Babies  suffer  from  corneal 
ulcers,  which  sometimes  result  in  total  blindness.  Cataract  is 
fairly  common  in  both  its  senile  and  juvenile  forms. 


282  The  Ovimbundu 

Deformities  resulting  from  burns  are  frequent.  Cooking  pots 
are  unstably  placed  on  logs  which  form  the  fire,  and,  in  addition 
to  this,  people  sleep  very  near  the  fire.  There  is  no  cerebro-spinal 
fever.  Pneumonia  is  very  common;  the  result  is  often  fatal.  Weak- 
ness of  the  heart  is  only  occasional.  Varicose  veins  are  rare.  There 
is  no  appendicitis. 

One  cannot  fail  to  notice  the  prevalence  of  tropical  ulcers  among 
the  Ovimbundu.  These  occur  most  frequently  on  the  tibia.  The 
big  sloughing  ulcer  makes  a  large  hole  which  the  native  fills  with 
clay  and  a  pulp  of  leaves.  Sometimes  a  bark  is  pounded  to  a  pulp 
and  used  in  this  way.  These  ulcers  are  very  obstinate  even  under 
skilled  treatment.  Often  after  the  wound  has  been  healed  it  will 
break  out  again  when  irritated  by  the  slightest  injury.  Medical 
opinion  is  divided  as  to  the  cause  of  these  ulcers.  Jiggers  are  a  cause 
of  deformation  of  the  toes,  which  sometimes  fall  off  or  have  to  be 
amputated.  Cancer  is  not  usual  in  people  under  sixty  years  of  age. 
Superficial  cancer  is  the  most  common  form. 

Water,  even  when  procurable,  is  sparingly  used  by  the  Ovim- 
bundu. The  hands  and  face  may  receive  a  perfunctory  wash  each 
day,  but  the  entire  body  seldom  receives  this  attention. 

Cupping  was  observed  on  two  occasions,  but  I  think  the  opera- 
tions were  performed  by  the  mothers  of  the  children  concerned,  and 
not  by  a  medicine-man.  The  method  of  using  the  horns  or  gourds 
is  illustrated  (Plate  LXXXVI,  Fig.  1).  After  incisions  had  been 
made  the  cups  were  applied.  The  operator  sucked  the  pointed  end 
of  the  cup,  so  creating  a  vacuum,  which  was  maintained  by  pushing 
forward  with  the  tip  of  the  tongue  a  small  ball  of  wax.  This  wax 
filled  the  hole  at  the  pointed  end  of  the  cupping  horn.  The  people 
shown  in  the  photograph  are  Vachokue,  but  the  method  is  the  same 
among  the  Ovimbundu. 

At  Elende  there  was  a  sweat  bath  in  the  form  of  a  hole  in  the 
ground  containing  a  heap  of  stones.  The  stones  are  heated  in  a 
fire,  then  cold  water  is  thrown  over  them  so  that  steam  arises  to 
the  patient,  who  crouches  above  the  hole  covered  with  a  blanket. 

In  the  Vasele  country,  also  among  the  Ovimbundu  at  Elende, 
I  examined  corporeal  incisions  other  than  tribal  marks.  The  explana- 
tion was  to  the  effect  that  the  making  of  cuts  cured  pain  (Plates 
XXIV,  Fig.  3;  LXXVI,  Fig.  2). 

RAIN-MAKING 

The  rain-maker  (upuli)  is  a  medicine-man  who  has  specialized 
in  this  function.    The  upuli,  who  was  an  Ocivokue  of  Ngongo,  and 


Religion  283 

not  an  Ocimbundu,  was  dressed  in  only  a  skirt  of  cloth,  and  his 
equipment  consisted  of  a  reed  whistle  and  a  hair  switch  made  from  a 
cow's  tail. 

The  dance  was  a  slow  revolution  without  any  violent  leaping. 
The  man  held  his  arms  upward,  fully  extended,  and  went  through 
the  motions  of  drawing  rain  from  above;  then  he  made  slow  arm 
movements  suggestive  of  spreading  the  rain  all  around.  At  times 
he  stood  quite  still  and  gave  a  shrill  whistle.  The  hair  switch  was 
constantly  twirled  and  flourished. 

POISON  ORDEAL 

Evidence  presented  in  chapters  VI  and  VII  will  show  that  the 
poison  ordeal  is  a  widely  spread  Negro  trait,  and  that  administra- 
tion of  the  ordeal  is  connected  with  legal  proceedings  during  which 
the  poison  cup  is  usually  given  to  the  suspects  or  litigants  by  a 
medicine-man. 

This  ordeal  as  practised  among  the  Ovimbundu  and  other  people 
of  Angola  is  in  conformity  with  the  general  Negro  procedure. 
Ngonga  thinks  that  the  poison  ordeal  of  the  old  type  is  still  practised 
secretly.  According  to  the  old  law  the  poison  cup  affected  an  innocent 
man  by  making  him  vomit,  while  the  guilty  person  succumbed. 

Ngonga  states  that  a  form  of  poison  ordeal  which  exists  today 
is  as  follows:  The  medicine-man  holds  out  two  potatoes,  one  of  which 
is  poisoned  while  the  other  is  innocuous.  The  poisoned  man  does 
not  die  but  he  becomes  so  ill  that  he  confesses  his  guilt.  This  use 
of  potatoes  has  been  fully  described  in  connection  with  legal  procedure 
(chapter  VI). 

The  guilt  or  innocence  of  suspects  is  tested  by  giving  poison  to 
chickens  brought  to  the  medicine-man  by  the  accused  men.  He 
whose  chicken  dies  is  the  guilty  person. 

CEREMONIAL  FIRE 

New  fire  is  made  during  epidemic  sickness,  at  the  accession  of 
a  king,  and  at  the  building  of  a  new  village.  On  such  occasions 
the  twirling  method  is  employed.  The  fire  made  is  called  ondalu, 
which  is  the  ordinary  word  for  fire. 

When  an  epidemic  of  sickness  occurs  the  chief  of  the  village 
takes  a  present  of  eight  yards  of  cloth  to  the  medicine-man  and 
asks  the  cause  of  the  visitation.  The  medicine-man  replies,  "Your 
fire  is  dirty  and  worn  out,  you  must  have  new  fire." 


284  The  Ovimbundu 

The  village  chief  takes  this  news  to  the  people,  saying,  "Tomorrow 
we  must  find  a  goat,  a  chicken,  and  a  pig,  so  that  we  may  kill  them. 
Then  we  must  make  a  new  fire."    The  chief  pays  for  these  animals. 

Next  day  the  medicine-man  starts  a  fire  by  the  twirling  method, 
and  as  soon  as  the  fire  has  been  kindled  he  kills  a  fowl  whose  blood 
is  allowed  to  drop  on  the  fire  and  the  wood  near-by.  The  sacrificial 
goat  and  pig  are  treated  in  the  same  way.  Sometimes  a  boy  who  is 
learning  to  be  a  medicine-man  kills  these  animals.  Meat  from  each 
of  the  animals  so  sacrificed  is  cooked  on  this  newly  made  fire,  care 
being  taken  that  each  kind  of  meat  is  kept  in  a  separate  pot.  There 
is  no  special  pottery  for  this  cooking.  When  the  meat  is  cooked 
it  is  tasted  by  a  girl  from  twelve  to  fourteen  years  of  age  who  hands  a 
portion  to  the  chief,  who  distributes  the  meat  among  the  village 
elders  (olosekulu).  The  meat  from  the  chicken,  which  must  be  fat, 
is  the  first  to  be  distributed.  A  cock  or  a  hen  may  be  chosen,  but 
if  the  latter  is  selected  it  must  be  utenda;  that  is  to  say,  it  must 
not  have  arrived  at  the  egg-laying  age. 

Finally  there  is  a  distribution  of  meat  among  the  villagers  who 
have  been  present  throughout  the  ceremony.  The  chief  speaks, 
saying,  "We  wish  good  fortune  to  the  new  fire."  Each  person  has 
to  take  the  responsibility  for  quenching  his  own  fire  before  the 
new  one  is  ceremonially  made.  After  the  feast  each  father  of  a 
"restricted"  family  takes  away  a  portion  of  the  newly  kindled  fire. 

There  is  sometimes  a  ceremonial  purification  of  the  village  water 
supply.  Water  is  carried  in  a  block  of  wood  from  the  nearest  stream, 
and  to  this  water  a  few  drops  of  blood  from  the  sacrificed  animals 
are  added.  The  idea  involved  throughout  is  the  renewal  of  health 
by  the  furnishing  of  new,  unadulterated  supplies  of  fire  and  water. 

At  the  inaugural  ceremony  of  a  new  king  a  similar  proceeding 
is  followed.  A  chicken  is  killed  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  blood 
to  sprinkle  the  new  fire  and  on  this  occasion  there  is  a  ceremonial 
hunt.  The  king  may  or  may  not  join  the  males  of  the  hunting  party ; 
sometimes  he  sends  a  substitute. 

A  girl  follows  the  king  or  his  substitute  carrying  a  basket  (ongalo) 
in  which  round  fruits  from  the  tree  olosangu  are  contained.  Each 
of  the  fruits  is  wrapped  round  with  the  skin  of  the  large  lizard 
(etatu).  The  object  of  the  hunt  is  to  kill  a  male  antelope,  the  duiker 
(ombambi),  and  a  hare  (pndimba)  which  may  be  male  or  female. 
The  hare  is  not  called  ondimba  on  this  occasion,  but  receives  the 
name  for  elephant  (onjamba). 


Religion  285 

The  hare  is  not  carried  over  the  shoulder,  but  has  a  ceremonial 
conveyance  slung  on  poles  (owanda)  which  are  supported  on  the 
shoulders  of  two  or  even  four  men. 

Laying  the  evil  of  a  village  on  a  goat,  which  is  then  driven  out 
to  die,  is  an  Umbundu  custom.  The  scapegoat  ceremony  has  a 
cleansing  function  similar  in  purpose  to  the  rekindling  of  fire  for 
the  community.  Cavazzi  pictured  and  described  the  scapegoat 
ceremony  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  Ngonga  informed  me 
that  he  saw  the  rite  twenty  years  ago. 

Prohibitions  and  Omens 
There  is  a  taboo  against  killing  oka  kuhu,  which  is  the  yellow- 
backed  duiker.  When  Ngonga  was  sick  he  was  forbidden  to  eat  the 
flesh  of  the  duiker  (ombambi);  neither  is  this  flesh  to  be  eaten  by 
people  who  suffer  from  dizziness.  In  former  days  women  were  not 
allowed  to  eat  eggs.  The  flesh  of  sheep  and  goats  is  said  to  be  indi- 
gestible for  children  between  the  ages  of  three  and  six  years.  The 
flesh  of  the  lion,  leopard,  and  hyena  is  forbidden  as  food  for  the 
king,  but  other  people  may  eat  it.  The  king  is  in  fact  forbidden 
to  eat  the  flesh  of  any  animal  which  has  paws;  neither  may  he 
eat  flesh  of  the  bush  buck.  A  medicine-man  must  not  eat  flesh  of 
a  dog  except  before  a  ceremony  for  curing  the  sick.  The  taboo  against 
dog's  flesh  applies  also  to  the  diet  of  a  king. 

A  woman  must  not  step  over  the  legs  of  a  male,  neither  must  a 
man  step  over  the  legs  of  a  woman;  for  to  do  so  causes  weakness 
of  the  knees.    A  man  or  woman  may  step  over  the  legs  of  a  child. 

Omens  are  numerous.  It  is  unfortunate  to  see  a  snake  holding 
a  frog,  and  the  person  who  observes  this  should  go  to  the  medicine- 
man at  once.  When  going  to  a  village  to  be  tried  by  the  chief  it 
is  bad  to  meet  some  one  who  is  carrying  a  bark  rope,  as  this  indicates 
binding  and  punishment.  If  a  person  who  is  setting  out  from  home 
meets  a  woman  carrying  corn  meal  or  any  other  white  substance, 
he  or  she  must  take  a  little  of  the  meal,  whiten  the  face,  and  all 
will  be  well.  A  fly  in  the  mouth  is  a  good  sign,  because  the  fly 
knows  where  meat  is  to  be  obtained  and  is  trying  to  lead  the  way. 

A  stranger  visiting  a  village  is  pleased  when  a  dog  is  the  first 
animal  to  enter  the  guest  house.  Dogs  are  fed,  so  the  entry  of  a  dog 
is  a  sign  that  the  visitor  will  receive  food.  On  the  contrary,  the 
appearance  of  a  goat  is  a  bad  omen,  because  goats  are  not  fed ;  they 
pick  up  a  frugal  living  as  best  they  can.  Other  prohibitions  and 
omens  have  been  mentioned  in  discussing  the  pregnancy  of  women. 


X.    CULTURE  CONTACTS 

The  foregoing  chapters  have  presented  the  main  outlines  of  the 
tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu,  with  a  brief  reference  to  some  factors 
in  the  cultures  of  Angolan  tribes  with  whom  the  Ovimbundu  are 
in  close  contact.  But  hitherto  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  analyze 
the  cultural  contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu  outside  Angola. 

The  data  recorded  indicate  that  the  tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu 
is  not  an  independent  growth  in  the  Benguela  Highlands.  We  have, 
therefore,  a  problem  involving  a  detailed  study  of  surrounding 
cultures.  The  most  important  of  these  are  located  in  the  Congo 
basin,  Rhodesia,  and  South  West  Africa,  and  for  this  reason  the 
present  chapter  is  divided  into  three  sections,  each  of  which  deals 
with  one  of  these  areas  which  are  all  contiguous  to  Angola. 

In  analyzing  these  surrounding  cultures  for  comparison  with  the 
tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu,  the  social  patterns  as  a  whole  are  con- 
sidered, and  no  attempt  is  made  to  construct  a  theory  of  derivations 
based  on  what  might  be  a  few  fortuitous  resemblances  arising 
through  convergence.  Our  study  is  aided  by  a  knowledge  of  historical 
contacts  and  geographical  contiguity  of  the  areas  compared.  There- 
fore the  method  is  not  open  to  the  objections  that  have  been  made 
justly  against  an  assumption  of  cultural  relationships  between  two 
widely  separated  regions,  in  which  only  a  few  artifacts  or  institutions 
have  an  alleged  resemblance. 

Chapters  X  and  XI  are  concerned  with  discussing  the  probable 
cultural  relationships  of  the  Ovimbundu,  and  a  final  chapter, 
"Cultural  Processes,"  indicates  the  way  in  which  historical  events 
and  geographical  factors  have  contributed  to  the  selection  and 
welding  of  traits  whose  aggregate  now  constitutes  the  tribal  life  of 
the  Ovimbundu. 

Congo  Basin 

An  examination  of  the  cultural  traits  of  the  Congo  basin  is  of 
particular  importance,  because  of  the  known  historical  connection 
of  the  Ovimbundu  with  Congo  tribes,  before  the  former  entered  the 
Benguela  Highlands.  Such  a  survey  is  conveniently  made  by 
examining  the  culture  of  the  Congo  basin  from  the  estuary  along 
the  course  of  the  main  river,  then  southward  along  the  Kasai  and 
its  tributaries  into  the  northeast  of  Angola. 

Despite  minor  differences  the  Congo  area  may  be  regarded  as  a 
region  of  considerable  uniformity  with  regard  to  environment  and 

286 

I 


Culture  Contacts  287 

cultural  factors.  The  transitions  from  the  Congo  basin  to  the 
Benguela  Highlands  are  of  a  gradual  kind  with  respect  to  climatic 
conditions,  physical  features,  and  culture.  Therefore,  there  are  no 
compelling  conditions  which  caused  the  Ovimbundu  suddenly  to 
abandon  traits  already  acquired  before  their  southern  migration. 

Nevertheless,  several  traits  of  Congo  culture  which  must  have 
been  known  to  the  Ovimbundu  have  disappeared  from  their  tribal 
life,  while  other  factors  have  been  emphasized  in  importance  because 
of  a  change  in  locality.  The  disappearance  of  traits  and  the  welding 
of  others  is  discussed  in  chapter  XII.  The  present  section  is  con- 
cerned with  summarizing  the  points  of  resemblance  and  difference 
between  the  Congo  culture  and  that  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  books  of  J.  J.  Monteiro  mention  several  traits  which  are 
a  link  between  cultures  of  the  Congo  and  the  Ovimbundu  culture 
of  the  Benguela  Highlands.  The  Mushicongos  chip  all  their  teeth 
to  fine  points  (vol.  I,  p.  262),  a  practice  which  resembles  that  of  the 
Umbundu-speaking  Vasele.  Monteiro  describes  the  musical  bow, 
the  friction  drum,  and  the  rubbing  of  a  grooved  piece  of  wood  with 
a  stick  (vol.  I,  pp.  139-141).  All  these  musical  devices  are  used  today 
by  the  Ovimbundu  far  to  the  south  of  the  areas  described  by  this 
writer.  When  describing  the  Esele  country  which  forms  a  cultural 
pocket  of  the  Ovimbundu  people,  I  have  previously  referred  to 
Monteiro's  mention  of  the  extinguishing  of  old  fires  and  the  cere- 
monial creation  of  new  ones  at  the  death  of  a  king  (vol.  II,  p.  167) ; 
also  the  functioning  of  the  poison  ordeal  with  use  of  the  bark  of 
ErythropMaeum  guineense  (vol.  I,  p.  61).  The  former  of  these  customs 
is  carefully  observed  by  the  Ovimbundu  at  the  present  time,  while 
the  latter  is  practised  furtively. 

A  part  of  Angola  that  is  frequently  omitted  is  the  Cabinda 
Enclave  to  the  north  of  the  Congo  estuary.  Overbergh  describes 
this  territory  in  "Les  Mayombe";  the  Mayombe  are  a  forest  people 
living  near  Boma.  They  use  red  tukula  wood  for  bodily  ornament. 
There  are  special  names  for  the  first-  and  second-born  of  twins 
(p.  217).  Circumcision  is  practised  (p.  233).  The  poison  ordeal 
is  used  with  the  drug  Kasa.  There  is  a  classificatory  system  of 
relationships  (p.  259),  but  without  sufficient  detail  for  comparison 
with  that  of  the  Ovimbundu.  The  most  artistic  figurines,  which 
are  carved  in  wood  or  ivory,  are  sometimes  filled  with  a  mixture  of 
clay  and  blood  as  "medicine"  (p.  219).  The  Mayombe  believe  in 
the  existence  of  a  supreme  being  named  Ngambi  but  they  have 
no  cult  for  him;  there  is,  however,  a  very  active  belief  in  a  world 


288  The  Ovimbundu 

of  invisible  spirits  who  work  through  apparitions,  cries,  and  dis- 
placement of  objects  (p.  307).  All  these  traits  are  features  of  Um- 
bundu  culture  (see  also  "Etudes  Bakongo,"  by  R.  P.  J.  van  Wing). 

J.  H.  Weeks  (V)  describes  a  number  of  traits  which  are  typical 
of  Ovimbundu  culture.  Mat-making  by  sewing  long  reeds  together 
is  pictured  (p.  88)  in  such  a  way  as  to  identify  the  method  with  that 
of  the  Ovimbundu.  The  Bakongo  use  a  stick  for  making  sounds 
by  rubbing  on  notched  bamboo  (p.  179).  The  Bakongo  have  the 
dumb-bell  basket-work  rattle  (p.  250),  and  the  bull-roarer  as  a 
plaything  (p.  126).  The  friction  drum  is  used  (p.  131).  There  are 
circumcision  lodges  for  boys,  also  bachelors'  clubs  near  San  Salvador. 
The  function  of  the  bachelors'  club  corresponds  with  that  of  the 
onjango,  the  council  house  of  the  Ovimbundu.  The  graves  of  hunters 
are  specially  cared  for  (p.  181).  The  poison  ordeal  nkasa  is  carried 
out  with  an  infusion  made  from  the  bark  of  a  tree;  vomiting  indicates 
innocence.  Nzambi,  as  among  the  Ovimbundu,  is  a  vaguely  con- 
ceived, powerful  spirit  who  receives  little  attention;  there  are  no 
prayers  and  no  sacrifices  in  his  honor  (p.  276).  Descent  is  reckoned 
on  the  mother's  side.  There  is  a  kinship  system  of  classified  rela- 
tionships; thus  ntekolo  means  son's  son,  son's  daughter,  daughter's 
son,  and  daughter's  daughter.  Nkaka  means  mother's  father, 
mother's  mother,  etc.,  in  such  a  way  as  to  show  a  parallel  between 
nkaka  and  the  kukululu  class  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

R.  E.  Dennett  has  mentioned  several  ethnological  points  which 
serve  further  to  connect  the  Congo  culture  with  that  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu. Dennett's  account  deals  with  the  Bavili,  a  branch  of  the 
Fjort  of  the  Loango  region  to  the  north  of  the  Congo  estuary.  The 
father  and  his  brothers  are  lata,  the  grandchild  class  is  batekulu 
(Umbundu  onekulu) ;  descent  is  matrilineal.  A  man  must  not  marry 
the  daughter  of  his  father's  brother  or  of  his  mother's  sister,  because 
such  children  are  his  brothers  and  sisters  (p.  36).  Girls  are  secluded 
at  puberty  in  the  "paint  house,"  and  the  red  coloring  is  beaten  from 
them  with  switches  (p.  38).  The  women  I  saw  at  Ngongo  giving  a 
demonstration  of  the  decoration  and  dances  of  a  secret  society 
were  elaborately  painted  from  head  to  foot  with  alternate  bands  of 
red  and  white.  The  mother's  brother  may  sell  his  sister's  children 
to  pay  his  debts  (p.  41).  Inheritance  of  property  is  in  the  female 
line,  to  the  sons  of  the  deceased  man's  sister.  The  heir  to  chieftain- 
ship is  the  eldest  brother  of  the  deceased,  and  the  next  in  line  of 
succession  is  a  sister's  son.  The  wife  and  children  of  the  deceased 
are  not  entitled  to  any  property  (p.  46).    The  poison  ordeal  is  given 


Culture  Contacts  289 

with  powdered  bark  administered  by  the  medicine-man,  and  vomiting 
is  a  sign  of  innocence  (p.  25).  Nzambi,  who  is  the  supreme  being 
from  whom  everything  originated,  corresponds  to  Suku  and  Kalunga 
of  the  Ovimbundu,  for  like  these  high  beings  he  is  remote  and  otiose. 

When  inquiring  into  the  ethnology  of  the  Kasai  valley,  situated 
to  the  northeast  of  the  Benguela  Highlands,  a  large  body  of  literature 
is  available.  Each  book  or  article  confirms  cultural  resemblances 
between  the  social  pattern  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  that  of  the  Congo 
basin,  but  not  all  points  of  comparison  are  to  be  found  together  in 
the  works  of  one  writer. 

In  an  article  on  the  "Ethnology  of  the  South  West  Congo  Free 
State"  E.  Torday  and  T.  A.  Joyce  describe  the  use  of  manioc  by 
the  Bayanzi  who  scatter  the  flour  on  water,  so  making  a  paste. 
To  eliminate  the  poisonous  principle,  bitter  manioc  is  soaked  in 
water  for  three  days,  after  which  it  is  peeled,  dried,  and  pounded 
in  wooden  mortars  (p.  138).  Tukula  wood,  which  is  well  known 
and  widely  used  in  Angola,  yields  a  red  powder  that  is  employed 
for  corporeal  decoration  by  the  Bapindi  and  the  Bakuba  (p.  147). 
The  Vakuanyama  of  southern  Angola  use  the  powder  mixed  with 
fat  as  an  unguent  for  their  bodies  and  a  dressing  for  leather  clothing. 

The  evidence  of  Torday  and  Joyce  shows  that  children  of  the 
Bakwese  owe  obedience  to  their  maternal  uncle;  for  example,  boys 
who  wished  to  accompany  Torday  had  to  ask  permission  from  this 
relative  (p.  150).  The  practice  of  cupping,  use  of  friction  drums  and 
the  marimba,  are  found  among  the  Bakwese,  who  test  the  guilt 
of  an  accused  person  by  giving  a  poisonous  concoction  prepared 
from  the  bark  of  Erythrophlaeum  guineense;  innocence  is  proved 
by  vomiting. 

Torday  and  Joyce  (I)  call  attention  to  several  traits  which  are 
common  to  the  cultures  of  the  Bambala  and  the  Ovimbundu.  Skin 
puncturing  and  the  introducing  of  decayed  rubber  into  the  cuts 
are  practised  (p.  401);  this  is  a  common  usage  among  Ovimbundu 
women.  The  poison  ordeal  is  practised.  Water-pipes  for  smoking 
tobacco  are  made  from  gourds.  During  agricultural  operations  hoe 
culture  by  women  follows  clearance  of  the  ground  by  men.  Women 
use  a  short  iron-bladed  hoe,  and  the  result  of  their  labor  is  the  pro- 
duction of  manioc,  bananas,  sweet  potatoes,  haricot  beans,  and 
peanuts  (p.  405). 

Rats  are  shot  with  blunt  wooden  arrows.  There  are  great  com- 
munal hunts  for  large  game.    The  grass  is  fired,  and  at  the  conclusion 


290  The  Ovimbundu 

of  the  hunt  horns  and  skulls  are  presented  to  the  village  fetish, 
a  practice  which  is  comparable  to  the  mounting  of  skulls  and  horns 
outside  the  hut  of  an  Umbundu  hunter  whose  grave  is  later  decorated 
with  similar  trophies. 

Among  the  Bambala  a  hunter's  bow  is  buta  (Umbundu  uta,  "a 
weapon").  Exchange  of  blood  seals  an  alliance  between  chiefs. 
Kinship  is  reckoned  chiefly  in  the  female  line  and  children  belong 
to  the  eldest  maternal  uncle.  Widows  never  inherit  property; 
this  passes  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  eldest  sister.  The  word  for  father 
is  tata.  Personal  names  may  be  changed  at  puberty  or  later  at 
the  pleasure  of  the  owner  (pp.  410-412).  Poison  for  the  ordeal  is 
made  from  the  bark  of  a  tree  imported  from  the  mouth  of  the  Kwilu 
River  (p.  416).  The  name  for  the  soul  is  mityima  ("the  heart," 
Umbundu  utima).  In  all  these  points  the  Ovimbundu  resemble 
the  Bambala. 

Torday  and  Joyce  have  reported  on  the  culture  of  the  Bayaka 
(II).  This  tribe  has  the  friction  drum,  but  in  a  form  rather  different 
from  that  of  Angola.  The  poison  ordeal  with  the  use  of  Erythro- 
phlaeum  guineense  is  employed.  Straw  shelters  are  built  over  graves 
which  are  covered  with  broken  pots.  Ovimbundu  graves  of  this 
kind  were  photographed  near  Caconda  (Plate  XLVII,  Figs.  1,  2). 

The  Basonge  live  near  the  Baluba  close  to  the  Lualaba  River, 
and  the  report  of  C.  van  Overbergh  has  been  consulted  for  informa- 
tion which  shows  cultural  resemblances  between  the  Basonge  and 
the  Ovimbundu.  The  Basonge  use  short  ornamental  clubs  called 
by  van  Overbergh  batons  de  promenade.  Such  clubs  as  these  are 
one  of  the  most  artistic  features  in  the  wood-carving  industry  of 
the  Ovimbundu.  The  clubs  are  too  ornamental  for  use  as  missiles, 
and  the  name  given  by  van  Overbergh  (plate  I,  fig.  13)  is  an  appro- 
priate description. 

Hoe  blades  and  the  method  of  hafting  are  the  same  for  the 
Basonge  and  the  Ovimbundu.  The  wooden  stools  and  gourd  tobacco- 
pipes  of  the  Basonge  have  forms  well  known  to  Umbundu  wood- 
carvers.  Manioc  is  the  principal  food  of  the  Basonge  (p.  125). 
Fire  is  made  by  twirling  the  point  of  a  stick  on  a  baseboard.  Only 
rich  chiefs  have  a  few  cattle,  and  the  word  for  ox  is  ngombe  (Um- 
bundu ongombe). 

I  have  examined  the  evidence  of  J.  H.  Weeks  (III,  IV)  with 
regard  to  the  Bangala  (Im  Bangala)  of  the  southwest  Congo  region. 
The  Bangala  use  the  word  nganga  for  "medicine-man,"  but  for  the 
Ovimbundu  nganga  is  a  witch,  while  ocimbanda  is  the  legitimate 


Culture  Contacts  291 

practitioner  of  healing  and  divination.  If  sickness  visits  a  house 
of  the  Bangala  the  fire  is  extinguished  and  a  new  one  is  kindled. 
Women  who  have  prepared  a  corpse  for  burial  are  purified  by  sitting 
in  a  circle  of  fires  (p.  114). 

Manioc,  of  which  there  are  several  varieties,  is  the  principal 
food,  and  the  methods  of  agriculture  agree  well  with  those  followed 
by  the  Ovimbundu,  since  beans,  yams,  maize,  and  peanuts  are 
cultivated.  Caterpillars  are  used  as  food.  Milk  is  tabooed  by 
all  Bangala,  who  regard  it  with  great  abhorrence,  though  no  reason 
is  given.  The  best  hunters  among  the  Bangala  are  specialists  who 
are  prepared  for  the  hunt  by  the  medicine-man  (p.  123). 

Fish  are  stupefied  by  poison  of  a  vegetable  kind  which  is  scattered 
on  the  surface  of  the  water  (p.  127).  The  Bangala  have  the  poison 
ordeal  (p.  434).  I  have  reported  the  use  of  the  word  ekandu  by  the 
Ovimbundu,  who  employ  the  term  to  denote  any  evil  action  which 
causes  pain  to  others.  If  there  is  sickness  in  the  family,  the  Baloki 
say,  "There  is  an  ekandu  in  the  family"  (Weeks,  IV,  p.  390),  and 
the  witch  doctor  removes  this  ekandu  ceremonially. 

