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~OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
πὴ ἀν 9
GRENFELL AND HUNT
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EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND
GRAECO-ROMAN BRANCH

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“OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
PARE ¥ I

EDITED WITH TRANSLATIONS AND: NOTES

BERNARD P. GRENFELL, D.Lr't.

HON. LITT.D. DUBLIN; HON. PH.D, KOENIGSBERG
PROFESSOR OF PAPYROLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, AND FELLOW OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE
FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE ROYAL BAVARIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

AND

ARTHUR: 5. HUNT,” D:Errr.

HON. PH.D. KOENIGSBERG
LECTURER IN PAPYROLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD, AND FELLOW OF QUEEN’S COLLEGE
LATE FELLOW OF LINCOLN COLLEGE

WITH SIX PLATES ry thy Mao’

{96535 .ν 01...

LONDON p90 be8 cea eae
SOLD AT ROSE Peon her,
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THE OFFICES OF THE EGYPT EXPLORATION FUND, 37 GREAT RUSSELL
AND PIERCE BUILDING, COPLEY SQUARE, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. :
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., DRYDEN HousE, GERRARD ST., W.
BERNARD QUARITCH, 11 GRaFTon St., NEw Bonp Sr., W.
ASHER & CO., 13 BEDFORD ST., CovVENT GARDEN, W.C., AND 56 UNTER DEN LINDEN, BERLIN
AND HENRY FROWDE, AMEN CoRNER, E.C., AND 29-35 WEsT 32ND STREET, NEw York, U.S.A.

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1908

OXFORD

HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

PREPAC EH

Or the papyri included in this volume, the two long classical texts
containing the “/ypszpyle of Euripides (852) and the new commentary
on Thucydides II (858) formed part of the large find of literary MSS.
which was made on Jan. 13, 1906, in the circumstances described in the
Times of May 24, 1906, and the Archaeological Report of the Egypt
Exploration Fund, 1905-6, p. το. The other literary papyri were
chiefly discovered during the same season, but some were found in
1897 or 1902. The non-literary documents, which largely belong to
the third and fourth centuries, come, with a few exceptions, from the
finds of 1897.

In editing the new classical texts we have for the first time been
without the support of the late Professor F. Blass, to whom our
previous publications have owed so much ; but for 852 and 853 we have
been fortunate in obtaining the generous aid of Professors U. von
Wilamowitz-Mollendorff and J. B. Bury, who have very materially
furthered the reconstruction of those texts, while Mr. Gilbert Murray
has also contributed many most valuable suggestions and criticisms
upon 852. To these three scholars in particular, and to some others
whose occasional assistance is acknowledged in connexion with the
individual papyri, we here offer our sincerest thanks. Lastly, we would
express our obligations to the accomplished Proofreader of the
University Press, whose care, in this book as in its predecessors, has
removed many small blemishes from our pages.

The next volume of the Graeco-Roman Branch will be Part VII of
the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, to be issued, we hope, in the course of 1909.
We expect to include in it a detailed description of the site and
excavations with a plan, and a résumé of the topographical information
which the papyri have so far yielded concerning Oxyrhynchus and the
Oxyrhynchite nome.

BERNARD P. GRENFELL.

ARTHUR S. HUNT.
QueEeEn’s COLLEGE, OxForD,
SEPTEMBER, 1908.

ce,
ones

CONTENTS

PREFACE

List or PLATEs

TABLE OF Papyri . P ὃ ,
Nore on THE METHOD ΟΕ Been enn AND ΠΡ ΟΕ | ae

VIL.

TEXTS

THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS (845-851) .
New Crassicat Texts (852-872)
Extant CrassicaL AuTHors (873-884)
MiscELtangous LITERARY FRAGMENTS (885-887)
DocumENTs OF THE Roman AnD ByzanTINE PERrops:
(a2) Official (888-893) .
(6) Declarations to Officials (894-897) .
(c) Petitions (898-904)
(4) Contracts (905-915)
(ce) Taxation (916-919)
(2) Accounts (920-922)
(g) Prayers (928-925) .
(2) Private Correspondence (926-943) .
Cotrations or Homeric FracMENTs (944-956)
MisceLLangous Documents (957-1006)

INDICES

New Literary Texts:
(2) 852 (Euripides, Zypszpy/e)
(4) 858 (Commentary on Thuc. "
(c) Other Literary Texts

EMPERORS ;

Consuts, ERAs, AND ἜΘΟΥΣ :

Montus anp Days

PrrsonaL NaMEs

GEOGRAPHICAL .

RELIGION .

CONTENTS

OrFiciaAL AND Miritary T1ITLEs

Weicuts, Measures, AND CoINs

TAXES : : ; : ὲ 3 ὶ
GENERAL INDEX oF GREEK AND Latin Worps .
InpEx oF PassacEs DiscussED

LIST ΟΕ CPLA Pe

848 verso, 849 recto, 850 recto, 854, 867
852 Fr. 1, Cols. {πὶ}

852 Fr. 60, Cols. i-ii

853 Cols. xvi-xvii.

871 and 884 recto

847 recto and 894

PAGE
360
362
363
363
380

at the end.

eee Mia ee. il ae i

TAELE OF PAPY RI

(An asterisk denotes texts which are not printed in full.)

845. Psalms lxviii and Ixx .

846. Amos ii

847. St. John’s Grape 3 ii (Plate V 1)

848. Revelation xvi (Plate 1)

849. Acts of Peter (Plate I)

850. Acts of John (Plate 1)

851. Apocryphal Acts :

852. Euripides, Hypszpyle (Plates Π:1Π}
853. Commentary on Thucydides II (Plate IV)
854. Archilochus, ’EAcyeia (Plate I)

855. Menander(?) . 3
856. Scholia on Aristophanes’ aati 3
857. Epitome of Herodotus

858. Oration against Demosthenes
859-864. Poetical Fragments

865-870. Prose Fragments (Plate I) .

871, 872. Latin Fragments (Plate V) .
873. Hesiod, Zheogonia :
874. Apollonius Rhodius, ραν ΤΙ :
875. Sophocles, Antigone :
876. Euripides, Hecuba

877. Euripides, Hecuba

878. Thucydides II

879. Thucydides III .

880. Thucydides V é :

881. Plato, Luthydemus and Lysis

882. Demosthenes, 7, Aristogitonem I.
883. Demosthenes, Zz Aristocratem

884. Sallust, Casidina (Plate V) .

885. ‘Treatise on Divination

886. Magical Formula

887. Directions for Wrestling ().

888. Edict of a Praefect and Petition .

A.D.

Late 4th or 5th cent.
6th cent.

4th cent.

5th cent.

Early 4th cent.

4th cent.

5th or 6th cent.

Late 2nd or early 3rd cent.

Late 2nd cent.
Late 2nd cent.
3rd cent.
3rd cent.
4th cent.

Late 2nd or early 3rd cent.

1st—3rd cent..

ist—7th cent. .

5th—6th cent. .

3rd cent.

Early 3rd cent.

Early 2nd cent.

5th cent.

grd cent.

Late tst cent.

3rd cent.

Late 2nd cent.

Late 2nd or 3rd cent.

2nd cent.

3rd cent.

5th cent.

Late 2nd or early Ae cent.
3rd cent.

3rd cent. 3

Late 3rd or early 4th cent.

TABLE OF PAPYRI

Edict of Diocletian and Petition .

Letter to a Strategus .

Apportionment of Duties to an Briton

Appointment of a Superintendent of Works .
. - Judicial Sentence.
Latin Declaration of Birth (Plate V1).

Return of Village-Accounts
Reports to a Logistes.
Declaration to Riparii .

Petition to an Acting-Strategus

Petition of Apollonarion
Petition to a Logistes .

Petition to a Public Advocate
Petition to a Public Advocate
Accusation against a Husband

Petition to a Praeses .
Marriage Contract
Deed of Divorce

Will of Hermogenes .

Contract between Eutheniarchs

Sale of Acacia-Trees .
Lease of Land

Lease of a House
Lease of a Cellar
Lease of Land .

Acknowledgement of a Debt
Receipt for Lead and Tin .

Tax-Receipt
Taxing- Memorandum
Land-Survey

Advance of Dues on a Freight

Account of Food -
Inventory of Property
Account of Horses
Petition to a Pagan Deity
Gnostic Charm .
Christian Prayer.
Invitation to Dinner
Invitation to a Wedding
Letter of Lucius

A. Ὁ.
4th cent.

3rd cent.

294

338

Late 6th or 7th cent.
194-6

395

316

346

123

200

322

336

About Ve

4th cent.

5th cent.

170 :
2nd or early 3rd cent.
276

199

225

197

233 or 265

235 ;

442

486

572

198

Late 2nd or early wid eet
end cent, — is

182?

Late 2nd or early ait cent.

3rd cent. - ;
Late 6th or early 7th cent.

Late 2nd or early 3rd cent.

4th cent.
5th or 6th cent.
3rd cent.
3rd cent.
2nd or 3rd cent.

PAGE
205
207
208
210
2:
213
215
217
219
221

222
232
234
236
238
241
243
246
247
254
257
259
262
263
265
267
268
269
211
212
282
283
284

. . 286

288
289
he
201
292
293

929.
930.

931. Letter of Theopompus to a Strategus

932. Letter of Thais

988. Letter of Diogenes .

934. Letter of Aurelius Stephanus

935. Letter of Serenus

936. Letter of Pausanias .

937. Letter of Demarchus

938. Letter of Demetrius .

939. Letter to Flavianus .

940. Letter to a Clerk

941. Letter to John .

942. Letter of Timotheus

943. Letter of Victor : :
*944-956. Homeric Fragments . :

957. Leather σίλλυβος (?)

958. Vellum σίλλυβος (ἢ).

*959. Magical Symbols :
960. Memorandum of a Payment of ‘ars
*961. Demotic Papyrus. -
962. *droypapyn of Sheep and Mosurandar af

Contracts
963. Letter of Ophelia to i Mother
964. Receipt for the Rent of a Camel-Shed
965. Order to Collectors of Corn-Dues_ .
966. Official Account of Payments and Writing-
Exercise .
967. Letter from Apion ts his Sites.
*968. Will of Didyme : : ‘
969. Order for Arrest :
970, ἀπογραφή. A
971. Account of Eh endive on Teor
972. Oath of an Official
*973. Notice to Sitologi
974. Order for Payment of Wheat
*975. Lease of Land. : -
*976. Declaration on Oath ; ; :
977. Payment of the φόρος of an ἀσχόλημα.
978. List of Furniture

TABLE OF PAPYRI

Letter of Nicanor . ε
Letter to Ptolemaeus from his Mother

A.D.
Late 2nd or 3rd cent.
2nd or 3rd cent.

and cent.

Late 2nd cent.

3rd cent.

grd cent. ;
Late 3rd or 4th cent.
4th cent.

5th cent.

6th cent.

6th or 7th cent.

6th cent.

2nd—sth cent.
122-3 .

80 :

3rd cent.

1st or 2nd cent.

Late 1st cent.
and or 3rd cent.
263

3rd cent.

2nd cent.

A.D. 100-138
Early 2nd cent.
Early 3rd cent. ,

Late rst or early 2nd cent.

223

168-9 .

3rd cent.
82-3 or 98-9
197

253

3rd cent.

PAGE
294
295
296
298
299
300
301
393
305
306
307
399
310
211
313
315
317
318
318
318
318

318
318
318
318

319
319
919
319
310
319
320
320
320
320
320
320
321

Xii

*979.
980.

981.

*982.
*983.
*984.
*985.
*986.

987.
988.

989.
990.

991.

992.
993.
994.
995.
*996.
997.
*998.
*999.

TABLENOF YPAPYRI

Account of Payments of Corn .

*List of Abstracts of Contracts (?) and Be
Payments for Houses

Taxing-Memorandum

Report to a Logistes

Census-List

Private Account

List of House- and Land-Propety ἃ Ha of
Loans of Seed-Corn :

Vellum Title (?) : : :

Loan of Corn and Memorandum ehipenniee
a Sale .

List of Persons and Wodishops

Will of a Woman

Petition to a Police Official

Order for Payment of Wine

Order for Payment of Corn

Receipt for Money

Deed of Surety

Account .

Account of AD areas Q”)

Account .

*1000-3. Receipts for les and Tin ;
*1004-5. Arabic Papyri

*1006.

Arabic Paper .

A.D.
and or 3rd cent.

grd cent.

Late 2nd or early 3rd cent.

3rd cent.
316.

82-97
50-100 .

131-2 ;
5th or 6th cent.

224 ΐ
Late 3rd or 4th éeriti Th
331

341

413

6th cent.

499

5th cent.

584

4th cent.

Late 6th cent.

616-7

About 572

4th or 8th cent.
Mediaeval Period .

PAGE
321

321
321
321
321
321
322

323
324

324
325
325
325
325
325
325
326
326
326
326
327
327
327
327

ΡΨ a fe eee
af '

NOTE ON THE METHOD OF PUBLICATION AND
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

THE general method followed in this volume is the same as that in

~Parts I-V. As before, some of the more important new literary texts (852-3,

855) are printed in a dual form, a literal transcript being accompanied by
a reconstruction in modern style. In other cases, and in the fragments of
extant authors, the originals are reproduced except for division of words,
capital initials in proper names, expansion of abbreviations, and supplements of
lacunae. Additions or corrections by the same hand as the body of the text
are in small thin type, those by a different hand in thick type. Non-literary
documents, including the magical text (886) in the ‘ Miscellaneous’ section, are
given in modern form with accentuation and punctuation. Abbreviations and
symbols are resolved ; additions and corrections are usually incorporated in the
text and their occurrence is recorded in the critical apparatus, where also faults
of orthography, &c., are corrected if they seemed likely to give rise to any
difficulty. Iota adscript has been printed when so written, otherwise iota sub-
script is employed. Square brackets [ ] indicate a lacuna, round brackets ( ) the
resolution of a symbol or abbreviation, angular brackets { }) a mistaken omission
in the original, braces { } a superfluous letter or letters, double square brackets

{L ]] a deletion in the original. Dots placed within brackets represent the

approximate number of letters lost or deleted; dots outside brackets indicate
mutilated or otherwise illegible letters. Letters with dots underneath them are
to be considered doubtful. Heavy Arabic numerals refer to the texts of the
Oxyrhynchus papyri in this volume and Parts I-V, ordinary numerals to lines,
small Roman numerals to columns.

The abbreviations used in referring to papyrological publications are
practically those adopted in the Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung, viz. :—

P. Amh. = The Amherst Papyri (Greek), Vols. I-II, by B. P. Grenfell and
Α. 5. Hant.

Archiv = Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung.

B. G. U. = Aeg. Urkunden aus den K. Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden.

P. Brit. Mus. = Greek Papyri in the British Museum, Vols. I-II, by F. G. Kenyon ;
Vol. III, by F. G. Kenyon and H. I. Bell.

xiv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Ρ,

Ὁ

. P. Herm. = Corpus Papyrorum Hermopolitanorum, Vol. I, by C. Wessely.

. P. R. = Corpus Papyrorum Raineri, Vol. I, by C. Wessely.

. Cairo = Catalogue of Greek Papyri in the Cairo Museum, by B. P. Grenfell
and A. S. Hunt.

. Fay. = Fayim Towns and their Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and
D. G. Hogarth.

. Flor. = Papiri Fiorentini, Vol. I, by G. Vitelli.
. Gen. = Les Papyrus de Genéve, Vol. I, by J. Nicole.

. Grenf. = Greek Papyri, Series I, by B. P. Grenfell, and Series II, by B. P.

Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
. Hibeh = The Hibeh Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt.
. Leipzig = Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, Vol. 1, by
L. Mitteis.
. Leyden = Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Lugduni-Batavi, by C. Leemans.
. Magd. = Papyrus de Magdola, Bull. de Corr. Hell., xxvi. pp. 95-128, xxvii.
pp- 174-205, by P. Jouguet and G. Lefebvre.
. Oxy. = The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Parts I-V, by B. P. Grenfell and A. 5.
Hunt.
Par.= Les Papyrus grecs du Musée du Louvre, Notices et Extratts, t. xviii. 2,
by W. Brunet de Presle and E. Egger.
Reinach = Papyrus grecs et démotiques, by Th. Reinach, W. Spiegelberg, and
S. de Ricci.

Rev. Laws = Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by B. P. Grenfell, with an

Introduction by J. P. Mahaffy.

. Strassb. = Griechische Papyrus der K. Universitatsbibliothek zu Strassburg im
Elsass, Vol. I, Parts 1-2, by F. Preisigke.

. Tebt. = The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and
J. G. Smyly ; and Part II, by B. P. Grenfell, A. 5. Hunt, and E. J.
Goodspeed.

Wilcken, Os¢. = Griechische Ostraka, by U. Wilcken.

I. THEOLOGICAL FRAGMENTS

845. PSALMS lIxviii and Ixx.
12-5 X 18-2 cm. Late fourth or fifth century.

This fragment from a papyrus book contains parts of Ps. Ixviii and Ixx,
written in a large and clear cursive hand probably of the period from 350 to 450.
The book was of a large size, the page when complete measuring about 22 cm.
across. No lection signs occur beyond the diaeresis; the usual contractions
of θεός and κύριος are used, but οὐρανοί and μητρός are written in full. For the
two Psalms here represented the chief uncial MSS. are δὲ, B, and R (the Verona
Psalter, attributed to the sixth century), but the papyrus does not agree con-
sistently with any of these authorities. It seems to have been rather nearer to &
than to B, and, as would be expected in an Egyptian text, supports none of the
peculiar readings of R.

Verso Ixviii. 30-7.

To plov aiveow To ονομα του θυ per wdns μεγαλυνω αὑτὸν εν al
veoet] Kat apeolet] τω θ[ω] υἱπερ] μοσχίον νεον κερατα εκῴφεροντα Kat
οπλας ιἰδ]ετίωσαν πτωχοι καὶ ευφρανθητωσαν [εκζητησατε
τον Ov Kat εκζησεται ἡ ψυχη ὕμων ort [ιση]κουσΐεν των

5 πενητῶν KS καὶ τοὺς πεπεδημένους [avTov οὐκ εξουδε
νώσει ALVETATWOAY aUTOV οἱ οὐρανοὶ Kalt ἡ yn Baracoa και παν
τα Ta ερποντὰ εν αὑτοῖς οτι o Os σώσει τὴν Siwy καὶ οἰκο
δομηθηϊσονταῖι αι modes της Ιουδαιας kat κατοικησουσιν εκει
και κληϊρονομησουσιν αὑτὴν καὶ To σπερμα τῶν δουλων avTou
το [κ]αθείξουσιν αὑτὴν

2 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Recto Ixx. 3-8.

ἴτοπον oxupoy Tov σῶσαι με ort] στερίεἰωμα pov κία)]ι κατα
[φυγὴ μου εἰ συ o Os μου] ρυϊσαι] με εκ χειρος apapTwdou
[ex χειρος παρανομοῖυντος Και adiKovyTos οτι σὺ εἰ ὕπο

μονὴ poly κε μου Ke ελπις pov EK νεοτητος μον επὶ σε

15 ἱεπεστ]ηριχθην amo γαστρος εκ Κοιλιας μήτρος μου σὺ μου
[ει σκεπαστη)ς ev σοι ἡ ὕπομονησις μου δια παντὸς ὠσει
[repas eyevn]Onv τοις πολλοῖς k[a]e σοι βοηθος και Kparaios
[ἰπληρωθητω To στομα pov αἸιϊνεσεως ows ὕμνησω

1. It is doubtful whether ro at the beginning of this line is the final syllable of
αντέλαβετο or the article before ovova. The latter division would make the line rather short,
but it could be sufficiently lengthened by the insertion of pov after Oeo|v with Ne. The
vestige of the letter after ro suits » better than ο, but is too slight to decide the point, and
some traces of ink later on in this line are also indecisive.

2. rw A(e)o]: or perhaps τω κ[(υρι)ω], which would be a new reading, though the cursive
188 has rov κυριον. εκῴεροντα was perhaps omitted, as in &*. Its insertion produces a very
long line, while on the other hand its omission leaves the supplement a little shorter than
would be expected.

3. [εκζητησατε: ζητησατε R. Cf. note onl. 4.

4. θ(εοὴν : κυριον R.

εκζησεται ἡ Ψυχη vpov: ζησεται ἡ Ψυχὴ ἡμων (υμων Ne-2) N*R, ὥσεσθε B. The εκ is
a repetition from ἐκζητήσατε, or the scribe may have transferred the preposition from one verb
to the other; cf. the omission of ex with ζητησατε in R.

5. κ(υριοὴς : o κυριος BRR.

εξουδεΐνωσει : 50 N*R ; εξουδενωσεν BRE.

4. ερποντα εν αὐτοις : SO ΒΥ 6.8} ; πέρατα της yys N*.

12. The length of the lacuna indicates that the papyrus had pov after θ(εο)ς with NR ;
B omits.

13. ὑποίμονη : 50 the cursives 27, 285; ἢ ὑπομ. BNR. Cf. the omission of 7 before
exms in]. 14. It is unlikely that καὶ stood before εκ as in R.

14. κ(υρι)ε μου : om. μου BNR; cf. the addition of μου in 1]. 12.

κ(υρι)ε Amis: κυριε ἡ eAmis Καὶ ; κυριος ἡ edms BR.

15. [ἐπεστ]ηριχθην tee oxeraotn|s. The papyrus agrees with BN; R has emrepipny εκ
parpos εκ κ. τῆς μ. μου σὺ EL μοι ὑυπερασπιστης pov. ο Of κοιλίας is corrected from υ.

16. vmopovnois (υ seems to be corrected) = ὑπομνησις, which is the reading of &
and the Sahidic version; υμνησις BR. ω of woe is corrected.

17. go: l.ov. SR add pov after βοηθος.

kat Kparatos: OM. και BSR ; καὶ κραταίωμά pou Arm. Ed., Psalt. Aethiop.

18. R adds κυριε after αἰνεσεως : ors ὑμνήσω (την δοξαν σου) was orignally omitted in &,
but added by the second corrector.

846, AMOS, II 3

s46. AMOS ii.

16-4 xX 12-6 cm. Sixth century.

The upper portion of a leaf from a papyrus codex, preserving part of the
second chapter of the book of Amos in the Septuagint version. Six lines are
lost at the bottom of the verso, and the size of the complete page can be
estimated at about 26-5x15:5cm. The large and heavy uncial script, round
and upright, in brown ink, and resembling the hand of P. Amh. 190, is probably
of the sixth century. At the ends of the longer lines the writing becomes very
small. Two kinds of stops, the high and middle, occur, as well as some of the
usual contractions. The text is fairly correct, and so far as it goes coincides for
the most part with that of the Vaticanus, Alexandrinus, and Marchalianus,
with which we give a collation. The only variant of interest is in verse 7, where
a reading peculiar to a few cursives occurs.

Verso ii. 6-8.

Ta evexey ὕποδηματίων

Recto ii. 9--12.

a{ujrov ὕποκατωθεν: x[at €lyo

[τ]α marovyta emt τον [Xovy
Ts γης᾽ Kat εκονδυλιζον
εἰς κεφαλας πτωχαΐν
5 Καὶ odov ταπινὼων εἶξεκλι
[vjav καὶ ὕϊος Kat πρ [avTov
[ἰσ]Ἰεπορενοντο προῖς τὴν αὐτῆ
πα[ι]δισκην ὁπὼως [βεβηλω
[σ]ουσιν τὸ ον[ομα τίου θυ av
το [τω]ν και Ta ἵματια [αυτῶν
[δἸεσμευοντες σχοινίοις
[π]Ἰαραπετασματαὰ επίοιουν
[εἸχομενα του θυσ[ιαστη
ρίου καὶ οινον εκ alvKopay
15 τιων επινοῖν εν τῶ OLK®

του θυ αὐτων

4. [ισ]επορευοντο: or [elo (e)ropevorro.
long, and perhaps τὴν was omitted.

[av|nyayov ὕμ[α]ς ex yns [41
[γυπτου και περιηγαγον U

20 [pals ev τὴ ερήμω τεσσῖίε
[ρακίοντα eTn Tov κατακΪλη
ἰρονομησαι τὴν γὴν Toy
[Applopatov και ελαβοῖν εκ
[Tov ὕ)]ων ὑμῶν εἰς mplo

25 ἰφητα]ς: και εκ τῶν vear(t
ἰσκω]ν ὑμὼν εἰς αγίζασμον
[μη οὐκ] εστι[ν] ταυταὰ vilot
[Ind λεγει KS καὶ εποτίιζε
ἴτε Tos ηγιασμενους ἴοι

30 [voy κ͵]α[ι] Tors προφηταις
[ενετελλεσθ]ε [pu ]] λέγοντες
[ov μη προφητευσητε'

The supplement at the end of the line is rather

8. [BeBnrwclovow : so the cursives 86, 153, 198 (Holmes); βεβηλωσιν B, Swete,

βεβηλωσωσι(ν) AQ, &c.

4 THE OXYRAYNCHUS PAPYRI

20. τεσσερακοντα : so AQ; μ' Β.

23. [Applopacoy: Apoppawy MSS. There is room for at least three letters in the lacuna ;
Αμο]ρραιων cannot be read.

ἐλαβον : Qa has ανελαβον.

28. A stop is probably lost after κ(υριοὴς.

847. ST. JOHN’S GOSPEL ii.
16-2 14:6 cm. Fourth century. Plate VI (recto).

This leaf from a vellum MS. of St. John’s Gospel is sufficiently early in date
to be of decided value. The rather large calligraphic script is more closely
related to the sloping oval type of the third and fourth centuries than to the
squarer heavier style which subsequently became common for biblical texts and
of which 848 and 851 are examples. Especially noticeable are the small o and
w placed high in the line of writing ; the ὦ is also remarkably shallow—shallower
for instance, than that in 665 (cf. P. Oxy. IV, Plate I). We have little hesitation
in referring the MS. to the fourth century, and it may well be as old as any of
the great biblical codices. Stops in the middle position are freely used ; a few
other dots which occur seem to be accidental. The usual contractions of πατρός
and Ἰησοῦς are used, the latter word appearing both as Ins (I. 9) and Is (1. 30);
μήτηρ, on the other hand, is written out at length (1. 4).

The leaf is practically entire, and preserves a dozen verses from chap. ii of
the Gospel. Compared with the three principal MSS., the Sinaiticus, Vaticanus,
and Alexandrinus (C and D are both defective here), the text is much nearest to
that of the Vaticanus, with which it agrees four times against the other two,
whereas there is no coincidence with δὲ against AB, one with A against NB, and
only two with NA against B. Readings unsupported by any of the three are
found in verse 12, ταῦτα for τοῦτο, and verse 15,.where ὡς is added before φραγέλλιον,
variants for which the new MS. is much the earliest authority.

Recto ii. 11-16. Verso ii, 16-22.
αὐτοῦ και επιστευσαν εἰς av 20 περιστερᾶς πωλουσιν εἰπεν-
Tov οἱ μαθηται αὐτου: μετα αρατε TavTa εντευθεν. μὴ
ταυτα κατεβη εἰς Καφαρνα ποιειτε TOV OLKOV τοῦ TPS
ουμ’ avTos καὶ ἡ μητηρ avTov- μου οἰκον ἐμπορίου: evn
5 Kal οἱ αδελῴοι: και οἱ μαθη σθησαν οἱ μαθηται avrov: o

ται αὐτου: Καὶ εκει εμειναν 25 τι γεγραμμενος εστιν. o ζηλος

847.

ov πολλας ἡμερας: και εγγυς
nv TO πασχα τῶν Τουδαιων: και
[ανε]βη εἰς Ιεροσολυμα ο Ins
[kat evlpev ev Tw lepw τοὺς TH
ἰλουῖντας Boas και προβατα'
[κα]. περιστερὰς. και τοὺς Κερ
μίατ]ιστας καθημενους [Kat
ποιησας ὡς φραγελλιον [εκ σίχοι
νιων παντας εξεβαλεῖν εἸκ᾽ :
τοῦ ἵερου: τα τε προβατα και τους
Boas και των κολλυβιστων εξε
χεεν τὰ κερματα: και Tas Tpa

πεζ[α]ς ανετρεψεν: καὶ τοις Tas

ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL, ἢ 5

Tov οἰκου σου: KkaTadpayeTat με
απεκριθησαν ουν ot ἴουδαιοι
και εἰπαν avT@ τι σημῖειον de
κνυεις ημιν. οτι ταυΐτα ποιεις
απεκριθη Is και εἰιπεν αὐυΐτοις
λυσατε τον vaov τοῦτον [Kat

[ev τῇρισιν ἡμέραις εἐγερω [αυτον
[εἰπΊαν ovv οἱ ἴουδαιοι: μ και εἕ €
Telly ὠὡκοδομηθη ο ναος ov

Tos[-| και ov εν τρισιν ἡμεραις
εἐγερεις αὑτον. εκεινος δὲ ede

γεν περι του ναοῦ του σώματος

αὐτου: οτε ovy ἡγερθὴ εκ νεκ

1--2. εἰς αὑτὸν originally stood after αὐτου in &.

3. tavra: so M, the cursive 124, &c.; rovro SAB, W(estcott)-H(ort), T(extus) R(eceptus).

Καφαρναουμ: 80 SB, W-H: Καπερναουμ A, T-R.

4. A curved mark above the p of μητηρ is presumably accidental.

5. The MS. agrees with B in omitting αὐτου after adedpu (so W-H); SA add αὐτου
(so T-R). δ omits καὶ ot μαθηται αὐτου.

6. εμειναν : epewev A.

7. καὶ εγγυς : εγγυς δε δὴ.

9. 0 Ιη(σουὴς : so NB, W-H, T-R; A has o I(ya0v)s εἰς ΙἹεροσολυμα Τ(ησουὴς.

11. δὲ originally read καὶ ra προβατα και Boas.

14. ws is found before φραγελλιον also in GLX, some cursives, &c.; om. ὡς SAB,
W-H, T-R. δὴ originally had exomoev .. . και παντας in place of the participial construction.

16. re and τοὺς are omitted in δὴ.

18. τα κερματα: so B, W-H; ro κερμα SA, T-R.

19. averpewev: so B, W-H in text; ἀνεστρεψεν A, T-R, W-H mg., κατεστρεψεν δὰ,

21. μη: και μη A.

23. εἐμνησθησαν : SO NB, W-H ; εμν. de A, T-R.

25. γεγραμμενος is an error for γεγραμμενον. In Β εστιν precedes γεγρ.

26. καταφαγεται: SO ΑΒ, W-H; κατεφαγε T-R with some cursives and patristic
citations.
28. emav: so B, W-H; εἰπὸν SA, T-R. The same variation occurs at |. 33.

30. I(noov)s : so AB, W-H; ol, δ᾿, T-R.

32. [εν]: so SA, W-H in brackets, T-R; om. B. To read [και] in place of εν}
would leave |. 31 too short.

33. μ και εξ : the use of figures instead of words is unusual in early uncial MSS., though
sometimes found in B and elsewhere; cf. e.g. 2. recto 9 sqq., 846. 20, note.

34. ὡκοδομηθη : so A, T-R3; οικοδομηθη NB*, W-H.

35. εν is omitted in δ᾿.

38. αὐτου : om. δὴ.

6 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

848. REVELATION xvi.
31 X 9 cm. Fifth century. Plate I (verso).

Fragment of a leaf from a vellum codex, containing a few verses from
Rev. xvi. The book was of remarkably small size, for only 11 lines are lost
between the last line of the recto and the first of the verso, whence it follows that
there were only 17 lines in the complete page; the inscribed surface would
thus have been about ro cm. in height. The bold upright uncials are similar in
style to those of the Codex Alexandrinus, though rather heavier ; they may be
referred to the fifth century. Stops in both the high and middle position occur.
The text agrees, so far as it goes, with that of the Codex Alexandrinus.

Recto xvi. 17-8. Verso xvi. 19-20.
[Tov vaolv amo Tov An εμνηϊσθη evo
θρονου λεγουσα" mov tov θυ: δου
γέγονεν Και Eye ναι αὑτὴ TO ποτῆ
VOVTO αἀστραπαι 10 ριον τοῦ οινοῦυ
5 Kat φωναι και Bpo του θυμου της
ται" κίαι olecopos eye [o]oyns αὐτίο]υ και

1. του vaou: 50 NA, W(estcott)-H(ort) ; του ναου του ουρανου B &c., T(extus) R(eceptus).
ovpavov, if uncontracted, would occupy the same space as του vaov, and it is therefore possible
that [ovpavolv should be read here.

amo tov θρονου is omitted in δὲ and τοῦ θεου substituted.

4-5. The MS. agrees with A (so W-H). δὲ inadvertently has Spovra: και before ἀστραπαι
as well as καὶ Bpovra after pova. φ. kat Bp. και aorp, T-R with a number of cursives.

8. Sovvar: του δουναι δ᾿.

9-12. το, του, and αὐτου are omitted in δ᾿,

849. ACTS OF PETER.
9.3 Χ9 cm, Early fourth century. Plate I (recto).

A single leaf from a vellum codex of the Acts of Peter in Greek, the two
pages being numbered 167 and 168 respectively. These so-called ‘ Gnostic’ Acés
of Peter, distinct from the so-called ‘ Catholic’ Acés, are partially preserved in
more than one shape. There is firstly the Latin Codex Vercellensis of the

349. ACTS OF PETER 7

seventh century, which contains an account of the acts of Peter at Rome in con-
nexion with Simon Magus and of his martyrdom. Secondly, there are two Greek
MSS. (of the ninth to eleventh centuries) containing only the martyrdom ;
dependent upon this recension are the Slavonic, Coptic, Armenian, and Ethiopic
versions. Thirdly, another Latin version of the martyrdom, ascribed to Bishop
Linus and extant in a large number of MSS., is independent of the version
in the Codex Vercellensis, which is shorter and written in much worse Latin.
These three texts were edited by Lipsius in Acta Afpostolorum Apocrypha, 1.
pp- 1-22 and 45-103. Recently a fragment of a different portion of the “εἴς
dealing with an incident during Peter’s sojourn at Jerusalem has been published
by C. Schmidt from a fourth or fifth century Coptic MS. at Berlin (Die alten
Petrusakten in Texte und Untersuchungen, Bd. xxiv. Heft 1). The. date and
character of these Acts of Peter, and the history of the text in its different forms
have been the subject of much discussion ; and the discovery of a fragment
of what is no doubt the Greek original is a new factor of considerable importance.
Our fragment belongs to the portion of the dczs concerned with Simon Magus
found only in the Codex Vercellensis, and corresponds to p. 73, ll. 16-27 of
Lipsius’ édition.

The leaf is practically perfect, but the ink is much obliterated in the last five
lines of the verso. The handwriting isa medium-sized upright uncial of a common
third to fourth century type. Had the material used been papyrus, we should
have been more disposed to assign it to the late third than to the fourth century,
᾿ but since vellum was not commonly used in Egypt until the fourth century, it is
safer to attribute the fragment to the period from Diocletian to Constantine.
The papyri with which it was found were rather mixed in point of date, ranging
from the third century to the fifth. The usual contraction of θεός and its cases is
employed, but pijrep is uncontracted. vat the end of a line is sometimes indicated
by a stroke above the preceding letter. There are no stops, breathings, or accents,
but a coronis is employed to fill up a space at the end of 1. 14. The scribe was
not very careful; @(co)v for θ(ε)ῷ occurs in 1. ὃ and αποιήσομεθα for ἀποισόμεθα
in 1. 9, while in ll. 1-2 it is clear that the text is seriously corrupt; cf. note
ad loc. Apart, however, from this difficulty at the beginning, the agreement
between the Greek of our fragment and the Latin of the Codex Vercellensis
is on the whole very close. The Greek sometimes tends to be fuller than the
Latin, there being two instances (cf. notes on ll. 6-7 and 19) where the Latin
omits words or phrases found in the Greek: at other times the Latin is longer ;
cf. notes on ll. 14, 22, and 26. oe... πειράσαι θέλων in Il. 20-1 is wrongly
rendered conjidens in te, but as a rule the Latin is a singularly literal interpretation ;
cf. e.g. Libenter habet for ἡδέως ἔχει in 11], 16-7, and the close resemblance in the

8 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

order of the words throughout. That our fragment represents the Greek text
from which the Codex Vercellensis was translated admits of little doubt.

For thé question of the relation of the two Latin versions and the Greek
μαρτύριον to the Greek original of the Acts of Peter that conclusion is of cardinal
importance. Lipsius had supposed that the Greek original was altogether lost,
and that the longer Latin version found in the martyriwm ascribed to Bishop
Linus, so far as it went, represented the original more faithfully than the shorter
Latin version found in the Codex Vercellensis, while he regarded the Greek text
of the μαρτύριον as a retranslation from the shorter Latin version. Against this
complicated hypothesis Zahn (Gesch. d. NT Kanons, ii. pp. 832 sqq.) put forward
the simpler explanation that the extant Greek μαρτύριον was part of the original
Acts of Peter, that the Codex Vercellensis was a translation of it, the longer Latin
version being an independent translation made at a later date with numerous
elaborations, and a much less faithful representation of the original. The
correctness of Zahn’s explanation, which has been generally accepted (cf. Harnack,
Chron. d. altchr. Lit.,ii. 1, p. 551), is thoroughly vindicated by the new discovery.
Though the longer Latin version of that portion of the “εἷς to which our frag-
ment belongs is not extant (whether the longer Latin version ever contained more
than the martyrium is very doubtful), a comparison of the divergences in the two
Latin versions of the martyrium shows unquestionably that the’ shorter and not
the longer one is the form supported by our fragment. The rejection of the
claims of the longer Latin version to be regarded as more authentic than the
shorter also removes the principal reason for supposing the Greek text of
the μαρτύριον to be a retranslation from the Latin, and this theory may now
be finally abandoned. Since the Greek μαρτύριον agrees on the whole very
closely with the conclusion of the Codex Vercellensis, Zahn is clearly right
in accepting the former as belonging to the Greek original. Its relation to this
shorter Latin version is very similar to that of our fragment to the corresponding
portion of the Codex Vercellensis. The Greek tends to be rather fuller than
the Latin, which however sometimes instead of abbreviating paraphrases the
Greek at greater length and generally follows it closely. So far as the style
of our fragment can be judged, it is quite in keeping with that of the μαρτύριον.
The construction, for instance, ὁρώντων ... συνεπάθουν in 1]. 4—5 finds a parallel
in the μαρτύριον, p. 82. 24-5 καὶ καταπεσόντος αὐτοῦ ἄνωθεν ἐκλ(υθ)εὶς συστῇ.

Did the MS. to which our fragment belongs begin at the point where the
Codex Vercellensis commences, or did it also comprise an account of earlier doings
of Peter, including perhaps the events at Jerusalem described in C. Schmidt's
fragment, which apparently belongs to the period before Peter came to Rome?
The two pages of our fragment, nos. 167 and 168 of the MS., correspond to 12

2 ΨΥ

ΨΥ

Pe ae oe

849. ACTS OF PETER 9

lines of Lipsius’ edition of the Codex Vercellensis. The previous 166 pages
therefore ought to correspond to approximately 996 lines of his edition. As
a matter of fact the preceding portion of the Codex Vercellensis occupies 908
lines, and when allowance is made for the circumstance that, judging by the
μαρτύριον, the tendency of the Latin to abbreviate the original is less marked than
usual in our fragment, there is every probability that the beginning of this MS.
coincided with the beginning of the Codex Vercellensis, and that the acts
of Peter at Jerusalem formed no part of it. This conclusion is not necessarily
fatal to C. Schmidt’s view that his fragments form part of the same work as the
Codex Vercellensis, for from an early period the various apocryphal Acts tended
to break up into distinct sections, if indeed these sections were originally com-
bined. That the Acts of Paul comprised the Acts of Paul and Thecla, the forged
correspondence with the Corinthians, and the MWartyrium Pauli, which were
previously known as distinct documents, has only recently been made clear
through C. Schmidt’s discovery of the Coptic fragments of the Acts as a whole.
Similarly of the Acts of Fohn various sections have been preserved in different
forms, but with considerable lacunae in or between them, in one of which is
no doubt to be placed the new fragment in the present volume (850), itself con-
taining the beginning of a distinct section with a sub-title of its own. But since
the composition of the Acts of Peter is referred by the principal critics to A.D.
160-170 (Zahn), 200-210 (C. Schmidt), 200-220 (Harnack), our fragment was
written little, if at all, later than a century afterwards ; and the apparent absence
in so early a MS. of any section corresponding with C. Schmidt’s fragment
certainly provides an argument in favour of G. Ficker, who (Die Petrusakten,
pp. 6-7, Neutest. Apokryphen, ed. E. Hennecke, pp. 383-4) is disposed to regard
that fragment as either not belonging to the Acts of Peter as such, or as later
than the Acts of the Codex Vercellensis, and thinks that these Acts were intended
to follow immediately after the Acts of the Apostles. On the other hand the
subscription in the Coptic MS. Πρᾶξις Πέτρου certainly provides strong prima
facie evidence that it belonged to the same work as the Codex Vercellensis,
and, as C. Schmidt reminds us, in the stichometry of Nicephorus the Acés of
Peter is credited with 2750 στίχοι (i.e. it was about the same length as Leviticus
or St. Luke’s Gospel), a number which is too large to be accounted for by the
Greek original of the Codex Vercellensis alone.

On the disputed questions of the date of the composition of the Acts of
Peter and their supposed Gnostic or ‘vulgarchristliche’ origin (cf. Harnack,
op. cit., 11. 2. pp. 170-2) the new fragment has no direct bearing, but its appearance
is useful in tending to clear the ground by a dispersal of the suspicions of having
been tampered with which have hitherto attached to the Codex Vercellensis and

10 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

the Greek μαρτύριον (cf. Harnack’s later view that the Aczs of Peter are a com-
pilation in Texte und Unters. Bd. xx. Heft 3, pp. 100 sqq., and C. Schmidt’s
criticism of this in his Petrusakten). For, putting aside the question whether
C. Schmidt’s Coptic fragment was an integral part of the Ac/s or not, there is now
no longer any reason to doubt the substantial fidelity of the shorter Latin version,
or to suppose that it and the μαρτύριον represent, as far as they go, anything else
than the Acts of Pever in their original form.

Verso. Recto.

pé¢ ρξη

δὶ ἐμου μὴ μελλησαντες I5 0 Tals μου νεκρος κειται
[Ἰαυτου κατεχοντῶν εἰ a ον kat ο βασιλεὺς ηδεως

[ρα αληθως απεθανεν και EXEL και οὐκ εφεισαμην

ορωντων οτι ἀληθως ve
5 Κρος εστιν συνεπαθουν
τη γραιδι λεγοντες εἰ apa
βουλει μητερ και θαρρεις
τω Πετρου θυ apavtes
auTov ἡμεῖς αποιησομεθα
IO εκεὶ ἵνα αὐτον εγειρᾷς
amod@ σοι τούτων δὲ ov
Tws λαλουντῶν o πραιφε
κτος ατενιζων τω []Πετρω

ΤΕΣ ς idov Πετρε Ὁ-

GUTOU καιτοι γε ετεροὺυς
εχὼν μετ εμαυτου νεανισ
κους αλλα σε μαλλον και τὸ
δια σου θν πειρασαι θελων
εἰ apa αλήηθεις ἐστε τουτὸ
ηβουληθην αποθανειν και

o Ilezvpos εφὴ ov πειραζεται
Os ovde δοκιμαζεται Aypir
πα adda φιλουμενος και

παρακαλουμενος ἀκούει

‘...(the youths having examined his nostrils to see) whether he was indeed really

dead, and seeing that he was in truth a corpse, consoled the old woman saying, “ If indeed
you wish, mother, and trust in the God of Peter, we will lift him up and carry him thither,
in order that Peter may raise him and restore him to you.” While they were thus speaking,
the praefect looking intently at Peter (said), “ Behold, Peter, my servant lies dead, who was
a favourite of the king himself, and I did not spare him although I have with me other
youths ; but because I desired to try you and the God whom you preach, whether ye are
indeed true, I wished him to die.’ And Peter said, “God is not to be tried or proved,
Agrippa, but when He is loved and entreated He hearkens to those who are worthy. But
since now...’

Codex Vercellensis (Lipsius, Ac/a Apost. Apocr., p. 73).

tuuenes autem qui uenerunt nares puert considerarant st uere mortuus esset. uidenies
autem quoniam moriuus est consolabantur matrem ipsius dicentes: Si uere credits in deo Petri
tollentes eum perferimus ad Petrum ut eum suscilans restituat tibet. haec dicentibus tubenibus

$49. ACTS OF PETER II

pracfeclus autem tn foro tntuens Petrum dixit: Quid dicis, Petre? ecce puer mortuus tacet
quem et imperator libenter habet et non ili peperct ; utique habebam alios conplures tuuenes ;
sed confidens in te οἱ in dominum tuum quem praedicas, st uere certt et uert estis: tdeo hunc
uolut mort. Petrus autem dixit: Non templatur deus neque ex(is\timatur, sed dilectissimus
ex animo colendus exaudietl qui dignit sunt. Sed quoniam nunc...

1-2. Line 1 is not only far removed from the equivalent of the Latin at this point
(something like τῶν δὲ νεανίσκων προσελθόντων καὶ τὰς ῥῖνας would be expected), but is obviously
quite inappropriate. δὲ ἐμοῦ 15 unintelligible, while the case of μελλησαντες is in contradiction
to karexovrwy . . . ορωντων in 1]. 2-4, and though in itself the nominative would yield a better
construction than the genitive, a parallel for this kind of genitive absolute is cited from
another part of the Acés of Peer in introd. Nor can αὐτοῦ κατεχοντων in |, 2 be right,
for a participle meaning ‘examined’ is necessary in view of the following clause « apa
αληθως ἀπεθανεν. By altering xareyovrwy to xar(e)Sovrwy 1. 2 may be retained, but δὲ ἐμου μὴ
μελλησαντες is almost hopeless to emend. μη μελλησαντων might be read and connected
with guc uenerunt (cf. continuo surrexerunt four lines previously, and, for μή instead of οὐ in
this phrase, Ac/s of John, ed. Bonnet, p. 191. 23 μὴ μελλήσασα), but δὲ exov would remain
unaccounted for, and it would still be necessary to suppose the omission of και ras ρινας
before αὐτου. It seems more probable that δὲ ἐμου py μελλησαντες has come in by mistake
from some other passage. 6? ἐμοῦ presumably occurred where the Latin has /aczens per
me a few lines after the passage preserved in our fragment, and perhaps again two lines
later where per meam uocem is found. μὴ μελλήσαντες, however, does not suggest itself as an
equivalent for any Latin expression on p. 73 of Lipsius’ edition, except continuo in |. 11
where δι᾿ ἐμοῦ would be out of place.

2. | javrov: there is a hole which occupies the place where the first letter of this line
and of 1. 3 would have come, if these lines began evenly with ll. 1 and 4-14, and it is
therefore possible that a letter is lost before avrov and pa respectively. But this hypothesis
is not satisfactory in 1. 2, where αὐτου is preferable to e. g. [τ]αυτου or [σαυτου, and leads to
much difficulty in 1. 3; for though the p of pa is very faint the a is practically certain (x is
the only alternative), and that apa is the word meant is shown clearly by ll. 6 and 22.
Hence if [alpa is read in ]. 3, the a at the end of |. 2 becomes superfluous. We prefer to
suppose that the hole was there when the leaf was written upon, and that the scribe therefore
began ll. 2-3 further to the right than 1, 1. ἄρα ἀληθῶς is rendered by only one word in the
Latin, were ; cf. 1. 22 where in rendering ἄρα ἀληθεῖς the Latin is redundant.

6-7. For τη γραιδι the Latin has matrem zpsius, omitting to translate BovAer μητερ και.

8. @v is a mistake for Ao.

9. αποιησομεθα: 1. ἀποισόμεθα.

10. εκει: ad Petrum Lat., which is clearer.

12. mpaupexros: for this form cf. ch. 12 of the μαρτύριον (p. 100. 16, ed. Lipsius) τῷ
πραιφέκτῳ ᾿Αγρίππᾳ. The Latin has haec dicentibus ‘ubenibus pracfectus autem in foro, putting
autem too late. The addition of zz foro, however, makes the passage clearer, since the
preceding lines refer to what took place at the house of the old woman.

13. ατενιζων : cf. ἀτενίσας in chs. 55 and 56 of the Mlartyrium Petri et Pauli (ed.
Lipsius, pp. 164. 21, 166. 6), which is supposed to be based on the older Acés of Peder (cf.
Harnack, Chron. d. altchr. Lit., ii. 2, p. 177).

14. The Latin has dixit: Quid dicts, Petre? ecce puer mortuus, &c., and we should expect
at the beginning of this line ἔφη: ri φής ;, for which there is not room. The doubtful s might
be ε, i.e. the termination of εἶπε, which is, however, insufficient by itself. The leaf is torn
at this point, and the ink very much obliterated, so that decipherment is impossible.

15. μου is omitted in the Latin.

12 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

16. βασιλευς = imperator, as frequently in the Martyrium Petri et Pauli.

18. καίτοι ye ετερους : the point of this is that the boy chosen to die was the favourite

ervant, and that Agrippa might have chosen one of his other attendants.

19. In place of per cuavrov the Latin has conplures.

20-1. τὸν δια cov θ(εοὴν = dominum tuum quem praedicas. The addition of a participle
such as κηρυττόμενον would be an improvement, but is not necessary. πειρασαι θελων is
mistranslated by the Latin comfidens in, which does not suit the following clause s¢ were
certi, &c. a

22. εἰ apa αληθεις : the Latin is redundant, s¢ were certi ef uert. In 1], 2-3 on the other
hand ἄρα ἀληθῶς is rendered by one word were.

25. Αγριππα is omitted in the Latin.

26-7. φιλουμενος kat παρακαλουμενος : this is clearer than the Latin dlectissimus ex
animo colendus.

850. ACTS OF JOHN.

12:Ix10-7cm. Fourth century. Plate I (recto).

The upper portion (apparently) of a leaf from a codex of the Acts of Fohn,
containing a mutilated account of two incidents, neither of which occurs in
the extant portions of that work. The handwriting is a good-sized, irregular
and rather inelegant uncial of the fourth century. Stops (middle and low points)
are freely employed, as well as occasional breathings. The ordinary theological
contractions of θεός, Ἰησοῦς, and κύριος occur. The recto has in one or two lines at
the top of the page the sub-title of the section of the Acts. This sub-title is unfor-
tunately incomplete, and no light is thrown upon it by the actual contents of the
fragment ; but the mention of Andronicus supplies a point of contact with the
extant portions of the Acts of ¥ohn, in which that individual is mentioned several
times as a στρατηγός of Ephesus who, at first a sceptic, afterwards became one of
the apostle’s chief disciples in that city. The following incident is of a type
familiar in apocryphal Acts. The apostle goes to visit the brethren apparently
at a village near Ephesus, and on the way has to cross a bridge, where his passage
is barred by a demon in the form of a soldier, who threatens violence. The
military aspect assumed by the demon recalls a similar story in the Wartyrium
Matthaci, which is not impossibly here copying the Acts of Fohn; cf. 1. 26,
note. Rebuked by St. John, the demon vanishes, and on reaching his destina-
tion the apostle exhorts the brethren to worship and joins with them in prayer
(ll. 22-36). The verso (Il. 1-19) is concerned with a quite different episode which
is much more obscure. The scene is a church (cf. 1. 16), and apparently a person
called Zeuxis (1. 13) had just tried to hang himself but had been miraculously
saved by St. John (Il. 5-6), who in Il. 4-13 offers up a thanksgiving of a character
for which there are numerous parallels in the extant Acts of ohn. Afterwards

850. ACTS OF JOHN 13

some question seems to arise concerning the partaking of the Eucharist
(ll. 13-5), and the proconsul (sc. of Ephesus) intervenes, perhaps bringing a letter
from the Emperor (ll. 15-8), but the circumstances are obscure. Whether the
page on the recto precedes that on the verso or vice versa there is no external
evidence to show ; but since the description of the incident on the verso implies
a considerable amount of space devoted to the earlier part of the Zeuxis story,
we prefer to suppose that the verso precedes the recto, for the missing lower half
of the recto does not seem to allow sufficient room for the beginning of the
Zeuxis story, which is obviously quite unconnected with the incident concerning
the demon in the form of a soldier. The verso therefore presumably belongs
to the conclusion of one section of the Acts of Fohn, and the recto to the begin-
ning of the next. The tendency of the various apocryphal Acts to split up into
independent parts has already been noted (cf. p. 9) in regard to the Acés
of Peter, and in the Acts of Fohn is especially marked ; the fullest edition
(Bonnet, Acta Apost. Apocr., i. pp. 151-216) is made up of five separate
sections derived from different MSS., and not only separated from each other by
gaps of uncertain length, but also exhibiting in some places evidence of internal
omissions. There is no difficulty in finding a place for the new fragment. The
references to Andronicus and the proconsul clearly indicate Ephesus as the back-
ground. Andronicus is mentioned, obviously for the first time, in c. 31 of the
extant Acts, where he appears as an unbeliever, but in c. 37 he has already
become a disciple, and the account of his conversion probably occurred in one or
more lost chapters which originally intervened between cc. 31 and 37, although
these both belong to the continuous section of the Acfs (cc. 18-86) found in the
Codex Patmensis. Andronicus also occurs in the following section found only
in the Codex Vindobonensis (cc. 87-105), so that our fragment must be
inserted at some point later than c. 31 and before c. 106, where begins the
account of the μετάστασις with which the work concluded. Two periods of
residence at Ephesus are ascribed to the apostle in these chapters, the first
covering cc. 31-55, at which point St. John leaves for Smyrna and there is
a gap in which several chapters are lost. His return to Ephesus is narrated
in c. 62, and throughout the rest of the Acts Ephesus remains the scene.
Excluding therefore cc. 55-62 with those lost between cc. 55 and 58, all of
which dealt with events away from Ephesus, the most suitable points for the
insertion of our fragment are (1) c. 37 before the sentence beginning οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ
Μιλήτου, where there is a change of subject, and a lacuna is in any case probable
owing to the inconsistency of c. 37 with c. 31 concerning Andronicus ; (2) the
gap between cc. 86 and 87 ; (3) the gap fae cc. 105 and 106, But though
in these three places the lacunae are ¢vident, there are other points between

14 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ες. 31-55 and 62-86 (cc. 87-105 form one long speech) where the existence
of lacunae is possible, so that there is much freedom of choice. If the title
in 11. 20 and 21 refers, as is possible, to the separation of Andronicus from his wife
Drusiane, alluded to in c. 63 (ἐκ πολλοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς κεχωρισμένης αὐτῆς διὰ
θεοσέβειαν), our fragment must have preceded that chapter, and the general
resemblance between the situation in Il. 22 sqq. and that in c. 48 (especially
in the version found in the Codex Parisiacus ; cf. ll. 22-3, note) also suggests that
our fragment belongs to the earlier rather than to the later portions of the Acés
of Fohn.

The composition of the original Acts of Fohn is assigned by all critics
to the second century, but how far back in that century the work is to be placed
depends largely upon the disputed question whether it was used by Clement of
Alexandria, as has been supposed by Zahn and others, but not by Harnack
(Chron. d. altchr. Lit., ii. 1, p. 542, ti. 2, p. 174). As is usual with apocryphal
Acts preserved in comparatively late MSS., there is some uncertainty as to the
extent to which the existing portions accurately represent the original or have
been subjected to editing. So far as it goes, our fragment, which on account of
its antiquity no doubt belongs to the original Acts of Fohn, agrees closely both
in its general form and contents with the previously extant portions, and there-
fore tends to support the view that these have not undergone any serious amount
of revision ; cf. the similar conclusion to which we attained in connexion with the
Acts of Peter (pp. 9-10). The use of the first person plural in reference to Leucius,
the supposed narrator of the Acts of Fohn, which often occurs in the narrative
portions of the Ac¢s dealing with Ephesus, is not found in 11]. 22 sqq. where it
might perhaps be expected ; but no importance is to be attached to this circum-
stance, for e. g. in the story in cc. 48 sqq. the use of the first person is equally
absent. Formerly the Acts of Fohn were treated as pronouncedly Gnostic, but
this inference has recently been disputed by C. Schmidt, who is followed by
Harnack (of. cit., ii. 2, p. 173) in regarding them as ‘vulgarchristlich, aber von
ausserordentlich starker modalistischer und doketischer Farbung’. It is unfortu-
nate that the passage in our fragment which would be most likely to show
its author’s theological point of view, the prayer in Il. 5-13, is far from com-
plete. While most of the phrases are, so far as can be judged, of a conventional
character, the expression 6 ra [μ]ηδενὶ yrdplipa .. .] γνωρίζων in ll. 7-8 has
a somewhat Gnostic ring.

The beginnings and ends of lines are lost on both pages of the fragment, but
it is clear from the fairly certain restorations of the lacunae between Il. 22-3,
26-7, 29-30, and 31-2 that the lines on the recto contained about 41 letters,
and 1. 27 which projects proves that at least 5 letters are lost at the beginnings

850. ACTS OF JOHN 15

of the other lines on the recto. We have calculated the size of the lacunae on
the hypothesis that one letter is lost before cuevos in 1. 27 and 4 letters at the
end of |. 21. The arrangement of the division of lines on the verso is more
problematical ; we suppose the lines to be of the same length as those on the
recto and have taken the restorations in Il. 12 and 13 as the basis for calculating
the size of the lacunae elsewhere ; cf. note on 1. 9.

Verso.

| ae re Zev£\idt avacras ἀρὰς wo.[..........
Sian Jo. [.Jar.[..]s. 6 avayxacas pe pera.[.......
...] evvoovy[ra] β[ρ]οχισαι eavrov. o Ta ameyvalopeva
ie ] επιστρίεφ]ων εἰς σε. ὁ Ta [μ]ηδενι γνωρίιμα eearatt
BEEP ai ier ie ia vos γνωριζων. 6 κλαιων τοὺς τεθλιμίμενους
«ὐ]ω: 0 τοὺς νενεκρωμενους ανιστων m..{.Jov.[...
10 ....]. avs τῶν αδυνατων Inv: ὃ mapakAntos [Tov.....
... lov. atvoupey σε Kal προσκυνουμεν Kale ευχαρι
aTov|uev emt πασὴ aloly dwpea- Kat TH νὺν οικονοίμια σου

και] διακον[ι]α. και povw τω Ζευξιδι της ευχαρ[ιστιας

. .] ἐπε[δωκ]εἶν] δὲ τοῖς β[ουλομενοις λαβειν- .[......
15... ενισαντεῖς olvk εἐτολμησαν. o de ανθύπατοϊς......
. ova κία]τα To μεσον της εκκληΐσι]ας τω [[ωαννὴ
. ov λίεγεῖε δουλε του ακατωνομαστου 6 [..... ate
ἀλλο σεν ]..[....] ἐπιστολας εἐκομισεν mapa Καιοΐαρος ...
᾿Ξ καὶ συλ νόος,
Recto.
20. Ὁ aes ama|AAayn 1»»»»»}

]>>>rr>>>>>>>>>>22[ >>>] >>>]
ΟΣ . Α]νδρονικος καὶ ἡ γίυνη
]>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>0[

ἡμέρων Sle ολιγων διελθουσων εἶξελθων o Ιωαν

"16 THE (OAYRAYNCHOS PAPYRI

vns apla πλειοσιν αδελῴοις προς [...... εβουλε
To περΊαινειν γεφυραν Ud nv πίοταμος ερρεεν [....
25 και πο]ρευομενοῦυ [τ]οῦυ ἴωαννου προς τί[ου]ς ἀαδελφίους
a a es Ἰρ τις [π]ροσεισιν αὐτω σχηματι στρατιωτίου nude
εἸσμενος. Kat εἰς oily αὐτου στας εφη. Twavyn εἰ σ᾽ 30a
. es] χειρα[ς] εἐλευσι ταχιστα: καὶ ὃ ἴωαννης of.....
εφη σήβεσι σον ο Κς την ἀπειλὴν [Kale τὴν opyny κίαι τὴν
30 πλημμ͵Ἴελιαν και tov εκεινος ἀφανὴς ἐγένετο almed
θοντοὶς ουν του ἴϊω]αννου mplols οὖς απηε[] και ευροῖντος
avrou|s συνηθροισμενους εἰπεν. αἰναστα͵ντες alder

φοι μου] κλεινωμεν γονατα προς Tov kV [κ͵]αι Tov μεγίαλου ex

θρου αἸορατον ἐνεργημα καταργησανΐτα .. «Ἰτησαῖ. .. ..
235... αὐἸτοις ἐκλεινεν yovata apa av[ros.. «Ἰπενί. .. ..
Papas Jrov Os «df

‘John... (spake) to Zeuxis, “Rise up and lift...; thou who didst compel me to
turn from his purpose one who was intending to hang himself, who turnest the hearts that
are in despair to thyself, who makest known the things that are known to none. . ., who
weepest for the afflicted .. ., who raisest the dead... of the weak, O Jesus, the comforter
of the... We praise thee and worship thee and give thanks to thee for all thy bounty and
the present dispensation and service.” And he (gave) the eucharist to Zeuxis alone, (and
then) offered it to those who wished to receive it, but... did not dare to doso. The
proconsul . . . (coming) into the middle of the church saith to John: “O servant of the
unnameable one, ... brought letters from Caesar .. .”

‘The separation (?); Andronicus and his wife.

‘After a few days had passed, John went forth with several brethren to . . ., and wished
to cross a bridge under which a... river was flowing. And as John was on his way to
the brethren, a certain . . ., clothed in the fashion of a soldier, approached him, and standing
before his face said, “ John, if thou (advancest) thou shalt straightway engage me in combat.”
And John... said, “ The Lord shall quench thy threat and thy wrath and thy offence,” and
behold the other vanished. John then having come to those whom he was visiting and
found them gathered together, spake, “Let us rise up, my brethren, and bow our knees
before the Lord who has made of none effect the unseen activity of even the grea
(enemy ?)” .. . he bowed his knees with them...’

4. Probably εἰπε is to be supplied before ΖευξΊιδι (for whom cf. 1. 13) and avaoras, apas

..is the beginning of the speech, although there is no stop after ΖευξΊιδι ; cf. however
1, 30, note.

: 5. After [. .]s is a low stop, as after ce in 1. 7 and nuguelopevos in. 27. If pe before
μετα. [ is not due to dittography, we may restore peraz[pémew (or μεταστρέφειν) Zever®a|
evvoowfra]. The letter after pera is quite uncertain. For similar invocations in the Ac/s of
John see pp. 187-93 of Bonnet’s edition.

850. ACTS OF JOHN 17

6. o both before ra here and before τοὺς in 1. 9 probably had a breathing which is lost
in a lacuna.

7. The line may be completed γνωρζιμα δια if \os in |. 8 is-a genitive; « or » could
be read there in place of the doubtful ν.

9. The supposed ὦ at the beginning of the line is extremely doubtful, and it would be
possible to read e.g. s. In that case, if the lines on the verso were 3 or 4 letters shorter
than those on the recto (cf. introd. p. 15), we might read τεθλιμ με[νουὶς here, with δο[ξαζομεν
in place of evxapi|orov|yev in 1]. 11-2, omitting both cov in |. 12 and the supposed lacuna
between απεγνωΐσμενα and επιστρ[εφΊων in Il. 6-7. The reduction of the corresponding lacunae
elsewhere by 3 or 4 letters would, however, present some difficulty in ll. 13-4, where a verb
is necessary ; and we prefer to adhere to the length of lines indicated by the recto.

και is possible after auorwy in place of μ. ., but less suitable.

10. ἀνιστων is not satisfactory since the word occurred in the previous line. In(co)u is
no doubt vocative.

11-3. Cf. e.g. Acts of John (47), p. 189. 23-4, and 193. 2 sqq., and for οἰκονομία
p- 188. 2.

14. εκοινωνησε, Which would be expected (cf. A/, p. 193. 14, &c.), is too long for the
lacuna after ευχαριστιας. εἰδωκε] might be read; but then if eme[Sex|¢{v]in the next line is right
(cf. 47, p. 208. 11) these two sentences do not connect well together.

The supposed stop after λαβειν may be the beginning of a letter, e.g. 7. The letter at
the end of the line is represented by the lower half of a vertical stroke ; [οἱ [δε is possible.

15. Perhaps ατ]ενισαντεῖς. The supposed apostrophe after οὐκ is very doubtful. For
the ἀνθύπατος of Ephesus cf. A/, p. 167. 28 and 851. 2, note.

16. lov suggests a participle like ελθῆων, but the following letters constitute a difficulty,
the arrangement of the fibres, which are twisted, being not quite certain. Of the supposed
κ the merest vestige remains, but δὲ [κα͵τα is unsuitable.

17. Jov may be read in place of Jw». At the end of the line the supposed rough
breathing is more to the left than usual, but it is not satisfactory to regard it as part
of a mark of abbreviation, i.e. Ov. ἀκατονόμαστος does not occur elsewhere in the
apocryphal Acts.