The  Baloki  use  painted  wooden  posts  which  are  placed  near  the 
houses  of  the  sick  so  that  the  spirits  of  sickness  may  be  driven  into 
them;  the  spirits  are  then  appeased  with  offerings  of  food  and  drink. 
From  Bailundu  I  obtained  a  carved  wooden  post  in  the  form  of  a 
human  figure;  this  was  set  on  a  path  near  a  village  so  that  offerings 
might  be  made  to  the  spirit  within  the  post  if  an  epidemic  attacked 
the  village  (cf.  Weeks,  p.  390). 

The  Umbundu  game  of  shooting  at  a  tuber  has  been  described; 
apparently  this  amusement  is  like  that  of  the  Baloki  game  as 
described  by  Weeks  (p.  405).  Baloki  youths  cut  the  root  of  a  plan- 
tain into  the  form  of  a  wheel,  and  the  players  are  then  divided  into 
two  competing  parties  as  among  the  Ovimbundu;  but  Baloki  boys 
throw  bamboo  splinters  at  the  wheel,  they  do  not  shoot  arrows  as 
do  the  Ovimbundu.  Mancala  is  played  (p.  414)  as  it  is  among  the 
Ovimbundu,  who  call  the  game  ocela;  but  I  am  not  informed  con- 
cerning the  details  of  the  game  among  the  Baloki  and  Ovimbundu 
respectively. 

H.  von  Weissmann  (II)  indicates  that  his  route  lay  up  the  Congo 
to  the  junction  with  the  Kasai.  He  then  turned  up  the  Kasai  and 
traveled  through  the  country  of  the  Bambala,  the  Bassongo,  and 
the  Bakuba;  thence  along  the  valley  of  the  Sankuru.  He  gives 
his  impressions  of  the  Bih6an  (Ovimbundu)  caravans  from  Bihe"  in 


292  The  Ovimbundu 

the  Benguela  Highlands  (p.  145).  "They  carry  on  the  most  shameful 
trade  imaginable  and  undertake  longer  journeys  than  any  other 
Negroes  of  the  west  coast.  They  exchange  their  prisoners  for  ivory 
among  the  Bakuba  tribes."  Weissmann  journeyed  among  the 
Wawemba  of  northern  Rhodesia  where  he  noted  the  poison  ordeal. 
He  states  that  it  was  customary  to  settle  a  dispute  between  two 
persons  by  drinking  a  poisonous  draft  made  from  a  bark,  and  the 
one  who  vomits  is  cleared  of  suspicion.  Weissmann's  accounts 
emphasize  the  importance  of  Umbundu  contacts  through  the 
caravan  trade. 

M.  W.  Hilton-Simpson,  who  accompanied  Torday  for  a  period, 
has  noted  several  points  of  importance  in  the  establishment  of 
cultural  resemblances  between  the  Ovimbundu  and  tribes  of  the 
Kasai  (pp.  225,  257,  259,  282).  The  Bambala  play  end-blown 
wooden  flutes  like  those  from  Bailundu,  but  there  is  no  evidence 
to  show  that  the  Ovimbundu  play  a  nose  flute  as  do  the  Bambala. 
The  eating  of  dogs  by  the  Bapende  is  a  widely  distributed  cultural 
trait  of  the  Congo,  and  the  Ovimbundu  follow  this  practice.  Initiation 
masks  pictured  by  Hilton-Simpson  bear  a  resemblance  to  those  of 
eastern  Angola.  The  Batatela  smoke  hemp  in  a  gourd  water-pipe 
as  do  the  Vachokue  and  some  of  the  Ovimbundu.  The  short  friction 
drum  used  by  the  Batatela  is  held  under  the  arm.  In  the  form  of 
the  drum  and  the  method  of  holding  there  is  resemblance  to  the 
Umbundu  custom.  The  Batatela  have  the  flat  drum  called  ocingufu 
by  the  Ovimbundu  (p.  52).  Painting  the  exterior  surfaces  of  walls 
of  houses  is  a  southern  Congo  custom  followed  by  the  Batatela. 
This  practice  has  extended  into  Angola  as  far  south  as  the  Malange- 
Saurimo  line,  and  even  to  the  Bailundu-Huambo  area,  but  south 
of  the  halfway  line  across  Angola  I  do  not  recollect  seeing  houses 
with  painted  walls. 

In  dealing  with  the  evidence  of  culture  contacts  indicated  by 
the  text  and  illustrations  of  the  "Annales  Muse^e  du  Congo  Beige," 
a  condensed  statement  will  call  attention  to  the  many  identities 
between  artifacts  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  those  of  the  southwest 
Congo.  The  following  details,  which  are  well  illustrated  in  the 
"Annales  Mus6e  du  Congo  Beige,"  should  be  compared  with  Plates 
IX-XXII,  showing  similar  objects  made  by  the  Ovimbundu. 

Series  III,  II,  fasc.  1:  Carved  wooden  staffs  for  chiefs  closely 
resemble  those  used  by  chiefs  among  the  Ovimbundu  (p.  70). 

Carved  wooden  hair-combs  are  like  those  used  by  the  Ovimbundu 
and  the  Vachokue  (p.  82). 


Culture  Contacts  293 

Initiation  of  boys  who  are  isolated  in  the  bush  where  there  is 
ceremonial  bathing  and  circumcision  is  a  practice  of  eastern  Angola 
(p.  81). 

The  oval  wooden  masks  worn  by  initiates  are  similar  to  those 
of  eastern  Angola  (p.  84). 

The  mancala  board  with  twenty-eight  holes,  arranged  four  by 
seven,  is  of  the  form  used  at  Ngalangi,  central  Angola  (p.  86). 

The  Babende  use  the  friction  drum  (p.  87). 

Bashilele  arrowheads  are  of  Umbundu  pattern  (p.  98). 

Use  of  red  tukula  wood  is  common  among  the  Bushongo  (p.  165). 

The  wood-carving  of  the  Bakongo  and  the  Bashilele  resembles 
that  of  the  Ovimbundu.  Faces  are  oval  or  triangular,  and  eyes  are 
represented  by  narrow  oval  slits  so  as  to  conform  in  style  and  balance 
with  the  general  outline  of  the  face  (p.  200). 

Series  III,  II,  fasc.  2,  plates  XXII,  XXXI  show  reed  mats 
made  near  Leopoldville.  Such  mats  are  made  by  Umbundu  males, 
who  call  them  esaisa. 

The  flat  drum  (ocingufu  of  the  Ovimbundu)  is  played  by  the 
Batatela.  The  Bahuana  use  the  long  narrow-necked  flour  sifter 
which  is  in  common  use  among  the  Vachokue,  though  not  among 
the  Ovimbundu  (plate  VIII). 

Series  III,  I,  fasc.  2,  plate  XLVIII,  figs.  586-587;  plate  LIII, 
fig.  619;  and  III,  plate  XXXIII,  fig.  470:  The  general  style  and 
pose  of  the  figurines  on  these  plates  is  exactly  like  the  work  of  the 
Ovimbundu.  Legs  are  short,  knees  are  flexed,  hands  are  clasped 
on  the  abdomen,  and  necks  are  elongated,  while  hair  and  cicatriza- 
tion are  clearly  shown.  All  these  figures  are  the  same  in  form  and 
function  as  those  used  by  the  Ovimbundu.  Plate  XXII,  figs.  342, 
354,  357,  describes  horns  of  antelope,  also  tortoise  shells  which  are 
filled  with  medicine.  The  latter  are  provided  with  cords  for  suspen- 
sion round  the  neck.  Batatela  war  clubs  are  of  the  form  used  by 
the  Ovimbundu  (p.  65).  These  resemblances  between  work  of  the 
Ovimbundu  and  tribes  of  the  southwest  Congo  is  further  shown 
by  reference  to  illustrations  by  H.  Clouzot  and  A.  Level  (L'art 
negre,  Paris,  1919). 

Series  III,  I,  fasc.  1:  Mural  decorations  on  houses  resemble  the 
designs  on  houses  of  northern  Angola  (p.  6). 

The  basket-work  dumb-bell  rattle  is  of  the  form  used  in  eastern 
Angola  (plate  II,  figs.  36-38). 

Plate  VI,  figs.  123  A  and  B,  indicates  that  the  flat  drum  of  the 
Ovimbundu  is  of  the  exact  form  used  in  the  Kasai  and  Sankuru 


294  The  Ovimbundu 

region.  Plate  XVI,  fig.  284,  shows  long  wooden  flutes  like  those 
of  Umbundu  pattern  at  Bailundu.  Plate  XIX,  figs.  124  and  313, 
indicates  that  the  musical  bow  with  its  gourd  resonator  is  of  the 
form  used  by  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  ethnographical  catalogue  of  the  Rijks  Museum  of  Leiden 
shows  many  objects  of  the  southwest  Congo  which  are  identical 
with  those  used  by  the  Ovimbundu.  Plate  193  pictures  the  sansa 
and  the  marimba  which  are  common  to  both  regions.  Plates  224, 
fig.  1,  and  225,  fig.  1,  show  tobacco-pipes  and  a  mancala  board  of 
Ngalangi  pattern.  The  mancala  board  from  the  Sankuru  region 
has  twenty-eight  holes  arranged  seven  by  four.  Plates  75,  fig.  10, 
and  236,  fig.  4,  indicate  that  curved  knives  used  by  the  Bangala 
are  like  those  used  by  the  Vasele  of  northeast  Angola.  Plate  227, 
fig.  2,  shows  that  head-dresses  for  initiates  closely  resemble  those 
worn  by  Vachokue  boys  at  Cangamba,  eastern  Angola. 

This  examination  of  the  traits  of  Congo  culture  calls  attention 
to  numerous  resemblances  between  the  cultural  pattern  of  the 
Congo  region  and  that  of  the  Ovimbundu  of  the  present  day.  I 
think  there  is  reason  to  accept  the  following  factors  of  Umbundu 
life  as  a  part  of  the  Congo  culture  before  the  separation  of  the 
Umbundu-speaking  peoples.  The  historical  and  geographical  facts 
when  considered  in  relation  to  the  number  of  cultural  identities 
fully  support  the  thesis  that  the  Ovimbundu  are  of  the  central 
African  matrix  of  cultures. 

On  the  material  side  resemblances  are  close,  as  the  following 
summary  will  show.  The  Ovimbundu  cultivate  maize  from  which 
beer  is  made;  they  have  manioc,  peanuts,  yams,  sweet  potatoes, 
and  beans.  Methods  of  agriculture  and  preparation  of  foods  are 
similar.  The  animals  common  to  both  regions  are  the  sheep,  goat, 
chicken,  and  dog.  The  difference  is  the  rearing  of  cattle  by  the 
Ovimbundu,  who  have  also  concentrated  on  the  cultivation  of 
maize  to  an  extent  not  possible  in  the  more  densely  wooded  areas 
of  the  Congo  basin.  The  use  of  dogs'  flesh  as  food  is  common  in 
both  areas. 

The  musical  instruments  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  in  keeping  with 
Congo  patterns  in  every  way.  Indeed,  there  exist  few  and  only 
minor  differences.  Forms  common  to  both  areas  are  the  ocisanji, 
a  flat  board  with  two  rows  of  metal  keys;  dumb-bell  basket  rattles 
and  gourd  rattles;  the  friction  drum;  the  marimba;  wooden  flutes; 
the  flat  drum  ocingufu;  the  double  iron  gong;  and  the  long  tubular 
drum  which  is  held  between  the  performer's  legs.     Resemblances 


Culture  Contacts  295 

of  a  definite  kind  are  found  in  the  game  with  rolling  tubers;  the  use 
of  red  tukula  wood  for  decorating  the  body;  the  insertion  of  burned 
rubber  into  scarifications;  the  gourd  water-pipe  for  smoking  tobacco 
and  hemp;  the  dugout  canoe;  conical  fishing  baskets;  and  the  use 
of  narcotic  poisons  for  fish.  The  wood-carving  of  the  Ovimbundu 
is  related  not  only  in  general  style  but  in  detail  to  that  of  the  south- 
west Congo. 

Close  resemblances  in  points  of  social  organization  and  religious 
belief  exist,  but  some  of  these  identities  are  common  not  merely 
to  tribes  of  the  Congo  basin  and  the  Benguela  Highlands;  they 
form  traits  of  a  wider  cultural  basis,  as  will  be  shown. 

These  resemblances  have  great  weight  in  establishing  relation- 
ship between  a  parent  culture  and  the  offshoot,  because  we  are 
dealing  with  a  large  number  of  allied  factors  that  have  been  welded 
into  cultural  patterns;  the  comparison  does  not  depend  on  a  few 
isolated  resemblances  of  form.  A  point  of  identity  in  spiritual  belief 
is  the  recognition  of  a  supreme  being,  Suku,  Nzambi,  or  Kalunga, 
a  creator  who  is  too  far  away  to  be  concerned  with  the  affairs  of  men. 
To  him  no  sacrifice  or  appeal  is  made,  since  all  attention  is  reserved 
for  the  ancestral  spirits  whose  cult  is  connected  with  the  use  of 
wooden  figurines,  which  are  of  similar  pattern  in  the  Congo  basin 
and  the  Benguela  Highlands. 

The  soul  is  said  to  reside  in  the  heart,  and  the  words  used  for 
soul  are  almost  the  same.  There  are  houses  for  sacred  objects  once 
the  property  of  men  of  importance.  Distinction  is  usually  made 
between  the  nganga,  a  practitioner  of  witchcraft  of  an  antisocial 
kind,  and  the  legitimate  medicine-man.  Both  cultures  have  the 
rain-maker.  Ekandu  is  a  word  describing  any  action  contrary  to 
the  moral  standards. 

As  a  social  factor  there  is  the  men's  house  where  only  males 
congregate  for  the  evening  meal  brought  by  their  women,  and  here 
the  communal  pipe  is  passed  round.  Government  is  the  same,  by 
kings  of  great  power  who  delegate  local  affairs  to  village  chiefs.  The 
social  structure  of  the  Ovimbundu  rested  formerly  on  a  system  of 
alliances,  warfare,  and  slavery  similar  to  that  of  the  Congo.  A 
classificatory  system  of  relationships  and  descent  of  property,  not 
to  a  wife  and  children  but  to  the  maternal  uncle  or  to  children  of 
the  deceased  man's  sister,  is  similar  for  tribes  of  the  Congo  and 
the  Ovimbundu. 

The  prenuptial  relationship  of  boys  and  girls,  freedom  of  choice 
in  marriage,  and  the  giving  of  marriage  tokens  are  of  the  same 


296  The  Ovimbundu 

pattern.  In  principle,  the  puberty  rites  for  boys  and  girls  of  eastern 
Angola  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  Congo  region,  and  masks  of 
eastern  Angola  resemble  those  used  by  the  Bapindi  of  the  south- 
west Congo.  Cannibalism  was  a  factor  common  to  the  Congo  basin 
and  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Ovimbundu,  who  have  practised 
ceremonial  cannibalism  within  the  memory  of  persons  still  alive. 

The  foregoing  summary,  supported  by  preceding  details,  makes 
clear  that  a  substantial  part  of  Umbundu  culture  is  definitely  like 
that  of  the  Congo  basin.  There  can  be  no  objection  to  the  evidence 
as  a  possibly  fortuitous  series  of  vague  resemblances,  since  the 
entire  backgrounds  are  of  the  same  pattern.  The  Ovimbundu  have 
a  tribal  life  which  is  demonstrably  a  part  of  the  matrix  from  which, 
on  historical  grounds,  it  is  thought  to  have  been  derived.  The  loss 
of  elements,  the  stressing  of  others,  and  the  welding  of  traits  from 
different  sources,  are  matters  for  discussion  in  a  final  chapter  dealing 
with  the  processes  of  cultural  growth. 

Rhodesia 
A  constant  factor  in  the  economic  and  cultural  development  of 
the  Ovimbundu  has  been  the  caravan  trade  from  Bihe"  and  Bailundu 
northeastward  across  Africa  to  the  Great  Lakes,  and  southward 
across  Moxico  into  the  Zambezi  valley  and  Rhodesia.  Every 
traveler  from  Battell  (1600)  onward  mentions  these  caravans  which 
returned  to  the  Benguela  Highlands  with  slaves  and  ivory.  The 
traditions  of  journeys  still  live.  Umbundu  words  are  used  to  describe 
the  Great  Lakes,  and  I  have  mentioned  a  wooden  figure  used  for 
consultation  by  the  medicine-man  at  a  division  of  routes.  There 
are  even  today  a  few  large  caravans. 

The  first  regular  slave  traders  into  northern  Rhodesia  were  the 
Mbundus  from  Angola.  The  Lambas  say  they  were  peaceful  traders 
who  brought  calico,  guns,  and  beads  to  trade  for  ivory  and  slaves. 
The  Mbundu  traders  were  often  treated  treacherously  by  both  the 
Lambas  and  the  Lenjes.  In  some  cases  they  were  robbed  by  the 
Lamba  chiefs.  It  is  said  that  the  Lenjes  used  to  bring  their  own 
children  to  the  Mbundu  traders  in  order  to  buy  calico  and  powder. 
In  the  evening  the  Lenjes  used  the  newly  acquired  guns  to  attack 
the  Mbundu  traders  so  that  they  might  recover  the  children  who 
had  been  traded  (C.  M.  Doke,  p.  79). 

The  account  of  F.  S.  Arnot  is  a  valuable  record  of  a  journey 
which  brought  him  into  touch  with  these  traders'  caravans,  whose 
route  he  followed  into  Garenganze,  a  country  to  the  southwest  of 


Culture  Contacts  297 

Lake  Moero,  close  to  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Barotse.  With 
his  Bihean  carriers  Arnot  passed  along  the  valley  of  the  Kwando 
(Livingstone's  Chobe).  He  notes  the  use  of  bark  cloth  (p.  101) 
and  gives  an  excellent  description  of  the  divination  basket.  "For 
divining  they  have  a  basket  filled  with  bones,  teeth,  finger  nails, 
seeds,  stones,  and  such  articles  which  are  rattled  by  the  diviner 
till  the  spirit  comes  and  speaks  to  him  by  the  movement  of  these 
things"  (pp.  106,  116).  The  onganga  or  witch  doctor  is  described 
on  page  115;  he  is  a  person  not  to  be  confused  with  the  ocimbanda 
or  legitimate  medicine-man. 

Arnot  saw  a  corpse  tied  to  a  pole  supported  on  the  shoulders  of 
several  men.  "The  witch-doctors  demanded  of  the  dead  man  the 
cause  of  his  death,  whether  by  poison  or  by  witchcraft,  and  if  by 
the  latter,  who  was  the  witch?  The  jerking  of  the  bier  is  taken  as 
the  dead  man's  answer."  This  is  the  ceremony  I  described  at 
Elende  about  three  hundred  miles  from  the  place  mentioned  by 
Arnot.  "When  a  chief  dies  they  say  he  is  sick  or  asleep  [p.  117],  and 
an  oxhide  from  a  beast  killed  at  the  funeral  should  be  buried  with 
the  chief's  remains."  Arnot  was  not  quite  correct;  the  body  of  the 
chief  is  sewn  in  the  hide.  "The  people  of  Bihe*  say  that  there  is  a 
great  spirit  Suku  over  and  above  all,  but  they  do  not  know  him — I 
cannot  say  they  believe  him  to  be  a  universal  god"  (p.  119). 

These  instances  recorded  half  a  century  ago  are  particularly 
interesting  because  of  their  agreement  with  present-day  procedure. 
Arnot's  description  of  the  Vachokue  country  and  the  preparation  of 
beeswax,  also  the  method  of  extracting  honey  from  hives  lodged 
in  trees  (p.  146),  would  serve  as  a  present-day  record. 

Arnot's  information  concerns  the  Garenganze  country  bordering 
on  Katanga,  a  copper-producing  region  near  the  Lualaba  River. 
Here  traders  from  Uganda,  Unyamwezi,  the  Luba  country,  the  basin 
of  the  Zambezi,  Bihe\  Nyasa,  and  Zanzibar,  gathered  to  carry  on 
their  trade  in  copper,  salt,  ivory,  slaves,  flintlock  guns,  powder, 
cloth,  and  beads.  Apart  from  the  evidence  of  any  other  writer, 
that  of  Arnot  alone  would  suffice  to  prove  the  importance  of  cultural 
contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu  through  caravan  trade. 

One  would  be  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  Biheans  made 
occasional  contacts  only.  For  three  centuries  there  has  been  this 
to-and-fro  movement  between  the  Benguela  Highlands  and  central 
Africa.  In  Garenganze,  about  eight  hundred  miles  from  the  centers 
of  my  research,  Arnot  noted  several  points  that  have  been  recorded 
in  my  notes.    The  word  for  medicine-man  is  ocimbanda  (p.  242). 


298  The  Ovimbundu 

The  vertebrae  of  serpents  strung  together  as  a  girdle  are  a  cure  for 
rheumatism  (p.  237).  A  necklace  of  pythons'  vertebrae  was  obtained 
from  a  chief  of  Ngalangi  who  wore  the  bones  to  cure  that  affliction. 
In  Garenganze  twins  were  introduced  to  the  chief  at  a  ceremony 
conducted  by  a  female  ocimbanda.  The  Ovimbundu  welcome 
twins  and  one  of  triplets  is  given  to  the  king. 

E.  Holub  (II)  mentions  important  traits  of  culture  among  the 
Marutse,  a  Rhodesian  people  who  keep  cattle.  The  Marutse  have 
an  aptitude  for  working  in  iron,  horn,  wood,  bone,  and  leather.  The 
masked  dance  at  which  performers  wore  tightly  fitting  jackets  of 
netted  fiber,  with  close-fitting  sleeves,  gloves,  and  stockings  of  the 
same  material,  would  serve  as  a  description  of  the  costumes  worn 
in  the  ceremonies  observed  at  Cangamba  in  eastern  Angola.  Holub 
notes  the  use  of  the  double  iron  gong  at  these  dances  (vol.  II,  pp. 
168-170).  The  bark  receptacle  (p.  308)  is  the  one  commonly  used 
in  eastern  Angola,  and  along  the  line  from  Saurimo  to  Malange. 

The  Marutse  have  the  poison  ordeal  in  which  vomiting  is  a  sign 
of  innocence,  the  witness  being  the  god  Nyambe  (p.  322).  Gourd 
decorations  of  the  Marutse  and  Babunda  tribes  show  a  technique 
comparable  with  work  of  this  kind  done  by  the  Ovimbundu 
(pp.  305,  335).  The  practice  of  cupping  is  described  by  Holub 
(p.  325) ;  so  also  is  the  custom  of  wearing  wooden  hair-combs  (p.  349). 
These  are  cultural  traits  of  the  Vachokue  and  the  Ovimbundu. 

In  his  "Eine  Kulturskizze  des  Marutse-Mambunda  Reiches" 
Holub  gives  a  few  additional  points  which  connect  the  Marutse 
culture  with  that  of  eastern  and  central  Angola.  The  main  instances 
are  the  technique  in  gourds  (p.  81);  the  form  and  hafting  of  axes 
(p.  116) ;  blacksmith's  bellows  and  tongs  (p.  129) ;  the  musical  bow 
(p.  139) ;  the  board  with  metal  keys  (p.  138) ;  the  small  friction  drum, 
identical  in  pattern  with  my  specimen  from  Elende  (p.  140,  fig.  70) ; 
a  musical  instrument  consisting  of  a  notched  board  which  is  rubbed 
with  a  stick  (p.  142) ;  tobacco-pipes  made  from  the  horns  of  animals 
and  from  gourds  (p.  147);  cylindrical  snuff  boxes  and  sticks  for 
pounding  snuff  (p.  150,  fig.  83) ;  wooden  hair-combs  (p.  155,  fig.  87) ; 
and  wooden  stools  (p.  163,  fig.  92). 

All  these  articles,  which  are  pictured  by  Holub  as  being  repre- 
sentative of  the  work  of  the  Marutse  of  Rhodesia,  have  their  exact 
parallels  in  Field  Museum  collections  from  the  Ovimbundu. 

Perusal  of  "The  New  Africa"  by  Schulz  and  Hammar  was  not 
ethnologically   fruitful   except   for   a   series   of    outline  drawings 


Culture  Contacts  299 

(p.  110)  showing  forms  of  arrowheads  used  along  the  course  of 
the  Chobe  River,  near  the  southeast  border  of  Angola.  One  of  the 
heads  is  of  the  form  most  common  among  the  Ovimbundu,  while  the 
remainder  are  those  in  use  among  the  Vachokue.  Gourds  are  of 
the  same  shapes  and  decorations  as  those  obtained  from  Bailundu 
by  Field  Museum  expedition. 

F.  H.  Melland  describes  the  culture  of  the  Bakonde  of  northern 
Rhodesia.  He  is  particularly  concerned  with  the  Kasempa  district 
bordering  on  eastern  Angola,  Katanga,  and  the  Barotse  country. 
The  poison  ordeal  (p.  222)  is  in  use;  vomiting  implies  innocence. 
The  small  ceremonial  ax  is  used  by  the  Bakonde  in  divination  rites 
such  as  I  have  described  for  the  Ovimbundu  at  Bailundu  and 
Ngalangi  (p.  227).  The  Lunda  people  wear  masks  in  connection 
with  initiation  ceremonies  (p.  232).  Medicines  are  mixed  in  the 
horns  of  the  duiker  and  the  bush  buck  (p.  232).  The  four-legged, 
skin-topped  stool  is  the  same  as  that  made  by  the  Ovimbundu 
(p.  280). 

Melland's  description  (p.  235)  of  a  rite  performed  by  a  belated 
Konde  traveler  in  order  to  retard  the  setting  of  the  sun,  should  be 
mentioned.  The  top  of  a  small  ant  heap  is  stuck  into  the  fork  of 
a  tree;  this  is  the  custom  which  prevails  among  the  Ovimbundu  of 
Elende,  and  it  is  also  a  Lamba  practice  (C.  M.  Doke,  p.  288).  The 
idea  is  unusual  and  I  suggest  that  the  Rhodesian  rite  may  have  been 
derived  from  the  practice  of  Umbundu  carriers.  Yet,  on  the  contrary, 
men  of  the  Bihean  caravans  may  have  imitated  a  Rhodesian  custom ; 
but  the  act  is  so  peculiar  that  independent  origin  seems  improbable. 

H.  S.  Stannus  mentions  points  which  aid  the  working  out  of  a 
scheme  of  culture  contacts.  Stannus  describes  the  Wayao  and  other 
tribes  near  Lake  Nyasa,  which  was  an  area  familiar  to  caravans  from 
the  Benguela  Highlands.  The  carving  of  wooden  animals  (p.  348) 
of  no  known  significance  is  a  favorite  pastime  in  which  the  Ovim- 
bundu are  skilled.  Gourd  vessels  ornamented  with  lines  and 
triangles  (p.  349)  have  a  technique  similar  to  that  used  by  the  Ovim- 
bundu. The  shooting  of  arrows  having  blunt  wooden  heads;  pre- 
paring staked  pits;  use  of  mucilage  for  catching  birds;  poisoning 
fish;  and  making  noose  traps  (p.  355),  are  all  everyday  usages  among 
the  Ovimbundu,  as  they  are  among  the  Wayao. 

Eastern  and  east-central  Angola  are  the  regions  where  bark  cloth 
is  made  and  worn.  The  Angolan  industry  forms  an  extension  of 
the  craft  as  practised  in  Rhodesia  and  the  southwest  Congo  basin. 
Stages  of  stripping  bark  from  the  tree  and  soaking  and  beating  it 


300  The  Ovimbundu 

with  a  wooden  mallet  are  the  same  over  a  large  area,  but  there  are 
no  painted  patterns  or  other  fine  points  of  technique  which  aid  the 
study  of  possible  diffusions  (Stannus,  p.  343). 

The  following  traits  mentioned  by  Stannus  have  been  recorded 
among  the  Ovimbundu.  There  exists  the  custom  of  opening  graves 
to  obtain  portions  of  human  remains  for  use  as  charms  (p.  293); 
the  poison  ordeal  is  applied  to  human  beings  or  to  fowls  (p.  296); 
the  use  of  horns  stuffed  with  medicine  is  common  (p.  304) ;  and  divina- 
tion by  means  of  the  small  objects  contained  in  a  gourd  resembles 
the  method  of  the  Umbundu  diviner  (p.  302).  Stannus  states  that 
the  gourd  contains  a  number  of  small  articles,  each  of  which  is  named. 
In  the  divination  gourd  are  small  pieces  of  white  earthenware  which 
denote  innocence,  also  bits  of  fiber  from  a  sleeping  mat  to  denote 
sickness.  The  Ovimbundu  use  a  divination  basket,  not  a  gourd, 
for  these  symbolic  objects,  but  otherwise  the  methods  are  the  same. 

The  bark  canoe  and  the  dugout  are  used.  Maize,  cassava,  beans, 
and  peanuts  are  the  principal  crops  (p.  346).  There  is  ancestor 
worship  combined  with  great  fear  of  ghosts.  The  head  of  a  family 
petitions  a  deceased  relative,  and  the  headman  of  a  village  intercedes 
with  his  predecessor's  ghost.  I  have  mentioned  that  a  headman 
of  the  Ovimbundu  brings  out  the  head  of  a  dead  chief  wrapped  in 
oxhide,  makes  sacrifice,  and  asks  favors.  Stannus  notes  the  seclusion 
and  circumcision  of  boys  at  puberty,  also  the  ceremonial  use  of 
bark  cloth  in  these  rites  (p.  256) .  These  observations  from  Nyasaland 
agree  with  notes  made  at  Cangamba  in  eastern  Angola.  A  men- 
struating woman  sleeps  on  a  mat  away  from  her  husband,  and  she 
is  not  allowed  to  prepare  food  (p.  234).  These  were  noted  as  prohi- 
bitions for  women  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  classificatory  system  of  relationship  outlined  by  Stannus 
for  the  Nyasa  region  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Ovimbundu  of  Angola. 
A  man  may  not  marry  a  daughter  of  his  mother's  sister,  but  marriage 
with  a  daughter  of  his  father's  brother  is  a  normal  union  (p.  236). 
The  statement  of  Stannus  (p.  239)  with  regard  to  the  burial  of  a 
pregnant  woman  recalls  the  custom  which  prevailed  until  recent 
times  at  Ngalangi,  where  a  sharp  stake  projecting  from  the  surface 
soil  rested  on  the  abdomen  of  the  dead  woman.  After  the  grave 
had  been  filled  the  stake  was  driven  downward.  Stannus  says  that 
before  filling  in  the  earth  one  of  the  gravediggers  descends  into  the 
pit,  and,  after  cutting  the  abdomen,  he  inserts  the  lower  end  of  a 
bamboo,  while  the  upper  end  is  made  to  project  above  the  surface 
of  the  grave.    In  Nyasaland  and  eastern  Angola  the  alleged  reason 


Culture  Contacts  301 

for  this  procedure  is  the  prevention  of  death  among  other  pregnant 
women.    Twins  are  welcome  and  well  treated  (p.  239). 

A  corpse  is  tied  to  a  pole  with  its  limbs  bound,  and  in  this  manner 
it  is  carried  to  the  grave,  accompanied  by  drummers.  A  widow 
watches  by  the  corpse  of  her  husband.  At  the  conclusion  of  funeral 
rites  fires  are  extinguished,  and  a  new  fire  is  kindled  with  the  fire 
drill  in  the  chief's  house,  from  which  distribution  of  the  new  fire 
is  made.  The  ashes  of  the  old  fires,  with  the  stones  supporting  the 
cooking  pots,  are  taken  to  cross-paths  and  destroyed. 

Cupping  is  practised  (p.  289),  and  the  vapor  bath  is  used  (p.  290). 
The  patient,  covered  with  a  blanket,  squats  over  a  pot  of  water  into 
which  herbs  have  been  dropped.  Hot  stones  are  added  to  the  water 
until  it  boils  and  gives  off  clouds  of  steam.  Wayao  boys  have  the 
whipping  top  (p.  359);  so  also  have  the  Ovimbundu.  The  Wayao 
warm  their  drums  and  add  wax  to  alter  the  tone  (p.  365).  The 
conical  rat  trap  of  plaited  cane,  used  for  placing  in  grass  which  is 
fired,  is  that  in  use  by  the  Ovimbundu  (Stannus,  plate  XX). 

When  describing  the  Wayao  culture,  C.  H.  Stigand  confirms  many 
of  the  points  mentioned  by  Stannus.  Stigand  describes  the  making 
of  bark  cloth  (p.  119) ;  the  sewing  of  reed  mats  with  a  long  needle 
(p.  120);  and  the  importance  of  the  maternal  uncle,  whose  consent 
to  the  marriage  of  his  sister's  children  is  necessary  (p.  122). 

C.  Gouldsbury  and  H.  Sheane  describe  the  poison  ordeal  (p.  61). 
The  Wawemba  make  their  poison  from  the  bark  of  Erythrophlaeum 
guineense,  the  tree  mentioned  so  frequently  in  my  summary  of  the 
Congo  culture,  in  which  this  trait  of  the  poison  ordeal  is  common. 
A  chief  of  the  Wawemba  goes  to  the  bush  accompanied  by  a  medicine- 
man who  is  stripped  of  all  clothing,  and  an  offering  of  white  beads 
is  made  to  the  tree  from  which  the  bark  is  taken.  The  bark  is  then 
given  into  the  hands  of  a  young  child,  who  is  carried  to  the  village 
so  that  his  feet  may  not  touch  the  ground.  As  usual  in  this  ordeal, 
vomiting  is  a  sign  of  innocence. 

The  Wawemba  practise  cupping  (p.  134).  A  man  may  not 
marry  the  daughter  of  his  mother's  sister  because  she  is  his  sister 
(p.  172).  The  Wawemba  carry  a  corpse  on  a  pole.  The  king's 
corpse  is  wrapped  in  oxhide,  and  his  bows,  arrows,  and  spears  are 
placed  in  a  hut  on  the  grave.  Then  an  ox  is  killed  to  provide  hide 
for  binding  the  rafters  of  this  tomb.  Wives  and  slaves  were  formerly 
sacrificed  at  the  death  of  a  king.  These  customs  are  similar  to  those 
described  for  the  funeral  rites  of  a  king  of  the  Ovimbundu. 


302  The  Ovimbundu 

E.  W.  Smith  and  A.  M.  Dale  describe  tribes  which  claim  that 
they  are  an  offshoot  from  the  eastern  Bantu.  This  ancestry  no 
doubt  accounts  for  the  presence  of  many  traits  which  are  charac- 
teristic of  the  culture  pattern  of  the  cattle-keeping  areas  of  east 
Africa.  The  writing  of  Smith  and  Dale  is  important  because  it  deals 
with  a  region  in  contact  with  the  Congo,  east  Africa,  and  the  Ovim- 
bundu. The  Wawemba  and  other  tribes  described  by  these  authors 
are  in  contact  with  the  Baluba  and  the  Bambala,  who  have  been  in 
touch  with  the  Ovimbundu  from  the  earliest  times  for  which  any 
record  exists. 

According  to  Smith  and  Dale  the  tribes  grouped  as  Ila-speaking 
peoples  extinguish  all  fires  after  a  funeral,  while  ashes  from  mourners' 
fires  are  collected  and  thrown  away  (vol.  II,  p.  142).  This  regard 
for  ceremonial  fire  accompanies  factors  of  the  cattle  culture  wherever 
that  occurs  in  east,  south,  southwest  Africa,  and  the  Benguela 
Highlands.  The  Ila-speaking  people  grow  maize  and  beans  (vol. 
I,  p.  137) ;  they  smoke  hemp  through  the  calabash  water-pipe  (vol.  I, 
p.  152);  a  conical  basket  fish-trap  of  Umbundu  pattern  is  used 
(vol.  I,  p.  163);  they  peg  out  hides  and  scrape  them;  they  also  make 
twine  by  rolling  fiber  on  the  inner  side  of  the  thigh  (vol.  I,  p.  185). 
Coiled  basketry  in  which  the  coils  are  made  of  many  strands  of  fine 
grass,  also  shallow  winnowing  trays,  are  like  those  used  by  the  Ovim- 
bundu (vol.  I,  p.  187). 

Pottery  is  made  by  the  coiling  method  (vol.  I,  p.  192).  The 
method  of  carving  stools  bears  a  distinct  resemblance  to  that  of 
the  Ovimbundu.  The  bases  of  milk  vessels  and  stools  show  supports 
of  peculiar  shape  which  are  triangular  in  cross  section  (vol.  I,  pp. 
199-202).  The  Ila-speaking  people  have  a  classificatory  system  of 
relationships  consisting  of  groups  of  grandparents,  fathers,  and 
mothers.  Terms  of  address  vary  according  to  the  relative  ages  of 
the  speaker  and  the  person  addressed.  Wangu  ("older")  is  the  term 
used  by  the  Ovimbundu;  so  also  is  tata  ("father").  Children  of 
the  father's  brothers,  and  children  of  the  mother's  sisters,  that  is, 
ortho-cousins,  are  real  brothers  and  sisters.  The  mother's  eldest 
brother  is  the  most  important  relative.  The  word  tata  is  applied 
to  all  the  brothers  of  the  speaker's  father.  This  is  the  system  of  the 
Ovimbundu  in  principle  and  considerable  detail. 

The  Ba-ila  play  mancala  (chisolo)  with  holes  in  the  ground 
(vol.  II,  p.  233).  They  have  the  musical  bow  (vol.  II,  p.  263)  and 
the  metal-keyed  musical  instrument  (Umbundu  ocisanji)  which  is 
played  in  a  gourd  (vol.  II,  p.  265).    The  Ba-ila  use  the  friction  drum 


Culture  Contacts  303 

(vol.  II,  p.  265),  which  is  an  instrument  of  the  Ovimbundu  and 
several  tribes  of  the  southwest  Congo.  The  marimba,  made  from 
eight  slats  of  wood  with  gourds  underneath,  is  well  known  in  the 
north  and  east  of  Angola. 

There  is  real  similarity  both  in  form  and  function  between  the 
culture  of  Rhodesia  and  that  of  the  Ovimbundu.  This  assertion 
does  not  rest  on  consideration  of  a  few  factors  of  a  general  kind. 
In  addition  to  the  weight  of  evidence  afforded  by  the  long  list  of 
similar  factors  detailed  in  this  section,  one  must  bear  in  mind  the 
geographical  proximity  and  the  known  historical  connection  of  the 
areas  under  discussion.  The  following  points  are  of  primary  impor- 
tance in  accounting  for  the  similarity  of  culture  patterns  in  Rhodesia 
and  the  highlands  of  Angola  occupied  by  the  Ovimbundu. 

(1)  Central  Angola  and  Rhodesia  have  so  many  traits  in  common 
with  each  other  and  with  the  southwest  Congo  culture  that  together 
the  three  form  a  cultural  harmony. 

(2)  Central  Angola  and  Rhodesia  have  both  derived  factors  from 
the  cattle  culture  of  east  Africa,  though  by  different  routes. 

(3)  Rhodesia  and  central  Angola  have  had  prolonged  direct 
contacts  through  caravan  trade  carried  on  by  the  Ovimbundu. 

(4)  In  addition  to  diffusion  there  has  been  a  convergence  of  cul- 
tures in  Rhodesia  and  central  Angola  because  of  similarity  of 
geographical  conditions.  Both  are  high  plateau  regions  having  a 
degree  of  heat  and  a  rainfall  suitable  for  the  growth  of  maize  and 
the  rearing  of  cattle.  Therefore  these  occupations  have  developed 
in  both  regions  because  in  each  locality  there  has  been  a  need, 
favorable  conditions,  and  a  like  response  to  physical  conditions. 

South  West  Africa 

The  principal  tribes  of  this  area  are  the  Ovambo,  Herero,  Berg 
Damara,  Nama  Hottentots,  and  Bushmen.  The  most  important 
tribes  to  consider  from  the  cultural  point  of  view  are  the  Ovambo 
and  the  Herero.  Wandering  bands  of  Bushmen  occur  in  Angola, 
and  here  and  there  may  be  seen  among  the  Ovimbundu  individuals 
who  appear  to  have  a  trace  of  Bushman  blood;  but  comparison  of 
collections  and  notes  relating  to  the  Ovimbundu  with  literature 
on  Bushman  tribes  does  not  reveal  any  similarities.  There  has 
undeniably  been  some  contact  of  Bushmen  with  the  inhabitants  of 
Angola,  but  Bushman  influence  has  probably  been  very  slight  from  a 
cultural  and  physical  point  of  view  (D.  Bleek;  S.  Marquardsen,  p.  109). 


304  The  Ovimbundu 

The  Ovambo  include  eight  kindred  tribes,  all  of  whom  are 
branches  of  the  Bantu  linguistic  family  to  which  the  Ovimbundu 
belong.  The  Vakuanyama,  who  inhabit  large  tracts  of  southern 
Angola,  are  a  numerous,  warlike,  pastoral  branch  of  the  Ovambo. 
The  Vakuanyama  are  the  only  section  of  the  cattle-keeping  peoples 
of  the  southwest  of  Africa  with  whom  I  have  made  personal  contact; 
but  their  culture  is  generally  representative  of  that  of  the  Ovambo 
and  the  Herero. 

When  making  a  journey  southward  from  the  country  of  the 
Ovimbundu  in  central  Angola,  there  is  a  noticeable  increase  in  the 
size  of  the  kraals  as  the  journey  is  continued.  The  first  large  kraal 
was  observed  near  Kipungo,  and  when  as  far  south  as  Mongua  the 
wealthy  cattle-keeping  Vakuanyama  were  by  far  the  most  numerous 
people.  Their  total  strength  is  probably  about  55,000.  I  journeyed 
through  the  Kuanyama  country  in  July,  halfway  through  the  dry 
season,  but  found  that  cattle  were  watered  at  deep  wells  from  which 
men  and  women  were  constantly  drawing  water  for  the  herds.  Near 
Ondjiva,  only  a  few  miles  from  British  South  West  Africa,  the 
ruler  of  the  Vakuanyama  owned  at  that  time  14,000  head  of  cattle. 

After  examining  1,200  objects  collected  in  Angola,  I  feel  sure 
that  cultural  contact  between  the  Ovimbundu  and  the  Vakuanyama 
is  unimportant,  so  far  as  artifacts  are  concerned;  but,  if  the  inquiry 
turns  to  other  aspects  of  culture,  there  is  a  more  fruitful  line  of 
investigation. 

Many  beliefs  and  customs  center  in  the  keeping  of  cattle  in  east 
and  south  Africa.  The  typical  cattle-keeping  area  begins  with  the 
Bahima  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Victoria  Nyanza.  The  region  extends 
down  the  eastern  side  of  the  continent,  through  the  south  and  south- 
west into  Damaraland.  The  Vakuanyama  of  southern  Angola 
should  be  included  in  this  area,  which  has  homologies  in  respect  to 
certain  laws,  ceremonies,  economic  customs,  and  religious  beliefs. 

The  true  pastoral  area  of  the  south  of  Angola  extends  at  least 
as  far  north  as  Huila,  where  there  is  sufficient  rainfall  to  produce 
good  pasture  in  open  country  which  is  well  adapted  for  raising  stock. 
All  the  traditions  of  the  Ovimbundu,  along  with  the  writings  of 
Battell,  suggest  this  southwest  part  of  Angola  as  the  line  of  entry  for 
cattle.  The  Congo  basin  is  not  a  pastoral  country,  and  transporta- 
tion of  cattle  from  Rhodesia  would  necessitate  the  crossing  of 
hundreds  of  miles  of  arid  country  in  Moxico,  eastern  Angola.  There 
remains,  therefore,  the  cattle-keeping  area  of  south  and  southwest 


Culture  Contacts  305 

Angola  as  the  source  of  supply  for  the  Ovimbundu,  who  both  traded 
and  made  warfare  with  the  south. 

Therefore,  reasonable  ground  exists  for  believing  that  the  cultural 
traits  that  the  Ovimbundu  associate  with  the  keeping  of  cattle 
have  been  taken  over  with  the  cattle  themselves.  The  traits  agree 
in  principle  and  detail  with  the  factors  of  the  African  cattle-keeping 
areas.  The  characteristics  of  this  pastoral  culture  have  been  out- 
lined by  M.  J.  Herskovits  (The  Cattle  Complex  in  East  Africa, 
Amer.  Anth.,  XXVIII,  1926,  pp.  270-272;  424-528;  630-664).  I 
wish,  however,  to  give  prominence  to  the  factor  of  sacred  fire  which 
is  fundamental  in  the  cattle-keeping  culture.  The  importance  of 
sacred  fire  in  the  ritual  of  the  Ovimbundu  has  been  demonstrated, 
and  this  trait  is  a  most  important  link  between  the  typically  Negro 
culture  of  the  Ovimbundu  and  the  Hamitic  pastoral  culture  of 
east  Africa. 

A  brief  summary  of  the  salient  facts  of  the  cattle-keeping  culture, 
such  as  is  found  in  east  and  south  Africa,  will  be  given.  This  will 
be  followed  by  a  statement  of  the  cultural  traits  associated  with 
the  keeping  of  cattle  among  the  Ovimbundu  in  order  to  demonstrate 
similarities  of  custom. 

In  describing  cattle-keeping  people  of  the  Lakes  region  J.  Roscoe 
(VI)  outlines  a  pre-pastoral  condition  characterized  by  agricultural 
pursuits  which  still  survive  near  Ruwenzori  and  Elgon.  Of  the 
pastoral  people  the  most  conservative  are  the  Banyankole  of  Ankole, 
among  whom  all  social  customs  fall  into  line  with  the  keeping  of 
cattle.  Milk  is  the  principal  food,  and  strong  purgatives  are  taken 
after  eating  vegetable  food,  which  is  regarded  as  unclean.  Agricul- 
turists are  a  serf  class  who  are  not  allowed  to  have  milk.  A  woman 
of  the  pastoral  class  would  not  accept  a  husband  from  the  agricultural 
people,  because  they  are  social  inferiors.  In  such  a  community  one 
finds  a  strict  preservation  of  customs  centering  in  cattle.  Bulls  are 
killed  beside  the  grave  of  a  chief,  while  cows  are  dedicated  to  the 
dead  chief  at  whose  shrine  their  milk  is  offered  daily  (p.  21). 

Roscoe's  account  of  the  worship  of  the  dead  in  Uganda  (III) 
further  explains  customs  that  are  characteristic  of  pastoral  com- 
munities in  which  the  connection  between  cattle-keeping  and  kingship 
is  important.  The  death  of  the  king  is  not  announced  and  the  fact 
of  death  is  kept  secret  for  several  days  until  preparations  for  the 
succession  have  been  made.  "The  fire  is  extinct"  is  a  euphemism 
which  refers  to  the  death  of  the  king.  The  king  is  buried  in  a  hut 
surrounded  by  a  fence.    This  hut  is  later  visited  by  the  new  king 


306  The  Ovimbundu 

who  cleans  and  decorates  the  jawbone  of  his  predecessor,  then 
preserves  it  in  a  case  of  lion  skin.  Among  the  Basoga  the  skull 
of  the  king  is  cleaned  and  stitched  in  cowhide.  It  is  then  placed 
in  a  temple  where  a  medium  lives  in  order  to  converse  with  the 
ghost  of  the  king  (p.  43).  The  Bunyoro  line  the  grave  of  a  king  with 
cowhide,  and  the  slaughtered  cows  are  said  to  serve  the  dead  king 
with  milk  in  a  spirit  world. 

Roscoe  (I,  p.  101)  states  that  the  Bahima  wrap  the  body  of  a 
king  in  the  skin  of  a  freshly  killed  cow;  the  deities  are  not  often 
invoked,  but  attention  is  paid  to  ancestral  ghosts  (p.  109).  There 
is  a  Bahima  custom  of  making  blood  brotherhood  by  drinking  blood 
mixed  with  milk  (p.  117).  The  Banyankole  (Roscoe,  V,  p.  32), 
institute  a  blood  brotherhood  by  rubbing  each  other  with  blood 
drawn  from  their  navels  by  an  arrow.  The  body  of  a  king  is 
sewn  in  cowhide  (p.  58).  A  cow  is  killed  and  eaten  at  the  grave  of 
a  chief  (p.  146). 

A  further  examination  of  Roscoe's  observations  (IV)  adds 
corroborative  information.  The  Bakitara  have  rain-makers  for 
each  district  (p.  28).  There  is  a  ritual  for  establishing  blood  brother- 
hood (p.  46).  At  the  king's  death  all  fires  in  the  royal  enclosure 
are  extinguished;  so  also  are  the  fires  in  each  royal  cow  kraal.  Fresh 
fires  are  made  by  friction  in  the  new  royal  enclosure  from  which 
fire  is  distributed  to  the  kraals  (p.  47).  The  Bakitara  test  two 
litigants  or  accused  persons  by  asking  each  to  provide  chickens 
which  are  made  to  take  poison  (p.  70).  The  death  of  the  king  is 
not  announced  for  some  days;  he  is  said  to  be  asleep.  A  young  bull 
is  killed  to  provide  a  shroud  for  the  king's  body  (p.  121).  The  king's 
spear  and  walking  stick  are  kept  in  the  tomb  (p.  126).  At  the  death 
of  a  king  of  the  Baganda  the  guardian  of  the  king's  sacred  fire  is 
strangled.  A  war  leader  rubs  himself  with  ashes  from  the  sacred 
fire  in  order  to  increase  his  strength  and  courage  (Roscoe,  II,  pp. 
103,  349). 

The  concept  of  the  sacred  fire  has  spread,  not  only  down  the 
east  side  of  Africa  and  into  Angola,  but  northeastward  to  the  Lotuko- 
speaking  peoples.  Here  a  new  fire  has  to  be  kindled  at  the  initiation 
of  a  member  of  the  drum-house.  At  puberal  initiation  ceremonies 
for  boys,  the  rain-maker  creates  new  fire  with  twirling  sticks,  which 
are  never  again  used,  though  they  are  preserved.  All  fires  in  the 
village  are  extinguished  before  the  new  fires  are  made.  The  freshly 
ignited  fire  is  distributed  first  to  drum-houses  then  to  the  homes 
(C.  G.  and  B.  Z.  Seligman,  Sudan  Notes  and  Records,  VIII,  pp.  12, 


Culture  Contacts  307 

15).     Fire  is  kindled  on  the  grave  and  tended  by  a  relative  for 
thirty  days  (p.  38). 

When  the-  Masai  desire  rain,  a  fire  of  cordia  wood  is  lighted. 
Into  this  a  medicine-man  throws  charms,  after  which  several 
medicine-men  dance  round  the  fire  and  sing  (A.  C.  Hollis,  The 
Masai,  p.  348). 

Bosch  states  that  the  Banyamwezi  have  a  fire-making  rite 
which  is  symbolic  and  religious,  "mais  avant  tout  il  est  magique." 
The  new  fire  is  made  annually  at  the  brewing  of  the  first  beer.  New 
fire  is  made  when  epidemics  of  sickness  occur,  also  at  the  inaugura- 
tion of  a  new  chief.  The  Ovimbundu  make  and  distribute  new 
fire  on  each  of  these  occasions.  The  Banyamwezi  strangle  their 
decrepit  king  but  do  not  announce  the  death.  A  report  stating  that 
the  king  is  sick  is  issued  (Les  Banyamwezi,  pp.  229-233). 

The  usages  of  the  cattle-keeping  Ovambo  (of  whom  the  Vaku- 
anyama  of  southern  Angola  are  a  section)  and  the  Herero,  are  of 
paramount  importance  in  this  research  because  of  their  proximity 
to  the  Ovimbundu. 

H.  Vedder  (III,  p.  156)  has  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
Herero  represent  the  southern  extremity  of  a  racial  migration  from 
the  region  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  this  is  the  generally  accepted 
view.  Vedder  states  that  the  Herero  came  through  the  south  of 
Angola,  crossed  the  Cunene  River,  and  entered  the  Kaokoveld 
(p.  166).  From  a  study  of  native  traditions,  philology,  and  cultural 
elements,  there  is  reason  for  supposing  that  the  Ovambo,  including 
the  Vakuanyama,  extended  farther  into  Angola  than  they  do  today; 
hence  contacts  with  the  Ovimbundu  were  probably  frequent,  and 
possibly  continuous  for  a  period. 

C.  H.  L.  Hahn  has  recently  made  an  analysis  of  the  traits  of 
Kuanyama  culture.  His  introductory  pages  give  an  account  of 
Kalunga,  a  supreme  being  whose  name  is  coupled  with  the  name 
Nangombe.  There  is  here  a  philological  resemblance  to  words  used 
by  the  Ovimbundu.  Kalunga  is  an  Umbundu  word  meaning  "greet- 
ings," "sea,"  "lord,"  and  "death,"  the  meaning  varying  with  the 
context  and  accent.  Ongombe  is  the  Umbundu  word  for  ox,  while 
Kangombe  is  the  name  of  more  than  one  chief  of  historical  importance. 
The  Herero  respect  a  supreme  being  whom  they  call  Ndjambi 
Karunga.  Nyambi  is  a  well-known  word  in  the  Congo  region,  and 
the  Ovimbundu  have  the  word  Njambi,  or  Na-Njambi,  which  means 
"Lord  Njambi." 


308  The  Ovimbundu 

The  Ovambo  will  not  allow  the  tribal  fire  of  the  chief's  kraal  to 
burn  out  because  it  is  the  life  of  the  people  (Hahn,  p.  3).  This  author 
writes  in  the  past  tense,  from  which  one  infers  that  the  customs  he 
describes  have  declined.  Two  old  men  were  the  keepers  of  the 
sacred  fire;  these  guardians  were  chosen  from  the  circumcised  men 
(p.  17).  The  fire  was  never  allowed  to  flare,  but  only  to  smolder. 
No  one  referred  to  this  fire,  nor  was  anyone  allowed  to  sit  near  it,  cook 
over  it,  or  warm  himself.  The  whole  tribe  received  the  fire  from 
the  chief,  who  originally  gave  it  to  the  headman  for  distribution  to 
commoners  (p.  18).  Hahn  remarks  that,  although  these  customs 
are  declining,  they  are  still  observed  by  the  Vakuanyama,  the  branch 
of  the  Ovambo  which  is  in  closest  contact  with  the  Ovimbundu. 

In  the  same  publication  (III,  p.  68)  Vedder  says  of  the  Berg 
Damara  that  a  series  of  religious  ideas  centers  in  the  holy  fire  which 
burns  perpetually  on  the  eastern  side  of  a  sacred  tree  in  the  middle 
of  each  village.  At  this  fire  the  elders  cook  their  meat,  and  here 
the  council  meeting  is  held.  In  order  to  obtain  a  seat  at  the  holy 
fire  a  young  man  has  to  submit  to  initiation  as  a  hunter  on  three 
occasions,  at  intervals  of  a  year.  Children  may  not  play  at  the  holy 
fire.  When  hunting  becomes  unprofitable  the  Berg  Damara  move 
to  a  new  site,  and  a  glowing  piece  of  wood  is  taken  from  the  sacred 
fire  in  order  to  kindle  a  new  one.  This  is  the  practice  described  in 
connection  with  the  formation  of  a  new  village  site  by  the  Ovim- 
bundu. A  more  detailed  account  of  sacred  fire  is  given  by  Vedder 
(II,  pp.  23-27). 

L.  Fourie,  another  contributor  to  "Native  Tribes  of  Southwest 
Africa,"  shows  that  the  Heikom  Bushmen  have  a  sacred  fire  kindled 
and  owned  by  the  headman,  who  is  the  only  person  who  knows  how 
to  bring  from  this  fire  the  properties  which  induce  health  and  well- 
being.  When  making  a  new  settlement  the  headman  kindles  the 
new  fire  under  the  sacred  tree,  and  fire  from  the  old  camp  may  not 
be  used.  After  the  headman  has  dropped  herbs  into  the  fire  and 
has  lighted  his  pipe  therefrom,  his  wife  takes  brands  for  kindling 
the  fire  in  her  hut.  The  fire  is  then  distributed  from  this  point  among 
the  whole  group  (p.  87). 

The  center  for  religious  worship  among  the  Herero  is  an  ash 
heap  in  which  a  weak  fire  glimmers.  This  is  blown  into  a  blaze 
only  on  festive  occasions.  The  fire  is  always  situated  between  the 
chief  kraal  and  the  house  of  the  principal  wife.  Round  the  fire  lie 
horns  of  cattle  which  have  been  slaughtered  as  an  offering  (Vedder, 
III,  p.  167).    The  holy  fire  is  a  gift  from  Mukuru,  and  extinction  of 


Culture  Contacts  309 

the  fire  means  disaster  for  the  tribe.  If  the  fire  should  die  out,  only 
the  priest  as  living  representative  of  Mukuru  may  rekindle  it.  The 
relighting  is  done  by  means  of  fire-sticks,  which  are  said  to  be  male 
and  female.  A  traveler  makes  sure  of  the  blessing  of  his  ancestors 
by  taking  a  firebrand  from  the  holy  fire  with  him.  When  laying  the 
foundation  of  a  new  house  the  builder  must  obtain  a  firebrand  from 
the  fire  of  a  recognized  priest-chief. 

To  corroborate  the  information  given  by  Vedder,  one  may  turn 
to  the  work  of  J.  Irle  (II,  pp.  337,  342,  346).  The  soul,  which  is  not 
corporeal,  is  identified  with  the  heart  as  among  the  Ovimbundu 
and  in  the  southwest  Congo.  The  Herero  use  sandals  which  they 
bury  with  the  dead.  Probably  the  Ovimbundu  have  borrowed 
the  idea  of  sandals  from  this  southern  culture,  since  there  are  no 
sandal-wearing  people  found  on  any  other  side  of  them.  The 
Herero  speak  of  Ndjambi,  and  Irle  asks,  "Who  is  Ndjambi,  with 
whom  they  so  frequently  associated  the  name  Karunga?"  They 
say  that  Karunga  is  Ndjambi  who  sends  rain,  thunder,  and 
lightning.  The  Herero  say,  "Karunga  dwells  in  heaven.  He  does  us 
only  good,  therefore  we  do  not  fear  him  and  do  not  sacrifice  to 
him."  Holy  fire,  which  is  never  allowed  to  go  out,  is  made  with 
fire-sticks  in  the  ancestor  house. 

A.  W.  Hoernl^  has  commented  on  the  use  of  sacred  fire  by  the 
Hottentots.  Nau  is  a  mystic  force;  for  example,  an  animal  killed 
by  lightning  is  nau.  As  soon  as  a  person  becomes  nau,  the  fire  in 
his  hut  is  nau  and  must  no  longer  be  used  for  cooking.  A  fire  kindled 
with  the  fire-sticks  is  used  for  the  purification  ceremony  of  a  girl  who 
menstruates  for  the  first  time.  After  the  ceremony  she  may  resume 
her  milking  duties.  The  Hottentots  use  the  sweat  bath  as  a  means 
of  purifying  mourners.  An  article  entitled  "The  Sacred  Fire  of 
the  Bapedi  of  the  Transvaal,"  by  W.  M.  Eiselen,  adds  important 
data  to  the  notes  given  here. 

All  this  evidence  from  east  and  southwest  Africa  is  in  close 
agreement  with  personal  observations  among  the  Ovimbundu.  The 
contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu  with  southern  Angola  are  established 
facts,  hence  history  and  geography  render  the  hypothesis  of  a  deriva- 
tion of  culture  probable.  The  Ovimbundu  regard  cattle  as  an 
estimate  of  weath  and  social  standing.  Usually  the  animals  are  not 
killed  or  milked,  but  they  are  used  to  pay  fines,  and  to  make 
purchases. 