20-1. Prof. C. Schmidt well compares the similar sub-titles in the Coptic Acta Paull.
ἀλλαγή = ‘posting-stage’, which is unsuitable here, occurs in A/, p. 154. 7. Of the
compounds ἀπαλλαγή seems most likely, and if the words in 1. 22 had been in the genitive
it would be easy to connect this heading with the allusion to the separation of Andronicus
and his wife Drusiane in A/, p. 181. 25. The presence of the nominative there renders
this explanation more difficult, unless indeed we restore ὅπως ἀπηλλάγη. The double dots
after ἰλλαγη are not certain. That ἀπαλλαγή refers to the death of St. John is very
improbable, for the section of the Acts of John dealing with that subject is extant, under
the sub-title of μετάστασις or ἀνάπαυσις (AJ, p. 203). With regard to the reading ἡ γίυνη,
the y is almost certain, p being the only alernative and less suitable; but ny might of
course be the beginning of e.g. another proper name. The prominence of Drusiane,
however, as well as Andronicus in the Acts of John makes ἡ γίυνη very probable, even if
1. 20 has no connexion with |. 21 and belongs, as is possible, to the preceding section, not
to the sub-title at all.

22-3. Cf. AJ p. 175. 24-5 (Codex Parisiacus) pera οὖν ἡμέρας τινὰς κατὰ θείαν ἀποκάλυψιν
ἐξῆλθεν 6 ᾿Ιωάννης ἔν τινι κώμῃ εἰς ἐπίσκεψιν τῶν ἀδελφῶν. προς [emake (with a shorter verb
than εβουλετοὴ is possible in 1. 23, but a place-name or equivalent expression is more likely.
The parallel passage in the Codex Patmensis is τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ ὄναρ θεασάμενος ὁ ᾿Ιωάννης
μίλια τρία ἔξω πυλῶν περιπατῆσαι οὐκ ἠμέλησεν GAN ὄρθρου ἀναστὰς ἅμα τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν ὁδὸν
ἐβάδιζε. ᾿

18 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

24. The lacuna at the end may be filled either by a short epithet of πζοταμος, e. δ. peyas
or βαθυς, or else by reading καὶ with a compound of zolpevouevov. The doubtful ν of eppeev
might be μ.

26. Cf. Mariyrium Matthaet (Bonnet, Acta Apost. Apocr., ii. τ, p. 232. 15-6) ὁ δὲ δαίμων
ὁ ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ σχήματι ὀφθεὶς πρότερον τῷ βασιλεῖ πάλιν μετασχηματισθεὶς ἐν σχήματι στρατιώτου
ἔστη κατιλ. Since the Martyrium Maithaet was composed much later than the “εἴς of John,
the coincidence may be due to imitation by the author of the former work. δαίμων would
be expected at the beginning of this line, for it is clearly an evil spirit who appears ; but the
traces of the last letter are inconsistent with » and suggest p, though δαιμ]ω(ν) might
be read.

28. ορίγισθις might be read at the end of the line. The supposed o might be o but not
e, 80 that «dev is inadmissible.

30. There is no stop or blank space after eyevero, and a possibly represents a[vrw, with
απο] βαντοῆς for the next word. Cf. note on |. 4.

33-4. The second letter of κ(υριοὴν is rather more like v, but the accusative seems to
be required by the sense. ν or 7 can be read after με in place of y. The word no doubt
refers to the powers of evil; with evepynua in 1. 34 cf. AJ, p. 187. 24 ἐνέργειαν κακωτικήν, 200.
14 δαίμονες, ἐνέργειαι, ἀπειλαί, For καταργησαιζτα cf. AJ, p. 192. 24 καταργήθητι, and Acta
Philippi, ed. Bonnet, 40. 7 καταργηθήσεται πᾶσα ἡ τοῦ ἐχθροῦ δύναμι. The doubtful τ before
noa can be y, and διηγησαΐ μενος is possible. The word is probably a participle in any case.

35. ἀδελ]φοῖς cannot be read, and the τ is nearly certain. With regard to au[ros, the
repetition of this word is not very satisfactory, but αδίελῴοις is inadmissible there also. The
next word may be ec/rev δε, but τ can be read for π.

851. APOCRYPHAL ACTS.
5:3 X18 cm. Fifth or sixth century.

The following small fragment of a papyrus codex, which clearly contained the
“Acts of some apostle or saint, we have not succeeded in identifying with any
of the Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha edited by Lipsius and Bonnet. It consists of
the lower portion of a leaf, written with brown ink in a large round calligraphic
uncial hand which is certainly not later than the sixth century and may belong
to the fifth. θεός is contracted as usual, but not ἄνθρωπος, nor perhaps κύριος.
The recto begins just after the commencement of a new chapter which is indicated
by a paragraphus and by a vertical wavy line in the margin, apparently the
bottom of a flourish. If our restoration ἡγείμων in 1, 1 (cf. 1. 5) is correct, a prae-
fect is apparently giving orders for some one to be exposed to wild beasts. The
verso contains part of a protest made to the praefect, defending some one (no
doubt the apostle concerned in these Acts) from the charge of being a magician.
Whether the recto or the verso comes first is quite uncertair, Some points
of connexion with the Acts of Paul and Thecla, in which a similar scene occurs,
suggest that the fragment may belong either to a different version of those Acts
or to one of the lost sections of the Acts of Paul (cf. p. 9), but it does not
correspond to any of the new Coptic fragments of that work.

801, APOCRYPHAL ACTS 19

Recto. Verso.
ς ᾿εἰπεν ὡς Bovdn πίοι]ει ο [δε nye esse Re ΞΈΝΗΙ ἘΣ
spo εἰπεν προς Tous ἀρχικυ 5 [κυὶριε [ηγεμων ouros ὃ αν
νηγοὺυς ἀγετε μοι ὧδε ζωνθαν θρωπος οὐκ εστιν μαγος

αλλα Taxa o Os αὐτου peyas εστιν

*...said “Do as you wish”. The praefect said to the chief huntsmen, “ Bring to
Me nere.. .
“Ὁ lord praefect, this man is not a magician, but perhaps his god is great .. .”

;

2. ἀρχικυνηγους : this word does not seem to occur in Lipsius and Bonnet’s Acta Afost.
Apocr., but cf. Acts of Paul and Thecla, ed. Lipsius, p. 257. 4 αὐτὸς yap ἐδίδου τὰ κυνήγια.
ἡγεμών (cf. 1. 5) is also the word used in those Acts for the Roman governor, while πραίφεκτος is
used in the “εἰς of Peter and ἀνθύπατος in the Acts of John.

3. The letter after ζω, if not v, must be » or possibly 7, and the next letter seems to be
a round one, but much narrower than the scribe’s Θ or o elsewhere. Possibly he began to
write (evra and corrected it to ἕωσαν, but though the supposed ν may have been crossed
through the next letter is not like σ or τ corrected into σι Or perhaps a proper name
is intended. ¢wypiay cannot be read.

5-6. Cf. Acts of Paul and Thecla, p. 249. 1-2 ὁ δὲ ὄχλος προσαχθέντος πάλιν τοῦ Παύλου

, 2207 , > ’ m2 bee
περισσοτέρως ἐβόα, μάγος ἐστίν, αἶρε αὐτόν.

Mo NEW. GLASSICAL, TEXTS,

852. EURIPIDES, Hypsipyle.

Height 37-1 cm. Late second or early third century.
Fr. 60. i-ii).

The following fragments, which constitute the most important addition
to the remains of Greek tragedy hitherto made by Egyptian papyri, belong, like
841-4 in our previous volume and 858 in this, to the first large group of literary
texts found in 1906. The style and contents of 852 were sufficiently definite to
enable us at the time of the first announcement of the discovery to identify the
play as the Hypszpyle of Euripides, and this identification has subsequently been
confirmed by the recognition of at least two coincidences with citations from that
drama by ancient authorities.

ς 2

20 THE YOX YRAYNCHOS PAPYRI

In common with the other manuscripts from this find, the papyrus was
recovered in an extremely mutilated condition. The most considerable piece
was the central portion of Fr. 1 containing parts of two consecutive columns ;
but the majority of the fragments, originally numbering over 200, were com-
paratively small in size. On the whole they have hardly fitted together so well
as might have been expected. Particularly difficult to deal with in this respect
are the pieces numbered 6-17 and 20-56, which formed a small group found
subsequently at some little distance from the rest, and distinguished by being of
a darker colour and badly worm-eaten. Another characteristic shared by 852
with 841-2 and 858 is that the literary text is on the verso of a non-literary
document,—in this instance a money account, of which a description is given
under 985. Though of course very useful for purposes of confirmation, this
document on the recto, which follows no regular formula, is in too large a hand
to be of much assistance towards the combination of small fragments ; moreover
the recto of a number of the fragments is uninscribed. The account is of
a decidedly early date, and may be safely placed within the first century ; but
it was apparently not till a good many years later that the verso came to be used
for this copy of the Hypsipyle, which we should judge to be little anterior to
A.D. 200. It is written in a sloping uncial hand similar in kind to that of
842 (the new historian), and no doubt of about the same period. € is always
of the cursive shape, with a tail, and other cursive forms occasionally make their
appearance, particularly at the ends of lines, e. g. us of οἰκους in Fr. 58. 8, μεν of
λεξομεν in Fr. 60. 59. The size of the letters and the spacing show considerable
variations in different parts of the MS.; there is a marked contrast for instance
in this respect between Fr. 1. ii and Fr. 60. ii (cf. Plates II and III). Hence
inequalities occur in the number of lines contained in the columns, which are
remarkably tall: there was a difference of seven lines between Cols. i and ii of
Fr. 60, numbering 62 and 55 lines respectively ; Col. ii of Fr. 64 has only 54 lines,
while the first seven columns of the play averaged about 60 lines, as is shown by
the occurrence in the seventh column of the figure 400, the verse opposite
to which this numeral is placed being succeeded by at least 15 lines before the
column ended. This marginal numeration of verses by hundreds is not infrequent
in papyri; cf. e.g. 841 (Pindar’s Pacans), and note on Fr. 25. There are frequent
variations of the point in the column at which the lines were commenced,
the object usually being to mark the distinction between iambics and lyrics
or strophic divisions within the latter. Accents, breathings, and marks of elision
and quantity are fairly frequent throughout, but lectional signs, as might be
expected, are rather commoner in the lyrical parts than elsewhere. The
system of accentuation is similar in character to that of 228, 841 and other

$62. \ZAURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 21

papyri of this period; it should be noted that for convenience of printing
we place the circumflex on the second vowel of a diphthong, though in the
original it usually covers the two letters. A line curving upwards is occasionally -
placed below compound words, as in 841 and the Bacchylides papyrus. Punc-
tuation, which is rare, is commonly effected by a high stop, usually placed well
above the line; alow stop occurs in Fr. 68.7. To what extent these various signs
are due to the original scribe is uncertain ; but he evidently wrote some of them
and the majority may well come from his pen. The same writer was also doubt-
less responsible for the names of the dvamatis personae which occasionally appear
in the margin (cf. 211, 855, &c.), for the stichometrical figures already mentioned,
and for the paragraphi, which are employed both to denote changes of speaker
and to mark strophic divisions. But it is equally clear that a number of the fre-
quent alterations and additions made in the text are due to another hand, which
we have as usual attempted to distinguish by the use of a thicker type; it is
however often very difficult to feel confidence in assigning the authorship of
minor corrections, and doubtful cases have as a rule been credited to the original
writer. Occasionally a variant or an explanatory note is inserted in the margin.
But in spite of the numerous modifications the text is left in a by no means
satisfactory condition, and in several passages emendation is necessary. The
fault no doubt sometimes lay with the archetype, but it is impossible to acquit
our copyist of much carelessness. His orthography is very fair: εἰ and « are
unusually correctly written, but iota adscript is frequently omitted, and some
mistakes of accentuation occur. With regard to the use of the Doric a in the
lyrical parts there is little consistency, and here we as a rule follow the spelling
of the papyrus.

The fragments are scattered widely over the play, and though much of the
plot is now clear, some essential points unfortunately remain in doubt. Hypsi-
pyle’s story is told by several ancient authorities, but none of the versions is
found to agree very closely with the treatment of Euripides. Hypsipyle,
daughter of Thoas, the son of Dionysus and king of Lemnos, in a massacre
of the men of the island by the women concealed and saved her father, whom
she succeeded in the government of Lemnos. The deception was eventually dis-
covered, and Hypsipyle, who had meanwhile become the mother of two sons by
Jason on his way to Colchis in quest of the golden fleece, was sold as a slave to
Lycurgus, king of Nemea, and put in charge of his infant son. It was with her
subsequent adventures at Nemea that the plot of Euripides’ drama was con-
cerned. The following is the account of the scholiast to Clement of Alexandria,
p. 105 5646. :--ὅτε of ἑπτὰ ἐπὶ Θήβας σὺν ᾿Αδράστῳ καὶ Πολυνείκει ἐστρατεύοντο,
παρέβαλον εἰς τὴν Νεμέαν᾽ τόπος δὲ οὗτος τοῦ "Αργους. ζητοῦντες δὲ ὑδρεύσασθαι συνέ-

22 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

τυχον Ὑψιπύλῃ τῇ Θόαντος θυγατρὶ τρεφούσῃ παιδίον ᾿Οφέλτην καλούμενον Evpyyov
(1. Εὐφήτου 3) καὶ Εὐρυδίκης. ἡ δὲ ἀποθεμένη τὸ παιδίον ἀπῆλθεν αὐτοῖς ὑδρεύσασθαι
βουλομένη. δράκων δὲ ἐν τοσούτῳ περιπεσὼν τῷ παιδίῳ ἀνεῖλεν αὐτό. 7 δὲ ἐπανελθοῦσα
ἐθρήνει, ᾿Αμφιάραος δὲ ὁ μάντις εἷς Gv τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ συμβάντος τοῖς “Ελλησι θάνατον
προεμαντεύσατο καὶ τὸν παῖδα ᾿Αρχέμορον ἐκάλεσεν. Αδραστος δὲ παραμυθούμενος τὴν
Ὑψιπύλην ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν Νεμεακὸν ἀγῶνα συνεστήσατο. If Λυκούργου be substituted
for Εὐφήγου and in the last sentence ᾿Αμφιάραος for ΓΑδραστος and Εὐρυδίκην for
“Ὑψιπύλην, the outline so far as it goes will be accurate, but it omits entirely the
two sons of Hypsipyle who, as we now know, played a part in the plot of
Euripides. Apollodorus iii. 6. 4 is slightly less detailed: he adds however that
the serpent was slain and gives Lycurgus as the name of the king of Nemea.
Four separate accounts are prefixed to the scholia on Pindar’s Nemea. The
first of these brings in Hypsipyle’s sons, though with marked divergences from
Euripides: ἐν ἐκείνῳ δὲ τῷ καιρῷ κατὰ ζήτησιν οἱ παῖδες Θόας καὶ Etvews παρέβαλον
ἐν Νεμέᾳ. Ἑὐρυδίκης δὲ τῆς Λυκούργου γυναικὸς βουλομένης διὰ τὸν Ὀφέλτου θάνατον
ἀνελεῖν τὴν Ὑψιπύλην διὰ τοῦτό τε ἔν τινι τόπῳ λαθραίῳ κατακλεισάσης, ᾿Αμφιάραος
μαντευσάμενος δείκνυσι τοῖς παισὶ τὴν Ὑψιπύλην. ἡ δὲ τοῦτο εὐτυχήσασα παρεκάλει
τοὺς ἥρωας τοῖς παισὶν (συνγδαγωνίσασθαι. There was evidently no question of the
concealment of Hypsipyle by the queen in Euripides’ play, nor any intercourse
between the former and the seven chieftains after her recognition by her sons.
The brief account of Hyginus c. 74 is very similar to those of Apollodorus and
the scholiast on Clement. In only one extant work is the story of Hypsipyle at
Nemea treated at length, namely the 7hedazs of Statius, which might have been
expected to reflect the version of Euripides and was largely drawn upon by
Hartung in connexion with the Hypsipyle in his Euripides Restitutus, ii. pp. 430
sqq. Statius, however, whom as Hartung thought esse Euripide usum auctore
mantifestum est, turns out to have been by no means a safe guide. Apart from
minor variations in detail, which need not be emphasized here, there are funda-
mental discrepancies in structure. After the death of the child (7/eb. v. 505 544.)
Statius represents the Argive army as proceeding with Hypsipyle to the palace
of Lycurgus. The procession is met by the king, who proposes to take vengeance
for Hypsipyle’s negligence, but is restrained by the chieftains. In the confusion
which results the sons of Hypsipyle, who had been hospitably received at the
palace, go to the assistance of Lycurgus and are so led to discover their mother’s
identity. Then follows the institution of the Nemean games at the instigation
of Amphiaraus. As will be seen, it was certainly not from Euripides that Statius
derived the ground-plan of this part of his poem. In the fragments of the
tragedy Lycurgus is conspicuous by his absence, his place being taken by the
queen Eurydice who in Statius is a minor figure, while the only representative of

Ss se ee ττν

Boy AURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 23

the Argive army is Amphiaraus accompanied by a few attendants, and his appeal
on Hypsipyle’s behalf is exclusively to right, not might (Fr. 60, 40).

Let us now turn to the actual remains of the play. First in order stand
the three verses quoted in Aristoph. frags 1211-3 from the prologue (Nauck
Fr. 752) Διόνυσος, ὃς θύρσοισι.. .. πηδᾷ καιτιλ᾿. Welcker, Grech. Trag. ii. pp. 557-8,
and Hartung, ΖΦ γί. Rest. ii. p. 431, are very positive that the prologue was spoken
by Dionysus and have therefore to suppose that the lines cited by Aristophanes
were preceded by one or two other verses. This however is on the one hand
inconsistent with the use of the third person πηδᾷ, and on the other with the
express testimony of the scholiast, which there is no reason to doubt, that the
passage was Ὑψιπύλης ἡ ἀρχή. The opening is strictly parallel to others in
the prologues of Euripides, e.g. those of the /ox or the /phig. tx Tauris, where
the speaker begins by giving his or her genealogy. In the present case accord-
ingly the speaker was tracing descent from Dionysus, and the only persons who
can here come in question are Hypsipyle herself or one of her two sons Euneos
and Thoas. In the first column of Fr. 1 of the papyrus, which, as the stichometry
indicates, was the third column of the play, the sons in the guise of travellers
seeking hospitality for the night appear in colloquy with a woman, whose con-
gratulations to the mother of the strangers would almost suffice to identify her as
Hypsipyle herself ; hence the initial ῥῆσις would be quite appropriate in the
mouth of any one of the three persons who are available. If the speaker of
it is, as we suppose, Hypsipyle, the arrangement is similar to that of the
Iphigenia in Tauris. WHypsipyle recounts her history and circumstances, and
then enters the palace, perhaps for the purpose of fetching the child Archemorus ;
Euneos and Thoas arrive, and after some conversation, in which their identity
and mission (they were looking for their lost mother: causa viae genetrix as
Statius, Ζεῦ. v. 715, says; cf. Schol. Mem. quoted on p. 22) are explained,
knock at the door of the palace; Hypsipyle opens it and the dialogue of Fr. 1.
Col. i follows. If on the other hand Euneos or Thoas made the opening speech,
Hypsipyle would not have appeared until the travellers proceeded to knock
at the door. This view is simpler, but possibly too simple; it hardly accounts
so well for the 120 lines of the first two columns, apart from the consideration
that the heroine of the piece is perhaps more suitable as the προλογίζουσα.

The papyrus breaks off in the middle of the conversation of Hypsipyle with
the strangers, who presumably gained admittance, in spite of the absence of the
king Lycurgus (Fr. 1. 1. 11) ; in these two details Statius is in agreement with
Euripides (cf. Ted. v. 640, 715). Hypsipyle then sings a monody to her nurs-
ling, of which the conclusion is preserved in the first 14 lines of Fr. 1. 1. This is
the song, as the reference in 1. 8 to κρόταλα indicates, to which allusion is made

24 WILE .OXYRAYNCHUS: PAPYRI

in Frogs 1305 sqq. ποῦ ᾽στιν ἡ τοῖς ὀστράκοις αὕτη Kpotodca ; δεῦρο Modo’ Εὐριπίδου :
cf. Phot. Lex. p. 180. 12 κροταλίζειν' οὐ διὰ τῶν χειρῶν κροτεῖν, ἀλλὰ διὰ κροτάλου.
τῆς κροταλισάσης, ὡς Εὐριπίδη(ν) φησὶν 6 κωμικὸς περὶ τῆς Ὑψιπύλης λέγων. Nauck,
Fr. 769, takes the word κροταλισάσης as having occurred in the text of the play,
but that is not at all likely; the verse of the papyrus sufficiently accounts for
Photius’ note. The parodos of the chorus, consisting of Nemean women friendly
to Hypsipyle (cf. Fr. 1. 11. 15 φίλα, Frs. 20-1. 1 φ[ίλταἾται, 14 φίλας), follows, the
choral ode consisting of a strophe and antistrophe (largely composed of glyconic
verses), each of which is succeeded by a lyrical response from Hypsipyle. In
the strophe (Fr. 1. ii. 15-40) the chorus asks if the captive’s thoughts are still
busy with her island home while such stirring events as the march of the army
of Adrastus against Thebes are in progress. Hypsipyle replies (Fr. 1. iii. 1-17)
that she cares for none of these things; her heart is with the ships of the
Agonauts. The chorus offers consolation by recalling the adventures of other
heroines who had left their homes and suggests that Hypsipyle’s prospects are
brighter than were theirs (Fr. τ. iii. 18-43). Hypsipyle refuses to take comfort,
and can only look forward to the release of death (Fr. 1. iv. 1-9). She then
perceives some strangers approaching (Fr. 1. iv. 10-14), and Amphiaraus enters
with a small retinue (Fr. 1. iv. 15). He addresses Hypsipyle, and asks to be
shown the way to running water, which was needed for the purpose of a sacrifice
on behalf of the army on crossing the frontier (cf. note on Fr. 1. iv. 35). A long
dialogue ensues in which Amphiaraus explains who he is, what was the object of
the expedition, and how he himself came to be concerned in it, while Hypsipyle
in her turn discloses her identity and antecedents (Fr. 1. iv. 53-v with Frs. 3-5).
Finally she consents to comply with Amphiaraus’ request (Nauck, Fr. 753 δείξω
μὲν ᾿Αργείοισιν ᾿Αχελῴου ῥόον), and goes off with him, carrying the child with her.
Thus ends the first ἐπεισόδιον, and the chorus occupied the interval with an ode,
to which Frs. 6-9 are likely to belong; there is a reference in Fr. 6. 1 to χέρνιβα,
and the description in Frs. 8-9 of the quarrel between Polynices and Tydeus
which led up to the expedition of Adrastus would be a very suitable subject
at this point. Meanwhile Hypsipyle, perhaps with the motive attributed to her
by Statius xe tarda Pelasgis dux foret (iv. 778), had left the child lying unguarded
on the ground, to find on her return that he had fallen a victim to a snake; cf.
the fragmentary description of the accident by Amphiaraus in Fr. 60. 67 sqq.
At this point the course of events becomes obscured, and clearness is reached
only at Frs. 20-1, where Hypsipyle is found in conversation with the chorus,
fearful of the vengeance of the child’s parents and considering means of flight.
In what way is the lacuna to be filled? How was the misadventure made
known to the chorus and in the palace? The usual tragic means in such a case

So. eee eS are

$52. BZURIPIDES, HYVPSIPYLE 25

was the report of a messengér, and as a matter of fact in Fr. 18 there are the
remains of a few lines which certainly refer to the serpent, and might well come
from such a report. The objection to this view is the subsequent occurrence
of a description of the scene by Amphiaraus when pleading with Eurydice. On
this ground Prof. U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorff, to whom with Prof. J. B. Bury
and Mr. Gilbert Murray we owe a number of most valuable suggestions and
criticisms, would reject the intervention of a messenger, and refer Fr. 18 to the
first dialogue between Amphiaraus and Hypsipyle, supposing the serpent to be
a well-known object to whose existence Hypsipyle might allude in speaking
of the spring. This no doubt is a quite tenable explanation, and the serpent
is actually so treated by Statius; cf. v. 505 zemoris sacer horror Achaeéi, 511-2
Inachio sanctum dixere Tonanti agricolae,and 579 sqq. On the other hand some
description of the disaster seems essential at this point, if only for the enlighten-
ment of the audience; moreover to credit Hypsipyle with so clear a previous
knowledge of the risk would considerably increase her culpability in leaving her
charge unprotected, while to the parallel from Statius a counterweight may
be found in his reference to a messenger: e¢ tam sacrifict subitus per tecta
Lycurgi nuntius implerat lacrimis (v. 638-9). Hence, whether a regular mes-
senger was employed by Euripides or not, we should prefer to regard Fr. 18 as
part of a post factum narrative. But there is an obvious alternative to a regular
messenger: possibly the narrator was Hypsipyle herself. At the conclusion of
the stasimon she may have returned alone from her ill-fated expedition, and
in answer to interrogations from the chorus briefly stated what had occurred ; to
the lyrical portion of such a scene we should refer Frs. 10-13 ; cf. the scholiast
on Clement quoted above, 7 δὲ ἐπανελθοῦσα ἐθρήνει. The question would then
arise, how was the news to reach queen Eurydice? A hint towards the solution
of this problem is perhaps to be found in the rather mysterious remark of
Hypsipyle when being led off to death, κενὰ δ᾽ ἐπῃδέσθην ἄρα, ‘to no purpose then
was my compunction’ (Fr. 60. 21). These words appear to imply that shame
had prevented her from a certain action; and we can find no interpretation more
suitable than that first suggested by Mr. Murray, that Hypsipyle’s feelings
of honour led her to abandon the project of flight discussed in Frs, 20-1.
If that is right, then she might naturally be supposed to have gone a step
further, and voluntarily to have surrendered herself. Of course this explanation
of Fr. 60. 21 is quite compatible with the hypothesis of a messenger ; but the
latter expedient becomes rather superfluous, and the awkwardness of a second
description of Archemorus’ fate would be far slighter if the first had been a more
or less incoherent account by the distracted Hypsipyle, and not a formal report
of another independent eyewitness. Ἷ

26 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Our supposition of a voluntary surrender seems to harmonize with the
mutilated fragment in which Eurydice first occurs among the dramatis personae.
In Fr. 22 the speakers are an unnamed person who appears to be pleading the
cause of Hypsipyle, the chorus, and Eurydice. The chorus praise the first
speaker’s nobility or generosity (γενν[αῖ᾽ ἔϊλείϊξας), and Eurydice follows with
an angry accusation of using specious words (I. 11 τί radr[a] kouw[a...;). If the
first speaker is Hypsipyle and she had courageously thrown herself upon the
queen’s mercy, yevvatos would be the natural epithet for the chorus to apply
to her, while her scruples and excuses would no less naturally appear to the
indignant mother as mere κομψότης. Frs. 23-31 may for the most part well
belong to the same scene as Fr. 22; in the case of three of them stichometrical
figures show that they come from the central portion of the play (Il. 600-800),
though somewhat widely dispersed.

Postponing for the moment the question of what further scenes may have
here intervened, we pass on to Fr. 60, where sure ground is again reached.
Hypsipyle is now being led off to her doom. She makes a final appeal to
Eurydice, acknowledging indeed that she had unwillingly caused the child’s death,
but indignantly repudiating the charge of malicious negligence made against her
by the queen (cf. Il. 35-6 φησὶ δ᾽ ἥδ᾽ ἑκουσίως κτανεῖν με παῖδα κἀπιβουλεῦσαι δόμοις,
and Nauck Fr. 758). It is of no avail, and her position seems hopeless when at
the critical moment Amphiaraus suddenly interposes. He had foreseen, he says,
Hypsipyle’s fate, and comes with the object of preventing it, not by force, but
by persuasion. The queen, who here meets Amphiaraus for the first time, con-
sents to hear him. He proceeds to tell her (Il. 55-111) how he had induced
Hypsipyle to show the way to the spring, and describes the accident with the
deductions which he drew from it concerning the fate of the expedition against
Thebes. He offers philosophical consolation, and concludes with the practical
proposal that the army should give her son burial and institute a festival (the
Nemean games) to perpetuate both his name and hers. Of Eurydice’s reply
only the first few lines are preserved, but their tone suggests that she had been
convinced and was prepared to give way (ll. 112-7). Another gap here occurs,
but that it is of no very large extent seems to follow from the fact that in Fr. 64.
Col. ii Amphiaraus is still found upon the stage. He has now done the further
service of bringing about a recognition between Hypsipyle and her sons, and this
accomplished he leaves them to mutual explanations in which the adventures
of both parties are reviewed, Hypsipyle speaking mainly in lyrical measures and
the sons more calmly in iambics. The 16o0o0th line is marked in the course
of this column, and that the end of the play is imminent is also clear from
the occurrence in the margin of the column following of the name of the god

852, EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 27

Dionysus as a speaker. Col. i of this fragment has almost entirely disappeared,
but it must have been largely if not entirely occupied by the scene of anagnorisis,
and therefore one or more columns are required between Fr. 60. ii and Fr, 64. i
for Eurydice’s decision and exit, and the development by Amphiaraus of the
preliminaries, whatever they were, to the recognition. Stichometrical data point
to a loss of three columns, to which probably should be assigned Frs. 61-3
(cf. Fr. 61. 4-6, Fr. 62. 3, Fr. 63. 6). A suitable place can also be found for the
lyrical fragments 57-9 in the choral ode immediately preceding the long act
which we have now reconstructed. In these fragments, of which the connexion
is evident and the language recalls that of the parodos in the Bacchae, the chorus
sings the praises of Dionysus. The topic at this juncture would be especially
appropriate: the god is invoked to come to the assistance of his descendant
in her extremity, and his actual appearance in the concluding scene is fittingly

-presaged. In one of these fragments (57. 153; cf. note ad loc.) the figure 1100

probably occurs, which though consistent with the position assigned to them
involves a final act of unusual length, if it be inferred from the presence of
Amphiaraus (cf. p. 26) that Frs. 60 and 64 belong to a single act. The longest
ἔξοδος in the extant plays of Euripides, that of the Jom, is under 400 lines,
whereas the ἔξοδος here would reach nearly 600. Hence it is likely that a short
choral ode, like e.g. that in Electra 1147-64, divided the exit of Eurydice
and the recognition of Hypsipyle’s sons, though not necessarily effecting a real
break in the action. The large lyrical element in the two columns of Fr. 64
is a further reason for reducing the part of the chorus in this section.
_ Euripides’ plot may thus be followed with sufficient clearness by means
of the surviving fragments both in its earlier stages and its final dénouement ; but
there is an intermediate link which remains wrapped in obscurity. It would
in any case have been not a little singular if Hypsipyle’s sons who, as has
been seen, appeared both at the outset and at the end of the play, were kept
entirely out of the action during the rest of it. Secondly, an interval of some
200 lines between about ll. goo and 1100 at present remains quite unaccounted
for, and it is difficult to see how this can be filled without bringing in the sons in
some way. Now on this point we have some external evidence to take into
consideration, primarily that of the epigram in Anth. Pal. iii, 10 :—
Daive, Odav, Βάκχοιο φυτὸν τόδε' ματέρα γάρ σου
ῥύσῃ τοῦ θανάτου, οἰκέτιν Ὑψιπύλαν,
& τὸν am Εὐρυδίκας ἔτλη χόλον, ἦμος ἀπούρας —
ὕδρος, ὁ γᾶς γενέτας, ὥλεσεν ᾿Αρχέμορον.
στεῖχε δὲ καὶ σὺ λιπὼν ᾿Ασωπίδος ἄγκεα κούρας (?)
γειναμένην ἄξων Λῆμνον és ἠγαθέην.

28 THE OXVYRAYNCHUS PAPYRI

To which the following explanation is prefixed :—év δὲ τῷ κατὰ δύσιν πλευρῷ ἐστιν
ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ δεκάτου πίνακος Etvoos γεγλυμμένος καὶ Θόας, ods ἐγέννησεν Ὑψιπύλη,
ἀναγνωριζόμενοι τῇ μητρὶ καὶ τὴν χρυσῆν δεικνύντες ἄμπελοι", ὅπερ ἦν αὐτοῖς τοῦ γένους
σύμβολον, καὶ ῥυόμενοι αὐτὴν τῆς διὰ τὸν ᾿Αρχεμόρου θάνατον παρ᾽ Εὐρυδίκης τιμωρίας.
According to this Euneos and Thoas rescued Hypsipyle ; but in Euripides her
preserver, properly so called, was certainly Amphiaraus. There thus appear to be
two distinct traditions ; and it is even possible, as Wilamowitz suggests, to follow
these to their source. There was at Athens a class of musicians called Εὐνεῖδαι
who traced their descent from Euneos the son of Hypsipyle ; cf. e.g. Hesych.
γένος ἀπὸ Εὐνήου (sic) κεκλημένον, τοῦ ᾿Ιάσονος υἱοῦ, οἷον γένος ὀρχηστῶν καὶ κιθαριστῶν
.. οἱ δέ, γένος τι ᾿Αθήνησι κιθαριστῶν, Photius γένος ᾿Αθήνησι μουσικόν, ἀπὸ Εὔνεω
τοῦ Ιάσονος καὶ Ὑψιπύλης. γένος ἐστὶ παρὰ ᾿Αθηναῖοις οὕτως ὀνομαζόμενον ἦσαν δὲ
κιθαρωδοί, πρὸς τὰς ἱερουργίας παρέχοντες τὴν χρείαν. Attic legend therefore brought
Euneos to Athens, and would accordingly be likely to glorify him by giving him
and his brother the credit of saving Hypsipyle. A clear reflection of this form
of the legend is to be found in Euripides in Fr. 64. 98, where one of the sons
(obviously Euneos) says that Orpheus had taught him the lyre. These con-
siderations provide a clue, as Wilamowitz points out, to the tenour of the speech
of Dionysus, whose appearance when the crisis was over would otherwise have
remained rather unaccountable ; the god no doubt directed Euneos to go to
Athens +. It is quite in accordance with this inference to find from C. /. A. iii. 274
that Dionysus Melpomenos was the object of the family cult of the Euneidae.
The other and probably older legend, which represented Hypsipyle as owing her
preservation to Amphiaraus, is likely to have been derived from Theban epic
tradition. Euripides contrived to combine both versions of the story ; but what
part he assigned to the sons between their arrival at the palace and their recog-
nition is a problem which still awaits solution. Hartung, Eurip. Res¢. ii. pp. 431
and 437-8, proposing in Arist. Poet. c. 14 καὶ ἐν τῇ “EAAn 6 vids τὴν μητέρα
ἐκδιδόναι μέλλων ἀνεγνώρισεν to read ᾿Ὑψιπύλῃ in place of Ἕλλῃ (Valckenaer had
conjectured ᾿Αντιόπῃ), thought that Euneos and Thoas were constituted Hypsi-
pyle’s judges and condemned her to death, a view supported, as he believed,
by an amphora published by Gerhard in 1837, which represents Hypsipyle and
Amphiaraus standing before Eurydice, with Euneos and Thoas on the side
next Hypsipyle and the two chieftains Parthenopaeus and Capaneus next to
Amphiaraus ; above the two former appears Dionysus, above the other pair
Zeus and Nemea. But this evidence is of very doubtful value. In the passage

* He went on to Lemnos afterwards, at any rate according to Homer H 467 sqq., where he is
represented as sending cargoes of Lemnian wine to the Greek army—a most appropriate gift from
a descendant of Dionysus. Cf. Anth. Pal. iii. 10, 5-6 quoted above.

4196533
852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 29

from the Poetics “Ἕλλῃ (though otherwise unknown) is retained by the best
modern editors ; and it is now clear that Ὑψιπύλῃ would not really be suitable,
for it was not the sons’ recognition but the intervention of Amphiaraus that saved
Hypsipyle ; the recognition came afterwards. As for the amphora, the artist’s
object seems to have been to include the principal figures associated in the
legend rather than to depict a single scene of it; at any rate it is evident that
Hypsipyle, her two sons, Eurydice, Amphiaraus, Parthenopaeus, and Capaneus
cannot all have been brought on the stage together by Euripides. There is
apparently no road this way; and we have searched vainly for a clue in the
papyrus. One or two mutilated passages indeed in the central group of fragments
may be interpreted as remains of a scene in which the sons appear, the most
significant being Frs. 34-5. There Hypsipyle is alluded to by the periphrasis
δμῳὶς 7 Tpod|ds Ὁ] τέκνου, which in Wilamowitz’s opinion implies that the speaker
Was unacquainted with her name. The only characters to whom such ignorance
would be natural are Euneos and Thoas; and perhaps the latter name is to
be recognized in Fr. 33. 7, while π]έλας θυρῶν in 1. 2 of the same fragment may
be a reference to their encounter with Hypsipyle in the prologos. But these
fragments are too ambiguous to carry much weight, and they hardly bring
us any nearer to the answer to the question how the sons were brought into con-
nexion with the main action. If, as we have supposed, Hypsipyle did not carry
out her idea of flight, they cannot have assisted her in it—although perhaps
it was of the travellers whom she had befriended that she was thinking in
her question to the chorus (Frs. 20-1. 15), ‘ What if I found some one to convey
me out of the country?’ Possibly there is a substratum of truth in Hartung’s
theory, and Eurydice in the absence of her husband turned to the two strangers
for advice or support in her condemnation of the culprit. Or possibly—and this
we think more likely—they may have gone to seek the assistance of Amphiaraus,
although the natural inference from his words in Fr. 60. 37-8 is that his
opportune arrival was spontaneous. This last suggestion would have the
further advantage of bringing the young men into contact with Amphiaraus, and
so give him an opportunity to discover their identity. Indeed it is difficult
to perceive how otherwise he can have become aware of their presence at all—
unless by a very remarkable display of his powers of divination.

It will be convenient here to summarize briefly our conception of the
dramatic structure.

Prologos. Speech of Hypsipyle, describing her history and present circum-
stances, after which she retires on some pretext into the palace. Arrival of
Euneos and Thoas, who hold an explanatory conversation; they then knock
and Hypsipyle emerges with the child Archemorus. She inquires their business,

30 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

and they enter. Hypsipyle left alone sings to the child. ll. 1-about 200.
Nauck Fr. 752, Fr. 1. ini. 14, Fr. 2.

Parodos of Chorus of Nemean women. Strophe and antistrophe, each
followed by lyrical response from Hypsipyle. About Il. 200-310, Fr. 1. ii. 15-
iv. 9.

ist Epeisodion. Arrival of Amphiaraus, who converses with Hypsipyle and
persuades her to conduct him to a stream of water. They go out together.
About 1]. 310-430. Fr. 1. iv. 10-v, Frs. 3-5, Nauck Fr. 753.

1st Stasimon. The chorus refer to the quarrel of Polynices and Tydeus at
Argos, and their marriage with the daughters of Adrastus. About 1]. 430-500.
Fr. 7-9.

and Epeisodion. Hypsipyle returns in great grief after the death of
Archemorus. She laments his fate, and questioned by the chorus gives some
description of what had occurred. Becoming calmer she considers plans of
flight, but finally resolves to give herself up to Eurydice ΟΣ About Il. 500-650.
Frs. 10-13, Nauck Fr. 754-5, Frs. 20-1

and Stasimon. About ll. ἐξ οσοδὶ

3rd Epeisodion. Hypsipyle and Eurydice; Hypsipyle is condemned to
death. About Il. 700-850. Frs, 22-32, Nauck Frs. 758, 760.

3rd Stasimon. About 1]. 850-goo.

4th Epeisodion. Euneos and Thoas take an uncertain part in the action.
They were probably confronted with Eurydice, and perhaps subsequently induced
either by an appeal from Hypsipyle or by natural generosity to go and seek
assistance from Amphiaraus. About ll. goo-1080. Frs. 33-5.

4th Stasimon. The chorus sing the praises of Dionysus and call on him for
succour. About 1]. ro80-1150. Frs. 57-9.

5th Epeisodion. Hypsipyle is led out to meet her doom. Arrival of
Amphiaraus, who persuades Eurydice of Hypsipyle’s real innocence. Exit
Eurydice. About ll. 1150-1350. Fr. 60. i-ii.

5th Stasimon. About ll. 1350-75.

Exodos. Amphiaraus brings about the recognition between Hypsipyle and
Euneos and Thoas, and then leaves the mother and sons together. Dionysus, the
ancestor of the family, appears ex machina, and sends Euneos to Athens. About
Il. 1375-1720. Frs. 61-64, Nauck Frs. 756, 761, 762, Fr. ap. Lydus.

With regard to the number of the actors, though the characters in the play
are only six, they would require four ἀγωνισταί to represent them if the papyrus
is followed in the ascription of Fr. 64. 68-70 to the two sons of Hypsipyle—
whether they speak simultaneously or one after the other ; cf. note ad Joc. If the
number is to be reduced to the ordinary three, one of the sons must be a mute,

ΨΥ

ΣΝ, ee ee eS πεν ““

8ῦ9. BURIPIDES, ΠΥ̓ΡΘΙΡΥΔΕ 31

It is clear from internal evidence that Euneos is the speaker in Fr. 64. 101 (cf.

p. 28), while the papyrus assigns Fr. 1. i. 7 sqq. to Thoas; but the former may ~
have been the κωφὸν πρόσωπον in one scene, the latter in the other.

The Aypsipyle was one of the latest of Euripides’ plays, being brought
out not long before Aristophanes’ Frags, as stated by the scholiast on 1. 53
of that comedy τῶν πρὸ ὀλίγου διδαχθέντων καὶ καλῶν, Ὑψιπύλης, Φοινισσῶν,
᾿Αντιόπης : the Frogs was produced in 405 B.C., Euripides having died the year
before. This statement of date is borne out by indications traceable in the
character of the lyrical odes (cf. notes on Fr. τ. ii. 15 sqq.), as well as by the
repeated parodies of the Hypsipyle in the Frags (cf. e.g. notes on Fr. 1. ii, 8—10,
Fr. 7. 4), which are more natural if the play be supposed to be fresh in the
memory of Aristophanes’ audience. From the conjunction of the three names
in the above-mentioned note of the scholiast it has been inferred by some critics,
e.g. Hartung and Meineke, that the Hypsipyle, Phoenissae, and Antiope belonged
to the same tetralogy; but this is quite uncertain. The remark that they
were ‘fine’ tragedies probably reflects the popular verdict, which in the case
of the Hypsipyle has been endorsed, on the strength of the scanty evidence before
them, by modern critics: ‘ drama eximium, Valckenaer, Diatr. Ὁ. 211, ‘ fabula
venustissima rerum varietate distincta,; Hartung, of. εξ, ii. p. 411. We now
know that there was not quite so much varietas as Hartung imagined, but
the remains happily brought to light at Oxyrhynchus sufficiently justify his
epithet ‘ vexusta’. If none of the new fragments reveals Euripides in his
sublimest poetic flights, they maintain a high level of excellence, and need
not fear comparison with much of his extant work; while the fact that the
dramatization of this part of the Hypsipyle legend appears to be essentially
a Euripidean creation renders the recovery of at any rate the bulk of his plot,
with upwards of 300 verses either complete or capable of suitable restoration,
a matter of especial satisfaction.

In arranging the fragments of the papyrus we have placed them so far
as possible in what we conceive to have been their original order. The small
group, which, as already explained (p. 20), was found separately, and both from
the stichometrical numeration and internal evidence appears to represent the
central portion of the play, has been kept together (Frs. 6-17, 20-56) ; the other
minor fragments, the contents of which give no sufficient clue to their position,
are placed at the end. Finally on pp. 80-83 we print the previously known
citations from the play, and attempt to assign them their place among the
fragments of the papyrus.

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Fred. Gols i
ypal 24 letters Ἰεοισ'
i ΠΕ a fom. pone eae Ἰθυρμα[.1]α
ἀσῶν Ἰδυρμωνεκγαληΐ. . . .Joevac
υμεισεκρουσάτ᾽ wveavial..... lo
ὥμακαριασφῶνητεκοϊ. . . τισποτ᾽ην
τίτῶϊ .Ἰδεμελαθρων δεῖ. . Ἰνοιπροσηλθετον
θοασ στεγ[.Ἰσκεχρήμεθ᾽ (Ἱνΐ. ον χθῆναιγυναι
εἰδυΐ. .Jrov . [Ἰννύκτεϊ. ... «]αιμίαν
εχοί. «Ἰνδ Of. Jovdetz[.Jrrof. . .JAv[.Jnpordo[
ἐσοϊ.Ἰεσθατοῖσδετὸδεσονώσεχειμί. (ει
[... «Ἰποτοσμῖ.. ἸΪκ[Ὡσαρσένωνκυϊ. .Ἰι
[ 17 letters |. [. 1δωμ[.]τα
BD ATH het
[lef
λυκουρί
γυνηδί
θοασ ουκενξεῖ
προσδ' al «
ηκιστί
ξενο
αειδεῖ
αλλεινΐ

. [Jered]

has Col. ii. Plate IT.
laren Ale Gee rats ]. + οσοι
ΡΣ Ἰοσΐδεσθαι

ΕΞ 1. . ρχονωσενοπρου

Θόας.

(Ty)

Fr. 2.

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 33

Col. i.
ypal ' Ὁ letters Ἰεοις
Hee..---- Oi Soe ἀἸθύρμαϊ[τ]α

ἃ σῶν [ὀϊδυρμῶν ἐκγαληϊνιεῖ φ])ρένας.

ὑμεῖς ἐκρούσατ᾽, ὦ veavialt, πύλαὶ]ς ;

ὦ μακαρία σφῷν ἡ τεκοϊῦσ᾽, ἥτις ποτ᾽ ἦν.

τί τῶϊν]δε μελάθρων δεϊόμεϊνοι προσήλθετον ;
στέγ[η]ς κεχρήμεθ᾽ [ἐϊν τὸς ἀἸχθῆναι, γύναι,

εἰ δυϊνα]τὸν ἡμῖν νύκτ᾽ ἐϊναυλίσ]αι μίαν.

ἔχοϊμεϊν δ᾽ [olay δεῖ: τί ποίτε] λυ[π]ηροὶ δόϊμοις
ἐσόϊμ]εσθα τοῖσδε; τὸ δὲ σὸν ὡς ἔχει μίεν]εῖ.
[ἀδέσηποτος μίὲν olik[ols ἀρσένων κυ[ρεῖϊ

[ 17 letters 1. [- J δώμ[α]τα

(Ty.) [μ 1

Avkoidp[yos
γυνὴ δίὲ Εὐρυδίκη
Θόας. οὐκ ἐν ξεϊνῶσι
πρὸς δ᾽ af
(Ty) ἥκιστία
; ξένοϊ
ἀεὶ δὲ [
ἀλλ᾽ εἰς vi

. [Ἰῶν εδί

Ἔν Col. ii. Plate II.
fai aeevuy ete, ΥΞῚ ἘΠ . oooe στρ. αἴ
(ever ap aeons Jos ἰδέσθαι
are ae 71. - pxov as ἐνόπτρου

THE OXYRHYNCHUS

Bouck ee Ἰοφαῆτιν᾽ avyav
ἔπ ρου. Ἰάυξηματοσον

[- μνησωμαιτεκνονεὺ
ὡποισηθεραπειαισ

ν
᾿δουκτύποσὔδεκροτάλωνα

ε
{ / ουτάδ[᾽ αἸπήνασουτάδεκερκίδοσ

ιστοτόνουπαραμυθιαλημνια

K K
μουσαμελειμελ εινὕτιδεισυπνον
ηχαρινηθεραπευματαπρόσφορα
[1αιδιπρεπεινεαρωι
ταδεμελωδοσαυδῶ
᾿Πτισύπαραπροθυροισφιλα
ποτεραδωματοσεισοδοὺυσ
σάιρεισῆδροσονεπιπέδωι
βαλλεισδιάτεδόυλα
ἡταναργωτανδιασοῦ
στόματοσαεικληζομέναν
mevTnkovTepoval. joer
ἡτοχρυσεομαλλον
ἱερονδεροσοπὲριδρυοσ
ὕξοισομμαδρακοντοσ
φρουρεϊμναμοσύναδεσοι

λημν
τασαγχιάλοιοΪ yo lov

Tavaly αἰοσελι Ἴσὼν
κυμοτύποσᾶαχεί
δεῦθροτανλειμῶνανέμει. . . .. ἐν ἢ
απάγειχαλκειο[. Ἰσοπλοῖ. . - « - - ]
apyelovn|.|\dvovmral
em.ToTa].|KLOdpac€epupal
Tacappioviacépyovr|
of. ἡἸπόδασαϊ. .]ασί. Jo]

of -Jexareoepevo|

PAPYRI

Xo(pés)] 15

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

[. . λευκ]οφαῆ τιν᾽ αὐγὰν
αἰ. ..... αὔξημα τὸ σὸν
a[..] μνήσωμαι, τέκνον, εὐ-
s@mois ἢ θεραπείαις.
ἰδοὺ κτύπος ὅδε κροτάλων" ἄν(ω).
nov τάδε πήνας οὐ τάδε κερκίδος
12 ἱστοτόνου παραμύθια Λήμνια, -
13 Μοῦσα, μέλει με κρέκειν, ὅ τι δ᾽ εἰς ὕπνον
μ ἢ χάριν ἢ θεραπεύματα πρόσφορα
15 [π]αιδὲ πρέπει νεαρῷ
1s τάδε μελῳδὸς αὐδῶ.

iti σὺ παρὰ προθύροις, φίλα ; στρ.

«πότερα δώματος εἰσόδους

8 σαίρεις ἢ δρόσον ἐπὶ πέδῳ

1 βάλλεις οἷά τε δούλα,

5) τὰν ᾿Αργὼ τὰν διὰ σοῦ

« στόματος ἀεὶ κλῃζομέναν

1 πεντηκόντ(ογρον aes,

«ἢ τὸ χρυσεόμαλλον

9 ἱερὸν δέρος ὃ περὶ δρυὸς

10 ὄζοις ὄμμα δράκοντος

11 φρουρεῖ, μναμοσύνα δέ σοι

2 τᾶς ἀγχιάλοιο Λήμνου

is τὰν Αἰγαῖος ἑλί[σ]σων

14 κυμο(κ)τύπος ἀχεῖ,

15 δεῦρ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἂν λειμῶνα Νέμει[ον
1s ἀπάγει χαλκέ{ι } οἱ ἤσζιν) ὅπλοις
τ Ἀργεῖον πἰεἸδίον πα[ρεὶς

is ἐπὶ τὸ τάς] κιθάρας ἔρυμα,

1 τᾶς Ἀμφιονίας ἔργον [χερὸς

20 ὠἰκυϊπόδας "ΑἸ δρ)ασίτο]ς [Ἄρη θοόν ;
“1 ὁ [δ ἐκάλεσε μένοϊς ...

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ποικιλασυεματαὶ
τόξάτεχρύσιαϊ
κα[.Ἱμὸνοβάμονεϊ
aeLpopevoly Of

Col. iii. Plate IT.

ebayer Ἰσί.Ἱμενησορουσασ

εποιδμαγαληνειασ

πρυμνησιαναψαι

τονἀτοῦποταμουπαρ

tv ν

θενοσάι[[νν ]ετεκωσεν

πηλέαμεσωδεπαρΐστωι

ἃσιᾶσελεγενΐἴηιον

θρησσ᾽ εβοακίθαρισορφέως

μακροπολωνπιτυλων

ερετηισικελευσματαμελπομεναν

τοτεμενταχυπλουν

τοτεδ᾽ ειλατινασαναπαυμαπλαταί. .]

τί.Ἰδεμοιταδεθυμοσϊδεινΐεται
δαναωνδεπονουσ
ετεροσαναβοατὼῶ
᾿παρασοφωνεκλυονλογοί.]σ

ποτερονωσεπικυματων

πολινκαιπατριουσδομουΐ

φοινικαστυριαπαισ

ε
ευρωπαλιποῦσ᾽ απεβα
διοτροφονκρητανΐεραν
κουρητωντροφονανδρων

$02; BURIPIDES,, BVYPSIPYLE

2 ποικίλα σάματα [...
23 Toa τε χρύσ(ε)γα [...
24 Kat] povoBdpovels .. .
25 ἀειρόμενοι χθῖον

ἼΘ᾽ 281}: Ὁ δ᾽ τον «ἴον Joz[
Fr. 1, Col. iii, Plate II.
(Ty.) το ated Ware ike a Ἰραι{.} ἀντιστρ. αἴ
ΕΑ ΤῈ ae ΘἸρᾳκίαν
Ως Jo[-]uevns ὀρούσας

oo δ 4 ’
ἐπ᾿ οἶδμα γαληνείας
’ > > ,
5 πρυμνήσι ἀνάψαι,
οτὸν ἁ τοῦ ποταμο(ῖο) παρ-
7 θένος Αἴγιν᾽ éréxvoce{v} Πη-
, , Ἀ ᾽ e “a
βλέα, μέσῳ δὲ παρ᾽ ἱστῷ
2 Acids ἔλεγ(ο)ν ἰήιον
10 το Θρῇσσ᾽ ἐβόα κίθαρις ᾿Ορφέως,
11 μακροπόλων πιτύλων ἐρέτῃσι κε-
2 λεύσματα μελπομέναζν!, τότε μὲν ταχύ-
13 πλοὺυν τότε δ᾽ εἰλατίνας ἀνάπαυμα πλά-
15 utals.] τίά]δε μοι τάδε θυμὸς (ὑ)δεῖν ἵε-
1% Tat, Δαναῶν δὲ πόνους
ev 3 ,
1s ἕτερος ἀναβοάτω.
“- . > 7
Xo0(pés). 1 παρὰ σοφῶν ἔκλυον λόγο[υ]ς ἀντιστρ. β
’ « ἈΝ. | ,
2 πίργ)δότερον ws ἐπὶ κυμάτων
20 8 πόλιν καὶ πατρίους δόμουϊς
« Φοινίκας Τυρία παῖς
s Εὐρώπα λιποῦσ᾽ ἐπέβα
ὁ Διοτρόφον Κρήταν ἱερὰν
1 Κουρήτων τροφὸν ἀνδρῶν,

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

a&rexvovaporotol.|v
τρισσοισελιπενκραΐ. . .|
X® ραστ᾽ ολβιοναρχαν
αργειανθ᾽ ετερανκλυω
σίλει
[- τρωβα[λπ]ανΐω
. ἡρασαμφισαμεῖψαι
. ]Ἱασφοροναταν
ες ἡτανθεοσεισφροντιδαθησοι

[
[... ἢ. [σδηφίλατομεσονΐ .]
[

aS eee ΕΣ Ἰαπολέιψει

Εν Ἰατεροσπατερα
Behe ὙΠ κ᾿ Ἰτεχεισεθεν

[ie Bigeete cer ie κυπο . ο[Ἱμετανισσεται
(even Prenat tains Ἰγενεαῖ. .. .}

Col. iv.

Ἰνεμονάγαγέποτε . [

Ύ
κυμα[[τ]]οντεποκρινΐ
τανποσισεκτα
κατεθρηνησεναοιδαισῖ

θανατοσελαχεταδεμαπαθεῖ

τισανηγὀοσημελοσηκιθαρασ .κιθαρι[. ...... ..
επιδακρυσειμοῦσ᾽ ανοδυρομενα -επιδακρυσιμί

μετακαλλιοπασ

επιπονουσανελθοι

“ Φ(ευνεμέαστῆσδ᾽ ἀλσοσεχων
τινοσεμπορίαστοῦσδ᾽ εγγυσορω

10 (Xo.)

862. LURIPIDES, AYPSIPYLE

ε ἃ τέκνων ἀρότοισζι]ν

9 τρισσοῖς ἔλιπεν κράϊτος]

10 χώρας T ὄλβιον ἀρχάν.

u Apyelay θ᾽ ἑτέραν κλύω

1 [οἴσϊτρῳ βασίλειαν ᾿Ιὼ

is[matlpas ἀμφὶς ἀμεῖψαι

" [κερλασφόρον ἄταν.

15 [ταῦ]τ' ἂν θεὸς εἰς φροντίδα θῇ σοι
wf... «|. [Js δή, φίλα, τὸ μέσον"

Sera ] ἀπολείψει

ese π]ατέρος πατέρα
ΣΦΕ ΤΑΝ αν Ἰτεχει σέθεν

το ΕΓ eae ΣῪ ας ] ὠκύποροϊ5] μετανίσσεται
Nip ate wikis as ] γενεαί... .]

SR ear RP are eae Πιοσὶ

Rm ie be aie) dears Joo . [

τα; Col. iv with Fr. 3.

νεμον ἄγαγέ more . [
ku(v)ayov te Πῴύρ)όκριν
τὰν πόσις ἔκτα
κατεθρήνησεν ἀοιδαῖς.
θάνατος ἔλαχε τάδ᾽ ἐμὰ πάθεα.
τίς ἂν ἢ γόος ἢ μέλος ἢ κιθάρας
ES , a? 3 va
ἐπὶ δάκρυσι μοῦσ᾽ avodupopéva
μετὰ Καλλιόπας
ἐπὶ πόνους ἂν ἔλθοι ;
ὦ Ζεῦ Νεμέας τῆσδ᾽ ἄλσος ἔχων
» ᾽ ’ ’ > AY fe
τίνος ἐμπορίας τούσδ᾽ ἐγγὺς ὁρῶ

40 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ι ί

πελάτασξενουσδωρΐ ο[διπεπλων

Ε rn ad

ἐσθηστισαφεῖσπροστουσδεδομουσ

στειχοντασερῆμονανάλσοσ

ὡσεχρονανθρωποισιναιτερημιαι
οταντεχρειανεισπεσωνοδοιποροσ

15 appa

ο
αγρουσερημουσκαιμ ε]νοικητουσϊδη
ο
απορνανἑρμήνευτοναποριανεχων

σπητράπηταικαιμεγαρτοδὶ Ἰσχερεσ

20 τοῦτεισβεβηκενάσμενοσδ᾽ εἰδονδομ[
τουσδ᾽ ενδιοσλιμῶνινεμεάδοσχθονΪ]
καισεειτεδουλητοισδ᾽ εφεστηκασδομῖ
εἰτουχιδουλονσωμεχουσερήσομαι
τίνοσταδανδρωνμὴλὸβὸσκαδωματί

25 φλειουντίασγησωξενηνομιζεται

υψιπυΐλ) [Ἰλβιαλυκουργουμελαθρακληζεταιταῖ

[σεξαπασησευρεθεισασωπια
κληδοῦχόσεστιτουπιχωριουδιοσ

ω
ap? [-Ἱντονλαβειν .Ἰρῖ. - . Ἱμανενκρί ο]σσοῖσυδωρ
30 [ερνιβαθεοι.Ἰινόϊ. . ωσχρησαιμεθα
στρατωνγαρυδατων͵ Ἰαματαουδιειπετῆ
στρατουδεπληθειπαντασυνταρασσεται
uyi™ [. . ἡνεσμολοντεσκαιχ[.Ἰονοσποιασαπο

εκτωνμυκηνωνΐ. «Ἱμεναργειοιγενΐ

35 [ριαδ υπερβαινοντεσεισαλληνχθονα
[- - ζατουπρί.Ἰθυσαιβουλομεσθαδανΐ ἵδαϊ.]
[-Juetof....].. [. . . ἡθαπροσκαδμουπυλασ

[ 19 letters Ἰυτυχωσγυναι -ειδηΐ
[ ne te) Ἰσουθεμι[. Jade
40 [ ΣΟ 5 Ἰαδαπί. . . κηνπατρασ
Fr. 3. [- «Joe... eee eee eee Jac Onpal
qal|\OUK]. . τ. ΠῚ Ἰαμφιαρῖ

52] | ZLURIPIDES) HYPSIPYLE

πελάτας ξείνους Δωρίδι πέπλων
ἐσθῆΐσ}τι σαφεῖς πρὸς τούσδε δόμους
στείχοντας ἐρῆμον ἀν᾽ ἄλσος ;

᾿Αμφιάρ(αος). ὡς ἐχθρὸν ἀνθρώποισιν αἵ 7 ἐ(κδ)ημίαι
ὅταν τε χρείαν εἰσπεσὼν ὁδοιπόρος
ἀγροὺς ἐρήμους καὶ μονοικήτους ἴδῃ
ἀ(φιλος) ἀνερμήνευτο(Ξ) ἀπορίαν ἔχων
ὅπῃ τράπηται: κἀμὲ γὰρ τὸ δ[υ]σχερὲς
τοῦτ᾽ εἰσβέβηκεν: ἄσμενος δ᾽ εἶδον δόμ[ους
τούσδ᾽ ἐν Διὸς λειμῶνι Νεμεάδος χθονός.
καὶ σ᾽, εἴτε δούλη τοῖσδ᾽ ἐφέστηκας δόμ[οις
εἴτ᾽ οὐχὶ δοῦλον σῶμ᾽ ἔχουσ᾽, ἐρήσομαι
τίνος τάδ᾽ ἀνδρῶν μηλοβοσκὰ δώματα
Φλειουντίας γῆς, ὦ ξένη, νομίζεται.

᾿γψιπύϊλ(ηλ] [ὄλβια Δυκούργου μέλαθρα κλήζεται τάϊδε,
[ὃ]. ἐξ ἁπάσης (αδρεθεὶς ᾿Ασωπία(ς)
κλῃδοῦχός ἐστι τοὐπιχωρίου Διός.

Apd(fapaos). [ῥ)υτὸν λαβεῖν [χἸρ[ἡ ζοιμ ἂν ἐν κρωσσοῖς ὕδωρ
[χ]έρνιβα θεοϊϊσ]ιν ὅϊδιον] ὡς χ(ελαίμεθα.
στίρβατῶν γὰρ ὑδάτων [ν]άματ᾽ οὐ διϊπετῆ,
στρατοῦ δὲ πλήθει πάντα συνταράσσεται.

“Ὑψιπίύλη). [rilves μολόντες καὶ χ[θ]ονὸς ποίας ἄπο:

᾿ (ἄμφ.)) ἐκ τῶν Μυκηνῶν [ἐσ]μὲν ‘Apyeior γένϊος,
[ὅρια δ᾽ ὑπερβαίνοντες εἰς ἄλλην χθόνα
ἰστρ]ατοῦ πρ[ο]θῦσαι βουλόμεσθα 4 αν[α]ϊδῶϊν.]
[ἡμεῖς [γὰρ ὡ]ρμ[ήμεσ]θα πρὸς Κάδμου πύλας,
[εἴ πως θεοὶ πέμποιεν εἸὐτυχῶς, γύναι. εἰ δή [
(Ty.) [τί δὲ στρατεύεσθ᾽, εἴ γε] σοῦ θέμις μ]αθεῖν ;
(Augd.) [κατάγειν θέλοντες φυγ]άδα ΠΙολυνίκην πάτρας.
(Ty.) [σὺ 8] ὠϊν τίς ἄλλων πημον]ὰς θηρᾷϊς λαβεῖν ;
(Aug.) mails] Οἰκ[λέους τοι μάντις] ᾿Αμφιάρίεως ἐγώ.

42 - THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ὠμεγαλί. .. . eee eee kakad
WOTO ON. 4 ρει ore Joa .[
Fr. 4 ite &
[- σε]
Ἰητοῦϊ
V ovopal
ἤλημῖ
5 tl
Fr. 1. Col. ν..
γυΐ
ὁσιαφί
εδεξί
ποθενμῖ
5 eynpord . |
εἰσηντισωΐ
ταυτηδιδωσί
θεοιθεωνγαὶ
πολυδωροσοῦϊ
το εἰπουθεασφυΐ
τουτουδεπαι
ΒΞ ΤΣ ἢ
Dae srg ihe ae Fr. 1. Coll. v.
Le - [ / epno|
zope ὃ am [
εἰσχρηΐ 30 ἐπ ᾿ουδυΐ
Χρηγαρῖ τῶ.
5 [ἡδοξαί ἜΝ

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 43

(Typ.) ὦ pey@rAfa..... eee eee Ἰια καὶ [2 -τ ὐυὄ -
(Apd.) πῶς δ᾽ of... .. 2... eee Joa .[
Fr. 4.

(Aug) [: -Ἰσεῖ

(Ty.) 7 τοῦ [

(Aud.) ὄνομα [τὸ σὸν viv καὶ γένος λέξον, γύναι.
(ὙΨ.) ἡ Δημίνία χθὼν ᾿γψιπύλην ἔθρεψέ με.

5 (Aug.) + [

Fr. 1. Col. v.

(Aug.) γυϊνή μ᾽ ἔπεισε...

(Ὑψ.) ὅσια φίρονοῦσ᾽ 7)...

(άμφ.) ἐδέξ[αθ᾽ ὅρμον...

(ὙΨ.) πόθεν pl 375
5 (Aud.) ἔγημ᾽ ὁ κλεινὸς Ἁρμονίαν Κάδμος ποτέ,

(ὙΨψ.) εἷς ἣν τις ὧϊν καὶ θεοὶ συνῆλθον εἰς γάμους.

(Aud.) ταύτῃ δίδωσιν ὅρμον Adpodirn καλόν.

(ὙΨ.) θεοὶ θεῶν γὰ[ρ παισὶν εὐμενεῖς ἀεί.

(Aud.) Πολύδωρος οὖϊν ἐκλήζεθ᾽ οὐξ αὐτῶν γόνος. 380
10 (Tw.) εἴ που θεᾶς φὺϊς θεῖ’ ἐδέξατ᾽, εἰκότως.