In  dealing  with  kingship  among  the  Ovimbundu  I  note  a  strong 
resemblance   to   customs   prevailing   near   Victoria   Nyanza,    the 


310  The  Ovimbundu 

principal  focus  of  the  cattle-keeping  areas.  The  king's  death  is  not 
announced  by  the  Ovimbundu.  There  is  a  special  hut  for  burial, 
and  part  of  the  head  is  later  removed  for  decoration  and  separate 
interment.  This  part  of  the  royal  corpse  is  subsequently  brought 
out  for  worship  and  supplication.  The  Ovimbundu  never  admit  the 
death  of  a  king  until  a  successor  has  been  chosen.  The  king's  body  is 
buried  in  oxhide,  but  the  head  is  severed  by  suspending  the  corpse 
with  a  rope  round  the  neck,  then  twisting  the  body.  The  head  is 
sewn  in  oxhide  and  kept  in  a  box.  In  time  of  drought  or  before 
a  journey  a  chief  or  medicine-man  visits  the  head  to  make  a  sacrifice 
and  ask  for  help.  Oxen  are  killed  at  funeral  feasts  of  the  wealthy  and 
the  horns  are  mounted  over  the  grave.  Mourners  for  the  king  wear 
strips  of  oxhide  round  their  wrists. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Ovimbundu  received  the  above 
traits,  also  their  knowledge  and  use  of  the  sacred  fire,  from  the  cattle- 
keeping  area.  The  use  of  sacred  fire  has  been  shown  to  be  a  primary 
trait  associated  with  the  keeping  of  cattle.  Reference  to  field  work 
among  the  Ovimbundu  indicates  that  the  usages  connected  with 
sacred  fire  agree  in  detail  with  those  of  the  pastoral  area.  The 
Ovimbundu  keep  the  sacred  fire  burning  in  the  burial  place  of  kings; 
for  instance  at  Ngalangi,  as  described.  The  Ovimbundu  create 
new  fire  by  twirling  when  a  new  village  site  is  opened,  and  the 
fire  is  distributed  from  the  chief's  home.  Lustration  after  an  epidemic 
of  sickness  is  always  ceremonially  carried  out  by  creation  of  new 
fire  on  which  the  blood  of  sacrificed  animals  is  sprinkled.  There- 
fore, in  general  outline  and  considerable  detail  the  factors  associated 
with  cattle-keeping  among  the  Ovimbundu  are  those  of  the  pastoral 
areas  of  east,  south,  and  southwest  Africa. 

In  summarizing  we  may  say  that  contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu  with 
southwest  Africa  have  arisen  from  occupation  of  contiguous  territory, 
along  with  trading  and  raiding.  The  acquisitions  made  by  the 
Ovimbundu  from  pastoral  tribes  include  several  artifacts  such  as 
sandals,  the  assagai,  and  the  throwing  club.  More  important  than 
the  diffusion  of  these  objects  into  Umbundu  culture  has  been  the 
reception  of  the  cattle  themselves,  along  with  the  social  values, 
usages,  and  religious  beliefs  which  are  the  usual  concomitants  of 
the  African  pastoral  culture. 

A  study  of  the  culture  contacts  of  the  Ovimbundu  conclusively 
shows  that  they  are  not  an  isolated  people  whose  artifacts,  religious 
beliefs,  and  social  life  stand  out  distinctively  from  the  culture 
patterns  around  them.     On  the  contrary  the  Ovimbundu  have, 


Culture  Contacts  311 

through  trade  and  warfare,  been  an  absorbent  people,  reaching  out 
in  all  directions  and  assimilating  all  cultural  traits  which  were  of 
service. 

Up  to  this  point,  only  the  immediate  culture  contacts  of  the 
Ovimbundu  have  been  considered.  Yet  it  is  evident  that  some  of 
the  cultural  traits  which  have  been  discussed  are  widely  diffused 
in  Africa.  Consequently,  some  further  inquiry  is  needed  if  the 
tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  to  be  considered  against  a  broad 
ethnological  background  of  African  culture. 


XL  WIDER  CULTURE  CONTACTS 

When  dealing  with  the  immediate  culture  contacts  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu,  the  traits  found  in  central  Angola  were  considered  in  rela- 
tion to  the  cultural  elements  of  each  of  three  areas,  the  Congo  basin, 
Rhodesia,  and  South  West  Africa.  In  this  chapter  attention  is  given 
to  some  traits  that  are  found,  not  only  among  the  Ovimbundu  and 
adjacent  peoples,  but  among  some  other  African  tribes  remote  from 
the  present-day  location  of  the  Ovimbundu.  The  Graebnerian 
school  has  indeed  claimed  that  some  of  these  widely  distributed 
African  traits  are  Melanesian  and  Indonesian  in  origin,  a  theory 
which  is  briefly  considered  in  the  latter  part  of  this  chapter. 

The  present  examination  of  widely  distributed  traits  is  facilitated 
by  referring  to  each  of  a  number  of  papers  not  previously  mentioned. 
For  example,  E.  Torday  (IV)  has  dealt  in  general  with  religion  and 
social  organization  among  Bantu  tribes.  H.  Baumann  (II)  has 
discussed  hoe-culture  and  matriarchal  conditions  in  Bantu  Africa. 
G.  Lindblom  (I)  has  brought  together  a  large  body  of  evidence  relat- 
ing to  the  distribution  of  hunting  devices.  H.  Balfour  (I,  II,  III) 
has  outlined  the  distribution  of  the  friction  drum.  Hence  there 
exist  useful  summaries  of  trait  distributions  with  which  cultural 
factors  of  the  Ovimbundu  can  be  compared. 

Antiquity  of  Cultural  Traits 

At  the  outset  we  must  recognize  that  the  extent  of  distribution 
of  a  trait  and  its  importance  in  the  cultural  pattern  may  be  but 
a  treacherous  guide  to  its  antiquity.  The  widespread  use  and  cultiva- 
tion of  tobacco  and  maize  are  instances  of  this  kind.  The  growth 
and  curing  of  tobacco  led  to  the  adoption  of  this  commodity  as  a 
medium  of  exchange  which  could  be  conveniently  carried  by  caravans. 
Exchange  of  snuff  as  a  form  of  greeting,  also  the  passing  of  a  com- 
munal pipe  from  hand  to  hand  in  the  men's  house,  are  instances  of 
social  usages  which  caused  a  rapid  spread  of  a  commodity  in  a  short 
time  (Laufer,  Hambly,  and  Linton,  Tobacco  and  Its  Uses  in  Africa, 
Field  Mus.  Nat.  Hist.,  Anthr.  Leaflet  29,  1929). 

The  use  of  maize,  one  of  the  most  important  factors  in  the 
building  and  preservation  of  Umbundu  culture,  has  a  wide  distribu- 
tion in  Africa,  but  its  introduction  is  dated  only  from  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  Portuguese  carried  on  a  regular  traffic  in  slaves 
between  Angola  and  Brazil,  and  in  all  probability  this  resulted  in 
the  introduction  of  manioc,  peanuts,  and  sweet  potatoes.    Possibly 

312 


Wider  Culture  Contacts  313 

the  yam  also  was  introduced.  All  these  food  plants  spread  with 
great  rapidity,  hence  the  extent  of  their  distribution  is  not  a  guide 
to  their  antiquity. 

The  Blacksmith's  Craft  in  Africa 

The  antiquity  of  the  blacksmith's  occupation  is  not  easy  to 
determine,  though  the  usefulness  of  the  craft,  and  the  accessibility 
of  surface-ore  in  many  parts  of  Africa,  might  incline  one  to  favor 
a  theory  of  rapid  diffusion.  There  is  an  extensive  literature  dealing 
with  the  origin  of  the  blacksmith's  craft,  which  is  variously  attributed 
to  the  Negro,  the  ancient  Egyptians,  or  to  Hamitic  invaders. 

Diffusion  of  the  craft,  and  not  independent  invention  in  many 
parts  of  Africa,  is  suggested  by  the  continuity  of  like  forms  of 
apparatus;  taboos  of  the  same  kind  connected  with  the  blacksmith; 
treatment  of  smiths  as  a  special  caste;  also  their  employment  of 
ritual  in  making  furnaces,  training  apprentices,  and  consecrating 
their  tools. 

Iron  objects  requiring  considerable  skill  in  their  manufacture 
are  described  by  the  earliest  writers  who  came  in  contact  with 
northern  Angola,  and  early  observations  relating  to  iron  gongs  and 
axes  have  already  been  given.  This  evidence  therefore  suggests 
that  the  Ovimbundu  must  have  had  a  knowledge  of  the  working  of 
iron  when  they  entered  the  Benguela  Highlands. 

The  following  data  from  many  parts  of  Africa  are  adduced  to 
show  the  relation  of  the  blacksmith's  craft  among  the  Ovimbundu 
to  a  wider  background,  of  which  Umbundu  customs  form  a  part. 
The  Ovimbundu  have  developed  ritual  aspects  of  the  blacksmith's 
craft  which  have  already  been  described,  and  along  with  these  the 
following  instances  should  be  considered. 

Naturally,  special  local  developments  occur,  but  the  general 
attitude  of  the  Ovimbundu  toward  blacksmiths  is  in  accord  with  a 
widely  distributed  body  of  African  beliefs  affecting  Bantu,  semi- 
Bantu,  Sudanic,  and  Hamitic-speaking  tribes,  from  which  a  few 
instances  may  be  noted. 

Among  the  Kpelle  of  Liberia  a  blacksmith  receives  no  pay  for 
work  done  for  a  chief,  but  he  is  free  from  military  service.  The 
blacksmith  is  a  confidential  person  for  the  whole  village,  and  he  is 
conversant  with  many  family  secrets  (D.  Westermann,  Die  Kpelle, 
p.  170).  Blacksmiths  of  the  Ibo  of  Nigeria  form  a  strong  union 
which  resents  intrusion  into  the  secrets  of  the  craft.  Blacksmiths 
are  to  be  found  only  in  certain  towns  which  form  halting  places  on 


314  The  Ovimbundu 

their  itinerary  (G.  T.  Basden,  Among  the  Ibos  of  Nigeria,  p.  176). 
At  Ife  in  a  sacred  grove  I  saw  objects  which  were  described  as 
the  hammer  and  the  anvil  of  the  first  blacksmith.  Over  the  anvil 
stone  were  the  remains  of  a  recently  sacrificed  dog.  Such  an  offering 
is  made  twice  a  year  to  Ogun,  the  patron  god  of  blacksmiths.  Among 
the  Masai,  blacksmiths  are  said  to  be  unlucky  with  cattle,  and  are 
therefore  not  allowed  to  own  them.  Smiths  have  their  own  language 
which  is  not  well  understood  by  other  people  of  the  tribe  (A.  C. 
Hollis,  The  Masai,  p.  331).  The  Suk  say  that  no  woman  may  see 
a  blacksmith  at  work  because  his  tools  would  become  heavy  in  his 
hand,  then  he  would  go  mad  and  die.  There  is  chanting  by  the  black- 
smiths during  forging  and  molding  (M.  W.  H.  Beech,  The  Suk,  p.  18). 

Working  in  iron  is  accompanied  by  many  special  rites  among  the 
Bakitara;  in  fact,  taboos  are  observed  from  the  time  of  preparing 
the  charcoal.  Smiths  belong  to  the  serf  class.  Among  the  omens, 
sneezing  is  a  warning  from  a  ghost  indicating  that  there  is  danger 
near  and  work  is  therefore  discontinued.  Offerings  are  made  to  the 
spirit  of  the  hill  where  ore  is  dug  in  order  to  prevent  burial  of  the 
diggers  (J.  Roscoe,  IV,  p.  218).  When  a  Banyankole  smith  is  making 
a  new  hammer  he  gives  a  feast  at  which  six  goats  are  killed.  This 
sacredness  of  the  large  hammer  was  emphasized  among  the 
Ovimbundu. 

Southwest  of  Lake  Bangweolo  a  small  shrine  is  erected  near 
the  smelting  furnace,  and  here  a  prayer  is  offered  to  spirits  of  former 
smelters  (H.  B.  Barnes,  J.R.A.L,  LVI,  p.  191).  The  Ila-speaking 
people  of  Rhodesia  have  a  principal  blacksmith  who  is  named 
munganga  wa  butale  ("the  iron  doctor")-  Secrets  of  the  craft  are 
preserved  by  transmission  from  father  to  son  only.  The  munganga 
takes  charge  of  the  preparation  of  iron  and  directs  the  ceremonies 
(E.  W.  Smith  and  A.  M.  Dale,  I,  pp.  203-207).  E.  Torday  records 
that  the  Bambala  have  a  T-shaped  hammer  with  a  pointed  handle. 
"It  is  practically  impossible  to  obtain  a  specimen  of  these  hammers 
since  death  is  the  portion  of  a  smith  who  parts  with  his  tools." 
(I,  p.  406.) 

These  examples  do  not  reveal  the  origin  of  the  blacksmith's 
craft  and  its  ritual,  but  they  explain  Umbundu  customs  as  part 
of  a  system  of  ideas  which  affects  the  whole  continent  of  Africa 
south  of  the  Sahara. 

Bantu  Religion  and  Social  System 

The  spiritual  beliefs  of  the  Ovimbundu  have  already  been  shown 
to  agree  with  those  of  the  Congo  basin  and  southwest  Africa. 


Wider  Culture  Contacts  315 

E.  Torday's  paper,  "Dualism  in  Western  Bantu  Religion  and  Social 
Organization,"  is  an  admirable  summary  of  a  wide  background 
of  Bantu  beliefs  with  which  those  of  the  Ovimbundu  agree  in  detail. 
Torday  (VI)  has  also  given  a  summary  of  Bantu  sexual  relations. 
His  summary  of  prenuptial  relationships  of  boys  and  girls,  the 
system  of  polygyny,  and  domestic  arrangements  in  general,  indicates 
that  records  made  among  the  Ovimbundu  are  but  a  sample  of  an 
extensive  and  homogeneous  series  of  Bantu  sex  customs. 

With  regard  to  the  classificatory  system  of  relationships  and 
cross-cousin  marriage,  sufficient  quotations  have  been  given  to 
indicate  that  the  system  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  one  which  is  paralleled 
in  Rhodesia,  the  Congo  basin,  and  still  more  remote  regions.  To 
the  instances  given  should  be  added  corroborative  examples  from 
J.  Roscoe  (The  Baganda,  p.  109),  R.  S.  Rattray  (Ashanti,  p.  29), 
and  H.  A.  Stayt  (The  Bavenda,  pp.  172-184).  L.  H.  Buxton  and 
R.  S.  Rattray  have  offered  a  theory  to  explain  the  kinship  system 
and  cross-cousin  marriage  in  Ashanti  {Jour.  African  Soc,  XXIV, 
p.  83;  Religion  and  Art  in  Ashanti,  p.  318). 

In  Africa  a  classificatory  system  of  relationships  is  particularly 
characteristic  of  the  Bantu  area.  The  system  is  Semitic  and  Hamitic. 
It  is  not  reported  among  the  Bushmen,  but  is  in  vogue  among  the 
Nama  Hottentots.  The  wide  distribution  of  a  classificatory  system, 
with  variations,  and  its  importance  in  tribal  life,  suggest  antiquity 
(see  Hoernl£,  II,  and  B.  Z.  Seligman,  III). 

H.  Baumann  (I)  has  prepared  maps  showing  the  distribution  of 
customs  affecting  descent  of  property  in  Africa.  Investigation  among 
the  Ovimbundu  proves  that  their  scheme  of  inheritance  of  property 
is  part  of  a  more  widely  distributed  system.  Baumann  (pp.  66, 127) 
states  that  in  the  Kasai  valley  and  the  Cabinda  Enclave  the  rights 
of  the  mother's  brother  are  expressed  in  his  control  of  his  sister's 
children.  The  power  of  the  maternal  uncle  in  Ovimbundu  families 
was  reported,  and  it  was  stated  that  he  has  the  right  to  sell  his 
sister's  children  for  redemption  of  his  debts.  Baumann's  map 
further  indicates  an  area  in  which  property  descends,  not  to  a  wife 
or  children,  but  to  a  mother's  brother,  or  to  the  sons  of  the  deceased 
man's  oldest  sister.  The  social  system  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  definitely 
a  part  of  this  cultural  matrix,  which  extends  to  the  north  and  north- 
east of  the  Ovimbundu  but,  according  to  Baumann's  record,  not  to 
the  south  of  Angola.  In  the  south  of  Angola  among  pastoral  people 
a  system  of  succession  and  inheritance  in  the  male  line  prevails,  and 


316  The  Ovimbundu 

this  method  is  characteristic  of  many  pastoral  tribes  of  south  and 
east  Africa. 

The  Ovimbundu  are  situated  between  two  systems  of  reckoning 
descent,  succession,  and  inheritance;  namely,  the  Negro  system  of 
the  Congo  region,  and  that  of  the  eastern  and  southern  cattle- 
keeping  people.  In  view  of  the  culture  contacts  described  in  Chapter 
X,  the  mixed  system  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  intelligible. 

On  the  one  hand  the  Ovimbundu  emphasize  the  rights  of  the 
mother's  brother  while  denying  inheritance  to  a  wife  and  her  children, 
but  in  royal  families  the  eldest  son  of  the  principal  wife  succeeds 
to  kingship.  Among  commoners  descent  is  reckoned  through  both 
the  father  and  the  mother.  Therefore  the  inference  is  that  the 
Ovimbundu  have,  by  virtue  of  their  position  and  contacts,  made  a 
blending  of  two  distinct  social  systems,  one  of  which  gives  succession 
to  office  in  the  male  line,  while  the  other  gives  inheritance  in  the 
female  line.  In  their  system  of  burial  rites  for  kings  the  Ovimbundu 
follow  the  usages  of  the  pastoral  area. 

Exchange  of  blood  is  an  Umbundu  custom  resembling  that 
which  occurs  widely  in  Negro  Africa.  This  exchange  of  blood  is 
the  typical  Negro  form  of  the  blood  brotherhood.  Another  rite 
is  the  Hamitic  custom  of  drinking  a  mixture  of  blood  and  milk; 
this  the  Ovimbundu  do  not  practise. 

The  hoe-cultivation  practised  by  Ovimbundu  women  is  in  agree- 
ment with  Baumann's  association  of  hoe-culture  and  matriarchal 
conditions,  the  latter  being  indicated  by  the  importance  of  the 
mother's  brother.  These  concomitant  factors  are  shown  by  Baumann 
(II,  p.  292)  to  be  characteristic  of  a  wide  area  in  the  Congo  basin. 
To  this  area  may  be  added  the  whole  of  central  Angola. 

The  factors  of  slavery  among  the  Ovimbundu  are  in  agreement 
with  all  that  is  known  of  the  treatment  of  slaves  in  the  Congo  area 
and  farther  west  Africa.  Slaves  of  the  Ovimbundu  taken  in  warfare 
were  treated  with  less  consideration  than  those  who  passed  into 
slavery  to  redeem  a  debt.  There  was  also  discrimination  in  favor 
of  slaves  taken  in  local  quarrels  among  the  Ovimbundu  themselves. 
The  killing  and  eating  of  slaves  in  north  Angola  is  a  custom  whose 
early  occurrence  has  already  been  noted. 

African  Puberty  Rites 
Initiation  ceremonies  for  boys  and  girls  are  at  present  well 
preserved  among  the  Vachokue  of  eastern  Angola;  for  a  period  such 
ceremonies  declined  among  the  Ovimbundu,  but  there  is  now  a 


Wider  Culture  Contacts  317 

recrudescence.  Masks  of  eastern  Angola  most  closely  resemble  those 
of  the  Bapindi  of  the  southwest  Congo,  but  the  general  background 
of  these  puberty  rites  is  comparable  in  Angola,  parts  of  the  Congo, 
and  in  several  parts  of  the  forest  belt  of  west  Africa  from  Sierra 
Leone  to  Cameroon. 

Usually  there  is  seclusion,  hardship,  training  in  dances  and  tribal 
customs,  with  ceremonial  reappearance  and  change  of  name. 
Evidently  the  Ovimbundu  share  the  material  traits  and  the  psycho- 
logical background  of  initiatory  rites  with  a  very  large  number  of 
tribes,  which  occupy  the  forest  zones  of  west  and  central  Africa. 

G.  Lindblom's  publication,  "The  Use  of  Stilts  in  Africa  and 
America,"  helps  to  explain  the  occurrence  of  stilt-walking  at  the 
final  ceremonies  of  initiation  witnessed  at  Cangamba.  Since  stilt- 
walking  in  Angola  occurs  chiefly  in  the  eastern  section,  perhaps  one 
should  link  the  trait  with  the  stilt-walking  in  Nyasaland,  because 
there  has  been  continuous  communication  from  Angola  to  Nyasaland 
along  the  Zambezi  valley.  The  stilt-walking  of  eastern  Angola  may, 
however,  be  a  cultural  offshoot  from  the  southwest  Congo,  for 
according  to  Lindblom  the  stilt-walking  trait  occurs  there,  and  the 
contacts  of  eastern  Angola  with  the  southwest  Congo  have  been 
important. 

In  turning  from  these  factors  of  social  life  to  traits  of  a  more 
material  kind,  there  are  points  of  importance  to  be  noted  in  connec- 
tion with  food  supply  and  industries.  A  possibility  exists  that 
such  traits  as  hunting,  use  of  certain  types  of  musical  instruments, 
basketry,  and  pottery,  will  indicate  that  the  Ovimbundu,  before 
their  separation,  drew  some  of  their  fundamental  traits  from  a  widely 
distributed  matrix. 

Hunting  Appliances  of  Africa 

L.  S.  B.  Leakey  (A  New  Classification  of  the  Bow  and  Arrow 
in  Africa,  J.R.A.I.,  LVI,  pp.  259-294)  has  dealt  with  the  distribu- 
tion of  bows  and  arrows.  Leakey  states  that,  owing  to  lack  of 
evidence,  he  was  unable  to  describe  the  bows  and  arrows  of  Angola. 
I  have  therefore  illustrated  these  in  detail  (Plate  XVII,  Figs.  1-9). 

Some  of  the  arrowheads  used  by  the  Ovimbundu  resemble  those 
of  the  Bashilele  in  the  southwest  Congo,  but  on  the  whole  arrow- 
heads used  in  Angola  are  of  distinctive  patterns,  and  presumably 
they  represent  a  special  local  development.  The  round  bow  of  the 
Ovimbundu  and  the  Vachokue  is  like  that  of  the  southern  Congo, 
and  it  is  absolutely  distinct  from  the  short  flat  bow  used  in  southern 
Angola  among  the  Vakuanyama. 


318  The  Ovimbundu 

The  question  of  arrow  release  is  important  in  this  connection. 
R.  B.  Dixon  (The  Building  of  Cultures,  p.  131),  while  discussing 
evidence  from  Wissler,  Kroeber,  and  Morse,  has  plotted  a  map 
showing  the  distribution  of  types  of  arrow  release  in  all  parts  of 
the  world.  The  Ovimbundu  (Plate  XXXIX,  Fig.  1)  use  the  Medi- 
terranean release,  which  is  shown  by  Kroeber  (Univ.  Calif.  Pub., 
XXIII,  p.  286)  to  occur  in  the  southwest  Congo  region  along  with 
the  tertiary  release.  My  illustration  and  Kroeber's  description  of 
the  Mediterranean  release  show  that  the  thumb  is  kept  entirely 
out  of  the  way.  The  string  is  engaged  by  the  inner  surfaces  of  the 
tips  of  the  index  and  middle  fingers.  The  engaging  finger-ends  are 
at  right  angles  to  the  string. 

Young  boys  often  use  the  primary  release  when  shooting  blunt 
wooden  arrows  at  birds.  In  this  release  the  butt  of  the  arrow  is 
clasped  between  the  end  of  the  thumb  and  the  middle  knuckle  of 
the  index  finger.  Kroeber  remarks  that  the  primary  release  is  almost 
invariably  attempted  by  children  and  uninstructed  novices,  which 
accords  with  my  observations  made  in  Angola.  Presumably  boys 
of  the  Ovimbundu  change  their  method  of  release  from  the  primary 
to  the  Mediterranean  when  they  handle  a  man's  bow  and  arrows. 
The  Mediterranean  release  was  observed  throughout  Angola,  with 
the  exception  of  the  primary  release  employed  by  boys. 

G.  Lindblom  (I,  Part  I)  assists  in  comparing  hunting  apparatus 
of  the  Ovimbundu  with  a  large  number  of  African  forms. 

The  throwing  clubs  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  definitely  like  those 
of  the  Hottentots,  Barotse,  and  Bushmen  (pp.  120-126). 

In  Part  II  of  his  leaflet  Lindblom  discusses  many  kinds  of  traps. 
The  trap  built  of  heavy  poles,  which  is  used  for  catching  lions, 
leopards,  and  hyenas,  is  used  all  over  Negro  Africa;  there  is  nothing 
distinctive  in  the  form  and  use  of  the  Umbundu  pattern.  The  cane 
rat  trap  of  conical  form  is  described  and  its  distribution  L  plotted 
(pp.  52,  53,  56).  Lindblom's  map  shows  a  clustering  round  the 
mouth  of  the  Congo,  also  again  at  Long.  30°  E.  and  Lat.  10°  S. 
The  blank  for  Angola  can  now  be  filled.  These  traps  are  used  in 
many  parts  of  Angola,  notably  among  the  Vasele  of  the  northwest, 
at  Elende,  Ngalangi,  and  Cangamba.  The  use  of  this  trap  in  Angola 
explains  its  presence  among  the  Vakuanyama.  On  Lindblom's 
map  the  occurrence  of  the  trap  in  south  Angola  is  isolated  from 
the  general  African  distribution,  but  use  of  the  trap  is  really  con- 
tinuous from  the  Congo  estuary  through  Angola  to  the  Vakuanyama. 


Wider  Culture  Contacts  319 

The  use  of  bird-arrows  with  blunt,  wooden  knobs  was  common 
at  Elende,  and  I  collected  sharp,  barbed,  wooden  arrows  from  the 
Vasele,  also  from  the  areas  of  Kipungo  and  Mongua.  This  will 
assist  in  extending  the  information  given  by  Lindblom  (pp.  94-98). 
Lindblom's  map  (p.  99)  indicates  that  bird-arrows  are  used  round 
Lake  Victoria  Nyanza,  at  the  junction  of  the  Kasai  and  the  Congo, 
and  likewise  among  the  Bushongo  and  the  Bayaka.  My  observation 
of  the  distribution  of  wooden  arrows  in  Angola  links  up  these  regions 
shown  by  Lindblom  with  the  south  of  Angola.  Perhaps  a  trans- 
continental diffusion  in  a  southwesterly  direction  from  Victoria 
Nyanza  may  be  assumed,  for  it  is  unlikely  that  the  diffusion  would 
go  counter  to  the  generally  accepted  line  of  tribal  migration  which 
has  been  from  northeast  to  southwest. 

African  Pottery,  Baskets,  and  Musical  Instruments 

There  is  no  reason  to  connect  the  pottery  of  the  Ovimbundu 
with  that  of  any  particular  region.  The  coiling  method  is  far  too 
widespread  and  generic  to  afford  evidence  of  contacts.  The  Ovim- 
bundu have  evolved  their  own  peculiar  designs  and  forms. 

In  coiled  basketry  also  the  Ovimbundu  have  made  special 
developments  from  a  generic  trait  known  in  Egypt  before  2000  B.C. 
Designs  and  dyes  appear  to  be  of  local  origin.  My  observation  of 
African  basketry  does  not  suggest  any  particular  parent  form; 
moreover,  resemblances  of  design  may  be  misleading,  for  the  nature 
of  the  material  controls  the  shapes  of  the  designs  to  a  great  extent 
in  coiled  basketry. 

Wood-carving,  on  the  contrary,  links  the  culture  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu very  definitely  with  that  of  the  southwest  Congo.  Perhaps 
the  work  of  Angola  is  most  closely  allied  with  that  of  the  Bakuba, 
who  excel  in  the  carving  of  figurines,  cups,  and  staffs. 

H.  Balfour's  article  (III)  on  the  distribution  of  the  friction  drum 
helps  to  identify  the  form  used  by  the  Ovimbundu  with  types 
of  this  instrument  from  other  African  areas.  The  type  from  Elende 
is  like  that  of  Barotseland  with  which  the  Ovimbundu  caravans  were 
frequently  in  contact,  while  the  large  friction  drum  from  Ngalangi 
is  of  the  Bayaka  pattern.  The  friction  drum  is  widely  used  in  the 
southwest  Congo  among  the  Bakwese,  the  Bambala,  and  the  Baluba. 

Thus  far  research  has  been  able  to  show  a  large  number  of 
cultural  traits  of  the  Ovimbundu  in  relation  to  immediate  culture 
contacts  of  the  Congo  basin,  Rhodesia,  and  South  West  Africa 
(chapter  X).    In  addition  to  this,  many  traits  connected  with  social 


320  The  Ovimbundu 

organization  and  artifacts  have  been  described  in  relation  to  a  wide 
cultural  background  in  Negro  Africa.  There  remains,  however,  the 
more  difficult  problem  of  a  possible  introduction  of  some  of  these 
cultural  traits  from  regions  outside  the  continent  of  Africa  itself. 

KULTURKREIS  THEORY 

Our  investigation  is  able  to  account  for  the  occurrence  of  certain 
widely  distributed  traits  which  the  Ovimbundu  possess,  either  in 
their  common  form  or  in  some  specialized  aspect.  The  broader 
problem  of  the  possible  origin  of  African  traits  in  Melanesia  and 
Indonesia  is  one  that  should  not  be  neglected. 

The  kulturkreis  theory  as  expounded  by  Graebner  (Methode 
der  Ethnologie,  Heidelberg,  1911)  has  been  applied  to  Africa  by 
B.  Ankermann  (Zeitsch.  Ethn.,  1905,  pp.  62-90).  Frobenius  has 
expressed  his  views  in  "Der  Ursprung  der  afrikanischen  Kulturen," 
Leipzig,  1894;  "Das  unbekannte  Afrika,"  Munich,  1923;  and  the 
"Atlas  afrikanus,"  Munich,  1922. 

An  article  of  Frobenius  (Smithsonian  Institution  Reports,  1898, 
pp.  638-647)  summarizes  the  Graebnerian  thesis  so  far  as  Africa  is 
concerned.  Frobenius  says  that  the  Malayo-Negritan  relationship 
of  African  culture  is  established.  Certain  cultural  elements  appear 
together  and  are  equally  distributed.  Ethnographical  objects 
illustrative  of  phases  of  culture  may  be  examined  with  a  view  to 
fixing  their  descent,  just  as  we  examine  the  limbs  and  organs  of  a 
living  being,  and  the  theory  is  concerned  with  morphological  con- 
siderations in  particular. 

Frobenius  states  (p.  639),  that  he  is  concerned  with  studying  the 
genealogical  tree  of  culture  forms,  and  as  a  first  example  he  chooses 
wooden  drums  which  are  found  in  the  Congo  basin  and  lower  Guinea; 
these  drums  are  said  to  be  of  Malayo-Negritan  origin.  The  next 
example  chosen  is  that  of  the  Malayo-Negritan  bow.  Wooden 
shields  of  Africa  with  reed  covering  have  related  forms  in  New 
Guinea  and  the  Solomon  Islands.  Pile  dwellings  are  found  in 
Dahomey  and  among  the  Ambuella;  also  in  New  Guinea.  Chairs 
and  neck  rests  used  by  many  Negro  tribes  are  of  Oceanic  form.  There 
is  a  Malayo-Negritan  affinity  of  bark  fabrics  of  Africa  with  the 
well-known  tapa  cloth  of  Oceania  (p.  644).  The  "likeness  of 
anatomical  origin,  coupled  with  the  outlined  area  of  distribution,  is 
evidence  not  to  be  gainsaid"  (p.  645).  The  culture  of  a  fishing 
community  is  on  all  sides  characterized  by  mesh  work.  In  New 
Guinea  the  net  is  used  as  clothing,  and  in  the  whole  of  west  Africa  we 


Wider  Culture  Contacts  321 

hear  of  the  netted  jerseys  of  the  disguised.  The  matriarchate  is 
possibly  to  be  classed  among  Malayo-Negritan  characteristics,  in 
particular  when  accompanied  by  exogamy.  So  runs  the  Graebnerian 
argument. 

To  these  cultural  factors  from  Melanesia  Frobenius  adds  the 
gora,  which  he  compares  with  a  form  from  New  Pommern.  He  also 
mentions  the  marimba;  tobacco-pipes  of  the  Ituri  region,  which  are 
likened  to  those  of  New  Guinea;  and  the  scarification  of  the  Bashi- 
lange,  which  has  some  circular  characters  said  to  be  like  Maori 
moko.  The  prows  of  canoes  in  Dualla  (Cameroon)  are  compared 
with  those  of  the  Admiralty  Islands. 

The  factors  of  Asiatic  culture  which  have  affected  northern 
Africa  are  more  readily  accepted  because  of  known  historical  contacts 
of  a  continuous  kind  over  geographically  contiguous  regions.  Prob- 
ably Frobenius  is  right  in  attributing  the  drum  with  a  pottery  base, 
chain  armor,  quilted  armor,  the  long  knife,  and  the  stringed  instru- 
ment rababa,  to  Asiatic  sources.  The  round  shields  of  northeast 
Africa  may  be  accepted  as  of  Asiatic  origin.  These  points,  though 
part  of  the  general  theory,  do  not  concern  our  study  of  the  Ovim- 
bundu,  who  do  not  possess  these  alleged  Asiatic  traits. 

The  supposed  line  of  migration  of  Malayo-Negritan  culture  up 
the  Zambezi  valley,  thence  along  the  Sankuru  into  the  Congo  basin 
and  so  to  Cameroon  and  farther  west  Africa,  presents  no  great 
obstacle,  but  the  hypothesis  lacks  a  coordination  of  cultural  elements 
and  a  historico-psychological  explanation. 

In  considering  several  Indonesian  factors  such  as  those  mentioned 
by  R.  Linton  as  occurring  in  Madagascar  (Amer.  Anth.,  1928, 
pp.  372-389),  and  while  regarding  the  evidence  of  J.  Hornell  {Man, 
1928,  No.  1)  respecting  the  similarity  of  canoes  on  Lake  Victoria 
Nyanza  and  along  the  coast  with  those  from  Java,  there  is  no 
difficulty  in  admitting  impacts  from  Indonesia.  There  is,  however, 
only  the  beginning  of  a  hypothesis  in  these  comparisons. 

The  construction  of  a  theory  purporting  to  show  phylogenetic 
connection  between  cultures  as  remote  as  those  of  Sierra  Leone  and 
Melanesia  still  requires  elaboration.  At  the  present  time  there  is 
not  sufficient  detail  available  for  the  filling  in  of  distribution  maps 
purporting  to  show  the  line  of  migration  of  this  postulated  Malayo- 
Negritan  culture.  But  according  to  Graebnerian  views  a  hiatus 
merely  means  that  the  intrusive  culture  has  disappeared. 

The  question  arises  respecting  evidence  from  Angola  which  may 
favor  or  refute  the  validity  of  a  Malayo-Negritan  origin  of  some 


322  The  Ovimbundu 

culture  elements  of  Negro  Africa.  Among  the  cultural  traits  of 
the  Ovimbundu  are  a  few  which  the  Graebnerians  would  claim  as 
evidence  of  the  passage  of  Indonesian  cultural  waves.  Use  of  the 
bow  is  part  of  the  bow  culture.  Matriarchal  conditions  and  hoe- 
culture  by  women  would  be  regarded  as  a  somewhat  later  wave  of 
culture.  Frobenius  would  ascribe  the  use  of  netted  clothing  during 
initiation  to  an  Oceanic  origin.  There  is  a  small  area  in  southeast 
Angola  where  pile  dwellings  are  built  by  the  Ambuella  tribe.  Bark 
cloth  is  made  in  eastern  Angola.  The  marimba  and  the  musical  bow 
are  traits  of  Umbundu  and  Oceanic  culture. 

The  point  at  issue  seems  to  be  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of 
cultural  contacts  on  the  ground  of  alleged  resemblance  in  forms. 
Frobenius  would  doubtless  add  that  the  supposed  Malayo-Negritan 
factors  in  Umbundu  culture  lie  only  a  little  to  the  southwest  of  the 
Zambezi,  which  is  a  main  line  of  hypothetical  migration  of  Malayo- 
Negritan  factors. 

Each  of  these  elements  of  Umbundu  culture  is  of  a  non-specific 
kind.  For  example,  there  is  nothing  about  the  bark  cloth,  except 
that  it  is  a  bark  cloth,  to  link  it  with  similar  material  in  any  other 
part  of  the  world.  Stripping  the  tree,  soaking  the  bark  and  beating 
it,  are  part  of  the  general  technique. 

The  musical  bow  has  a  wide  distribution,  as  H.  Balfour  (I) 
has  shown.  He  studies  the  distribution  in  Africa,  North  and  South 
America,  Asia,  India,  the  Malay  Archipelago,  Melanesia,  and 
Polynesia.  He  postulates  the  derivation  from  the  archers'  bow  and 
says  (p.  85),  "The  question  whether  or  no  we  are  to  regard  the 
musical  bows  in  India  and  in  Africa  as  belonging  to  one  family,  is 
one  which  is  difficult  to  answer."  Balfour  is  impressed  with  similarity 
of  forms  in  India  and  Africa,  but  feels  that  the  common  origin  is 
not  demonstrable. 

When  comparing  types  of  masks  and  costumes  within  the  African 
continent  itself  the  work  of  Frobenius  (I)  is  found  to  be  useful  in 
indicating  areas  over  which  certain  types  of  regalia  are  used  in  initia- 
tion ceremonies.  There  is  undoubtedly  a  localization  of  types,  and 
we  previously  noted  that  Angolan  forms  of  masks  and  costumes 
are  definitely  like  those  of  the  Bakuba  and  the  Baluba  in  the  south- 
west Congo  region.  Moreover,  the  netting  costumes  used  by  the 
Ovimbundu  and  the  Vachokue  of  Angola  closely  resemble  those  used 
in  some  parts  of  the  Congo  basin,  Cameroon,  and  from  that  point 
westward  to  Sierra  Leone.    Therefore,  so  long  as  comparisons  are 


Wider  Culture  Contacts  323 

limited  to  Africa  itself,  they  are  instructive  in  showing  cultural  traits 
of  Angola  against  a  broader  background. 

But  if  the  inquiry  is  extended  with  a  view  to  proving  that  African 
masks  and  costumes  are  derivatives  from  Oceania,  there  exists 
no  acceptable  evidence  of  generic  relationship.  The  mere  use  of 
fiber  skirts,  of  netting  suits,  and  of  bark  cloth  for  masks,  is  not 
acceptable  evidence  for  supporting  a  theory  of  derivation  of  African 
from  Oceanic  forms. 

More  important  than  the  study  of  forms  is  the  psychological 
background  of  masks  and  costumes  in  Africa  and  Melanesia.  In 
"Origins  of  Education"  I  made  a  comparison  of  factors  included  in 
the  initiation  of  boys  in  Africa  and  Melanesia.  The  boys  are  secluded, 
circumcised,  instructed,  harshly  treated,  and  after  a  change  of  name 
are  reintroduced  to  their  villages  at  a  dance  in  which  masks  and 
costumes  are  used. 

Waiving  the  question  of  similarity  of  masks  and  costumes,  do 
the  psychological  factors  provide  reasonable  grounds  for  assuming 
generic  relationship  of  initiation  customs?  Possibly  the  psychological 
setting  suggests  a  single  origin,  but  the  matter  is  so  largely  subjective, 
that  a  decision  cannot  be  made  without  further  evidence  of  the 
correlation  of  forms,  the  details  underlying  their  origin  and  use, 
and  the  establishment  of  a  more  definite  and  unbroken  track  of 
distribution.  To  have  an  intuition  and  a  vague  hypothesis  is  very 
different  from  the  demonstration  of  a  theory.  Delafosse  (Negroes 
of  Africa,  p.  3)  pictures  the  peopling  of  Africa  by  Negro  impacts 
from  Asia  on  the  east  coast  near  Madagascar.  If  true,  this  suggestion 
would  support  the  views  of  the  Graebnerian  school,  but  the  theory 
is  highly  speculative. 

The  extent  to  which  an  observer  may  be  misled  by  fortuitous 
resemblances  in  form  has  been  demonstrated  by  a  number  of  Ameri- 
can anthropologists.  Every  investigator  who  attempts  comparative 
study  and  classification  is  prone  to  unite  concepts,  customs,  and 
artifacts  which  have  only  a  superficial  and  misleading  resemblance 
to  one  another.  This  failure  to  discriminate  may  be  illustrated  as 
follows:  R.  H.  Lowie  (Plains  Indian  Age-Societies,  Amer.  Mus. 
Nat.  Hist.,  Anth.  Papers,  No.  11,  pp.  883-951)  has  shown  the 
fallacy  of  assuming  genuine  cultural  resemblances  between  Age- 
Societies  of  Plains  Indians,  the  Masai,  and  the  Melanesians,  because 
the  phenomena  when  analyzed  prove  to  have  different  psychological 
settings,  and  they  are  structurally  as  distinct  as  are  their  geograph- 
ical areas. 


324  The  Ovimbundu 

W.  D.  Wallis  points  out  the  care  that  should  be  exercised  in 
assessing  the  evidential  values  of  culture  traits.  These  should  be 
weighted  according  to  their  simplicity  or  complexity,  and  their 
logical  connection  with  one  another  (Amer.  Anth.,  XXX,  p.  94). 
The  cultural  factors  of  the  Malayo-Negritan  migration  have  not 
been  considered  in  the  manner  advocated  by  Wallis. 

Lowie  examined  apparently  similar  cases  of  exogamy,  but  found 
that  these  depended  on  different  conditions;  for  example,  exogamy 
might  depend  on  either  clan  or  locality  (The  Principle  of  Convergence 
in  Ethnology,  Jour.  Amer.  Folk-lore,  XXV,  pp.  24-42). 

A.  A.  Goldenweiser  shows  that  totemism  has  many  social  and 
psychological  interpretations  differing  greatly  according  to  locality. 
In  order  to  include  the  many  forms  of  totemism  a  broad  definition 
has  to  be  accepted.  Totemism  is  indeed  nothing  more  than  a 
tendency  of  social  units  or  individuals  to  become  associated  with 
symbols  of  emotional  value  (Totemism  an  Analytical  Study,  Jour. 
Amer.  Folk-lore,  XXIII). 

Lowie  further  emphasizes  the  distinctive  types  of  totemism,  in 
order  to  show  the  fallacy  of  linking  many  different  concepts  under 
one  term,  without  recognizing  the  broad  significance  of  the  term 
(Amer.  Anth.,  XIII,  p.  189).  This  research  shows  Frobenius  to  be 
at  fault  in  merely  noting  the  presence  of  totemism  and  other  traits 
without  defining  their  forms  and  examining  the  psychological 
background. 

An  article  by  A.  L.  Kroeber  and  C.  Holt  (Masks  and  Moieties 
as  a  Culture  Complex,  J. R.A.I. ,  L,  p.  452)  has  a  special  bearing  on 
Graebnerian  views  with  regard  to  the  spread  of  cultures.  Kroeber 
set  out  to  test  the  validity  of  the  statement  that  North  American 
culture  had  been  affected  by  the  east  Papuan  layer  of  the  Graeb- 
nerian culture  stream,  which  was  supposed  to  have  brought  masks 
and  moieties  to  North  America.  The  Graebnerian  method  assumes 
that  a  culture  trait  never  develops  twice;  also  that  instances  of 
geographical  isolation  of  a  trait  must  be  ascribed  to  migration  and 
subsequent  loss  in  intervening  areas.  The  conclusion  of  Kroeber, 
based  on  statistical  examination  of  instances  of  conjoint  occurrence  of 
the  two  traits,  indicates  that  the  union  of  masks  and  moieties  comes 
out  fortuitously. 

R.  B.  Dixon  indicates  several  factors  to  which  attention  should 
be  paid  in  making  comparisons  of  culture  traits  (Science,  XXXV, 
p.  46).  In  the  first  place  there  is  the  question  of  relationship  on 
geographical  and  historical  grounds.    It  is  also  important  to  know 


Wider  Culture  Contacts  325 

what  degree  of  complexity  there  is  in  the  artifacts  and  beliefs  which 
are  under  comparison.  Reason  and  form,  that  is,  psychology  and 
morphology,  are  both  important  aspects  of  comparison.  The  work 
so  far  accomplished  with  regard  to  the  Malayo-Negritan  theory 
of  African  cultural  traits  fails  to  comply  with  the  foregoing  essentials 
of  comparative  study. 

There  is  consensus  of  opinion  against  the  Graebnerian  hypothesis 
in  its  present  form.  E.  S.  Hartland  reviews  Graebner's  "Methode 
der  Ethnologie"  (Man,  1914,  No.  70)  with  the  result  that  he  finds 
Graebner  too  insistent  on  the  value  of  forms  as  a  criterion  of  generic 
relationship.  In  fact  such  a  method  may  degenerate  into  pure  sub- 
jectivity. F.  Boas  (Science,  XXXIV,  No.  884)  takes  the  same  point 
of  view  in  remarking  on  the  exclusion  of  the  psychological  field  of 
inquiry;  Graebner's  method  has  a  too  mechanical  character. 

In  view  of  this  criticism,  and  as  a  result  of  personal  observation 
of  the  culture  elements  of  Angola,  I  am  convinced  that  the  somato- 
logical,  linguistic,  and  cultural  data  for  considering  the  spread  of  the 
Malayo-Negritan  culture  in  Africa  are  not  sufficiently  understood 
to  lead  to  a  demonstration  of  any  kind.  For  instance,  Portuguese 
East  Africa,  the  hypothetical  starting  point  of  the  migration,  is 
by  no  means  well  studied  in  detail,  and  the  problem  demands  that 
data  relating  to  the  supposed  area  of  introduction  should  be  partic- 
ularly complete. 

The  same  criticism  relates  to  the  farthest  point  of  west  Africa 
reached  by  the  supposed  cultural  stream  from  Melanesia.  A  theory 
which  aims  at  showing  generic  relationship  between  secret  societies 
of  west  Africa  and  Oceania  cannot  successfully  rely  only  on  general 
resemblances  of  masks  and  the  use  of  netting  costumes.  Something 
more  specific  than  a  comparison  of  forms  of  artifacts  and  the  occur- 
rence of  such  ill-defined  institutions  as  age-grades,  totemism,  and 
secret  societies  is  essential  in  order  to  make  the  kulturkreis  theory 
acceptable. 

The  problem  of  cultural  relationships  between  the  Ovimbundu 
and  other  African  tribes  is  simplified  in  several  ways.  Geographical 
continuity  exists  between  the  African  areas  discussed,  and  to  a  great 
extent  the  cultural  contacts  described  are  matters  of  historical  fact. 
Data  relating  to  the  Ovimbundu  themselves  are  fairly  complete; 
and  what  is  equally  important,  there  is  trustworthy  literature 
bearing  on  the  areas  surrounding  the  Ovimbundu.  Therefore,  com- 
parisons do  not  rest  on  the  study  of  a  few  simple  forms,  but  on  the 
cultures  taken  as  a  whole  with  regard  to  cultural  traits  of  all  kinds. 


326  The  Ovimbundu 

Evidence  adduced  up  to  the  present  has  indicated  the  relationship 
of  cultural  elements  of  the  Ovimbundu  to  those  of  tribes  immediately 
surrounding  them  (chapter  X). 

In  addition  to  this,  the  ethnological  facts  of  the  present  chapter 
have  made  it  clear  that  the  tribal  life  of  the  Ovimbundu  cannot  be 
explained  by  confining  the  inquiry  to  immediate  culture  contacts. 
The  Ovimbundu  have  without  doubt  drawn  very  widely  on  African 
cultural  streams  during  the  growth  of  their  present  social  pattern. 
The  truth  of  this  statement  has  just  been  illustrated  by  reference 
to  ritual  connected  with  blacksmiths,  Bantu  religious  beliefs,  the 
Bantu  social  system,  African  puberty  rites,  hunting  appliances, 
musical  instruments,  and  other  cultural  elements. 

A  consideration  of  the  kulturkreis  theory  indicated  that  a  search 
for  the  origins  of  Umbundu  culture  cannot  profitably  be  extended 
to  Indonesia  and  Melanesia.  Therefore  the  final  chapter  is  confined 
to  a  summary  of  types  of  African  culture,  with  a  view  to  showing 
the  relationship  of  Umbundu  culture  to  each  of  the  main  racial, 
linguistic,  and  cultural  patterns  that  are  known  to  have  affected  the 
African  continent. 


XII.    CULTURAL  PROCESSES 
Analysis  of  African  Cultures 

The  difficulties  of  making  a  study  of  the  Ovimbundu  in  their 
relation  to  a  general  background  of  African  cultures  are  connected 
with  unsolved  problems  of  archaeology,  physical  anthropology, 
linguistic  study,  and  the  history  of  cultural  traits. 

With  the  exception  of  data  from  Algeria,  Egypt,  Kenya,  and 
south  Africa  there  is  a  paucity  of  archaeological  information  which 
might  determine  the  antiquity  of  past  cultures,  the  relation  of  these 
to  past  and  present  races,  and  the  routes  by  which  races  and  cultures 
traveled.  In  the  regions  mentioned  systematic  excavations  are  in 
progress,  but  for  the  greater  part  of  Africa  archaeologists  have  no 
knowledge  of  the  relative  antiquity  of  stone  implements  found  on 
the  surface. 

African  ethnologists  are  not  consistent  in  the  connotations  of 
terms  such  as  Bantu  and  Hamitic.  The  word  Bantu  primarily 
refers  to  a  linguistic  family  of  Negroes,  but  a  Bantu  Negro  culture 
exists  with  many  divisions,  and  later  we  shall  see  that  a  somato- 
logical  concept  is  associated  with  the  word  .Bantu.  The  word 
Hamitic  may  describe  a  linguistic  family,  a  series  of  physical  traits 
differing  from  those  which  characterize  the  Negro,  and  a  type  of 
pastoral  culture  in  which  all  the  activities  and  beliefs  of  tribal  life 
center  in  the  keeping  of  cattle.  The  adjective  Semitic  can  also 
be  used  to  denote  a  well-defined  linguistic  family,  a  type  of  culture, 
or  somatic  traits.  But  the  Semitic  problem  does  not  concern  us 
since  the  Ovimbundu  have  no  traits  that  could  be  associated  with 
Semitic  culture,  either  Mohammedan  or  pre-Koranic;  with  the 
possible  exception  of  blood  brotherhood  by  exchange  of  blood,  and 
the  use  of  a  scapegoat  (Robertson  Smith,  Lectures  on  the  Religion 
of  the  Semites,  p.  296;  Kinship  and  Marriage  in  Early  Arabia, 
pp.  57,  61). 

The  comparative  studies  of  physical  anthropologists  are  retarded 
by  paucity  of  skeletal  material  both  ancient  and  modern,  while  series 
of  measurements  on  living  subjects,  especially  women,  are  inadequate 
in  relation  to  the  great  size  of  Africa  and  the  complexity  of  the 
problems  which  arise  from  comparative  study  of  anatomical  data. 

Darwin's  "Descent  of  Man"  recognized  the  possibility  of  man's 
origin  in  Africa,  and  the  recent  excavations  of  L.  S.  B.  Leakey  in 
Kenya  may  finally  prove  that  the  oldest  remains  of  Homo  sapiens 

327 


328  The  Ovimbundu 

are  within  the  African  continent  (Stone  Age  Cultures  of  Kenya, 
Cambridge,  England,  1931).  H.  H.  Johnston  concludes  that  the 
place  of  origin  of  the  African  Negro  is  unknown.  A.  C.  Haddon 
(The  Wandering  of  Peoples,  p.  54)  surmises  that  "there  is  reason 
to  believe  that  all  the  main  races  reached  Africa  from  Asia."  G.  Sergi 
(The  Mediterranean  Race,  pp.  41-42)  regards  the  Hamites  as  a  single 
human  stock,  but  disagrees  with  a  theory  of  Asiatic  origin,  and 
postulates  the  origin  of  Hamites  in  northeast  Africa. 

C.  G.  Seligman  summarizes  the  views  of  Sergi  and  other  writers 
respecting  the  origin  of  Hamites  (Races  of  Africa,  pp.  96-156). 
Among  the  eastern  Hamites  cranial  characteristics,  though  variable, 
are  generally  convergent  and  are  to  be  regarded  as  old  variations 
of  an  original  stock.  Apart  from  Negro  admixture  the  face  of  the 
Hamite  is  never  prognathous.  The  nose  is  straight.  The  lips  are 
often  thick  but  never  everted  as  in  the  Negro.  The  hair  is  often 
frizzly,  but  sometimes  wavy  or  almost  straight.  The  color  of  the 
skin  varies;  it  may  be  yellowish,  coppery  red-brown,  through  every 
shade  of  brown  to  black,  according  to  the  amount  of  miscegenation 
that  has  taken  place.  Seligman  states  "that  the  Hamitic  cradleland 
is  generally  agreed  to  be  Asiatic,  perhaps  southern  Arabia,  or  possibly 
an  area  farther  east.  Be  this  as  it  may,  there  is  no  doubt  that  the 
Hamites  and  Semites  must  be  regarded  as  modifications  of  an 
original  stock"  (Some  Aspects  of  the  Hamitic  Problem  in  the  Anglo- 
Egyptian  Sudan,  J. R.A.I. ,  XLIII,  pp.  593-705). 

As  a  result  of  research  in  the  north  Arabian  desert  Henry  Field 
states  that  the  stony  desert  between  Transjordania  and  the  Euphrates 
River  was  probably  well  watered  and  fertile  at  an  unknown  period. 
The  locality  may  have  been  a  focus,  first  of  concentration,  then  of 
dispersal.  Archaeological  evidence  arising  from  a  comparative 
study  of  stone  implements  from  Arabia  and  east  Africa,  together 
with  data  of  physical  anthropology,  and  the  basic  unity  of  Semitic 
and  Hamitic  languages  support  a  theory  of  Hamitic  intrusion  from 
Asia  (H.  Field,  The  Cradle  of  Homo  Sapiens,  Amer.  Jour.  Arch., 
XXXVI,  No.  4,  pp.  426-430;  The  Antiquity  of  Man  in  Southwestern 
Asia,  Amer.  Anth.,  XXXV,  pp.  51-62). 

Although  the  origin  of  Hamites  and  Negroes  is  obscure  it  has 
been  possible  to  give  a  summary  of  the  chief  physical  traits  of  the 
former,  and  the  same  can  be  done  for  the  latter.  Typical  Sudanic- 
speaking  Negroes,  who  are  sometimes  referred  to  as  "true  Negroes,!' 
are  to  be  seen  in  the  Ibo  and  Ijaw  tribes  of  southern  Nigeria,  and 
among  the  Kru  of  Liberia.    The  characteristics  of  the  Negro  are  a 


Cultural  Processes  329 

heavy  torso,  disproportionately  long  arms,  a  dark  skin,  prognathous 
jaws,  broad  nostrils,  thick  everted  lips,  and  woolly  hair.  But  usually 
a  modification  of  these  features  occurs  in  Bantu-speaking  Negroes. 
How  did  this  modification  of  physique  arise? 

A.  C.  Haddon  (Wandering  of  Peoples,  p.  54)  expresses  a  generally 
accepted  view  when  he  states  that  Bantu-speaking  Negroes  are 
a  mixture  of  true  Negroes  with  Hamites.  Seligman  (Races  of 
Africa,  p.  181)  refers  to  an  infusion  of  Hamitic  blood  which  has 
differentiated  the  Bantu  Negroes  from  true  Negroes,  and  this  is  a 
generally  accepted  hypothesis.  But  Torday  (H.  Spencer,  Descrip- 
tive Sociology  of  African  Races,  preface,  p.  iii)  questions  whether 
the  physical  and  linguistic  cleavage  between  Bantu-speaking  and 
Sudanic-speaking  Negroes  is  due  to  an  admixture  of  Hamitic  blood. 
He  attributes  the  physical  differences  of  the  two  great  linguistic 
divisions  of  Negroes  to  disparity  of  environmental  conditions.  But 
at  present  no  physical  anthropologist  could  say  to  what  extent 
climatic  factors,  nutrition,  and  other  environmental  conditions  can 
be  held  responsible  for  the  physical  differences  of  Negroes. 

The  question  of  a  mingling  of  Hamite  and  true  Negro  to  produce 
a  modified  type  of  Negro  is  not  the  only  difficulty.  How  does  one 
account  for  aberrant  Negroid  types  such  as  the  Pygmies  of  the 
Ituri  forest  and  the  Bushmen?  They  have  a  phylogenetic  relation- 
ship, but  what  is  the  racial  affinity?  Again,  will  change  of  environ- 
mental conditions  account  for  the  Pygmy  and  Bushman  types? 
Or  are  we  to  form  a  hypothesis  of  origins  by  assuming  establishment 
of  new  species  by  variation  or  mutation? 

In  the  absence  of  certain  knowledge  science  accepts  a  hypothesis 
which  best  explains  the  known  facts.  And  in  this  matter  of  a  modified 
Negro  type  speaking  Bantu  languages,  the  idea  of  a  mingling  of  the 
blood  of  Negroes  and  Hamites  best  explains  the  gradation  of  physical 
types  from  west  African,  Sudanic-speaking  Negroes,  through  various 
types  of  Bantu  Negroes,  to  Hamites,  as  exemplified  by  the  Somali, 
Beja,  and  Hadendoa. 

The  main  characters  of  linguistic  families  of  Africa  are  clearly 
defined  by  A.  Werner  (Language  Families  of  Africa,  pp.  20-23) 
who  refers  to  the  works  of  D.  Westermann  and  C.  Meinhof.  The 
distinguishing  features  of  Hamitic,  Semitic,  Bantu,  Sudanic,  and 
Bushman  speech  are  known,  yet  the  task  of  placing  a  particular 
language  in  its  appropriate  family  is  not  always  simple.  The  classi- 
fication may  depend  on  the  particular  facet  of  the  language  which 
is  under  examination.    Hausa   (Hamitic),   is  difficult  to  classify 


330  The  Ovimbundu 

since  the  language  has  Sudanic  and  Hamitic  elements  with  some 
Semitic  roots.  The  earliest  relationships  of  African  linguistic 
families,  for  instance  Hamitic  and  Semitic,  also  Sudanic,  Bantu, 
and  Bushman,  is  a  field  for  further  research.  To  take  only  one 
instance  of  complexity,  Bantu  is  divided  into  more  than  two  hundred 
languages  and  innumerable  dialects,  whose  origin,  structure,  and 
evolution  have  been  treated  by  C.  Meinhof  (Introduction  to  the 
Phonology  of  the  Bantu  Languages,  London,  1932;  a  translation,  by 
A.  Werner  and  N.  J.  von  Warmelo,  of  Meinhof  s  Grundriss  eine 
Lautlehre  der  Bantusprachen). 

In  conclusion  of  this  summary  of  the  background  of  African 
history,  there  arises  the  difficulty  of  ascribing  to  each  of  the  races 
those  cultural  elements  for  which  the  race  is  responsible,  either  by 
primary  invention  within  Africa,  or  by  introduction  from  some  source 
outside  Africa.  The  difficulty  may  be  illustrated  by  quotations 
relating  to  the  iron  industry  of  African  Negroes.  Rival  theories  claim 
origin  of  the  craft  in  Asia,  in  Egypt,  and  among  African  Negroes 
themselves. 

Seligman  (Races  of  Africa,  p.  158)  states,  "We  may  believe  that 
the  Negro,  who  is  now  an  excellent  iron  worker,  learnt  this  art  from 
the  Hamite."  Torday  writes  (H.  Spencer,  Descriptive  Sociology 
of  African  Races,  preface,  p.  iii),  "To  state  that  Bantu  civilization — 
or  any  civilization  whatever — is  due  to  the  ancestors  of  such  abso- 
lutely primitive  tribes  as  the  Hadendoa  and  Beja  (identified  by 
some  with  the  enigmatic  Hamites)  presupposes  that  these  people 
who  were  ignorant  of  agriculture,  or  the  production  of  iron,  and  of 
all  arts  and  crafts  denoting  a  higher  culture,  who,  as  we  know,  have 
not  progressed  a  step  within  the  past  five  hundred  years  and  con- 
sidered all  manual  labor  degrading,  had  the  power  to  give  that  which 
they  never  possessed." 