(άμφ.) τούτου δὲ mails ἦν Λάβδακος Ξ -- οὧΟ --

3c tt een Γ᾿

Pes. . : : ἢ Fer. (οἹ].ν.. : ; é
(A) [.Jee . [ (Ὑψ.) εἰρήσίεται
(B) ὃν καὶ of ἀμφ.) ἔξω γυΐναι
(A) εἰς χρηϊΐ (Ὑψ.) ὡς οὐ. 400
(B) χρὴ γὰρ [ 85 (Apg.) οὐ δυΐνα
5 (A) [Πδοξαι (Ty) εἶδ.
ee (App) [ox « [

44 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

arror
τισχρὶ
35 διδὶ
Fr. 6 ξ :
ἘΜῈ τς Ἰχερνίβαϊ
ΓΕ Ἰεσενί. .Ja . [
ef:

aba retaee ]. κασιΐ
ἘΞ τ Σ jaBof.| .[

ch, Merit Ἰσί.]ισουΐ
[Ὁ ὁ. Ἰαιδαΐ
[Ὁ Ἰσσί

ir. ἡ. :

τ - Ὁ» wf
ἘΞ ]Ἰ. πολυκαΐ
ἔξ: Ἰαισταχυωΐ
εν Ἰοσιζομενΐ

He Sea se Ἰδωτορεσει . [
Les ἣνε Ἰελ. [. . -JeBpl

1.5. 870: ᾿.

[- rcv}
πλευρῖ

᾿ αλᾶτευΐΪ
πατραϊ: es ----..«. ea

5 puyaol......--- ]
Pe we. < aysls) se 22. - evkanaEpel
yt ee JuerBo . evor

ιν Ὁ. ὦ νον.

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

(Υψ.) ἀλλοιΐ
(Aug.) τίς xpl
35 (Ty) diff

Ετ. 7 :
ese ae δ v4
Briotele fae ΤΣ ]. πολυκάϊρπων
erates Jat σταχύωϊν
[.. . . dploorgoper|

a ee a Ἰδώτορες a. [
[een he JeA . [. . -JeBol
Ετ5, 8,9...

[. ε]λευΐ

Πλευρίων

ἀλατευΐ

a | RR ES aE a kat

GUYER [Le oe wis ]

νυϊκτὸς δ᾽ ἐποίουν] ἐν κοίταισι παρ᾽ αὐλᾷ
ἔριδίας Ody ἀἹμειβόμενοι

’ ’ ᾽ 4
σιδίάρου τ᾽ εἰρ]εσίᾳ

405

46 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

σφ. lyal. . - λον

το κλισιασ. [. ἰνυκτερου
γενναιωνπ[ἡτερων
φί.]γαδεσδοριθυμονΐ. .}
φοιβουδ᾽ εν[Ἱπα[.1β[. .Τλευσενυχεὺ

ἡ γαϑραρεοῦ εχ ἣν
τεκναθηρσιν.] .. [:|αἱ
Orig) Pack ke ee ee Ἰομοΐ. . -]
συν Ἰαμπετασασ
le
Fr. 10. :
ποΐ. . . . . jor[
1. πουμαλα
Ἰπεγγυσουχιμαΐ
"υσσειναλλασοὶ
= τὰ γειὰ ἢ a
.Jeyo
τιθροεισ
ὡλομανΐ
ἔν Ἰσαΐ
ἘΠ ΤΙΣ Spies Fr, 12.
εεεῖ 41
εεεῖ pel. «Ἰθοσαδὶ
bal ουγᾳρεμμενΐ
χοὶ ἐς
5 PH υψιπυιωμοι.. [

5 [J.-L .-]- ἀεαΐ

eS ee eS

ee ae ee eee ee ee

ee ee νυ ee

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 47

σφαγᾷ [τε δῆϊλον
το κλισίας π[ερ]ὶ νυκτέρου

γενναίων πία͵τέρων

φ[υ]γάδες δορὶ θυμόν.

Φοίβου δ᾽ ἐν[οἸπὰϊς] β[ασ]ιλεὺς ἐνύχευ-

εἶν] Ἄδραστος ἔχων -
15 τέκνα θηρσὶν [ᾧ εὔξ]αι,

OE asar δ)όμοϊν. .]

ΠΡ ec wiwt era Aon de ] ἀμπετάσας

το, ; : : -
(Xo.) Tod... .jor[
ποῦ μάλ᾽;
᾿γψιπ(ύλη). ἐγγύς, οὐχὶ palkpav...
λε]ύσσειν ἀλλὰ ool

5 (Xo.) ἅλ)ικες, οἵας εἰρ.Ϊ
(Ty.) ol] ἐγώ:
(Xo.) τί θροεῖς ;
(Ty.) ὠλόμαν [
(Xo.) Pieuas es Ἰσαί
ir. ΤΊ, oon ie Fr, 12 STD vee
(Ty.) ἐὲ ἐξ (Xo. ἢ) φί
ἐὲ ἐ[ὲ μέζγε]θος αδὶ
(Xo. ?) δαί οὐ yap éuper|
xol Ὑ ψιπύλᾳη). ἰώ μοι. Ϊ
5 μὶ 5 (Xo. ?) [.].[...]. eeal

48 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

B14 Se ee ee Freitas ὦ Ge eee :
-[ Ἰαβί δῖ eer Ἰυμνα
= ] ἸἾπο ]
-[ ] ] ]
[ Jarov[ ] Ἰφατωνοΐ. bo

xX ηδη 5 Ἰφη ] 5 7
5 [ Tala ‘ao Jo’ .- [dp - [-]
7a | . —

Fe τῇ ᾽

Pr. io... Ξ 5 : ; Fr, 19 *.
κρηνηνδιαζΐ J-¢--[
δρακωνπαροικΐ Ἰδαγωΐ
[ὸργὼπαλέυσσαϊ oy

pol
πηλ[αἸκασέιων οὔφοβὶ :

5 ποιμενεσεπει.. ty erf.] - |
pe πανί. .Ἶδιαδρασαικαιρυὶ
Φ΄. ον ἡναικιπανταγιγνεῖ
[. . . σηκει᾿φυλακαδ' our]

19; 20; 21: : 5
og. - “Ἰταιγί

[ Ie
εστηκαμί.1π. {]. - el 1

902: EURIPIDES, AYPSIPYLE

Pr. 12. Ετ. 14.

Fr. 18. . :
(Typ. ἢ) κρήνην διαζ
δράκων πάροικος
[γ]Ἱοργωπὰ λεύσσαΪν
πήληκα σείων, οὗ φόβ[ῳ
5 ποιμένες ἐπεὶ σῖγ᾽ ενΪ.]. [
Jaa παν. (δια δρᾶσαι καὶ ῥυΐ
(Xo. 3) pled γυ]ναικὶ πάντα γίγνεται
[....]s ἥκει: φύλακα δ᾽ οὐ af

Frs. 20, 21. .

(Ὑψ.) ὦ φ|ίλτα]ται γυναῖκες, ὡς ἐπὶ ξυροῦ

ἕστηκα μ[.]π .Ϊ
Ε

ava|. Jef eww cupoBord] |

evedn|. - urd. - Τεχεισέ

φευγεινστ. [ωντωνΐ. .1δρί
Tay

τιδ [ποτ᾿ Πεξευρηκασεισαλκΐ

σι

παιδοσ
δεδο[.Ἰκαθ'. ΠἸατωοιαπεισομὶ
ὀυκουναπειροσγ᾽ ὡταλαινασὶ
ϊ--}
εγνωκακαγωτουτοκαιφυλαξ
A
10 ποιδητατρεψηιτισσεδὶ Ἰξεταιποῖ.Ἶσ
ποδεσκρινΪ.Ἰυσιτουτοκαΐ. “Ἱροθυμια

εν

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

φυλασί Ἰετα[.γηηδε]φρουΐ. .eouxuKroor

[-Πικα[.Ἰεωδητουτί .Ἰαλλ[Ἰπέρχομαι

σκοπειφιλασῖ. .|pTal. . συμβουλουσεχεισ

15 τιδειτιγευρί.Ἴεμῖ. . "]Τισεξαξε[ Ἱμεγησ
Ϊ 21 letters Ἰδουλουσαγειν
ΤΥ Ἱπεροῖ

Fr. 22.

[. «+ -|] ΣΟΡΟΙ
[. . βουταλεῖ
καιμηδιορὶ
χρονωδεβουΐ

ToT@vyuval|

σι

καιπαϊ.Ἴδατὶ

κανδιαριθμῖ

ηνδεξάμαϊ
IK? ye... ἡλεῖ
το ενσωφροσινΐὶ

ἸΚ τιταυτ ἡκομψί

Fr 24.

Fe-23.

τιφί. |o¢|
ae Kol
εκεί ap| |]

wma . |

τομΐ

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

ἀνάϊξι ἕξειν. of φόβοι δ᾽ ἴσχουσί με.
(Xo) εὔελπίι δ᾽ οὔτι [ῥῆμ᾽ ἔχεις εἰἰπεῖν φίλαις ;

5 (Ty.) φεύγειν: στί βίων τῶν δ᾽ ἴ)δρ[ις εἰ γὰρ ἢ μόνον.
(Xo.) τί δῆτά γ᾽ ἐξεύρηκας εἰς ἀλκ[ήν σ᾽ ἄγον;
(Ὑψ.) δέδο[κα θ[αν)άτῳ παιδὸς οἷα πείσομαι.

(Xo.) οὔκουν ἄπειρός γ᾽, ὦ τάλαινα, συμφορῶν.
(Ὑψ.) ἔγνωκα κἀγὼ τοῦτο καὶ φυλάξομαι.

10 (Xo.) ποῖ δῆτα τρέψῃ;; τίς σε δέξεται πόλις ;
(Ly.) πόδες κριν[ο]ῦσι τοῦτο κα[ὶ π]ροθυμία.

(Χο.) φυλάσϊ[σ]ετα[] γῆ φρουϊρίο]ισιν ἐν κύκλῳ.
(Lyp.) [ν]ικά[ς.1 ἐῶ δὴ τοῦτ[6] (γ᾽ ἀλλ’ [ἀἸπέρχομαι.
(Xo.) σκόπει, φίλας [γὰ]ρ τάϊσδε] συμβούλους ἔχεις.

15 (Ty.) τί δ᾽ εἴ τιν᾽ εὕρ[οἹιμ᾽ [doris ἐξάξει] με γῆς;

(Χο.) [οὐκ ἔστιν ὅστις βούλεται] δούλους ἄγειν.

[ 25 letters ]repof. .
REM ie Br, σας ib eevee
(Ty.) [... .]. crovof (A) τί φί[ὴ]ς εἶ
[- . Bou rade (B) ἐκεῖ dof
καὶ μὴ de ὀργῆς (A) ὦ πα. [
χρόνῳ δὲ Bor[r (B) τὸ yf
5 Τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν
καὶ πα[[δα τί
κἂν διαριθμίη ἘΠ Oger ons a
ἢν δ᾽ e€apalpr (4) δεῖ
Xo(pds). yevv[ai’ ere Eas (B) καὶ af
10 ἐν σώφροσιν [| (A) ὡς [δ]ὴ τί
Εὐρυδίκ(η). τί ταῦτ[α] κομψ[ὰ (Β) ὡς [. . .10

52 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Col. i. (οι. 11.
Fr. 25. ΒΕ aN a Ra
] ἘΝ ἘΝ ek
jaw c [ n nt
| at
Prog. πος
[—]
6 [.Jp - Bee 1 Ιου eee ee
καιχί. «Ἰνίβί Joerg|
cade]. εἸυλαΐ Jewo[
[.]- ητατηνι }gor|
6 αρετηνξενοῖ 1
δοκωδεταυΐ ee
qvpnobred[ 641
[TIA . [. . - -Jouxl
τ: 39]
ρου. PERSO: oa ke Pr Site
a.[ 1.1 Fi
Tol Tacd| οἷ
πὶ θανΐ =
i A τ Cee : Fr. 55. hia
Vel Jo[.] - - af-] - [
ISRO. See wt ee Ἰτολί Ἰελασθυρῶν . [|
Jjavv.a.[..]. sac. [ δὴ Ἰαδοσειργεῖ
Ἰνονεκτελειγλυκ]] Ἰςς τί τ᾿ αποι
5. Ἰριεχουσεναγκαλὶ = |oao|
|. σηδὶ

Ἰκέί. yparlfoloreno{

852. EURIPIDES,
(οι. i:

Pr 27... pr ee veers.
2 384 [εἶν ἢ pf 800
καὶ χ[ερ)νι β[
ἐῶ δεῖ. .]υλαί
[1 δῆτα τηνι
5 ἀρετὴν ἕενοΐ
δοκῶ δὲ ταυΐτ 805

ἣν μὴ σὺ πεισθῇς

Pr. 32... Pigs ae ah aha pe ie
(Ty) al

Javv.a.f..]. cao. |
Jvov ἐκτελεῖ γλυκ[ύν
5 πεϊριέχουσ᾽ ἐν ἀγκάλαις

Ἱκεί. .1. φίλας τέκν

AYPSIPYLE
Fr, 26.
σΪ
(B) if 700

Fr. 28.

Lk ee ae

πέλας θυρῶν . [
Jados εἰργεῖ
1. τί.7τ΄ ἀποιΐ
5 ἸΙσασί
Ἰ. ond]

Ἰω[.] . - αἰ[.] . [

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

54
Ἰηληματοῖ Ἰαιθοαϊ
Ἰειλογωνΐ Ἰοχηΐ
Ἰπαγκαλαισι Ἰκετί
10 Ἰσαπωλομί
Ἰκχερωννῖ

Firs. 94. 95 : : ; 5 : :
Ἰν

[
ΓΞ Σ wee τ Ἰτη[. . . . - . ἡποιναῖ
[ps προ soe AR ED. ἐσσί, ΜΙΝ 1. ove
[eet ove Ἰωμαιδωματωνΐ. .. . . .Jridaf
See ee Ἰτεξωδμωϊσητροφί. εν ἤκνου |
ἐν Oa Ἰδιδωσινουδεσωβάινϊ. . . μων
lege ates ce Stee ie Jop . [.. - Ἰπροῖ
ΠΕ CT Ra Sa
δή
Ἰων
Ἰκτανειν
Ἰζωνλαβειν
ΒΡ ΓΞ δ |

7 26.) ee oe

EE ine gi Fr. 38
Ἱκεῖ Ἰαρτί Ἰπει Ἰανσί
]. a JonrO . | Ἰεξίσαί Ἰοντατονδί
Ἰγαλλί Ἰιτωδῖ Ἰ.- sal Ἰοταῖ
ἸνοιουκΪ Ἰαστί Ἰσαί
5 bd Ἰτουσῖ ee

852.

κ]ηλήματοϊς
Jet λόγων [
ἐπ᾿ ἀγκάλαις t[
]s ἀπωλόμ[ην
ἐϊκ χερῶν νἱ

Frs. 34; 35:
NaS Aca ae ee J νων, δέσ]ποιν

— υ]οι κλῇθρ[] ὡς [...... ΤΊ.
— υἱωμαι δωμάτων |

ἈΞΖ
siete jel teil

[
5 [Y— vr ἔξω δμωὶς

ῆ

Ce re πε τς Jop . [- . - Ἰπροῖ
Ετ. 46. :
Ἰδι
|cov
] κτανεῖν
Ἰζων λαβεῖν
5 St) eae ae ]
A) on Pr geek is Ετ. 29 :
Ἱκε Ἰαρτί red,
Τ᾽. a JonrO . [ 1 ἐξισαΐ
Ἰγαλλί Ἰιτωδί Τ. τα!
Ἰν οἵου κί Ἰαστί yi
5 Wo 5 Ἰτουσὶ

EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

55
Jae Ooa[
Ἰοχηΐ

Ἰκετί

a [-

τροφ[ὸς τέ]κνου
-Ἰ δίδωσιν οὐδ᾽ ἔσω βαίνει δόμων.

. 40. bane
Ἰαν of
Jovra τονδί

Ἰοταί

Ἰσαί

56 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

A cet et BRAGS AS Ov is Pr Ag. a hiseR ee Fr. 44...

Ἰτυσινΐ 1. sof Jou Ἰτικτουσί
Jove, Ἰαργοσί Ἰοδ᾽ εἰ 1.{-.1..}
Ἰιτοῖ ica Ἰιστισί “᾿ς
Fr. 45 Fr. 46. Fr. 47 Fr. 48

Je - αλιταῖ kel ical Jum
Ἰφορί . δ΄
ert 5 Ww

ie (Os eee ees ESO R aa es Br Res, ΠΣ Fro 52.3

Ἰπερί iene | Jecrae . [ Jo

\¢pal Ἰακί Ἰαλακί ]

“ool jo «| y
(2 A: νέον Σ CS a al ae Fb goes Fr. 56.58

Fr. 57. Fr. 58. ὁ. :
[. «Ἰεοικεδεί Ἰαυραιθελομενἶ
[.Ἰεδιονυσόστί Ἰμύρνασκαπν]
[-Ἰαντοσεισεσῖ Ἰλάμ[ εΠ]᾿οισβρόμιοϊ. . eel
[-Ἰφεστηκ' ovd| Ἰαπόινασ :
ὦσί.1. δ 5 |]τεφιλαι

5 [.] . ἐδ τουτί

; θηκαφέ
omer Ἰθηκαφέρουσατριπεϊ

S52. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE
Ετ. 41. Fr. 42. Fr. 42. Fr. 44.
μάρτυσιν | 1. col Ἰισι 7 τικτουσὶ
jovi, | Apyos [ Joo” εἰ ΠΕ -
\erof 1Ὲ 5} Ἰιστισί es ποτ:
Fr. 45. Fr. 46. Fr. 47. Fr. 48.
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Τρ. . ἐδ ]- ανδῖ
]1ε. αλιταί eel
Ἰφορῖ ie

oo ae BE. Gos

Ἱπερί ἌΝ
Γ΄ apa Ἰακί

“oul Jo . [

Fr. π΄. Pe sa...

}n - [

Fr. 57. (Xo.) [. .] ἔοικε def
[Je Διόνυσός τίε
[Ἰαντος εἰσεσί
[[φέστηκ᾽ ovd|

Geol).
5 [.]. 08, odz[
τίς mor [

Jor}, Jas AL
μὸ Ἰυπιΐ

ἘΡΕ τ τ, Fr. 52. .

Ἰειται.. [ Jo
Ἰαλακί ]

Ἰχί ] ζασοΐ he Ἰει

Fr. 58. . : :
1085 ] αὔρᾳ θέλομεν [|
σ]μύρνας καπνὶ
θαλάμοις Βρόμιοϊί. .Ἱει
] ἀπ᾽’ οἴνας
5 re φίλαι
Ἰθηκα φέρουσα τριπεῖ

Fr. 60.

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

θαλαμοῖ
βάλλειυπί
ανάτ' a6
τίτοσῆμαϊ
βότρυσα..Ϊ
avadidal
peldeyal
order
veKTap|
λιβανουΐ

λ ταχανεΐ

“7 χαρινὰΐ
αντάγωϊ

ἡπότνιαθεωϊ

τὸν

"Ἰαοσάσκοϊ νον

“έριπρωτόγονοϊ

ενν Πρωσὅτενυϊ

Smee ale Ἰδητοτεί

Col

4 (Ὁ) lines lost.

5 ouTwdok|

οργηπρινορθῶσπραγμί
σιγασ'αμειβηδ' ουδενωΐ

ὡστουθανεινμενουνεκί. - - -

Ἰασπαραχειροσεδεῖ
Ἰσεσοικουσ
Ἰερον᾿ωσδ᾽ επεπώμ[
το Ἰπὰρισσόροδονχερινΐ
Ἴσωθεν

Ἰγ. 1.1

Fr. 59. ;
Jel
Ἰασἀμᾶσί
Ἰοκτῆμα .Ϊ

Ἰσουχιθιγὶ
5 Ἰνοικοισ [
JeEayeral
Ἰονγενοῖ
Jeter al
Ἱμενσα . [
το Ἰηχαρινΐ
Ἰιδ᾽ απομί

Plate TH:

rovdexTavetvToTeKvovoukopO|.}a5oK@

Ε
10 τουμοντιθηνημ᾽ Ὀνεπεμαισιναγκαλαισ

πληνουτεκουσαταλλαδ᾽ ὠσεμοντεκνον

Y
στεργουσαεφερονωφελημ᾽ εμοιμεϊ τα

$52. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

θαλαμοΐ 10go Jas παρὰ χειρὸς ἐδείξα
βάλλει ὑπὶ Ἰς ἐς οἴκους
ἀνά τ᾽ αἰθέρ Ἱερον: ὡς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐπώμιον
10 τί τὸ σῆμα | το κυϊπαρισσόρο(φ)γον χερὶ vl
βότρυς α.Ϊ ἔϊσωθεν
ἀναδίδαζσι 1095 Vetere a fect
pet δὲ γάϊλακτι
στάζει |
15 νέκταρ [
λιβάνου | Fr. 59.
τάχ᾽ ἂν εἶ 1100 1...1
χάριν al Jas ἁμᾶς Ϊ
ἀντάγαϊν τ]ὸ κτῆμα .Ϊ
20 στρ. ὦ] πότνια θεῶϊν Ἰς οὐχὶ Aryl
φ]άος ἄσκοπον [ 5 |v οἴκοις
alépt mpwroyoroly 1105 1 ἐξάγεταίι
ενν ἥρως ὅτε νὺξ Ἰον γένοϊς
SS ea 1 δὴ τότε [ 1 εἶπέ 7 af
ας Σ᾿ ] yevol Juev oa [
er τ ee 10 Ἶη χάριν
ΤΑΝ Neus ὯΝ ed” ἀπομί
>
Fr. 60. Col. i. Plate III.

(Ty)

3 lines lost.

Se ae πὶ

5 οὕτω δοκ[εῖς σὺ δὴ χαρίζεσθαι τυφλῇ

ΙΟ

, fel Ν ’ ~ ve = £ -
ὀργῇ πρὶν ὀρθῶς πραγμίάτων μαθεῖν ὁδόν.
lal ᾽ ’ ) Or μὴ Leal ;
σιγᾷς, ἀμείβῃ δ᾽ οὐδὲν aly κατηγορῶ ;
ε “ = >! “ id Sie i Pan] ,
ὡς τοῦ θανεῖν μὲν οὕνεκ᾽ [αἰτία y eyo,
~ X Lo Ν , ᾽ ᾽ ~ “-
τοῦ δὲ κτανεῖν τὸ τέκνον οὐκ ὀρθ]ῶ]ς δοκῶ,
SF τα Si 7 , a HEIN +3 ~ ᾽ ,
τοὐμὸν τιθήνημ᾽, ὃν ἐπ ἐμαῖσιν ἀγκάλαις
πλὴν οὐ τεκοῦσα τἄλλα (γ᾽) ὡς ἐμὸν τέκνον
᾽ >
στέργουσ᾽ ἔφερ(βγον, ὠφέλημ᾽ ἐμοὶ μέγα.

59.

THE -OXYRHYNCHUS PAP YRS

λεὺυ
ὡπρωρακαικαινονεξαλμησυδωρ

αργουσϊωπαιδεσδωσαπολλυμαικακὼσ
15 ὠὡμαντιπατροσοϊκλεουσθανουμεθα

αρηξοί. ΙἸλθεμημϊδησυπαιτιασ

αἰσχρασθανουσανδιασεγαρδιολλυμαι

δ θαυ δια δε ξαμουεναε, de Wee
σαφεστατανδεξαιτ᾽ ἀνῆδ᾽ εμωνκακων

20 ayeTe φιλωνγαρουδεναεισορωπελασ
ὑστισμεσωσεικεναδὶ.Ἰπηδεσθηναρα
ἐπισχεσωπεμπουσατί Ἰνδεεπισφαγαί ἢ
δομωνανασσατωγαρευτρεπεισΐδων
τουλευθερονσοιπροστιθημιτηφύσει

25 ὡπροσσεγονατωνϊκετισαμφιαρεωπιτνω
[Ἰαιπροσ[.Ἰενει. [. ησαπολλωνοστεχνήης
["Ἰαιἠρονγαρηκειστοισεμοισινενκάκοισ
[-υσαιμε'διαγαρσηναπολλυμαιχαριν
μελλωτεθνησκεινδεσμιανδεμ᾽ εἰσορασ

ι
30 προσσοισιγονασινητοθ᾽ ειπομηνξενουσ

ι σι ὃ
οσαΐ ι}1δεπραξεισό ι}}οσωνπρί Ἰδουσεμε
η
ονειδοσαργειοι[ οΠσινέλλησιντεσί οἱ]
σ

αλλωδιά. . νεμπυρωνλευσωντυχασ
δαναοισινΐ. . ετηνδεσυμφοραντεκνου
35 παρωνγαῖ. . Ἰθαφησιδεηδεέκουσιως
κτανεινμῖ. αιδακαπιβουλευσαιδομοισ
ειἰδωσαφειγμαιτηντυχηντ᾽ υπειδομην
τηνσηνᾶπεισητ᾽ εκπεπνευκοτοστεκνου
ηκ[.1δ᾽ αρηξωνσυμφοραισιταισισαισ
40 τομῖ Ἰνβιαιονουκεχων'τοδευσεβεσ
αἰ. . Πονγαρευμενεξεπιστασθαιπαθειν
δρασαιδεμηδενευπαθονταπροσσεθεν

πρωτονμενουνσονδειξονωξενηκαρα

(Apd.)

Soe. BURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

ὦ πρῷρα Kal λευκαῖνον ἐξ ἅλμης ὕδωρ
᾿Αργοῦς, ἰὼ παῖδ᾽ {ες} ὡς ἀπόλλυμαι κακῶς.
ὦ μάντι πατρὸς Οἰκλέους, θανούμεθα.
ἄρηξοϊν, ἔϊλθέ, μή μ᾽ ἴδῃς bw αἰτίας
αἰσχρᾶς θανοῦσαν, διὰ σὲ γὰρ διόλλυμαι.
ἔλθ᾽, οἶσθα γὰρ δὴ τἀμά, καὶ σὲ μάρτυρα
σαφέστατ(ο)ν δέξαιτ᾽ ἂν ἥδ᾽ ἐμῶν κακῶν.
ἄγετε, φίλων γὰρ οὐδέν᾽ εἰσορῶ πέλας
ὅστις με σώσει: κενὰ δ᾽ [ἐϊπῃδέσθην ἄρα.
ἐπίσχες, ὦ πέμπουσα [HWS ἐπὶ σφαγάϊς.,]
δόμων ἄνασσα" τῷ γὰρ εὐ(π)ρεπεῖ σ᾽ ἰδὼν

τοὐλεύθερόν σοι προστίθημι τῇ φύσει.

25 (ὙΨ.) ὦ πρός σε γονάτων ἱκέτις, Augidpew, πίτνω

(Au¢.)

[κ]αὶ πρὸς [γ]ενείοίν τ]ῆς (τ) Améddwvos τέχνης,
[κ]Ἰαιρὸν γὰρ ἥκεις τοῖς ἐμοῖσιν ἐν κακοῖς,
[ῥἸῦσαί με: διὰ γὰρ σὴν ἀπόλλυμαι χάριν.
μέλλω τε θνήσκειν, δεσμίαν (τ)ὴξ p εἰσορᾷς
πρὸς σοῖσι γόνασιν, ἣ τόθ᾽ εἱπόμην ξένοις"
ὅσια δὲ πράξεις ὅσιος dv πρἰο]δοὺς δέ με
ὄνειδος ᾿Αργείοισιν “Ελλησίν τ᾽ ἔσῃ.

ἀλλ᾽ ὦ Ot ἁϊγνῶ]ν ἐμπύρων λεύσσων τύχας
Δαναοῖσιν [εἰπ]Σ τῇ {ν}δε συμφορὰν τέκνου,
παρὼν γὰρ οἷσ]θα: φησὶ δ᾽ ἥδ᾽ ἑκουσίως
κτανεῖν ple π]αῖδα κἀπιβουλεῦσαι δόμοις.
εἰδὼς ἀφῖγμαι τὴν τύχην θ᾽ ὑπειδόμην

τὴν σὴν ἃ πείσῃ T ἐκπεπνευκότος τέκνου,
ἥκ[ω] δ᾽ ἀρήξων συμφοραῖσι ταῖσι σαῖς,

τὸ μ[ὲὴ]ν βίαιον οὐκ ἔχων, τὸ δ᾽ εὐσεβές.
alloxpliv γὰρ εὖ μὲν ἐξεπίστασθαι παθεῖν
δρᾶσαι δὲ μηδὲν εὖ παθόντα πρὸς σέθεν.

πρῶτον μὲν οὖν σὸν δεῖξον, ὦ ξένη, κάρα"

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

o Pp
σ᾿ οΠφονγαρομματουμονελληνωνλογος
πε
45 πολυσδιηκεικαιφυκουτωσγυναι

κοσμειντ᾽ εμαυτονκαιταδιαφερονθ᾽οραν
ὃ ε σ
επειτακουσοντουταχουσετουδανεἶ ο
σ
ειμενγαραλλοπαναμαρτανεινχρεῶν

ψυχηνδ᾽ εσανδροσηγυναικοσουκαλον

50 ὠξενεπροσαργειπλησια[ Ἰναιωνχθονα
παντωνδ᾽ akoove οἰδασεοῖ Ἰτασωφρονα
ουγαρποτ᾽ εἰστοδ᾽ ομμαεβλ[ψασπαρων
νυνδειτιβουλεικαικλυε[.Ἰνσεθενθελω
Kalo εκδιδασκεινουκαναξιοσγαρει

55 γυναιτοτησδετησταλαιπωρουκ[Ἶκον
αγριωσφερουσανσεηπιονθΐ. .. ... .. Jo
ουτηνδεμαλΙ .Ἰονητοτησ δ᾽. Ἰκησο. lov
αισχυνομαιδεφοιβονουδιεμπυρων
τεχνηνεπασκῶνψευδοσεῖ.Ἰιλεξομεν

60 ταυτηνεγῶξεπεισακρηναιονΐ. .|voo
δειξαιδιἀγνωνρευματωνΐ. . .. ... «ον ]

σ αργειονῶσ
στρατιαπροθυμᾳΐσωστιν.] .“v]j[.......- 38

Fr. 60. Col. ii. Plate ITI.
3(?) lines lost.

. παισμεῖ
εν Πασαμενῖ
[- «Ἰεισδεῖ
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[. .Jakovaocl
7 nkovTicea|
Katvivdpopl

ειἰλιξεναμφί
75 ἡμεισδεῖϊδοῖ

gy te να ep id

50 (Evp.)

55 (Aud¢.)

Fr. 60.

892. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

σῶφρον yap ὄμμα τοὐμὸν “Ἑλλήνων λόγος
πολὺς διήκει: καὶ πέφυχ᾽ οὕτως, γύναι,
κοσμεῖν T ἐμαυτὸν καὶ τὰ διαφέρονθ᾽ ὁρᾶν.
wv > » = , iN ay ay
ἔπειτ ἄκουσον, τοῦ τάχους δὲ τοῦδ᾽ ἄνες"
εἰς μὲν γὰρ ἄλλο πᾶν ἁμαρτάνειν χρεών,
ψυχὴν δ᾽ ἐς ἀνδρὸς ἢ γυναικὸς οὐ καλόν.
ὦ ξένε πρὸς Ἔάργει πλησία[ν] ναίων χθόνα,

πάντων {5} ἀκο(ύγουσ᾽ οἶδά σ᾽ ὄϊντα σώφρονα:

οὐ γάρ ποτ᾽ εἰς τόδ᾽ dup’ (ἂν) ἔβλζεψας παρών.

νῦν δ᾽ εἴ τι βούλ(ῃν, καὶ κλύε ἣν σέθεν θέλω
καί σ᾽ ἐκδιδάσκειν: οὐκ ἀνάξιος γὰρ εἶ,

- A ~ ~ 7 Q
γύναι, τὸ τῆσδε τῆς ταλαιπώρου κ[αἸκὸν
ἀγρίως φέρουσάν σ᾽ ἤπιον θ[έσθαι θέλω,
οὐ τήνδε μᾶλ[λ]ον ἢ τὸ τῆς δίκης ὁ[ρ]ῶν.
αἰσχύνομαι δὲ Φοῖβον οὗ δι’ ἐμπύρ[ω]ν
τέχνην ἐπασκῶίν!, ψεῦδος ei’ τῆι λέξομεν.
ταύτην ἐγὼ ᾿ξέπεισα κρηναῖον [γάνος
δείξαι δι’ ἁγνῶν ῥευμάτων [ὅπως λάβω

“- 4 ΕΙΣ 2 ~ ς ~
στρατιᾶς πρόθυμ'᾽, ᾿Αργεῖον ὡς διεκπερῶν

Col. ii. Plate ITI.

3 lines lost.

[- - . .] παῖς pel
[.. .Jaca μὲν [
[ἡμ]εῖς δὲ

[- . .Jae θέλ[οντες
ἰδρ!άκων aol
ἠκόντισ᾽ ἁΪ

καί νιν δρόμῳ
εἵλιξεν ἀμφὶ
ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἰδόϊντες

100

105

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

εγωδετόξευσϊ
αρχηγαρῆμινΐ

apyenol]» lore]
συτουχισαυτήϊΪ
ὀρνιθαδ᾽ αργειοῖ
καιμηστολὶ
addovx|
πολλοιδὶ
καδμουΐ
νοστουκυρησῖὶ
bra eneeor ah
ἐπταστρατηγὶ
ταμενγενομενΐ
ἀδαῦπαρὰινῶτί|
ἐφυμενουδεισοῖ
θαπτειντετεκΐ

αυτοιτεθνησκεῖ

ΘΕ ΠΡΡΕΣ
βιονθεριζειναΐ
καιτονμενειίΐ
στενειναπεῖ
ἀδεικοσαργοΐ
θαψαιδοσημὶ
αλλειστοναεῖ
το. ἷ. . Πισβρότεϊ
κλεινοσγαρεσὶ
αγωνάτ'᾽ αυτωΐ
στεφανουσδιδὶ
ζ(ηλωτοσεστί
evT@depe .Ϊ
μνησθησεταῖ
ἐπωνομασθηΐ

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105

$52. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἐτόξευσ᾽ [

ἀρχὴ γὰρ ἡμῖν [πημάτων πολλῶν θανὼν

? 2 2 "

Apyxépopos ἐΐστιν
, τ Σ᾽ ΩΝ ‘

σύ τ οὐχὶ σαυτὴϊν

ὄρνιθα δ᾽ ᾿Αργείοισι

καὶ μὴ στολί

ἀλλουχί

πολλοὶ δὶ

Κάδμου Ϊ

νύστου κυρησὶ

Ἄδραστος ἵξετἄρία πάτριον αὖ πέδον

ἑπτὰ στρατηγῶν ἐκσεσωσμένος μόνος.

τὰ μὲν γενόμενα δὴ σαφῶς ἐπίστασαι:

ἃ δ᾽ - a Ὁ. ἢ , »

ἃ 6 αὖ παραινῶ ταῦτά μοι δέξαι, γύναι.

ἔφυ μὲν οὐδεὶς ὅϊστις οὐ πονεῖ βροτῶν

θάπτειΐν) τε τέκνα χἄτερα κτᾶται νέα

αὐτό(ο) τε θνήσκεϊι: καὶ τάδ᾽ ἄχθονται βροτοὶ
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εἰς γῆν φέροντες [γῆν. ἀναγκαίως δ᾽ ἔχει
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ν᾽ x X > Χ x , 7 a a

καὶ τὸν μὲν εἶϊναι τὸν δὲ μή: τί ταῦτα δεῖ
, Lvs ~ Ν » “

στένειν ἅπεϊρ δεῖ κατὰ φύσιν διεκπερᾶν ;

ἃ δ᾽ εἰκὸς Apyol

θάψαι δὸς ἡμίϊν

ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸν ἀεί τοι χρόνον τοῖς πήμασιν

τοῖϊς σο]ῖς βρότεζιον ὠφελήσεται γένος.

κλεινὸς γὰρ ἔσίϊται τάφος ἐν ἀνθρώποις ὅδε,
ἀγῶνά 7 αὐτῷ [γυμνικὸν συστήσομεν
στεφάνους διδόντες τοῖς κρατοῦσι φυλλάδος.
Ἂς ΨΜ ᾽ > 7 7 7
ζηλωτὸς ἔσται δ᾽ ἀνδράσιν νίκη πάνυ.
ἐν τῷδε μὲν [
τοῖς i
μνησθήσεταϊζι δ᾽ ὡς
᾽ ἽΨ
ἐπωνομάσθη [

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

νεμέασκαταλσί
αναιτίαγάρ'τοισΐ
110 συνγαρκαλῶσοΐ
θήσεισεκαιπαιδ᾽
ὡπαιτομένσοιτί
[- -Ἰ)σσονὴ μὴν!
[-Ἰροστασφυσεισῖὶ
115 Καιτασδιαιτασταΐ
πὶ. .Ἰθῶδετοισμεῖ
TO... . . « .Jatotol

Fr. 61.

Ἰειποι
Ἰλο[]ριαζηλωκαί
Ἰθεκαρδιασεσῖὶ
Joo. Ἰχοισνεανι

5 Ἰλθομουπαρόνθ᾽ο. [
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᾿λλαδυστυχουνΐ
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10 Ἰάυσομαισεδω
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Ἰοφωδοιησχαΐ
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Pr, 64.

Be 69: 32a

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[5]
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852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 67

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110 σὺν γὰρ καλῷ σόϊν, ὦ γύναι, πάθος τέλει
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Pe. ότ.
(Trp. ?) Ἰειποι
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Ἰσδ᾽ [ἔϊχοις νεανιΐ
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Joos εἶ σύ μοι τερὶ
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Ετ, 62.

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| ἄνδρα κατέφυγεν [

Fe; 62...

aC era:
Ἰνητομο.
ΔἸ]ημνίαις ὅδε
Ἰξαιμεν ἂν
5 ] οὐ κωλύει
Ἰους μολεῖν
Ἰείας τινὸς
Ἰαυματα
lv πλάκα
ov dpalc
"oo

10 7":

ον ees

Ἰθειν ἐστιν εἰς ταῖ.]δε. [ὦ --

Ἰους ἀνέθεσαν: τὰς συνΐίω --

Ε 2

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

5 Ἰουκεχουσισυμμαχουσί
|oapprapewo'cwoai|

€
Ἰθισωσπερειν alloc .
Ja[.|Bave|
Fr. 64. Col. i.
26 lines lost.
|rov
ν :
5 lines lost. :
Jo as
4 lines lost. 52
Ἰδετε
4 lines lost. 56
Ἰαστων
|e
Fr, 64. Col. ii.
τέκνάταναμιανοδον
αναπ].Ἰλινετροχασεν
επιφόβονεπιτε
χάρινελίξασ'χρονω
δεξελαμψενευάμεροσ

apa” τηνμενπαρη Ἰῶνωγυναιφερηχαριν

“- Ith IA
εἐπειδεμοιπροθυμοσῆσθ᾽ ὑτ᾽ nvToTeE
απεδωκακαγώσοιπρόθυμαεσπαϊδε᾽ σώ

ου φΦφ τῆνδε
σώ( ε]]δεδησυτέκνα᾽σωδεμητέρα
Ε

καιχαιρετ᾽με[.]σδ᾽ ὡσπερορμημεσθαδὴ

στρατευμαϊ Ἰοντεσἠξομενθηβασεπι

ow. ευδαιμονοιησ'ἀξιοσγαρωξενε
ὕοι

evdatpovoina-OntaTwvoec@vKaKkov

ταλαιναμητερθεωντισωσαπληστοση

4 lines lost.
Ἰδωνίσι Opa
κιαισ
Ἴγγαιον οροσ
Ἰτησθρακησ

Jao
3 lines lost.
Ἰσῆν
Ἰν {πατῇ κατ

end of column.

82. \ KURLPIDES, HY¥PSIPYLE 69

5 1 οὐκ ἔχουσι συμμάχους
15 Apgidpews: σῶσαι [v --
1θις ὡσπερεὶ νεὼς . [
λ]α[μ]βάναϊ
Fr. 64. Col. f.
26 lines lost.
27 ]rov 1548 4 lines lost.
Ἱν 50 Ἠ]δωνίσι Opg-
KLAUS
lines lost. 51 Πάγγαιον ὄρος
Ἢ 5 is ya ] tis Θράκης
: 52 Ἰὰς 1573
4 lines lost. 3 lines lost.
39 Ἰδετε 1560 56 ἢς ἦν 1577
4 ee lost. b. «hr(o).
αστων
45 |s 1566
Fr. 64. Col. ii.
(Ty.) τέκνα T ἀνὰ μίαν ὁδὸν
ὃ ἀνάπ[αϊλιν ἐτρόχασεν 1580

60 ἐπὶ φόβον ἐπὶ {re}
χάριν ἑλίξας,
χρόνῳ δ᾽ ἐξέλαμψεν εὐάμερος.
᾿Αμφιάρ(αος). τὴν μὲν wap ἡϊμ]ῶν, ὦ γύναι, φέρῃ χάριν,
ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐμοὶ πρόθυμος ἦσθ' ὅτ᾽ ἠντό(μην) 1585
65 ἀπέδωκα κἀγὼ σοὶ πρόθυμ’ ἐς παῖδε σώ.
σῴζου δὲ δὴ σὺ {τέκνα} σφὼ δὲ τήνδε μητέρα,
καὶ χαίρεθ᾽. ἡμεῖς δ᾽, ὥσπερ ὡρμήμεσθα δή,
στράτευμ᾽ ἄϊγ]οντες ἥξομεν Θήβας ἐπί. '
οἱ Υψιπ(ύλης) εὐδαιμονοίης, ἄξιος γάρ, ὦ ξένε, 1590
bot. yo - εὐδαιμονοίης δῆτα: τῶν δὲ σῶν κακῶν,
τάλαινα μῆτερ, θεῶν τις ὡς ἄπληστος ἤ(ν).

8ο

100

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

iyi™ αἰαιφυγαστεμεθενᾶσεφυγον
ὠτεκνονειμάθοισλημνουποντιασ

eal

ὀτιπατεροσουκέτεμονπὸλϊονκαρα
ἢγάρσ' εταξανπατερασονκατακτανειν
τς φοβοσεχειμετωντοτεκακων ἴω
τεκναδιατεγοργάδεσενλεκτροισ
ἐκανονευνέτασ

{||

συδ᾽ εξέκλεψασπῶσπόδαὠώστεμηθανειν

β
ακτᾶσβαρυΐ δ]ρομουσ
Pee »»
ἰκόμανεπίτ᾽ οῳἰδμαθαλασσιονορνεεων
ἐρημονκόιταν
κακειθενηλθεσδευροπῶσ'τίνιστολω

ναυταικώπαισ
HOV
ναυπλιονεισλιμεναξενι[ ων πόρον
aya
>
αγόνμεδουλοσί Ἰνατ᾿ επεβασανωτεῖ Ἶνον
evOadn|| dn Πναιωνμελεονεμπολαν
οιἰμοικακωνσὼῶν

μηστέν᾽ επευτυχιαισιν
δ
αλλασυπῶσετράφησδτεδ᾽ εντινι

XELPLTEKVOVWT EKVOV

EVETT ενεπεματρισα
Re €
αργωμεκαιτονδ᾽ ηγαγεισκολχωνπολιν

, ~
απομαστίδιονγ εμῶνστερνων

σ
erred tal] :Πνεθανεμοσμητερπατηρ
Γ΄ ριμοικακωνλέγεισδακρυάτ᾽ ομμασιν
“ τεκνονεμοισδίδωσ
ορφευσμεκαιτονδ᾽ nyay εἰσθρακηστοπον
Γ΄ τίναπατεριποτεχαριναθλία[τιθεμενοσ ||
τιθεμενοσενεπεμοιτεκνον

κιθα
μοῦσάνμε κα] ρισασϊάδοσδιδασκεται

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

‘Lyin(brn). αἰαῖ φυγὰς {τὶ ἐμέθεν ἃς ἔφυγον,

ὦ τέκνον, εἰ μάθοις, Μήμνου ποντίας

πολιὸν ὅτι πατέρος οὐκ ἔτεμον κάρα.

4 ων tM < ~
75 (Εὔν.) 4 γάρ σ᾽ ἔταξαν πατέρα σὸν κατακτανεῖν ;

100

(Ty)

(Ev.
(Ty.)

(Εὖὔν.)
(TY)

(Εὖν.
(ὙΨ.)

(Εὔν.)

(Ty)
(Εὔν.)

(Ty.)

(Εὖν.
(Ὑψ.)

(Εὔν.)

φόβος ἔχει με τῶν τότε κακῶν' ἰὼ
Téxv(ov), οἷά τε Γοργάδες ἐν λέκτροις
ἔκανον εὐνέτας.

σὺ δ᾽ ἐξέκλεψας πῶς πόδ᾽ ὥστε μὴ θανεῖν ;
ἀκτὰς βαρυβρόμους ἱκόμαν
ἐπί 7 οἶδμα θαλάσσιον, ὀρν(ίθγων
ἐρῆμον κοίταν.

κἀκεῖθεν ἦλθες δεῦρο πῶς τίνι στόλῳ ;
ναῦται κώπαις

Ναύπλιον εἰς λιμένα ξενικὸν πόρον

ἄγαγόν με δουλοσύϊν]α τ᾽ ἐπέβασαν, ὦ τέϊκ]νον,

ἐνθάδ(ε Δα)ναίζδγων μέλεον ἐμπολάν.
οἴμοι κακῶν σῶν.
‘ A MO NE 3 ΄
μὴ στέν᾽ ἐπ᾽ εὐτυχίαισιν.
ἀλλὰ σὺ πῶς ἐτράφης ὅδε (7) ἐν τίνι
χειρί, τέκνον ὦ τέκνον ;

4 > ἂν ‘ A
ever EVETTE PATpPL OG.

Apyé pe καὶ τόνδ᾽ ἤγαγ᾽ ἐ{ι}ς (Iw)d(Kd)v πόλιν..

3 4 , ’ 3 ~ ,

ἀπομαστίδιόν γ᾽ ἐμῶν στέρνων.
᾿ 4 ᾽ ? 7 > 3 tA f ~ ,
ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ᾿Ιάσων ebay’ ἐμός, 'μῆτερ, πατήρ----

οἴμοι κακ(ὰ) λέγεις, δάκρυά τ' ὄμμασιν,

7 3 - ΄

τέκνον, ἐμοῖς δίδως.
3 - 4 v4 Ψ ᾽ 3 , /
Ορφεύς pe καὶ τόνδ᾽ ἤγαγ᾽ εἰς Opaxns τόπον.

τίνα πατέρι ποτὲ χάριν ἀθλίῳ

X@Pp ¢
?, 4 2 ?

τιθέμενος ; ἔνεπέ μοι, τέκνον.

μοῦσάν pe κιθάρ(α)ς ᾿Ασιάδος διδάσκεται,

1595

1600

1605

1610

1615

1620

72 THE .OXVRAYNCHUS: ΡΑΡΥΚΙ

a
τουτί Ἰνδ᾽ εσάρεωσυπλαεκοσμησενμῖ αἸχησ
ΤΠ διαιγάιουδετιναπορον
εμῖ. .Ἰετ᾽᾿ ακτᾶνλημνιαν
105 θοασὶ .Ἰομιζεισοσπατηρδυοιντεκνω
106 (a) Aya Ἰσέσί.Ἰστί.1ι
106 (b) Bat. Axl . ἡγεμηχαναισ

[peta 186{. . . «]όνων
fice Anes vane suse Ἰοσδοκιαβιοτᾶσί. .]
εν ον ee Ἰεματριπαϊδασῆ
[10 ΨΥ ὐπὸ a Ἰμοι
Kelle ὐφιε τι Haat eee Ἰντοσοινωπονβοτρυν
Fr. 64. Col. iti.
31 lines lost,
αἱ Ὁ
σΐ διονυ of
145 -[ ol
{ e[
155 |
αἱ ιὴ
[ af
150 of αἱ
Br 652.) 5? aE a OP δ ete ey
Juror Ἰ. avepal Ἰενπο. |
εἰποῖ Ἰσγονσον . [ Jac
+ Me ἰ Ἰκνιατηΐ Ἰοῖσ
σμονο oF
ee |v οιαετοῖ

5 Ἰαιδεδρακί 5 ἸΙφιλα

5 Ἰτοῦνέϊ

l€ar nKwd | Beene!

eed tee "--͵α
.

S92.) ΕΥΜΙΡΙΡΕΞ, HYPSIPYLE 73

τοῦτ[οἦν δ᾽ ἐς Ἄρεως ὅπλ᾽ ἐκόσμησεν μάχης.

(Ty-)

δι᾽ Αἰγαίου δὲ τίνα πόρον

ἐμ[όλ]ετ᾽ ἀκτὰν Anpviar ; 1625

105 (Εὔν.) Θόας [κ]ομίζει σὸς πάτηρ τέκνω δύζ(ο).
(ὙΨ.) ἦ γὰ[ρ] σέσ[ω]στία]ι ;

IIo Po ae

(96.) κεΐϊνου

Fr. 64.
31 lines lost.

Fr. 65. . Ξ
Ἰδυτοι

εἰποῖ
Ἰ. [νην
Ἰς μόνοϊ

] στρατεῖ.

5 Ἰτοῦ ve

Ἰξαθ’ ἥκω δ᾽

ΒαἰκἸχ[ίου] γε μηχαναῖς.

.. 166... όνων
AeA A pomp πρ]οσδοκία Boras
κεν hos tae ee Je ματρὶ παῖδας ἣ 1630
sa Mik ἀπ τ Τ μοι.
See ΩΣ ἘΌΝ τς Ἱντος οἰνωπὸν βότρυν
Col. iii.
of
1665 Διόνυσ(ος). of
σὶ
ἕ 1675
155 Of
uf
1670 x]
αἱ
Br, 66... Fr. 67 .
1. as ἐμὰς Jey πὸ «|
]rov σὸν . [ Jac
τέϊκν᾽ ἰατη[ρ Ἰοῖς
v οἵ ἑτοῖιμ (9) ]

᾽

Ἰν᾽
5 jae δεδρακί
] αἰσχρὰ γὰρ λέϊγ Τ.-

74 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Ἰαισαφωσί Ἰακα[[λ] λαλεγί
πε ἢ ;
Ἰταθυεινΐ
10 k.-[
id OC Meer Sea ya E69, othe τ ae Fr, 70.
“joo Ἰγανεῖ Ἰοπτολιν
yea je |eTuxato
Ἰάβηι Ἰνθεωνΐ ]
ju ]- ov Ἰτην
Ξ vou 5 Ἰλαγην 5 Ἰυγαδων
Ἰυ | Ἰφαοσ
Ἰνω. ]ε Ἰωζυγωι
Ἰκακον ee τ τὸ Ts
ja : Ἰ. [lov las
10 Ἰδαῴφρων i Io ἧΪμεν
ip Rage iced
Pee ἐν Ἰμονα
τοῖα, ἐαοτον Bae a oe ΝΣ ir. 78 a
μῆ i 1. {τ
κλί Ἰ. xpoper| Ἰαταπειΐ
pat Ἰειμοιπαιδῖ Ἰπτεινεῖ
τ rer γι
rig ee 5. Ἰλλωνδεῖ 5 Ἰσβροντί
Zs iN }. + Lal
7 jane Be
o-[ Ἰνδ᾽ απὶ ἘΩ͂Ν

᾿ς B52.

Jar σαφῶς [
νοΐ
ἔστιν αἱ

Ἰτα θύειν [

EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE

ja καλὰ λεγί

: Ετ. όρ..
“Jos Ἰγανεῖ
lua le
λ]άβῃ Ἰν θεῶν
Ἰυ Ἢ |. ον
vou 5 ἀλ]λαγήν
᾿ ]
vo: le
] κακόν 1 [Joy
Ια. {2
1δ᾽ ἄφρων ΠΈΡΙ
hn
ach ce. Ee pe hg
(A) μίϊ 3 9
(B) κλί 1. χρωμενῖ
(A) μηΐ Jee μοι παιδί
(Β) καὶ Ἰπας ἠλθεῖ
A) τισί ol
: ἢ δὶ 5 Ἶἴλλων δεῖ
(A) e W ἀπόδοϊ
(B) eel Ἰνδ᾽ an

Fr, 7o.
ἀπΊόπτολιν
Je τύχαις
Τὸν
Ἰτην.

τ φ]υγάδων
] φάος
lo ὠγῷ
].
lyns

10 ]yev.
] ἐμὰς
Ἰμονα

Fr. 73. . 2
]- ἘΠῚ
Ἰαταπειΐ
Ἱπτειν εἶ

ee a πρὶ
5 |s βροντί
1. [Pal

76 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYSI

oe Oia 2 Pape ahs ena DEGRA Seka te Tr, Gils pe
Ἰησεθι Ἰυνσοιθαϊ ἰχί
Ἱμέντεϊ Jvewp εἰ Ἰγμενῖ
Ἰωγυνα] Ἰσουσαδυΐ σσ.
Ἰσωσαι Ἰποτεκὶ κα.
5 oA ee 5 Ἰθανατί PSX
; 1. 5 Ἰειθεων

Τὴν τ τ τα ἀν ES δι ie, γ8.

1 .
] . all σοι] Jet . [
J Ἰιν
Ἰεμισ Ἰδαναϊ

eae 5 \egdtof
5 jacba

cS ον

Εν, 79. Fr. 80. Fr. 81. Fr. 82.
Ἰωσί Jao] Ἰνυνδὶ Ἰθεασρί J.a@..
Ἰργασηντί jour’a . [ rerpagl \xax . [
Ἰλιδασμι Ἰωξαν! Ἰδαθεων . [ 1. αδέτισί
Ἵταισί Ἰωστεσῖ 1.1 σιν Ire

F159: LC ϑ MaDe eae Fr. 85...

Ἱπεϊθὼ « | Ἱμενεή i
ἱκομιζεῖ Ἰστοσο .« | ] - εἰσε[.Ἰκ
ἣν σανθ ἰισκαμ.
IL Ten οἱ pile Ὁ oes

]- [lof

$52. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 77
Fr. 74. Fr. 75. Pes σός τοὺ:
1ησεθι Juv σοι θαΐν Ἰχί
Ἱμέν τε [ Ἰνειν μ᾽ εἰ Ἰγμενΐ
1 ὦ γύναϊι Ἰσουσα δυΐ Ἴσσ.
Ἰσῶσαι Ϊ Ἰποτεκί is
ν ἔχει
: τ Ἵ eee 5 je θεῶν
1.1
4 Be 77: . |g) ca 2 ee
3 ] 1.1
ES [ea jee [ὦν - [
Ε. ] jw
θ]έμις Ἰδαναΐ
7 χρὴ πέρας 5 jes διαὶ
5 Ἰασθαι ]
J lol
Pr 79. . Fr. 80. . Fran... Fr. 82, - Ἵ
Ἰωσί.]αδί ] νῦν δὶ Ἰθεας pf Τα
Ἰργα σὴν τὶ Jour’ ἀ.[ Ἰντετραφῖ ]kak . [
Ἰλιδας pul Ἰωξανΐ δα θεῶν. ]. αδέ τις [
Ἰπαισΐ Ἰωστεσί ]- [. Jou ]re
Fr. 83. πειθὼ. Pi 84. 2 Fr. 85. .
] κομιζεῖ Ἱμενει ΠῚ

Ἰ οὗ χρη - [

iz
js Kap. [
]- [6

evo. ||

Ἰστοσοΐ
15 ἀνθρίωπ

78 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Εν. 86... : : Pier ey ae Fri8o ee
|e Ἰνυχ - [ J. +4
jeer 4 ]
ἐν ἸΜ1 ο]]νπυρί μπῶ
JO[[ o-]}rore
Bs. SO.) Ge Fr. go. . : Fr.gt. Ὁ ΒΟΟΣ. ΝΣ
Joo J.» | eal ] - ἐσθ
| ] Ἰτιθῖ Ἰεξομί
Ἱμωσ Ἰυσ Ἰπόρευσϊ Wel
ἊΣ 1. οσ Js [kel Ἰκατᾳπαῖ
5 lus ]
Jevov
Fr. 93 Fr. 94 - ἘΟΣ τ ἐς Fr. 96
Ἰάυτηΐ J. -[ Ἰεδε arf
Με Ἰῦσπί Jorg Ἰ. αἱ
Ἰανπί Ἰαοσὶ jeer ]- φί
Ἰέλαϊ Ἰβακί J.-[ Ἰδεῖ
Fr. 97 Fr. 98. . : Fr. 99 Fr. 100
Re Al Ἰηδὶ Ἰμονΐ Ἰανε
αἱ ἸόνδἸ ] J
τί Ἰξαί ‘ral Jaze]
Fr. 101 Fr. 102 Ετ, 102... Fr. 104
ol Jowof Joka ]γανΐ
Ἰπροῖ Ἰαισ εὐ οἷ Ix ol lyal

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 79
Fr. 86. Pro d7. nn 5 eae
Js ux . [ oe
Jees Ἰνην πυρὶ ]
1θεν ποτέ ] πέρι
4 Ἐτ.80. . . Fr. at : Fr. οἱ. Fr. 92. ce δ
S Jos pew jeri ]. εσθί
] ] Ἰτιθ Ἱεξομῖ
7 Jews Ἰυς Ἰπόρευσϊὶ yg
ny 7. os ]- [- -Jeeeh Ἰκαταπαΐ
4 5 jus ] einem
4 Jevov ]
E Fr. 93 : Fr. 94. 1: See PEG 2H:
| τ]αύτηϊ 1.2} Ἰεδεί Ἰλατί
μι Ἱρσπὶ jor ( 1- αἱ
Ἰανπὶ Ἰαοσΐ Ἰειν ]- φί
18 Ἰέλαϊ. Ἰβακί ΠῚ δεῖ
ἘΠ᾿ θη... Fr. 98. me a Fr. 100 δ
P Al Indl orf Ἰανι
αἱ Ἰόνδ᾽ [ ] ]
τί Ἰξαΐ Ἴταί Ἰατεί
ΕἸ τοὶ... Ἐττοῦ, πὸ τς Pe, %09- | s, - % Fr. 104 ς
}o[ Ἰσινοῖ Ἰωκαΐ ]γανΐ
Ἰπροῖ Ἰαισ νυν .Ϊ Ἰχθοΐ ]γαΐ

80 THE OXVYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ΠΡ ΤΟΣ sist) Bt de OO. : A ip Pa Fe. 208) 2
Ἰτουτί τ Ἰε 1 Ἰέ
1. en Ἰκοισ Ἰπωΐ Ἰαρε
Fr. 109 Fr. 110. ; Eh reas & Fr. 112
ores Ἰουτεῖ Jo Ido «1
He ta... Fr, 114. Fr, 115. : Fr. 116
|dorf ] Ἰθοαΐ ‘

? .λί
γι ἘΠῚ 11
13 at

We append here the previously known fragments of the Aypszpyle; the numbers are
those of Nauck’s Fragmenta Tragicorum, 1889.

752. Aristoph. /rogs 1211-3 and Schol. ad Joc.:
Διόνυσος, ὃς θύρσοισι Kai νεβρῶν δοραῖς
Ν 2 - Ν ’
καθαπτὸς ἐν πεύκαισι Παρνασὸν κάτα
πηδᾷ χορεύων παρθένοις σὺν 4Δελφίσιν

The first three lines of the play, spoken by Hypsipyle, or, less probably, one of her
sons; cf. introd. p. 23.

753. Didymus in Macrob. Saé. 5. 18. 12:
δείξω μὲν ᾿Αργείοισιν ᾿Αχελῴου ῥόον

. Hypsipyle accedes to Amphiaraus’ request to show him ἃ spring. The line is to be
placed between Fr. 1. v. 35 and Fr. 6.

754. Plut. Mor. p. 93 D=p. 661 F:
ἕτερον ἐφ᾽ ἑτέρῳ αἰρόμενος
dypevp ἀνθέων ἡδομένᾳ ψυχᾷ
τὸ νήπιον ἄπληστον ἔχων
I. αἰρόμενος Ὁ. 93, ἰώμενος p. 661. 3. ἄχρηστον ἔχων Pp. 93, ἄπληστος ἐών p. 661.

This fragment, spoken by Hypsipyle and referring to Archemorus, probably belongs to
the lyrical portion of the scene between her and the chorus immediately after the accident ;

Sa2. EURIPIDES, AYPSIPYLE 81

Pre too τας Ἐξ ak Pr. 508. -
] he él
]xous Ἰπωΐ ape
Fr. 109 : Pr 11ο. Pie Fr. 111. Fr, 112.
γιοσει Ἰουτεί Τιν Ἰγτάο .Ϊ
Ετ. 112. - Ferra. Fr, 115. : BR. ττός--
Ἰδονΐ ay | 1 Θόαϊ ]

see introd. p. 25, and note on ΕἾ. το, in the neighbourhood of which it is to be placed.
Cf. Statius, Zheb. iv. 786 sqq. αὐ puer in gremio vernae, &c.
455. Aristoph. Frogs 1328 and Schol. ad loc. :

ἀνὰ τὸ δωδεκαμήχανον ἄντρον

This is usually supposed to refer to the lair of the δράκων (cf. Phoen. 1010 σηκὸν ἐς
μελαμβαθῆ δράκοντος), and if so is to be connected with No. 754 and Frs. ro sqq. δωδεκαμή-
xavoy, however, is a very strange epithet οἵ ἄντρον. There is another reading ἄστρον, which
has been taken to mean the sun or the moon; but this is also unsatisfactory.

456. Aristoph. /rogs 1322 and Schol. 1320:

περίβαλ᾽ ὦ τέκνον ὠλένας

Spoken by Hypsipyle and probably from the scene of recognition between her
and her sons (Fr. 64. i), rather than addressed to the child Archemorus in the early part

of the play.
757. = Fr. 60. 89-96.
458. Stob. Flor. το. 26:
κακοῖς Td κέρδος τῆς δίκης ὑπέρτερον

Probably to be attributed to Eurydice, who is accusing Hypsipyle of corruption ; cf.
Fr. 60. 35-6. The line will then come from the vicinity of Frs. 22-32.

759. = Fr. 60. 114-18.
G

82 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

460. Stob. Flor. 20. 31 and 20. 12:
ἔξω yap ὀργῆς πᾶς ἀνὴρ σοφώτερος

The speaker here is in all probability Hypsipyle, deprecating the anger of Eurydice ;
cf. Fr, 22. 3 καὶ μὴ δὲ ὀργῆς .«.. Hence this line is likely to come from the same scene as
No. 758 and Frs. 22-32.

761. Stob. Flor. 110. 16:
ἄελπτον οὐδέν, πάντα δ᾽ ἐλπίζειν χρεών
Presumably spoken either by Amphiaraus to Hypsipyle or by Hypsipyle herself
after her unexpected deliverance, and to be placed ἐστ between Fr. 60. 117
and Fr. 64. ii.
762. Eust. il. Ὁ. 959. 43:
εὔφημα καὶ σᾶ καὶ κατεσφραγισμένα

Valckenaer wished to emend εὔφημα to εὔσημα, and Hartung following Zirndorfer
supposes that the reference is to the σημεῖα by which the recognition of Euneos and Thoas
was effected. Wilamowitz would retain εὔφημα, supposing a reference to some secret which
was to be preserved by silence ; but the context cannot be recovered.

763. Aristoph. /rogs 64 and Schol. ad loc.:
ἢ ἑτέρᾳ φράσω;
The words give no indication of their context. Bothe supposed that the scholiast’s

remark ἔστι δὲ τὸ ἡμιστίχιον ἐξ Ὑψιπύλης referred to the first half of the line, dp’ ἐκδιδάσκω
τὸ σαφές.

764. Galenus, vol. 18, I p. 519:
ἰδού, πρὸς aidép’ ἐξαμίλλησαι κόρας
γραπτούς (τ᾽ ἐν αἰετ)οῖσι πρόσβλε(ψν)ον τύπους
1. κόραι MSS., κόρας Hermann, κόραις Musgrave. 2. οἷσι πρόσβλεπον MSS., ἐν αἰετοῖσι

προσβλέπειν Valckenaer, Dzatr. p. 214 (the passage being quoted in connexion with ἀέτωμα
or ἀετός), τ᾽. . . πρόσβλεψον Nauck.

The teference in these lines is obscure; possibly they occurred in the conversation of
Euneos and Thoas on their arrival outside the palace; cf. introd. p. 23, and Fr. 1.
i. I-3, note.

765. a frogs 1320 and Schol. ad loc. :
οἰνάνθα τρέφει τὸν ἱερὸν βότρυν

τρέφει RV, φέρει other MSS., οἰνάντας τε τρέφει Tzetzes.

This is connected by Welcker (Gr. Ζγαρ. ii. p. 559) with the χρυσῆ ἄμπελος referred to
in the Scholium on Anth. Pal. iii. τὸ (introd. p. 28) as the symbol by which Euneos and
Thoas established their identity. But the words might well come from a choral ode ον as
those to which ΕἾ: 7 and 57-9 belong; ef: also Fr. 64. 111.

δῦ. LURLFIDES, HYPSIPYLE 83

466. Hesychius 1, p. 320:
᾿ avadpopat

Hesych. gives as synonyms αὐξήσεις, βλαστήσει. An ode such as that in Frs. 57-9
would be a likely place for the word to occur.

767. Harpocration, 5. V. ἀρκτεῦσαι :
ἄρκτος
Harp. says ὅτι δὲ αἱ ἀρκτευόμεναι παρθένοι ἄρκτοι καλοῦνται, Εὐριπίδης Ὑψιπύλῃ, ᾿Αριστοφάνης
Λημνίαις καὶ Λυσιστράτῃ. These so-called ἄρκτοι were devoted to the cult of Artemis
Brauronia, who was associated with Lemnian legend through the story told by Hdt. vi. 138

of the rape of Athenian women from Brauron, At what point an allusion to them came in
the Hypszpyle is quite obscure.

468. = Fr, 1. iv. 15?