The  complexity  of  argument  relating  to  the  origin  of  just  one 
cultural  trait,  iron-working,  can  be  judged  by  consulting  the  writings 
of  W.  Gowland  (The  Metals  in  Antiquity,  J.R.A.I.,  XLII,  pp.  235- 
287),  W.  M.  F.  Petrie  (The  Arts  and  Crafts  of  Ancient  Egypt), 
W.  Belck  (Die  Erfinder  der  Eisentechnik,  Zeitsch.  Ethn.,  XXXIX,  pp. 
335-381;  XL,  pp.  45-69;  XLII,  pp.  15-30),  and  F.  Luschan  (Eisen- 
technik in  Afrika,  ibid.,  XLI,  pp.  23-59). 

Even  with  these  reservations  and  disputed  points  in  mind,  it  is 
yet  possible  to  speculate  with  some  accuracy  respecting  the  origin 
and  assembly  of  traits  which,  welded  together,  form  the  culture 
of  the  Ovimbundu. 


Cultural  Processes  331 

Assembling  of  Traits 

The  data  which  have  been  assembled  in  relation  to  the  Ovim- 
bundu,  if  considered  in  conjunction  with  the  analysis  of  African 
cultures  made  in  the  foregoing  chapter,  lead  to  the  following  historical 
reconstruction. 

When  somatic  traits  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  considered  it  is  clear 
that  the  general  type  is  removed  from  that  of  true  Negroes.  Among 
the  Ovimbundu  are  persons  of  a  slender,  brown-skinned  type,  with 
some  refinement  of  lips  and  nasal  width;  while  other  persons  possess 
the  opposites  of  these  features,  but  in  no  instance  as  intensely  as  do 
true  Negroes.  I  accept  the  view  of  physical  admixture  of  Hamites 
with  true  Negroes  and  believe  that  types  like  the  Ovimbundu  and 
the  Vakuanyama  have  resulted  from  infusion  of  Hamitic  blood  which 
has  modified  Negro  somatic  traits  in  the  way  mentioned. 

Linguistically  the  Ovimbundu  have  a  pure  form  of  Bantu  speech. 
The  Umbundu  language  is  tonal,  but  there  are  few  semantic  words 
whose  meaning  depends  on  a  high,  middle,  or  low  tone.  Probably 
Umbundu  should  be  classified  with  the  southwestern  Bantu  lan- 
guages, but  further  research  may  show  that  on  structural  grounds 
Umbundu  has  to  be  accorded  an  intermediate  position  between  the 
southwestern  and  the  central  Bantu  languages.  Study  of  vocabulary 
definitely  links  Umbundu  with  the  Ukuanyama  language  of  the 
southwestern  Bantu  group,  but  conclusions  based  on  comparison 
of  vocabularies  are  hazardous  because  of  the  dissemination  of 
Umbundu  words  by  extensive  caravan  trade  of  the  Ovimbundu. 
We  may  therefore  be  dealing  with  loan  words  and  not  with  bifurca- 
tion from  the  same  matrix. 

When  comparing  the  social  pattern  of  the  Ovimbundu  with  that 
of  other  African  tribes  the  following  elements  of  culture  should  be 
borne  in  mind. 

(1)  Traits  associated  with  an  archaic  hunting  culture. 

(2)  Factors  typical  of  the  culture  of  Negroes,  both  Bantu  and 
Sudanic. 

(3)  Cultural  traits  from  pastoral  tribes  of  south  and  southwest 
Angola.  These  tribes  speak  Bantu  languages  but  have  somatic 
traits  which  are  Hamitic,  while  their  culture  exhibits  some  main 
features  of  the  Hamitic  pastoral  pattern. 

Among  the  earliest  elements  of  Umbundu  culture  would  probably 
be  the  traits  of  hunting  and  food-gathering.  The  antiquity  of  hunting 
has  been  indicated  by  considering  the  wide  distribution  of  appliances 


332  The  Ovimbundu 

of  like  kind.  Furthermore,  the  details  of  ritual  connected  with  the 
hunter's  occupation,  and  the  survival  of  these  to  the  present  day, 
tend  to  show  that  hunting  was  not  a  trait  of  late  introduction.  A 
people  who  adopted  hunting  when  in  an  advanced  state  of  their 
cultural  history  would  not  invent  an  elaborate  ritual  which  is  still 
connected  with  the  initiation  of  young  hunters,  ancestor  worship, 
and  special  modes  of  burial.  Moreover,  the  Ovimbundu  are  pri- 
marily an  agricultural  people;  therefore  it  is  unlikely  that  at  a  late 
date  in  their  cultural  development  they  would  take  over  hunting 
and  its  ritual  as  a  means  of  augmenting  their  food  supply.  I  con- 
clude, therefore,  that  the  elements  of  a  hunting  culture  are  ancient 
and  fundamental. 

To  the  archaic  elements  of  hunting  and  food-gathering  should 
perhaps  be  added  the  use  of  the  musical  bow,  the  bull-roarer,  and 
the  making  of  fire  by  twirling.  The  bull-roarer  is  an  object  associated 
with  important  ceremonies  among  many  African  and  other  tribes 
of  the  present  day,  though  among  the  Ovimbundu  the  instrument 
is  used  only  as  a  toy.  This  is  probably  a  degradation  of  function 
associated  with  the  known  disappearance  of  initiation  ceremonies. 
Making  of  fire  by  twirling  is  now  of  importance  only  as  a  ceremonial 
method  of  creating  new  fire  at  the  time  of  building  a  village,  during 
epidemics,  and  after  the  death  of  a  king.  But  formerly  the  twirling 
method  was  the  only  means  of  ignition. 

The  most  important  cultural  traits  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  those 
which  they  possess  in  common  with  Negroes  who  speak  Bantu 
languages.  Most  of  the  traits  mentioned  here  as  characteristic  of 
the  Bantu  are  also  to  be  found  among  the  Sudanic  Negroes  of 
west  Africa. 

Negro  cultural  traits  which  are  or  were  prominent  in  the  tribal 
life  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  as  follows: 

Tooth  mutilation  and  scarification  of  the  body. 

Blood  brotherhood  by  exchange  of  blood. 

Hoe  cultivation  by  women. 

Classificatory  system  of  kinship  terms  and  cross-cousin  marriage. 

A  system  of  succession,  inheritance,  and  family  government  in 
which  the  maternal  uncle  plays  an  important  part. 

Tribal  government  under  a  well-coordinated  political  system  in 
which  kings  and  village  chiefs  are  of  paramount  importance. 

Slavery  as  an  economic  institution. 

Ritualistic  slaughter  and  eating  of  slaves  at  the  death  of  a  king. 


Cultural  Processes  333 

Tribal  initiation  for  boys  with  use  of  masks,  netting  costumes, 
seclusion,  circumcision,  harsh  treatment,  change  of  name,  and 
re-introduction  into  society. 

The  poison  ordeal  of  general  Negro  type. 

Religious  ideas  of  a  supreme  being,  Suku,  Nzambi,  or  Kalunga, 
who  is  thought  of  as  a  creator.  He  is,  however,  far  removed  from  all 
tribal  affairs,  and  there  is  no  sacrifice  or  appeal  to  him. 

An  active  ancestor  worship  with  good  and  bad  spirits  who  require 
sacrifice  and  recognition  by  supplication  through  the  agency  of  a 
medicine-man.  Use  of  wooden  figures  in  connection  with  this  appeal 
to  spirits.  Great  importance  of  the  spirits  of  kings  as  arbiters  in 
matters  of  tribal  welfare. 

Importance  of  medicine-men  in  conducting  trial  by  ordeal,  making 
rain,  healing  the  sick,  and  consulting  ancestral  spirits  by  divination 
and  the  use  of  wooden  images  in  which  "medicine"  is  placed. 

Methods  of  fishing  with  poisons  and  conical  fish  traps. 

The  technique  and  ritual  of  the  blacksmith's  craft. 

Wood-carving  which  particularly  resembles  that  of  the  south- 
west Congo  region. 

Making  of  bark  cloth. 

Types  of  musical  instruments,  including  the  friction  drum,  the 
marimba,  tubular  drums,  flat  drums,  metal-keyed  instruments,  and 
many  other  forms  which  are  typical  of  Negro  culture,  particularly 
that  of  the  southwest  Congo. 

Weaving  on  a  loom  of  central  African  type  (now  obsolete). 

Coiled  basketry  and  pottery. 

The  foregoing  elements  are  associated  to  form  the  cultural  pattern 
of  the  Ovimbundu.  All  these  traits  are  characteristic  of  Bantu  and 
Sudanic  Negro  culture  in  general.  Therefore  the  Ovimbundu  are 
most  closely  allied  with  Negroes,  from  the  cultural  point  of  view. 

The  elements  taken  by  the  Ovimbundu  from  pastoral  tribes, 
whose  culture  has  invaded  east  and  south  Africa,  are: 

Cattle  and  the  social  values  attached  to  these,  together  with 
ceremonial  rites  which  are  characteristic  of  pastoral  cultures.  Such 
rites  include  burial  of  kings  in  oxhide,  and  the  killing  of  oxen  at  the 
funeral  feast;  also  the  mounting  of  horns  over  the  grave,  and  use  of 
sacred  fire. 

Ideas  of  succession  in  the  male  line,  whereby  kingship  passes  to 
the  eldest  son  of  the  principal  wife,  are  more  characteristic  of  pastoral 
than  Negro  systems. 


334  The  Ovimbundu 

From  the  pastoral  tribes  of  southern  Angola  the  Ovimbundu 
have  adopted  a  peculiar  type  of  assagai,  a  throwing  club,  and  sandals. 

Primarily  the  culture  of  the  Ovimbundu  is  that  of  African  Negroes 
with  persistence  of  traits  that  have  survived,  possibly  from  a  pre- 
Negro  culture,  which  depended  entirely  upon  food-gathering  and 
hunting.  Grafted  on  these  traits  are  important  elements  from  a 
pastoral  culture  which  is  generally  conceded  to  be  Hamitic. 

European  contacts  led  to  the  introduction  of  maize,  manioc, 
sweet  potatoes,  and  peanuts,  so  stimulating  the  indigenous  hoe 
culture.  This  agricultural  life  was  further  encouraged  by  settlement 
in  the  Benguela  Highlands,  where  temperature,  rainfall,  and  open 
spaces  favored  a  great  expansion  of  agricultural  pursuits,  especially 
the  growth  of  maize  and  beans. 

Early  contact  with  the  Portuguese  led  to  an  encouragement 
of  trade.  Guns  and  powder,  together  with  other  European  goods, 
were  received  in  exchange  for  ivory  and  slaves.  An  increase  in  the  sup- 
ply of  slaves  led  to  changes  in  the  social  life,  whereby  the  Ovimbundu 
gained  more  time  and  opportunity  for  extensive  raiding  and  trading, 
by  which  means  their  wealth  was  further  increased. 

As  time  progressed,  the  nature  of  the  contact  with  the  Portuguese 
changed.  Instead  of  alliances  made  on  a  commercial  basis,  the 
Portuguese  gradually  assumed  control,  the  results  of  which  are  now 
distinctly  felt  in  the  disintegration  of  Umbundu  tribal  life. 

The  data  supplied  by  personal  field  work,  supported  by  a  perusal 
of  ethnological  literature,  suggest  the  foregoing  summary  as  the 
briefest  possible  outline  of  the  history  of  the  Ovimbundu,  the  growth 
of  their  culture,  and  the  nature  of  traits  that  have  been  welded 
together. 

Cultural  losses  will  now  be  considered,  and  in  the  final  pages 
an  explanation  will  be  given  of  the  way  in  which  traits  derived  from 
various  sources  are  associated  to  form  a  workable  tribal  system. 

Cultural  Losses 

The  loom  and  the  conical  furnace  for  smelting  iron  have  disap- 
peared in  recent  times  because  of  the  increasing  importation  of 
foreign  cloth  and  the  greater  facility  for  obtaining  scrap  iron.  Bark 
cloth,  except  in  eastern  Angola,  is  no  longer  made  because  traders 
are  distributing  European  goods.  For  the  same  reason  wooden  hair- 
combs  are  going  out  of  use.  Drum  signaling  has  declined  with  the 
disappearance  of  warfare,  and  for  the  same  reason  the  double  iron 
gong  is  rare. 


Cultural  Processes  335 

The  Ovimbundu  have  lost  any  ideas  that  they  may  have  had 
concerning  sentimental  relationships  between  men  and  animals.  I 
know  of  no  belief  in  animal  helpers,  and  of  no  divisions  of  people 
with  an  animal  or  a  plant  as  their  emblem.  The  only  idea  of  rein- 
carnation was  expressed  in  the  instance  of  a  spirit,  neglected  in 
sacrifice,  prowling  near  the  village  in  the  form  of  a  lion  or  a  leopard. 

There  has  been  a  total  absence  of  the  shield  for  so  long  that 
no  one  was  able  to  describe  it.  Old  men  state  that  the  Ovimbundu 
used  to  have  a  shield;  probably  this  information  is  correct,  as 
the  shield  is  commonly  used  in  the  Congo  region.  The  Ovimbundu 
use  the  bow,  spear,  and  throwing-club;  no  doubt  a  fourth  item 
of  equipment  was  more  than  a  man  could  conveniently  manage. 
Furthermore,  individuals  who  obtained  guns  and  powder  would 
naturally  discard  other  weapons. 

Originally  the  Ovimbundu  were  cannibals.  The  Vasele,  a 
sequestered  Umbundu-speaking  people,  were  definitely  known  to  be 
practising  cannibalism  in  1865  (Monteiro,  vol.  II,  p.  157).  The  early 
writers,  Battell,  Merolla,  and  Cavazzi,  mention  cannibalism  in 
northern  Angola;  undoubtedly  slaves  were  killed  and  eaten  at  the 
accession  of  a  king  until  late  in  the  nineteenth  century.  From 
Bailundu  a  spear  formerly  used  for  thrusting  into  the  side  of  a 
slave,  then  into  the  side  of  an  ox,  was  obtained.  The  flesh  was  cooked 
and  eaten  before  a  warlike  expedition.  Among  objects  from  the 
Esele  country  is  an  ax  formerly  used  for  beheading  slaves  at  the  ac- 
cession of  a  new  king.  These  objects,  collected  in  1929,  and  described 
on  page  277,  are  survivals  of  defunct  traits. 

Kingship,  warfare,  slavery,  and  cannibalism  constitute  an  allied 
group  of  factors  which  are  here  mentioned  in  the  order  of  their 
importance.  European  contacts  have  discouraged  all  these  traits. 
Portuguese  authority  has  gradually  usurped  the  jurisdiction  of  native 
kings,  and  at  the  same  time  has  discouraged  intertribal  warfare. 
With  the  decline  of  warfare  the  capture  of  slaves  became  obsolete. 
In  addition  to  the  discouragement  of  cannibalism  by  direct  legisla- 
tion, the  decline  of  slavery  has  tended  to  make  cannibalism  fall 
into  desuetude,  because  slaves  were  always  the  victims  for  ceremonial 
cannibal  feasts. 

The  present  attenuated  distribution  and  form  of  puberty  rites 
for  Ovimbundu  boys  may  be  accounted  for  as  follows:  During  the 
period  of  desultory  warfare  in  northern  Angola  (1600-1800),  cere- 
monies, which  in  Africa  are  usually  associated  with  sedentary  life, 
must  have  suffered  interruption  and  curtailment.    Such  ceremonies 


336  The  Ovimbundu 

are  typically  allied,  so  far  as  Africa  is  concerned,  with  a  forest 
culture  with  its  sacred  groves  and  facilities  for  seclusion  during  a 
period  of  three  months  or  longer.  Such  a  condition  was  lacking  in 
the  Benguela  Highlands,  which  are  sparsely  wooded  in  comparison 
with  the  more  northern  tropical  areas  of  Angola. 

When  the  Ovimbundu  settled  in  the  highlands,  warfare  and 
distant  caravan  trade  were  factors  that  would  tend  further  to 
disintegrate  elaborate  ceremonies  requiring  several  months  for  their 
completion.  As  a  supplement  to  these  reasons  for  decline,  there  is 
the  effect  of  European  disapproval,  and  in  some  localities  positive 
prohibition. 

In  addition  to  traits  that  have  blended  and  those  that  have 
become  obsolete,  there  arises  the  question  of  opportunities  which 
have  been  neglected  in  the  course  of  cultural  growth. 

The  Ovimbundu,  with  local  exceptions,  do  not  use  the  milk 
or  flesh  of  cattle,  neither  is  the  milk  of  goats  utilized;  vegetable 
food  forms  a  large  proportion  of  the  diet. 

The  papaya  (papaw)  and  the  banana  are  not  cultivated  to  any 
great  extent  by  the  natives.  The  raffia  palm  grows  well  in  some 
parts  of  the  Benguela  Highlands,  but  the  Ovimbundu  do  not  use 
the  fiber  for  anything  except  ropes.  They  have  no  raffia  weaving 
such  as  is  found  in  the  Congo  region. 

Failure  to  utilize  these  vegetable  products  has  to  some  extent 
a  rational  basis.  The  fruit  of  the  papaya  could  never  be  more  than 
an  addition  to  the  already  generous  vegetable  diet,  as  it  is  unsuitable 
for  consumption  in  large  quantities  owing  to  laxative  properties; 
neither  has  it  the  food  value  and  the  marketable  possibility  of  maize. 
The  banana  will  grow  at  a  height  of  3,000  feet  in  the  Benguela 
Highlands,  but  attention  is  required.  Nights  are  cold,  hence  some 
naturally  screened  site  should  be  selected.  During  the  dry  season 
the  roots  should  be  protected  against  too  rapid  evaporation,  but 
this  careful  attention  is  foreign  to  native  methods  of  agriculture. 
Use  of  raffia  is  discouraged  by  the  presence  of  trade  cloth  and  easy 
access  to  locally  grown  cotton,  which  is  made  into  thread. 

To  account  for  the  failure  to  use  the  milk  and  flesh  of  cattle 
is  not  easy,  neither  is  the  neglect  of  goat's  milk  readily  explicable. 
Neglect  of  these  foods  is  due  to  prejudice  and  conservatism,  of 
which  there  are  many  examples  in  Africa.  For  instance,  Hamitic 
tribes,  of  whom  the  Bahima  are  typical,  avoid  all  vegetable  food. 
Milk  is  their  staple  diet,  and  vegetable  foods  are  regarded  as 
positively  unclean. 


Cultural  Processes  337 

Cattle-keepers  of  southern  Angola  make  butter  in  calabash 
churns  which  are  gently  swung  on  a  pole.  The  Ovimbundu  have 
taken  cattle  from  the  south  and  west,  but  have  not  adopted  dairy 
products.  The  cattle  of  the  Ovimbundu  are  valued  as  a  standard 
of  wealth;  have  great  purchasing  power;  are  used  to  pay  taxes  and 
fines;  and,  in  addition  to  these  social  and  economic  values,  are  the 
most  important  sacrificial  animals.  This  is  an  instance  of  the 
arbitrary  selection  of  some  traits  of  a  culture  complex,  while  other 
factors,  even  those  of  economic  importance,  are  ignored. 

Cultural  losses,  and  failures  to  utilize  factors  which  were  accessible 
are,  according  to  the  foregoing  examples,  due  to  change  of  habitat 
from  northern  Angola  to  the  Benguela  Highlands;  European  con- 
tacts; long-established  agricultural  habit;  and  conservatism,  which 
to  some  extent  is  a  characteristic  of  tribes  at  all  cultural  levels. 

Integration  of  Traits 

A  study  which  is  concerned  with  growth  of  culture,  demands  more 
than  a  historical,  geographical,  and  mechanistic  interpretation. 
Morphological  and  historical  research  assists  in  tracing  origins  and 
in  forming  hypotheses  respecting  the  order  in  which  the  traits  were 
brought  together.  But  such  inquiries  are  static  rather  than  dynamic, 
and  they  are  a  necessary  prelude  to  anthropological  work  rather 
than  an  ultimate  aim. 

To  the  methods  of  research  already  followed  there  should  be 
added  a  psychological  approach  with  the  object  of  showing  the  way 
in  which  various  elements  of  culture  are  blended  and  are  made 
to  function. 

The  following  pages  illustrate  the  way  in  which  a  field  investiga- 
tion is  brought  into  contact  with  the  welding  of  cultural  elements, 
and  the  examples  chosen  call  attention  to  principles  that  are  respon- 
sible for  the  process  of  integration.  This  assimilation  of  cultural 
elements  renders  the  study  of  an  isolated  trait  impossible,  as  the 
following  instances  indicate.  These  illustrations  are  chosen  from 
field  notes,  and  are  grouped  in  such  a  way  as  to  emphasize  the 
pivotal  elements  of  Umbundu  culture  around  which  minor  traits 
revolve. 

Some  of  the  examples  given  are  intended  to  illustrate  a  relation- 
ship between  language  (which  includes  folklore,  proverbs,  and 
riddles)  and  nature  knowledge.  The  latter  is  closely  connected 
with  hunting,  food-gathering,  and  the  selection  of  materials  for 
handwork. 


338  The  Ovimbundu 

The  inquiry  then  turns  to  occupations  which  indicate  that  sex 
dichotomy  of  labor  is  a  fundamental  principle  of  tribal  life.  In 
connection  with  the  details  of  food  supply  and  occupation,  ritual 
acts  are  prominent,  and  in  association  with  these  the  functions  of 
the  medicine-man  are  important. 

Cultural  liaisons  are  again  illustrated  when  studying  domestic 
animals,  for  this  inquiry  leads  to  a  consideration  of  the  social  and 
economic  importance  of  cattle,  which  are  used  in  ritual  connected 
with  the  death  and  burial  of  kings. 

These  are  but  a  few  instances  indicating  the  way  in  which  lines 
of  investigation  converge,  though  they  may  appear  to  be  distinct. 
In  fact  the  very  division  of  a  monograph  into  chapters  is  misleading 
in  its  suggestion  of  distinct  divisions  of  tribal  life,  whose  parts  are 
actually  a  psychological  unity. 

When  accompanying  boys  and  men  during  their  food-collecting 
and  hunting  expeditions  a  wealth  of  nature  lore  and  a  richness  of 
vocabulary  were  discovered,  and  a  vocabulary  of  one  hundred 
and  thirty  words  comprising  names  of  birds,  reptiles,  mammals, 
and  plants  was  prepared.  Species  are  carefully  distinguished, 
to  such  a  degree  that  discussions  respecting  the  correct  native 
names  for  similar  species  tend  to  be  prolonged  and  humorous. 

When  I  realized  the  closeness  with  which  the  native  observes 
the  habits  of  animals,  there  was  no  difficulty  in  understanding  why 
folklore  stories  of  animals  are  so  popular  and  so  amusing  in  their 
descriptions  of  animal  behavior.  In  addition  to  its  associations 
with  nature  study,  folklore  reveals  standards  of  conduct  and  pro- 
cesses of  rationalization. 

In  collecting  names  of  birds  and  their  cries,  and  while  recording 
hunting  customs,  I  was  informed  of  the  bird  Onjimbi  which  flies 
at  night  to  give  the  sound  of  death  to  those  who  will  not  see  the 
morning.  Then  there  is  a  nocturnal  bird  called  Esuvi  which  is  able 
to  catch  spirits  of  the  dead  who  are  active  at  night.  A  spirit  so  caught 
dies  a  second  death,  but  what  this  means  I  could  not  immediately 
discover.  Later  a  man  said  he  was  sick  because  Esuvi  had 
caught  the  spirit  of  his  grandfather.  This  implies  the  belief  that  an 
ancestral  spirit  is  a  guardian  whose  function  ends  when  a  second 
death  is  experienced. 

Study  of  natural  history  sometimes  leads  to  a  point  of  importance 
in  social  procedure.  There  is  a  bird  Onduva  whose  feathers  are 
used  for  decorating  the  head  of  a  dead  king  and  for  embellishing  the 
person  of  a  medicine-man;  the  feathers  may  not  be  used  in  any  other 


Cultural  Processes  339 

way.    Such  instances  as  these  came  to  light  when  my  primary  inten- 
tion was  a  study  of  the  use  of  wooden  arrows  for  killing  birds. 

An  inquiry  about  the  names  of  trees  and  the  use  of  timbers  led 
to  the  topic  of  making  and  using  wooden  figures  for  magical  purposes. 
Woodcraft,  wood-carving,  and  religion  are  associated. 

There  is  no  fallacy  so  great  as  that  of  supposing  that  data  may 
be  collected  and  retained  in  mutually  exclusive  divisions.  For 
example,  a  study  of  proverbs  leads  to  native  ideas  concerning  govern- 
ment, succession  to  office,  and  standards  of  conduct.  The  Ovim- 
bundu  say,  "A  turtle  cannot  climb  on  a  tree  stump,  some  one  has 
to  place  it  there."  What  is  the  meaning  of  this  proverb?  There 
are  some  men  who  occupy  positions  for  which  they  have  no  ability; 
such  men  have  been  chosen  through  influence.  The  normal  successor 
to  chieftainship  and  kingship  is  the  eldest  son  of  the  deceased  man's 
principal  wife,  but  if  this  rightful  successor  is  stupid,  some  other  son 
will  be  chosen.  Yet  the  foolish  youth  may  have  friends  who  see 
their  own  advantage  in  having  a  weak  ruler;  they  therefore  combine 
to  place  him  in  office.  The  turtle  has  been  placed  on  the  tree  stump, 
since  it  could  not  climb  there. 

In  addition,  folklore  shows  projection  of  the  mentality  of  human 
beings  into  the  lives  of  animals.  Bird  cries,  with  their  supposed 
calls  and  answers,  indicate  that  the  birds  have  their  family  relation- 
ships involving  strife,  love,  jealousy,  and  generosity.  To  the  Ovim- 
bundu,  birds  are  a  feathered  human  community. 

Proverbs  reveal  a  philosophy  which  is  expressed  by  the  German 
Weltanschauung.  "If  you  are  full  of  food,  do  not  climb  on  a  leopard's 
back;  the  leopard  may  be  hungry."  This  means  that  one  should 
not  be  foolishly  exalted  through  good  fortune.  "You  cannot  tie  a 
buck's  head  in  a  cloth;  the  horns  will  stick  out,"  expresses  the  idea 
that  crime  cannot  be  concealed.  "Hot  water  does  not  burn  a  house, 
and  cold  water  does  not  make  mush,"  is  a  sarcastic  reply  to  one  who 
boasts  of  things  he  cannot  do.  A  riddle  may  express  a  philosophical 
train  of  thought.  "What  is  it  that  lives  while  it  dies  and  dies  while 
it  lives?"  This  is  the  log  of  wood  the  end  of  which  is  from  time  to 
time  pushed  farther  into  the  fire.  Like  a  human  life,  the  log  is  being 
slowly  consumed  while  yet  living.  Such  examples  as  these  call 
attention  to  a  welding  of  thought,  language,  nature  lore,  and  ideas 
that  regulate  conduct. 

In  considering  food  supply  and  occupations,  division  of  labor 
on  a  sex  basis  is  clear.    Social  sanctions  have  determined  the  appro- 


340  The  Ovimbundu 

priateness  of  certain  tasks  for  males  and  females  respectively,  and 
individuals  reflect  these  attitudes  in  their  ideas  and  conduct. 

My  interpreter  and  others  who  were  questioned  laughed  at  the 
idea  that  men  and  women  might  interchange  their  occupations  in 
the  course  of  house-building.  A  woman  collects  wood  for  fuel,  but 
not  for  house-building.  Structural  work  is  in  the  hands  of  men 
who  dig  the  foundations,  erect  the  poles,  tie  the  crosspieces  and  add 
the  roof.  Women  carry  water  for  mixing  the  clay  which  is  puddled 
by  children;  men,  women,  and  children  apply  wet  clay  to  the  wattle 
walls.  "Suppose  a  man  should  carry  water?"  I  asked.  "He  would 
be  laughed  at  and  people  would  say  that  he  was  a  he-woman," 
came  the  ready  answer. 

Women  invariably  make  pottery  among  the  Ovimbundu,  but 
this  is  not  always  so  in  Negro  tribes.  Women  of  the  Ovimbundu  are 
likewise  basket-makers,  but  they  do  not  make  mats,  for  this  occupa- 
tion is  considered  suitable  for  men  only.  Only  women  pound  corn; 
before  daybreak  the  heavy  wooden  pestles  are  at  work  and  until 
sunset  the  rocks  reserved  for  this  operation  are  the  centers  of  female 
activity,  which  includes  singing  and  gossip.  Only  men  herd  cattle 
and  only  males  are  hunters.  Women  and  children  are  the  collectors  of 
wild  fruits  and  caterpillars,  but  only  men  take  honey  from  the  hives. 

Agriculture  and  the  preparation  of  food  are  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  the  women.  Men  never  eat  with  women;  the  latter  have  to  carry 
the  prepared  food  to  the  men's  communal  house  in  the  middle  of 
the  village.  Both  men  and  women  catch  fish,  but  there  are  methods 
appropriate  for  each  sex.  There  is  a  sex-division  of  labor  without 
any  implication  of  the  inferiority  of  women. 

Occupations  cannot  be  studied  merely  in  a  formal  way,  for, 
although  the  tasks  are  performed  every  day,  a  ceremonial  element 
is  involved.  A  clay  pit  is  consecrated  by  the  killing  of  a  fowl;  so  also 
is  the  rock  which  is  used  as  a  base  for  pounding  grain.  The  young 
blacksmith  is  initiated  after  two  years  of  apprenticeship.  On  this 
occasion  a  dog  is  killed  with  the  hammer  which  the  master  made 
for  his  pupil  and  the  blood  of  the  sacrificed  animal  is  sprinkled  on 
the  tools.  The  remainder  of  the  ritual  and  belief  has  been  described 
in  connection  with  occupations  of  the  Ovimbundu.  Study  of  the 
blacksmith's  work  was  begun  as  research  in  technology;  but  failure 
to  purchase  the  large  hammer,  even  for  a  tempting  sum,  led  to  the 
discovery  of  considerable  ritual. 