469. Cf. Fr. 1. ii. 7 and introd. p. 24.
δ. = Fr. 1. ii..13?

862. (fab. inc.) Bekker, Azecd. p. 362:

δράκοντος αἱματωπὸν ὄμμα

Cf. Fr, 60. 71-2, note.
Lydus, de mensibus iv. 7. p. 72, ed. Wiinsch:
ὦ θνητὰ παραφρονήματ᾽ ἀνθρώπων, μάτην
οἵ φασιν εἶναι τὴν τύχην ἀλλ᾽ οὐ θεούς"
εἰ γὰρ τύχη μὲν ἔστιν, οὐδὲν δεῖ θεοῦ,
> ? ε Ν OX ς 2
εἰ δ᾽ οἱ θεοὶ σθένουσιν, οὐδὲν ἡ τύχη.

Our attention was drawn by Wilamowitz to this citation, which is given with the name
of the poet and play. The two last lines appear in the form εἰ μὲν θεοὶ σθένουσιν οὐκ ἔστιν
τύχη" εἰ δ᾽ οὐ σθένουσιν οὐδέν ἐστιν ἡ Τύχη in Floril. Monac. 108 (cf. Schol, Lucian, p. 171), and
so stand in Nauck, Fr. adesp. 169 ; W—M would read θεῶν for θεοῦ in 1.3. The lines are
likely to have occurred towards the end of the play, after Fr. 60.

Fr. 1. i. 2-11. Aypsipyle. ‘... toys to soothe thy mind from lamentation. Wasit you,
young sirs, who knocked at the gates? Oh happy woman your mother, whoe’er she was,
What do ye come seeking from these halls?

Thoas. We desire to be taken within the house, woman, if it be possible for us to rest
here a single night. We have with us all we need: wherein should we be any trouble to
these halls? Thy duties will be undisturbed.

Hyps. It chances that the house is left without a man to rule it...’

1-3. Hypsipyle is apparently quieting the child, which had been crying, before addressing
the strangers; possibly their appearance was the cause of the child’s alarm. In]. 3 some

84 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

alteration of σων seems almost necessary, and ods, which W(ilamowitz)—M (dllendorff) suggests,
is a simple remedy ; τῶν would be easier than σῶν. The remains of the two preceding verses
give little clue to their sense ; at the end of |. 1 the letter before os had a curved base, and
may be ε, o, 7, Or v. γραΐ suggests Nauck Fr. 764. 2 γραπτούς (τ᾽ ἐν αἰετ)οῖσι πρόσβλεζψ)ον
τύπους, but the difference of termination seems to preclude any identification with that verse ;
αεἾτοις could not be read, and to suppose that τυποις was written for τύπους is too bold. In
]. 2 the doubtful 7 may be eo or ww.

4. The accents of ἐκρουσατ and veana{: are wrongly placed.

ἡ. Θόας: this was the name of the second son of Jason and Hypsipyle according also
to Schol. Pind. Wem. Argum2, Myth. Vat. τ. 133, 2. 141, Anth. Pal. iii. το, and Statius,
Theb. vi. 342; Apollod. i. 9. 17 calls him Nebrophonus, Hyginus, c. 17, Deipylus.

[é}{rés ἀϊχθῆναι is due to Murray.

8. ἐν αυλίσ]αι (Murray) suits the scanty traces sufficiently well, and is more euphonious
after the preceding ἀϊχθῆναι than another passive infinitive such as δεχθῆναι, ἐναυλίζειν Occurs
in Soph. PAzl. 33.

9. The reading of the latter half of the line is doubtful. τ after de: is only fairly
satisfactory, and κ or ν might well be substituted ; [τε] hardly fills the lacuna after πο, but the
scribe’s spacing is irregular, and e especially sometimes occupies a good deal of room.

11. [ἀδέσῆποτος μ[ὲν olfe[o|s (Bury) suits the papyrus decidedly better than [ἀπρόσἤτατος
μὲν olix{o|s (W—M).

Fr. 2. 1. The gap between this and the preceding fragment is evidently very slight,
and Fr. 2. 1 may well be the next line to Fr. 1.i. 11. It is indeed just possible that the
two lines should be combined into one, reading [d8|foworos «.r.A., but the vestiges in
Fr. 2. 1 though scanty are not in favour of σι The purport of the passage clearly
is that Lycurgus the king was away (cf. introd. p. 23), and that in his absence the queen
Eurydice was at the head of affairs. :

4 344. The remains of these verses suggest that the sense οἵ Thoas’s remark was
‘ Then we cannot find quarters here but must seek them elsewhere?’ to which Hypsipyle
replied, ‘By no means; strangers are always made welcome here.’ LI. 4-5 may accordingly
be restored e.g. οὐκ ἐν ξεζνῶσι τοῖσδ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἀναπαυσαίμεθ' ἄν, πρὸς δ᾽ ἄϊλλλο δή τι δῶμ᾽ ἀφορμᾶσθαι
χρεών ; cf. for the latter line Herc. 2. 1286 ἐς ἄλλην δή rw’ ὁρμήσω πόλιν ; Alc. 1040 εἴ του πρὸς
ἄλλου δώμαθ᾽ ὡρμήθης ξένου, and, for the reply of Hypsipyle in Il. 6-9, Alc. 566-7 τἀμὰ δ᾽ οὐκ

ἐπίσταται μέλαθρ᾽ ἀπωθεῖν οὐδ᾽ ἀτιμάζειν ξένους.

Fr. 1. ii. 1-14. Hypsipyle is singing to the child Archemorus ; cf. introd. p. 23. The
metrical identity between Il. g—14 here and ll. 11-7 in Col. iii, makes natural the supposition
that the preceding verses of these two sets of lyrics were in strophic correspondence, though
as they stand in the papyrus they do not at first sight appear to be so. But,as W—M points
out to us, a sufficient correspondence can be obtained in Il. 5-8 with very slight manipulation,
the verses being glyconics, in which a free responsion is permissible. Between ll. 8 and 9
the loss of a verse, answering to iii. 10 Θρῇσσ᾽ ἐβόα κάθαρις "Oppéws, is marked by the marginal
ἄν(ω) ; cf, note on Il, 8-10. By writing ποταμοῖο for ποταμοῦ in iii. 6, and in the following
verse omitting the v ἐφελκυστικόν in ἐτέκνωσεν and transposing the first syllable of Πηλέα, the
following correspondence is obtained :—

ii. ΠΡ = Ξ -Ἰππωυ - (3rd glyc. = ill. 6. v-—-— wu (2nd glyc.)
— ΞΊ -- -- - vw — (3rd glyc.) uy —— ve --ὀ — (“πᾶ glyc.)
— — — υυὐ — — (pherecr.) — vu — vv —— (pherecr.)

Oath O10) © a ©] © -- (3rd glyc.) yyy vyeyY -πὶ͵ ὺ - (2nd glyc.)

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 85

Owing to the imperfect text it is hazardous to attempt to extend this process to the
preceding lines ; but it seems likely that in Col. iii. 3-5 the scribe’s division is at fault, and
that the glyconic—pherecratic measure should be restored by writing o[UJuevns dpot|oas ἐπ᾽
οἶδμα yadaveilas πρυμνήσι᾽ ἀνάψαι. Similarly in Col. ii. 4 the second syllable of αὐγάν very
likely belongs to the following verse ; in ]. 3 there seems to be a more serious dislocation or
corruption.

3. Perhaps ὑπάρχον, but the vestiges are too slight to give any confirmation.

4. λευκ)οφαῆ: cf. 7. A. 1054 λευκοφαῆ ψάμαθον; but this is only one of several
possibilities.

8-14. Hyps. ‘Lo this rattle’s sound! (. . .) No Lemnian strain as solace for the
shuttle or for the comb pressed within the web, O Muse, is this which I have to utter, but
whatever befits a young child, for his slumber or amusement or meet tending, of this I make
my song’ (i.e. I sing for the benefit of my nursling, not to beguile labour at the loom).

8-10. For κροτάλων cf. Aristophanes, Frogs 1305-6, and the other references given in
introd. p. 24. frogs 1313-6 ai θ᾽ ὑπωρύφιοι κατὰ γωνίας εἰειειειλίσσετε δακτύλοις φάλαγγες
ἱστότονα πηνίσματα κερκίδος ἀοιδοῦ μελέτας was perhaps intended to be a parody on Il. 9-11, and
ἱστοτόνου here strongly supports ἱστότονα in the Aristophanes passage where the Ravennas
alone has ἱστόπονα, the reading preferred by recent editors.

ao), written in a probably different hand at the end of 1. 8, and the critical signs in
front of I]. 8-9 refer to an insertion in the lost upper margin supplying a textual omission
which is also indicated by the metre; cf. note on Il. 1-14. Cf. also Fr. 64. 57, where κάτ(ω)
occurs in a similar position, and 228. 125, 700. 27.

11. W-M suggests καλεῖ for μέλει, but, as Mr. E. C. Marchant observes, this is
unnecessary if Μοῦσα be taken as a vocative. Aeyev has been altered (perhaps by the first
hand) to xpexew; cf. ]. 26, where Λημνου has replaced νησου. Murray remarks that these
variations recall the double readings which are found in the Laurentian MS. in several of
Euripides’ plays, the Jon, 7. A., J. T., and Rhesus, and which perhaps descended from the
edition of Aristophanes of Byzantium ; cf. Wilamowitz, Heracles, I. pp. 147 sqq., 214 Sq.

13. νεαρῷ: perhaps this is the passage referred to in Bekker, Antiatt. p. 109. 15 (= Nauck
Fr. 770) νεαρός" ἀντὶ τοῦ νέος" Ἑὐριπίδης Ὑψιπύλῃ.

14. τάδε: this construction ad sensum of a plural substantive with a singular relative
having a collective sense is common from Homer downwards. A good parallel to the
present passage is Soph. Az. 707 ὅστις yap αὐτὸς ἢ φρονεῖν μόνος δοκεῖ, ἢ γλῶσσαν, ἣν οὐκ ἄλλος,
ἢ ψυχὴν ἔχειν, οὗτοι διαπτυχθέντες ὥφθησαν κενοί.

15-37. Chorus. ‘Why art thou, dear one, at the vestibule? Art thou sweeping the
palace-entrance or sprinkling water-drops upon the ground in servile wise, or art thou
hymning the fifty-oared Argo which is ever on thy lips or the sacred fleece of gold
guarded upon oaken branches by a dragon’s eye? Are thy thoughts with sea-girt Lemnos,
echoing to the rolling billows of the Aegean, now, when hither up Nemea’s meads in brazen
panoply fleet Adrastus having passed the plain of Argos is bringing swift war against the
lyre-built wall, the work of Amphion’s hand? He has summoned the might (of Hellas) with
divers scutcheons and gilded bows...’

15 544. As with the lyrics of Hypsipyle (cf. note on ii. 1-14), so too in the two choral
odes, strophic responsion was naturally observed, and ii, 15 sqq. = iii. 18 sqq., the metre
being as before to a large extent glyconic, and the correspondence of a free character.
A greater licence in the use of the polyschematic glyconic verse, as was remarked by
G. Hermann, Elem. doctr. metr., is a characteristic of Euripides’ later period. Hypsipyle’s

86 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

third song, of which the conclusion remains at the top of Col. iv, served as an epode ; the
general scheme thus is a Ba B y.

17. σαίρεις : cf. e.g. Hec. 363-4 caipew τε δῶμα κερκίσιν + ἐφεστάναι λυπρὰν ἄγουσαν
ἡμέραν μ᾽ ἀναγκάσει. The accent on ἡ is erroneous; cf. i. 4, note.

18. οἷά re: so again Fr. 64. 77; cf. Homer, y 73, Hdt. ii. 175.

19 sqq. Cf. Statius, Ζεῦ, v. 615-6 guotiens tibt Lemnon οἱ Argo sueta logui et longa
somnum suadere querela.

21. πεντηκόντορος is the usual Attic spelling; -epos was an Ionic form, and appears in
Hdt. Cf. Apollod, i. 9. 16 κἀκεῖνος (sc. Argus) ᾿Αθηνᾶς ὑποθεμένης πεντηκόντορον ναῦν κατεσκεύασε
τὴν προσαγορευθεῖσαν .. . ᾿Αργώ.

22. χρυσεόμαλλον : cf, Hl, 724-5 xpvoeduaddov . .. ποίμναν and Apollod. i. 9. 16
χρυσόμαλλον δέρας.

28. κυμοτύπος though unattested is quite a possible word, but κυμοκτύπος (Simmias ap.
Hephaest. p. 74 Gaisf. κυμοκτύπων ἤραν᾽ ἁλίων μυχῶν) is required by the metre.

29. δεῦρ’ ὅτ᾽ (Murray) seems preferable to δεῦρο (δ᾽), bringing out more clearly the
connexion of thought; ‘ Are you still harping,’ the chorus asks, ‘on the old themes when
events of such importance are passing at our doors?’ A comma-like mark just below the
a Of λειμωνα Seems to be meaningless.

30. amayet is not a quite satisfactory reading. The π is represented only by the second
of the two uprights, which is drawn so long as to be more like p or v with a space for an
intervening letter after the a; there would also be room for a narrow letter between y and et.
But we can find no suitable alternative to ἀπάγει, and ἃ π᾿ of just this shape occurs in the
next column in 1]. 20 πατριους ; cf. also mas in]. 21. The verse can be easily reduced to
a third glyconic and brought into harmony with the remains of iii. 15 by reading χαλκέοισιν
for χαλκείοις, Murray suggests αἰ ὐ]ρ᾽ ἄγει, with 6. g. κτύπον after Neuer ov in 1, 29 (cf. Or. 181
κτύπον ἠγάγετ᾽) and παϊτούντων in 1]. 31 instead of malpeis. But something of the base of a uv
would be expected to be visible between a and p, and a mixture of dochmiacs (-ov κτύπον
k.t.A.) with glyconics does not seem very probable in a choral ode.

. 31. παρείς (W-M) suits the sense, and to a sufficient extent also the metre, though the
corresponding line (iii. 34) is catalectic. Part of the tail of the p would indeed be expected
to be visible, but the scribe does not always make.that letter very long (cf. 6. g. ἐρυμα in the
next line), and it is not quite clear how far the accent on ε of epupa extends, i. 6. the upper
extremity of it might belong to ἃ ρ of the line above.

32-3. The wall raised by the lyre of Amphion is of course Thebes. Cf. Phoen. 823-4
φόρμιγγί τε τείχεα Θήβας τᾶς ᾿Αμφιονίας τε λύρας ὕπο πύργος ἀνέστα.

34. ἀἰκυ]πόδας ( = ὠκυπόδης: cf. Anth. Pal. v. 223, ix. 371) is due to W-M. ΤῈ 15
noticeable that ὠκύπορος occurs in the corresponding verse of the antistrophe (1. 37). The
supplement at the end of the line aims at reproducing the metre of iii. 37, but is of course
highly conjectural ; for ἀπάγει... ΓΑρη cf. Phoen. 1123-4 πύλαις "Apyn προσῆγε, 1. A. 283-4
λευκήρετμον δ᾽ ἤΑρη Τάφιον ἦγεν. Αἰ δρ]ασ[τοῆς is very doubtfully read, but his name can hardly
be spared in this line, and the initial a is fairly certain.

35. ἐκάλεσε μένος, as Wilamowitz suggests, is more apposite than καλεσόμενοϊ ς since the
army was already on the march, and it would be more natural to describe the result than
the process of Adrastus’ preparations. The scanty vestiges between o and p are consistent
with either o or e, though an e must have been written rather small.

36. Apparently oveuara was originally written, the v being afterwards crossed through,
but not the e; possibly, however, the second letter is a deleted « or y, and the cross-bar of
the supposed ε represents the stroke of deletion. Above the line is an a, and σάματα
(σήματα) would be a natural word in this context; cf. ZV. 455-6 ἀσπίδος ἐν κύκλῳ τοιάδε
σήματα, 7. A. 275 πρύμνας σῆμα ταυρόπου. W-M, however, would prefer σάγματα (cf. Andr.

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 87

617 κάλλιστα τεύχη δ᾽ ἐν καλοῖσι σάγμασιν), and it is indeed possible that an overwritten y
followed the a, for the papyrus is rubbed here.
᾿ 27. The accentuation of τόξά re is in accordance with the rules of ancient grammarians ;
cf, Fr. 64. ii. 1, 841. V. 44 ἔνθά pe and note ad loc.
38. μονοβάμονεϊς : the only other instance of this word is Anth. Pal. xv. 27, where it is
applied to μέτρον in the sense of having only one foot. Cf. τετραβάμων, ΕἾ. 476, &c.

iii. 3-17. Hyps. ‘... speeding over the waves in the calm to make fast the cables,
him whom the river-maiden Aegina bore, even Peleus ; and by the mast amidships Orpheus’
Thracian lyre of Asia sounded a dirge of invocation, playing a measure for the rowers of
the long-shafted oars, now a swift stroke, now easying the blade of pine. This, this my soul
longs to celebrate : let others hymn the toils of the Danai.’

3-5. In its present condition this is an obscure passage. On the question of the
metre cf, note on ii. I-14.

6-7. ποταμοῖο and ἐτέκνωσε Πηλέα are changes made on metrical grounds; cf. note on
ii. 1-14. Peleus is introduced here as one of the Argonauts ; cf. Apollod. i. 9. 16; but
according to the usual mythology he was the son of Aeacus, and grandson, not son, of
Aegina. The ‘river’ of course is Asopus.

8. το. Cf. Statius, Zheb. v. 342 sqq. vox media de puppe venit . . . Ocagrius illic acclinis
malo medtis intersonat Orpheus remigits. ἔλεγον is a certain emendation of W-M. The
termination has been altered in the papyrus, but what was first written is doubtful ; possibly
it was actually ἐλεγον, with a very small οθ. The combination of ᾿Ασιάς and Θρῇσσα as
epithets of κίθαρις is harsh but excusable on account of the frequency of the conjunction
‘Asian lyre’; cf. Fr. 64. τοι, Cyclops 443, &c. Orpheus is enumerated among the
Argonauts by Pindar, Py/h. iv. 315, and according to later mythographers his musical art
had much to do with the success of the expedition. Cf. Fr. 64. 98.

τι 544. We rearrange the division of the verses so as to correspond to that
of ii. 9 544.

11. μακροπόλος is not found elsewhere, but may perhaps be defended here on the
analogy of the Homeric ἐν ἀκροπόλοισιν ὄρεσσιν E 523, T 205. W-M’s suggestion to read
μακροπόδων (though that word too lacks classical support) is, however, very attractive ; cf. 6. g-
Timotheus, Persae 101-2, where ὀρείους πόδας ναός is a Synonym for oars.

y1-2. Cf. J. TZ. 1125 564. συρίζων θ᾽ ὁ κηροδέτας κάλαμος οὐρείου Πανὸς κώπαις ἐπιθωύξει.

1g. ὑδεῖν W-M: the earliest examples of this verb are in Alexandrian poets, but the
ineptness of ἰδεῖν and the parallelism of ἀναβοάτω make the correction practically certain
here; cf. also ii. 19-21.

18-32. Chorus. ‘From wise men have I heard the tale how of old the Tyrian maid
Europa left the city and Phoenician home of her fathers, and journeyed on the waves ta
sacred Crete, nurse of Zeus and home of the Curetes ; yet to a threefold birth of children
she left sovranty and happy sway over the land. And another maiden, I hear, queenly Io
of Argos, quitted her fatherland to take the horns of a cow and suffer a gadfly’s torment.
When the god calls this to thy mind .. .’

18 sqq. On the sequence of thought cf. introd. p. 24.

21-2. Cf. Cretes, Nauck Fr. 472 Φοινικογενοῦς παῖ τῆς Τυρίας τέκνον Evparas. Nauck
following Bothe omits παῖ τῆς Tupias, and παῖ followed by τέκνον can hardly be right, but a less
drastic remedy would be to emend παῖ τῆς to παιδός ; cf. Tupia παῖς here.

22. There does not seem much to choose between the alternative readings ἀπέβα and

ἐπέβα, but ἀποβαίνειν does not happen to occur with a direct accusative elsewhere in Euripides,

88 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

and the idea of departure is sufficiently expressed by λιποῦσα. Whether the interlinear e was
added by the first or second hand is doubtful; cf. introd. p. 21.

23-4. Cf. Bacch. 120-2 ὦ θαλάμευμα Κουρήτων ζαθέου τε Κρήτας Avoyevéropes ἔναυλοι. The
collocation Διοτρόφον . . . τροφόν is a little inelegant, but probably sound ; Διοτρόφος is a new
compound.

26. τρισσοῖς : i.e. Minos, Rhadamanthys, and Sarpedon; cf. Hesiod, Fr. 39 (Schol. J7.
M 292), Apollod. iii. 1. 1, &c.

27. Both a circumflex and an acute accent have been placed above the ὦ of χωρας ; the
former of course is erroneous.

29. [otc ]rp@: [xév|rp@ would remove the hiatus, but is both a less natural term (cf.
however, Aesch. Prom. 596 sqq. νόσον... ἃ μαραίνει με χρίουσα κέντροις φοιταλέοις) and less
suited to the size of lacuna. The following word as originally written was a vox nihild; the
first of the two deleted letters seems to be A rather than a.

30. [πάτ]ρας : the supplement is rather longer than would be expected on the analogy
of the verses above, but the scribe tends to make the point of commencement of the lines
advance slightly towards the left as the column proceeds; cf. 1. 31 where [κερ]ασφόρον is
practically certain. [χώ]ρας is less appropriate, especially so soon after 1. 27.

duis, a word common in Homer and also used by Pindar, is not found elsewhere
in tragedy, but that is not a sufficient reason for questioning its genuineness here. Ξ

31. [κερ]ασφόρον (Murray) seems guaranteed by the parallel of Phoen. 248 ras κερασ-
dépov ... “Iovs, though ao is not certain, and two letters would be enough for the lacuna if
the column was kept straight; cf. the preceding note. Aeschylus, Prom. 588, calls Io ras
βούκερω παρθένου. :

32 544. In this passage the chorus is with little doubt seeking to offer consolation and
encouragement to Hypsipyle, and Wilamowitz suggests that ll. 32-7 may have run somewhat
as follows :—[rad}r’ ἂν θεὸς eis φροντίδα θῇ cot| [ovrici|s δή, φίλα, τὸ μέσον | ἐλπὶς δ᾽ οὐκ] ἀπολείψει |
[ἔτε σε τὸν π]ατέρος πατέρα | [ῥύσεσθαί ποτ᾽" ἔχει σέθεν | [ὥραν καὶ τάχα a” | ὠκύποροΪ-Ἶ μετανίσσεται.
Cf. Soph. O. C. 385-6 ἔσχες ἐλπίδ᾽ ὡς ἐμοῦ θεοὺς ὥραν tw’ ἕξειν, ὥστε σωθῆναί ποτε. This
restoration, which is made only exempli σγαΐία, brilliantly satisfies the requirements of
sense and metre, but in the last verse can only with difficulty be reconciled with the
papyrus, where the lacuna at the beginning of 1]. 35-7 is practically of the same size; one
letter more than in ]. 35 might be conceded in 1. 37 on account of the slope of the column,
but hardly three more. In 1. 33 also [cvm|¢c]s though just possible is unsatisfactory, since
εἰ] would not normally fill up the space; moreover a future would be more apposite than
apresent tense. The letters cS are quite doubtful ; the ὃ may well be @ or σ and the σ᾿ possibly
ὁ OF @: y|ywon might be read were it not for the difficulty of the apparent vestige of an accent
above the place where the y would come; the accent might, however, belong to the pre-
ceding letter. Perhaps ἀπολείψει is the apodosis of the sentence, and we should read [κἂν (?)]
αἰἴσθῃ, φίλα, τὸ μέσον, | [ἐλπίς σ᾽ οὐκ] ἀπολείψει κιτιλ. This would well satisfy all the conditions
except that [xav]is a short supplement for the beginning of]. 33 ; at] would not be open to the
objection brought above against ¢:|. The supposed acute accent cannot be a mark of
elision or length. In ll. 36-7 it is evident that the scribe’s division of the verses was not the
same as in ii. 33-4.

38. yeveal fits in with the context as explained in the preceding note; the god will not
forget his descendant. :

iv. 2-9. Hyps. ‘. . . sang a lament for Procris the huntress whom her husband
slew. Death is the meet end of these my woes. What wailing, what song, what music
of the lyre with tearful lament, though Calliope inspired it, could come up to my
suffering ?’

dae, KURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 89

2. The insidious corruption in this line was detected by Murray. The legend of
Procris, daughter of Erechtheus, who was accidentally killed when hunting by her husband
Cephalus is thus told by Apollod. iii. 15. 1 διαλλαγεῖσα Κεφάλῳ pera τούτου παραγίνεται ἐπὶ θήραν"
ἦν yap Onpevtixn, διώκουσαν yap αὐτὴν ἐν τῇ λόχμῃ ἀγνοήσας Κέφαλος ἀκοντίζει καὶ τυχὼν ἀποκτείνει
Πρόκριν. καὶ κριθεὶς ἐν ᾿Αρείῳ πάγῳ φυγὴν ἀΐδιον καταδικάζεται.

3. This line at first omitted has been inserted by the original scribe ; cf. ii. 8, note.

5. In view of the imperfect context we have left this verse as it stands in the papyrus,
though the transposition suggested by W-M ra δ᾽ ἐμὰ πάθεα θάνατος ἔλαχε may be right.
Or possibly @dvaro(v) ἔλαχε (sc. Procris)’ τὰ δ᾽ ἐμὰ πάθεα ris x... Should be read.

6. For the form of this verse cf. 7. Ζ: 895-9 τίς ἂν οὖν τάδ᾽ ἂν ἢ θεὸς ἢ βροτὸς ἢ τί τῶν
ἀδοκήτων. . . (paivor) κακῶν ἔκλυσιν ;, and for the substance of this and the following lines
Phoen. 1498-1501 τίνα δὲ προσῳδὸν ἢ τίνα μουσοπόλον στοναχὰν ἐπὶ δάκρυσι δάκρυσιν, ὦ δόμος
ὦ δόμος, ἀνακαλέσωμαι; The marginal xéap{ is perhaps more probably x:@dp{ cpa, as W-M
suggests, than xidapi|s as a variant for κιθάρας, but either of these would involve some alteration
of μοῦσ᾽ ἀνοδυρομένα in the following line; cf. the next note.

7. emdakpvot was originally written, and then altered to επιδακρυσει, επιδακρυσι being
added in the margin as a variant. The p[ following is presumably the initial letter of μοῦσα
in some form, and possibly μοῦσαν was substituted for pote’ ἀν-, which could not be con-
structed with the variant κίθαρις (?) for κιθάρας, ἐπιδακρύσει, however, would neither scan nor
construe with any of these readings.

9. πόνους without a possessive or similar adjective is obscure, but perhaps admissible in
consequence of the proximity of ἐμὰ πάθεα in 1. 5. W-M thinks that μοῦσ᾽ inl, 7 conceals
an original ἐμούς, but if so the corruption has gone very deep.

The chorus now catches sight of the approaching strangers, whose advance is signalized
by the usual anapaests, ll. 10-4.

iv. 10-42. Chor. ‘O Zeus, Lord of our Nemea’s grove, what is the quest of these
strangers, marked by the Dorian fashion of their dress, whom I see approaching hard by, on
their way towards these halls through the lonely grove?

Amphiaraus. How distasteful to a man is travel, and the sight of fields deserted or with
lonely habitations when a wayfarer is overtaken by some need, unbefriended, with none to
interpret his want, in doubt which way to turn. E’en upon me has this strait come, but
with joy I saw yon house in the mead of Zeusin Nemea’s land. And thee, strange woman,
whether thou art a slave who watchest over the house, or no servile person, thee will I ask,
what man is called the lord of this mansion where the sheep are tended in the land of Phlius?

Hyps. Lycurgus call men the master-of these rich halls, who was chosen from out all
Asopia to be the warden of Zeus, the country’s god.

Amph. 1 desire to take some running water in our pitchers as a libation to the gods
offered by us on our journey. For streams of stagnant water are impure, and they have all
been defiled by the army’s throng.

Hyps. Who are ye, and from what land do ye come?

Amph. We are from Mycenae and of Argive race, and on crossing the border into
another land we wish to offer sacrifice for the Danaid army ; for we have set forth against
the gates of Cadmus—if haply the gods may speed us prospering on our way, woman.

Hyps. Why are ye marching, if I may learn this of thee?

Amph, We would restore Polynices, an exile from his fatherland.

Hlyps. And who art thou who seekest to take the troubles of others ?

Amph, 1 am the seer Amphiaraus, son of Oecles.’

II. τοῦσδ᾽ : this abnormal accent was preferred by some grammarians; cf. Fr. 64.
66 τῆνδε.

go THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

12. For πελάτας cf. Soph. Phil. 1164 εὐνοίᾳ πάσᾳ πελάταν. The scribe apparently began
to write a ἃ in place of the first π᾿ of πεπλων.

13. ἐσθῆτι: ἐσθ. Pap., following the analogy of ἕννυμι, &c.; but the spzrctus lenis (due
probably to the following 6) is usual in ἐσθής, &c,

15. The correction of ἐρημίαι to ἐκδημίαι is due to W-M. ἐκδημία is quoted from the
Alypsipyle in Bekker, Antiatt. p. 93. 26 (Nauck Fr. 768), and ἐρημίαι followed by ἀγροὺς
ἐρήμους in 1. 17 produces an awkward tautology.

18. amrow was originally written, and the « was subsequently converted into p and o
written through the mark of elision, the correction being probably by a different hand; an
acute accent seems to have been erased over the first 0, ἄπορον . . . ἀπορίαν is intolerable,
and some other adjective must be substituted. It also seems likely that the nominative case
in this and the next word has been replaced by the accusative, though the latter need not
be wrong. ἄπολις, as Murray remarks, would be closer to the text of the papyrus than
dpiros; cf. Hec. 811 ἄπολις ἔρημος ἀθλιωτάτη βροτῶν. This passage supports Wakefield’s
correction dvep(u)nvevra in Jon 255.

24. The compound μηλοβοσκός is not otherwise attested.

27. αἱρεθείς is a simple correction of εὑρεθεὶς, which is not a natural word here,

28. κλῃδοῦχος ‘priest’, as in ZZ. 131 ὁσίας κλῃδούχου.

29-30. [x]p[ygou]u’ ἄν and ὅϊδιον] were suggested by Murray, χεαίμεθα instead of
χρησαιμεθα by W-M. The middle χέασθαι is idiomatic (cf. e.g. Soph. O. C. 477 χοὰς
χέασθαι), whereas χρησαίμεθα is indefensible with [χ]έρνιβα ; perhaps the scribe was influenced
by χρήζοιμι in the previous verse. Statius describes the country as suffering from a drought,
and it was water for drink not a libation that Hypsipyle was begged to indicate ; cf. Zhed. iv.
754 Sqq-

31. στρατῶν was an easy error with orparov at the beginning of the next verse.

35. [ὅρια W-M,

37. ὡρμήμεσθα appears likely here, but the supposed py are extremely doubtful; the
vestiges would suit v or & better than p. A combination with Fr. 92, though the papyrus
is very similar in appearance, does not seem practicable.

38. evdy| in the margin at the end of this line is no doubt a variant like those in Col. iv,
and we therefore infer that the verse began with εἰ and some other particle than δή, 6. δ.
mos or γάρ. This opening combined with εἸὐτυχῶς renders the general sense sufficiently clear,
and the line may be completed in various ways, of which we print an illustration. To
suppose that «dy[ is the commencement of a line originally omitted and subsequently
supplied is inadmissible, for the margin between the columns is not nearly broad enough to
contain a verse in a single line, while if the verse were divided into several lines, something
of these should be visible below ειδη.

39. The restoration of the first half of the verse is the suggestion of Bury; but it is
quite likely that the letters should be divided ]s οὐ θέμις... ;

41. πημον]ὰς Onpals λαβεῖν W-M. ὦ [éev(e), ἄλλων πημονὰς Onpals τίς Gv; would also be
suitable. The position of Fr. 3, containing the beginnings of 1]. 41-4, is practically assured
by the appearance of the papyrus and the appropriateness of its contents.

42. Both here and in Fr. 60. 15 the papyrus has the Homeric and Pindaric form
᾿οἰκλῆς, but Οἰκλῆς is preferred by editors of Aeschylus and Euripides. In Suppl. 925, the
only other passage is Eurip. where the name occurs, LP read Ἰοκλέους. '

43. Hypsipyle evidently knew Amphiaraus by name; cf. 6, g. Jon 260-3 (Kp.) Κρέουσα
μέν μοι τοὔνομ᾽, ἐκ δ᾽ ᾿Ερεχθέως πέφυκα, πατρὶς γῆ δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων πόλις. ("Iw.) ὦ κλεινὸν οἰκοῦσ᾽ ἄστυ
γενναίων τ’ ἄπο τραφεῖσα πατέρων k.1.d.

44. ol: or on[?
Fr. 4. The precise position of this fragment is uncertain, but there are two reasons for

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE QI

placing it above rather than below 1]. 1-11 of Col. v: (1) Amphiaraus after telling Hypsipyle
his name would naturally proceed to ask hers before making any further disclosures,
especially when he found that his name was familiar to her (cf. 1. 43, note), (2) a dark fibre in
the papyrus in front of the lines is noticeable in Fr. 4 and also in the upper part of Col. v,
but disappears lower in the column, Since the break along the top of Cols. iv and v is
horizontal and the number of lines in a column here is about 60 (cf. introd. p. 20), there is
a loss of at least 15 lines between iv. 44 and v. I.

.2. ἦ: Or H-Or FP?
3-4 We print a restoration suggested by Bury ; the same sense can of course be
represented in various other ways.

Fr, 1. v. 1-11. Amph. ‘My wife persuaded me...

Hyps. With righteous intent or (guilefully) ἢ

Amph. She received a necklace...

Hyps. Whence (was it obtained)?

Amph, Famed Cadmus once married Harmonia,—

Hyps. He was one of those whose nuptials were attended by gods.
Amph. To her Aphrodite gave a lovely necklace.

Hyps. The gods to children of gods are ever kind.

Amph. Now their son was called Polydorus. ;
Hyps. If he was the son of a goddess, and received gods’ gifts, twas a fit name.
Amph. His son was Labdacus . . .’ -

1-11. The subject of this passage, as was perceived by both W-M and Bury, is clearly
the famous necklace of Harmonia with which Polynices bribed Eriphyle, the wife of
Amphiaraus, to persuade her husband to join the expedition against Thebes ; Amphiaraus
had sworn that Eriphyle should be the arbiter in any question that might arise between
himself and Adrastus, and so could not reject Eriphyle’s request, although he was aware of
her duplicity ; cf. Apollod. iii. 6. 2.

τ. Only the bottoms of the first two letters remain, and their identity is extremely
doubtful ; but the vestiges suit yu, and if ὅσια φ[ρονοῦσα is right in 1. 2, Eriphyle must have
been the subject of l. τ. Cf. Apollod iii. 6. 2 ᾿Εριφύλη τὸν ὅρμον λαβοῦσα ἔπεισε τὸν (ἄνδρα)
στρατεύειν. ἶ

3. The line may be completed e. g. édé&a6’ ὅρμον χερσὶ Πολυνείκους πάρα. πόθεν in 1]. 4
probably indicates that the ὅρμος in particular and not merely δῶρα in general had been
mentioned, but it hardly follows that Polynices had also been specified.

5. For the genealogy here following cf. Phoen. 5 344. Kddpos . . . ὃς παῖδα γήμας Κύπριδος
‘Appoviay ποτὲ Πολύδωρον ἐξέφυσε, τοῦ δὲ Λάβδακον φῦναι λέγουσιν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦδε Λάϊον.

6. Restored by W—M. Cf. Phoen. 822 “Ἁρμονίας δέ ποτ᾽ εἰς ὑμεναίους ἤλυθον οὐρανίδαι.

ἡ. Accounts differ as to who gave the necklace and to whom it was given ; according
to some Harmonia received it from Cadmus. But that the giver in this line should be
divine is necessary from the emphasis on θεοί in 1. 8; cf. Schol. Phoen. 71 τὸν μὲν ὅρμον
*Adpodirn . . . αὐτῇ (SC. “Appovia) ἐχαρίσατο.

8-10. The restorations were suggested by W—M.

Fr. 5. The appearance of the papyrus suggests that this fragment goes closer to |. 12
than to 1. 27, and the first line of it may even coincide with 1. 12. It is noticeable that
on the lower edge of the recto there are two or three half obliterated letters in a smal] hand,
whereas the recto of the rest of Cols. iv-v is blank. But these few letters run in the reverse

92 THE OXYRAYNCHUS. PAPYVRE

direction to the other writing on the recto, and their presence is not a valid reason against
placing the fragment in Col. v, which is its most suitable position. Which of the speakers
is Amphiaraus and which Hypsipyle is not clearly defined.

5. The letter after ὃ is more probably o than e.

Col. v. 27. A comparison with the preceding column indicates a gap of 14 lines
after]. 12. If yf in 1. 28 is γύναι in the vocative the speaker there must be Amphiaraus,
but that is far from certain.

29. The ὃ in the left margin marks the 4ooth line of the play; cf. Fr. 25, and introd.
p- 20.

Frs. 6-9. We regard these fragments as forming part of the stasimon which followed
the scene between Hypsipyle and Amphiaraus. That Frs. 6-7 and 9 belong to a single
column is practically assured by a vertical crease in the papyrus, made, as the writing in the case
of the two latter shows, after the recto but before the verso was inscribed. This crease has
also served as a rough guide to the number of letters lost at the beginnings of lines in Frs. 6
and 7. The position of the three fragments relatively to each other is quite uncertain, and
they may be arranged in any order; but it is likely on account of the difference of subject
that Fr. 9 was separated by a considerable gap from the other two. The reference to
χερνιβαΐ in Fr. 6. 1 affords a slight reason for placing that fragment first ; also Frs. 7 and 9
are alike in colour, while that of Fr. 6 is rather different. Fr. 8, containing the beginnings
of nine lines from [. .J\ev[ to of .[ is shown to belong to the same column by the appear-
ance of the papyrus on both recto and verso (the line of junction between two selides
accurately corresponds in Frs. 8 and 9), and its place has been determined on internal
evidence, especially ll. 6-7 and 9.

Fr. 6. 1. χέρνιψ is usually accented, like other words in Ψ, on the penultimate, but
the accent χερνίβος, &c., as in the papyrus, was usual παρὰ τοῖς ποιηταῖς according to
Suidas s.v. .

3. The supposed interlinear ν is possibly only a circumflex accent, but the angle seems
to be too acute.

Fr. 7. 4. δρ)οσιζομενί W-M. δροσιζόμεναι in Aristoph. /rogs 1312 may well be a
reminiscence of this passage.

Frs. 8-9. The chorus is here tracing the events which led to the expedition against
Thebes. According to the well-known story Polynices of Thebes and Tydeus of Calydon,
both fugitives from their homes, arrived simultaneously at Argos and began quarrelling
in front of the palace of Adrastus about their quarters for the night (κλισίας π[ερ]ὶ νυκτέρου,
]. 10). Adrastus roused by the noise separated the combatants ; and, believing that they
represented the lion and the boar which an oracle had foretold as the husbands of his
daughters (Il. 13-5 Φοίβου δ᾽ éfo}ra[s] . .. τέκνα θηρσὶν [{]εῦ ξ]αι), adopted them as sons-in-law ~
and undertook to restore them each to his country, Cf. Suppl. 131 sqq., Phoen, 409 sqq.-,
Apollod. iii. 6. 1.

2. Pleuron was close to Calydon, the capital of Tydeus.

6-15. ‘ By night in lairs by the court-yard, exchanging frequent defiances, by oarage
of iron and by slaughter they made proof with the spear, fugitives as they were, of the spirit
of their noble fathers. And king Adrastus lay in his*couch, having received the behests of
Phoebus that he should wed his daughters to wild beasts...’

6-9. The restoration, which proceeds on the assumption that θυμόν in 1. 12 is correct
(cf. note ad Joc.), is mainly due to Murray. For |. 6 cf. Phoen. 415-6 (Ho.) νὺξ ἦν, ᾿Αδράστον

ke, >

“τ ee ee ΔΑΝ οὐλλι ὟΣ

δῦΦ. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 93

᾿ ἦλθον εἰς παραστάδας, (Io.) κοίτας parevoy...; νυΐ is evidently νύξ in some form, and if

gvyas in |. 5 is masculine and not feminine it is probable, as Bury remarks, that 1. 6
is a fresh clause and νυ]κτὸς δέ should be restored. At the end of the line either αὐλᾷ or
αὐλαῖς is possible. In]. 7 W—M suggests ép.d’ [ἔριδος ἀἸμειβόμενοι, which may be right; but
the dative would perhaps be expected rather than the genitive in such a phrase, as e.g.
in Aret. p. 71. 30 ἀμείψασθαι τὸ κακὸν κακῷ: In|, 8 σιδάρου τ’ εἰρ]εσίᾳ (Bury and Murray)
seems certain, though we can find nothing quite parallel. In 1. 9 the letter before ov
may be x. σῴφαγᾷ is a somewhat strong expression, since nobody was killed or, for anything
the story tells us, even hurt ; but the imperfect ἐποίουν serves to soften it.

12. θυμον: only very slight vestiges remain of the letters after », and the first of them
may also be a or ὦ; θυμωδῖ. .| could be read, but there is not room for θυμώδ᾽εις}, even if
that prosaic word could be admitted here, and δορὶ θυμώδί ει] is an improbable combination.
A compound adjective dopidup .. . agreeing with φυγάδες would be attractive, but none such
is known, nor are there obvious analogies upon which to coin one that would suit the
papyrus.

13. évfo|md|s] was suggested by Murray. Cf. Phoen. 409-11 ἔχρησ᾽ ᾿Αδράστῳ Λοξίας
χρησμόν τινα... κάπρῳ λέοντί θ᾽ ἁρμόσαι παίδων γάμους, and L/. 1302 Φοίβου τ᾽ ἄσοφοι γλώσσης
€vo7ral.

15. [ζευ[ξαι is somewhat too cramped to be quite satisfactory, but is adopted in default
of a better reading; ἁρμόσαι is excluded.

16-17. ἀμπετάσας probably refers to some word like ‘ house’ or ‘ gates’ and hence
S}épo[v (so Bury; δ]όμο[υ or d|éuo[» are alternatives) is a natural restoration. Cf. Alc. 597
δόμον ἀμπετάσας, Phoen. 29 ἀμπέτασον πύλας,

Fr. 10. As explained in introd. p. 25 we regard this and the three following fragments
(the relative order of which is quite uncertain) as belonging to a lyrical dialogue between the
chorus and Hypsipyle after the latter’s return from her disastrous expedition with Amphiaraus.
Much depends upon the correctness of the decipherment in |. 3 of Fr. 10, where there
is a broken letter of the name of the speaker. If the name is, as we believe, Ὑψιϊπ(ύλη),
the view adopted of this fragment seems necessary. The doubtful 7 may also be a letter
with a round top like 6 or o (hardly p), but the abbreviation x]o(pés) is unsuitable because
something of the x ought also to be visible. Murray proposed to make Fr. ro refer to
a search for Hypsipyle and Fr. 11. 1-2 represent her cries when captured, while Bury
thought that Fr. 10 is a dialogue between the members of the chorus, who caught sight of
the struggle with the serpent going on in the distance. But the name of Hypsipyle before
1. 3 would of course be inconsistent with either of these interpretations.

2. There is a speck of ink at the edge of the papyrus in front of this line, but
the absence of a paragraphus below 1. 1 is against referring ]. 2 to a different speaker
whose name might be given in the margin, as in l. 3.

3. μαϊκράν Murray. There is no paragraphus below eyyus.

4. If λεύσσειν is right, this line projected by a letter further to the left than Il. 3
and 7-8.

5: For ἅλΊ]ικες cf. Herc. F. 513 πανύστατον viv, ἥλικες, δεδόρκατε, Phoen, 1747 πρὸς ἥλικας
φάνηθι ods. Either two or three letters may be lost according 85]. 4 or ll. 7-8 are taken as
the standard (cf. note on ]. 4); γυναῖκες would be too long. At the end of this line some
correction has been made; apparently a letter like y or r has been crossed through and o or
p written above. Whether the next letter, which is rounded like ε, 6, or o, was also altered
cannot be determined ; εἴρηκε is unsatisfactory as the remains stand,

94 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

6. If eyw is right the y has been corrected, perhaps from r or because as first written
the effect of r was produced; cf. Fr. 1. iv. 2 and Fr. 64. 12, where there has been
a confusion of y and r.

Fr. 13. 1. The vestige in the margin may be part of an oblique dash (cf. Fr. 57. 16,
Fr. 60. 72, &c.) or represent a letter, e.g. x[o(pds) as in 1. 4 below.

Frs. 14-7. These fragments may be connected either with Frs. 6-9 or 10-3.
Frs. 14 and 15 were found adhering together, face to face, and the worm-eaten edges follow

the same pattern.

Frs. 18-9. On the position and interpretation of these two pieces cf. introd. p. 25.
They were found with the main group of fragments, but are distinguished from them by the
dark colour and semi-decayed condition of the papyrus.

Fr. 18.1. The letters v3 are very doubtful: κρήνη σκιαζΐ might be read; cf. Z T.
1245-6 δράκων σκιερᾷ κατάχαλκος (?) εὐφύλλῳ dadva: ;

3. A mark like a grave accent has been placed above π᾿ as well as the preceding
#; probably the accent intended for the » was first written too far to the right, and then re-
peated in its proper place. The acute accent on λευσσωΐ seems to have been corrected from
a circumflex.

4. πήληκα σείων presumably refers to the δράκων, though πήληξ is not used elsewhere
of ἃ serpent’s crest. Cf. Statius, Zheb. v. 510 auratae crudelis gloria frontis prominet, 572
perque tubas stantis capitisque insigne corusct emicat.

5. Perhaps ἐπεὶ σῖγ᾽ or ἔπεισί γ᾽, as W-M suggests; but the passage is very obscure.
The vestige of the letter after ἐπεὶ is too minute to be recognized.

6. At the left edge of the papyrus opposite this line are two letters, in a smaller
but perhaps not different hand, which may be read as Jaor |X. They probably belong to
a marginal note on the preceding column (cf. Fr. 64. 50-1) rather than to an entry of the
dramatis persona, since the paragraphus shows that a change of speaker does not occur till
the line below. The commencement of the verse is difficult. The letter after the lacuna
seems to be either ὃ or a, and rather the former than the latter. πάντα] διαδρᾶσαι suggests:
itself, but the compound διαδρᾶν does not occur. On the other hand if the words are
divided πανί. .]δια δρᾶσαι a satisfactory restoration is not evident ; neither πάν θ᾽ ὅϊδια (Murray)
nor πάντ᾽ ἴδια seems very likely. παιτ]οῖα is not suitable.

7. The first letter of the line had a tall stroke and was with little doubt either ᾧ or Ψ.
We suppose the verse to have begun with a hypermetrical φεῦ on account of the difficulty
of filling up a foot with the remaining two letters; but there is a rather similar problem in
the next line.

8. The vestige supposed to represent the top of the ε in κει and the stop at the end of
the word might together be taken as a diaeresis over the ε, «{.ji; but there would then
be room only for a very narrow letter, another « or o, in the lacuna. At the beginning
of the line the space is so short that the foot and a half to be supplied there (if Jonxe: is right)
must have consisted mainly of vowels.

9. Some insertion has been made over the line, but its nature is very uncertain. The
e after ¢ is on a small fragment which broke away when the papyrus was being flattened,
and should perhaps be put closer to the p. Αμφ[ια]ρέξως cannot be read.

Fr.19. This fragment is closely connected with Fr. 18 by the appearance of the
papyrus. Possibly it joins on above &ag{ in 1. x of Fr. 18.

Frs. 20, 21. Onthe scene here see introd. p. 24. The position of Fr. 20, which con=

$02): LURIPIDES, HVYPSIPYLE 95

tains the beginnings of I]. 1-4, is probable on internal evidence and confirmed by the
correspondence of the fibres of the recto.

. 1-16. Hyps. ‘Dear friends, I stand on the razor’s edge, (in danger of) shameful

treatment; I am full of fear.

Chor. Hast thou no word of hope to tell thy friends ?

FHyps. Flight! if only I had knowledge of these roads !

Chor. What then hast thou found that spurs thee to boldness ?

Hyps. 1 am fearful of what I shall suffer because of the child’s death.

Chor. Poor soul, thou hast some acquaintance with such ills!

Hyps. Yea, 1 know them, and I will be on my guard.

Chor. Where then wilt thou turn? What city will receive thee ?

Hyps. My feet and zeal will decide that.

Chor. The land is guarded round about by sentinel-posts.

Hyps. You are right: let that be; but I go.

Chor. Consider, for thou hast friends in us to give thee counsel.

Hyps. What if I found some one to conduct me forth from this land ?

Chor. There is no one who is willing to conduct a slave,’

1. ὦ g{idra}rat, suggested by Bury, is suitable in itself but not a very satisfactory reading
of the papyrus, as it makes the letters between ᾧ and r rather crowded, while on the other
hand there is a slight space between the and the ᾧ; α.]ρ could be read. ὦ φίλταται
γυναῖκες occurs in Orest. 136; ὦ φίλταται however may of course stand alone, and the
y here is quite doubtful. At the end of the line ἐπὶ ξυροῦ is only one of many possibilities :
cf. Herc. 27. 630 ὧδ᾽ ἔβητ᾽ ἐπὶ ξυροῦ ; Homer K 173 ἐπὶ ξυροῦ ἵσταται ἀκμῆς, &c.

3. ἴσχουσι seems preferable to ἔχουσι on account of the preceding ἕξειν ; but ἔχειν is the
usual word, 6. g. Fr. 64. 76, Orest. 1255 φόβος ἔχει pe.

5. στεγῶν τῶνδ᾽, which could be read, is an obvious restoration, but the line is then
difficult to complete; there is not room for ék]§p[ayotca. Bury suggests €]8p[av’ ὡς τάχος
δοκεῖ, but édpava, though a word used by Euripides as well as Aeschylus and Sophocles,
occurs only in lyrics. Hence we adopt the restoration proposed by Murray, which is
sufficiently consistent with the papyrus; something of the lost 8 might have been expected
to be visible, but would not necessarily be so.

6. W-M would restore at the end of this line κακῶν, on the analogy of Androm. 28
ἀλκήν τιν᾽ εὑρεῖν κἀπικούρησιν κακῶν, but ἀλκή in the present passage seems to have a different
sense. Hypsipyle has just stated in the previous line what her ἀλκὴ κακῶν, her defence or
resource, was to be, namely flight ; and her reply in 1. 7 shows clearly that the present ques-
tion must be, what induced her to contemplate such a bold step. Our proposed restoration
attempts to give this meaning. Whether the alteration of the original reading δὴ zor, for
which δητα y has apparently been substituted, is by the first hand, is doubtful.

10. So Med, 386 τίς pe δέξεται πόλις ;

11. For the conjunction of πούς and προθυμία cf. fon 1109-10 τίς προθυμία ποδῶν ἔχει σε;
and Phoen. 1430 προθυμίᾳ ποδός.

12-3. φροζυρίο]ισιν and [v]-xa[s*| W-M ; for the latter cf. Suppl. 946-7 (Θη.) τί δῆτα
λύπην ταῖσδε προσθεῖναι θέλεις ; (Ἀ δ.) νικᾷς" μένειν χρὴ τλημόνως. We had thought of [e]ixali’] ἐῶ
δὴ τ(αγῦτ(ά y’), on the analogy of £7. 379 κράτιστον εἰκῇ ταῦτ᾽ ἐᾶν, but this is not so close to
the papyrus. In]. 12 ηδὲ has been lightly crossed through with ink of the same colour as
that of the overwritten ev.

14-6. The restoration of these lines is largely due to Murray. [ἡ]. 16 [οὐδεὶς θελήσει
δραπέτας may be suggested as an alternative supplement.

96 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Fr. 22. The speaker of 1]. r-8 is evidently pleading the cause of Hypsipyle, and
we assign them to Hypsipyle herself for the reasons given in introd. p. 26.

2. The doubtful 8 may be @.

7. διαριθμῖ may be some part of the verb διαριθμεῖν or δι’ ἀριθμῖ dv]; for the former cf.
I. T. 966 ψήφους διηρίθμησε, and for the latter (W-M) Bacch. 209 δὲ ἀριθμῶν 8 οὐδὲν
αὔξεσθαι θέλει.

9. ἔλεξας Bury; Ἰλοῖ or Ἰλωί can also be read, or possibly Ἰασί though the first letter
is more like A than a. There would not be room for ἔδρ]ασίας.

11. This was the last line of a column.

Frs. 23-36. The relative position of these pieces is mostly indeterminate, though there
are grounds in certain cases for connecting two or more of them somewhat closely together;
see the notes on the individual fragments.

Frs. 23-4. These two fragments are similar in appearance, and may well belong to
the same dialogue ; if the speakers are, as we conjecture, Eurydice and Hypsipyle, (A), the
questioner, would naturally be the former in both pieces.

Fr. 28. 3. Perhaps ὦ παι[κακίστη (cf. Hipp. 682), if the line is spoken by Eurydice
to Hypsipyle; cf. the previous note.

Fr. 25. ¢ in the margin of Col. ii marks, we suppose, the 6ooth, not the zooth line, the
numeration being by the letters of the alphabet, not figures; thus 1000 = κ, not 4, 1100 = A,
not ca, andsoon; cf. Fr. 64. 79, 841. 11. 25, VI. 7, and P. Brit. Mus. 732. Col. xvi ( Journal
of Phil. xxvi. No. 51, p. 43), where a ¢ denotes the 6ooth line of Jiad xiii. The same
alphabetical system, in which ς is omitted and ¢ = 6, is commonly used for the numeration
of the books of a work, e.g. Homer and Herodotus. In P. Grenf. II. 11. ii. 4 (Pherecydes),
where a ¢ which is in all probability stichometrical is found, the scribe has confused the
alphabetical and numerical systems or employed the latter.

Frs. 27-9. Fr. 28 was found adhering, face downwards, to the upper right-hand side of
Fr. 27, and the worm-eaten edges have the same pattern. ‘This indication that the two
fragments are to be connected gains some confirmation from the recto, where part of an
oblique dash denoting a total occurs on Fr. 27, and on Fr. 28 there is in the right position
the end of a stroke which may be the continuation of the same oblique dash. If so, the
gap between them is unlikely to be large, and καὶ χ[ερ]νίβίων ἔδειξα... ῥόον or χ[έρ]νιβ[ ας]
δ]είξίουσα would be a suitable combination ; but we have not succeeded in carrying out the
restoration on this basis. That Fr. 29 belongs to the same column as Fr. 27 is made
probable by the presence of a pair of dark fibres in the left margin of both fragments;
these fibres are rather closer to the commencement of the lines in Fr. 27 than in Fr, 29,
which suggests that the latter preceded, but this inference is not certain. The speaker
apparently is Hypsipyle, who is addressing the queen Eurydice (cf. Fr. 27. 2 and 6—7), as in
Fr. 22, and perhaps Frs. 27-9 come from the upper part of the column of which Fr. 22 is
the bottom; but the writing on them is of a distinctly smaller size than that of Fr. 22, so
that in any case it is likely that there was an appreciable interval.

Fr. 27. 1. Only the bottom of the stichometrical letter in the margin remains, and it
may be read as ε, but e does not suit the supposed situation here; cf. the previous note
and introd. p. 26.

2. The accent of χ[ερ]νίβί does not prove that the termination was the genitive plural ;
cf. Fr. 6. 1, note.

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 97

3. There is not room for eye at the beginning of this lime, but wre would be just
possible ; perhaps not more than a single letter is lost in the lacuma between ε and υ.
A paragraphus below this or the next line would probably be invisible, the papyrus being
much rubbed.

4. A single broad letter would fill the space before ra (?), but there would be room
for e.g. ov οἵ τι. Either y or could well be read im place of « before the final lacuna.

Pr. 28. τ. Sagi: the« may be νυ, i.e. δ᾽ εὐξξ. For a possible combination with Fr. 27.
2 cf. note above on Frs. 27-9.
3. Only part of the ν remains, but there is enough of it, we think, to exclude g.

Fr. 29. See note on Frs. 27-9.

Fr. $2 The speaker here, evidently, is again Hypsipyle, who is dwelling upon her love
for her dead noursling, probably im repudiation of the accusations of Eurydice; cf
Fr. 60. το. It is clear from the recto that the fragment is not from the same column
as Fr. 22 or Fr. 27.

3. w after a» is fairly certain, but beyond this the remains of letters are very slight till
saz is reached; the « may be part of a μ, and wae or yer could be read.

4. W-M suggests ὕπνου.

ἡ. κἸηλήματεΐς : κηλήματα is used in Zroad. 893 of the charms of Helen.

9. ἐπ᾽ ἀ : ef. Fr. 60. 10; perhaps ἐΐκ᾽ ἀγκάλαισί ἴμου, but the last letter may also
be e. g. «, A, oF ν.

II. x is corrected, apparently from y.

~ Fr. 83. The speaker and subject of this fragment are both problematical. θααΐ inl 7
naturally suggests Θόαϊς, and perhaps this fragment belongs with Frs. 34-5 to a scene
in which the sons of Hypsipyle again figured ; cf. introd. p. 29.

1. The supposed grave accent on- is very doubtful; a circumflex or breathing, or an
interlimear letter, is equally possible.

Prs. 34-5. The suggested combination of these two fragments is made probable by its
suitability in IL 5-6, and some confirmatory evidence is supplied by the recto. But the
Situation remains very doubtful, and we abstain from attempts at reconstruction. That
Enurydice is one of the characters concerned is probable (cf. 1. 2 δέσποινα), and W-M thinks
that she is confronted by Euneos and Thoas, but we are not convinced that the periphrasis
used in speaking of Hypsipyle im 1. 5 really involves this; cf. introd. p. 29, and the notes
below. The number of letters to be supplied at the beginnings of the lines is uncertain ;
they are estimated on the hypothesis that six are lost in Il. 4-6, but though there can hardly
have been less, there may have been more. The worm-eaten pattern of Fr. 35 is identical
with that of Frs. 14-5. f

3. Bury suggests [χαλᾶτέ poe κλῆθρ᾽ ὡς [ἂν εἰσελΊθοῦσ᾽ ἔΐσω, supposing the speaker to be
ice who had been away from the palace, and had now just returned. He thinks that
the absence of the queen as well as the king when Amphiaraus arrived would be an
advantage to the plot as helping to excuse Hypsipyle, who thus could not ask leave to grant his
__-Fequest. But the data seem scarcely sufficient to substantiate this view. The vestige before
eve suits a 6 only moderately well, and the proposed restoration of the preceding lacuna is

referring to Hypsipyle. ;
5-6. ἡ τροφός W-M, Murray. We had proposed to read καὶ rpagiés re krow . . . δίδωσιν,
H

98 THE OXYRHYNCHUS. PAPYRI

but W-M objects to this (1) that τέκύῳ would be expected, and (2) that Hypsipyle was
a dry-nurse. No doubt the dative would be more natural, but the genitive hardly seems
impossible ; and to the latter objection it may be answered that Hypsipyle would not be
more than middle-aged (Statius, 7%ed. v. 466, makes her sons about twenty years old), and
that her own language rather conveys the impression that she fulfilled all a mother’s functions
πλὴν οὐ τεκοῦσα, especially if ἔφερβον be read in Fr. 60. 12, and secondly that she was certainly
imagined as a nurse in the fuller sense by Statius; cf. Zheb. v. 617 ubera parvo tam
materna dabam. It may also be questioned whether τροφὰς διδόναι would necessarily imply
suckling. οὐδ᾽ ἔσω βαίνει suggests something like [é&ye|r’ ἔξω at the beginning of ]. 5.

Frs. 37-56 are too small to give clear indications concerning their metre. They were
found at the same time as Frs. 6 sqq. (cf. introd. p. 20), and are therefore grouped here
with them.

Fr. 41. 1. μάρ]τυσιν : cf. Fr. 60. 18.
Fr. 46. 1. The deleted a was originally unelided.

Fr, 49. 2. There was a horizontal stroke like a mark of length or a rough breathing
above the letter preceding the first a.

Frs. 57-9 probably belong to the stasimon preceding the act partially preserved in
Fr. 60; οὗ introd. p. 27, and note on 1. 17. We have not succeeded in finding a combina-
tion between them, but the texture of the papyrus and the character of the script, as well as
similarities in subject and metre, serve to connect them. The praise of Dionysus is the
main theme, and the metre had a large anapaestic element.

Fr. 57. 1. This line is apparently the first of a column.

5. The supposed stop after .8 may well be one of two dots inclosing the interlinear
variant, though such dots are not commonly used in this papyrus; cf. however,
Fr. 1. iv. 6—7 and Fr. 73. 4.

το. Cf. Rhes. 12 τί τὸ σῆμα θρόει.

13-6. Cf. Bacch. 142 566. ῥεῖ δὲ γάλακτι πέδον, ῥεῖ δ᾽ οἴνῳ, ῥεῖ δὲ μελισσᾶν νέκταρι, Συρίας
δ᾽ ὡς λιβάνου καπνός.

17. The traces of the stichometrical figure are slight, but that it is such a figure is
evident from the horizontal dashes above and below it, and this granted the only
suitable reading is A, i.e. 1100; the stroke seems to be too diagonal for the right-hand
limb of a μ.

20 sqq. The commencement of a new strophe or antistrophe is marked by the para-
eraphus and the projection of the lines to the left; cf. 6. 6. Fr. 1, iii, 18. Who is addressed
in πότνια θεῶν is not clear.

22. Cf. J. 7. 209 πρωτόγονον θάλος.

Fr. 58. I. avpat: or λύραι.

2. Cf. Fr. 57. τό and Lon 89 σμύρνης δ᾽ ἀνύδρου καπνὸς cis ὀρόφους Φοίβου πέταται, Tro. 1064
σμύρνης αἰθερίας τε καπνόν.

3: Ch ΗΕ. 7.

10. κυϊπαρισσόροζφνον : this word was conjectured by Casaubon in Mnesim. Lipp. τ.
1, where the MS. reading is κυπαριττοτρόφον. It is just possible that Φ and not ὃ stood
in the papyrus, but something of the vertical stroke of a ¢ ought certainly to appear.
κυπαρισσόροδος, as W-M remarks, is a hardly possible compound.

Fr. 59. The colour of the papyrus suggests that this fragment is to be placed below
rather than above Fr. 58; it does not seem likely that Fr. 58. 12 and Fr. 59. 1 coincide.

:
|

692.. LURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 99

Fr. 60. 5-62. Hyps. ‘.. . So seemest thou to indulge blind rage without staying
to learn truly the events’ course. Art thou silent, and answerest none of my complaints ?
For of the child’s death I am indeed the cause, but of killing him Iam not justly accused,—
my nursling, whom I fed in my arms, and who to my love was as my own child in all save
that I bare him not, my great comfort! O prow of Argo, and the sea’s white foam! O my
children, I perish miserably! O seer, son of Oecles, death is upon me! Help me, come,
suffer me not to die on a shameful charge ; since for thy sake I am lost! Come, for thou
knowest my case, and wouldst be received by this woman as the surest witness of my
mishap.—Let us go, since~I see no friend at hand to save me. Vain then was my
compunction !

Amph. Stay, thou who art sending this woman to be slain, O queen of the palace; for
from thy comeliness to my view I attribute to thee noble birth.

fyps. O, by thy knees, Amphiaraus, from the ground I supplicate thee, by thy beard,
by Apollo’s sacred art, save me, for thou art come at the very moment in my extremity, and
‘tis for thy sake that I perish. I am at the point of death, and in bonds thou seest me at
thy knees who then went with the strangers. So thou, a holy man, wilt do a holy deed ;
but if thou desertest me thou wilt be a reproach to the Argives, yea, to the Hellene race. O
thou who by the altar’s sacred flame dost foresee the fortunes of the Danai, tell this woman
of the child’s disaster, for thou wert by and knowest. She says that of set purpose I killed
her son and plotted against her house.

Amph. With knowledge am I come, having suspected the fate which the child’s end
would bring upon thee; and I am here to aid thine evil case, armed not with might, but
right. For it were shame to know well how to receive benefits from thee, and having received
them, how to do nought in return. First then, stranger lady, show thy face; for the dis-
creetness of my eye is much noised abroad among the Hellenes, and it is my nature, lady,
to restrain myself and to discern qualities. Next listen and relax this hastiness. In all else
error needs must be, but error against the life of a man or woman is a foul thing.

Euryd, Stranger, native of the neighbouring land by Argos, I have learned of all men
of thy discretion, else hadst thou never stood by and looked upon this face. And now if
thou desirest, I am willing to listen and to instruct thee ; for thou art not unworthy.

Amph. Lady, I would soften thy bitterness at this poor creature’s injury, not so
much out of regard for her as for justice; and I am shamed before Phoebus whose art
I practise by sacrificial fire if I speak any falsehood. ’Twas I who persuaded this woman
to show a spring of water running with a pure stream that therefrom I might take an offering
for the army in crossing the bounds of Argos.. .’

4sqq. Hypsipyle on her way to death is making a last effort to move Eurydice;
cf. introd. p. 26.

5. δοκεῖς od: or δοκ[εῖ σοι, and the sentence is perhaps interrogative. For χαρίζεσθαι
ef; Nauck Fr. 31 from the Aeolus ὀργῇ yap ὅστις εὐθέως χαρίζεται.

11. (γ): δ᾽ Pap., but δέ as W-M remarks, is superfluous; τἄλλ᾽ ὅπως, which he
suggests, is a rather larger alteration.

12. Murray’s ἔφερβον for ἔφερον seems the best remedy for this defective line. The
mistake would be a very easy one especially after ἐπ᾽ ἐμαῖσιν ἀγκάλαις (cf. Or. 464 παῖδ᾽
ἀγκάλαισι περιφέρων), and ἔφερβον can be supported by (νεῖ. 142 ὃν ἐξέθρεψα ταῖσδ᾽ ἐγώ ποτ᾽
ἀγκάλαις. ὙΥ--Μ suggests ἔφερον (ἐπ)ωφέλημ, Cf. for the language here Fr. 32, and for
ὠφέλημ᾽ Statius, Zhed. v. 608 sqq. O mrhi desertae natorum dulcis emago, Archemore, 0 rerum
ef patriae solamen ademptae servititque decus.

13. Aevaivew is transitive elsewhere in Euripides; cf. Nicander, A/. 170 ἀφροῖο νέην
κλύδα λευκαίνουσαν.

Η 2

100 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

14. The dot which is placed directly over o of παιδεσ was perhaps intended to cancel
that superfluous letter, but it may be a carelessly written stop.

τό. dpyéoly, ἐϊλθέ: so Herc. F. 494.

19. σαφέστατ(ο)ν : cf. Hipp. 972 μάρτυρος capeotdrov. σαφέστατ᾽ ἄν would not yield the
required sense.

20. ἄγετε is addressed by Hypsipyle to her guards.

21. On the significance of the words κενὰ δ᾽ [ἐϊπῃδέσθην ἄρα see introd. p. 25. It was
suggested by Murray that ἐπῃδέσθην might possibly be here used in a passive sense, ‘1 was
reverenced,’ i.e. spared, in which case Hypsipyle would mean that she might as well have
been slain at once; but there seems to be no parallel for such a use.

22. o Of πεμπουσα has been corrected apparently from e, and probably weume was first
written. The left margin is broken away close to the beginnings of the lines throughout
this column, and the entries of the speakers’ names, if they occurred, are lost.

23. εὐτρεπες was first written, the « being a later insertion though possibly by the original
scribe. τῷ εὐπρεπεῖ is instrumental and there is no need for an alteration like ἐγὼ yap
εὐπρεπῆ. The sentence was begun as if ἐλευθέραν τὴν φύσιν εἶναι εἰκάζω, or something of the
sort, was to follow.

25. oc... ἱκέτις πίτνω = σε ἱκετεύω, the abnormal construction being assisted by the
familiarity of the formula πρός σε γονάτων, &c., which is sometimes used with an entire ellipse
ofa verb. Cf. for this appeal e.g. Andr. 572 sqq. ἀλλ᾽ ἀντιάζω σ᾽, ὦ γέρον, τῶν σῶν πάρος
πίτνουσα γονάτων--- χειρὶ δ᾽ οὐκ ἔξεστί μοι τῆς σῆς λαβέσθαι φιλτάτης yeverados—pioai pe πρὸς θεῶν.

29. Since the second sentence expands the first and does not stand in any sort of
opposition to it, re is more appropriate than é¢. Perhaps the particles should be trans-
posed, μέλλω δὲ... δεσμίαν τε.

30. 6 of τοθ is corrected from τ The mistaken v in ἕξενους has not been crossed out.

31-2. Some or even all of the corrections may be in another hand; the 7 above o in
1. 32 looks as if it had been enlarged after it was first inserted.

35- [οἶσθα (Murray) is more likely than {jo éa.

43. Eurydice had veiled herself on the sudden intrusion of a strange man. Cf. the
words of the τροφός of Hermione in Andr. 876 ἀλλ᾽ εἴσιθ᾽ εἴσω μηδὲ φαντάζου δόμων πάροιθε
τῶνδε, μή tw’ αἰσχύνην λάβης πρόσθεν μελάθρων τῶνδ᾽ ὁρωμένη, τέκνον. It is also to be remembered
that Eurydice’s husband was absent from the palace. A more subtle interpretation of her
attitude has been proposed by Murray, who thinks that shame at being surprised by a good
man in an act of blind vindictiveness led to an outburst of tears. There is, however, no real
hint of this in the Greek, and ll. 51-2 are hardly consistent with it. For the turn of the
verse cf. Heracl. 942 πρῶτον μὲν οὖν μοι δεῦρ᾽ ἐπίστρεψον κάρα.

44-5. There seems to be no similar instance of this use of διήκειν, which inverts
the ordinary construction, e. g. Soph. O. C. 305-6 πολὺ yap, ὦ γέρον, τὸ σὸν ὄνομα διήκει πάντας.
But the locution may be defended on the analogy of διιέναι, διέρχεσθαι, &c., and there is no
need to suspect a corruption. « of καὶ has been corrected; the scribe apparently began to write σ.

46. κοσμεῖν = ‘ regulate,’ ‘ restrain,’ as in Andr. 956 χρεὼν κοσμεῖν γυναῖκας τὰς γυναικείας
νόσους. By τὰ διαφέρονθ᾽ ὁρᾶν Amphiaraus apparently means that he regarded essential
qualities, not allowing himself to be distracted by vanities.

47. Perhaps the interlinear 5 as well as the ε and σ is by a later hand.

49. Cf. Alc. 301 ψυχῆς yap οὐδέν ἐστι τιμιώτερον.

52. Sense and metre both demand the insertion of ἄν after ὄμμα.

53. Bovde here Pap., but -y is the regular form elsewhere.

60. The circumflex accent on eyé, influenced apparently by the prodelision, is curious ;
but the accentuation is not seldom at fault; cf. Fr. 1. 1. 4, iv. 11. κρηναῖον γάνος occurs in
Aesch. Pers. 483.

852: EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE IOI

61. [ὅπως λάβω Murray.

62. What was originally written in place of ᾿Αργεῖον ws is obscure; perhaps the a
of προθυμα was also deleted. The mark above o of ws was presumably intended as a rough
breathing but it consists of a single horizontal stroke. διιεκπερῶν, followed by some such
word as ὅρισμα, W-M.

67. In the initial lacuna W-M suggests χὠ, which might be written καὶ 0, Bury iave.

68. per[: or per.[, in which case μεῖν probably followed παῖς in the preceding line. as
αμειψί could be read.

71-2. Bury suggests do[nuos and in the next verse ο[ἱματωπὸν ὄμμασιν βλέπων, comparing
Nauck Fr. 870 δράκοντος αἱματωπὸν ὄμμα, which is quoted from Euripides in Anecd. Bekk.
p. 362, and has been referred to this play by Hartung, Zurip. Rest. ii. p. 436. The subject
of ἠκόντισ᾽ is evidently δράκων; Bury compares ἀκοντίας, the name of a kind of serpent.
The breathings in 1. 72 are both not quite certain.

44. We adopt the restoration proposed by Bury; the line of course easily admits
of several variations, 6. g. μυρίων πόνων OF κακῶν OF πολυπόνου μοίρας, but the sense is evident.

80. ὄρνιθα = ‘omen’, as 6. g.in 2. A. 988 ὄρνις γένοιτ᾽ ἂν... θανοῦσ᾽ ἐμὴ παῖς.

81. The letters after μὴ are represented by exiguous vestiges and are all very doubtful.
Above the second of them there is a faint vertical mark which may represent an inserted
iota ; that it is the top of a ¢ or Ψ is not probable.

82. ἀλλ᾽ οὐχί οἵ ἄλλου χί.

84. Κάδμου : sc. πόλ(ις) Or Some equivalent expression.

85. Probably κυρήσϊας agreeing with “Adpactos.

86. ιξεταρῖ, as Murray suggests, seems to be a crasis of ἵξεται dpa. Our restorations
in this and the next two lines only attempt to give the sense.

89-96 = Nauck Fr. 757. 1-8. Lines 89-92 and 95 end-—96 are quoted by Clement
Alex. Strom. iv. p. 587, ll. 89-96, by Plutarch, AZor. p. 110 F, and Stobaeus (who gives the
name of the play), /7Zor. 108. τι, ll. 94—5 μή, by Marcus Antoninus 7. 40, and 1. 94 again
at 11. 6. Lines go-4 are translated by Cicero, Zusc. 3. 25. 59.

89. δ᾽ ad: γοῦν Clem. ; δ᾽ αὖ is clearly right.

90. οὐ πονεῖ βροτῶν : οὐκ ἀεὶ πονεῖ Stob. οὐ νοσεῖ Bp. is conjectured by F. G. Schmidt,
Krit. Stud. ii. p. 487, on the ground that Cicero has guem non attingit dolor.

91. There is considerable variation in this line in the authorities ; Stob. has θάπτειν...
καὶ ἕτερα κτᾶσθαι πάλιν, Plutarch θάπτει... χἅτερ᾽ αὖ κτᾶται νέα, Clement θάπτει καὶ ἕτερα σπείρει
νέα. We follow Nauck’s text.

92. avro: in the papyrus is a slip for αὐτός as read by Plut. and Clem. αὐτοὺς θνήσκειν
Stob., who also has κατὰ δ᾽ (= «dra δ᾽ ?) for καὶ τάδ᾽.

93. [γῆν ἀναγκαίως δ᾽ : τῆνδ᾽ ἀναγκαίως Plut. and Stob., corrected by Grotius from Cicero’s
translation reddenda terrae est terra.

94-5. βίου M. Ant. 11. 6, and ro... τό for τὸν . .. τόν ἢ. 40.

96. στένειν. .. διεκπερᾶν : στέγειν ... δεῖ δ᾽ ἐκπερᾶν Clem.

After this line Plut. and Clem. give another, which Nauck edits as δεινὸν γὰρ οὐδὲν τῶν
ἀναγκαίων βροτοῖς (οὐθὲν γὰρ δεινόν Plut., οὐ δεινὸν οὐδέν Clem.), and it is quite possible that there
has been an omission in the papyrus; cf. Fr. 1. ii..8 and Fr. 64. 57. On the other hand
the verse is not added here by Stobaeus, who quotes it (in the form οὐκ αἰσχρὸν οὐδὲν κατ
as Εὐριπίδου simply, without the name of the play, in another place, Flor. 29. 56.
Stobaeus’ testimony, therefore, tends to corroborate the papyrus, and as the line is easily
spared we do not insert it.

97. The letter before the lacuna seems to be o rather than ε, i.e. ”Apyo[us or ᾿Αργόθεν.
Something like ἤΑργοζυς ἐξάγουσι πρόσφορα | Adyar δὸς ἡμ[ῖν' κοὐ κενόν τι πράξομεν seems
indicated.

102 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI

gg-rot. Cf. Statius, Zheb. v. 536-7 ut inde sacer per saecula Grais gentibus et tanto
dignus morerere sepulcro, and 741 mansurts donandus honoribus tnfans.

102-3. Cf. the words of the scholiast on Clement quoted in introd. p. 22 ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τὸν
Νεμεακὸν ἄγωνα συνεστήσατο, and Scho]. Pindar, Wem. arg. 4 ὁ δὲ στέφανος ἐκ χλωρῶν πλέκεται
σελίνων.

106. The line may be completed 6. g. ᾿Αρχεμόρου τεθνηκότος, as Bury suggests.

111. εἰς τὸ λοιπόν Murray.

112. Murray proposes τίίμιον προσκείσεται. τίμιον is also suggested here by Bury.

113. ἡ after nooo is naturally interpreted as 7; cf. Fr. 1. ii. 19 and 22, where 7 is
written in the same way. But μὴν; is obscure.

114-7 = Nauck Fr. 759, quoted from the Hyfszpyle in Orion, Lor. 7. 5, p. 51, 10;
]. 114 also appears, without statement of the source, in Flor. Monac. 100.

114. φύσεις : so correctly Flor. Monac.; χρήσεις Orion.

117. οὐδέ: οὐδέν Orion, corr. Schneidewin. Wecklein, Rhein. Aus. xxxiil. p. 121
proposes to read λόγον in place of χρεών.

Frs. 61-3. These fragments, as W-M suggests, may be assigned with probability to
the columns intervening between Fr. 60. ii and Fr. 64. 1 ; the allusions to Hypsipyle’s sons in
Fr. 61. 4-6, to Lemnos in Fr. 62. 3, and to Amphiaraus in Fr. 63. 6 suit that position.
But though all three give ends of lines they appear to come from different columns. Fr. 63
is distinguished by a seis rather to the right of the centre; and the other two are quite
dissimilar, Fr. 61 being light-coloured and well preserved, whereas Fr. 62 is dark and
rubbed. It is likely enough that some of the other pieces among Frs. 65-73 also belong
to this part of the play, but in the absence of definite indications we do not attempt to assign
their position.

Fr. 61. Hypsipyle is the speaker in part of this fragment at any rate, perhaps throughout.
In ]. 6 she is probably expressing her ignorance whether her sons survive or not, and ll. 8
and 12 contain allusions to her servitude. A reference to the strange young men precedes
in 1. 4; W-—M may well be right in thinking that Hypsipyle is addressing one of the latter,
and asking him to obtain her liberty. If so the fragment would be preliminary to their
recognition.

2. ἀζήλῳ καϊκῷ W—M ; οὔρια ζήλῳ καὶ κά (Murray) seems more difficult. ἀλ]λόϊτ]ρια ζηλῶ
καὶ κά is objectionable owing to the neglect οὗ caesura: perhaps ἃ ζηλῶ.

4. ἔϊχοις : or possibly [é]yos: cf. Fr. 33. 8, where Ἰοχηΐ might be ὄχημα.

5. # Of opov is corrected from A, probably by a later hand. The words may also be
divided 6 μ᾽ οὐ παρόνθ᾽ ὅμζως (?) as Murray suggests, which would imply a masculine speaker
for this line.

15. Apparently not ἡνίκα.

Fr. 62. 2. The v above the line seems to have been inserted by the first hand, and was
perhaps deleted by the second.

5. The short v in κωλύει, if the reading is right, is remarkable. The v is similarly
scanned e.g.in Aristophanes’ Anighis 723, 972, but is long elsewhere in tragedy wherever
= quantity is determinable, Jon 391, Phoen. 990. Murray notes the parallel of μηνΐων in

eS. 494.
7. τινός : ΟΥ̓ τίνος ; the fragment may be stichomuthic.

Fr. 63. The speaker is probably Hypsipyle, who after her rescue by Amphiaraus
seems in ll. 5-8 to be asking for further assistance; cf. note on Il. 7-8.
3. An acute accent on ἐστιν has been substituted for a barytone ; cf, 841. VI. 88.

ae eae ee. Te eS

852. EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 103

4. v Of ovo was originally omitted.
7-8. W-M proposes αὖΪ]θις ὡσπερεὶ νεὼς ([adn πλαγκτῆς κυβερνήτην σε) λα[μ͵]βάνω σοφόν

as representing the sense of these two verses; ζάλῃ however could not be read, though
σίάλῳ would suit.

Fr. 64. i. ἀναγνώρισις between Hypsipyle and her sons; cf. introd. p. 26. It is tempting
to place Fr. 70 at the top of this column. The recto is blank save for the tip of an oblique
dash, and in the margin of Fr. 64. i recto there are two incomplete oblique dashes, to one
of which the tip in Fr. 7o might well belong. On the other hand the strongly marked
fibres of the papyrus do not correspond in the two pieces as they should do, and the
combination cannot therefore be regarded as satisfactory.

50-1. These explanatory glosses are in a small hand resembling that of the text,
though perhaps distinct from it. The words ᾿Ηδωνίσι and Πάγγαιον of course occurred
in the text.

57. κάτ(ω) refers to an entry in the (lost) margin below, replacing a deletion (apparently)
in the text; cf. Fr. 1. ii. 8. κάτ(ω) has been written twice, perhaps through mere inadvertence,
or possibly the corrector thought that the word was placed too near the end of the verse,
and so rubbed it out and rewrote it further off.

58-106. Hyps.‘... (the wheel of the god) . .. me and my children has run back again
along a single road, rolling us now towards terror, now delight; and at last he has shone
forth serene.

Amph. This is the guerdon, lady, that thou receivest from me; since thou wert
zealous towards my entreaty, I in my turn have shown my zeal towards thy sons. God keep
thee now, and keep ye this your mother, and fare ye well; while we will go on with our
army to Thebes, even as we have set forth to do.

The sons of Hyps. Blessings on thee, friend, for thou dost merit them; yea, blessings

- on thee. Hapless mother, how insatiate of thy woes was one among the gods!

Hyps. Ah, if thou shouldst learn of my banishment, my son, my banishment from
sea-washed Lemnos, because I cut not off the grey head of my father !

Fun. Can they have ordered thee to slay thy father?

Fiyps. 1 am full of terror at those bygone woes. Oh, my son, like Gorgons they
slaughtered their husbands in their beds.

Lun. And thou, how didst thou steal away from death?

Hyps. 1 reached the resounding shore and the sea-wave where the birds make their
lonely nests.

Eun. And how camest thou thence, what convoy brought thee hither?

Hyps. Sailors carried me by ship to Nauplia’s haven, the place of travellers’ passage,
and brought me to servitude here, my son, a sorry merchandise of Danaid maidens.

Eun. Alas for thy woes!

Hyps. Lament not in our good fortune. But how wert thou and thy brother here
brought up, and by whose hand, O my son? Tell me, tell thy mother.

Eun. The Argo brought me and him to the city of Iolcus.

Hyps. Yea, the nursling of my breast!

Eun. But when my father Jason died, mother,—

Hyps. Alas! thou speakest of my afflictions, my son, and bringest the tears to my eyes.

Eun. — Then Orpheus brought him and me to the land of Thrace.

Hyps. What kindness was he doing to thy hapless father? Tell me, my son.

Eun. He taught me the music of the Asian lyre, and my brother he schooled in Ares’
art of arms.

Hyps. And by what way went ye over the Aegean to the shore of Lemnos?

104 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Eun. Thy father Thoas conveyed thy two children.
Hyps. Is he then safe ?
Eun. Yea, by the contrivance of Bacchus.’

58-62. ἐμέ evidently preceded, and the subject of the sentence is δαίμων or Βάκχος or
some equivalent expression. χρόνῳ... εὐάμερος is aregular dochmiac dimeter, and 1]. 58—60
as they stand in the papyrus may also be regarded as resolved dochmiacs, but it is perhaps
better, as W-M suggests, to regard those verses as iambic on account of ἑλίξας. In either
case re is best omitted. For the metaphor of ἐτρόχασεν cf. e.g. Soph. Fr. 787 πότμος ἐν
πυκνῷ θεοῦ τροχῷ κυκλεῖται.

64. ἠντόμην is a somewhat strong expression, but we can find no more suitable correction
for the meaningless ἦν τότε of the papyrus, and it is well to suppose that Hypsipyle was not
easily persuaded.

65. A slightly curved stroke in which we can see no meaning stands above ε of παιδε ;
it might be meant for an iota.

66. The line as left by the first hand though grammatically correct will not scan, since it
gives a short final vowel before of. To omit τέκνα and bring in τήνδε (accented τῆνδε, cf. Fr. 1.
vi. 11), which was inserted at a different time and probably by a different hand, is an easy
remedy, but the construction then becomes more difficult, since a transitive σῴζετε or σῴζεσθε
has to be supplied out of the passive σῴζου.

69-71. The marginal annotation assigns these lines to both sons, which implies a fourth
actor; cf. introd. p. 30. Perhaps one of them spoke 1. 69, the other 1]. 7o-1; this adds point
to the repeated εὐδαιμονοίης (cf. however, Soph. £7. 1163-4 ὥς p’ ἀπώλεσας" ἀπώλεσας δῆτ᾽, Ores.
219 λαβοῦ, λαβοῦ δῆτ᾽). W—M reminds us of the parallel in M/ed. 1271 sqq., where the MSS.
prefix to]. 1271 παῖς, to 1272 ἕτερος παῖς, and to 1277-8 παῖδες or of δύο παῖδες. The stop in
]. 70 should have been placed after δητα instead of before it.

72-3. t which follows φυγας in the papyrus might be regarded as an error for γ᾽ (cf.
Fr. 60. 12), but is better omitted altogether. The metre of these two verses is iambic
monometer, dochmiac monometer, dochmiac dimeter.

74. The deleted v, which was written by the first hand over ν of eyor, implies the
division οὐκέτ᾽ ἐμοῦ, though if the words were so understood ὅτε ought also to have been
altered to ὅτε. The transposition of πολιόν is suggested by W-M in order to produce
a dochmiac dimeter.

75 544. Since Euneos is the speaker in 1]. ror (cf. introd. p. 28), it is best to regard
him as sustaining the whole of this conversation.

77. The correction of rexva to τέκνον, proposed by W-M, is probable since one son is
addressed throughout this passage; cf. ll. 73, 86, 91, &c. An anapaestic dimeter is here
interposed between a dochmiac dim. and a dochmiac monom. For oid re cf. Fr. 1. ii. 18.
Τοργάδες in the sense of Γοργόνες is quoted in Phot. Lex. πλόκιον Τοργάδος" τὸν δοθέντα πλόκαμον
τῆς Τοργόνης ᾿Αστερόπῃ τῇ Κηφέως ; cf. Lycophr. 1349 ἡ παλίμφρων Τοργάς, which is explained by
some scholl. as meaning Hera ἡ ἐμποιοῦσα φόβον mapa τὴν γοργότητα. The word Topyddov
is glossed by Hesychius, who cites it (1 p. 851) from Sophocles’ Daedalus, as ἁλιάδων ; Cf.
1614. Topyides* ai ’Oxeavides, Zon. Lex. p. 448 γοργάδες" ai δέσποιναι.

79. On the marginal s = |. 1600 cf. Fr. 25, note.

80-82. opveewr (517) Pap., but ὄρνεον though a good word does not occur elsewhere in
tragedy and W—M’s correction ὀρνίθων is also metrically preferable. Transposing ἱκόμαν to
]. 81 we then get here an iambic dimeter, an anapaestic dimeter, and a dochmiac with
irrational penultimate. The papyrus shows both the old Attic (properispome) and the later
accentuation of epnuos. For ὀρνίθων... κοίταν cf. a fragment from the Polyidus (Nauck
636. 5) ὁ κύματ' οἰκῶν ὄρνις. οἶδμα θαλάσσιον occurred in the Bellerophon (Nauck 301. 2)

$52. . EURIPIDES, HYPSIPYLE 105

84-6 = spond. dip., dactyl. tetrap., 2 dactylo-epitrit. dims., with catalexis in the second.

84. We adopt W-M’s conjecture ἐνθάδε Δαναίδων, which produces a dochmiac dimeter,
for the unintelligible ἐνθαδη (another δὴ deleted) ναίων. Murray suggests ἐνθάδ᾽ 7 ναίω, which
is closer to the papyrus but makes the construction of μέλεον ἐμπολάν more difficult, besides
being less satisfactory metrically. The o of μελεον is more like ὦ, and perhaps μέλεων was
written owing to confusion with ναίων.

89-92. Dactylo-epitrit. dim. (προσοδιακόν), dactyl. tetrap., 2 cretic dims. (apparently).
ore ὃ was written for ode τ: cf. Fr. 60. 29, note; the partial correction is by the first hand.

93. We substitute ἐς Ἰωλκόν for εἰς Κόλχων, the incongruity of which had already struck
us and was further emphasized by Dr. Mahaffy. According to Ovid, Herozd. 6. 56, Jason
stayed two years at Lemnos, but his children were not yet born when he sailed for
Colchis ; at any rate it is improbable that he could have wished to take two infants on that
dangerous expedition ; moreover there would be a strange hiatus in Euneos’ story if he said
nothing of going to Thessaly. Euripides apparently imagined Jason as calling again at Lemnos
on his return from Colchis (cf. Pindar, Py/h. 4. 251), and on finding Hypsipyle gone—she
had in the meantime been banished—his natural course would be to-carry his young children
away with him to his own home; according to Statius, Zhed. v. 467, Hypsipyle on going into
exile left them in the charge of a person named Lycaste, who is unknown from other sources.
Cf. Apollon. Rhod. i. 904-6 (Jason to Hypsipyle) εἰ δ᾽ οὔ μοι πέπρωται ἐς “Ελλάδα γαῖαν ἱκέσθαι
τηλοῦ ἀναπλώοντι, σὺ δ᾽ ἄρσενα παῖδα τέκηαι, πέμπε μιν ἥβησαντα Πελασγίδος ἔνδον ᾿Ιωλκοῦ. Ww-M
however, in spite of the foregoing considerations, would retain εἰς Κόλχων on the ground
that this is required by Hypsipyle’s interjection in the next line, ἀπομαστίδιον κιτιλ.

The interlinear ε is written through a mark of elision.

94 = Anapaestic monom. (equivalent to dochmiac) + catalectic dochmiac.

95. The letters oo of ἐμοσ are converted from an ὦ.

96-7. κακά for κακων Murray, restoring the dochmiac trimeter.

98. For Orpheus cf. note on Fr. 1. iii, 8-10.

99-100 = Resolved dochmiac + iambic trim. For χάριν . . . τιθέμενος cf. £7. 61
χάριτα τιθεμένη πόσει.

τοι. This verse which shows that Euneos is the speaker alludes to the Attic clan of
Εὐνεῖδαι : cf. introd. p. 28. The first hand perhaps wrote μακαρισας, but the vestige of the
letter after » is too slight to show whether it was corrected.

102. “Apews ὅπλα... μάχης : ὅπλα-μάχης coalesces into a single term, being practically
equivalent, as W-M remarks, to ὁπλομαχίαν. Cf. Phoen. 307-9 βοστρύχον τε κυανόχρωτα
χαίτας-πλόκαμον, Soph. Ant. 795 βλεφάρων-ἵμερος εὐλέκτρου νύμφας, &c. The letters ἐσ,
though broken, are practically certain.

103-4 = Dochmiac trim., the first member catalectic, the third with an irrational first
syllable.

105. The papyrus has δυοῖν τεκνω, which is obviously wrong. W-M believes that
there is a serious corruption, first on account of the form τέκνω, and secondly because the
words would naturally mean ‘his children’ not ‘ your children’. But although dual neuters
in τῷ are certainly rare, they do occasionally occur, e. g. J. T. 487 δύ᾽ ἐξ ἑνὸς κακώ, Phoen. 582
δύο κακώ, Aristoph. Birds 1464 πτερώ, Lysist. 291 τὼ ξύλω, Xen. Cyr. ν. 4. 51 τὼ δὲ δύο
φρουρίω; and though the expression is not clear, no doubt could arise concerning the
intended meaning. It would be easy to complete the line differently, e. g. τὼ παῖδέ σου, OF
ἐκεῖσε vd, but not easy to account for the corruption. We therefore leave the text as nearly
as possible in the form in which it stands, while quite admitting its questionable authenticity.
Murray ingeniously proposes δύ᾽ of τέκνω, which no doubt might readily produce δύοιν τέκνω ;
but the collocation does not seem quite satisfactory.

106. Βαἰκ]χίίου] suits the space better than Bo[x]x{as], and, as Murray remarks, is more

ἜΣ THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

probable in itself in view of the extremely common use in Euripides of Βάκχιος = Βάκχος.
In Statius, Zed. v. 283-4, Dionysus in aiding Thoas to escape from Lemnos promises to
watch over his fortunes: /u lato patrem committe profundo. Succedam curis.

107. Perhaps π]όνων, but μετα]βοϊλαί (cf. Nauck Fr. inc. 864 μεταβολὰς yap πόνων ἀεὶ
φιλῶ) is excluded by the accent on o.

109. παῖδας #: for the circumflex on ἡ cf. Fr. 1. ii. 17; παῖδα σῇ is less likely.

111. Possibly βροτοῖσι δόἾΪντος, as Murray suggests: but the sense of the passage
remains too obscure for a restoration.

152. On this appearance of Dionysus and the purport of his speech cf. introd. p. 28.

Fr. 65. στρατεῖ in 1]. 4 and θύειν in 1. g are doubtless references to the Argive army (cf.
Frs. 1. iv. 36 and 60. 62), and the speaker is perhaps Amphiaraus, in which case the frag-
ment should probably be placed with Frs. 61-3 in the gap between Frs. 60 and 64.

Fr. 67. The rubbed papyrus is very similar in appearance to the bottom of Fr. I. iii;
it is quite likely to be lyrical, but does not seem to join on there directly.

Frs. 68-9. Fr. 68 cannot be placed in Col. i of Fr. 64, nor is it at all likely that
Fr. 69 belongs there.

Fr. 70. Possibly this fragment belongs to the top of Fr. 64. i; cf. note ad loc. It does
not come from the same column as Fr. 77.

2. | τύχαις : OF πτυχαῖς.

5. This may bea lyric verse.

Fr. 71. Since the recto contains beginnings of lines, this fragment does not belong to
Fr. 1. v, where the recto is blank.

Fr. 72. This piece approximates in condition to Frs. 18-9, but not closely enough
to be definitely grouped with them.

Fr. 73. 4. ἥν (not ἤν) is inserted above the line apparently as a variant on εἰ: in the
absence of the context it is of course impossible to give either the preference.

Fr. 76. 3. The insertion above the line is puzzling : the two sigmas are clear, and at
a short distance from them is a vestige of what seems to be another letter.

Fr. 77. 4. The slight vestige of the first letter would suit x.

Fr. 79. This fragment looks as if it belonged to Fr. 1. ii, but we cannot finda place for
it there.

Fr. 86. 3. A vestige on the edge of the papyrus above the top of the @ may represent
a breathing or belong to another inserted letter.

Fr. 90. 4. This is probably the last line of a column.

Fr. 96. 4. The supposed ε has been corrected apparently from v ; but perhaps the first
letter is a and the v was merely crossed out, being followed by a τ.

Fr. 97. In the margin slightly above 1. 1 is what appears to be a small 6 with two
horizontal strokes below it. The remains do not well suit either one of the dramatis
personae or a stichometrical figure, though é = 1400 is just possible.

Fr. 115. Judged by the manner of writing, Θόαΐ is more probably part of the text than
a marginal dramatis persona, though the blank space below would suit the latter hypothesis.

Fr. 116. This is perhaps part of a marginal note; cf. Fr. 64. i. go-1. The stroke
like an accent is some little way above the é.

ee αν ee ee ee ee

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 107

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II.

Height 20-5 cm. Late second century.
Plate IV (Cols. xvi-xvii).

These considerable portions of a commentary upon the second book of
Thucydides belong to the large find of literary papyri which produced 841-4 and
852, and consisted originally of about a hundred fragments of varying sizes,
two-thirds of which have been pieced together. Excluding the small unplaced
fragments, 19 columns (about 600 lines) are preserved, divided into eight separate
sections which we have called A-—H, and covering the first 45 chapters of the
book, though with large gaps at certain points. Like 842, which was written
on the verso of a long official document from the Arsinoite nome (918), this
commentary is on the back of a series of non-literary documents from that
district. A detailed description of these texts is given under 986 ; here it is
necessary to state that the writing proceeds in the opposite direction to that
of the scholia, and that at least three originally different papyri have been joined
together to form a roll of sufficient length for the literary text. Cols. i-iv of the
recto (= Cols. xix-xiv of the verso) belong to a survey-list of confiscated
house property; Cols. v-viii of the recto (= Cols. xiii-viii of the verso) are in
the same hand and of a similar character, but are concerned with property in land,
the writer, a comogrammateus of the village of Oxyrhyncha in the 16th year of
Hadrian, making a fresh start. Col. viii of the recto was cut down the middle and
joined to another second-century document, Col. ix (=Col. vii of the verso),
containing a return by sitologi which has itself had the beginnings of lines cut
off; the line of junction corresponds to the margin between Cols. viii and vii of
the verso. Cols. x-xv of the recto (= Cols, vi-i of the verso) belong to a third
document, a second-century account concerning loans of seed-corn to cultivators
of Crown lands.

The script of the commentary is a small and neat informal uncial, with a
tendency to lapse into cursive forms, especially in the letters,e and x, and presents
much similarity to the hand of the Oxyrhynchus scholia on //ad xxi (221). The
circumstance that one of the documents on the recto is dated in A.D. 131-2
provides a zerminus a quo for the date of the text on the verso, which on
palaeographical grounds is not likely to be later than A.D. 200. Probably 842,
852, and 853 were all written about the same time, somewhat later than 221.
Tota adscript is rarely (e. g. x. 15, 31, xv. 34) omitted. There are no stops,

and accents, breathings, and elision-marks are used sparingly ; but paragraphi

108 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

occur frequently to separate the notes, and the lemmata project into the left
margin by the width of one letter, as in the Berlin Didymus papyrus, and are
separated from the notes referring to them by a short blank space. With each
new quotation the scribe begins a fresh line. The common angular sign (some-
times doubled) is employed to fill up short lines. « and v occasionally have the
diaeresis. The concluding word of a note is four times (v. 15, vii. 28, xv. 4, xvi. 11)
abbreviated, even though in the first two cases there was plenty of room to write
the word out in full; but of the conventional abbreviations often found in com-
mentaries of this period (cf. e.g. 856) there is no trace. The columns contain
from 35 to 38 lines, the beginnings of which tend to slope away to the left as the
column proceeds. There are a few corrections, all due to the original scribe, who
was not a very careful copyist, so that several minor alterations in the text,
chiefly due to omissions, are necessary ; cf. i. 22, ii. 19, 28, vii. 24, ix. 13, X. 27,
xv. 4, 38.

Of the eight sections into which the papyrus falls, A contains Cols. i-iii in
a very fair condition, and the beginnings of lines of Col. iv. So far as the
external evidence is concerned, there is no special indication that Col. i is the
original beginning of the writing on the verso, but since the first note refers
to the opening words of Book II, it is probable that in Col. i we have the actual
commencement of the work, and that the roll did not contain our author’s com-
mentary on Book I if he wrote one. i. 7-iv. 9 is taken up by a long discussion
of the criticisms directed against Thucydides’ method of writing history by
Dionysius of Halicarnassus in his extant work περὶ Θουκυδίδου, so that by the end
of Col. iv our author has only reached c..2. 4. B, comprising the two well-
preserved columns v and vi, follows immediately after A and covers cc. 2. 4-8. 2,
after which there isa gap. Since the writing on the recto of B has no connexion
with that on the recto of C, it does not help to decide the width of the lacuna
between these two sections, but the internal evidence of the scholia shows that
at least one column and probably not more than two are missing between
Cols. vi and vii. C, which contains the two damaged columns vii and viii, begins
at c. 11. 4 and reaches c. 13. 6. D, containing the upper half of Col. ix,
follows C without an interval, and down to 1. 18 covers Ὁ. 13. 6-7. Fr. 1, how-
ever, apparently refers to c. 14. 1 and probably belongs to the lower part of
Col. ix, which no doubt covered all c. 14; for E begins at c. 15. 1, and though, as
far as the verso is concerned, there might be a column or two missing between
D and E, the writing on the recto makes it practically certain that Col. x follows
immediately after Col. ix. While Col. i of E (=Col. x), which covers cc. 15. I-
17. 1 is in moderate preservation, Col. ii (=Col. xi) is represented only by
three small detached fragments. The exact position of that containing parts of

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 109

ll. 1-3 is obvious from internal evidence, while that containing the beginnings
of ll. 15-7 is fixed not only by its suitability to this context, but by the
writing on the recto, and the accuracy of the position assigned to the third
fragment, containing parts of ll. 14-21 (Fr. 2), is hardly open to question. The
next section, F, consists of the ends of lines of Col. xii and three quarters
of Col. xiii, covering cc. 17. 4-24. 1. That anything is lost between Cols. xi and
xii is most unlikely, but after Col. xiii there is a long gap, since G begins at
c. 34. 5. In this section we have the ends of lines of Col. xiv, then three well-
preserved columns (xv—xvii) and the beginnings of lines of another (xviii) cover-
ing cc. 34. 5-41. 3. The beginning of the funeral oration of Pericles (cc. 35-45)
is noted in xiv. 3. After Col. xviii there is another considerable lacuna in which
probably 3 or 4 columns are lost, and H (Col. xix) has only the ends of 18 lines
on a fragment dealing with c. 45. 2, near the conclusion of the funeral oration.

The date at which these scholia were composed can be fixed within tolerably
narrow limits. Dionysius of Halicarnassus came to Rome in 30 B.C. and issued
his great work on Roman Archaeology in 7 B.C. (Azz. i. 7. 2), while Q. Aelius
Tubero, to whom the treatise on Thucydides was addressed, is probably identical
with the consul of 11 B.C., so that our commentary which discusses that treatise
cannot be earlier than 30 B.C. and is not likely to be earlier than 10 B.c. On
the other hand, since the MS. itself is not later than A. D. 200, the composition
of the commentary can hardly have taken place later than Hadrian’s time,
and it is more likely that it was written soon after the beginning of the
Christian era.

The extant scholia on Thucydides, derived from the Byzantine MSS. and of
varying dates, are fairly full, but do not display much learning, and are rarely
of great value either for the elucidation of the text or for quotations from other
writers ; and in spite of the, greater antiquity of our commentary it is but little
superior to them in point of quality. Our author’s interest in Thucydides was
mainly grammatical, and most of the notes are devoted to the explanation of words,
phrases, or constructions, with frequent paraphrases of clauses or even whole
sentences which were difficult, especially in the funeral oration. Questions of
spelling and accentuation are discussed in v. 12-5 and vi. 25-8. In exegesis
our author displays more intelligence than the extant scholia (e.g. v. 1-3) ; and
though many of his remarks are trivial enough, his opinions on several well-
known and much disputed passages have some importance, as supporting now
one, now another of the modern commentators, or suggesting something new;
e.g. X. 25-30, xiv. 6-11, xv. 16-24, xvii. 16-9, 23-9, and 31-3. But his
authority cannot be ranked high, for in several places his interpretation is certainly
wide of the mark ; cf. v. 22-9 (two explanations of the infinitive rod μὴ ἐκφυγεῖν,

10 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

both of which are unsatisfactory), ix. 4-6 (an impossible explanation of ὑπό
as equivalent to ἀπό), xix. 4 sqq. (a hopelessly wrong interpretation of ἧς ἂν ἐπ’
ἐλάχιστον κιτ.λ). Of more interest than his exegetical remarks are his critical
notes on the text. The variant ὥρμητο for ὥργητο recorded in xiii. 13-5 was
already known, but neither ἐκστρατευομένων (vii. 29), which occurred in our
author’s text of Thucydides II. 12. 2, nor the alternative reading in the note
στρατευόντων (vii. 30) have found their way into the existing MSS., which all have
ἐξεστρατευμένων, a reading ignored by our author. Of real value is the note on
Πειράσιοι (xiii. 20-3), which explains the origin of a long felt corruption in the text
of c. 22. 3. In the rare cases where the commentary deals with historical or
geographical rather than with grammatical or textual questions, it is singularly
disappointing. The brief indication of the position of Phrygia in xiii. 16 slightly
modifies the current view of the site of that unimportant village, and the note on
the temple of Dionysus at Limnae (x. 7-14) might have been of some value
if more complete, but that on the Anthesteria (x. 16-8) merely confirms what
was already known to us from other sources, and such annotations as vi. 16-24
and xiii. 25-8 are elementary. Our author, indeed, exhibits a very limited
acquaintance with Greek literature. There is not a single quotation from other
Greek historians, and apart from the discussion of the criticisms of Dionysius, the
only prose writer of any kind who is referred to is.. οἷος (apparently an earlier
commentator on Thucydides) mentioned in x. 11. A well-known quotation from
Pindar, which in its later proverbial form is also quoted by the extant scholia
on Thucydides, occurs in vi. 34-5, and there is a passing allusion to the Erech-
theus of Euripides in x. 3; but the only other writers with whom our author
shows familiarity are Homer and Callimachus. The former is quoted by way of
illustration not less than ten times (iv. 6, 17, vi. 9-10 (Ὁ), 14-5, vii. 10-1, 27-8, ix.
5-6, xiii. 17-9, 20-1, xvii. 18-9, xix. 6-7), the interpretation in the last instance
being singularly perverse, though in accordance with that of the earlier Alex-
andrian commentators, while the citation in ix. 5-6 is quite inapposite (cf. vi.
g-10, note). The text is uniformly the vulgate except in xvii. 18-9, where our
author probably relied on his memory and quoted inaccurately. Callimachus
is cited twice, the first quotation (x. 7-10, from the Hecale) being partly extant,
the second (x. 37-8) new.

In view of the general similarityin mode of treatment between this commentary
and the extant scholia it is surprising that the points of actual agreement are so
few. The most noteworthy is the Pindar quotation alluded to above (vi. 34-5),
but even here the scholia quote the saying as a παροιμία and in a slightly different
form. Elsewhere there are occasional verbal similarities, such as would be
expected from any commentators covering the same ground (cf. e.g. notes

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II III

on v. 33, viii. 7-9, ix. 10, x. 19-20, xii. το, xiii. 17, xv. τό, xvi. 19-24), but amid
innumerable divergencies no striking coincidences are found anywhere, and there
is no reason to think that our author is one of the direct sources of the extant
scholia, while even an indirect influence upon them seems unlikely.

The somewhat unfavourable impression which our author makes as a com-
mentator on the text of Thucydides is improved when we turn to his discussion
of the views of Dionysius about Thucydides’ methods as a historian. As
a literary critic he exhibits himself to greater advantage than as a grammarian,
and his defence of Thucydides is both just and sensible. Dionysius, whose
whole treatment of Thucydides though not wanting in learning and acumen
is marked by a lack of appreciation of his real merits, in cc. 9-20 of his De
Thucyd. Tudic. censures the historian’s mode of dealing with his subject-matter,
the following chapters (cc. 21-55) being concerned with his style. Dionysius’
criticisms on the former topic are represented as coming not from himself but
from τινές, i.e. his predecessors, and his objections fall under the three heads
of διαίρεσις, τάξις, and ἐξεργασία (c. 9). Our author replies to the criticisms under
the first two heads, briefly summarizing cc. 9-12 in i. 7-33. To Dionysius’
strictures with regard to διαίρεσις on firstly Thucydides’ choice of a division accord-
ing to summers and winters in preference to the years of the archons or Olympiads
or the geographical arrangement adopted by Herodotus, and secondly on the
consequent want of connexion and abrupt transitions in his narrative, our author
justly retorts that there was no reason why Thucydides should have chosen
to reckon by archons or Olympiads (ii. 6 sqq.),and that the Herodotean method
of narrating events according to localities was quite inapplicable to a history of
the Peloponnesian war (ii. 15-27), concluding with an effective argumentum
ad hominem against Dionysius (ii. 33-iii. 1), whose own theory of what system of
chronology ought to have been followed is shown to be open to the objection con-
cerning abrupt transitions which he had brought against Thucydides. A system
of dating by the years of the archons or Olympiads which began in the summer
would in fact disturb the sequence of the narrative far more than Thucydides’
division of the year into summer and winter, which in describing military opera-
tions is the most natural one. Iniii. 2-17, a passage which is much mutilated, our
author deals with the supposed want of connexion in Thucydides’ narrative, and
shows that this charge is exaggerated. In iii. 18-iv. 9 he contradicts Dionysius’
criticism directed against the τάξις, that in his account of the origin of the war
Thucydides ought to have begun by describing the true cause of it, the rise
of Athens, instead of postponing this to his description of the commonly alleged
causes, the Corcyrean and Potidaean incidents. The point at issue between our
author and Dionysius is here more debateable. No doubt a modern historian

112 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

of the Peloponnesian war would in agreement with Dionysius prefer to begin
with a sketch of the rise of Athens rather than to introduce this subsequently as
a digression. But looking at Book I from the point of view of Thucydides’ aims
as expressed in his preface, the arrangement adopted by him is quite defensible.
As our author points out (iii. 22-30), Dionysius was wrong in thinking that.
Thucydides was under an obligation to give an elaborate account of events pre-
ceding the Peloponnesian war. Probably his desire to avoid becoming involved
in this so serious an undertaking was one of the chief reasons for the postpone-
ment of the sketch of the rise of Athens. Further, our author’s dictum in
iii. 30-iv. 1 about the duty of a historian to relate the obvious before the remoter
causes of events is at least as true as Dionysius’ opposing aphorism in c. 11 that
true causes ought to precede false ones, the fact being that no ὦ priorz rule can be
laid down on the subject, which has to be settled with regard to expediency.
Whatever his demerits as an annotator, our author must on the points in dispute
be credited with a fairer appreciation of Thucydides than his adversary, one
of the ablest critics of the day.

Can our author be identified with any of the known commentators upon
Thucydides? The answer, is, we think, in the negative. The extant scholia
mention three of their sources, Antyllus, Asclepius (or Asclepiades), and
Phoebammon. Of these Phoebammon, who lived in the fourth century, is out
of the question. The dates of Antyllus and Asclepius, who is generally thought
to have been a rhetorician rather than a grammarian, are quite uncertain, and
might therefore fall within the period (about 10 B.C.-A.D. 140) in which the
author of our commentary wrote; but the slightness of the connexion between it
and the extant scholia (cf. p. 110) excludes the likelihood of an identification with
writers utilized in them. Nor is much more to be said in favour of identifying
our author with any of the other rhetoricians or grammarians who composed
commentaries upon Thucydides; cf. E. Schwabe, Leipz. Stud. iv. pp. 81 sqq.,
Doberentz, De Scholits in Thuc., Halle, 1876. Numenius, who wrote περὶ τῶν τῆς
λέξεως σχημάτων, ὑποθέσεις τῶν Δημοσθένους καὶ Θουκυδίδου, χρειῶν συναγωγή, &c.,
probably lived in the time of Hadrian, which barely falls within the right period,
and to judge by the title his work seems to have consisted of short arguments,
not a detailed commentary. Julius Vestinus, who also lived under Hadrian, and
wrote an ἐκλογὴ ἐκ τῶν Θουκυδίδου, was apparently a lexicographer, not a regular
commentator upon Thucydides. The title of Claudius Didymus’ work, composed
probably in the first century, περὶ τῶν ἡμαρτημένων παρὰ τὴν ἀναλογίαν Θουκυδίδῃ,
indicates that it was quite different from our commentary, as were the ζητήσεις
κατὰ στοιχεῖον Θουκυδίδου or τῶν παρὰ Θουκυδίδῃ ζητουμένων κατὰ λέξιν written by
Evagoras of Lindus, also probably in the first century. Didymus χαλκέντερος,

8538. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 113

though a contemporary of Dionysius, is also, we think, out of the question,
for it is very doubtful whether he wrote on Thucydides (cf. Pauly-Wissowa,
Real-encycl. v. p. 460), and his recently discovered commentary on Demosthenes is
almost entirely historical, not grammatical, and abounds in quotations, being thus
_ far removed in character from our papyrus. Caecilius Calactinus, who was also
coeval with Dionysius, has no stronger claims than Didymus to be identified
with our author. He discussed and quoted Thucydides (cf. pp. 57-8 and
193-6 of Ofenloch’s edition), and though Dionysius (Zp, ad Cu. Pomp. 3. 20) calls
Caecilius φίλτατος, the two critics seem to have had controversies (cf. Ofenloch,
p. xiii). But Caecilius was primarily a rhetorician, and that he wrote a gram-
matical commentary on Thucydides is improbable. Sabinus (time of Hadrian),
Tiberius, and Heron son of Cotys (dates unknown) wrote ὑπομνήματα upon Thucy-
dides about which nothing further has been recorded, and since our commentary
is technically a ὑπόμνημα, it is possible that one of these writers is identical with
our author ; but it is more likely that he was some obscure Alexandrian gram-
marian whose works were not long preserved, and whose name even is lost.
Of his influence on later grammarians (apart from the Thucydides scholia
already discussed) we have not discovered any clear trace, though cf. x. 36-7,
note.

It remains to examine our author’s text of Thucydides, in so far as this can
be ascertained from the lemmata. The chief MSS. fall into two main families,
CG and ABEFM, of which the former is now generally considered to be superior.
As usual, the text of the papyrus is of an eclectic character and does not con-
sistently agree with either family; but it supports the ABEFM group seven
times (cf. notes on i. 6-7, xiii. 13, xiv. 4, xv. 15, xvii. 20, 30, xviii. 24) against
only four agreements with the other (cf. notes on vii. 37, xiv. 25, xvi. 29, 31).
Several new readings occur, of which we append a list.

(1) i. 7 (c. 1. 1) v.1. θερη και χειμωνας above the line for θέρος καὶ χειμῶνα.

(2) v. 5 (c. 2. 4) χρησθαι for χρήσασθαι.

(3) v. 21 (c. 4. 2) expuyew for ἐκφεύγειν (ἐκφυγεῖν only in a late Paris MS.).

(4) v. 30 (c. 4. 3) στυρακι for στυρακίῳ.

(5) vii. 15 (c. 11. 9) υμιν for ἡμῖν.

(6) vii. 29 (c. 12. 2) εἐκστρατευομενων, with v.1. στρατευοντων, for ἐξεστρατευ-
μένων.

(7) ix. 4 (c. 13. 7) ὑπο for ἀπό.

(8) x. 15 (c. 15. 4) αρχαιοτατα for ἀρχαιότερα.

(9) xiii. 20 (c. 22. 3) Φαρσαλιοι Πειρασιοι (Κραννωνιοι) for Φαρσάλιοι Παράσιοι
Κραννώνιοι Πειράσιοι.

(10) xv. 34 (ς. 37. 2) dpa τι for τι δρᾷ.
I

114 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

(11) xvi. 25 (c. 39. 1) διαιτωμεθα for διαιτώμενοι.
(12) xvii. 35 (c. 40. 3) avrou for οἱ αὐτοί.

Of these (5), which confirms a conjecture of Hude, and (9), where the note
shows that Παράσιοι is an interpolation, are undoubtedly better than the readings
of the MSS. On the other hand (7) is certainly wrong and (1),(11), and (12) may
be merely due to mistakes on the part of the copyist of the papyrus (cf. his omission
in ix. 3) and in any case are not likely to be right. In respect to the other new
readings there is little to choose between them and the MSS., the sense being
hardly if at all affected by any of them. As regards the passages in Thucydides
which have been suspected of being corrupt, the explanation of Παράσιοι
supports the conclusions of modern editors, and there is some reason to believe
that the formidable anacoluthon in the MSS. reading at c. 7. 2 did not occur in
our author’s text (cf. vi. 16, note); but elsewhere the papyrus, like other Thucy-
dides papyri (cf. 878-880), tends to confirm the ordinary text even where
alterations have generally been accepted. Thus in c. 15. 4 (x. 15) the words
τῇ ιβ΄, usually regarded as a gloss, are found, and neither Cobet’s insertion
of rod in c. 15. 4 (x. 7, note) nor Lipsius’ transference of πανοικησίᾳ in c. τό. τ
(x. 31) nor the proposals to omit words in c. 4. 2 (v. 21-2, note) andc. τό. 1 (x. 25,
note) are confirmed. On the whole our author’s text, though not on a level
with the first-century fragments of Book IV (16 and 696), and perhaps affected
to some extent by errors of the copyist, is a good one, and its early date gives it
considerable value.

In the restoration of the very imperfect text of this papyrus, we have received
much assistance from Professors U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorff and J. B.
Bury ; some suggestions are also due to Dr. C. Hude and Mr. H. Stuart Jones.
We give the text and reconstruction in parallel columns, the lemmata being
distinguished in the latter by thick type. In the notes Schol.=the extant scholia
on Thucydides.

Col. i (=A col. ἢ).

[ ] 1. 1. [ἄρχεται δὲ ὁ πόλεμος ἐνθένδε:
Vee l- al | ele
[.. + -Jeorwof.. 1... Ἰισοενθα [....] ἐστὶν ὁϊμοίως Kali τὸ ἔνθα.

[esis AR ΛΟ 3 fs, ὡς, Ἰνπροσαλλη [παρ᾿ ἀἸλλήλου[ς᾽ ἀντὶ το]ῦ πρὸς ἀλλή-
ἴσην τ τὴ τ τος: le ᾿ [λους] συνήθει r€Ee]e.

ρον Ἰτγαιδε[.]ησωΐ. ,κασταεγιγνε [γέγραπται δ᾽ ἑϊξ]ῆς a[s ἕκαστα ἐγίγνε-

«ἢ. σ
["οκαταθεροσκαιχεῖ.Ἱμωναδιονυ [τ]ο κατὰ θέρος καὶ χειμῶνα: Aovd-

ee αν ee

-10

390

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 115

σιοσ[.Ἰαλικαρνασσευσεντωιπερι
θουκυδιδο[.]Ἰσυνταγματιπεριου
πολλωνμ[.Ἱμφεταιτονθουκυδι.
δηνταδαν Ἰτατωιτριακεφαλαια
διεξεισινοί. ἡτεουκαρχοντασκαι
ολυμπιαδαϊ. . -Ἰσοιλοιποιπροτε
θεικετωνχΐ. .- . ward ἴδιωσ
Oepnkatyeil. . "Ἰασκαιοτιδιεσπα
κεκαιδιηΐ. . . ετηνίστοριαν >
Kalouvko|. ... ἡταπραγματαου
katral.|ri¢a|. .]α[Ἰπεριεκαστων

α
διηγ[.-Ἰσεισαΐ. απαλλωνεπαλλα
τρεπομενοσπρἰ.]Ἰντελειωσαικαι >
οτιτηναληθητουπολεμουαιτί.]
ανεπιωνωσσφοδρααυτοσεξη
τακωσοτιδιευλαβειαντησΐσχυοσ
τωναθηναιωνεπολεμησαναυ
τοισοιλακεδαιμονιοιουμαδια
διατακορκυραϊκαηποτειδαιατι
Κκακαιτασπαρατοισπολλοισλεγο >
μενασαιτιασομωσουκαποτοῦυ >
τωνωνεκρινεναυτοσδιηγειται
εκ[.]Ἰιθεναρξαμενοσαφοιωνπρα
γματωνμεταταπερσικαηυξη
θησανοιαθηναιοιαλλαπαλινεπι
τασκοινασαιτιαστρεπεται: τοιαῦ >
᾿ταμενοδιονυσιοσεικοτωσδαν
τισπροσαυτονπροπετωσουτωσ»

Col. ii (=A col. ii).

πο ττοὺ πὸ Wiad τος, EL εν ITE
eae τ} πὴ ἢν ROOMS 2 τν.::}.} € « [-

Teese ee eee es Πτωνπραγματῶων

σιος [ὁ] Adixapvacceds ἐν τῷ περὶ
Θουκυδίδο[υ] συντάγματι περὶ οὐ
πολλῶν μ[έϊμφεται τὸν Θουκυδί-
δην, τὰ δ᾽ ἀν[ωἸτάτω τρία κεφάλαια
διέξεισιν, drt] τε οὐκ ἄρχοντας καὶ
᾿Ολυμπιάδαϊς ὡς οἱ λοιποὶ προτέ-
θεικε τῶν χ[ρόνω]ν GAN ἰδίως

θέρη καὶ χειϊμῶν]ας, καὶ ὅτι διέσπα-
ke καὶ διή[ρηκ]ε τὴν ἱστορίαν

καὶ συγκόϊπτει] τὰ πράγματα οὐ-

κ ἀπα[ρ]τίζωϊν τ]ὰ[ς9] περὶ ἑκάστων

Me dae

διηγ[ή]σεις ἀϊλλ]ὰ ἀπ᾽ ἄλλων ἐπ᾽ ἄλλα
τρεπόμενος mplily τελειῶσαι, καὶ

ὅτι τὴν ἀληθῆ τοῦ πολέμου αἰτί:]
αν é(i\r{t}av ὡς σφόδρα αὐτὸς ἐξη-
τακώς, ὅτι δ εὐλάβειαν τῆς ἰσχύος
τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπολέμησαν αὐ-

τοῖς οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, οὐ μὰ Δία
διὰ τὰ Κορκυραϊκὰ ἢ Ποτειδαιατι-
κὰ καὶ τὰς παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς λεγο-
μένας αἰτίας, ὅμως οὐκ ἀπὸ τού-
τῶν ὧν ἔκρινεν αὐτὸς διηγεῖται
ἐκ[εἸῖθεν ἀρξάμενος ἀφ᾽ οἵων πρα-
γμάτων μετὰ τὰ Περσικὰ ηὐξή-
θησαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀλλὰ πάλιν ἐπὶ
τὰς κοινὰς αἰτίας τρέπεται. τοιαῦ-
Ta μὲν ὁ Διονύσιος" εἰκότως δ᾽ ἄν
τις πρὸς αὐτὸν προπετῶς οὕτως

[μεμφόμενον ἀντεγκαλέ]σε[{]εν [ὅ]τι
Εν τ 0] acme Moe: sl 1}... 6 ὁ}
Tse eee ee ee ee] τῶν πραγμάτων

116
Nea ee τς ee Ἰνλογισμονοσκαι
αἰ ΡΣ Ἰνοσπαρεδωκεν >
Gl... ee ee eee Πανηγαρκατααρν»
Ee Bee ee - Πκαικατολυμπια
Mey See Se Ἰενπλάτεικαιου
ES ΤῊ ἘΠῚ: Ἰνουδωσηροδο
ΕΝ ΔΤ ἐπ τς . Πυτουσυνεχωσ
Fist ste sue eee ae τὴν . Ἰυσποικι
ALO oe Pe ΝῚ Ἱμονγρα
SS ects a ee 2 ΤῈ Ἰοιοντὴι
τε τ Ble s 7ο[. .αστουσ
ge ste es nine jee ae Ἰπλαϊ[.Ἰαΐκααπο
BR eo Ἰμεχριτωνὕστατων
ΕΣ Ἰταειταπαλινπασασ

Tao]. -Ἰβολαστωνπελοποννηΐ. .
ὠνΪ .Ἰπαλληλουσγραφεινΐ. .Ἰκΐ. .
κυραϊκαεφεξησδιαφεροντΐ. .
τοισχρονοισπανταγαρανσυνΐ. .
χεενηπαλινεπιτουσαυτουσχΙ..
νουσανετρεχεναπρεπωσκαΐ...
αλογωσουγαρμιαὕῦποθεσισηνΐ
ουδεενενιχρονωιητοπωιαλλαΐ
πολλαικαιπολλαχουκαικατα

και p
πολλουσχρονουσ καιμὴν >

εἰκαικατααρχονταεγραφενα > >
ναγκηπαλινηνδιαιρεινταπρα
γματαεπαλλωνγαρκαιαλλων
ταυτααρχοντωνσυνεβαινεν
οτανδετισενκεφαλαιονγραφηι
μονονσυνεχωσειρειεαυτωιουν
εαντιαλεγειοδιονυσιοσκαιγαρ
εἰκαταρχοντασεδειγραφεινωσ
φησινομοιωσεχρηνδιαιρειντα

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

οἷ. eee Ὁ... ν ἦν Aoytcpov ds Kal
al........2+.+. ἦνος παρέδωκεν

Becca Sis a'b ie Oe Ἰαν.
χίοντας διάθεσις] καὶ κατ᾽ ᾿Ολυμπιά-

δίας οὔπω ἐγεγόνει] ἐν πλάτει καὶ οὐ

ἡ γὰρ κατὰ ἄρ-

ΡΝ ΡΟ ΠΡ. ΤΡ ες ἦν οὐδ᾽ ὡς ᾿Ηρόδο-
i ee et - Ἰυτου συνεχῶς

ΠΡ Ae nee ee «jus ποικί-
Δὸν fo. ir l6 ee . +. ἦμον ypa-
aly SOS Cees eee ] οἷον τῇ

τοῦ Bs Se : Ἰο. (1αστους

... τὰ] Πλαϊτ]αϊκὰ ἀπὸ
[τῶν πρώτων] μέχρι τῶν ὑστάτων
[διεξελθόν᾽τα, εἶτα πάλιν πάσας

τὰς [ἐσ]βολὰς τῶν Πελοποννηϊσί-

ων [ἐπαλλήλους γράφειν, [τὰ] (δὲ) ΚΤορ-
κυραϊκὰ ἐφεξῆς διαφέροντα

τοῖς χρόνοις. πάντα γὰρ ἂν συνΐέ-
χεεν ἢ πάλιν ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χίρό-
vous ἀνέτρεχεν ἀπρεπῶς Kali
ἀλόγως. οὐ γὰρ μία ὑπόθεσις jv
οὐδὲ ἐν ἑνὶ χρόνῳ ἢ τόπῳ, ἀλλὰ
πολλαὶ καὶ πολλαχοῦ καὶ κατὰ
πολλοὺς καιρούς. καὶ μὴν

εἰ καὶ κατὰ ἄρχοντα(ς) ἔγραφεν, ἀ-
νάγκη πάλιν ἣν διαιρεῖν τὰ πρά-
γματα' ἐπ᾿ ἄλλων γὰρ καὶ ἄλλων
ταῦτα ἀρχόντων συνέβαινεν"

ὅταν δέ τις ἕν κεφάλαιον γράφῃ
μόνον συνεχῶς εἴρει. ἑαυτῷ οὖν
ἐ(ζνγαντία λέγει ὁ Διονύσιος" καὶ γὰρ
εἰ Kat ἄρχοντας ἔδει γράφειν ὥς
φησιν, ὁμοίως ἐχρῆν διαιρεῖν τὰ

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II II7

Col. iii (=A col. iii).

πί.-Ἰαγματαακολουθ]... .. .... Ἰουσιν
["ἰανγετοισυνειρηΐ. . ... bo eae
[.]nKwAvwowvolyp[........- Τησί.

[. « -|kvdedn|.JOinye,.... 22... ee
ΒΥ - Ἰρηξζουν ον νυν νου
ae RIDGE. «os ox a te
ee... \potkarol. .|...[-.-s6.
Pees... |tkakal.Jouci[.. 2...
κς.-.--:-.. Ἰπολλί.]Ἰσκεφαί- -..
ee .. eee Ἰεταξεινοδεδί. . ..
a Ἰεξωθενπαραβαϊ. . ..
ἔστ υ--... Ἰμεταβασεισμεταξΐ. . . -
Preece Se Jovovkemitipall....
Ε---- ἹἸνπροκειμενηνῖ.. |...
[...Jv.[.-. ἡΤααιγ[.Ἱπτιακαιλυδῖ.. ..
ἘΠ [||δεὐ]-...2.... ]a..aon.JA.[....
akpelBwol....... ΡΣ Ja
mpoooeTol....... Pryeee oN Jac
μηαποτησταῖ. . .|nval.Jovavén

σεωσπεποιησθαιτου͵.Ἰουκυδιδην
ηνπερφησιναληθεστεραναιτι»
ανειναιτουπολεμουπρωτονμεν
ρητεονωσουκεμελλετονπελο
ποννησιακονπροθ] Ἵμενοσσυν
γραφεινπολεμονπλειουσπολε >
μουσαποτωνπερσικωναυτων
σχεδοναφωνπρωτωνηυξηθη
σαναθηναιοιεπεισαγεινενπροσ
θηκησμερειεξωγαρτελεοντησ
ὑποθεσεωσεγινετοεπείτενθυ >

π
μητεονοτι[ τ] ασσυνγραφευσοφει
λειτασφανερασκαιθρυλ[ υμενασ

πράγματα ἀκολούθως τοῖς ἀρχ)ουσιν.
[ἐϊάν γέ τοι συνείρῃ ἱτὰ πράγματ]α καὶ
[μ]ὴ κωλύωσιν οἱ χρίόνοι ἐφεξ]ῆς [ὁ
[Θου]κυδίδη[9] διηγεῖται, οἷον .1. . .

5} 77 τῷ ξ΄ ouneyar το uee
τ ν--: Wee, οὐδ᾽ ter aioe os aes
er en are Ἰροικατ .|...[..-..-s
ΣΝ ka Kalrjokil......
Ae ioe aaa ] πολλ[ὰ]ς κεφαλὰς.
ΕΞ ΣΌΣ ἐξετάζειν. ὁ δὲ Δ[ιονύ-
foros... . ] ἔξωθεν mapaBol....
bee ee 7 μεταβάσεις petag[d τῶν
[πρασσομέν]ων οὐκ ἐπιτιμᾷ [' Ἡροδό-
ἴσων -". Ἰν προκειμένην ι΄ .[...
[...Jv.[....] τὰ Δ ἰγ[ύϊπτια καὶ Δυδ[ιακά,
w.[.] dé of...-... Ja..aon [.P.- [-.--
axptBa@s [.....-- i See τον: Ja.

πρὸς δὲ τὸ [τὴν ἀρχὴ]ν τῆϊς ἱστορί]ας
μὴ ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν ᾿4θ]ηναζίων αὐξή-
σεὼς πεποιῆσθαι τὸν [ΘἸουκυδίδην
ἥνπερ φησὶν ἀληθεστέραν αἰτί-

αν εἶναι τοῦ πολέμου, πρῶτον μὲν
ῥητέον ὡς οὐκ ἔμελλε τὸν Πελο-
ποννησιακὸν προθέμενος συγ-
γράφειν πόλεμον πλείους πολέ-
μους ἀπὸ τῶν Περσικῶν αὐτῶν
σχεδὸν ἀφ᾽ ὧν πρώτων ηὐξήθη-
σαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐπεισάγειν ἐν προσ-
θήκης μέρει: ἔξω γὰρ τέλεον τῆς

ὑποθέσεως ἐγίνετο. ἔπειτ᾽ ἐνθυ-

μητέον ὅτι πᾶς συγγραφεὺς ὀφεί-
λει τὰς φανερὰς καὶ θρυλ[ο]υμένας

118 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
αἰτιαστωνπραγματωνενπρω > αἰτίας τῶν πραγμάτων ἐν πρώ-
τοισακριβωσαφηγεισθαιειδετι > τοις ἀκριβῶς ἀφηγεῖσθαι, εἰ δέ τι-

35 νωναφανεστερωνυπονοειτου vev ἀφανεστέρων ὑπονοεῖ τοῦ-

Col. iv (= A col. iv).