Abstention  from  sexual  relationships  is  enjoined  on  men  and 
women  who  are  going  fishing.    That  copulation  would  induce  the 


Cultural  Processes  341 

fish  to  stay  together  at  the  bottom  of  the  river,  is  the  reason  alleged 
for  this  taboo.  A  young  hunter  is  ceremonially  initiated.  Through- 
out his  life  he  has  to  make  sacrifice  to  the  ancestral  spirits  of  hunters 
who  are  in  the  house  where  bows  of  famous  hunters  are  kept;  these 
ceremonies  must  be  performed  before  a  hunter  leaves  for  the  chase. 
A  caravan  is  a  commercial  undertaking,  but,  before  setting  out, 
the  head  of  a  dead  chief  is  asked  for  a  guarantee  of  success;  mean- 
while a  sacrifice  is  made  by  a  medicine-man.  A  wooden  image, 
when  consulted  by  the  medicine-man,  indicates  the  correct  caravan 
route.  These  instances  illustrate  a  blending  of  the  sacred  and  the 
profane  in  occupations. 

Sexual  relationships  among  the  Ovimbundu  form  a  basis  of  social 
life,  as  they  do  in  all  communities,  but  the  sexual  aspect  is  not  all- 
pervading  and  completely  dominant. 

In  early  years  children  separate  during  play.  Boys  play  games 
of  hunting  and  warfare,  enter  into  competition  with  bows  and  arrows, 
or  amuse  themselves  with  wood-carving.  Girls  find  amusement  in 
imitating  their  mothers  in  the  occupations  of  making  pottery  and 
baskets,  and  in  cultivating  the  fields.  The  small  sums  of  money 
which  a  girl  derives  from  the  sale  of  produce  from  her  own  corn 
patch  are  personal  property  which  she  usually  spends  on  trinkets 
and  palm  oil.  This  measure  of  economic  independence,  combined 
with  considerable  freedom  of  choice  in  marriage,  indicates  an 
individuality  that  has  not  been  generally  recognized. 

I  have  mentioned  among  the  Ovimbundu  a  system  of  friendship 
between  boys  and  girls  of  from  twelve  to  sixteen  years,  which  permits 
the  children  to  sleep  together  in  the  home  of  one  of  the  girls  in 
whose  house  the  early  evening  has  been  spent.  Cohabitation  is 
forbidden,  and  pregnancy  would  be  a  disgrace.  The  practice  is 
not  unlike  that  of  night  visits  by  a  lover  in  certain  European  countries 
during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  (W.  Goodsell, 
A  History  of  the  Family  as  a  Social  and  Educational  Institution, 
p.  365).  Clearly  sex  is  a  factor  that  plays  its  part  as  a  formative 
influence  from  infancy  onward,  until  final  emphasis  of  sex  dichotomy 
is  made  by  tribal  initiations. 

The  social  position  of  woman  may  be  considered  by  selecting  a 
few  points  from  the  data  relating  to  courtship,  marriage,  and  divorce. 
Marriages  are  sometimes  arranged  during  infancy,  but  this  does  not 
invalidate  the  previous  statement  that  considerable  freedom  of  choice 
is  allowed;  a  girl  is  not  compelled  to  follow  arrangements  made  during 
her  childhood.     A  bride  has  to  make  contributions  toward  the 


342  The  Ovimbundu 

domestic  equipment.  Ritual  enters  into  the  introduction  of  the 
bride  to  her  home,  as  was  shown  by  explaining  the  functions  of  three 
elderly  women,  who  erect  the  fireplace,  bring  new  fire  from  the  chief's 
house,  and  assist  the  bride  in  a  ceremonial  way.  If  a  husband  has 
reason  to  doubt  the  virginity  of  his  bride,  he  bores  a  hole  in  her 
cloth  with  a  firebrand,  and  makes  her  carry  the  cloth  to  her  parents. 
But  the  marriage  is  not  necessarily  invalidated,  since  the  husband 
is  reconciled  by  a  return  of  some  portion  of  his  gifts  to  the  parents. 

Some  light  is  thrown  on  the  ethics  of  family  life  by  considering 
the  meeting  which  takes  place  in  the  men's  council  house  (onjango) 
before  the  bride  goes  to  her  new  home.  Here  in  the  presence  of  rela- 
tives from  both  families  the  father  of  the  bride  says,  "We  are  taking 
these  things  for  our  daughter,  we  hope  she  will  not  shame  us."  He 
turns  to  his  daughter,  enjoining  her  to  be  hospitable,  never  forgetting 
to  feed  her  husband's  people  when  they  call. 

Minor  incidents  help  in  a  study  of  the  psychology  of  family  life. 
When  husband  and  wife  have  quarreled,  the  latter  goes  away  for  a 
few  hours  into  the  bush  and  arranges  that  a  number  of  burrs  shall 
be  clinging  to  her  dress  when  she  returns.  If  her  husband  silently 
and  spontaneously  picks  these  from  her  cloth,  amicable  feeling 
is  restored. 

Analysis  of  the  grounds  for  divorce  shows  that  women  have 
their  rights,  though  the  male  is  in  the  more  favorable  position.  In 
Rome  the  legal  rights  of  a  matron  were  slender,  but  in  actual  practice 
she  held  an  important  and  honorable  position.  Similarly  the  status 
of  an  Ocimbundu  woman  is  higher  than  the  divorce  laws  imply. 

The  human  side  of  family  differences  was  well  brought  out  by 
studying  the  interference  and  indirect  influence  of  relatives  on  the 
relationship  of  husband  and  wife.  Details  have  been  given  indicating 
that  divorce  is  not  entirely  a  matter  of  adjustment  between  families; 
the  village  chief  may  be  called  upon  to  act  as  arbiter.  The  final 
ceremony  of  repudiation,  at  which  the  husband  slaps  his  wife's  back 
saying,  "It  is  finished,"  is  a  public  rite.  There  is  here  a  close  con- 
nection between  family  consent  and  public  ratification. 

Although  a  woman  may  return  to  her  parents  under  certain  con- 
ditions which  justify  the  divorce  of  the  husband,  parents  are  not 
anxious  to  encourage  this  practice.  Marriage  tokens  would  have 
to  be  returned  to  the  husband  of  their  daughter;  moreover  there 
might  be  a  difficulty  in  securing  another  husband.  In  this  instance 
a  conflict  occurs  between  parental  obligations  and  cupidity.  This 
is  again  shown  by  the  argument  which  always  arises  respecting 


Cultural  Processes  343 

the  custody  of  a  widow.  The  father,  the  brother,  or  the  maternal 
uncle  of  the  widow  may  take  her.  In  the  words  of  my  interpreter, 
each  says,  "It  is  better  that  you  should  take  her,"  and  at  last  someone 
says,  "I  will  take  her." 

A  chief  of  Ngalangi  revealed  the  most  important  aspect  of 
polygyny  when  he  apologized  for  the  fact  that  only  five  of  his  eleven 
wives  were  present.  The  chief  was  anxious  to  emphasize  the  fact 
that  he  had  eleven  wives,  though  six  were  at  work  in  the  fields. 

When  one  considers  the  prestige  of  village  chiefs,  and  further 
reflects  on  the  desirability  of  maintaining  this  power  within  family 
groups,  the  institution  of  polygyny  becomes  more  understandable. 
In  addition  there  is  the  necessity  of  having  women  to  cultivate  the 
fields.  A  polygynous  system  does  not  necessarily  cause  domestic 
conflict,  because  each  wife  has  her  own  hut,  fireplace,  and  utensils. 
Custom  obliges  a  chief  to  spend  four  nights  in  each  hut  in  regular 
sequence. 

A  first  and  principal  wife  is  not  offended  by  the  introduction  of 
other  wives,  for  these  reduce  her  own  labor  and  announce  the  fact 
that  she  is  the  principal  wife  of  a  wealthy  man.  When  photographing 
the  king  of  Ngalangi  with  his  wives,  I  observed  that  he  sent  the 
principal  wife  from  the  group  in  order  to  adorn  herself  with  a  piece 
of  cloth  whose  value  was  greater  than  that  of  the  clothing  worn  by 
any  of  the  others.  Among  the  Vakuanyama  it  was  noticeable  that 
the  principal  wife  wore  a  head-dress  of  clay  with  five  horns;  and  in 
addition  to  this  she  had  costly  necklaces  of  ostrich-eggshell  beads, 
also  more  of  the  coveted  omba  shells  than  were  allowed  to  other  wives. 
In  this  way  the  prestige  of  the  first  or  great  wife  is  preserved. 

The  persistence  of  custom,  the  force  of  education  through 
suggestion  in  early  years,  and  the  power  of  social  attitudes,  are 
well  illustrated  by  the  survival  of  kinship  terms  and  the  classificatory 
system  of  relationships,  with  its  marriage  prohibitions  and  sanctions 
of  an  arbitrary  kind.  The  strength  of  the  mores  and  the  fundamental 
nature  of  this  system  of  relationship  in  determining  marriage,  descent, 
succession,  and  inheritance,  are  indicated  by  the  fact  that  the 
system  is  unaltered  after  three  centuries  of  contact  with  Europeans. 

The  rights  of  a  mother's  brother  extend  so  far  as  a  sale  of  his 
sister's  children  to  redeem  his  own  debts;  and  reciprocally  he  is 
responsible  for  the  conduct  of  his  sister's  children,  even  to  the  extent 
of  paying  fines  for  the  thefts  they  may  commit.  This  prerogative  and 
responsibility  of  the  maternal  uncle  is  fundamental,  and  around  the 
trait  cluster  points  of  law  and  legal  procedure. 


344  The  Ovimbundu 

Ethnologists  have  often  emphasized  the  supposed  subjection  of 
the  individuals  to  the  group.  Initiation  rites  do  tend  to  uniformity 
of  conduct  and  group  control;  yet  among  the  Ovimbundu  there  are 
renowned  leaders  of  caravans,  chiefs  who  are  respected  because  of 
their  justice  and  intelligence,  also  medicine-men,  craftsmen,  and 
musicians  who  display  great  individuality.  Their  self-expression 
in  tribal  life  results  from  special  aptitude  and  natural  force  of 
character,  which  qualities  are  made  evident  by  daily  actions,  or 
through  loquacity  in  the  council  house.  In  several  localities  live 
chiefs,  who,  by  personality  and  tact,  make  possible  a  social  adjustment 
between  the  indigenous  culture  and  foreign  intruders. 

In  former  times  kings  were  at  the  head  of  the  legal  and  military 
systems,  and  in  this  capacity  they  acted  when  appeals  were  made 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  village  chiefs.  Prosperity  of  the  country  is 
today  thought  to  center  in  kings  both  living  and  dead,  and  the  extant 
ritual  associated  with  the  obsequies  of  a  king  is  an  illustration  of 
this  dependence.  The  importance  of  the  medicine-man  as  a  diviner, 
physician,  and  rain-maker  is  little  diminished  even  at  the  present  day. 

The  operation  of  village  communism  and  the  manner  in  which  this 
centers  about  persons  of  importance  is  seen  during  the  preparation 
of  a  new  site  for  a  village.  A  description  has  been  given  relating  to 
the  selection  of  the  site,  employment  of  communal  labor,  the  creation 
and  distribution  of  new  fire,  and  the  function  of  the  medicine-man 
on  this  occasion. 

Direct  questioning  concerning  spiritual  beliefs  and  the  nature  of 
a  supreme  being  elicits  little  information,  and  that  of  a  contradictory 
kind.  As  usual,  actions  are  more  important  than  statements.  At 
a  funeral,  women  dance,  clap  hands,  and  sing,  "God  has  cheated  us 
of  a  life."  The  inference  seems  to  be  that  Suku  gives  and  determines 
life.  Beliefs  respecting  the  good  and  bad  spirits  (Olosande  and 
Olondele)  are  deeply  ingrained  in  the  lives  of  the  Ovimbundu,  who 
are  confident  of  the  need  for  placation  of  spirits  by  sacrifice,  the 
use  of  wooden  figurines,  and  the  aid  of  the  medicine-man.  A  study  of 
the  contents  of  a  diviner's  basket  gives  a  clear  idea  of  the  powers 
and  the  activities  of  spirits;  and  the  function  of  a  spirit,  which  is 
able  to  hear  and  answer  the  living,  is  understood  after  observing 
the  questioning  of  the  corpse  at  a  funeral.  Without  doubt,  a  belief 
in  spirits  and  a  reliance  on  the  power  of  medicine-men  are  two  of 
the  fundamental  ideas  which  permeate  every  thought  and  activity 
of  the  Ovimbundu,  for  by  these  agencies  mundane  matters  are 
raised  to  a  spiritual  level. 


Cultural  Processes  345 

I  cannot  find  in  the  life  of  the  Ovimbundu  anything  to  support 
the  opinion  of  W.  C.  Willoughby.  This  writer  sees  in  the  soul  of 
every  race  an  instinct  for  god  that  tells  upon  behavior,  an  upward 
urge  that  makes  for  betterment,  due  to  the  unwearied  play  of  the 
spirit  of  god  on  the  souls  of  man.  The  views  of  E.  Torday  and  R.  J. 
van  Wing  (Dualism  in  Western  Bantu  Religion  and  Social  Organiza- 
tion, J.R.A.I.,  XLVIII,  p.  225)  seem  to  be  more  applicable  to  the 
spiritual  beliefs  of  the  Ovimbundu. 

The  Ovimbundu  have  standards  of  conduct,  codes  of  laws,  crimes, 
and  punishments.  In  addition  to  the  ekandu  (antisocial  acts) 
already  noted,  ohembi  is  a  liar,  okusapa  means  to  be  greedy,  and 
such  actions  are  deprecated;  but  there  is  no  deistic  injunction 
toward   the  virtues  of  truthfulness,  hospitality,  and  fair  dealing. 

Standards  of  conduct  and  social  values  are  preserved  by  the 
educational  forces  previously  mentioned  (chapter  VII),  and  in  addi- 
tion to  these  there  are  such  controls  as  trial  by  ordeal,  and  divination 
to  detect  guilt.  The  satirical  song  is  also  a  form  of  correction,  though 
its  application  may  be  antisocial,  for  instance  in  taunting  the 
sexually  impotent. 

Music  and  dancing  are  adjuncts  for  the  preservation  of  social 
customs  and  the  stimulation  of  collective  emotions  on  which  coopera- 
tion depends.  Music  and  dancing  are  also  aids  to  magical  practices. 
For  example,  a  friction  drum  is  played  while  a  medicine-man  carries 
out  his  divination  with  the  basket,  and  vigorous  drumming  takes 
place  during  treatment  of  the  sick.  Music  and  dancing  were  again 
seen  to  be  of  importance  at  a  funeral  ceremony. 

These  instances,  which  are  chosen  from  many  of  like  kind  reported 
in  the  foregoing  chapters,  serve  to  indicate  an  interrelationship 
among  the  main  aspects  of  tribal  life.  I  have  endeavored  to  choose 
from  personal  experience  those  facts  and  incidents  which  illustrate 
the  mutual  dependence  of  language,  folklore,  proverbs,  nature  lore, 
food  supply,  and  occupations. 

The  sexual  division  of  labor,  the  connection  of  ceremonial  with 
occupation,  the  relationship  of  the  sexes,  and  the  position  of  woman, 
have  all  been  brought  forward  as  examples  of  social  controls. 

The  persistence  of  belief  and  custom  despite  foreign  influences; 
the  nature  of  government,  including  the  psychology  of  prestige  and 
leadership;  spiritual  beliefs;  the  training  of  children;  and  the  value 
of  music  and  dancing,  have  likewise  been  emphasized  as  coordinating 


346  The  Ovimbundu 

principles  among  the  religious,  social,  and  economic  aspects  of 
tribal  life. 

In  searching  for  some  monism  which  integrates  tribal  thought 
and  conduct,  I  would  emphasize  the  relationship  between  the  sacred 
and  profane.  The  former  is  derived  from  the  latter  by  ritual  acts 
which  are  frequently,  but  not  exclusively,  connected  with  the 
medicine-man  and  spirits  of  the  dead.  These  departed  spirits  do 
not  sever  their  connection  with  the  living.  On  the  contrary,  they 
are  concerned  with  the  affairs  of  men,  which  they  handle  benevolently 
or  malevolently  according  to  caprice. 

Attention  has  been  called  to  the  importance  of  fire  when  cere- 
monially kindled  and  distributed;  this  is  but  a  single  instance  of 
the  sacred  use  of  an  everyday  commodity.  A  woman's  belt  is  an 
ordinary  item  of  clothing,  but  it  may  be  something  more  important. 
A  woman  who  is  the  mother  of  girls  only,  exchanges  belts  with  the 
mother  of  boys  only,  and  in  future  the  mother  of  female  children 
will  give  birth  to  boys,  and  conversely.  This  is  the  simplest  instance 
of  transfer  from  a  secular  to  a  magical  use  without  resort  to  an 
intermediary  person  such  as  the  medicine-man. 

Bows,  mats,  and  staffs  are  articles  of  everyday  use  until  their 
owners  are  dead  and  the  articles  are  deposited  in  the  house  of  bows. 
Such  a  house  is  then  sacred,  because  the  ancestral  spirits  can  be 
induced  to  enter  it  to  grant  favors  after  sacrifice  has  been  made. 
Cowrie  shells  were  normally  a  medium  of  exchange,  but  they  may 
become  a  charm  in  order  to  induce  conception.  A  snake's  backbone 
acquires  power  when  threaded  by  the  medicine-man  and  placed 
round  the  neck  of  a  patient  who  suffers  from  rheumatism.  A  cooking 
pot  of  clay  is  entirely  secular  until  it  becomes  the  property  of  a 
hunter,  after  which  no  other  person  may  use  it.  A  piece  of  an  ant 
hill  is  merely  earth.  But  if  the  belated  traveler  takes  such  a  piece 
from  the  top  of  the  hill  and  places  it  in  the  fork  of  a  branch  there 
will  be  an  extension  of  daylight.  A  ritual  element  enters  in  the  spell, 
"0  sun,  wait  for  me  a  little  while." 

The  unifying  and  binding  effect  of  magical  rites,  simple  or  com- 
plex, private  and  public,  is  the  warp  of  the  fabric  by  which  the 
weft  threads  of  the  social  pattern  are  bound  together.  To  vary 
the  metaphor,  tribal  life  is  a  sphere  of  action,  a  universe  having 
principal  units  around  which  others  revolve.  Each  unit  of  the 
structure  has  a  course  and  movements  peculiar  to  itself,  but  there 
is  no  actual  isolation  from  the  influences  of  other  bodies. 


Cultural  Processes  347 

The  part  played  by  Portuguese  influence  in  the  formation  of  the 
culture  of  the  Ovimbundu  has  previously  been  recognized,  and  in 
conclusion  reference  should  be  made  to  Portuguese  and  Ovimbundu 
relationships  at  the  present  day. 

Native  trade  and  military  organization  were  at  one  time  aided 
by  caravan  journeys  resulting  in  the  acquisition  of  slaves  and 
ivory,  which  were  traded  for  guns  and  powder.  But  this  caravan 
trade  touching  remote  parts  of  central  and  east  Africa  is  now  obsolete. 
Therefore  a  breaking  down  of  the  economic  structure  has  occurred, 
but  this  has  to  some  extent  been  counteracted  by  the  development 
of  agriculture,  which  yields  large  crops  of  maize  and  beans. 

In  the  administration  of  law  a  new  social  consciousness  has 
arisen.  Portuguese  government  is  of  a  somewhat  direct  kind,  yet 
village  chiefs  and  kings  have  some  juridical  rights.  Appeal  to  a 
chief  or  a  king  was  the  old  method  of  securing  justice,  and  at  present 
such  appeal  may  be  made  by  an  aggrieved  Ocimbundu;  but  should 
the  appellant  be  dissatisfied  he  turns  to  the  Portuguese  court. 

Portuguese  policy  aims  at  making  the  Ovimbundu  a  social  reflec- 
tion of  the  Portuguese  themselves.  European  clothing  and  manu- 
factures are  favored,  and  Portuguese  speech  is  encouraged,  to  the 
detriment  of  the  native  Umbundu. 

Initiation  ceremonies  are  forbidden,  but  the  bush  is  wide  and 
protective.  To  prevent  these  ceremonies  is  to  take  the  core  from  the 
social  system,  which  has  already  been  weakened  by  recruiting  of 
labor,  so  leading  to  disturbance  of  family  life  and  village  organization. 
Christian  missions  have  an  influence  on  dress,  beliefs,  and  habits,  but 
these  effects  appear  to  be  local. 

Although  this  report  has  been  chiefly  geographical,  ethnological, 
historical,  and  analytical,  no  apology  for  the  method  chosen  is 
necessary  since  this  kind  of  approach  is  fundamental.  I  might, 
in  compliance  with  a  modern  trend,  have  made  the  monograph 
center  in  persons,  especially  Ngonga.  By  making  a  close  psycho- 
logical study  of  his  early  years,  his  native  environment,  and  changes 
in  mental  attitude  arising  from  contact  with  Portuguese  rule  and 
American  missions,  an  illuminating  record  of  the  result  of  conflicting 
social  forces  could  be  given. 

In  a  sense,  Ngonga,  who  speaks  English,  Portuguese,  and  Um- 
bundu fluently,  has  been  the  focus  of  study,  and  care  has  been 
taken  to  recognize  his  personality  in  this  report.  I  realize  that  in 
Angola  work  of  an  intensive  psychological  and  sociological  kind 
remains  to  be  done  by  means  of  a  penetrating  analysis  of  many 


348  The  Ovimbundu 

individual  careers.  Inquirers  should  closely  observe  persons  who  are 
yet  molded  chiefly  by  their  native  environment,  and  these  individuals 
should  be  compared  with  those  who  have  left  their  own  culture, 
either  permanently  or  temporarily,  to  form  part  of  a  European 
social  and  economic  system. 

Ethnologists,  educationalists,  and  administrators  are  concerned 
with  the  effects  of  conflicting  cultures  on  individual  attitudes  and 
the  stability  of  native  institutions  of  all  kinds.  This  type  of  psycho- 
logical and  sociological  study  has  not  been  attempted  in  detail  here, 
and  I  am  not  confident  that  research  so  closely  concerned  with 
administrative  methods  would  be  encouraged  from  a  foreigner, 
though  he  might  be  welcomed  in  Angola  as  a  collector  and  ethnologist. 

During  four  centuries  of  foreign  contacts  the  Ovimbundu  have 
continued  their  resistance  to  European  influence,  and  field  records 
of  1929  are  clear  evidence  of  the  tenacity  of  indigenous  culture.  But, 
unfortunately,  the  decline  of  indigenous  industries,  thought  processes, 
institutions,  and  language  has  begun.  Yet  I  venture  to  hope  that 
this  monograph  will  lay  a  dependable  and  timely  foundation  for 
future  studies  of  behavior,  for  on  research  of  that  kind  depends  a 
sympathetic  understanding  of  Negro  reaction  to  European  intrusion. 


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Statham,  J.  C.  B. 

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Stigand,  C.  H. 
Natives  of  Nyassaland.     J.R.A.L,  XXXVII,   1907,  pp.   119-132;  XXXIX, 
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Stimpson,  S.  L.  and  Redick,  E.  C. 
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Stover,  Helen 
The  Umbundu  Language.    Bailundu,  1918. 

Stover,  Wesley  M. 

Observations  upon  the  Grammatical  Structure  and  Use  of  Umbundu,  at  Bihe. 
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Tams,  G. 
A  Visit  to  the  Portuguese  Possessions  in  S.  W.  Africa.    Hamburg,  1845. 

Tastevin,  R.  P. 
Les  conceptions  mystiques  des  Nzanekas.    L'ethnographie,  New  Ser.,  No.  23, 
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INDEX 


Ablution,  ceremonial,  278,  282,  293 
Abortion,  185,  186 

A  CtlCltlS    109 

Adultery,  182,  203;  see  Law,  Punish- 
ments 

Adze,  162,  167 

Afterbirth,  185 

Age,  189;  and  ornament,  132;  see 
Seasons 

Agriculture,  146-152,  212,  289,  291, 
300,  302 

Albinos,  101,  186 

Alcohol,  141;  see  Beer,  Intoxication, 
Maize,  Wine 

Aloes,  109 

Ambassa,  113 

Ambrizette,  119 

Ambuella,  122,  322 

Ambundu,  234 

Ancestor  worship,  119;  see  Death, 
Divination,  Exorcism,  Funerals,  King, 
Religion,  Ritual,  Sacrifice,  Spirits 

Angola,  see  chapter  headings;  and 
Congo,  286;  and  Rhodesia,  296;  and 
South  West  Africa,  303 

Animals,  carved  in  wood,  164;  see  Cat- 
tle, Chickens,  Domestic  Animals, 
Goats,  Hunting,  Nature  Lore,  Pigs, 
Sacrifice,  Sheep 

Antelope  horns,  143 

Anthill,  137,  299 

Anvil,  159 

Arabia,  328 

Archaeology,  105,  166,  207,  327 

Archery,  120,  141,  291;  see  Arrows, 
Bows,  Wooden  Arrows 

Area  of  Angola,  108 

Arrows,  95,  122,  123,  137,  140,  161; 
details  of  construction,  172-174,  299; 
release  of,  318 

Art,  97,  162;  see  Burned  Patterns, 
Colors,  Dyes,  Painting 

Ashanti,  198 

Assagai,  175,  310;  see  Spears 

Ax,  93,  94,  122,  161,  167 

Babende,  293;  see  Congo 

Babunda,  129,  163;  see  Cangamba 

Baby,  see  Childhood,  Lactation,  Mar- 
riage, Naming,  Pregnancy 

Baganda,  306 

Bags  of  fiber,  170 

Bahima,  336 

Bahuana,  293 

Bailundu,  town  of,  164,  192,  205,  207, 
209 

Bakongo,  288 

Bakuba,  322 


Baloki,  291 

Baluba,  322 

Bambala,  114,  290,  302,  314 

Bananas,  148,  336 

Bangala,  290 

Bantu,  prefixes,  106,  107,  115;  Negroes, 

128,  191;  language,  234;  religion  and 

social  system,  314-316 
Banyankole,  314 
Baobab  tree,  109 
Bapedi,  309 
Bark,  cloth,  131, 177,  229,  297,  301,  320; 

general  uses  of,  101,  140,  145,  146, 

150,  161,  170,  174,  183,  210 
Barotse,  297 

Barrenness,  102,  182;  see  Charms,  Di- 
vorce 
Bashilele,  293,  317 
Baskets,  93,  157,  169-171,  319 
Basonge,  290 
Bastards,  189 
Batatela,  292 
Bavili,  288 
Bayaka,  116 

Beads,  117, 120, 130, 132;  see  Ornament 
Beans,  146 
Beds,  210 
Beer,  118,  141,  149,  167,  169,  180,  185, 

200,  210 
Bees,  wax,  119,  140,  156;  hives,  161; 

see  Honey,  Wax 
Bellows,  118,  160 
Belts,  176 
Benguela,  town,  110,  157;  Highlands, 

108,  109,  118,  127,  141,  313 
Berg  Damara,  303,  308 
Betrothal,    179;   see   Courtship,    Mar- 
riage 
Bihe\  109,  114,  116,  120,  124,  296,  297 
Birds,  134-136,  140,  150,  172,  211,  319, 

338;  see  Arrows,  Hunting,  Wooden 

Arrows 
Blacksmith,  98,  118,  155,  158-161,  163, 

313,  314,  330 
Blackwater  fever,  281 
Blankets,  210 

Bleeding  of  patients,  101;  see  Cupping 
Blood   brothers,    187,   306,   316,   327; 

sprinkled,  156,  159,  166 
Bones  in  charms,  300 
Bows,  95,  141,  172-175,  209,  317,  322 
Bracelets,  131,  168 
Brass,  tacks  in  hair,  131;  nails,  wire, 

176 
Bride,   180;  see  Courtship,   Marriage, 

Tokens,  Virginity 
Bridges,  99 
Brothers,  see  Kinship 


356 


Index 


357 


Brushes,  166 

Bulls,  castrated,  154 

Burial,    of    commoners,    265-269;    of 

hunters,  121,  273;  of  kings  and  chiefs, 

121,  271;  of  medicine-man,  270 
Burns,  injuries,  282 
Burned  designs,  93,  167;  see  Gourds, 

Wood-carving 
Bushmen,  100;  paintings  of,  123,  129, 

303, 308 
Butter,  149,  153,  337 

Cabbages,  148 

Cabinda  enclave,  116,  124,  287,  315 

Caconda,  113,  124,  164,  232 

Calabashes,  see  Gourds 

Calendar,  137,  158 

Cameroon,  317 

Cancer,  282 

Cangamba,  115, 124,  146,  161,  162,  174, 
176,  230,  278-279,  298,  317,  318; 
see  Vachokue  Tribe 

Cannibalism,  120,  296,  335;  see  Death 
of  King,  Sacrifice 

Canoes,  100,  101,  145,  161,  300,  321; 
see  Bark,  Fishing 

Caravans,  119,  163,  212,  292,  296,  297, 
303; see  Trade 

Cassanga,  141,  172 

Cassonge,  144 

Castration,  154,  203,  212 

Cataract  of  eyes,  281 

Caterpillars,  120,  121,  140,  291 

Cats,  156 

Cattle,  108,  110,  117,  119,  124,  127, 
133,  148,  153,  200,  236,  303-310, 
337;  see  Domestic  Animals,  Milk, 
Sacrifice,  Vakuanyama 