τοεπιΐ το ἐπιΐ

σθαιοδί σθαι. ὁ Δ]ιονύσιος
τοικατί τοι κατὶ
καιπεῖ καὶ πεῖ ἀ-
5. ναμεσῖ νὰ péalov
ομηρικῖ Ὁμηρικ[ῶς
χωνα.Ϊ xov 2 Ὁ ἐ-
πιεικη πιεικῆ [|
συκοφῖ συκοφίαντ
το αἰτριακὶ 2.1. αἱ τριακ[ζοντούτεις σπονδαί: αὖ-
ταικαταΐ ται Kartal τριακοντού-
τεισκαΐ τεις καὶ
κονωσΐ κον ὡς [
δησκ.Ϊ ons κ.Ϊ
τ5 ἐσπλαταΐ ἐς Πλάταζιαν τῆς Βοιωτίας: ἡ πό-
λισενι dis évi[k@s λέγεται. καὶ “Ὅμηρος
οἰτεπλαῖ οἵ τε Πλάϊταιαν ἔχον.

[τῷ δὲ πέμπτῳ καὶ δεκάτῳ ἔ-

τίει ἐπὶ Χρυσίδος ἐν “Apyer τότε

20 πί πίεντήκοντα δυοῖν δέοντα ἔτη
iep| ἱερωμένης᾽"
τι τί
κί KL
πρὶ πρὶ
δι 77. } τη -ἶ
TaouKE . [ Ta οὐκ ε.Ϊ
φασιτινοῖ φασί τινοῖς
καικατολί καὶ κατ᾽ ᾿Ολ[υμπιάδας (9)
ορισαιτουΐ ὁρίσαι Toul

853.

80 ~— ovdoki pal
ToT pooTal,

θεμενοιδὶ
αντιτουθ]
θεμενος]

35 καιθρεψαμί

COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II

119
οὐ dokipal

τὸ προσταΐ

2,4. θέμενοι δίξ ἐς τὴν ἀγορὰν τὰ ὅπλα"

3 ‘ “ /

ἀντὶ τοῦ θέντες

θέμενος Ϊ

καὶ Opewdplevos ἀντὶ τοῦ θρέψας.

Col. ν (ΞΞ Β οοΙ. 1).

τοδεθεμενοιαν. «Ἰτουαπο.]εμε
νοικαιστρατοπί. . υσαμενοιεν
τηιαγορα
γνωμηνδεποῖ. Ἰυντοκηρυγμασιν
τεχρησθαιεπιτηδεῖ.]Ίοισ εγνωσαν >
δεφιλικοισκηρυγμασινχρησθαι
καιεισφιλιανυπαγαγεσθαιλεγουσι
γαρεπιτηδειουστουσφι .Ἴουσ
εδοκειουνεπιχειρητεαειναι τῶι
συνηθεισχηματικεχρηταιαντι
τουεπιχειρήτεον
καιεισχειρασηισανκαταταχοσ OL >
συλλαβωσαναγνωστεονῆισανοι
μενγαρϊωνεσκαιαιολεισδιαιρου
σινουτοιδεαδιαιρετῶ

οἰπλειουσενσκοτωικαιπήλωι >

. τωνδιόδα.Ἰηιχρησί.Ἴθηναι oxo

τωιανωμαλωσχρηταιενιοτεὼσ
αρσενικωιενιοτεδεωσουδετερωι
ἐεμπειρουσδεχοντεστουσδιωκον
ταστουμηεκφυγεινωστεδιεφθει
ροντοοιπόλλοι ητοιουτωσρήητεον
εμπειρουϊ.)δεχοντεστουσδιωκον
τασειστομηεκφυγεινδιεφθειρον
τοοιπολλοιωστεπαρελκεσθαιτο

ὠὡστεητοαρθρονπλεονασειτο >

τὸ δὲ θέμενοι ἀντὶ] τοῦ ἀπο[θ]έμε-
νοι καὶ στρατοπεδε]υσάμενοι ἐν
τῇ ἀγορᾷ.

γνώμην δ᾽ ἐπο[ιογῦντο κηρύγμασίν

τε χρῆσθαι ἐπιτηδείί]οις: ἔγνωσαν
“δὲ φιλικοῖς κηρύγμασιν χρῆσθαι
καὶ εἰς φιλίαν ὑπαγαγέσθαι: λέγουσι
γὰρ ἐπιτηδείους τοὺς φίϊλ]ους.

3. 3. ἐδόκει οὖν ἐπιχειρητέα εἶναι: τῷ
συνήθει σχήματι κέχρηται ἀντὶ
τοῦ ἐπιχειρητέον.

3. 4. καὶ εἰς χεῖρας ἦσαν κατὰ τάχος" δι-
συλλαβῶς ἀναγνωστέον ἦσαν. οἱ
μὲν γὰρ Ἴωνες καὶ Αἰολεῖς διαιροῦ-
σιν, οὗτοι δὲ ἀδιαιρέτα(ς).

4. 2. οἱ “πλείους ἐν σκότῳ καὶ πηλῷ

τῶν διόδω[ν] ἣ χρὴ σ[ω]θῆναι' σκό-
τῷ ἀνωμάλως χρῆται, ἐνίοτε ὡς
ἀρσενικῷ, ἐνίοτε δὲ ὡς οὐδετέρῳ.
ἐμπείρους δ᾽ ἔχοντες τοὺς διώκον-
τας τοῦ μὴ ἐκφυγεῖν ὥστε διεφθεί-
ροντο οἱ πολλοί: ἤτοι οὕτως ῥητέον,
ἐμπείρους] δ᾽ ἔχοντες τοὺς διώκον-
τας εἰς τὸ μὴ ἐκφυγεῖν διεφθείρον-
το οἱ πολλοί, ὥστε παρέλκεσθαι τὸ

ὥστε: ἢ τὸ ἄρθρον πλεονάσει τὸ

120 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI

τουεμπειρουσδεχοντε.Ἰτουσ > >

διωκοντασωστεμηεκφυγειν
διεφθειροντοοιπολλοι
30 στυρακιακοντίου τωισαυρωτηρι
καλουμενωιεστιδετοεσχατον
τουδορατοσ
ξυνεβησαντοισπλαταιευσι συνε
θεντοεισσυμβασεισηλθονμετα

35 φορικωσαποτουεισταυτοβαινΐ. .Ἷν

τουσενπαραταξειδιεστωτασ >
αλληλων

“- ; ’ 3 \
τοῦ, ἐμπείρους δ᾽ éxovrels] τοὺς
διώκοντας ὥστε μὴ ἐκφυγεῖν
διεφθείροντο οἱ πολλοί.
» > , ~ ~
4. 3. OTUPAKL ἀκοντίου: τῷ σαυρωτῆρι
2 BA X 4.
καλουμένῳ. ἔστι δὲ τὸ ἔσχατον
τοῦ δόρατος.
4. 7. ξυνέβησαν τοῖς Πλαταιεῦσι" συνέ-
θεντο, εἰς συμβάσεις ἦλθον, μετα-
“ > QA ~ 3 2. τας 7
gopikas ἀπὸ τοῦ εἰς ταὐτὸ βαίν εἰν
τοὺς ἐν παρατάξει διεστῶτας
ἀλλήλων.

ΟΟΙ. νἱ (ΞΞ Β οοἱ. 11).

πανστρατιαι αἀἷ. . .......

\ πανσυδιηιπασῖ. .......Ὁ

ὁῖααπροσδοκητουΐ. .. ....«-
τωιἄτεαπροσδοϊ. . . . .. ..

5. πη. ᾿ ἢ πέσ!" 5...
πτευσαντεσκαικΊ. oe eee es
τινεσλεγουσι Ϊ

[-ἰεἰσαντεσπεριτοισῖ. .. .........-
TEPLT@VEEWOMO!. «eee eee

10 δαμασθεισγραφετί.. .. ... ..
βουλευσωσιπεριαυτῖί. . ««...ο

τωιτοιουτωιλεγειδ΄. [22 eee eee

σιτοντεεσηγαγον Ϊ. .«...«...{Ὁ

κανομηροσνηεσῖί. . ++ ee wees

15 παρεστασαν. . .joval........
εξιταλιασκαΐ. . κελιασ ef... 2. ee

φησινοθ.Ἰυκυδιδησκαΐ. . . . «.
λιωταισκαϊ ἸτοισαποσικΪ. .- . .- ..
λακεδαιμονιοιναυσπῖ. . . «««.
20 εἰιστηνσυμμαχιανουδῖ. . . . . ..
κειθενπαρεδωκενπεῖ. . . .. ..

5.1. πανστρατιᾷ" ὧΐς. .......-
πανσυδίῃ πασῖ. . ........--

5. 4. οἷα ἀπροσδοκήτου [κακοῦ ἴσον
τῷ ἅτε ἀπροσδοϊκήτου.

5. 5. [ὑποτίοπήσ]αντες" [ἀντὶ τοῦ ὑπο-
πτεύσαντες καὶ Klee. ee ees

XN ,
τινὲς λέγουσι.
[δ]είσαντες περὶ τοῖς [ἔξω: ἀντὶ τοῦ
‘ ~ wy ε 7
περὶ τῶν ἔξω, ὁμοίως . .. . . «-
δαμασθείς. γράφετϊίαι δὲ... ..
6. 2. βουλεύσωσι περὶ αὐτί[ῶν: .. .. --
lal 4 7
τῷ τοιούτῳ λέγει O.[... ++ eee

6. 4. σὶτόν τε ἐσήγαγον' [σῖτον ἐσήνεγ-
καν' Ὅμηρος νῆες [δ᾽ ἐκ Δήμνοιο
παρέστασαν [οἶνον ἀἄΐγουσαι.

7. 2. ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας κα[ὶ Σικελίας" ἐπέταξαν,
φησὶν ὁ Ofolvxvdidns, Kali τοῖς Ἶτα-
λιώταις Kall] τοῖς ἀπὸ Σικ[ελίας οἱ.
“Δακεδαιμόνιοι vats πἰοιεῖσθαι
εἰς τὴν συμμαχίαν: οὐδ[εὶς δὲ ἐ-
κεῖθεν παρέδωκεν πεμφθῆναι

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 121

ναυσησυμμαχησαντασῖ. . . . « .. ναῦς ἢ συμμαχήσαντας, [εἰ μὴ ἐπ᾽ ἐ-
σχατί .Ἰσαποσυρακουσσαΐ. . . . . .. σχάτ[οι]ς ἀπὸ Συρακουσσῶϊν εἰς τὴν
Ἰωνιαντασμεθ].Ἱρμοκρατῖί. .. . «-. ᾿Ιωνίαν τὰς μεθ᾽ [᾿ ΕἸἹρμοκράτϊους.

25 ορωντεσείσφισι εγκλιτεοί. . . . . «. 7. 3. ὁρῶντες εἴ σφισι ἐγκλιτέοίν.......
οσονοιοντεδεισωζεινΐ. «......Ὁ ὅσον οἷόν τε δεῖ σώζειν [τὸν τόνον,
πολλακισδεεναντιουταῖ. . .. .... πολλάκις δὲ évavTiodra[t.......
περιτασμεταβασειστωνδῖ.. . ..... περὶ τὰς μεταβάσεις τῶν δῖ.. .....

apxopevoty|. lpravrecogur| age on ae 8. τ. ἀρχόμενοι γίὰ]ρ πάντες ὀξύτίερον av-

30 TiAapBavovrat δηλονωσί. .... .. τιλαμβάνονται: δῆλον ὡς [οὐ κατα-
πεπληγμενοιουδεκεκακῖ. .. ss πεπληγμένοι οὐδὲ κεκακ[ωμένοι
ὠὡσμετανοησαιεπιφερειγουΐ.... . .. ὡς μετανοῆσαι. ἐπιφέρει γοῦϊν ὅτι ἡ
νεοτησουκακουσιωσυπῖ..... ....ο νεότης οὐκ ἀκουσίως ὑπ[ὸ ἀπειρίας
ηπτετοτουπολεμουγλυκΐ.. .. .. .- ἥπτετο τοῦ πολέμου: γλυκ[ὺς δὲ πό-

35 λεμοσαπειροισινωσφήη!. . . . . - .. λεμος ἀπείροισιν ὥς φηΐσι Πίνδαρος.

πολλαδεχρησμολογοιῆιδοϊΐ. Ss ee 8. 2. πολλὰ δὲ χρησμολόγοι δον: ......

One or more columns lost.

Col. vii (=C col. i).

-----.- Ἰσαιτιασπολλακισκαιδὶ > (11. 4.) [- . ἐκ μικρᾶ]ς αἰτίας πολλάκις καὶ δι᾽
---.---.. Ἰεξηλθονκαισυνεβα » [ὀργῆς ....] ἐξῆλθον καὶ συνέβα-
ones... ναντιοισ λον τοῖς ἐναντίοις.
ee . μωιελαχισταχρώμενοι» τι. 7. [καὶ οἱ λογισ]μῷ ἐλάχιστα χρώμενοι
τ... Ἰεισταεσεργοΐ. . .Ἰθιστανΐ [θυμῷ πλ]εῖστα ἐς ἔργον κα]θίσταν-
[- ΤΕΣ «]ογί.. νντεσί τὰς ot [Tat οἱ ἀλΊ]ογστο]ῦντες [τολμηρό-
an Jornotyapran[....... [τατοι, ἐξίστησι yap τὰ n[dOn... .
Peas. -.-.-etoTov.=|.).[..... ἘΚ e CIe Ta ee ΤΡ
oe eee Ἰονδετονποόλεμον [1π. [- -.» ἔργ]ον δὲ τὸν πόλεμον
το []|μ[. .««...« -JevOaxevouxerd, lof. .Ἱν [ΟἸμ[ηρικῶς,] ἔνθα κεν οὐκέτι [ἔ]ρ[ γο]ν
Ε1η- ...... Ἰσαιτομετελθωνουκε [ἀἸν[ὴρ ὀνόϊσαιτο μετελθών. οὐκέ-
τιπρονΐ. . «Ἰσιτοιουτοικατάπολε τι προν[οοῦϊσι τοιοῦτοι, κατὰ πόλε-
[-Ἰονθυμί. «Ἰεξορμωσιν [μον θυμίῷ] ἐξορμῶσιν.
[1αιμεγιστηνδοξανοισομενοι» 11.9. [κ]αὶ μεγίστην δόξαν οἰσόμενοι
15 [. «᾿ἰστεπρογονοισκαιυμιναυτοισ» [το]ῖς τε προγόνοις καὶ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς
[-[παμφοτεραεκτωναποβαινον > [ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα ἐκ τῶν ἀποβαινόν-

122 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

[ὧν εἰμηπροσεκειτοτοεπαμῴο» [τ]ων: εἰ μὴ προσέκειτο τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφό-
τεραηνΐ. . . .] . [- τομεγιστηνδο τερα ἦν [ἀκοῦ]σαι] τὸ μεγίστην δό-
ἘΒΡΕ στ S's Ἰξιασνυνδεδε ξαν ἐπίὶ τῆς εὐδοξίας, νῦν δὲ δε-
BOs [Π]ΓΕΟν sha ts ΠΣ Ἰοληψινωώστοι [k]réov [ἀντὶ τοῦ ὑπ]όληψιν ὡς τοι-
era ite eee Ἰεξοντεσκαι [adrnv ὑἸπ[όληψιν)] ἕξοντες καὶ
[. . . Πκαιοιπρογονοιηχρήηστην [ὑμεῖς] καὶ of πρόγονοι ἢ χρηστὴν
[- - ἰἸαντιανεκτωναποβαινον [ἢ ἐν]αντίαν ἐκ τῶν ἀποβαινόν-
[-Ἰωνοποιοιεναποτωνεργων > [των ὁποῖοι (av ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων
25 [:φεκατερονοφθητε [elf ἑκάτερον ὀφθῆτε.
[. ΠἸλλουσοντα Ἰενικοσμωι κοσμοσ [πο]λλοὺς ὄντα[ς] ἑνὶ κόσμῳ: κόσμος
[-᾿αταξισωστί. . .Ἰαρεπεικοσμη [διιίάταξις, ὡς τὸ αὐτ]ὰρ ἐπεὶ κόσμη-
[Ἰεναμηγ εμί. .] [01εν ἅμ᾽ ἡγεμ[ὀ(νεσσι).]
Regen ie Ἰαιμονια.Ἰεκστρατευομενων 12. 2. [Λακεδ]αιμονίω[ν] ἐκστρατευομένων"
890 [. - - {ετα[.Ἰκαισῖ. .]ατευί.Ἱντ[.Ἰνου [γράφ]ετα[ι] καὶ σϊτρ]ατευ[ὀἸντ[ω]ν. οὐ
[- - -Jedexor[. . «Ἱρεσβεια[.Ἶπολε [γὰρ] ἐδέχονϊτο π]ρεσβεία[ν] πολε-
[- . «Ἰντωνπί. . .διαλυσαίτοστρα [μούϊντων πίρὶν] διαλῦσαι τὸ στρά-
[atte ees Jem. ]ex[.Jvavayxopnoa [τευμα ἢ] ἐπ᾽ [οἸἴκ[ο]υ ἀναχωρῆσαι
ΡΣ Ἴτει [ἀμαχη]τεί.

Sie ΟΡ Ἰνγενηται μηδενισυν [μηδενὶ ξυ]γγένηται: μηδενὶ συμ-
lise Sse. Ἰηδεισομειλιανελθηι [μίσγῃ μηδ᾽ εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἔλθῃ.

meat a Ἰδιαλυεσθαι διακρινε 12. 3. [ἔμελλε] διαλύεσθαι: διακρίνε-
[- - - ωριζεσθαι [σθαι, χἸ)ωρίζεσθαι.
Col. viii (=C col. ii).

1, ae” OP rae Dn τυ 13. 2. [ἅ]περ καὶ [mp]d[tepovy ..........
[.]vevexaek]..... atin ey δι ν haa [|v ἕνεκα €k[.. os 3s :
KEVOTET MAS ρον οὐ dah eRe kev ὅτι ν[οἹμιξΐ. ........6- Περι-
κλεακαιᾳμί. το ἐν στ ἡ Π Α9 Ὁ μεν κλέα kal ἀμ. « «οὐ <2. τπ

5. Tewlayece.jeAl....]. avf. 16] Ὁ}. τῷ ἄγει ἐἔϊξ'ελία .. .]. αὖ. .}τ].....

ἢ[“περϊσχυοί.1σι [-]aOoicxvovof. ... ἧπερ ἰσχύο[υ]σι" [κ]αθ᾽ ὃ ἰσχύουσίι.

[. - χειροσεχειν ενχερσινΐ.. ... [διὰ] χειρὸς ἔχειν: ἐν χερσὶν [ἔχειν,
[εταχειριζεσθαιδιατη]. . . . . .. [μ]εταχειρίξεσθαι διὰ rials ἀεὶ δε-
[υσησεπιμελειασ [οἡύσης ἐπιμελείας.

το [. (ωμηικαιχρηματωνπί. .. (Ἰυσί[.. [γν]ώμῃ καὶ χρημάτων πίεριο]υσί[ᾳ

ee ὠὰ eee ν. ΟὟ ΨΥ i tiie

a
7
:

3
3
4
3

AO en eee PO ee ΡΨ ΤΥ ΘΘΠΡΡῸ

858. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 123
[- -- -JoO[-\ προνοιαικῖ. . . «Ἰηματί. . [κρατεϊ]σθ[α]ι" προνοίᾳ κ[αὶ χρ]ημάτίων
ate a. ss Ἰπολί. . Ἱκατορθουΐ.. [παρασκευῇ] πολ[λῶν] κατορθοῦϊσθαι.
τ dhe c's τυ νος Ἰσκαιδημί. 13. 4. [ἔν τε ἀναθήμασιν ἰδίοι]ς καὶ δημίο-

aris ee 07: [qtotgia ss Ries cig vale Neots ]- [-wor7[....

7 lines lost.

22 Dennen ee ene eens 1.1 ae pare Cae eae nh ioe Lee
Ε΄ Ῥυυηϊ.........-..].{. αἱ. Pega. γον }-E ye ΞΕ
ανεθεσανΐ. . . ..«...ὦᾧ Ἰνδημου ἀνέθεσαν ἰ. . ....... το]ῦ δήμου

7 Ἰμοσιον > iter lathe. 3". eee δημόσιον

ἘΠ᾿ ον εν ον Ἰε[.Ἰεεχοΐ. . . 1γαλματεσ 13. 5. ἀ[πέφαιν]ε [δ]ὲ Exolv τὸ ἄγαλμα τεσ-
|... Πταταλανΐ.. .. ἡθμονί. jv σ[αράκον]τα τάλαντα στα]θμὸν [χρ]υ-
ΕΝ Ἰδουκαι. ..... Jpero[.... [σίου ἀπέφ]θου καὶ [περιαι]ρετὸϊν εἶ-
| Ἰοπεῖ [vat ἅπαν] ὁ Περικλῆς
ἘΝ lel RENE Sarah lel
[ ] [ |
aye es [ [1 πῖπτον [
π΄ ρονελθη ρον ἔλθῃ [
35 οτανκαῦϊ ὅταν καθ]
καιπεριαιρῖ 13. 6. καὶ περιαιρ[ετόν’
Col. ix (=D with Fr. 1).
[Ἰαιτωνπαρεπαλξιν τωνῴφυλα 13. 6. [κ]αὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἔπαλξιν’ τῶν φυλα-
[- -Ἰοντωντατειχηΐ. ἡωναιεπαλξεισ [σσ]όντων τὰ τείχη [ἐφ ὧν αἱ ἐπάλξεις.
[. . ουτοιγαρεφυλασσονὕποτετων 13. 7. [τοσ]οῦτοι yap ἐφύλασσον ὑπό Te τῶν
[. - σβυτατων αντιτουαποτῶν [πρε]σβυτάτων: ἀντὶ τοῦ ἀπὸ τῶν
5 [:ρεσβυτατωνωσδαΐδωνυπο» [π]Ἰρεσβυτάτων, ὡς δαΐδων ὕπο
λαμπομέϊ.Ἰαὼν λαμπομεϊν]άων.
τουτε[.Ἰαρφαληρικουτειχουσσταδι τοῦ τε [γ]ὰρ Φαληρικοῦ τείχους στάδι-
onoar|.|ev7[.|xac pil. |KovTampoo ov ἦσαν {π]έντ[ ε] καὶ τριάκοντα πρὸς
[sjoyj. 2. Ἰντί.Ἰναστεῖ. . . «Ἱντι[.Ἴου [τ]ὸν [κύκλο]ν τίοἹῦ dote[ws: ἀϊ]ντὲ [τ]οῦ
10 [. «Ἰστουκυ[.Ἰλουηνΐ. . . .|xnTo [ἕω]ς τοῦ Kd[K]Aou- ἣν [β΄ τείχη τὸ

μινφαληρί. . ἡοδετοῖ. Jr. . 11
εοΐ.Ἰαπαριθ.Ἰειταιδεΐ. «Ἰσουΐ. .|v

Hew Φαλήρου τ]ὸ δὲ τοῦ] ΠΤειρα]ι-
έωϊς ἀπαριθ[μ)εῖται δὲ [το]σοῦϊτοὴν

124 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

τοδιαστημαϊ.Ἰποτουφαληρί. .]ν τὸ διάστημα [ἀπὸ τοῦ Φαλήρ{ {κ }οἣν
αχριτουκυκῖ. «Ἰυτουαστεωσὶ JUKAOY ἄχρι τοῦ κύκϊλο]ν τοῦ ἄστεως, [κἸύκλον
15 δελεγειτονπί.Ἰριβολοντουαΐῖ. . lew. δὲ λέγει τὸν περίβολον τοῦ ἀϊστΊεαΐς,
[αιπαλινοποσονηνεῖ. .Ἰει[. ... [κ]αὶ πάλιν ὁπόσον ἦν [x Π]ει[ραιέ-
[- . ἰχριτουκυκλου [ws ἄϊχρι τοῦ κύκλου.
πὰ Ἰννυχ[.1αι AL-Junvel...---- [ξὺν Μο]υνυχί(ᾳ: λ[μὴν ᾿4{ττικῆς
About 3 lines lost.
Fr. 1
220ml ial
ευβοῖ 14. 1. Ἐὔβοιαν"
αλλί ἀλλ
25 καιγαρί καὶ yap |

ξἸχισνοῖ ἔχις vol
[εἰτοῖ [ειτοῖ

oul orf
Col. x {= gals). .
[ ] [ |
[nus batho gen Sue luerevpiof.... 2+. 15. 1. [᾿Ελευσίνιοι] μετ’ Ἐϊμόϊλπου"
προ οι Ἰχθειευριπι[. .. ......- [... ἐν ᾿Ερεϊχθεῖ Εὐριπίδης ....
ΠΟΙ chia 1 tiie prs 1
Eafe idee eva te Ἰη δή» 1}. 25. δ 15. 2. ἣ ἁϊπάντων] ἤδη ξυντίελούντων
ecaul..... Ἰντελουνταΐ. - .« .« .«..Ὁ ἐς αὐτήν: ξυ]ντελούνταϊν .. . . . . -
τοενλῖ. .. Jeo διονυσοῖ. «..«««« 15.4. τὸ ἐν Afipvalis Διονύσοζυ' Καλλίμαχος
μενφησῖ. .Ἰευδεδιονυΐ. .«......Ὁ μέν φησιν] εὖ δὲ Διωνυΐσ..... ..
[-1ητονΐ. «Ἰτελευθηρει. .. ........ [Jn τόν [πο]τ᾿ ᾿Ελευθὴρ ef. Διμναίῳ
10 [-- .Jopoord[.Jaonyovel........ [δὲ χ]οροστάϊδ)]ας ἦγον €loprds,...
ea «Ἰοσδεουτί.Ἰσφησινΐ ἜΡ Τ [- - Jos δὲ οὕτ[ωἸ]ς φησὶν [καλεῖσθαι
[- JaroekAeA[.JuvacOal........ [δ]ὰ τὸ ἐκλελ[μνάσθαι [τὸν τόπον.
[. -Ἰτιδεκαιεν[.Ἰηιλακωνί. . .. .. [ἔσ]τι δὲ καὶ ἐν [τ]|ῇ Δακωνίᾳ ἱερὸν
[- «1ουλιμνατί.]σεστιναρτί. - - «| [ὅπ]ου Διμνᾶτ[ς ἐστιν “Apziepts.]
15 [. - «αρχαιοταταδιονυσιατηιβποι [ᾧ τ]ὰ ἀρχαιότατα Διονύσια τῇ ιβ΄ ποι-

[....] επιτρεισμε[.Ἰεσί. .Jveoprnnpe [εἶται"] ἐπὶ τρεῖς μέν] ἐσίτι]ν ἑορτὴ ἡμέ-

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 125

[. . JeasBryemio[...... Ἰτιδεηιβ [pas] ια΄ ιβ΄ ιγ΄, ἐπίσϊημός ἐσῆτι δὲ ἡ ιβ΄,
[. Ἰκαιειπεναυΐ. .. .] [ὡς] καὶ εἶπεν αὐϊτός.]
[- - «Ἰλ[-Ἰιστουαξ. .Ἰεχρωντί.] εἰστα 15. 5. [τὰ π]λ[εΐστου Eta] ἐχρῶντ[ο"] εἰς τὰ
Ἐπ Γ.--.]π. .Ἰαξια [πλείσ]τ ου] ἄξια.
[- « « εγαμικωνκαιεσαλλα.Ἴωνΐε [πρό tle γαμικῶν καὶ ἐς ἄλλα [τ]ῶν te-
[- - -ἸνομιζεταιτωιύΐδατιχΙ. .1σθαι [ρῶν] νομίζεται τῷ ὕδατι χ[ρῆ]σθαι"
[- Ἱμιζεταινομιμονεστι alaceretet- [νο]μίζεται νόμιμόν éote.[....-]. |-
[. . « «Ἰεουνεπιπολυκατατηΐ. . . . . « «- 16.1 [Th Tle οὖν ἐπὶ πολὺ κατὰ τὴν χώραν
25 ["᾿στονομωιοικησειμετατοΐ. . . . . «. [αἸὐτονόμῳ οἰκήσει: μετὰ told μετεῖχον
Ἰοιαθηναιοιδιατηνκαταῖ. . - - - -- οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, διὰ τὴν κατὰ [τὴν χώ-
ραναυτονομονοΪ.Ἰκησινᾳΐ. . . «-«- ραν αὐτόνομον ο[ἴϊκησιν ἀϊντὶ (rod) τῆς
κατατηνχωρανΐ .Ἰντονομῖ. . . .«. .«. κατὰ τὴν χώραν [αἸὐτονόμ[ου οἰκή-
σεωσειρηταιδευπερβαταί. ..... σεως. εἴρηται δὲ ὑπερβατώϊς, τὸ γὰρ ἕ-
830 ἐξβησεπιπολυμετειχονοιαΐ. . .. .. ξῆς ἐπὶ πολὺ μετεῖχον οἱ ᾿4{θηναῖοι.
[. pe «Ἱκησίαγενομενοι of... ..- [πα]ν[οι]κησίᾳ γενόμενοι" OAl...-..
pl. -Ἰπανοικιαιενταυτί. .«....... Hl. -] πανοικίᾳ ἐν ταὐτίῇ . . ... -.
τοῖ. . «Ἰκουντεσ τοῖ. οἰκοῦντες.
καιτ[.Ἰηρώαπαντα τατωνΐ. ...... 15.1. καὶ τὰ] ἡρῷα πάντα: τὰ τῶν [ἡρώ-
35 οἴ... μενηαφωνενιωνκἾ. «.« «Ὁ oly τεμένη ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἐνίων κ[αλοῦνται
|. .1αἱἰλεγουσιδεηρωωνμέϊΐ. ..... φίυλ]αί. λέγουσι δὲ ἡρώων μὲν τοὺς
σηκουσθεωνδεναουσκαλλί. . ... .. σηκούς, θεῶν δὲ ναούς: Καλλ[ίμαχος
αειδέχονέντομασηκοι ἀεὶ δ᾽ ἔχον ἔντομα σηκοί.

Col. xi (= E col. ii. with Fr, 2).

katetTtaddoBe| καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο Be[Baiws κλῃστὸν ἦν’

καιειτιαλλοαί καὶ εἴ τι ἄλλο ἀϊσφαλῶς .. ......

[.. - «(]καιφυλαῖ [....] Kal φυλαϊσσόμενον

10 lines lost.
Fr. 2
ON pial icin « oi oie WFO|e yo oo ἡ; bisvet i ea gas wie ρει τσ] παϊσηϑ) μὲν
>) 3) πο φῖν οἷ, Jeavaipfi ΟΥ [yalin[s τὸ Πελασγι]κὸν “Aplyos ἄμεινον.

| Wolken, ates Va. : ἐξῳ[κήθη:..... Ἰωκήθη.
Bs τ... ἐξὸν POPfe ete σας 17.2. οὐ γὰρ [διὰ τὴν παράϊνομζον ἐνοίκη-

er vopaf......-. [σι Pe sin cao παραἸνόμαϊ. .. . .....

126 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Aer Is ἐχρηΐ
[ie + 3 0 0a UL: Marre 2
νυν ΘΕ πο τ΄.

Col) xii (=F οοἱ. ἢ.

Ee ΣΕ ne ai .|poptkaoarrorey
gs Sei Sch AS Ἰνοιερεταιετοι >
GCA Rg eee Bs Bea anv
Ree ae ake Se ete Ay et ἵν εν πολεμουμα >
ΡΣ ἘΠ ate ἘΣ aid oa es Ἰαθροισεικαι
Rea ee gets hes eee ΤῊΣ ] - εανειμενοσ
ΘΟ SRA aN ae ge at |rno
pre einen aaa Gama aoe Ἰκαθεδραιει
ΡΣ ites A ΣΎ ΟΣ Ἰαμί. «Ἱλεινκαι
τ ΠΛ ΕΣ bias ee Ἰαθησθαιαργωσ
τον δεν εν ἐῶν ]
ΠΥ ΤῸΝ Ἰταφορικωσ
feiece Mee, ares: aye eric ewe Ἰεχειναφου
ἸΡΡΡΎΤΝ Ὁ wae ee mae Ἰχείριαι
SEE Rie ste ate eNotes «Weert εἹναιωνἵπ
ΠΕ wie ain = ins Ἰουμενουσ
Bek Seca ep ae erie Ἰιτοπί. .]σ

πο ἘΣ ΟΣ |nca{. . 1]

BAAS athe aera Ἰαιππεωνΐ. . . . .
BS τ ν ].-A@oro.[.....
Pee δε τον κε θὲ wonton Ἰεληλυθοῖ. ....
Pic atis ste altar eta tie! Whe ΠΣ Ἰανειλενΐ. . ..-
ftps δος faite το χες 1. ddcevyf....
ΠΡ Ξε Ἰηναι ηδεισανει.. [. . « «.
BG 9» a
NS Fae Sar ae Ἰιειτο ηλπιζενδιεῖ. ....

τῇ. 4. [ἐξαρτύοντες: μετα]φορικῶς ἀπὸ τῶν

- [πλοίων λέγεται ὅτα)ν οἱ ἐρέται ἕτοι-

[μοι ὦσι πρὸς τὴν κώ]πην.

[χεν: ..

[avelyev-

eee

18. 3. [ἐν TH ξυναγωγῇ τοῦ] πολέμου pa-
πο 1 ἀθροίσει καὶ

.ε ἀνειμένος

18. 5. [τὸν ᾿Αρχίδαμον ἐν τῇ] καθέδρᾳ εἷ-
..1α μ[έλἸλειν καὶ

κ]αθῆσθαι ἀργῶς

με]ταφορικῶς

[ἀπὸ τοῦ τὰ ὅπλα ἀνέχειν ἀφ᾽ οὗ

Aes Ν δι, (β' ΄,
[καὶ ἀνοχαὶ ai ἐκεἸχειρίαι.

19. 2. [καὶ τροπήν τινα τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἱπ-

[πέων περὶ τοὺς ‘Peitovs καλ]ουμένους

[ἐποιήσαντο"

fo.) Oke η αἰ... J

[ἐκ i ong ea a Ja ἱππέων [.....
epee ye ot; ]..A@s To. [.. 26.
fees JeAnaAvOof. ....
[- τὐ τᾶς οἰ ον ἘΣ ] ἀνεῖλεν [.....
[να δες ταν ].. ἄδε ἐννΐ.. ..
20.1. [οὐ καταβ]ῆναι' ἤδεισαν a.f[.....

20. 3. [πεῖραν émrojietto: ἤλπιζεν, διε[νοεῖτο.

[εἰ ἐπεξίϊασιν: ἀντὶ τίο]ῦ εἰ ἐπεξ[ελεύ-

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 127

Ἐκ Ἰγονενεστωτααντιτοΐ. . . . - - ἴσονται,] τὸν ἐνεστῶτα ἀντὶ τοῦ μέλλον-
-:-.. Jroro.... [Πικοιτιθ].. .. [109 whore. + «fe κὸν, THO. se hee o's c
DS .-.;.... Ree] ὅσ ΡΣ a RMR Slee toa. a ΠΣ το τον 1 σι} i Boers ν
oy ae TE TON Pla wish st weer τι“ -:-- hee reeta' SATO Gohan estes ες κοὐ τὴν ὁ
π΄---. παν τε iota τς Ἐς Petatet 3 agen a Wy MBS ele raats ata ὦ τα ere sia

Col: xiii, (=F col, 11).
καιεπαινεσί.]Ἰσθαιαντιτονεπαί. . . (20. 4.) καὶ ἐπαινέσ[ε]σθαι ἀντὶ τοῦ émalivé-

σεινσυνηθεστοισαττικοισ σειν σύνηθες τοῖς Ἀττικοῖς.

θριῶξζε τοπικωσαντιτουειστΐ.. «
σιονπειδιονσυνηθ].]σηκολουΐ. . .
γαρωσολυμπιαζεκαιοικαδεθρι..

αλλαυτοισωσεικοστησ.Ἰηστεμνΐ. ..

μενησ υπερβατονεστιτογαρέϊ. .. ..
αυτοισδεινονεφαινετοταδα!. ..
διαμεσου

καταξυνστασεῖ.]στί.]γεινομενοῖ. . .
συνισταμενοισυνστρεφομενοί..
καταμερη

ὡσεκαστοσωργητο ὠὡσεκαστοΐ.])ωΪ. ..
γετοεπί .Ἰθυμειενενιοισδεγραφΐ. . .
ταιώρμητο

ενφρυγιοισ τοποσδημουαθμονεαί..

τέλειἐνιτωνιππεων ταγματινΐ..

. μενδορπονελεσθεκαταστραί .]οὐ. .
εντελεεσσι

21.

22.

. Θριῶζε: τοπικῶς ἀντὶ τοῦ εἰς τὸ Θριά-

σιον πεί{ι} δίον, συνήθω]ς: ἠκολούϊθει

γὰρ ὡς ᾿Ολυμπίαξε καὶ οἴκαδε Θρι[ῶξε.

. GAN αὐτοῖς ὡς εἰκὸς τῆς [γ]ῆς τεμνίο-

μένης: ὑπέρβατόν ἐστι, τὸ γὰρ ἑξῆς
αὐτοῖς δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο, τὰ δ᾽ ἀϊλλα

Ν. 4
διὰ μέσου.

. κατὰ ξυστάσε[ζι]ς tle] γιγνόμενοι"

συνιστάμενοι, συστρεφόμενοι
κατὰ μέρη.
ὡς ἕκαστός ὥργητο' ὡς ἕκαστος] ἀρέ-
γετο, ἐπ[εἸθύμει. ἐν ἐνίοις δὲ γράφ[ε-
ται ὥρμητο.

. ἐν Φρυγίοις: τόπος δήμου. ᾿Αθμονέωϊν.

τέλει ἑνὶ τῶν ἱππέων: τάγματι, ν[ῦν
μὲν δόρπον ἕλεσθε κατὰ στραϊτ]ὸν
ἐν τελέεσσι.

᾿ς 0 φαρσαλιοιπειράσιοι απἰ.Ἰπηρειασταῖ.. 22. 3. Φαρσάλιοι Πειράσιοι: ἀπ[ὸ] Πηρείας, τὰς

ενπηρειηιθρεψαργἶ. 6.6. eee eeee ἐν IInpein θρέψ᾽ ἀργ[υρότοξος. ἁμαρ-
τανουσιδεοιγραΐ. oss ewww cass τάνουσι δὲ of γράφοντες Παράσι-
ο[.]Ἰεστινγαρτησαρζί. age hatnels sacs ΝΣ oft] ἔστιν yap τῆς ᾿Αρκ[αδίας.
dpavres απαραντεσί. . . Ἶταντεσ 23. 1. ἄραντες: ἀπάραντες, [ἀποσΊ]τάντες.
25 παριοντε[.]δεωρωποῖ. . . «(Ἰοριοσ 23. 8. παριόντε[ς] δὲ ᾿Ωρωπόϊν: μεθ]όριος

γησβοιαῖ. . Ἰκαιαθηνΐ. . . στιν» γῆς Βοιωτῶν] καὶ ᾿Αθην[αίων ἐἸστίν,

ὝΕΣ a a ee ΒΥ ΠΥ

128
Me Raine ste Ἰβητησανΐ. . . «]ακισ
[- . .Jou
eens ais Jef... -[Sarf... Jota O nf
[eae eae Ν τς Ἰυτηκοτωναρσε 34.
ΠΣ ΣΡ eneoe υὦ Ἰσιτονμαραθωνα
[cathe iter tote -Ὲ Ἰφιοσ'
τ se: 3 Ἰδριπολλωναρετασ 35:
ἜΣ τ Ἰευτεκαιχειρονει
ΒΕ τ πὸ Ἰηναι καιμηενενι
εν: 1 Ξησουϊει. cs ee Ἰαπο
Γ ugssah eters Ἰντασαρετασκινδυνέϊ.
πυνν- Ἰποντικαικακωστοιου
ΡΥ ee Ἰσπιστευεσθαιωσαν >
eee earn
fone ἘΞ κε Ἱμετριωσειπειν >
ἘΣ Ὁ Ἰκαιικανὼσ
Leite eretinh le Bes 8% Ἰοκησιστησαλη
ἘΠ Ae y oie Cpe ame Ἰυσκολονεστιν
Let aly ese sa eee . -πραγματιμο
ΓΟ ἐν feta το τ ον Ἰασύπολη >
[ss ic τ tee ἦτ Ἰαιδυσκολον
Pe tae ates sect ise 3 Mal Mot pi dee Ἰπιστειται
20 ἩΡΡΟΣΥ ἘΚ ie ce Gite eae Ἰουπραγμα
ΕΝ ΟΣ ΕΘΗ elie Ἰδοξακαι
ΒΕ ΣΎΝ ὙΠ τὸ» Ἰτουτί.]
ἘΣ τος ΓΤ
ΕΣ ΣΉ ess eee Ἰλεοναζε
5 ΡΤ ΣΎ aie ee |rnvav >
PGE sys maior telW ye be Σ Ἰοουντεσ
ἘΞ <a Gee lave ΣῪ Ἰμισει

Some columns lost.

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

[ὅθεν ἠμφισ]βήτησαν [πολλ]άκις
[avr od.

24. τ. [ἀναχωρησΊἀντων)] δ᾽ av[tav] οἱ ᾿Αθη-

Col. xiv (=G col. i).

τετελε]υτηκότων. ἀρσε-
[νικῶς δὲ λέγουσι τὸν Μαραθῶνα,

[ ἐπιτάφιος.

1. [καὶ μὴ ἐν ἑνὶ ἀν]δρὶ πολλῶν ἀρετὰς

’ my a
[κινδυνεύεσθαι] εὖ τε Kal χεῖρον εἰ-
[πόντι πιστευθ]ῆναι' καὶ μὴ ἐν ἑνὶ

5 a
[dvdpt....].
[θανόντω]ν τὰς ἀρετὰς κινδυνε[ύ-
[εἰν εὖ εἰπόντι καὶ κακῶς τοιου-
[τοτρόπου)ς πιστεύεσθαι ὡς ἂν

[οὗτος εἸἴπῃ.

35. 2. [χαλεπὸν γὰρ τὸ] μετρίως εἰπεῖν"

ΕΠ λιν: 1 καὶ ἱκανῶς.
ε

[ἐν ᾧ μόλις καὶ ἡ δ]όκησις τῆς ἀλη-
[θείας βεβαιοῦται: δ]ύσκολόν ἐστιν

[ice nape eye natye ar τῆς ἘΠ ΤῊΣ ] πράγματι po-
[sie sola ie ΟΣ Jas ὑπολή-
ae ϑονς ΘΝ Jae δύσκολον
ee osc cee + ἸΟΧΟΙΣ
ΕἸ Yael ee τ]οῦ πράγμα-
[TOS πη ee ΟΣ . δόξα καὶ

. .jrov . ΕἸ"

ἐφ νάνι

[- Θ σϑ. 46 © . e

[ὅ τε ἄπειρός ἐστιν ἃ Kal πἸλεονάζε-
[σθαι διὰ φθόνον εἴ τι ὑπὲρ] τὴν αὖ-
[rod φύσιν ἀκούοι: οἱ ἀγν]οοῦντες

[aioe ee die e's) ie νοἸμίσει-

8538. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 129

[τες ἐδ εἶν κ τον οἶ πῴς eee Ἰειτινα Deere Nb as a Se Ss . 7 εἴ τινα

ΕΠ. pe eee ee ἤνγαρτο πε τς ΠΥ τΠΠ Πρ YOO

30 - = 2. aK eee Ἱκαστοσ ΠῚ a a ae ἕκαστος

Pens eset e eee wees |nyerrau Fa ard So eas win ane τ τ . «]ηγεῖται

Bn ee ee tee ce os ee UBOUAN [πειρᾶσθαι ὑμῶν τῆς ἑκάστο]υ βουλή-.
lg iin se nies in wo = lemt > > ἰσεώς τε Kal δόξης τυχεῖν ὡς] ἐπὶ
MEME ate iy {00 ee ]OTOU [πλεῖϊστοῦς (aig wks. {Ὁ as ἑκάστου

4 lines lost.

Cal. χν (ΞΕ col, ii).

ere(@tovryapayj... 2... 2-025 ἐξ 36. 1. [δίκ]αιον γὰρ αὐτοῖς καὶ πρέπον δέ᾽
[- «(Ἱκαιονπί. .Ἰιψειρηκ[.Ἶν . [. «.«.1π. 1: [δίκαιον πάλ] εἴρηκ[εῖν. [... .1π΄. [.
αντιτουπ|.]οσηκον ἀντὶ τοῦ πἰ[ρ]οσῆκον.
καθεστηκυιαί Ἰηλικιαι εντηιπαρα. Ἠἠιταυΐ 36. 3. καθεστηκνυίᾳ ἡλικίᾳ: ἐν τῇ παρα(κμ)ῇ
* ταύτ(ῃ).

5 καιονομαμενδιατομηεσολιγουσ 37. 1. καὶ ὄνομα μὲν διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐς ὀλίγους
αλλε[.Ἰπλειονασοικεινδημοκρατια ἀλλ᾽ ἐς] πλείονας οἰκεῖν δημοκρατία
κεκλί. .1Ίαι ουπαρατοπολλουσοικειν κέκλ[ητ]αι: οὐ παρὰ τὸ πολλοὺς οἰκεῖν

γινεῖ. .]Ἰδημοκρατιαα[.Ἰλατοιουτον γίνεϊτα]. δημοκρατία, ἀϊλ]λὰ τοιοῦτον
λεγειδιατομηπροσο.Ἰιγαρχίαν > λέγει διὰ τὸ μὴ πρὸς ὀϊλ]ιγαρχίαν
Ιο διοικεισθαιταπραγματααλλᾳεισ διοικεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα ἀλλὰ εἰς
[. τουπληθουσσυμφερον [τὸ] τοῦ πλήθους συμφέρον.
᾿μετε.]τιδεκαταμεντουσνομουσ μέτεϊ[σ]τι δὲ κατὰ μὲν τοὺς νόμους
προσταιδιαδιάφοραπασιτοισονκα πρὸς τὰ ἴδια διάφορα πᾶσι τὸ ἴσον, κα-
ταδετηναξιωσινωσεκαστοσεντὼι τὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίωσιν ὡς ἕκαστος ἔν τῷ
15 εὐδοκιμειουκαπομερουστοπλεοΐ. εὐδοκιμεῖ οὐκ ἀπὸ μέρους τὸ πλέοϊν"
διαφορανυνταδιαφερονταμί. διάφορά νυν τὰ διαφέροντα" μίε-
τεχουσιδεπαντεσκαταμεντουσ τέχουσι δὲ πάντες κατὰ μὲν τοὺς
νομουσεντοισϊδιοισσυμβολαί. .1σ νόμους ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις συμβολαῖοι)ς
Ἰσηγοριασκαταδετηναξιανωσεν ἰσηγορίας, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀξίαν ὡς ἔν
20 τινιεκ[ ]᾿Ἰστοσλαμπροσνομιζεται τινι ἕκζα]στος λαμπρὸς νομίζεται
εντο[.Ἰσκοινοισουκατατομεροστο ἐν To[i|s κοινοῖς, οὐ κατὰ τὸ μέρος τὸ
επιβαλλονϊσοναυτωιτηστῖ. (ιτει ἐπιβάλλον ἴσον αὐτῷ τῆς m[oAlrel-
ασπροστοκοινοντί[ Ἱματαιαλλα» ας πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τιμᾶται ἀλλὰ

130

διατηναρετη. .... 1. γ[Ἰρετωνοι
ΡΣ altace: opie sets Ἰεκαστοσ

wee ee es ἸΨΟμΟΝν
fot eee a ANG ERNE \tapern >

τ nest Ἰψιεανί.. .eopyne > >

Rie εννι ἐν ῥύθῳ Ἰδονη[.Ἰδρατιεχον
~ ay (eR ς ξ pecan Ἰσφησινπολ[.Ἴτευομεθα
Leet woe eee Ἰνσισκαιπί. .\oadAn >
fue Gea ey a's Ἰαθημερανεπιτη > >
ΓΤ eee Ἰχυποπτευσοντεσ

Col. xvi (= G col. iii).

Tis os «]ονηντί. «ὦ ee eevee ss

5 ουλυπούμεν". τ ἷῦ - τ «00 ὅτ Ὡς 1σ
τοισηδεωσδιαῖ. . .|otvol...-. Ἰρέμεν
ζημιαστησκαταϊ Ἰκεινΐ. .. .jovKa

τηγορί. «| . [-Ἰιπροστιμουΐ. «Ἰευθερὼς

(nve. . Ἱρεπομεναλλωσδεεκ

10 = Tov... [. . αχθομενοικαιβασκαινὸν

τεσεπῖ. . . .JadAavndovarcdiaredou

averral. . Ἰσδεταϊδιαπροσομιλουν
TeoT ad). . οσιαδιαδεοσμαλίσταου
παρανομῖ. «Ἶμεν ἐντοισϊδιοισαπλί.
15 στερονΐ.. .Ἰηλοισσυνοντεσεντοισ
κοινοισί. . Ἰαβωσκαινομιμωσπο

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

διὰ THY ἀρετὴν ἢ ἐκ τ]ῶν [ἀ]ρετῶν οι-
[.7 .« κἰς 6s Je. [ese ee rag

fn oseséeseees a emi 7 ἕκαστος
τῶ]ν νόμων

- τ ---. \s.

37. 2. [ἐλευθέρως δὲ τά τε πρὸς] TO κοινὸν
[πολιτεύομεν καὶ ἐς τὴ]ν πρὸς
[ἀλλήλους τῶν] καθ᾽ [ἡμέραν ἐπιτη-
[δευμάτων ὑποψίαν [οὐ Sv ὀργῆς
[τὸν πέλας εἰ καθ᾽ ἡ]δονὴν] δρᾷ τι ἔχον-
τες: ἐλευθέρω]ς φησὶν πολ[ἥτευόμεθα

[ἔν τε τοῖς κοι]νοῖς καὶ πὶρὸ]ς ἀλλή-
λους ἐν τοῖς κ]αθ᾽ ἡμέραν ἐπιτη-

[δεύμασιν οὐχ ὑποπτεύί σ οντες

Plate IV.
Toy πέλ]ας οὐδ᾽ ὀργιζόμενοι εἰ
πρίὸς ἡδ]ονήν ze δρᾷ.
οὐδὲ [ἀ]ζημίου[ς μὲν λυπηρὰς δὲ TIA
ὄψ[ει] ἀχθηδόνα[ς προστιθέμενοι"
οὐ λυποῦμεν . 1. .Ju..[..-.... js
τοῖς ἡδέως διαζιτῶ]σιν, ο[ὐδὲ dy] pt μὲν
ζημίας τῆς κατὰ [ἐἸκείνων,. οἷον κα-
Tnyoplias] κ[α]ὶ προστίμου, [ἐλ]ευθέρως
ζῆν ἐϊπιτ]ρέπομεν, ἄλλως δὲ ἐκ
Τοῦ: .[.. .] ἀχθόμενοι καὶ βασκαίνον-
τες ἐπίὶ ταῖς] ἄλλων ἡδοναῖς διατε-
λοῦμί(εν).
37. 3. ἀνεπα[χθῶ]ς δὲ τὰ ἴδια προσομιλοῦν-
τες τὰ B[np]dora διὰ δέος μάλιστα οὐ
πιαρανομ[οθ]μεν: ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις ἁπλ[ού-
στερον [ἀλλ]ήλοις συνόντες ἐν τοῖς
᾿ κοινοῖς [εὐλαβῶς καὶ νομίμως πο-

853.

λιτευοί. .1θα
τωντεαϊ.]Ἰειεναρχηιοντωνακροάσει

τωικατ] Ἰκουεινκα[.Ἰπειθεσθαιτοισ

ἀρχουΐ. .|v
καιθυσιαισί.

τολυπηρονΐ. (Ἰπλησσει εξαιρειταιεξαγει

τηντεγαρί. .λινκοινηνπαρεχο >
μεν aki... Πλιζειλακεδαιμονιουσ
ανειμενΐ. .Ἶδιαιτωμεθα οὐυκαντι
τουαργῖ. .|jad\Aaadewo
καιτοιεί[. . ο]ἷσυμιαιμαλλονηπονων
μελετηΐ([. . μημετανομωντοπλε
ονητροπί. -Ἰανδρειασεθελομεν >
Ἱπεριγιγνεταιημιν
ο]σσιναλγεινοισμη >

κινδυνεῖ. .
τοιστεμῖ. ..
προκαμνΐ. . καιεσαυταελθουσιν
μηατολμί. . ουστωναιειμοχθουν
τωνφαινΐ. ...|t Καιτοιε[.Ἰενανεσει
μαλλονΐ. . . (]Ἰαιστωνη.Ἰζωμεν

μηκακΙ. . .Ἰθουντεστηιασκησει
᾿ μηδυπονομωναναγκαζομε

νοιαλλαδιατηνεμφυτοΐ.Ἰανδρει

. Πτησιοισ οἰονδιολουτονετουσ

COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II

38. 1.

39. I.

39. 4.

Col. xvii (=G col. iv).

ανυποῖ: ........- Ἰτγουσκινδυνουσ

bay Aa Ἰοτωνδεινων >
BEEBE ee Ss ote ose Ἰαικαιεστουσκιν
aaa an eae Ἰαντασμηαναν δῖ .Ἶο

τὶ Προυστωναιεικακοπαθουντων
φαινεσθαιοιμενγαρλακωνεσαίει
πονεινυποτωννομωνηναγκα
ζοντοοιδαθηναιοιπαρατουσκιν

131

λιτευόμε]θα.
τῶν τε alijel ἐν ἀρχῇ ὄντων ἀκροάσει:
τῷ κατ[αἸκούειν Kali] πείθεσθαι τοῖς
ἄρχου[σι]ν.
καὶ θυσίαις [διε]τησίοις" οἷον dv’ ὅλου τοῦ
ἔτους.
τὸ λυπηρὸν [ἐκ]πλήσσει"
ἐξάγει.
τήν τε γὰρ [πόΪλιν κοινὴν παρέχο-
μεν: ἀκ[ροβοἸλίζει Λακεδαιμονίους.

᾽ -
ἐξαιρεῖται,

ἀνειμένως] διαιτώμεθα- οὐκ ἀντὶ
τοῦ ἀργῶς) ἀλλὰ ἀδεῶς.
καίτοι εἰ [ῥᾳθ]υμίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ πόνων
μελέτῃ [καὶ] μὴ μετὰ νόμων τὸ πλέ-
ον ἢ τρόπων] ἀνδρείας ἐθέλομεν
κινδυνεζύειν] περιγίγνεται ἡμῖν
τοῖς τε μζέλλο]υσιν ἀλγεινοῖς μὴ
προκάμνζειν] καὶ ἐς αὐτὰ ἐλθοῦσιν
μὴ ἀτολμίοτέρ]ους τῶν αἰεὶ μοχθούν-
τῶν φαίνεσθαι: καίτοι εἰ] ἐν ἀνέσει
μᾶλλον [καὶ ῥ]ᾳαστώνῃ ζῶμεν
μὴ κακ[οπαἸθοῦντες τῇ ἀσκήσει
μηδ᾽ ὑπὸ νόμων ἀναγκαζόμε-
νοι ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτον] ἀνδρεί-

Plate IV.

av ὑπο[φέροντες] τοὺς κινδύνους,
ἱπερἸίεστίιν ἡμᾶς πρ]ὸ τῶν δεινῶν

Q - \ 9 ‘
[μὴ ταλαιπωρεῖσθἼ]αι καὶ ἐς τοὺς κιν-
[ἰδύνους ἀπαντήσ]αντας μὴ ἀνανδίρ]ο-
τἰέϊρους τῶν αἰεὶ κακοπαθούντων
φαίνεσθαι. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Adkwves αἰεὶ
πονεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων ἠναγκά-

¢ovto, οἱ δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναῖοι παρὰ τοὺς κιν-

132
δυνουσεπονουντο

υ
πλουτωιτεεργοΐν Ἱμαλλονκαιρωιηλο

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

δύνους ἐπονοῦντο.

πλούτῳ τε ἔργου μᾶλλον καιρῷ ἢ λό-

you κόμπῳ χρώμεθα: ὁ πλοῦτος ἡμῶν
ἐπὶ τῶν ἔϊργ]ων ἐν καιρῷ φαίνεται,
οὐ λόγων [ἀλαζονείᾳ λέγομεν πλουτεῖν.

καὶ τὸ πέν[εσθα]. οὐχ ὁμολογεῖν τινι ai-

σχρὸν ἀλλὰ [μὴ] διαφεύγειν ἔργῳ αἴσχιον"
οὐχ ὡς καὶ τίοῦ] πένεσθαι αἰσχροῦ αὐτῷ
λεγομένου, ἀλλὰ συγκριτικὸν ἀντὶ
ἁπλοῦ τέθεικεν, ὡ)ς “Ὅμηρος αἰεὶ δὲ
νεώτεροι ἀφρ[αδέο]υσιν.

. ἔν Te[T]o[ts] αὐτοῖς οἰκε]ων ἅμα καὶ πολι-

τικῶν ἐπιμέλεια [καὶ ἑτέροις πρὸς ἔργα
τετραμμένοις [τὰ πολι]τικὰ μὴ ἐνδε-
ὡς γνῶναι" ἐλ[λιπὲς] τὸ ὑπάρχει, οἷον
2 ad 3 A 3 Ἂ 2 Ν “
ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς [ἀνδρά]σιν ἐστὶν τῶν
τε ἰδίων καὶ τῶν κο]ινῶν κατὰ
τὴν πόλιν ἡ ἐϊπιμ]έλεια, καὶ ἑτέ-
ροις ἐστὶ πρὸς epya ὡἸ]ρμηκόσι τὰ τῆς
/ ‘ x A x
γεωργίας καὶ τὰ πίολιτ]ικὰ μηδὲν
ἧττον διαγινώσκ]ειν.
καὶ αὐτοὶ ἤτοι κρί[νομέϊν γε ἢ ἐνθυ-
μούμεθα ὀρθῶϊς τὰ πρ]άγματα: κρίνο-
μεν οἷον ἐπικρίϊνομε]ν ὡς ἑτέρων
εὑρόντων.

. διαφερόντως γὰρ [δὴ τό]δε ἔχομεν

ὥστε τολμᾶν τε αἰ[ὐτοὶ] μάϊλιστ]α καὶ
περὶ ὧν ἐπιχειρήσομεν ἐκλογΊϊζε-
σθαι’ ὃ τοῖς ἄλλί[οις ἀμαθία μὲν θράσος,

ἢ ᾽ν»

40. I.
γουκομπωιχρωμεθα οπλουτοσημων
επιτωνξΐ. «Ἰωνενκαιρωιφαινεται >
ουλογωνΐ. . .Ἰζονειαιλεγομενπλουτειν
καιτοπειΐ. . + ἡιουχομολογειντινιαι
σχροναλλαί. . .,διαφευγεινεργωιαισχειον
ουχωσκαιτΐ. πενεσθαιαισχρουαυτωι
λεγομενουαλί. . . -Ἱνκριτικοναντι >
απλουτεθεικΐ. . . σομηροσαιειδε
νεωτεροιαφρῖ. . - σσιν
εντεῖ.]ο[. «Ἰαυτοι[. .. .. Ππιωωναμακαιπολι 40. 2
τικωνεπιμελιαΐ. . . (Ἱτεροισπροσεργα
τετραμμενοισῖ. .. .. Ἰτικαμηενδε
woyvevat ελί. .... Ἰτουπαρχειοιον
εντοισαυτοισί. . . .. Ἰσινεστιντων
τειδιωνκαιτ. .. .. Ἰινωνκατα >
τηνπολινηεῖ. . . .Ἰελειακαιετε
ροισεστιπροσεῖ. . . Ἱρμηκοσιτατησ'
γεωργιασκαιταπΐ. . . ιἰκαμηδεν >
ηττονδιαγινΐ. . . «(Ἶειν
καιαυτοιητοικριί[. .. νγεηενθυ
μουμεθαορθα!. .. .. Ἰαγματακρινο
μεν οιονεπικρι[. . . νωσετερων
ευροντῶν
διαφεροντωσγαρί. . . .Ἶδεεχομεν 40. 3
ὠὡστετολμαντεαΐ. . . εἾμαΐ. .. (Ἰακαι
WEPLDVETTLX EM. os ποτ κατα lege
σθαι ΤΟΙ ΛΑ πον eee
Col. xvii. (ΞΕ (οἱ. ν).
λοῖ

λο[γισμὸς δὲ ὄκνον φέρει"

οἱ

τί

853.

μετί
5 μωμὶ
ανθρ
αμαλί
μενοΐ
σιναφΐ
IO οντεσὶ
απειριΐ
αδεωστιΪ
καικαθεκῖ
αυτονανΐ
15 στανείδί
στανευτρὶ
KeoTrapex|
αθηναιοΐ
᾿΄. πλεισταεῖ
20 τωσμαλι
εαυτοναΐ
' ΐ παρασχοίΐ
; τουευκολί
povnyapr|
25 σωνεσπειρί
κρεισσωνΐ
νηγαρπεῖ
γωνεντοι
καιμονητί
30 τωνουκαΐ
δεεστερωΐ
TovuTTn|
αρχησουΐ
ουτετωιυπὶ

40. Ge
“να;

COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES ff 133

μετί

μωμὶ

ἀνθρίωπ

αμαλί

μενοῖ

σιν ἀφ

ὄντες [

ἀπειριΐ
ἀδεῶς τινα ὠφελοῦμεν: ......
Καὶ καθ᾽ ἕκίαστον δοκεῖν ἄν μοι τὸν
αὐτὸν ἄνδρα παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖ-
ot ἂν εἴδίη καὶ μετὰ χαρίτων μάλι-
ot ἂν εὐτρ[απέλως τὸ σῶμα αὔταρ-

Kes παρέχ[εσθαι:"

᾿4θηναϊοῖς ἐπὶ
πλεῖστα εἰἴδη .: «τ τον χαριέν-

τως μάλιϊστα

£ x Ἃ : “a 7

ἑαυτὸν aly αὐτάρκη τῷ σώματι
ἧς 2 7 A 3 Ἁ

παράσχοι. ἱεὐτραπέλως δὲ ἀντὶ

τοῦ εὐκόλως.

. μόνη γὰρ τίῶν νῦν ἀκοῆς κρείσ-

σων ἐς πεῖραν ἔρχεται" .. -..-

κρείσσων | μό-

vn γὰρ Th... ee ee ees τῶν λό-
γων ἐν Toils ἔργοις - « . «.-«τὉ Ὁ
καὶ μόνη τίῶν πολεμίων... . . . --
των οὐκ ἀγανάκτησιν ἔχει ὡς ἐν
δεεστέροϊς ..- ee ee ee ees οὐδὲ
τῶν ὑπηϊκόων . 1... eee ee ὡς τῆς

3 ~ > +27 e
ἀρχῆς οὐϊκ ἀξία οὐσα.
οὔτε τῷ ὑπίηκόῳ κατάμεμψιν"

3 Ν “- 7
35 amroKotvo[ ἀπὸ κοινοῦ ..........0 ληπτέον
x, BA > 4 wv
TOEXELOUT| τὸ ἔχει. οὔτε ἀγανάκτησιν οὔτε
κατάμεμψί κατάμεμψίιν ἔχει.

Some columns lost.

134 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

eee eee a ao τε Ἰφυσεωσ |. .
ES Saree aig eae Sy: Ἰαχιστοναί .Ἴετί..
δ eh yy Ἰαρρεσικλεοσήϊ..
ἰ ΣῊ τ Ἰνσυνδεσμον.. [. .
regen arin Wier yee ako Ἰαντιτουκαιίτεῖ..
Εν ἢ Ἰμεγωλαονσοονΐ
[ΠΣ ics ok ἈΠ πε ἢ Ἰλεσθαιαποκοινΐ]
ΓΦ τ: Ἰληπτεοντοφυΐ
[ajo Res. wep egensis Sit Ἰφυσεωσελαχιστοῖ
10 Bees ee ae Th Ἰμηψογουπαρα >
ee eS eee: Ἰκλί. Ἰσῆκαιησαν
λα ΤΡ ΤΙ ee Ἱλεοσῆπεριαρε»
Le ep τα ΡΣ ΚῚΣ Ἰογουεντοισανΐ .Ἰραΐ
ΓΤ ΣΤ ΕΝ Ἰκασδηλονοτί.Ἶπο
το o sere Ἰατουνοηματοῖ.ἸπαρΪ
{ΠΣ ἐν Δ. Ἰδοξαταισγυνΐ. ...
ΠΣ ΤΣ ee Ἰφανηναιτηΐ. ...
[ache a Ὁ ἌΝ ΟΡ. ]katmapal......

Col. xix.(=H).

45.2. [ἢ δόξα Kal ἧς ἂν ἐπ᾽ ἐλ]άχιστον ἀ[ρ]ετίῆς
[πέρι ἢ ψόγου ἐν τοῖς] ἄρρεσι κλέος Tr
[τὰ 4 er Ἰν σύνδεσμον .[. .

[. . 5. ον
[κεν “Ὅμηρος βούλο]μ
ἱέμμεναι ἢ ἀπολέσθαι. ἀπὸ κοινοῦ

wee. τὸ ἤ] ἀντὶ τοῦ καί τέϊθει-

ἐγὼ λαὸν σόον

eer as ] ληπτέον τὸ φύ-
[sews 5s. eee 1 φύσεως ἐλάχιστοϊν
αύτοι 1 μὴ ψόγου παρα
τ ] κλ[έο]ς ἢ καὶ ἧς ἂν

)

[ἐπ᾿ ἐλάχιστον κἸλέος ἢ περὶ ἀρε-
[τῆς eee ψ]όγου ἐν τοῖς ἀν[ δὴρά-
[σι ..... yuvailkas δηλονότι] πο-

oe eee cate, Sages la τοῦ vonparos| rapa
ὺ--. | δόξα ταῖς γυναιξὶ

ΠΡ ] φανῆναι τηϊ.. ..

[ao Ss τ». 7 καὶ wapal..33 2

Unplaced Fragments.
(2) To Cols. i-vi.

χεῖται

Ἰκρί
᾿ 7εδυναί
Ἰεξερχεὶ
Ἰκαιποῖ

ΠῚ

ΒΕ.

Ἰκρί
Ἰεδυναΐ

1 ἐξερχεῖ
] καὶ ποῖ

1..1

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 135

(4) To Cols. viii-xiii.
Fr. 4. Fr. 5. Fr. 4. Fr. 5.
Ἰατριδαΐ : (?) π]ατρίδα [ εν
Ἰασαρετί Ἰτηι Jas ἀρετ[ὰς Ἰτῃ
Ἰδετη Ἰγασ 1 δὲ τη ]ras
ο΄ Ἰστινοί ἀπ. ἐϊστὶν of ys
5 Ἰσαττί ise Ἰσαττί ]:
Fr. 6 Pr.’ 7. Ετ. ὃ Fr. 6 Fr. 7 Fr. 8
Ἰενοί. Ja Jw Ἰενοί. . Ja evel
Ἰκατεί. i ]. ovf ] Kare. ] ]- of
Ἰνδια Jac 4 Ἰν δια Ἰαι
(ὃ To Cols. viii-xix.
9. Br. FO. Fr. 9 Fr. Io.
1-1 1. εἴ 1.1 1. εἰ
Ἱπερ.[ ἹἸμαΐ Ἱπερ.1 Ἱμαζῖ
Ἰεσθ.. [ Ἰητωστι Ἰεσθ..[ Ἰητως τί
rol ἠ ὠ ὠΜτοήδ ντον Ὑτο Hal
5 ] . αἰ ἐς Ἵντεσ' [ ]Ἰ. aa lvres [
Fr. 11. Pe. τ΄, Fr. 13. Ετ. τι. Fr. 12 Fr. 13
mee Π 10} 1 61:1 Ἢ

]
Ἴτομαντί μ[ Ἰφοῖ Ἶγο μανί μὶ Ἰφοί
Ἰροί.]επί η.1 ἘΠ Jpo[.] ἐπί ἡ «1 ]-[
Il [-1η sea em | [-]al :

ΝΜ δ

136

Fr. 14 (to col. xv ?).

Level
root
Joove|
Ἰετουδί

ὅ Jra.[

Fr, 21. Fr. 22.

Ns ᾿Ἰασί
]: ago] Ἰερῖ

Ἱμηΐ

(4) To Cols. xiv—xix.

Fr. 15.

Jeo . [
Ἰσαλῃΐ
le- [

(e) Uncertain.

Ετ. 17.
| Ἰκαλλί !
7. vTool

1. ναστη
Ἰλνσαῖ

Ἰαντιῖ

Fr. 23.

ρει.

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Fr. 14.

jv κί
yy τοῖς uf
Ἰοων εἶ
Je τουδί

rat . [

Fr. 16.

1. al

Ἰματὶ
Ἰρεξί

μάλιστα [

Jee καὶ [
Ἰυνπὶ

Ἰδοτί

Pt. ἢ:
Ἰαλοῖ
7. επί

Fr 21

1-1
7: αφοῖ

Fr, 15.
Jeo . [
js ἀληΐ
ἜΝ

Fr τῆς
1 καλλί
7. vroo[
7. ναστηΐ

Ἰλυσαΐ

] ἀντὶ [

Fr. το. Fr. 20,

oval Jal
cal lo -[

Fr, 22. lr

Ἰασί jot .[
Teel .
Jer

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 137

Pr. 24. Fr. 25. Fr. 24. Fr 25.

lepl ]- επί Ἰερὶ Ἰ. eal
Ἰγιν! 1: Jr 1.1
Ree EOE el aad

i. 1-3. A note on ἐνθένδε. ὁμοίως kali (so W(ilamowitz)-M(6llendorff) and Bury) τὸ ἔνθα
means that ἔνθα is sometimes used in a temporal sense like ἐνθένδε. Cf. Hesych. 5. Ὁ. ἔνθα
and Bekker, Avecd. i. p. 250. 32 ἐνθένδε" ἤτοι τοπικόν ἐστιν... ἢ χρονικὸν... Our author,
interpreting ἐνθένδε in a temporal sense, thus avoided the wrong explanation of it given by
Schol., ἀπὸ τῆσδε τῆς αἰτίας.

6-7. [γέγραπἾται δ᾽ : so most MSS. (δέ), Stuart Jones ; καὶ γέγραπται C, Hude. For the
alternative reading θέρη. . . χειμῶνας there is no MS. authority, and it may be merely due
to θέρη καὶ χειμῶνας in 1]. 15.

i. η--ἶν. 1. ‘ Dionysius οἵ Halicarnassus in his treatise on Thucydides blames Thucydides
on a few grounds, and discusses three chief points, first that he has not fixed his dates by
archons and Olympiads, like other historians, but according to a system of his own by
summers and winters; secondly that he has disturbed and divided the narrative and breaks
up the events, not completing his accounts of the several incidents, but turning from one
subject to another before he has finished with it ; and thirdly that although he declares, as
the result of his own elaborate examination, the true cause of the war to be this, that it was
precaution against the power of the Athenians which induced the Lacedaemonians to make
war on them, not really the Corcyrean or Potidaean affairs or the causes generally
alleged, nevertheless he does not begin at the point which he has chosen and start with the
events which led to the growth of Athens after the Persian war, but reverts to the commonly
accepted causes. Such is Dionysius’ view; but in opposition to this rash criticism one
might reasonably retort that... For the system of dating by archons and Olympiads had
not yet come into common use . . . (it was impossible) to relate Plataean affairs from first to
last, and then go back to describe all the invasions of the Peloponnesians one after the other,
and Corcyrean affairs continuously, differing as they did in date; for he would have thrown
everything into confusion, or turned back again to periods which he had treated, in a fashion
both unsuitable and unreasonable. For he was not dealing with a single subject or events at
one time or one place, but with many subjects in many places and at many periods. Moreover,
even if he had dated by archons, he would still have been obliged to divide the events, for these
occurred some under one archon, some under another; it is when a person is only writing
about a single subject that his narrative is continuous throughout. Hence Dionysius
contradicts himself; for even if Thucydides ought to have dated by the archons, as he asserts,
he would have been equally obliged to divide events according to the archons. If, however,
the events are connected and the chronology offers no obstacle, Thucydides’ narrative is
continuous, as for instance .. . in the seventh book... As for the charge that Thucydides
has not made the beginning of his history start with the growth of the Athenians, which he
asserts was the truer cause of the war, in the first place it must be remarked that it was not
his intention, after setting out to write a history of the Peloponnesian war, to introduce by
way of a supplement several other wars since the Persian war itself, which may almost be
regarded as the origin of the growth of Athens; for that would have lain altogether outside

138 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

his subject. Secondly it must be remembered that it is the duty of every historian to
describe accurately first of all the obvious and commonly alleged causes of events, and if he
suspects the existence of any more obscure reasons (to add these afterwards . . .).’

i. 8-9. ἐν τῷ περὶ Θουκυδίδο[υ] συντάγματι : of the two extant MSS. of this treatise one
has no title, the other has ἔτι περὶ Θουκυδίδου πλατύτερον, this book following upon the Zp. ad
Cn. Pomp.

11-34. The passage of Dionysius here summarized is De Thucyd. Lud. ed.
.Radermacher, pp. 335 544. (cc. 9-12). Of Dionysius’ three objections, the first, relating
to the division into summers and winters (ll. 12-15), corresponds to 335. 20-336. 12, the
second, concerning the want of connexion (Il. 15-20), to 336. 12-338. 3, and the third,
concerning the causes of the war (Il. 21-33), to 338. 4-343. 4. On the first two points
similar criticisms are also made, but more briefly, in the same author’s Lp. ad Cn. Pomp.
c. 3, and by Theon, Progymn. pp. 184-5 ὅπερ ἐγκαλοῦσί τινες τῷ Θουκυδίδῃ. διελὼν yap «.7.A.,
and Doxopater, ad Aphthon. ii. p. 220 τοῦτο γοῦν καὶ τὸν Θουκυδίδην τινὲς αἰτιῶνται καὶ τῶν
πρὸ ἡμῶν, ὅτι κατὰ θέρος καὶ τὸν χειμῶνα κοτιλ. ᾿

22. For the correction of εἐπίων to evar, suggested by W—-M, cf. Dionys. op. οἷ. c. 10
(p. 338) ras αἰτίας βούλεται πρῶτον εἰπεῖν ἀφ᾽ ὧν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔλαβε.

ii. 7-8. The restorations διάθεσις (or διαίρεσις) and οὔπω ἐγεγόνει are due to Bury, who in
ll. 8-9 suggests οὐ κοινὸς λογισμὸς ἢ]ν (cf. 1. 4).

10. |vrov is very likely alérod, referring to Herodotus. Bury suggests ἐν τῆι βύβλωι as
the preceding words.

11. Perhaps κατὰ τόπο]υς, as Bury suggests; cf. Dionys, of. cz/. c. 9 τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ
γενομένων συγγραφέων ἢ κατὰ τόπους μεριζόντων τὰς ἀναγραφὰς k.7.d.

15. The construction of ll. 15-7 is not certain. W-M, who proposed [διεξελθόν)τα in
1. 17, would supply something like od γὰρ ἦν inl. 15; Bury, reading [εἴρειν πάντα in 1. 17,
would restore Il. 13-5 οἷον τῇ | τοῦ [πολέμου ἀρχῇ] ἐάσας τοὺς [᾿Α[ θηναίους τὰ μὲν] Πλαϊτ]αϊκὰ κιτιλ.
The vestiges of writing before [. .jacrovs, however, do not suit εἰ: if not o or a, they are
probably parts of two letters, 6. g. av or Ay.

19. A conjunction, i.e. δέ or τε, seems to have been omitted through γράφειν being
wrongly connected with what follows.

31. ταῦτα: or ταὐτά, i.e. affairs belonging to the same series, which is preferred
by Bury.

iii. 3-5. ἐφεξ)ῆς and συνεχῶς were suggested by W-M and Bury. τῇ ζ΄ presumably
refers to the seventh, not the sixth, book of Thucydides. That in reckoning the eight books
our author’s notation followed the letters of the alphabet, as in the books of Homer, rather
than the numerals is unlikely, though cf. iii. 10-5, note. The existing division of Thucydides’
work into eight books was already known to Dionysius, who mentions the eighth in of. εἴ.
c. 16, and though there were other ancient divisions of the work into nine or thirteen books,
our author no doubt agreed with Dionysius in employing the system which Marcellinus ( ΥΩ.
Thuc. 58), quoting Asclepius, calls ἡ πλείστη καὶ ἡ κοινή,

5-6. Bury suggests τὰ Σικελι[κὰ διηγεῖται.

8. The absence of a diaeresis above ]«a makes it probable that the preceding letter
was a consonant, e.g. Σικελ)ικά rather than Πλατα͵ικά., It does not seem possible to find
a suitable second adjective ending in uxdka, for Θρ]αικιί[κά cannot be read, although the
supposed o is very uncertain, καἰτ]οικίίαν or some part of κατοικίζειν is more probable,
especially as κατίοικια.. [ could be read in 1. 7. por there seems to be an optative, possibly
lag In ll. 9-10 something like «is] πολλ[ὰ]ς, xepalAas pelpepropéva ἐξ]ετάζειν (Bury) is
likely.

ae a ee ee,

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 139

10-5. The restorations in ll. 12-3 are due to Bury. It is tempting to read ἱστορίαν in
1. 14, but the stroke above « must then be ignored, for it is not a rough breathing. Since
Herodotus’ history contained only nine books, ὦ in this context seems to mean the ninth
book, the notation following the letters of the alphabet, while προκειμένην indicates that it
had just been mentioned, possibly in]. 12. But the narrative in the ninth book is particularly
free from μεταβάσεις, and we should expect the ninth book to be called @ (cf. iii. 3-5, note),
so that the suggested explanation is not satisfactory. The passage in Dionysius which our
author seems to have had in his mind is in of. ci#. c. g (p. 336) ovre yap τοῖς τόποις ἐν οἷς αἱ
πράξεις ἐπετελέσθησαν ἀκολουθῶν ἐμέρισε τὰς διηγήσεις, ὡς ‘Hpddords τε καὶ Ἑλλάνικος x.7.d.; Cf. also

_ the praise of Herodotus in c. 5.

iv. 4-5. ἀἸνὰ μέσϊον : there is probably a reference, as Dr. J. E. Sandys suggests, to
what Quintilian (v. 12. 14) calls the Homerica dispositio-(cf. 1. 6 ‘Opnptx|ds), 1. 6. placing the
weakest part of one’s rhetorical forces in the middle (7. iv. 297-300); cf. Cic. Orator 50,
Cornificius, Rhe/. iii. 10, 18, Quintil. vii. 1. 10.

10-4. Perhaps καλοῦνται in |. 12 and Θουκυδίδης in 1. 13.

15-7. The restorations in ll. 16-7 are by W-M. ‘The Homeric quotation is
from B 504.

18-31. This note is out of place and should have preceded that in Il. 15-7. In 1. 27
τινεῖς is possible, but the doubtful letter is more like ο.

33-5. The first part of this note on θέμενοι, as was perceived by W—M and Bury, refers
to the use of the middle for the active, θρεψάμενος being adduced as a parallel.

V. I. dro θ]έμενοι: θέμενοι is wrongly explained by Schol. ἀντὶ τοῦ περιθέμενοι ἑαυτοῖς.
Ὅμηρος" σάκε᾽ ὦμοισιν ἔθεντο. ἀνόητον yap k.r.A. The correct interpretation given by our author
is supported by Schol. Aeschin. i. 29 τὰ ὅπλα μὴ τίθεσαι" τὸ τίθεσθαι λέγεται Kai ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀποτίθε-
σθαι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ περιτίθεσθαι καὶ ἐνδύεσθαι, ὡς ἔγνωμεν ἐν τοῖς Θουκυδιδείοις ἐν τῇ β΄. ἔνταυθα
δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀποτίθεσθαι (corr. to περιτίθεσθαι by Reiske, but wrongly) λέγει.

5. χρῆσθαι: χρήσασθαι MSS.

4-8. Cf. Schol. ἐπιτηδείοις" πρὸς φιλίαν,

12. εἰς: és MSS., which, however, have the form ἤεσαν or ἤιεσαν here as elsewhere in
place of the more correct moa (i. 6. ἦσαν) found in our author's text. Cf. the first century
Thucydides papyrus from Oxyrhynchus (16), which in iii. 7 has απηιεσαν with the variant
ἀπηισαν. The object of the note is to distinguish the Attic ηισαν with iota adscript from may
as a trisyllable, the form found in Homer, &c.

17-9. This is the only place where Thucydides uses the masculine form of σκότος ; the
neuter occurs in Thuc. iii. 23 and viii. 42. The Clarendonianus and Aeneas Tact. 2 have
σκότει ἴῃ the present passage, but the papyrus supports the overwhelming majority of the MSS.

21-2. expvyew: so Parisinus 1735; ἐκφεύγειν other MSS. The papyrus text agrees
with most MSS. in reading οἱ πολλοί in place of πολλοί, the reading of A, which is preferred
by many recent editors, but not by Stuart Jones. The construction of τοῦ μὴ ἐκφεύγειν is
difficult, and has been explained in several ways. Classen connects the words with ἐμπείρους,
which is the most satisfactory view, while Poppo constructs them with διώκοντας as an infinitive
of purpose ‘in order that they might not escape’, and Kriiger regarded the phrase as
expressing the effect ‘so that they could not escape’, an explanation which produces
a tautology with the following words ὥστε διεφθείροντο of πολλοί. Hude, following Herwerden,
would omit rod μὴ ἐκφεύγειν altogether. Our author’s criticism is not very illuminating.
He remarks that either ὥστε is redundant (Il. 22-6) or else rod should be omitted and ὥστε put
inits place. Since he renders rod μὴ ἐκφυγεῖν by εἰς τὸ μὴ ἐκφυγεῖν in the one case, and ὥστε
μὴ ἐκφυγεῖν in the other, both his interpretations approximate to that of Kriiger rather than
the rival explanations (unless εἰς τό means ‘in respect of’, in which case our author's first

140 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

explanation agrees with Classen’s), but both seem to rest upon a misapprehension of the
construction of the whole sentence. For the omission of ὥστε or the transference of it to
the place occupied by rod would have the effect of leaving διεφθείροντο without any con-
struction, unless indeed in our author’s text a fresh sentence began where the MSS. have
ἄπειροι μὲν ὄντες connected with what precedes. No variant, however, upon μέν in that
passage is known, and it is more likely that our author simply misunderstood the
sentence.

30. στύρακι: στυρακίῳ MSS, ; but there is possibly a reference to the reading of the
papyrus in Cramer, Anecd. Par. iii. p. 84. 3 τὸν σαυρωτῆρα στύρακα φησὶ Θουκυδίδης. With
the note cf. Schol. στυράκιόν ἐστιν ὁ καλούμενος σαυρωτὴρ τῶν δοράτων, Hesychius oripag . . «
ὁ σαυρωτὴρ τοῦ δόρατος, and the similar explanations in other lexicographers,

33. συνέθεντο : cf. Scho]. ἀπὸ συνθήκης δηλονότι.

vi. 1-2. The lacuna at the end of |. 1 may havé contained another parallel for πανστρατιᾷ,
e. g. πανοικίᾳ (cf. x. 31) or πανδημεί, or, as W—M suggests, ὧς παρ᾽ Ὁμήρῳ | mavovdin. If mao]
in 1. 2 is right, πάσζηι τῆι στρατιᾶι is a natural restoration, but this is rather long, and the
reading παν (e. g. πανδημεί or war[ri τῶι στρατῶι) is not excluded. The meaning, if any, of
the stroke in the margin against]. 2 is obscure. There is in the top margin another stroke /,
which seems to be accidental.

3. It is of course doubtful whether κακοῦ (or τοῦ κακοῦ as conjectured by Bredow and
Baumeister) occurred in the lemma, which may have ended with ἀπροσδοκήτου.

6-7. Perhaps καὶ κἰοινῆι ὥς | τινες λέγουσι, as Bury suggests, meaning that this use of
ὑποτοπέω was not confined to Attic. To the doubtful « the only alternative is ε-

9-1ο. A note on the dative in place of the genitive after περί. δαμασθείς must belong to
a quotation, which would be expected to be from Homer; and though neither of the two
instances of δαμασθείς in the Ziad (Il 816 θεοῦ πληγῇ καὶ δουρὶ δαμ., and X 55 ἣν μὴ καὶ ov θάνῃς
᾿Αχιλῆι Sau.) is really at all apposite, W-M nevertheless may be right in restoring ὅμοιον
᾿Αχιλῆι, and supposing that the latter passage was referred to. Schol. A had noted that the
dative there was used for in’ ᾿Αχιλλέως. A more relevant illustration would be one in which
ὑπό with the dative was used in place of ὑπό with the genitive, but it is difficult to see
whence this is to be obtained without altering δαμασθείς. γράφετϊαι (cf. vii, 30) points to
a variant upon περὶ τοῖς ἔξω (περὶ τῶν ἔξω ἢ), though none is known.

11-2. Bury suggests τρόπωι | τῶι τοιούτωι λέγει di[xd¢wor: but the letter following ὃ is much
more likely to be a, ε, or o than ε.

14-5. The Homeric quotation is from H 467.

τό. There is not room for os after ἐπέταξαν unless the line was exceptionally long, but
é might be inserted. It is unfortunate that the text of this passage, in which a well-known
difficulty occurs, is not quoted in extenso. The chief MSS. have καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις πρὸς
ταῖς αὐτοῦ ὑπαρχούσαις ἐξ "Ir. καὶ Σικ. τοῖς τἀκείνων ἑλομένοις ναῦς ἐπετάχθησαν ποιεῖσθαι, which
will not construe. Hude follows Herbst in emending ἐπετάχθησαν to ἐπετάχθη σ΄, 1. 6. διακοσίας ;
Poppo and Stuart Jones read ἐπετάχθη (with apparently one late MS.); Classen preferred the
alteration of vais to νῆες, while Cobet boldly met the difficulty by reading Λακεδαιμόνιοι...
ἐπετετάχεσαν (ἐπέταξαν Bohme). It is impossible to argue with certainty from our author’s
paraphrase in Il. 16-20 back to his text of Thucydides at this point; but seeing that he
ignores any grammatical difficulty, it is improbable that such an anacoluthon as Λακεδαιμονίοις
. . . ἐπετάχθησαν ναῦς existed in his text. With regard to the various emendations the para-
phrase does not favour νῆες in place of vais or ἐπετάχθη σ΄, and with ἐπετάχθη simply a note
on the dative of the agent Λακεδαιμονίοις would be expected. On the other hand Cobet’s
Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐπετετάχεσαν (or ἐπέταξαν) would suit the paraphrase very well, especially as the
construction of the sentence would then be quite easy, and no grammatical note would be

858. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 141

necessary. But the great difficulty would still remain of accounting for the origin of
the corruption.

21. mppOjva. W-M. The expedition of Hermocrates to Ionia is described in
Thue. viii. 26.

25-8. The rules for the accentuation of σφίσι and similar pronouns are given by
Herodian, ed. Lentz, i. p. 555 544. ὅτε μὲν οὖν ἀπολελυμένως λέγονται καὶ οὐχὶ πρὸς ἕτερον πρόσωπον
ἀντιδιαστέλλονται, ἐγείρουσι τὴν πρὸ αὑτῶν ὀξεῖαν᾽ ὅτε δὲ κατὰ τὴν πρός τι ἕτερον διαστολὴν ἐκφέρονται,
ὀρθοτονοῦνται k.r.A.; cf. the rules quoted in the notes ad /oc. from the Homeric scholia. The
general sense of the passage seems to be ‘ σφίσι here is enclitic, for although one ought to keep
its accent (τὸν révov W—M) as far as possible, the rule concerning μεταβάσεις (i. 6. the reference of
a pronoun to another person than the subject of the sentence) often prevents this’, But the
lacunae make the whole passage obscure. Modern editors accentuate σφίσι here.

34-5. Cf. Schol. ὑπὸ ἀπειρίας" παροιμία, γλυκὺς ἀπείρῳ πόλεμος, Stob. Hor. 50. 3 Πίνδαρος
ὑπορχημάτων᾽ γλυκὺ δὲ πόλεμος ἀπείροισιν, Schol. .71. A 227 ὡς καὶ Πίνδαρος" γλυκὺς ἀπείρῳ πόλεμος.
Schroeder (Fr. 110, ed. 1908) writes γλυκὺ δ᾽ ἀπείρῳ πόλεμος, but this now seems hardly
satisfactory in view of the uncertainty of the metre and the agreement of our author with
Stobaeus. The precise restoration of the lacuna at the end of], 34 is uncertain. γλυκ[ὺ δὲ πο- |
is hardly long enough, but yAus[ds yap ὁ πο- | is possible, if our author was not aiming at an
exact quotation.

vii. 1. The extent of the gap between Cols. vi and vii cannot be determined by the
writing on the recto; cf.introd.p. 108. LI. 1-3 are the end of a note on καὶ ἐξ ὀλίγου τὰ πολλὰ
καὶ δι’ ὀργῆς ai ἐπιχειρήσεις γίγνονται in C. 11. 4.

6--ο. The restorations are due to W—M.

10. For ‘O|u[npixas] cf. iv. 6. The quotation is from A 539.

12-3. προν]οοῦ]σι is far from certain; the supposed o is more like y or τ, but with ὅτι
it is difficult to find anything suitable for the previous word. W-—M proposes οὐκέτι
προϊνοίαι] of τοιοῦτοι κατὰ πόλε[μ]ον, θυμ[ῶι δ᾽] ἐξορμῶσιν. The article is certainly wanted before
τοιοῦτοι and there is just room for [vo] and [wd] in the two lacunae, but Jor, though not
impossible, is less suitable than σι. ἀλλά might be read in place of κατά, but it is not
satisfactory to make ἐξορμῶσιν transitive.

15. ὑμῖν : the papyrus confirms the conjecture of Hude; ἡμῖν MSS., Stuart Jones.

18. ἦν [ἀκοῦ]σίαι] : or possibly ἠκ[οὐομ]εν ἄν], as W-M suggests; but though « can be
read in place of v, and the vestige which we regard as the tip of an o might belong to « or ν
or several other letters [axov]o[a| suits the space better, and the author of the commentary
does not elsewhere employ the first person plural. With this lengthy note on én’ ἀμφότερα
οἵ, the brief remark of Schol. δόξα ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα καὶ εὐκλείας καὶ δυσκλείας.

20-1. [ἀντὶ τοῦ and ὑπόληψιν W-M.

24-8. The Homeric quotation (identified by W-M) is from Fr 1.

29. ἐκστρατευομένων : neither this reading nor στρατευόντων, a variant mentioned in 1]. 30,
was known previously, the MSS. all having ἐξεστρατευμένων. The perfect middle of this verb
is not found elsewhere in Thucydides, and the present is quite defensible.

34. [ἀμαχη͵]τεί was suggested by Bury.

37. διαλύεσθαι : SiadvelecOa (sic) C, διαλύσεσθαι other MSS., but cf. Schol. διαλύεσθαι"
ἀφίστασθαι τῶν ἀγωγῶν. Thucydides employs the future infinitive after μέλλειν somewhat
more often than the present, and where the MSS. are divided on the point, e.g. here and
in i, 107. 3 and viii. 6. 5, editors prefer the future.

viii. 4. Hude proposes to restore the line ἅμ[α αὐτῶι τοὺς ἐνόχους. :
5. The word following ἄγει is probably some part of ἐξελαύνω ; cf. Thuc. 1, 127. 1 τὸ
dyos . . . ἐλαύνειν, to which 1], 4-5 refer.

142 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

7-9. Cf. Schol. διὰ χειρός" δι’ ἐπιμελείας iva μὴ ἀποστῶσι. ἀεί in 1. 8 was suggested
by Bury.

11. Probably the scribe wrote [xparijo@u, for the lacuna is hardly sufficient for
six letters.

12. [προσόδωι] and [πορισμῶι] are both too short for the lacuna, which requires 9 or
το letters. Perhaps κατορθοῦϊν should be restored in place of κατορθοΐσθαι, which makes this
line rather long.

33-4. Perhaps καθα ρὸν ἔλθῃ with καθαρόν in 1. 35, as Hude suggests.

36. καὶ περιαιρετόν has already been quoted in the lemma in I. 29.

ix. 3-6. The MSS. have τοσοῦτοι yap ἐφύλασσον τὸ πρῶτον ὁπότε οἱ πολέμιοι ἐσβάχοιεν ἀπό
τε τῶν πρεσβυτάτων καὶ τῶν νεωτέρων καὶ μετοίκων ὅσοι ὁπλῖται ἦσαν. The omission of τὸ πρῶτον
. ἐσβάλοιεν in the lemma is probably a mere accident, and does not imply that the words
were wanting in our author’s text, though this seems to have gone astray at this point. The
reading ὑπό, which stood there in place of ἀπό, is indefensible if ὑπό re τῶν πρεσβ. k.T.A. 15
to be connected with τοσοῦτοι ἐφύλασσον, as our author clearly intended; for ὑπό cannot be
used as equivalent to ἀπό in this sense, and the Homeric parallel which he cites, δαΐδων ὕπο
λαμπομενάων (2 492), is irrelevant, since ὕπο there has its not uncommon sense ‘to the
accompaniment of’.

το. [éw|s: cf. Schol. ἕως rod κύκλου. The reading ἀπ]ό, though possible, is less suitable.
The insertion of 6’ was suggested by Bury.

14-6. [κ]ύκλον δὲ... ἄϊστ]εω[ς is a parenthesis, and [κ]αι πάλιν ὁπόσον κιτιλ. depends on
ἀπαριθμεῖται, referring to Thucydides’ words a few lines later than the lemma, τὰ δὲ μακρὰ
τείχη πρὸς τὸν Πειραιᾶ τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων. Ie parélas was suggested by W-M and Bury;
ἐΐκ told [Π. or ἐκ rod Π. cannot be read. The second s of acrews in 1. 14 has been
rewritten.

18. Μο]υνυχ[ί]ᾳ : so MSS. ; Μουνιχίᾳ Hude, Stuart Jones.

22-8. The position assigned by us to Fr. 1 is not certain. On the one hand the
colour and general appearance of the fragment suggest that it belongs to this column, and
when placed where it is λιβός at the beginning of a line giving a new entry of the land-
survey on the recto of Fr. 1 will come just underneath λιβός at the beginning of another entry
which is on the recto of the upper part of Col. ix, while the lines on the recto of the frag-
ment containing the ends of viii. 22-9 (the position of which is fixed) may be the continuation
of the lines on the recto of Fr. 1, though there is no certain connexion. The chief objection
to the position assigned to Fr. 1 is that on the recto of the upper part of Col. ix there seems
to be a junction between two selides, which would be expected to appear also on Fr. 1, but
does not. We have, however, been unable to find any suitable place for the lemma in 1. 23
commencing ev@ol except EvBo[vay in 14. 1, and if that restoration is accepted, the position
given to Fr. 1 must be approximately correct. A difficulty arises in 1. 26 where ἐξ Ἰχισνοί
is a very unsatisfactory combination of letters, and probably there is some corruption. The
& projects somewhat to the left, but not enough to justify the inference that it belongs
to a lemma.

x. 2-4. Bury suggests mapdlyet ἐν ᾿Ερε]χθεῖ Εὐριπίδης τὸν | Εὔμολπον].

6. The word following ξυ]ντελούντωϊν may, as Bury remarks, have been χρήματα or
εἰσφοράς. ἴ

7. τὸ ἐν Λ[ίμνα]ις Διονύσοϊυ: so MSS.; τὸ (rov) ἐν Δ. A. Hude, following Cobet. ‘The
scribe has left a blank space after Δ[ίμνα]ις as if the lemma ended there, but probably this is
a mistake; cf. x. 25. The remains of]. ro, as was perceived by W—M and Bury, belong to
a quotation from the Hecale of Callimachus (Fr. 66 a ed. Schneider); see Schol. Ar. Frogs
216 Λίμναι χωρίον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, ἐν ᾧ Διονύσου ἱερόν. Καλλίμαχος ἐν ‘ExdAn* Λιμναίῳ δὲ xopooradas

Se ΣΦΕ.

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 143

ἦγον ἑορτάς, and Steph. Byz. Λίμναι ἔνθα ὁ Διόνυσος ἐτιμᾶτος Καλλίμαχος" Λιμναίῳ δὲ κιτιλ. (καὶ
οἱ λιμναῖοι codd.). W-—M, restoring Καλλίμαχος in 1. 7, regards the quotation as beginning
with εὖ δέ in 1. 8 and containing two complete hexameters, but this view is open to some
objections. The restoration Καλλίμαχος at the end of |. 7 implies that 11 letters are lost
after διονυσοῖ, whereas elsewhere in this column the corresponding space contains only 5-8
letters. This difficulty can be got over by supposing that Καλλίμαχος was abbreviated, but
in ]. 9 a similar and more serious obstacle arises ; for Λιμναίωι (which is certain) is sufficient
by itself to fill the lacuna at the end of the line, and since ᾿Ελευθήρ will be the conclusion of
the first hexameter, the first foot of the second hexameter seems to be reduced to «. W-M
proposes εἴσατο, which makes excellent sense, but involves a supplement of 12 letters
in the lacuna. The ε of ed has been corrected from a straight stroke (probably +) but the
reading is practically certain, 7 being the only alternative for εἰ and less satisfactory. Bury
on the other hand would restore a shorter name than Καλλίμαχος in 1]. 7 (Δίδυμος ?), and regard
the Callimachus quotation as beginning with [ΔΛιμναίωι in 1. 9, reading the preceding word as
᾿Ἐλευθηρεῖ, i. 6. "EXevOepei, But that Callimachus’ name was mentioned in I. 7 (cf. x. 37), and
that ll. 8—9 belong to the quotation, seem to us more probable. On Eleuther, the eponymous.
hero of Eleutherae, who is said to have made the first image of Dionysus subsequently
brought by Pegasus to the temple ἐν Λίμναις at Athens, cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-encycl, s. vv.
Dionysos, Eleuther, Eleuthereus.

11-2. Apparently the point of the contrast between this statement and the Callimachus
quotation is that according to the latter the temple at Limnae was called after Dionysus
as god of marshes in general, while according to the other explanation Limnae was merely
a local name. With οὕτ[ ]ς in], 11 Jos is the termination of a proper name, e. 5. Δίδυμος ;
but it is possible to read Ἰως δὲ οὗτ[ οἹς, Jos being the termination of an adverb or a substantive
in the genitive withe. g. διά, οὗτ[ οἷς would however then have to mean Thucydides, which is
not satisfactory.

15. ἀρχαιότατα: ἀρχαιότερα MSS. The reading of the lemma may be a mere error, but
is in itself defensible ; for accepting Boeckh’s view that there were four distinct Dionysiac
festivals at Athens, the Greater and Lesser Dionysia, the Anthesteria, and Lenaea, the
Anthesteria might be called the ‘ most ancient’ instead of the ‘more ancient’, i. e. than the
Greater Dionysia. Thucydides’ statement that the Anthesteria was a general Ionic festival
is intended to prove its high antiquity, and cf. Schol. ἀρχαιότερα εἶπε διότι ἔστι καὶ νεώτερα ἄλλα.

τῇ 8 : so MSS ; most modern editors follow Torstrik in regarding the words as
a gloss. With a mention of the day μηνός, not ἐν μηνί, would be expected. The papyrus
shows, however, that the interpolation, if it be such, is very early. Our author’s note con-
cerning the date of the festival is in accord with the extant evidence on the subject ;
cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-encycl. i. p. 2372.

19-20. πΊλ[εἸΐστου : so most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones ; πλεῖστα AB (corr. A 2nd hand),
which Torstrik wished to read, omitting ἄξια. With εἰς τὰ «7A. cf. Schol. λείπει ἡ εἰς,
ἵν᾽ ἡ εἰς τὰ πλείστου ἄξια.

25. There can hardly be any doubt that the lemma ends at οἰκήσεϊ, although the scribe
fails to leave a blank space; cf, x. 7, note: The following words in Thuc, are μετεῖχον οἱ
᾿Αθηναῖοι, and the construction of the dative οἰκήσει with μετεῖχον being extremely difficult,
some recent editors, including Hude, would omit the latter word. That our author’s text had
μετεῖχον is clear from 1. 30, and the difficulty of connecting it with οἰκήσει is discussed by
him in 11, 25-9, but the nature of his explanation is somewhat obscure. Apparently
he regarded τῇ air, οἰκήσει in place of τῆς abr. οἰκήσεως as equivalent to διὰ τὴν αὖτ. οἴκησιν,
thus approximating to the view of Herbst, who explained the dative as instrumental and
supplied αὐτῆς (i. 6, τῆς αὐτονόμου οἰκήσεως) ; this, however, produces a very redundant con-
struction. If μετὰ το[ῦ μετεῖχον is rightly restored in 1, 25, the beginning of the note seems

144 THE OXYRAYNCHUS ΡΑΡΥΚΙ

to mean ‘ τῇ αὖτ. οἰκήσει goes With μετεῖχον of ᾿Αθηναῖοι ᾽, and διὰ τὴν κατὰ x,7.d. is a distinct re-
mark ; if of ᾿Αθηναῖοι with either μετεῖχον or a different verb in ]. 25 be connected with διὰ τὴν
κατὰ κιτιλ., μετὰ το[ῦ Must be abandoned: e or might be read in place of the doubtful o.
Schol. merely remark that αὐτονόμῳ οἰκήσει is for αὐτονόμου οἰκήσεως.

29-30. εἴρηται δὲ ὑπερβατῶϊς «.7.A. refers to the position of ἐπὶ πολύ which is to be con-
nected with μετεῖχον, τὸ ἑξῆς (restored by W-M) means ‘the grammatical sequence is’ ;
cf. xiii. 7, note.

oh ἱπα]ν[οικησίᾳ γενόμενοι: SO MSS. (ν. ]. πανοικεσίᾳ); Hude and Stuart Jones follow
Lipsius in placing πανοικησίᾳ after οὐ ῥᾳδίως,

33. The o following τ is almost certain, v being the only alternative. [οι] does not fill
up the lacuna, so that ro is not the termination of e.g. διεγένοντο, διὰ παντός] is possible.
Schol. remark πανοικησίᾳ καὶ οὐ πανοικίᾳ λέγεται,

35-6. κίαλοῦνται φ[υλ]αί was suggested by Bury and Hude,

36-7. This distinction between σηκός and ναός is also stated by Ammonius: ναὸς καὶ σηκὸς
διαφέρει. ὁ μὲν yap ναός ἐστι θεῶν, ὁ δὲ σηκὸς ἡρώων. The distinction is not always observed ; cf.
Liddell and Scott, s.v. σηκός. (The quotation from Callimachus (from the Hecale?; cf. x. 7,
note) is new.

xi. 14-5. The accent of dp[yos points, as W-M perceived, to the restoration of these
lines as a quotation of the well-known oracle, which occurs e.g. in Schol. Theocr. xiv. 48.
The beginning of the line is commonly cited as γαίης μὲν πάσης, but here γαίης and πάσης have
changed places. A difficulty arises in connexion with the reading [γα]ίηϊς, that, since it
belongs to the note, not the lemma, there ought to be only one letter lost, but the scribe
sometimes begins his lines unevenly (e. g. in ix. 26) and occasionally treats words belonging
to the note as if they were part of the lemma (e.g. in xvii. 31). Possibly, however, he wrote

»ν Γ
αἴης.
ἐμ 16. Perhaps ὅλως] φκήθη.

17. ὃυ is given the barytone accent in order to distinguish it from οὗ, The note probably
began with something like οὐ διὰ τὸ παρα]νόμωΪς οἰκεῖν | τοσαύταις συμφοραΐῖ]ς ἐχρήϊσαντο, as
Stuart Jones suggests.

xii. 2-3. The restorations are due to W—M.

5. εἶναι may have been added in the lemma after μαλακός. The occurrence of ἀθροίσει
in the paraphrase indicates that our author explained ξυναγωγῇ as referring to the assemblage
of the allies at Sparta not to the conduct of the war, thus agreeing with Herbst against the
ordinary view; cf. Classen, ad loc.

6. |.¢: the vestige of the first letter would suit δ or A best..

7. Stuart Jones suggests [Ὅμηρος μαλθακὸς αἰχμη]τής (P 588).

10. ἀργῶς : cf. Schol. ἐν τῇ καθέδρᾳ" τῇ ἀργίᾳ τῆς πολιορκίας δηλονότι.

12. The word before μεταφορικῶς was probably an equivalent of ἀνεῖχεν, perhaps ἔμενεν
(Bury) or ἐκώλυεν (W-M, who compares Bekker, Azecd. i. p. 400. 7 λέγεται ἀνέχειν καὶ
τὸ κωλύειν. Θουκυδίδης ἐν ἕκτῳ «.t.A.). In place of τὰ ὅπλα (W—M) Bury suggests χεῖρας.
Line 14 clearly contains a comparison between ἀνοχή and ἐκεχειρία, but the reconstruction is
uncertain. There is certainly a letter after εκεἤχειρια, and the vestige suits « better than s.
If εκεϊχειριαι is nominative plural this may be accounted for by the plural use of ἀνοχαί ; if it
is dative singular something like [ἀνοχὴ ἴση τῇ ἐκε]χειρίᾳ is required. [ἀνοχαὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκεΪχειρίας
(W-M) would have been more satisfactory.

17. Itis tempting to restore oi ‘Petrol: τόπ[ο]ς | τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς, but o does not fill the lacuna
before s. Possibly Ρεἥιτοι τί. ᾿ should be read, but the letter following ro is more like m than
er and there is not room for 7/ézo|s. |

19. Lines 19-32 are on a detached fragment. The writing on the recto confirms the

———_— ΞΥΟΟ

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 145

internal evidence of Il. 24—7 that these lines belong to the lower portion of Col. xii, but the
extent of the gap, if any, between Il. 18 and 19 is uncertain.

23. The accent of dde suggests, as W-M remarks, a form like ᾿Ελευσ]νάδε, but though
the letter before ade might be ν, the letter before that is more like e, 0, or v than «.

24. The letter before ναὶ may be « instead of 7, but [ταξάμενον μεῖναι does not suit
the size of the initial lacuna, and [περιιδεῖν τμηθ]ῆναι is also too long, so that [οὐ καταβῆναι
is practically certain. To the form ἤδεισαν there is no objection, but the word does
not seem very suitable in this context. The doubtful 6 might be read as a, λ, or p.

24-9. The restoration of the beginning of the note is due to W-M, who further
suggests | rér(e) (?) of ᾿Ατί τ ικοὶ τιθέασιν. but Ατίτ]ικοι does not suit the vestiges. For ἐπεξ-
ἐλεύσονται Cf. Schol. εἰ ἐπεξίασιν" εἰ ἐπεξελεύσονται οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι πρὸς πόλεμον.

xiii. 1. This line, restored by Hude, and the next clearly belong to a note on

_the use of the middle in place of the active in χωρήσεσθαι (c. 20. 4), ἐπαινέσεσθαι being adduced

as an illustration; cf. iv. 32-5. The first two letters of επαινεσίεἶσθαι have a stroke
through them, but this is to be regarded as accidental, not as implying deletion.

7. A note on the construction of αὐτοῖς, which depends on δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο after a long
interval. The reading <[&js is not very satisfactory, for the traces of ink suit o, σ, or τ better
than e, but τὸ ἑξῆς is the technical phrase required here ; cf. the close parallel in x. 29-30.

13. @pynto: MSS. are divided between this reading and ὥρμητο (CEG), which accord-
ing to our author (J. 14) was found ‘in some copies’, and must have been a very early
variant. Editors also differ; Hude and Stuart Jones prefer ὥρμητο.

16. Apart from the present passage in Thuc. Phrygia in Attica is only mentioned
twice, (1) Schol. Arist. Birds 493 Φρυγίων ἐρίων ἢ ἀπὸ Φρυγίας ἢ ἀπὸ δήμου. ἐκεῖ yap ἁπαλὰ καὶ
καλὰ ἔρια, (2) Steph. Byz. s.v. Φρύγια,. .. ἔστι καὶ τὰ Φρύγια οὐδετέρως τόπος μεταξὺ Βοιωτίας καὶ
᾿Αττικῆς. Bursian (Geogr. i. p. 334) conjecturally placed it in the neighbourhood of Acharnae
at the north-east foot of Mount Aegaleus. Since the site of Athmonon is fixed (χα. p. 343)
at the modern village of Marusi, which is 7 kilometres west of Acharnae, the statement of
our author that Phrygia belonged to the Athmonian deme does not accord with the position
assigned to the village by Bursian, although Athmonon being an important deme may have
stretched some way to the west. Our author is likely to be right on the point, in spite of
Steph. Byz.’s assertion that Phrygia was ‘ between Boeotia and Attica’, which suggests quite
a different position.

17. τάγματι : SO Schol. τάγματι évi. The Homeric quotation is from = 298.

20. Φαρσάλιοι Πειράσιοι : Φαρσάλιοι Παῤάσιοι MSS. (cf. 878. 6; πΠεράσιοι B), which
continue Κραννώνιοι Πειράσιοι. Παράσιοι, a term nowhere else applied to a Thessalian tribe,
has generally been rejected by critics as an interpolation due to a misspelling of Πειράσιοι and
a confusion with the Παρράσιοι in Arcadia, who are out of place here, while the form Πειράσιοι
is generally altered to Πυράσιοι in accordance with Strabo ix. p. 435, and Steph. Byz. s.v.
Πύρασος. The reading of the lemma proves that Παράσιοι did not stand after Φαρσάλιοι
in our author’s text of Thuc., while his note shows that he knew of Παράσιοι (or Παρράσιοι)
as a variant on Πειράσιοι, but rightly rejected it. That Παράσιοι was originally a marginal
variant which found its way into the text, causing the transposition of Πειράσιοι, is now clear,
and the hypothesis of an interpolation is confirmed. As regards the form Πειράσιοι the
lemma supports the traditional spelling of the MSS. against Πυράσιοι, and in view of the fact
that Steph. Byz. mentions a certain Πειρασία πόλις Μαγνησίας, the alteration to Πυράσιοι seems
to us unnecessary. Our author’s explanation of Πειράσιοι as connected with the Πηρεία men-
tioned in B 766 is however very doubtful, for the reading Unpeiy is there somewhat uncertain
(there are variants Φηρίῃ and Uvepiy besides Πειρίῃ), and Steph. Byz. distinguishes Πηρεία
Θεσσαλίας χωρίον from Πειρασία.

146 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI

22-3. The restoration of these two lines was proposed by W-M, Stuart Jones, and
Hude; cf. Schol. Παράσιοι' Παρράσιοι ᾿Αρκάδες, Παράσιοι Θετταλοί.

29. The restoration of this line is far from certain, especially as των) does not fill the
lacuna after av, unless those letters were unusually spread out. Perhaps the lemma ended
with ai{rév|, which would then be followed by a blank space, and οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι belongs to
the note.

xiv. 1-2. Part of a note on αἰεὶ ἐν αὐτῷ θάπτουσι τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων πλήν γε τοὺς ἐν
Μαραθῶνι. The restoration in 1. 2 is due to W-M, who is no doubt right in regarding
ἐπιτά]φιὸς in 1. 3 as a title.

4. That before ἑνί the papyrus had ἐν, which is omitted by CG, is certain not only from
the size of the lacuna but from ἐν ἑνί in the paraphrase, |. 6.

6-11. The proposed restoration of the paraphrase is very doubtful in several respects.
For κινδυνεύειν κινδυνεϊύεσθαι may be substituted, or possibly κίνδυνο[ς | γάρ, as W—M suggests,
with εἶναι τῶν] in 1]. 7; τοιουϊτοτρόπου)ς is not very satisfactory, but there is not room for
‘ τοιούτους αὐτού]ς. In 1. 7 either πολλῶν or an equivalent is required. τ]οσούτων ἀνδρῶν]
is possible, with another word in place of ἀνδρί. The doubtful « may be 7, but neither
εἰπόντι nor | wod{Adv can be read. Our author seems to have interpreted πιστευθῆναι, like
Poppo and Classen, as epexegetic of κινδυνεύεσθαι and not as the subject of it (τό being
omitted), which latter view is supported by Schol. (ἀντὶ rod καὶ μὴ ἐν κινδύνῳ γίνεσθαι τὸ
πιστευθῆναι) and now advocated by Steup ; cf. Classen’s Thucydides, ed. iv. p. 221.

13. Perhaps [συμμέτρως], as W-M suggests (cf. Schol. μετρίως" συμμέτρως, ἀξίως), OF
[ἐπιτηδείως] (Bury).

15-20. Bury restores these lines δ]ύσκολόν ἐστιν | τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐν τῷ] πράγματι μόΪνον
βεβαιοῦν κατὰ τ]ὰς ὑπολήψεις τῶν ἀκροατῶν, κ]ιὶ δύσκολον | ἀληθεύειν δοκεῖν" ἀΪπιστεῖται | γὰρ τὸ
ὑπερβάλλον τ]οῦ πράγματος.

22. The letter (beginning with a vertical stroke) following rov has a horizontal line
above it, indicating either a numeral or word cited like καί in xix. 5.

25. αὐϊτοῦ: soCG; ἑαυτοῦ ABEFM. It is of course possible, but less likely, that our
author meant αὑτοῦ.

27-31. Bury suggests voluice|av ἂν ἔνια πλεονάζεσθαι] εἴ τινα | ὑπὲρ αὑτοὺς ἀκούοιεν'
povoly γὰρ τὸ |... καὶ ὃ ἕκαστος αὐτὸς ἱκανὸς εἶναι δρᾶσαι] ἡγεῖται.

32-3. Bury is probably right in assigning these lines to a fresh lemma, not to the pre-
ceding note, although 1]. 30-1 paraphrase words not included in ll. 24-6.

KV. 2. πίάλ]ιν, which can hardly be evaded, may be explained, as W-M suggests,
as a reference back to δίκαιον yap ἡμᾶς «.7.A. inc. 11. 2. Our author’s note on that passage,
if he had one, is lost in the gap between Cols. vi and vii. The word after εἴρηκ εἰν is probably
an adverb.

4. καθεστηκυίαι] : the papyrus follows the ordinary spelling of the MSS.; καθεστηκύᾳ
Hude. After τῇ it is difficult to see what other word than παρακμῇ can have been meant, but
that was certainly not written; the letter following mapa is conceivably «, but is much more
like y or τ, and μ is out of the question.

6. οἰκεῖν : so most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; ἥκειν C (second hand) and superscr. G.

7-11. In regarding οἰκεῖν as equivalent to διοικεῖσθαι our author is quite correct, but in
paraphrasing és as ‘ for the advantage of’ he conflicts with modern editors, who practically
all adopt the view that ἐς πλείονας οἰκεῖν = διοικεῖσθαι Sore πλείονας εἶναι τοὺς διοικοῦντας. This
is supported both by the variant ἥκειν for οἰκεῖν and by several parallels for this use of ἐς
(especially Thuc. viii. 53), and suits the context much better. The interpretation which our
author rejects in ll. 7-8 seems to be right in its interpretation of és, but is wrong with regard

858. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 147

to the meaning of οἰκεῖν, which cannot mean in this context ‘ inhabit’, as seems to be implied
by the contrast between οἰκεῖν in 1. 7 and διοικεῖσθαι in |. 10.

14. tos has the barytone accent to distinguish it from τῶι.

15. τὸ πλέοϊν : 8. ABEFM (πλεῖον), Hude, Stuart Jones ; τὰ πλέω CG,

16. διάφορά νυν τὰ διαφέροντα : cf. Schol. τὰ διαφέροντα ταῖς ἰδιώταις.

21-2. This explanation of the obscure phrase οὐκ ἀπὸ μέρους is novel. Schol. remark
τοῦτο λέγει διὰ τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας, βασιλεῖς τῶν Λακώνων, οἵτινες ἀπὸ μέρους ἦρχον διὰ μόνην τὴν
εὐγένειαν κἂν μὴ εἶχον ἀρετήν, and in accordance with this supposed reference to the Spartan
kings the phrase has generally been interpreted ‘ not because he is sprung from a particular
class’, while Classen thinks that the meaning is ‘not because he is supported by a political
party’, and Herwerden wished to read γένους for μέρους. Our author on the other hand
interprets it ‘not according to the equal share to which he is entitled as a member of
a democratic state’, i.e. honours are distributed not in equal shares but in accordance
with merit. In 1. 25 Bury suggests oil[d]e (which is possible) followed by a participle
or infinitive meaning ‘will be assigned’ (καταν]εμ[ηθήσεσθαι τὴν τάξιν is too long, but
κίαταν εμ[ηθησομένη]ν (τὴν) τάξιν could be read), and inl. 26 [αὑτῶι ἐν τῆι πολιτείαι] ἕκαστος.

33. ὑπο]ψίαν ; or possibly ἀνυπο)ψίαν ; cf. note on |. 38.

34. δρᾷ te: τι Spa MSS. δρᾷ τὶ may be a mere slip of a copyist. τι δρᾷ apparently
occurs in the paraphrase (xvi. 2).

38. οὐ]χ ὑποπτεύΐσ)οντες : if our author’s text had the ordinary reading ὑποψίαν in 1. 33,
his paraphrase is not very accurate at this point. Thucydides’ phrase ἐς τὴν ... ὑποψίαν does
not harmonize well with the following words οὐ δι᾿ ὀργῆς x.7.A., and Madvig conjectured
ἔποψιν, Reifferscheid ἀνυποψίαν, to which οὐχ ὑποπτεύοντες would be appropriate enough. To
read ἀνυποψίαν in |. 33 is possible, for though it would produce 13 mostly broad letters
in the lacuna as against only rz in ]. 32, there are 14 letters in the corresponding lacuna in
|. 34, and in the lower part of this column the beginnings of lines seems to have sloped
away to the left. But it is more probable that our author read ὑποψίαν and in ovly ὑπο-
mrevovres was merely giving ‘the general sense, obtaining his negative from οὐ δι᾽ ὀργῆς ;
cf. Schol. ἐλευθέρως δέ" ὡσανεὶ ἔλεγεν οὐκ ἐσμὲν ἀλλήλοις ὕποπτοι.

xvi. 5. The vestige of a letter following λυπουμεν would suit 6. g. 7, but hardly 0, so that
λυπούμενοι is improbable. ν may be read in place of the doubtful v. ἐϊπισκ]υθρ[ωπάζοντες
(Bury) is unsuitable, but ]s may well be the end of a participle.

g-10. ἐκ τοῦ... .] probably refers to τῇ ὄψει. ἐκ τοῦ δήϊλου] (Bury) does not suit ;
the first letter seems to be a, κ, or A, the second to be a round letter, e.g. 0; or possibly μί
might be read.

18. αἰϊ]εί : so Hude with E; ἀεί other MSS. ; cf. 1. 33.

19-20. τοῖς ἄρχουσιν : cf. Schol. τῶν ἀρχόντων.

21. οἷον d¢ ὅλου τοῦ. ἔτους : cf. Schol. d¢ ὅλου τοῦ ἔτους θύουσιν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πλὴν
μιᾶς ἡμέρας.

24. ἀκϊροβοἸλίζει Λακεδαιμονίους : similar remarks (e. g. αἰνίττεται πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους) are
frequent in Schol. on cc. 37-9; cf. also xvii. 6-9.

25. διαιτώμεθα : διαιτώμενοι MSS., the verb being χωροῦμεν. Whether διαιτώμεθα is
an inadvertence, or implies a different arrangement of this sentence in our author’s text (6. g.
διαιτώμεθα . .. χωροῦντες) is uncertain.

29. ἐθέλομεν : so CG, Hude, Stuart Jones; ἐθέλοιμεν other MSS. and Dion. Hal.

31. τοῖς re: so BCG, Hude, Stuart Jones ; τε τοῖς other MSS.

33. ἀτολμ[οτέρ]ους : so most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; ἀτολμοτέροις suprascr. G,, eX
corr. f, and Dion. Hal.

αἰεί: so E, Hude, Stuart Jones; ἀεί other MSS. ; cf. 1. 18.

Ι, 2

148 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

XVii. 1-2. ανυποῖ and Ἰιεστί are on a separate fragment, and the margin is broken
away immediately to the left of ανυπο; but the position assigned to the fragment admits of
practically no doubt, especially as it belongs to the top of a column.

3. ταλαιπωρεῖσθἾ]αι : so Bury and Hude; καταπονεῖσθ]αι ΥΥ--Ν.

το. καιρῷ: so the best MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; ἐν καιρῷ F, g. It is disputed whether
καιρῷ is a predicate of πλούτῳ, ὡς being omitted (so Poppo and Steup), or is a kind of
adverbial dative (so Classen, 3rd ed.): our author’s paraphrase in spite of the use of ἐν
καιρῷ is compatible with either view.

16-8. This explanation of αἴσχιον as a comparative used in place of the simple adjective
agrees with that of the ancient grammarian quoted by Poppo (who practically accepts this
view) αἴσχιον ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰσχροῦ, Θουκυδίδης, while other explanations, e.g. Classen’s, attach
greater significance to the comparative.

18-9. The quotation is from ἡ 294. A slight error has crept in, for the MSS. have
αἰεὶ γάρ τε, not αἰεὶ δέ, which will not scan,

20. ἐν: so ABEF ; ἔνι CGf,, Hude, Stuart Jones. With ἐν it is necessary to supply
the verb, as is remarked in ]. 23; and ἔνι is no doubt preferable.

21. é|répos: so MSS., Poppo and Stuart Jones; ἕτερα Classen; ἑτέροις ἕτερα Hude
following Richards. The traditional reading is defended by Poppo on the view that ἕτεροι
refers to the poorer classes of Athenians who were too busy to take part in the administration
of public affairs, but able to form a judgement on them, and that the persons meant by
τοῖς αὐτοῖς are the richer classes, an interpretation which is rather arbitrary. With ἕτερα or
ἑτέροις ἕτερα both halves of the sentence refer to the Athenians in general, the second half
emphasizing the same idea as that expressed by the first. Our author does not explain
precisely who are meant by ἕτεροι, but since he took ἔργα in the sense of τὰ τῆς γεωργίας ἔργα
he seems to agree with Poppo’s viéw that ἕτεροι refers to the poorer classes.

30. αὐτοί: so ABEF, Poppo, Classen; of αὐτοί CG, Hude, Stuart Jones. Cf.
l. 35, note.

31. The scribe has by mistake included κρίνομεν in the lemma. The note explains
κρίνομεν aS Meaning ‘ decide upon proposals invented by others’, implying a contrast with
‘ originate new ones ourselves’ (ἐνθυμούμεθα). Our author’s interpretation thus supports
Poppo’s translation aut zudicamus certe (ab aliis proposita) aut excogttamus (nova) recte,
against Classen’s ‘entweder bringen wir die Sachen zur Entscheidung, oder suchen iiber sie
richtige Einsicht zu gewinnen’.

34. [δὴ τό]δε : δὴ (δεῖ AB) καὶ τόδε MSS., Stuart Jones ; δὴ καὶ τῷδε Hude. The papyrus
may have had [καὶ τόΪδε.

35. alvroi|: οἱ αὐτοί MSS. ; cf. αὐτοί in 1. 30, where the MSS. are divided. αὐτοί may be
right there, but here of αὐτοί is distinctly better.

Xviii. 12. The note was doubtless on ἀδεῶς, upon which Schol. remark ἀντὶ τοῦ μεγάλως.
μεγάλως may have occurred here, or, as W—M suggests, ἀφθόνως.

14. πλεῖστ᾽ : so most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; πλεῖστον AB,

18-23. χαριέντως in |. 19 and the restoration of 1. 22 were suggested by Bury and
Stuart Jones, the restoration of 1. 21 by Bury, who proposes ᾿Αθηναῖοϊς ἀνήρ in], 18 and
μάλιϊστα τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων in 1, 20, ἐπιχαρί τως (W-M) is an alternative in]. 19. Schol.
explain εὐτραπέλως by εὐκινήτως, ἐνδεξίως.

24. κρείσσων : so most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; κρεῖσσον C.

27. Perhaps ze{pryiverar, as W—M proposes. λόγων... ἔργοις was suggested by both him
and Bury.

29-33. These lines paraphrase the sentence of Thucydides following the lemma. The
restorations are mainly due to Bury, who further proposes mxnOév\rov in |. 29, ἔχουσα ἐκείνων

853. COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES II 149

in 1. 31, and μομφὴν ἔχει ἴῃ 1. 32. The paraphrase does not help in regard to the difficult
reading τῷ πολεμίῳ ἐπελθόντι, which many critics have wished to alter.

35-7. A note (restored in part by Bury) to the effect that ἔχει governs κατάμεμψιν as
well as ἀγανάκτησιν.

xix. 1-3. There is a blank space after φύσεως before the lacuna, and if φύσεως was the
end of the line, 1. 1 probably belongs to a note on τῆς τε yap ὑπαρχούσης φύσεως and Il. 2-3
are a lemma. It is possible, however, that a couple of letters are lost in the lacuna after
φύσεως, in which case that word belongs to the lemma and Il, 2-3 to the note. That all
three lines belong to a note is less likely, for ]. 1 would then be too short ; and the same
objection applies to regarding all three as a lemma, while in addition it would then be
necessary to suppose the omission of a whole line (μὴ χείροσι γενέσθαι ὑμῖν μεγάλη).

4-7. The Homeric quotation (from A 117) is cited in order to illustrate the use of 7
for καί, and if our author considered that Thucydides also employed # for καί his comment
must apply to ἢ ψόγου, though in reality there is no justification for interpreting 7 there as
καί. It is possible, however, as W—M points out, that the quotation is intended to illustrate
the converse of Thucydides’ use; in that case our author’s remark applies to καὶ ἧς, which
in his opinion was for ἢ ἧς ; i.e. he thought that the construction was τῆς ὑπαρχούσης φύσεως
μεγάλη δόξα ἐστὶν μὴ χείροσι γενέσθαι ἢ ἐκείνη ἡ φύσις ἧς ἂν κιτιλ., which makes nosense. Which-
ever view we credit him with, our author seems to have completely misunderstood the
meaning of the sentence, and the Homeric parallel makes matters worse ; for ἤ is not there
used for καί, though on this point he is only following the singularly perverse interpretation
of that passage by the Alexandrian critics; cf. Schol. A ὁ δὲ λόγος τοιοῦτος" θέλω, φησίν, ἐγὼ
τὸν ὄχλον μᾶλλον σῴζεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπολέσθαι. ὁ γὰρ ἤ σύνδεσμος ἀντὶ τοῦ καί παρείληπται τῷ ποιητῇ.
Our author's lack of judgement in explaining Thucydides’ meaning is made still clearer by
Il, 7-8 ἀπὸ κοινοῦ... ληπτέον τὸ φύϊσεως, meaning that φύσεως is to be supplied with ἧς, for
the real antecedent of ἧς is ἐκείνῃ τῇ γυναικί understood, and the words which are truly ἀπὸ
κοινοῦ are μεγάλη ἡ δόξα. It is impossible to acquit him of having committed a series of
errors in his attempt to elucidate this badly constructed, but not particularly difficult
sentence.

854. ARCHILOCHUS, ’EAeyeta.

3-7 X 3-3 cm. Late second century. Plate I.

The extreme smallness of this fragment is very unfortunate, since the
coincidence of the last four lines with a quotation in Athenaeus proves the
author to have been Archilochus; cf. Athen. 483d μνημονεύει αὐτοῦ (sc. τοῦ
κώθωνος) καὶ ’Apyidoxos ἐν ᾿Ελεγείοις ὡς ποτηρίου οὕτως" -ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε κιτιλ. (=Fr. 4
Bergk *). An addition to the 22 lines which, including these four cited by
Athenaeus, are all that survive of the ’EAeyeia, would have been very welcome ;
but in its present mutilated state the fragment is practically worthless. It seems
to have come from an extensive roll (cf. note on |. 2), the recto of which was
occupied by a cursive document dating probably from about the middle of the
second century ; the seventh year of an emperor (Antoninus ?) is mentioned. The
literary text on the verso, written in rather small round uncials, need not be

- 150 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

referred to a much later period, and may well fall within the same century. Two
- accents occur, besides some marginal marks of uncertain significance.

ΠΟ
Ἰ6 gpal

ἕεινοι.. |
δειπνον δουΐ

5 — οὐτ εἐμοι ws αἱ
αλλ aye συν καΐθωνι θοης δια σελματα vyos
φοιτα καὶ κοϊλωϊν πωματ αφελκε καδων
ἄγρει ὃ οινον [epvOpov amo τρυγος οὐδὲ yap ἡμεις
νηφέ[ν εν [φυλακὴ τηδὲε δυνησομεθα

2. The marginal 6 is most naturally explained as marking the 8ooth line of the
manuscript ; cf. e.g. 852. The papyrus is broken immediately above the 6, but a slight
vestige is left which we suppose to represent a stroke over the letter. Of the marks below
6 the second horizontal line and the vertical one beneath should perhaps be combined as
a critical sign referring to 1. 3, to which they are really opposite; cf. the dash
opposite 1. 5.

6. add aye: ἀλλά τε A, corrected by Musurus.

7. κοΐλωϊν : κοίλων A and editors, but κοΐλων, an Aeolic form found in Anacreon 9. 2,
may well be right here.

9. νηφέι]ν ev: ν. μέν A, ἐν Mus. But the reading in the papyrus is not satisfactory ;
one letter between ¢ and ν would be better than two, and the traces after the second ε, if
not absolutely inconsistent with ν, suggest a round letter like «. Moreover the accent is
wrong. But we can find no suitable alternative; the fourth letter can hardly be o, and
therefore νήφονες does not suit ; νηφέμεναι (conj. Bergk) is inadmissible.