Caves,  for  burial  of  king,  271;  for  shel- 
ter, 206 

Cereals,  146 

Chairs,  96,  320 

Charcoal,  122,  165;  see  Blacksmith, 
Forge,  Timber 

Charms,  182,  185,  276-278;  see  Medi- 
cine-man 

Chickenpox,  281 

Chickens,  155,  166,  169,  209;  in  ordeal, 
283;  see  Eggs,  Poultry 

Chief,  164,  183,  192,  200,  205;  see 
King,  Law,  Village 

Childbirth,  183-186 

Children,  183-188;  see  Courtship,  Di- 
vorce; diseases  of,  281;  games  of, 
216-222;  punished,  213;  toys  of,  221 

Circumcision,  120,  126,  227,  228,  231; 
see  Initiation 

Clans,  not  among  Ovimbundu,  192 

Classificatory  system,  188-199 

Clay,  131,  165,  209;  see  Hair,  Houses, 
Pottery,  Tobacco-pipes 

Cleanliness,  282 


Climate,  108, 178 

Clothing,  131,  132,  157,  177;  see  Bark, 

Caravans,     Cotton,     Fiber,     Hides, 

Leather,  Ornament,  Trade 
Clubs  as  weapons,  96, 141, 162, 164, 310, 

318 
Coast  of  Angola,  110 
Cocoon,  121 
Collecting  food,  140;  see  Caterpillars, 

Fruits 
Colors,  names  of,  237 
Combs  for  hair,  130 
Conception,  181,  184,  186,  187 
Concubines,  189,  206 
Conduct,  213;  and  religion,  264,  345 
Confederacy  of  kings,  127 
Congo,  region  and  culture,  113,   116, 

118,  123,  126,  127,  191,  235,  286-296, 

314,  318,  320 
Continence,  184 
Cooking,  146-152,  169,  180,  181,  210, 

211,213 
Corpse  questioned,  122,  123,  125,  184, 

297  301 
Cotton,  119,  124,  177 
Council  house,  see  Men's  House 
Counting,  252 
Courtship,  179,  214 

Cowrie  shells,  187;  see  Charms,  Concep- 
tion 
Crime,   see  Adultery,   Law,    Mother's 

Brother,  Murder,  Punishments,  Theft 
Cross-cousin  marriage,    194,   315;   see 

Kinship 
Culture,  antiquity  of,  312;  losses  of, 

334-336;  contacts,  115,  286-306,  312- 

322 
Cuma,  123,  208 
Cunene  River,  109,  307 
Cupping  (bleeding),  101,  282,  301 

Dancing,  209,  211,  221,  222 

Death  of  chief,  164,  202,  263-267;  see 
Corpse,  Funerals,  Tombs 

Defences,  207;  see  Warfare 

Deformities  at  birth,  187;  see  Mutila- 
tions, Ornaments 

Descent,  189,  192,  316;  see  Inheritance, 
Kinship,  Law,  Names 

Diego  Cao,  113 

Diffusion  of  cultures,  286-337 

Diphtheria,  281 

Diseases,  281,  282 

Dishonesty,  214;  see  Law,  Theft 

Divination,  120,  122,  274-277,  297,  300 

Division  of  labor,  133, 169,  212,  340-342 

Divorce,  181-183,  342 

Dogs,  143,  153,  155,  206,  211;  as  food, 
294;  see  Hunting,  Taboos 

Domestic,  animals,  99, 152-156;  slavery, 
see  Law,  Pawns,  Slavery,  Warfare; 
utensils,  94,  162,  180,  183,  199,  210 


358 


The  Ovimbundu 


Donkey,  152 

Doors,  208 

Dreams,  275,  277 

Drought,   109;  see  Climate,   Rainfall, 

Rain-maker,  Seasons 
Drums,  98,  118,  124,  204,  211,  223-225, 

279,  292;  house  for,  306,  312,  334;  see 

Friction  Drum,  Signals,  Warfare 
Dyes,   170,   172;  see  Baskets,  Colors, 

Iron,  Painting,  Pigments 
Dysentery,  281 

Eating  customs,  148 

Eclipse,  137 

Ecology  of  Angola,  108 

Economics,  133-177 

Education,  212-233,  343 

Eggs,  156,  213 

Elende,  Ovimbundu  center,  116,  123, 
129,  164,  167,  175,  177,  204,  318 

Elephant,  185,  188 

Elephantiasis,  281 

Elevation  of  land,  109 

Epidemics,  281,  322 

Erythrophlaeum  guineense,  119,  287, 
301;  see  Poison  Ordeal 

Etiquette,  216;  see  Conduct,  Manners, 
Salutes 

Euphorbias,  109 

Europeans,  see  Caravans,  Historical  Evi- 
dence, Missions,  Portuguese,  Trade 

Exogamy,  192 

Exorcism,  281 

Family,  191,  200;  see  Kinship 

Feasts,  funeral,  208;  marriage,  180 

Fiber,  172,  322;  see  Bark,  Initiation, 
]VT  nsks 

Figurines,  96,  156,  162,  164;  see  Mus6e 
Congo  Beige,  Religion,  Wood-carving 

Fines,  209;  see  Law,  Punishments 

Fire,  117,  150,  151;  sacred,  211,  283, 
284,  287,  290,  291,  302,  307-311 

Fishing,  100,  145;  fish  poisoned,  291; 
traps,  171, 212 

Floors,  166,  210 

Flutes,  98,  225,  294 

Foetus,  186;  see  Conception,  Pregnancy 

Folklore,  123,  248-252,  255-261 

Foods,  140-156,  312,  313,  336;  see  Ag- 
riculture, Beans,  Cooking,  Domestic 
Animals,  Maize,  Manioc,  Meat,  Milk, 
Squash,  Sweet  Potatoes 

Forge,  160;  see  Blacksmith,  Iron 

Foster  mother,  187 

Friction  drum,  288,  312,  319 

Frigidity  of  wife,  182 

Fruits,  148 

Functional  school,  107 

Funeral  rites,  99,  145,  153,  265-269 

Games,  216-222 

Ganda,  province  of,  144,  207 


Garbage  pits,  209 

Gardens,  181;  see  Agriculture,  Hoes 

Genealogy,  see  Kinship 

Geographical  factors,  106,  108-111 

Girls,  124,  126;  see  Courtship,  Initia- 
tion, Occupations 

Goats,  149,  151,  155 

God,  262,  295,  307,  344;  see  Kalunga, 
Nzambi,  Religion,  Suku 

Gongs,  117,  123,  204 

Gora,  321;  see  Music,  Musical  Bow 

Gossip,  146,  183 

Gourds,  118,  122,  165,  167,  185 

Government,  199-204;  see  Chiefs,  Kings, 
Law,  Punishments 

Graebnerian  theories,  312;  see  Kul- 
turkreis 

Granary,  209 

Grandparents,  191;  see  Kinship 

Grass,  170 

Grasshopper,  145 

Grease  for  clothes,  129,  130;  see  Hair- 
dressing,  Oil,  Palms 

Greetings,  214,  215;  see  Manners, 
Salutations 

Groundnuts,  108;  see  Peanuts 

Groves,  sacred,  314 

Guinea,  118 

Guns,  127,  142,  176 

Hairdressing,  129,  131,  181,  189 
Hamites,  128,  305,  313,  316,  328;  see 

Bakitara,    Pastoral    Culture,    South 

West  Africa 
Hammer  of  blacksmith,  159,  314 
Hearth  stones,  180 
Hemp,  151,  152,  165,  292 
Herero,  307 
Hernia,  281 

Hides,  100,  153,  175,  177,  302 
Hippopotamus,  188 
Historical  evidence,  106, 112-127 
Hoes,  119, 166,  290,  312,  316 
Homosexuality,  181 
Honey,  140,  149 
Horns,  153;  see  Funerals,  Graves,  and 

Tobacco-pipes 
Horse,  152 
Hospitality,  179,  214 
Hottentots,  303,  309,  315 
Household,  191;  see  Kinship  Terms 
Houses,   96,    126,   208,   209,   212;   see 

Domestic  Utensils,  Village 
Huila,  124 
Human  sacrifice,  118;  see  King's  Death, 

Slaves 
Humpata,  154 
Hunting,  98,   121,   126,   140-145,  212, 

272, 290,  317,  331;  see  Arrows,  Burial, 

Ritual,  Tombs,  Traps 
Husband,  see  Courtship,  Kinship,  Mar- 
riage 


Index 


359 


Ibo  tribe,  128,  313,  328 

Ijaw  tribe,  328 

Illustrations,  titles  of,  89-102 

Impotence  in  male,  182 

Incest,  192,  194 

Industries,  158-170,  212,  344 

Infantile  paralysis,  281 

Infidelity,  187;  see  Divorce 

Inheritance,  288,  316;  see  Law 

Initiation,  101,  124-126,  226-233,  316, 

317 
Intoxication,  141,  150,  214;  see  Beer 
Iron,  122-124,  158-161,  171,  313-315, 

330 
Irrigation,  147 
Ivory,  119 

Jaggas,  113,  116,  117 
Jealousy,  193,  204 
Jesuits,  114 
Jiggers,  282 

Kalunga,  115,  295,  307 

Kasai  River,  109,  164,  286,  291,  292, 
315;  see  Lunda 

Katanga,  297 

Katoko,  115,  124 

Kimbundu,  115,  125 

King,  120,  192,  200,  202,  205;  com- 
pound of,  209;  death  of,  310;  funeral 
of,  271,  306;  killed,  307;  salutes  to,  214 

Kinship  terms,  188-199,  288,  300,  309, 
315 

Kipungo  tribe,  129,  141 

Kitchen,  181,  187,  209;  see  Cooking 

Knives,  162,  175,  176 

Kpelle  tribe,  313 

Kraals,  211,  304 

Kru  tribe,  128,  328 

Kulturkreis  theory,  320-326 

Kusongo,  125 

Kwando  River,  111 

Kwanza  River,  109,  122,  145 

Lactation,  182,  187 

Lambas  of  Rhodesia,  296 

Land,  ownership  of,  201 

Language,    families,    329;    Umbundu, 

116,  234-250 
Law,  199-204 

Leather  belts,  130,  176;  see  Oxhide 
Leopard,  189;  see  Folklore 
Leprosy,  281 
Lewd  stories,  214 
Liberia,  313,  328 
Lion,  185 
Lizards,  138 

Loads,  see  Caravans,  Trade 
Loanda,  110,  114,  116,  157 
Lobito,  157 
Locusts,  140 
Loom,  124 


Luchazi  tribe,  125,  129,  158 

Luimba  tribe,  122,  123 

Luina  tribe,  122,  125 

Lunda  district,  114,  122, 123, 129,  176, 

299;  see  Saurimo 
Lustration,  278,  284,  291,  310;  see  Fire, 

Medicine-man,  Sacred  Fire,  Village 

Site 
Luvando  tribe,  128,  131 

Madagascar,  321 

Magic,  273-285,   346;  see   Divination, 

Medicine-man,  Poison  Ordeal 
Mayombe  tribe,  287 
Mahuila,  123 
Maize,  100,  108, 118, 126,  127,  141, 156, 

165,  189,  312;  see  Agriculture,  Beer 
Malange,  292 
Malaria,  281 

Malayo-Negritan  traits,  320 
Mancala,  124,  291,  293,  302 
Manioc,  108,  146,  147,  312 
Manners,  213;  see  Salutation 
Marimba,  117,  225,  303,  322 
Markets,  157 

Marriage,  180,  181,  214;  see  Kinship 
Marutse  298 

Masks,  96,  126,  228,  293,  317,  323,  324 
Matches  for  ignition,  150 
Mats,  99,  169,  210 
Mayombe  tribe,  287 
Meal  times,  148 
Meat  as  food,  148 

Medicinal  plants,  280-288;  see  Phar- 
macopoeia 
Medicine-man,  101,  120,  136,  151,  155, 

156,   181,   182,  203,  210,  213,  270, 

273-285 
Men's  house,  121,  209,  295 
Menstruation,  185,  186,  300 
Meshwork  nets,  320 
Mice,  137 

Migrations,  115,  312-326 
Milk,  119,  149,  153,  291,  302,  336 
Missions,  Christian,  347 
Mists,  112 
Moero  Lake,  119 
Mongua,  128,  129,  319 
Moon,  137 
Morals,  295,  345 
Mossamedes,  110,  113 
Mother-in-law,  193 
Mother's  brother,   195,  198,  200;  see 

Kinship 
Mourning,  269 
Moxico,  125 
Mucilage,  157;  used  for  catching  birds, 

299 
Mukuru,  a  god,  308 
Mule,  153 

Mural  decoration,  293;  see  Painting 
Murder,  159,  202 


360 


The  Ovimbundu 


Musee  Congo  Beige,  293 

Mushicongo,  287 

Music,   bow,   225,   294,   322;   general, 

216-222;  instruments,  97,  118,  124, 

162,  294 
Mussurongo,  129,  236 
Mutilation,  203;  see  Castration,  Teeth, 

Scarification 

Names,  personal,  188,  189 
Nature  lore,  134-140,  236 
Necklaces,  117;  see  Beads,  Ornaments, 

Ostrich  Eggshell 
Neck  rests,  320 
Needles,   169,  171;  see   Basketry  and 

Mat-making 
Negro  culture  summarized,  332 
New  Guinea,  320 
Ngalangi,  115,  124,  129,  150,  164,  166, 

177,  186,  187,  205-207,  210,  230 
Ngongo,  115,  163 
Nigeria,  157 
Nose-pin,  132 
Novo  Redondo,  176 

Nzambi,  a  god,  123,  288,  298,  307 

Occupations,  see  Basketry,  Blacksmith, 

Hunting,  Pottery,  Wood-carving 
Oceania,  320 
Ogun,  god,  314 
Oil,  157,  181,  189;  see  Palms 
Omba  shells,  129 
Omens,  285,  286 
Ordeal,  119,  203,  229,  283;  see  Poison 

Ordeal 
Ornaments,  personal,  128-132 
Ostriches,  117,  130 
Ovambo,  124,  175,  303,  307 
Ovimbundu,  meaning  of  name,  112;  see 

chapter  headings 
Ox,  see  Cattle,  Sacrifice,  South  West 

Africa,  Vakuanyama 
Oxhide,  burial  in,  121,  123,  306,  310 

Painting,  face,  182, 186;  walls  of  houses, 
102,  208,  210,  292 

Palisades,  208;  see  Village  Construction, 
Warfare 

Palm,  108,  117,  146,  177,  336;  oil,  157, 
181;  see  Raffia 

Paolo  Diaz,  113 

Papaya,  148,  336 

Parents,  see  Kinship,  Marriage;  names 
of,  188 

Parturition,  185;  see  Childbirth,  Preg- 
nancy 

Pastoral  culture,  331;  see  Cattle,  Do- 
mestic Animals,  South  West  Africa, 
Vakuanyama 

Patrilocal  marriage,  191 

Pawns,  191,  200,  203,  205;  see  Law, 
Maternal  Uncle,  Slavery 


Peanuts  (groundnuts),  147 

Personality,  344 

Pestle,  184 

Pets,  140,  156 

Pharmacopoeia,  281 ;  see  Medicine-man, 
Nature  Lore 

Philosophy,  339 

Phonetics,  238-252 

Phonograph  records,  238-253 

Physical  types,  99,  100,  123,  128-132 

Pigs,  99,  154,  161,  188 

Pigments,  129,  130,  170;  see  Dyes, 
Tukula  Wood,  Painting 

Pile  dwellings,  320,  322 

Play,  169,  216-222;  see  Education, 
Games,  Music 

Pneumonia,  282 

Poison,  ordeal,  117,  119,  122,  203,  283, 
288,  290,  292,  298;  for  fish,  145;  for 
weapons,  204 

Polygamy,  148,  193;  see  Marriage, 
Jealousy,  Kinship 

Portuguese,  110,  112-127,  198,  201, 
203,  312,  334,  347 

Potatoes,  147;  in  poison  ordeal,  203; 
see  Sweet  Potatoes 

Potion,  magical,  185,  187 

Pottery,  94,  98,  167-169,  183,  319 

Pouches  of  leather,  176 

Poultry,  155,  211;  see  Chickens,  Do- 
mestic Animals 

Pounding  maize,  165 

Powder  for  guns,  176,  204 

Pregnancy,  183-185,  300 

Pre-nuptial  relations,  341;  see  Court- 
ship 

Presents,  179,  182,  213 

Prohibitions,  285,  286 

Property,  see  Death,  Divorce,  Law 

Psychology,  general,  337-348;  and 
ornament,  132 

Puberty,  233, 296, 316, 336;see  Initiation 

Punishments,  206;  see  Adultery,  Law, 
Murder,  Theft 

Python  bones  as  charm,  298 

Quinine,  185 
Quiver,  175 

Racial  migration,  328-330 

Raffia  palm,  177,  336;  see  Fiber,  Palms 

Rainfall,  108,  109,  151,  158,  178 

Rain-maker,  118,  122,  137,  283,  306 

Rats,  137;  shot  and  trapped,  289 

Rattles,  120,  225 

Reeds  in  mat-making,  169 

Reincarnation,  262,  263 

Relatives,  see  Kinship 

Religion,  233,  262-284;  see  Ancestor 
Worship,  God,  Magic,  Medicine- 
man, Sacrifice,  Soul,  Spirit 

Reptiles,  138 


Index 


361 


Rhodesia,  110, 191,  198,  296-303 

Riddles,  253,  254 

Rijks  Museum,  catalogue  of,  294 

Ritual,  blacksmith,  155,  158;  burial, 
265-269;  caravan,  163;  charm,  276- 
278;  divorce,  183;  hunter,  144;  mur- 
der, 159;  medicine-man,  273-285; 
parturition,  185;  religion,  262-286; 
trade,  156 

Rivers  of  Angola,  109 

Rope,  170,  336 

Royal  family,  183,  192;  see  Burial, 
Descent,  Inheritance,  Kings,  Kin- 
ship, Law,  Succession 

Sacred  fire,  120,  305;  see  Fire 

Sacred  and  profane  uses,  346 

Sacrifice,  human,  118,  156,  159,  166;  to 
spirits,  180,  263 

Salt,  122,  150,  179 

Salutes,  213,  215-216 

Sandals,  309,  310 

Sanitation,  209 

Sankuru  River,  291 

San  Salvador,  113 

Saurimo,  174,  176,  292 

Saw,  161 

Scapegoat,  118,  285,  327 

Scarification,  97,  101,  282,  295,  321 

Scarlet  fever,  281 

Scrap  iron,  123,  158;  see  Blacksmith 

Seasons,  158;  see  Climate,  Rainfall, 
Time,  Weather 

Semitic  culture,  327 

Serpent,  significance  of,  275,  285;  see 
Divination,  Nature  Lore,  Omens, 
Python 

Sewing,  171 

Sex  and  occupation,  340-342 

Sexual  relations,  179-189;  see  Be- 
trothal, Courtship,  Divorce,  Mar- 
riage, Polygamy 

Sheep,  149,  155 

Shells,  120,  129;  see  Cowrie,  Omba 
Shell,  Ornament,  Ostrich  Shell 

Shields,  204,  320,  335 

Sierra  Leone,  317 

Sickness,  188,  276-282;  see  Medicine- 
man 

Signaling,  204;  with  drums,  334 

Sign  language,  252,  253 

Sisters,  see  Kinship 

Skull  trophies,  120-122,  144 

Slavery,  113,  191,  201,  204-206,  292, 
312,  316 

Smallpox,  281 

Smelting  iron,  314;  see  Blacksmith 

Snakes,  138;  see  Divination,  Omens, 
Python,  Serpent 

Snuff,  151, 162;  see  Tobacco 

Social  values,  345 

Solomon  Islands,  320 


Songs,  in  games,  217;  in  marching  and 

war,  226 
Soul,    124,    263,    264,    290,    295;    see 

Religion,  Spirits 
South  West  Africa,  303-313;  see  Cattle, 

Herero,  Ovambo,  Vakuanyama 
Spears,  142,  175;  for  fishing,  145;  see 

Assagai,  Weapons 
Specialization  in  tasks,  212,  213 
Spells  in  magic,  137,  145 
Spinning   cotton,    119,    124,   177;  see 

Weaving 
Spirits,  good  and  bad,  263,  264 
Spoons,  180;  see  Domestic  Utensils 
Squash,  146;  see  Gourds 
Staffs,  ceremonial,  96,  164 
Stars,  136 

Sterility  of  male,  182 
Stilts,  101,  121,  231,  317 
Stone,  construction  with,  207 
Stools,  177,  299;  see  Wood-carving 
Succession,  316;  see  Kinship,  Law 
Sudanic  Negroes,  191,  313;  see  Ibo,  Kru 
Sugar-cane,  148 
Suicide,  125 

Suku,  god,  123,  233,  262 
Sun,  137 

Sweat  bath,  282,  309 
Sweet  potatoes,  108,  312 
Symbols,     see     Divination,     274-277; 

used  in  naming  persons,  188,  189 

Tables  of  relationship,  189-191, 196, 197 
Taboos,    general,    285;    hunter,    144; 

mother-in-law,  193;  pregnancy,  184; 

see  Omens 
Tanganyika,  114,  156 
Taxes  205 
Teeth,'  brushed,    170;  mutilated,   102, 

122,  128,  129,  287 
Termites,  299 
Theft,  181,  201,  202 
Timbers,   uses   of,    138-140,    161;   see 

Trees,  Wood-carving 
Time,  158;  see  Agriculture,  Calendar, 

Spfwnn  s 

Tobacco,  94,  98,  151, 158, 162,  165,  176, 
289,  312;  see  Agriculture,  Hemp, 
Water-pipe,  Wood-carving 

Tokens  of  betrothal,  179,  182 

Tomatoes,  148 

Tombs,  98,  100,  208;  see  Burial, 
Funerals 

Tone  and  stress,  239 

Tongs,  160 

Tools,  95;  as  symbols  of  sex,  184;  see 
Baskets,  Blacksmith,  Handicrafts, 
Occupations,  Mats,  Weapons,  Wood- 
carving 

Topography,  108,  178 

Totems  not  used  by  Ovimbundu,  188, 
324 


362 


The  Ovimbundu 


Trade,  98,  114,  117,  142,  152,  156-158, 

161,  297,  311;  see  Caravans 
Traits  of  culture  summarized,  331 
Transformation  into  animal,  263 
Traps,    142,    317,    318;    see    Fishing, 

Hunting 
Trees,  138-140;  planted  in  village,  206 
Tribal  names,  spelling  of,  106;  see  under 

letters  V,  B,  M 
Triplets,  124,  186,  187 
Tsetse  fly,  108,  109,  124 
Tuberculosis,  281 
Tukula  wood,  117,  130,  131,  287,  293, 

295 
Twins,  124,  163,  185,  187,  301 
Typhoid,  281 

Uganda,  198 

Ulcers,  281 

Umbilical  cord,  185 

Umbundu,  see  Folklore,  Language, 
Phonetics,  Proverbs,  Trade,  Vo- 
cabulary 

Uncle,  191;  see  Kinship,  Law,  Mother's 
Brother 

Unity  of  cultural  traits,  107 

Utensils,  see  Cooking,  Domestic  Uten- 
sils, Kitchen,  Wood-carving 

Vachokue,  110,  115,  119,  125,  128,  150, 
151,  163,  166-168,  172,  173,  179,  187, 
205,  231,  235,  278,  279,  297,  322;  see 
Cangamba,  Saurimo 

Vacilenge,  119,  149 

Vaheneca,  123,  128 

Vakipungo,  173 

Vakuanyama,  111,  125,  128,  141,  152, 
153,  173,  177,  235,  304,  307,  317,  318; 
see  Cattle,  Culture  Contacts 

Vangangella,  129,  177,  214 

Vanyemba,  101,  230 

Vapor  bath,  301 

Vasele,  118,  128, 141, 150, 155,  173, 174, 
176,  207,  234 

Vegetable  fiber,  ornaments  of,  131;  see 
Bark,  Baskets,  Cotton,  Mats,  Palms, 
Raffia 

Vegetation,  108-111 

Victoria  Nyanza,  309,  319 

Vila  Nova  de  Selles,  132,  176 

Village,  construction  of,  124;  organiza- 
tion of,  206-211 


Virginity,  180 

Vocabulary,    235,    236;    see    Folklore, 

Language,   Nature  Lore,   Phonetics, 

Umbundu 

Warfare,  109,  116,  177,  192,  204-206, 
311 

Water-pipe  for  smoking,  122,  151,  153, 
165,  289;  see  Hemp,  Tobacco 

Wayao  299 

Wax,  141,  156,  158,  174-175;  see  Bees, 
Honey,  Trade 

Weapons,  95,  172-177;  see  Arrows, 
Bows,  Clubs,  Knives,  Shields,  Spears 

Weather,  136;  see  Climate,  Geograph- 
ical Factors,  Rainfall,  Seasons 

Weaving,  177 

Wedding,  167;  see  Bride,  Marriage 

Weir  in  fishing,  145 

Welding  of  traits,  337-348 

Wells,  111 

Whipping,  of  boys,  125;  top,  301 

Whooping  cough,  281 

Widows,  199,  343;  see  Death,  Funeral, 
Inheritance,  Mourning 

Wife,  lending,  181;  principal,  131;  see 
Courtship,  Kinship,  Marriage,  Poly- 
gyny 

Wine,  117,  158,  176;  see  Alcohol,  In- 
toxication, Jaggas,  Palms 

Winnowing,  171 

Wire,  as  ornament,  131;  see  Bracelet, 
Brass 

Witchcraft,  see  Charms,  Corpse  Ques- 
tioned, Funerals,  Magic,  Medicine- 
man 

Wizard,  see  Magic,  Medicine-man 

Wood-carving,  93-94,  98,  161-165,  293, 
319;  see  Domestic  Utensils,  Figurines, 
Nature  Lore,  Trees 

Wooden  arrows,  137,  140,  173,  211 

Women,  social  position  of,  341;  see 
Childbirth,  Law,  Marriage,  Occu- 
pations, Pregnancy 

Worms,  intestinal,  281 

Yams,  313 
Yaws,  281 

Zambezi  River,  109,  111,  317,  321 
Zanzibar,  297 


THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

JUL  1 6  1934 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


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AGRICULTURE  NEAR  GANDA 
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OVIMBUNDU,  ELENDE 
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Fig.  3.    Girl,  hair  studded  with  brass  nails,  Elende 


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OVIMBUNDU  WOOD-CARVERS,  ELENDE 
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TRANSPORTATION,  OVIMBUNDU,  ELENDE 
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FUNERAL  RITES,  OVIMBUNDU,  ELENDE 
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FUNERAL  RITES,  OVIMBUNDU 

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SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  OVIMBUNDU 
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OVIMBUNDU  WOMEN  AND  CHILDREN.  ELENDE 


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OVIMBUNDU  YOUTHS,  ELENDE 


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PIGS  OWNED  BY  OVIMBUNDU,  ELENDE,  KELTIC  BREED 


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■ 


DOMESTIC  ANIMALS,  OVIMBUNDU 

Fig.  1.    Sheep  and  lamb,  Elende.    Fig.  2.    Dog,  Elende,  ears  clipped  "to 

make  him  hear  well."    Fig.  3.    Goat,  Bailundu 


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DOMESTIC  ANIMALS,  OVIMBUNDU,  ELENDE 
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d  Museum  of  Natural  History 


Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LIX 


FEMALE  TYPES,  SOUTHWEST  ANGOLA 
Fig.  1.    Luvando  girls,  near  Kipungo.    Fig.  2.    Back  view,  same  types 


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Field  Museum  of  Natural  History  Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXVII 


VAKUANYAMA  TRIBE,  SOUTH  ANGOLA 
Fig.  1.    Man  treading  hide,  for  making  woman's  skirt.      Fig.  2.    Typical  dwelling,  Dom  Manuel 


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Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXXII 


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DUGOUT  CANOES,  RIVER  KWANZA,  NEAR  MALANGE,  NORTHWEST  ANGOLA 
Fig.  1.    Exteriors.    Fig.  2.    View  of  stern 


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Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXX1V 


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HUNTER'S  TOMB  AND  VILLAGE  OF  VASELE 
Fig.  1.    Tomb,  near  Luimbale.    Fig.  2.    Village,  near  Vila  Nova  de  Selles 


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WOMEN  IN  CHARGE  OF  TRIBAL  INITIATION  OF  GIRLS, 

VANYEMBA,  NGONGO,  CENTRAL  ANGOLA 

Fig.  1.    Front  view.    Fig.  2.    Back  view 


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Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXXX 


TRIBAL  INITIATION   OF  BOYS,  VACHOKUE,  CANGAMBA 
Fig.  1.    Fiber  skirts  worn  by  circumcised  novices.    Fig.  2.     Cages  in  which  boys  lie  after  circumcision 


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Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXXXI1I 


TREATING  SICK  WOMAN,  VACHOKUE,  CANGAMBA 
Fig.  1.    Medicine-man  stroking  patient's  spine.    Fig.  2.    Preparing  for  ablution  of  face 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 


Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXXXIV 


TYPES  OF  VACHOKUE,  MONA  KUIMBUNDU,  NORTHEAST  ANGOLA 
Fig.  1.    Women  pounding  maize.    Fig.  2.    Dwelling 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 


Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXXXV 


VACHOKUE  FISHING  AT  CANGAMBA 
Fig.  1.    Women  dragging  basket.    Fig.  2.    Man  in  bark  canoe,  holding  net 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 


Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  LXXXVI 


VACHOKUE,  EAST  ANGOLA 
Fig.  1.    Cupping  operation,  Ngongo,  Ngalangi.    Fig.  2.    Group,  Mona  Kuimbundu 


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SCENES  IN  CENTRAL  ANGOLA 

Fig.  1.     House  where  king  communes  with  ancestral  spirits,  Ngalangi 

Fig.  2.     House  with  painted  walls,  near  Bailundu 

Fig.  3.    Group  showing  mixture  of  tribes  at  Ngalangi 


Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 


Anthropology,  Vol.  XXI,  Plate  XCII 


MAGIC  AND  HUNTING,  CENTRAL  ANGOLA 

Fig.  1.    Mound  where  childless  women  are  covered  with  mud  to  give  fertility,  Vargangella,  Ngalangi 

Fig.  2.    Trap  for  leopards,  Cangamba 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS-URBANA 


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