855. MENANDER?
13 X 16-3 cm. Third century.

This fragment of an unidentified New Attic comedy, though inconsiderable
in size, is of more than usual interest, bringing before us with much vividness
a scene to which we think there is no exact parallel in the extant remains
of either Greek or Roman comedy. A slave Daus has been detected and caught
by an indulgent (1. 13) master, Laches, in some act of villainy connected with an
inheritance (1. 18), and Laches proposes to have him burnt alive. Daus is
perhaps bound to a stake; his fellow-slaves, to whom the victim appeals

a γνο

855. MENANDER? 151

vainly for mercy, bring out faggots and pile them round him; and Laches
himself carries the lighted torch. Wilamowitz, to whom we are much indebted
in the reconstruction of this text, supposes that the slave had taken refuge at
an altar, where however the right of asylum would not protect him from being
burnt. Atany rate the language plainly implies that it was not his master’s object
merely to dislodge him from a place of sanctuary. Of course the grim scene was
not acted out, and no doubt Daus eventually escaped ; but that it should be carried
so far is a significant indication of the Athenian attitude towards slavery at this
period, and the passage may be placed in contrast to some others where a more
humane tendency is displayed, e.g. Philemon’s ἐλευθέρους ἐπόησε πάντας τῇ φύσει
δούλους δὲ μετεπόησεν ἡ πλεονεξία (Kock, Fr. 95). It is said that the position
of slaves was peculiarly favourable at Athens, and though a master had the
power of punishment he might not legally put them to death; cf. Antiphon,
de caede Herodis, Ὁ. 728 οὐδὲ of τοὺς δεσπότας ἀποκτείναντες. . . οὐδ᾽ οὗτοι
θνήσκουσιν ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν προσηκόντων. .. κατὰ νόμους ὑμετέρους πατρίους : but
perhaps the law was stricter in theory on this point than in practice. For
the burning of slaves Wilamowitz cites the fragment from Euripides’ Sy/eus
» (Nauck Fr. 687) in which Heracles in a servile position says πίμπρη, κάταιθε
σάρκας x.t.A. Murray suggests that. Laches only wished to frighten Daus, and
was playing a big practical joke. That is a quite tenable hypothesis, but perhaps
not much is gained by it so far as the rights of Athenian slaves are concerned.
Daus certainly thought that he was to be burned, and seems rather to take it for
granted ; he makes no protest against the illegality or the unheard of barbarity
of the act. There is a general similarity between the scene.in the papyrus and
that in Aristophanes’ 7hesmoph. 726 sqq., with the essential difference that
Mnesilochus, for whose burning preparations are there made, is a free man.

The identity of the play to which the fragment belongs and of its author
is quite uncertain. Wilamowitz would refer it to some other poet than
Menander on the ground of the occurrence of the article at the end of a verse at
1. 23, to which there is no parallel in the Cairo papyrus. But this is not a very
conclusive argument, and it seems to us to be more than outweighed by a
remarkable linguistic coincidence between Il. 13-4 and a citation from the
Perinthia ; cf. note ad loc.

There are remains of two columns, the second of which is in fair
preservation. The text is written in medium-sized sloping uncials of the
common third-century type. Double dots and paragraphi are employed to
denote the alternations of the dialogue, and, as in 211, 852, and the Cairo Menan-
der, the names of the speakers are sometimes inserted, in a more cursive but
perhaps not different hand. Stops, mostly a high point (one in the middle

152

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

position occurs at the end of ii. 5), are freely used, though not always with
discrimination, and marks of elision are also ΠΟΠΘΒΗΙ two accents occur (one
misplaced) and a mark of long quantity (kav = καὶ ἐν). All these lection signs
seem to be due to the original scribe.

Col’ &

σι

Col. ii.

Beas Sale: Ἰσυδακολουθει
fovihans -a a vont Ἰασεξεισινφερωντοπυρί
καιπυρ'προδηλον'ωτιβειεκαιγετα
επειτακατακαυσειμ'᾽ αφειητ᾽ανγετα

[. . οδουλονοντα'καιδιασωσανΐ. οἸυπανυ.

[- - .Javp’adenr αλλαπεριοψεσθεμε:"

[. . «| . προσαλληλουσεχομενπροσερχεται
[. . . ριασ᾿οσονγεφορτιονῴερων

[. . ἡλωλα’ καιδαιδ᾽ αυτοσημμενηνέχῶν

λαχ
a ΠΕΣ Ἰολουθει : περιθετ᾽ ε[Ἰκυκλωιταχυ
ΠΈΣ ἸΤιδειξαιδαετηνπανουργιαν
τεχνηντινευρωνδιαφυγωντ᾽ ἐενθενδεμε

τεχνηνεγώ: ναιδαετομεναπραγμονα

καικουφονεξἀπατανγαρεστιδεσποτην

φλυαροσ : nny : εἰδετιστηντωνῴρενων —
στακτὴν : εκνισθήσ : οὐχιπροσσουδεσποτα

ομενπονηροσ'οθρασυσενθαδ᾽ αρτιωσ
κατατωνσκελωντηνκληρονομιανφι[.Ἰτατοῖ

πον a Seabee ag ee tee Ἰοδων’εξεινχαριν
λαχ
[{ 56 A RE ees Ἰσυῴφημων : καετί.Ἶ
71.[.7. cae
bs plone Je ΣΎ eat oe ae lee 1. ὠὡσαφικετο
eter sso ΠΣ ΤΣ Ἰφερομενοσγαρκᾶνκυκλαϊ
[ΣΟ ΤΟΝ δον Ἰρτωντεστιτο

855. MENANDER? 153

Col. 11.

SUE eaten eae τι 1: σὺ δ᾽ ἀκολούθει [μοι, Γέτα.
(Acoc) [κληματίδ]ας ἔξεισιν φέρων" τὸ πύρίδανον
καὶ πῦρ πρόδηλον: ὦ Τίβιε καὶ Γέτα,
ἔπειτα κατακαύσει μ᾽’ ἀφείητ᾽ ἄν, Γέτα,
5 [σύνδουλον ὄντα, καὶ διασώσανϊτ᾽ ; οὐ πάνυ
[νῦν] ἄν pw ἀφείητ᾽' ἀλλὰ περιόψεσθέ με;
[τί δ]ὴὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔχομεν ; προσέρχεται
[ὁ Πυρ]ρίας ὅσον γε φορτίον φέρων'
[ἀπόϊλωλα: καὶ δᾷδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἡμμένην ἔχων
10 [4άχης ἀκ]ολουθεῖ. Λάχ(ης). περίθετ᾽ ἐϊν] κύκλῳ ταχὺ
[τὰ ξύλ᾽. ἐπ]ίδειξαι, Ade, τὴν πανουργίαν
τέχνην tw εὑρὼν διαφυγών τ᾽ ἐνθένδε με.
(Δα) τέχνην ἐγώ; (Ady.) vat, Ade, τὸ μὲν ἀπράγμονα
καὶ κοῦφον ἐξαπατᾶν γάρ ἐστι δεσπότην :
13 φλύαρος. (Δα) ἠήν. (Ady.) εἰ δέ τις τὴν τῶν φρενῶν
στακτὴν---ἐκνίσθης; (Δα) οὐχὶ πρὸς σοῦ, δέσποτα,
(Λα) ὁ μὲν πονηρός, ὁ θρασύς, ἐνθάδ᾽ ἀρτίως
κατὰ τῶν σκελῶν τὴν κληρονομίαν φιϊλ]τάτο[υ

ements Caneen ΤῊΣ cp mlodwv, (Aa) ἕξειν χάριν
Beale Mook SIU Eins Wed wr ΤΟΙ: Js ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν. Λάχ(ης). κάετ| ε]

ΠΕ ΡΥ Oe ate ΝΣ τὲ 1 ΠΊυϊρ]ρίας. . ὡς ἀφίκετο

ΕΣ ibe sharia tte «7 1 φερόμενος yap κἀν κύκλῳ

Gre eer grein fateh eats Ἰρτων τ᾽ ἐστὶ τὸ

« Trbius (?) ..., and do you, Getes, follow me.

Daus. He is coming out with faggots; there is the fuel and the fire. O Tibius and
Getes, would you then leave me to be burnt, Getes, me your fellow slave, and your preserver?
Surely you will not desert me now! Will you disregard me? What have we against each
other? Here comes Pyrrhias, with what a load on his back! I am undone! Laches himself
is following with a lighted torch.

154 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Laches. Put the logs quickly all round him. Give an exhibition, Daus, of your cunning
by finding some device and escaping me here.

Da. J find a device?

La. Yes, Daus; for to deceive an easygoing and careless master is mere foolery.

Da, Oh!

La. But if one feels his brains turning to ashes—were you hurt?

Da. Not by you, master.

La. This rascal, this rogue, has lately in a cowardly manner (made away) here with
the inheritance of my dearest...’

Col. i. Ἰβωσί ) is in the same hand asthe interlinear dramatlis personae in the next
column. In the Cairo Menander papyrus the names of speakers are frequently added in the
right-hand margin of the column to which they refer, and that might be the case here,
though Ἰβωσί ) suggests no likely name. Perhaps σωσί ), 6. g. Zwo(ias), a name frequent
in comedy, may be read, though there would then remain an unexplained mark below the
first o; cf. note onl. 21. But of course the word may not be a name at all.

Col. ii. 2. The supplements were suggested by Wilamowitz. For [κληματίδ]ας cf.
Aristoph. Zhesmoph. 728 and, for πύρδανον, 661. 19.

_ 3. Τίβιος and Γέτης were common names of slaves. In the line cited from Menander’s
Thettale as εὐθυμία Bie τὸν δοῦλον τρέφει (Kock, Fr. 231) Bentley proposed to read εὐθυμία τοι
Τίβιε x.7.A., but as the second syllable of the name is now shown to be long, the τοι is
superfluous.

4. κατακαύσει is quite clearly written, and there is no necessity to emend to κατακαῦσαι,
though that might have been expected.

6. [νῦν], which makes an apposite contrast to the aorist διασώσαν᾽ τ᾽, is due to Wilamowitz.
The only objection to it is the stop after wavy, but as the scribe’s pointing is not always
accurate (cf. e.g. 1. 3) this is not a fatal obstacle. Ifthe presence of the stop is to be pressed,
we might read οἠὐ πάνυ, [οὐκ].

7. The letter before προς, of which only a very slight vestige remains, may be @, but
there does not seem to be room for [our|o.

8. [6 Πυρ]ρίας Wilamowitz. Cf. Aristoph. Frags 730 Uvppias and Schol, ὄνομα γὰρ
δύυλου ὁ Πυρρίας.

9. The ε of Sad’ was inserted after the second ὃ had been written.

11. Restored by Wilamowitz. In ]. 10 after ταχυ an indistinct spot on the edge of the
papyrus may represent a stop, but it is further away from the final letter than is the case e. g.
in ll. 5 and 6 and, since an object for περίθετ᾽ is desirable, it is better disregarded. Even if
the stop were certain, this would not necessarily preclude the suggested supplement; cf.
note on ]. 6.

13-4. Cf. for the language Menander, Perinthia (Kock, Fr. 393) Ὅστις παραλαβὼν
δεσπότην ἀπράγμονα καὶ κοῦφον ἐξαπατᾷ θεράπων, οὐκ οἶδ᾽ 6 τι οὗτος μεγαλεῖόν ἐστι διαπεπραγμένος,
ἐπαβελτερώσας τὸν (πρότερον) ἀβέλτερον. Such a striking similarity seems to us to point to
Menander as the author of our fragment; cf. introd.

15. ἤήν appears to be an exclamation not otherwise attested. Wilamowitz compares
Euripides, Herc. Fur. 906 ἠή (ἢ ἢ).

16. The sentence εἰ δὲ... στακτήν is not completed, a wince on the part of the slave
at the idea of his brains’ ashes leading Laches to break off with the question ἐκνίσθης.
A single stop instead of double dots should have been placed between στακτὴν and εκνισθης :
the latter word is also wrongly accented. This passage seems to be much the earliest
instance of the use of στακτή in the sense of τέφρα, for which cf. e. g. Demetrius Constantinop.
Hieracos. 2. 18 μετὰ στακτῆς ἀπὸ κληματίδων.

᾿
:

855. MENANDER? 155

18. κατὰ τῶν σκελῶν: cf, Aristoph. Peace 241 ὁ κατὰ τοῖν σκελοῖν and Schol. Rav.
συμβολικὸν ἐπὶ τῶν διὰ δειλίαν ἀποπατούντων (Wilamowitz). Whether. this explanation would
suit the present passage remains uncertain owing to the mutilation of the context. ἐκπΊ]οδών (?)
in |. 19 would be consistent with it.

19. There may have been two dots, not one, after Ἰοδων, the papyrus being damaged in
the place where the lower dot would be placed. Since καετε] in 1. 20 is attributed to
Laches, a change of speaker must have intervened in ll. 19-20. ἐκπ)οδών is probably to be
restored rather than π]οδῶν.
at. Perhaps ] πῶς ἀφίκετο, but the vestige before ὡς might also represent double dots,
and és should then be read. With regard to the name of the speaker inserted above the
line, we read I]u[p]pias on the strength of |. 8, but the traces preceding the termination cas
are extremely slight, and though not inconsistent with }[.lp they do not suggest those
letters. 3[o'cias, a name possibly to be recognized in the first column (cf. note ad loc.), would
in some ways be more suitable.

23. The article τό at the end of a verse is noticeable; cf. introd. This line was
apparently the last of the column.

24. We have failed to fix the place of this small fragment. The letters suggest

Τίβ[ιος.

856. SCHOLIA ON ARISTOPHANES’ Acharnians.
Fr. (a) 11-9 X 5:9, Fr. (2) 10-2 x 5-1 cm. Third century.

These scholia are contained in two fragments, preserving parts of two successive
columns. The long interval between the subjects of the last line of Col. i and
the first remaining line of Col. ii shows that the columns were tall, the probable
height of the papyrus being over 30cm. They were also proportionately broad,
and the compact writing combined with extensive abbreviation enables the scribe
to economize greatly in space. On the same scale another column would have
brought him to the end of the play, and the commentary was thus completed in
three columns. It may well have belonged to a series of similar commentaries,
and is evidently not to be classed as a collection of school-notes. It is written
in rather small sloping uncials, apparently of the third century ; the several
notes are divided off from each other by double dots, accompanied by paragraphi ;
a single high dot usually follows the lemmata, but is also occasionally used as
an ordinary stop; accents and breathings are sparingly added. The system
of abbreviation resembles that of the Berlin commentary of Didymus on Demo-
sthenes and of the ᾿Αθηναίων Πολιτεία ; besides words shortened by the ordinary
method of omitting the termination and writing a letter above the line, the
following more conventional abbreviations occur : γ΄ ΞΞ γάρ, δ΄ = δέ, κ΄ Ξξ καί, p= μέν,
πὶ Ξεπαρά, π-εποιητής, τῇ Ξεπρός, τὶ -ετῶν, φί-ε φησί or φασί, 2 ΞΞ εἰσί.

As will be seen from the excerpts quoted below, the scholia stand in no
close relation to the extant scholia, of which the principal source for the

156 THE OXYRAYNCHUS PAPYRI

Acharnians is the Codex Ravennas. The papyrus notes are usually not only
far shorter but also less frequent; vv. 392-444, for instance, are covered in
five lines whereas in Dindorf’s edition they occupy four pages. On the other
hand words or phrases are sometimes here selected for comment which in the
extant scholia are passed over (cf. ll. 9, 29, 35, 37. 38, 44, 68), and the notes are
occasionally quite full, e. g. those on vv. 614-7 ; similarly a more precise explana-
tion than that of the scholia is noticeable in 1. 55. Verbal agreements occur here
and there, but they are nowhere striking and scarcely amount to more than
is natural in a treatment of the same subject. If, indeed, there be any historical
connexion between the annotations of the papyrus and those represented in the
mediaeval MSS., it is of a very slight and distant character.

In the commentary below Schol. means the extant scholia, which we cite
from the edition of Dindorf, with some modification from Rutherford’s transcript
of the Ravennas.

Fr. (2) Col. i.
Ἱμιν
] τινων
τ]αις Kw
μωιδιαις le περι
5 Ἰσιου
Joe de) φα(σι) 108 ?
Js Κλεισθ(ενης) 118
JaBadrorr) :
Twyl|ova €xovT ) 120
Io =... Em τῶν πολλοὺς ἕενουὶς δεχομί(ενων) : 127
: Θεῖωρος : 134
Ocoyviss τραγωιδιας] ψυχρος πο(ιητη5): 140
Ἰν τῶν
κ]αταπελ 160
I5 Tacovtat: Ἱματος []
φ]η(σι) πολιν :
Ἰηι a
τις ἐχὼν

Ἰενοις

856. SCHOLIA ON ARISTOPHANES’ ‘ACHARNIANS”’ 157

20 Joe (εισι) :
lav pur 174
TOT Ἰς σκληροι: 180

Fr. (4)

eee Ἰινου : οὐκ ενασπιδίω(σομαι)}) οἱον [ ψηφηδακειν’ 368, 376

[emer ψηφΊοις δικαζοντες χρωνται . | τὴν Tepv 378
25 [ot Kopolbrav- εἰς τους Βαβυλωνιοίυς

_ ee Jrovs 7(@v) AOnvaioy K(at) πεδιΪ

ees υπο Κλεωνος δικην εφυΐγε Iepwvupov: πο(ιητη5) 586

τις nv κομητης : του Σισυφου" ovoy | 301

[. .. παρ]οιμιαν σκηψιν ἀγὼν οὐτος .| 392
ΠῚ]. ---.-- δγυσποτμος" εἰσαγεται y(ap) mapla τῶι Ευριπιδηι ὡς ἐεκπεπτωκὼως 419

[ex της βα]σιλειας k(at) πτωχος περινίοστων

oo ται map αὐτῶι ὑπὸ de) χειρων [

[. . τα ραϊκη κ(αι) τα σχίσματα : σκιμαίλισω" 444

5 ---. Tlos ρημασι : Τηλεφωι δ᾽ αγίω ppove- χρεος 446, 455
35 [μεν ουδΊεν᾽ mp(os) το xpeos λέγει : ὠσπεῖρ ἢ μήτηρ’ LOXVA μοι 457: 469

[φυλλεια] δος τα σαπρα φυλλα a εκ τί σκαν 418

[δικα΄ Alaxavioy TL: εμπορευτεία" 480

oo ee Ἰ virep Λακεδ(αιμονιων) avipav λεγίειν) o.[ γραμμῆ" 482, 483

ite = Splopewy : TapakeKkoppeva [ 517
49 [σικ(υον) vBo'rev ου(τ ) σικνωι τιθωνωι coix() | Tepvaoryyopevor- 520, 526

[εκκεκαυμενοι : πορνᾶ δυο ὡς πορνΐ σκολια: 527, 532

[μελη πα]ροινια : Σεριφιων τῶν AG nvat παλλαδιων’ 542, 547

[....7a| πίερι) Tas Tplypels ovTa Παλλαδῖος αγαλματα

[ev δικτυοΊις λείγει) ev γυργαθοις : τριχίιδων᾽ BRO, GEE
Me view νι εὖ" Jac; Tov δε] Τηλεφον | BSS

Berges ys ea & Veta Bek. jake ἐπ]

20 letters 1. avtor |

[ ees αἸγωνιζο(μενων) τωῖν

[ on ie ] ovros δειχίθ
Προ... oe eas φυλετα"] απὸ της α(υτης) φυΐλης 568

158 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI
Fr. (a) Col. ii.

ΠΡ 5} TOP) τα]: 1 et
[.]KkaA( ) οἱ ετεροι τουΐς

δειν ws φα(σι) K(at) οἱ 6 πτερον αἰτει 584
55 ἵνα καθεις εἰς τὴν φαρυγα εἰξεμεση κομπολακίυθου) ovTw λείγει) 589
tov Λαμαχον οτί() κομπαστης [nv σπουδαρχίιδη5)" στρα 595, 596
τωνιδης mapa) το στρατευεσθαῖι μισθαρχιδης δε οτι μισθον 591
λαμβανὼων eh οἷς av πὶ κοκκυγεξς᾿ ε 598
ρημιαν ot opr(es): Τισαμεν[οφαιν(ιππους): Πανουργιπίπαρχιδας)" πα 603
60 voupytat: Τερητοθεοδ(ωρους) Γερίης 605
αλλ ὁ Κοισυρας: o Μεγακλης" τί ΐ 614

δ(ε) K(at) οσοι mpodorar (εισι) οἱ μί(εν) af
εκεισε εἰτα truvOaver(at) ΔΙ
την ταξιν αὐτων ἡ εμΐ
65 τοι φη(σι) ο Κοισυρας x(at) Aapaxfos 616-4
edeyov egfatw: to δ(ε) αποίνιπτρον
προφωνουσιν εξιστω ivia
Aapaxos: εἰθ ο Δικαιοπίολις) ουδὶ 619?
χαυνοπολί(ιτας) οἱον xavvovs: o[te Kat βασιλευς" v 635, 647

και
70 περ εαὐτου λεγωῶν οτ(ε) βασιλείυς

mpwrov μί(εν) ποτερον Tats ναυΐσι κρατουσιν
μεγαλοφροσυνην εαυτου Ϊ

δια δ(ε) ταυτα φη(σι) Λακεδαιμο(νιους) [ 652
TO(LATHV) φα(σι) y(ap) οἱ μί(εν) avrov εκει. | 654
75 οἷον εὖ ὧν το δικαστικον [ 656--8

κί(α!) προς χαριν λεγοντ.Ϊ
ειθ ουτω κατεπραττον Ϊ
φλεγυρα- ἐνθερμος : φίεψαλος.: σπινθὴρ : ἐπανθρακιδες" txOves 665, 668, 670

ῃ κρεα: ov δ(ε) Θασιαν τοί 671

6. The remains of this line suggest Schol. 108 ἀχάνη μετρον ἐστὶ Περσικὸν... ἄλλοι δέ
φασιν ὅτι κίστη ἐστίν.

η. Cf. Schol. οὗτος ὁ Κλεισθένης ἀεὶ τὸ γένειον ἐξυρᾶτο ἐπὶ τὸ ἀεὶ φαίνεσθαι νέος" διὸ εὐνούχῳ
αὐτὸν εἰκάζει.

856. SCHOLIA ON ARISTOPHANES’ ‘ACHARNIANS’ 159

9. There is nothing in the extant scholia corresponding to πώγ]ωνα éxo(vr ); the ὦ is
very uncertain, but mwywva is strongly suggested by exo(vr ). The overwritten letter is
plainly o not ὦ.

το. Cf. Schol. on οὐδέποτέ γ᾽ ἴσχει θύρα : παροιμία ἐπὶ τῶν πολλοὺς ξένους ἀποδεχομένων.

11. Cf. Schol. ὁ κῆρυξ καλεῖ ἄλλον πρεσβευτὴν ἐλθόντα παρὰ Σιτάλκους τοῦ Θρᾳκῶν βασιλέως,
πρὸς ὃν ἦσαν ἀποστείλαντες αὐτὸν ᾿Αθηναῖοι" οὗτος δὲ ἐκάλειτο Θέωρος. The double dots after
Θεῆωρος indicate that the name is the end of the note, not of the lemma.

12. The note in Schol. is similarly worded ; οὗτος ὁ Θέογνις τραγῳδίας ποιητὴς ψυχρός.

14. καταπελτάσονται is glossed in Schol. κατακοντίσουσι, καταπολεμήσουσι . . . karadpa-
μοῦνται.

16. The note perhaps relates to σωσίπολις in ]. 163 ; but σωσίπολιν cannot be read.

17-20. The remains of these lines give no clear clue to their subjects. In the extant
scholia there are notes on 162 ὁ Opavirns λεώς, 163 about Dicaeopolis and the σκόροδα,
166 οὐ μὴ πρόσει K.7.A., 171 διοσημία, 172 ἕνην, but coincidences do not occur here with their
language. διοσημία cannot be read in |. 17; the first letter is certainly ἡ. |evos in ], 19
might be évos referring to ἕνην, but is more likely to be the termination of a participle,
or ἐν ois.

21. Cf. Schol. μυττωτόν : ἀντὶ τοῦ σκόροδα, ἐξ ὧν ὁ μυττωτὸς γίνεται. κατασκευάζεται ἀπὸ
τυροῦ καὶ σκορόδου καὶ god.

22. σκλήροι is probably a gloss on πρίνινοι in 180 or drepdpoves in 181. Cf. Schol.
πρίνινοι : στερεοὶ καὶ σκληροί . . . ἀτεράμονες : λίαν σκληροί. ..

23. The letter before ν can hardly be 7, so émé&|hvov (cf. Il. 355, 359, 365-6) is un-
suitable. οὐκ ἐνασπιδώσομαι is glossed in Schol. ἀντὶ τοῦ οὐ καθοπλίσομαι, οὐκ ἀσπίδι περι-
βαλοῦμαι σεμνυνόμενος, 7) σκευασθήσομαι, ἐπειδὴ βραχύς εἶμι.

24. Schol. are quite different, ψήφῳ δακεῖν : οἷον καταδικάζειν, πανταχοῦ ὡς φιλοδίκους .. .
τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους κωμῳδεῖ,

25--|. Cf. Schol. τοὺς Βαβυλωνίους λέγει. τούτους γὰρ πρὸ τῶν ᾿Αχαρνέων ᾿Αριστοφάνης ἐδίδαξεν,
ἐν οἷς πολλοὺς κακῶς εἶπεν. ἐκωμῴδησεν γὰρ τάς τε κληρωτὰς καὶ χειροτονητὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ Κλέωνα
παρόντων τῶν ξένων... καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ὀργισθεὶς ὁ Κλέων ἐγράψατο αὐτὸν ἀδικίας... medi in 1. 26
seems strange.

24-8. Cf. Schol. οὗτος ὁ ‘I. μελῶν ἐστι ποιητὴς καὶ τραγῳδοποιὸς ἀνώμαλος καὶ ἀνοικονόμητος,
διὰ τὸ ἄγαν ἐμπαθεῖς γράφειν ὑποθέσεις .. . ἐκωμῳδεῖτο δὲ ὡς πάνυ κομῶν. The word κομήτης is used
in connexion with him by Aristophanes in Clouds 348. ἀνοικονοϊμήτης (τραγῳδίας) would be
a much less likely restoration.

28. του Siavpov: τὰς =. MSS., on which Schol. have δριμύν τινα καὶ πανοῦργον παριιδεδώκασιν
οἱ ποιηταὶ τὸν Σίσυφον...

29. There is no comment in Schol. on this verse beyond the Victorian gloss σκῆψιν :
ἤγουν πρόφασιν.

30-3. Cf. Schol.... ἀφῃρέθη τὴν βασιλείαν Οἰνεὺς διὰ τὸ γῆρας ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αγρίου παίδων καὶ
περιήει ταπεινός... 1. 32 seems to be a continuation of the same note, and 1]. 33
τα ραΐκη ... σχισματα may also belong to it; the latter words may, however, be a gloss
on 423 dakidas or 431 σπάργανα, or go back to τρύχη in 418. Cf. Schol. in the note on
Oiveds quoted above τρύχη τὰ ῥάκη τραγικῶς : similarly λακίδες in 423 are explained as διερρωγότα
ἱμάτια, Or according to Gl. Vict. Aakis* ῥαχὰς . . . σχίσμα.

33-4. Cf. Schol. σκιμαλίσω : ἐξουθενίσω, χλευάσω k.T.d. τοις ρήμασι in |. 34 belongs to
the same note.

34. Schol. have only a note to the effect that the verse is a parody of a line in Eurip.
Telephus καλῶς ἔχοιμι, Τηλέφῳ δ᾽ ἁγὼ φρονῶ.

35. mp(os)... λέγει : there is nothing corresponding to this in Schol. On 457 Schol.

has σκώπτει αἰτὸν ὡς λαχανόπωλιν ἔχοντα μητέρα τὴν Κλειτώ.

160 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

36. Cf. Schol. οἷον μεμαραμμένα καὶ εὐτελῇ τῶν λαχάνων φύλλα . . . τὰ ἀπολεπίσματα τῶν
λαχάνων. There was apparently no stop after δος.

34. Cf. Schol.. .. ἔστε yap (ἡ σκάνδιξ) λάχανον ἄγριον εὐτελές. No note occurs on ἐμπο-
pevréa, a reading in which the papyrus supports R and other MSS. εὐπορευτέα A,
ἐκπορευτέα Bentley.

38. There is no corresponding comment in Schol.

39. For δρήομεων cf. Schol. γραμμὴ δ᾽ αὑτηί : ἀρχή, ἀφετηρία, ἡ λεγομένη βαλβίς" ἐκ μεταφορᾶς
οὖν τῶν δρομέων. On παρακεκομμένα the note is μηδὲν ἐντελὲς ἔχοντα" ἀπὸ μεταφορᾶς τῶν ἀδοκίμων
νομισμάτων. ..

40. This‘line is obscure; over indicates that the reference is to verse 520, and we
therefore restore σικ(υον) ιδο]ιεν, though it is noticeable that there is no stop after wWolev; cf.,
however, 1. 36. τιθωνωι seems to be corrupt; τιθῶν ὧι is as unsatisfactory here as Τιθωνῶι.
Τιθωνόν occurs in Acharn. 688.

41. Cf. Schol. φῦσιγξ λέγεται τὸ ἐκτὸς λέπισμα τῶν σκορόδων... πεπλησμένοι (πεφυσημένοι R)
ἀπὸ μεταφορᾶς... ἀσκῶν ἢ φυσῶν. ἢ ἐκκεκουμένοι, οἰδοῦντες.

The note here on πορνα δυο apparently had no relation to Schol. πόρνα is the accepted
reading ; πόρνας R and Athenaeus.

42. παΐροινια : Schol. have no explanation of the term σκόλιον in the present passage,
but cf. Wasps 1238 ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ὡς ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου προσηγορεύθησαν σκόλια τὰ παροίνια μέλη,
and 1239 λέξεις σκόλιον: ... ἐν τοῖς Πραξίλλης φέρεται παροινίοις. For Σεριφίων cf. Schol. ἡ Σέριφος
νησὸς εὐτελεστάτη πρὸς τὴν Θράκην.

43. Cf. Schol. ἐν ταῖς πρῴραις τῶν τριήρων ἦν ἀγάλματά τινα ξύλινα τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς καθιδρυμένα.

44. Schol. have no remark on δικτύοις. τριχίδες are explained as εἶδος ἰχθύων.

45. Ja is probably part of a note on νιγλάρων in 554, 6. δ. μέλος @ ... χρῶντἼ]αι OF... οἱ
κελευστἾαί ; οἵ. Schol. 6 viydapos κροῦμά ἐστι καὶ μέλος μουσικὸν παρακελευστικόν. On τὸν δὲ
Τήλεφον the only remark is καὶ ταῦτα ἐκ Τηλέφου Ἑὐριπίδου.

48. This line appears to be part of a description of the quarrel between the two halves
of the chorus; cf. Schol. 557 ἐνταῦθα διαιρεῖται ὁ χορὸς εἰς δύο μέρη, καὶ τὸ μὲν ὀργίζεται ἐφ᾽ οἷς
λέγει ὁ Δικ., τὸ δὲ καὶ ἀποδέχεται, aNd 563 τὸ ἡμιχόριον τὸ συναγωνιζόμενον αὐτῷ λέγει ὅτι μὴ
ἀναχωρήσῃς ..-

49-52. Perhaps 1. 51 or ]. 52 should be combined with |. 50, but we have failed to
make out any connexion. If 1. 50 is rightly explained as a gloss on 568 φυλέτα it is not
possible to put 1. 51 higher up than |. 49. There is no note on φυλέτα in Schol.

53. The first letter may be A or x instead of «; the letter above the line seems
to be A or x.

54-5. Cf. Schol. τὸ πτερὸν αἰτεῖ ἵνα ἐξεμέσῃ. εἰώθασι yap οἱ δυσεμεῖς πτερῷ χρῆσθαι.

55-6. Cf. Schol. κομπολακύθου : ματαιοκόμπου, κομπώδους ἐν τῷ καυχᾶσθαι. παρεποίησεν καὶ
παρέπλασεν ὄνομα ταὶ ὄρνιθος διὰ τὸ κομπαστὴν εἶναι τὸν Λάμαχον. On ov σπουδαρχίδης the gloss
is οὐ σπουδάζων περὶ ἀρχῆς.

57-8. Schol. are similar, the glosses being, on στρατώνιδης, ἀντὶ τοῦ στρατευόμενος,
στρατιώτης, and on μισθαρχ., μισθὸν λαμβάνων" 7 ὅτι τοὺς τῶν στρατιωτῶν μισθοὺς ἤσθιεν.

58-9. The note on κόκκυγες in Schol. is different: ἀντὶ τοῦ ἄτακτοι καὶ ἀπαίδευτοι. καὶ yap
ὁ κόκκυξ τὸ ζῷον ἄμουσόν τι φθέγγεται. A similar idea, however, to that apparently expressed in
ἐρημίαν is to be found in Hesychius κόκκυγες᾽ ἐπὶ ὑπονοηθέντων πλειόνων εἶναι, καὶ ὀλίγων
ὄντων.

59-60. Schol. have ὁ Τισαμενὸς ὡς ξένος καὶ μαστιγίας κωμῳδεῖται, ὁ δὲ Φαίνιππος ὡς συώδης
καὶ ἡταιρηκώς. . . . Πανουργιππαρχίδας : τούτους κωμῳδεῖ ὡς πανούργους.... εἰς μαλακίαν διεβάλλετο
Τέρης καὶ Θεόδωρος, καὶ ὅτι ἐκ δούλων.

61-4. In Schol. 6 Κοισύρας is similarly interpreted as Megacles, but here the resemblance
ceases. What follows apparently corresponds to the explanation of the allusion to ὁ Κοισύρας

856. SCHOLIA ON ARISTOPHANES’ ‘ACHARNIANS”’ 161

καὶ Λάμαχος quoted in the next note, but it is quite differently worded. In]. 62 the supposed
ὃ of δ(ε) may be meant for an a, but the abbreviation a here would be more difficult
to explain. ;

65-7. Cf. Schol. εἰώθεσαν εἴ ποτε ἐκχέοιτο ἀπόνιπτρον ἀπὸ τῶν θυρίδων iva μή τις βραχῇ τῶν
παριόντων ἐξίστω λέγειν... τοῦτο λέγει διασύρων Μ. καὶ A. ὡς πρότερον μὲν πένητας ὄντας εἶτα
ἐξαίφνης πλουτήσαντας ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως. τοῖς δανείζουσι παρήνουν οἱ φίλοι ἐξίστασθαι τοῦ δανείζειν τοῖς
τοιούτοις ὀφείλουσιν ἐράνους καὶ χρέα, or according to another explanation, οἱ φίλοι χθὲς καὶ πρῴην
συνεβούλευον καταχρέοις οὖσιν ὑπό τε ἐράνων καὶ ὀφλημάτων ἐξίστασθαι τῆς οὐσίας, ὡς μὴ δυναμένοις
ἀποδοῦναι. In ]. 66 τ of το is corrected.

68. The paragraphus above this line indicates ἃ new lemma, and the stop after Aayayos
suggests (though it does not prove) that that name formed part of it; hence we refer the
note to 619. ‘There is nothing corresponding in Schol.

69. Cf. Schol. χαυνοπ. : κεχαυνωμένους περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἢ τὴν πόλιν.

69-72. Schol. 648-09 have πότεροι ταῖς ναυσί: ποῖοι αὐτῶν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων (καὶ τῶν Λακεδαι-
μονίων ?) ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίᾳ κρατοῦσιν ... ποτέρους εἴποι πολλά: ἀντὶ τοῦ περὶ τούτου τοῦ ποιητοῦ ἠρώτα
τίνας διαβάλλει καὶ κωμῳδεῖ. ἔφασκε γὰρ ὅτι ods ἂν οὗτος ὁ ποιητὴς σκώψῃ, τούτους σωφρονίζεσθαι καὶ
γίνεσθαι βελτίους. In ]. 72 the first v of eavrov is written as a curved stroke above a, as if
the word was to be abbreviated, and there has been some correction of the 7; possibly
eav(rov) του [ should be read.

73. δια δ(ε) «.7.A. seems to have been tacked on to the previous note without a new
lemma. Schol. have διὰ τοῦθ᾽ : διὰ τὸ ἔχειν ὑμᾶς τὸν ᾿Αριστοφάνην ποιητὴν ἄριστον. The papyrus
agrees with R in reading ταυθ: τοῦθ᾽ A?.

74. Cf. Schol. ἐντεῦθεν τινὲς νομίζουσιν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ τὰς κωμῳδίας ποιεῖν Tov’A.. . . ταῖς ἀληθείαις
εἷς ἦν τῶν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ κληρουχησάντων.... ἄλλως" οὐδεὶς ἱστόρηκεν ὡς ἐν Αἰγίνῃ κέκτηταί τι ᾽Α....
κ[ωμωιδιας might be read after εκει.

45-7. These lines seem to give a paraphrase of 656-8; cf. Schol. 657 οὔθ᾽ ὑποτείνων :
οὐδέ τισι μισθὸν διδοὺς iv’ αὐτὸν ἐπαινέσωσιν, 658 Kkatdpdwv .. . καταβρέχων ὑμᾶς τοῖς ἐπαίνοις
ὡς φυτά.

78. Cf. Schol. 665 φλεγυρά : λαμπρά, φλέγουσα, λάμπουσα, θερμὴ διὰ τοὺς ἄνθρακας. 668
φέψαλος : σπινθήρ.

78-9. Cf. Schol. on ἐπανθρακίδες, λεπτοὶ ἰχθύες ὀπτοί, πάντα τὰ ἐπὶ ἀνθράκων ὀπτώμενα
ἐπανθρακίδας ἐκάλουν. ‘These two lines project below the last line of the preceding column,

79. Perhaps after θασιαν a high point was written which has coalesced with the cross-bar
of the following τ.

857. EPITOME OF HERODOTUS.
10-7 X 7-I cm. Fourth century.

The lower portion of a leaf from a vellum codex, containing in all 28 lines,
most of which are incomplete, from a historical work. The script is a medium-
sized upright uncial of the biblical type, and probably of the fourth century,
without lection-marks. The MS. is far from accurate, serious mistakes (probably
due to omissions) occurring in ll. 3 and 17. The verso is concerned with the
dispatch of Cadmus the Coan by Gelon to watch the struggle between Xerxes
and the Greeks, and is nothing but an abstract of Herodotus vii. 163. The
subject of the recto, the refusal of the Argives to join in the defence of Greece,

162 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

corresponds to that of cc. 148-52 of the same book, though the verbal
resemblance to Herodotus is here less marked. In the absence of external
evidence to show which side of the leaf came first, we suppose that the order of
the narrative in our fragment agreed with Herodotus, and therefore the recto
precedes the verso. A mention in 1. 2 of the battle of Thermopylae, which
is not described by Herodotus until cc. 201 sqq., causes some difficulty (cf.
ll. 1-4, note), but it is clear that this is a forward reference and not part of our
author’s description of the engagement. The chapters intervening between 152
and 163 are occupied by, first, a digression on Gelon, and secondly his colloquy
with the ambassadors who came to ask for help, and the lacuna between the end
of the recto and the beginning of the verso no doubt contained a brief account of
the unsuccessful embassy ; cf. note on Il. 15 sqq. Probably our fragment belongs
to an epitome of Herodotus as such, rather than to a historical work closely based
upon him. This being granted, the first name that suggests itself for the author-
ship is Theopompus, who began his historical researches by writing an epitome
of Herodotus of which only a few isolated words survive. The fragment is
too short to enable us to obtain much idea of the writer’s style, but the occurrence
of at least two examples of hiatus (ll. 20 and 21-2), which is very rare in the
extant quotations from Theopompus, does not favour the view that he was the
author, though his earliest literary efforts may have shown less care in this
respect.

The fragment is in two pieces which do not actually join, but the position of
the smaller one, which contains the last line of each page and parts of the two
preceding ones, is made practically certain by the combination χρηΐμίατα in 1. 27,
that word being required by the context ; cf. note on Il. 15 sqq.

Recto. Verso.

[. -]O[ . προ]σεβαϊλ.. 15 [...] απηλ[θον) o de Te
[Θε]ρμοπυλαις nyolve [λων ευλαβουμεῖνος
[ζοντο οἱ ava τριακο περι του pn νικηϊθεν
[ἰσι]ους πλην Apyew— των τῶν EdAnvoly

5 [οἷυτοι yap ep εαὐυτως KavTos atuxnon ἴυπο
μένοντες οὔτε αν 20 του βαρβαρου επεμῖψε
δρας ovre ναὺς dw Καδμον τον Σίκυθου [|
Kav [Kat olvdevt συνε ανδρα Kajov emt πεῖν
μαχίουν dja τὴν do τηκονΐτορων TplLov [

IO Κοΐυσαν avTwy| προς εἰς AleAgous. . .| πολί.

857. EPITOME OF HERODOTUS 163
Πίερσας συγγενει ὃ Skt | Ce Ga eee Scala
ais a). τ ΠΕΣ see 1. Blap|Bapf.
61). 107 Phe - - is Bias εἰ- ee titans 1.α χρηΐμ]ατα [.
ἡμέρας υπερειδῖ.. [.- . και γην και υδωρ

«, .. attacked Thermopylae, the (Lacedaemonians) fought to the number of three
hundred, except the Argives. These remaining at home provided neither men nor ships,
and allied themselves with neither side on account of their pretended relationship to the
Persians (ἢ) . . . (The ambassadors) . . . departed. Gelon, taking precautions that if the
Greeks were defeated he should himself suffer no harm at the hands of the barbarians, sent
Cadmus, son of Scythes, a man of Cos, in command of three fifty-oared vessels to Delphi
(with instructions to offer to the barbarians, if victorious), money, earth, and water . . .’

1-4. mpo|seBald may be imperfect or aorist. The subject is in any case the Persians
or Xerxes, but the construction of Il. 1-4 is obscure. After οἱ in 1. 3 a word has dropped
out: (Aaxedaporor) would suit ava τριακοσίους and might easily have been omitted through
homoioteleuton, but then πλὴν Apyeov must be connected, not with the words immediately
preceding, but with something lost before 1. 1. (EdAnves) Or {(Πελοποννησιοιν would suit πλην
Apyetov very well, but involve a difficulty with regard to the figure, since 300 applies to the
Lacedaemonian contingent. The reference to the battle of Thermopylae is in any case
somewhat remarkable, since Herodotus first mentions that place in c. 175 and describes
the battle in cc. 201 sqq., whereas our fragment corresponds to cc. 148-63 ; cf. introd.

5. The neutrality of Argos is discussed in detail by Herodotus, who opposes the Argive
version of their action (cc. 148-9) to that current elsewhere (cc. 150-1) and then gives
his own intentionally confused view (c. 152). If our restoration of 1]. g—12 is on the right
lines, the epitomizer explained the action of the Argives in the light of c. 150 (the letter of
Xerxes claiming relationship between the Persians and Argives), thus interpreting correctly
the real opinion of Herodotus, who no doubt believed in the medism of the Argives, though
unwilling to accuse them openly.

14. ἡμέρας υπερειδῖ(-ε or -ov?): the subject here seems to have changed, and we have
been unable to recover the connexion with Herodotus.

15 sqq. Cf. Hdt. vii. 163 of μὲν δὴ τῶν “Ελλήνων ἄγγελοι τοιαῦτα τῷ Τέλωνι χρηματισάμενοι
ἀπέπλεον" Τέλων δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα δείσας μὲν περὶ τοῖσι Ἕλλησι μὴ οὐ δύνωνται τὸν βάρβαρον ὑπερ-
βαλέσθαι, δεινὸν δὲ καὶ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν ποιησάμενος ἐλθὼν ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἄρχεσθαι ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων
ἐὼν Σικελίης τύραννος, ταύτην μὲν τὴν ὁδὸν ἠμέλησε, ὃ δὲ ἄλλης εἴχετο. ἐπείτε γὰρ τάχιστα ἐπύθετο
τὸν Πέρσην διαβεβηκότα τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, πέμπει πεντηκοντέροισι τρισὶ Κάδμον τὸν Σκύθεω ἄνδρα ΚΚῷον
ἐς Δελφούς, ἔχοντα χρήματα πολλὰ καὶ φιλίους λόγους, καραδοκήσοντα τὴν μάχην τῇ πεσέεται, καὶ ἢν
μὲν ὁ βάρβαρος νικᾷ, τά τε χρήματα αὐτῷ διδόναι καὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ τῶν ἄρχει ὁ Τέλων, ἢν δὲ οἱ
Ἕλληνες, ὀπίσω ἀπάγειν.

17-9. The construction in περι τοῦ μη . . . ατυχηση has become confused. Either περι

του must be omitted or ατυχηση altered to ατυχῆσαι or, what is perhaps more likely, a word

like μέλλοντος is to be supplied after περι του. ;

22. erj: the vestige of the letter after the lacuna is extremely slight, but there is not
room for perja. For ἐπί with the dative in connexion with πέμπειν cf. Thuc. vi. 29 πέμπειν
αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ στρατεύματι.

24. πολί may be some part of πολύς (cf. Hdt. 1. ς. ἔχοντα χρήματα πολλά), but it is not
certain that any letter is lost at the end of |. 24; πολίλου is unsatisfactory.

28. Perhaps [re] και. χρηΐμἼατα | may end I. 27; cf. Hdt. δ

- M 2

164 THE OXYRHYNCHUS.PAPYRI

858. ORATION AGAINST DEMOSTHENES.

Fr. (2) 18x 7-7 cm. Late second or early third century.

Two fragments of an oration attacking Demosthenes, written on the verso of
a second-century cursive document of which only a few letters from the ends
and beginnings of lines are preserved. The exact position of Fr. (a), containing
parts of six lines from the top of a column, in relation to Fr. (4) is not certain,
but that the two fragments belong to the same column is most likely. If so
Fr. (4) must on account of the recto be placed above the right side of Fr. (4) and
comes from near the ends of the lines, but there is nothing to indicate how near
1. 1 of Fr. (4) is to the top of the column. The script of the oration is a sloping
uncial bearing a strong resemblance to the hand of 858, with which it may
be regarded as contemporary. The ends of lines are lost throughout, and the
margin is also broken at the beginnings, being only visible at 1. 29, where ται
seems to be the beginning of a line, though even that is not quite certain; in
ll. 26-36 however, where the restorations hardly admit of doubt, it is clear that
the interval between the end of one line and the beginning of the next does not
exceed four or five letters. No lection-marks occur except a doubtful accent
in 1. 4, but there are several corrections (some due to the original scribe, others
in a second hand), the text being very faulty.

Where the fragment first becomes intelligible at 1. 13, an unfavourable
comparison is being instituted between Demosthenes and another orator, whose
identity is uncertain, the point of the contrast being that Demosthenes had never
himself taken part in active service. In 1. 25 the subject changes, and the
speaker criticizes Demosthenes for his behaviour when the news of the capture
of Elatea reached Athens; this passage is clearly borrowed from the famous
description of that crisis in De Cor. 169 sqq., several of the phrases which
Demosthenes there used being here actually placed in his mouth (Il. 25-9).
The oration to which the fragment belonged therefore presupposes the existence
of the De Corona which was composed after B.C. 330; but on the other hand the
general situation implied by our author seems to be the period between the
capture of Elatea in 339 and the battle of Chaeronea in September 338, for.
since Demosthenes took part in that engagement the reproaches addressed to
him in 11. 24—5 and 29-30 would be inapplicable at a later date. This incon-
sistency at once gives rise to the suspicion that our fragment belongs to a
rhetorical exercise, not to a genuine oration whether of Demades or another
philo-Macedonian orator, and several other considerations combine to leave
no room for doubt as to the real character of the composition. The florid, jerky

858. ORATION AGAINST DEMOSTHENES 165

style, the use of δημηγόρος, a term foreign to Attic oratory, the exaggerated
description of Demosthenes in 1. 19 as holding a shield in one hand and a
psephisma in the other, and still more the serious blunder with regard to Attic
law which has crept into a passage (Il. 34-5) borrowed from the De Corona,
are all quite incompatible with a contemporary of Demosthenes, and indicate
that the oration is, like 216, a work of the Alexandrian school of rhetoric, and
probably not earlier than the Christian era.

We are indebted to Prof. U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorff for several
suggestions in the restoration and interpretation of this fragment.

Pr (0) . : : ‘ : : : Fr. (a)
Ἐν hak jav dor .[
πος ie at Ἰοσου συμ
Bowers) es Ἰεντί be ret
πον: Ἰλέν εἰ τουτον

τ ΚΌΒΕΙ 15 ἢ "7 1 ; ase

ee os ΠΡ ἢ a Jel
fs ..] ἡσ[υἸχιί[αν] ayew em.. κί Ry, Rae
3 }- - πολι: .|". τ ὩΣ τὴ]

|. . + Ἱειστον. -Jnl-JK---[

[- -- ων τομί.]. «1

[....] Kakw add.[...] εἰς Μαράθωνα d........

[

..οὄ:..
=

.. walpexe αξιοῖν alAAa pny οποτε παϊρακαλοι
τουτους εἰς OnPlas| ελθειν ov τοὺς μεν αἴλλους

15 [εξεπεμπεν αὐτίος dle οἰκοι καθηστο βιβ.]...
[...] avaders τουτί. .].. πολιτων Ta oma...
[...]Jr..@¢... mpwros ..[.Je.. [els σὴν. μαΐχην
[eor]@ δημηγορος καὶ στρατηγος [o] avros [kat
[Δημ]οσθενης ασπιδὰ Kar ψηφισμα εχὼν alyopev

20 [ετω] Θεμ[στοκλεους δημηγορουντος εμ[βη

[coujar εξαγετω Περικλης εἰς Σαμον πλίευσο

[μαι] ακολουθησω Todrpidn δια Πελοπονίνησου εἰ

[διϊεξεισιν ovtos Anpoobever de πως πίεισομαι

ὦ γε ov θωραξ ov δορυ ov ξιῴφος οὐδὲ το πίαρα Tov

166 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

25 matpos Ἐλατεια yap κατειλημπταῖι pn
[σι] και πεπαυνται Seirr|].llovvres οἱ πρυτίανεις
[αἸνεστησαν δὲ εκ της ayopas οἱ τας σκίηνας
[e]xovres τον δε σαλπικτὴην μεταπεῖμπε
ται τις TavTa yap nv akovety ΖΔημοσθενΐης
30 ὃ oumwmote σαλπιγγος akovoas avTo[s v
pas εξεφοβει ταυτα λεγὼν Kat διεξιωΐν o
δὲ δημος avw καθητο ἡ βουλὴ de [ουπω ,
πίρ)οζυ)βεβουλευκει περι Tov mapovTaly Kat
[ry]s μὲν BovdAns μη mpoBeBovdrlev]xvials
λεγειν Anpoabevn κηρυττοντί οἷς τίου Ky

τος ουδενος
[ρ]υκ[ο]ς και ἀπαντῶν ελεγεν νομοὺς. apl....-

fs e868 τ [

[1 Τοὺς αὐτοὺς οἱκ οιεσθε καὶ ευνοῖυν.......

σι

[τνα και παρηκολουθηκοτα Tolis πραγμασι

ων
..l¥ yap ot πλουσιώτατοι {οι} πολίιτων ......

40 ..j.[..]. cas οἱ zlals peyadals επιδοσεις

. far τὴν πολιν αλὶ

[
[
[. .. .Joz[.] καὶ mavres cBovdelobe.........
ee
jeer | θορυβϊο]υντος of

[

13-38. ‘ Yet when he exhorted them to come to Thebes, he did not dispatch the rest
and himself remain at home, but . . . he was the first to go out to fight. Let the same man
be both orator and general, and let Demosthenes harangue with a shield in his hands as
well as a decree. If Themistocles is the orator I will embark; let Pericles lead an
expedition to Samos and I will sail; I will follow Tolmides across the Peloponnese,
if he marches through it; but how can 1 listen to Demosthenes, who has no breastplate,
no spear, no sword, not even one inherited from his father? ‘ Elatea has been captured,”
he said, ‘‘the prytaneis have broken off their meal ; the owner of tents have left the market-
place ; some one is fetching the trumpeter.” That was what we heard him say. Although
Demosthenes had never yet heard the sound of a trumpet he was nevertheless terrifying you
by these words and this description. ‘The demos was seated on the hill, the boule had not
yet deliberated about the crisis, and although the boule had not yet decided that Demosthenes

—— —— ἷΝ

858. ORATION AGAINST DEMOSTHENES 167

should speak, when the herald made the proclamation and no one came forward he
nevertheless (in violation of?) the laws said: “ Do you not think that a loyal and a careful
follower of events (is needed) ?”’

13-4. The identity of this commander who marched to Thebes is obscure; there
is no need for him to have been a contemporary of Demosthenes, for ll. 20-3 are quite
general. Timotheus, as Wilamowitz remarks, would be a most suitable person to mention
in this context, but he did not command at Thebes in B.c. 378, though as he was strategus
at the time he may have been credited with having done so by the author of this oration.
θ of @n8\as| has been corrected from 8.

14. [rou|rovs: or perhaps [av]rous, in which case [ἐπ]εμπεν must be read in]. 15. The
initial lacuna throughout 1]. 14-22 would be expected to extend to three letters.

18-21. The restorations are chiefly due to Wilamowitz, who also suggested πεισομαι
in 1. 23 and φησι in ]. 25.

22-3. For the reference to Tolmides cf. Aeschin. ii. 75 Τολμίδου... ὃς χιλίους ἐπιλέκτους
ἔχων ᾿Αθηναίων διὰ μέσης Πελοποννήσου πολεμίας οὔσης ἀδεῶς διεξήει, which may, as Wilamowitz
points out, well be the source of the present passage. The statement is of course a rhetorical
exaggeration.

24-5. To πΐαρα του]. πατρος : Demosthenes’ father was a sword-manufacturer ; cf.
Dem. xxvii. 9.

25-9. Cf. De Cor. 169 ἑσπέρα μὲν yap ἦν, ἧκε δ᾽ ἀγγέλλων τις ὡς τοὺς πρυτάνεις ὡς
᾿Ἐλάτεια κατείληπται. καὶ μετὰ ταῦθ᾽ οἱ μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξαναστάντες μεταξὺ δειπνοῦντες τούς T ἐκ τῶν
σκηνῶν τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐξεῖργον καὶ τὰ γέρρ᾽ ἐνεπίμπρασαν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς μετεπέμποντο
καὶ τὸν σαλπικτὴν ἐκάλουν.

31-6. Cf. De Cor. ibid. τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ ἅμα τῇ ἡμέρᾳ οἱ μὲν πρυτάνεις τὴν βουλὴν ἐκάλουν εἰς
τὸ βουλευτήριον, ὑμεῖς δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐπορεύεσθε, καὶ πρὶν ἐκείνην χρηματίσαι καὶ προβουλεῦσαι
πᾶς 6 δῆμος ἄνω καθῆτο. καὶ μετὰ ταῦθ᾽ ὡς ἦλθεν ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν οἱ πρυτάνεις τὰ προσηγγελμέν᾽
ἑαυτοῖς καὶ τὸν ἥκοντα παρήγαγον κἀκεῖνος εἶπεν, ἠρώτα μὲν ὁ κῆρυξ τίς ἀγορεύειν βούλεται ; παρήει
δ᾽ οὐδείς.

33. περι is corrected from παρα.

34. The dots above μεν indicate that the word was to be omitted; cf. 1. 37. The
implication that the speakers at the ἐκκλησία were fixed by the βουλή betrays ignorance of
Attic law on the subject; cf. introd.

36. νομους παρίαβαινων, as Wilamowitz suggests, is the natural restoration, but there
is hardly room for so broad a letter as 7, and it is not even certain that any letter stood
between νομους and ap|.

37-42. Cf. De Cor. 171 καίτοι εἰ μὲν τοὺς σωθῆναι τὴν πόλιν βουλομένους παρελθεῖν ἔδει,
πάντες ἂν ὑμεῖς καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀναστάντες ἐπὶ τὸ Bay ἐβαδίζετε' πάντες γὰρ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι σωθῆναι
αὐτὴν ἐβούλεσθε" εἰ δὲ τοὺς πλουσιωτάτους, οἱ τριακόσιοι εἰ δὲ τοὺς ἀμφότερα ταῦτα, καὶ εὔνους τῇ
πόλει καὶ πλουσίους, οἱ μετὰ ταῦτα τὰς μεγάλας ἐπιδόσεις ἐπιδόντες" καὶ γὰρ εὐνοίᾳ καὶ πλούτῳ τοῦτ᾽
ἐποίησαν. ἀλλ’ ὡς ἔοικεν ἐκεῖνος ὁ καιρὸς καὶ ἡ ἡμέρα ἐκείνη οὐ μόνον εὔνουν καὶ πλούσιον ἄνδρ᾽ ἐκάλει,
ἀλλὰ καὶ παρηκολουθηκότα τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐξ ἀρχῆς, καὶ συλλελογισμένον ὀρθῶς... At the end
of 1. 37 some such infinitive as ἁρμόσαι is required, but εὐυνοΐυν (Ὁ) has apparently been
corrected, and what exactly was written is very uncertain.

168 ᾿ THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

859-864. POETICAL FRAGMENTS.

The following six smal]l pieces in verse, which do not seem to be extant, may
be conveniently grouped together.

859 contains the latter parts of a few hexameter lines from the end of
a column, written in bold and well-formed uncials of the sloping type common
in the third century. Some variae lectiones and corrections have been inserted
apparently by a second hand, to whom the occasional accents and breathings
may also be due; a high point, placed slightly above the line, occurs once.
There are mentions of Stymphelus and Talaus king of Argos (1. 2) ; and the
very rare word ἀλαβώδης, otherwise known only from Hesychius, is found in I. 5.
On the verso are some blots and flourishes.

860, consisting of three fragments from a column of lyrics, is more valuable.
The good-sized, upright hand is evidently early in date and probably falls within
the first century, or at any rate is not later than the beginning of the second.
An insertion in 1. 3 and a variant, enclosed as commonly within two dots, at 1. 5
are due to the original scribe, who seems also to be responsible for the occasional
accents and punctuation (a point in the middle position in 1. 7). The subject and
authorship of the poem are alike obscure; the vocabulary is suggestive of
Bacchylides: Fr. (4) 3 rajAaxdpduos, cf. Bacch. 5. 157, 15. 26 ταλαπενθής ; 5 ἐρεμ-
vaiis, cf. Bacch. τό. 116, where ἐρεμνόν should be retained ; 10 μεγαλοκλέα, a Com-
pound otherwise only found in Bacch. 7. 49; Fr. (4) 7 μενεπ]τολέμων (Ὁ), cf.
Bacch. 5. 126,170, 16.73. With regard to the position of the two main fragments,
(4) is probably to be placed below (a) so that the right edges of the papyrus make
a more or less straight line, the extent of the gap between (a) 18 and (4) 1 being
uncertain. This arrangement is indicated by some strongly marked fibres on
the verso, which is inscribed with part of an account of some kind, written towards
the end of the second century.

861 is a narrow strip containing very scanty remains of two columns of
iambics, the language pointing to tragedy rather than comedy. The squarely
formed upright uncials belong to what is commonly called the biblical type, and
may be assigned to the third century. A broad margin was left at the top
of the columns.

862 and 863 are fragments of comedies. 862 belongs to a dialogue
mentioning a person called Phidias, a name no doubt frequent in the later Attic
comedy (cf. Antiphanes ap. Athen. ii. 384, Menander Δεισιδαίμων Fr. 1). The
hand, which is probably of the third century, is a better and perhaps rather
earlier example of the style exemplified by 861. Change of speaker is denoted
by the usual double dots. Two marks of elision are perhaps later additions.

—s-

859-864. POETICAL FRAGMENTS 169

868, written in well-formed sloping uncials of the third century, is in rather better
preservation. The verses perhaps belong to a single speaker, who seems to be
bewailing his misfortunes; but they are too broken for reconstruction. Two
instances of the rough breathing and a high point at the end of |. 8 may well be
by the original scribe.

864, containing the ends of lines from an entire column, comes apparently
from an anthology. At the top are five hexameter lines, in which the δῖοι
᾿Αχαιοί figure, written in a semicursive hand ; the letters of the last three lines,
which seem to have been put in at a different time, are markedly larger and
coarser than those of the two preceding. Below, ina more regular and probably
distinct hand, is a series of iambic verses in tragic style, written continuously like
prose. The column is divided off into three paragraphs, of which the third
is separated by a broad blank space from the second, while a rather narrower
interval is left between the second and the hexameters. It is likely that the
names of the authors stood in these spaces. The occurrence in 1. 22 of the
unattested word μυκηδόν, followed two lines later by θρηνῳδόν, is noticeable. The
papyrus probably dates from the third century. In the transcription given below
we have tentatively marked off by horizontal lines the successive verses ; in the
last paragraph the point of division is sometimes indicated by short intervals left
between the words.

859. 55x 7-5 cm.

Pag (bal Pa ea
ω δ΄
Inte και ες Ταλαοιο 6]

Στ]ύμφηλον αποπρολ . [
Jaacke: παροιθε δέ οι. .Ϊ
5 Ισων αλαβώδεος ενδοΐ

μ
Jn ἡ] ρ]]|γηρ θαλαμον δὲ μοΐλουσα
ητι καταδραθοι ws To πᾳῖρος περ
]αισε πελέσκετο Epyou_ ον]

2. The form Ταλαῶο is also found in a citation from Antimachus in Pausan. 8. 25. 9 ;
cf. Etym. M. p. 746. 10 Ταλαῶο μετὰ τοῦ ει τινές᾽ ἦν γάρ φασι Tadaoio’ οὐ κατεπείγει δέ, ἀπὸ γὰρ
τῶν εἰς ὡς εὐθειῶν ᾿Αττικῶν κέκλιται, καὶ πλεονασμῷ τοῦ ο, ὡς Μίνωο.

3. Στύμφηλος was the name of several mythological personages, as well as of the city,

170 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

river, and mountain in Arcadia. The following word is perhaps ἀποπρολιπεῖν in some form ;
but the vestige of the letter after A is too slight to give any indication.

5. αλαβώδεος : cf. Hesychius ἀλαβῶδες" avOpaxades, κεκαπνισμένον ; the word is a derivative
of ἀλαβή = ἄνθρακες.

8, πελέσκεο occurs in Ziad X 433.

860. Fr. (a) 9:2 Χ 5:1 cm.

Fr. (a) ΕΒ, (δ). ' ; ;
Ἰτοισι βροτων | δεδορίκ
] Simic υποσὶ Ἰηρολοί
J. |

1
τα Ἰλακα ρῶς επλε |

TO \vta χαλκου : Ξ ]

5 Ἰων ἐπίοντ epupvats Ἰπρί.} « 1. « -]
Ἰελλαις (?) μενεπ]τολεμων
|r αλκάν. lev πυκινὰς στιχαΐς
εἸκαστος avnp ] και εμιξατον λΙ
π]ατριδος at σφισιν οἷ 10 οπλοις

10 Ἰν μεγᾳλοκλεα dol ;
Ἰχθει ἶ
|
res atvos τις (6)
ra πασαν ε. Ϊ. “]λλοβῖ ]

- jap τον εχονῖτ] εἶ ro
alvdpt yap ovd| ΕἾ

Ἰευτε κα

Fr. (a) 3. The meaning of the insertion (probably by the first hand) is not evident.
There are some traces of ink after ep, but whether another letter or letters followed is very
doubtful.

6. No doubt αἤελλαις or θυ]ελλαις, to which ερεμναι[ς in 1. 5 probably refers.

Fr. (4) 4. The first letter is more like p than ¢.

859-864. POETICAL FRAGMENTS 171

861. 12-6X 3:5 cm.
Col. i. Col. ii.
Ἰμ κί
Mel «1 ; ee
1ω}.} | πὶ

Ἰων περας 20 Of
jo y εμου : πὶ
les εἶ
Ἰλίον μ
dluctvx@ σὶ
Ἰκαλει 25 BL
10 |s epw μῖ
᾿ς Ἰσποτὴν λί
Ἰνον ἂν αἱ
Ἰομαι ' τί
Jou 80 ιχί
15 Ἰνχης Ae
Ἰοῴρων Pike

4. πέρας OF περᾷς.
11. δεϊσπότην or | ποτ᾽ ἦν.

862. 13:2 X10-2 cm.

ΤΕ Gera _ ελ]ηλυθ᾽ υ[στεῖρος

7. αἰ. .]ειν ]Ἰ. οἱον ἐπί:
ου]τοσι Ἰσί.. τῆους θείους -
π]αιδιον Js: πλ[ην)] avo:
5 ]. ovs ovoy 15 Ἱερὸν εστι μοι
Ἰποντα rovrove [ 1. ouf. .]. δ. νυν

τ]ην κορην λαβεῖ

; [0]
Ἰν : mele] Φιδια

172 THE OXYRHYNCHUS _PAPYRI

Ἰοκος ἐστιν y ομωΐς Ἰ οὐκ gg[4ol-]
τ]ο παιδιον |.» veal. a
το εἤνεγκ᾽ evd.|.. [ ; . - : ;

7. The correction may be due to the first hand.

863. 6-8x 10:8 cm.

|
1. τοις evo. [. .Jpors θεοις
7. κως οὐκ αν εβιων ovd ἀπαξ
5 |n μοι της πολεῶς πλεῖστον πολυ
Ἰαμοι διαφθειρουσι νυν
Ἰδροι τε και Παριδες μου
] τῶν ενθαδε'
] παρελειπον προ τίο]ν
Io 1. εἰς ανακρισιν [
1. ὡς μαχουΐμε

Ἰτᾳι[.Ἰεσωΐ

3. The doubtful o may be ε and the next letter had a long tail like por uv: |. ro σε
νερ[τεΐροις might read. But the supposed p may also be v or τ.

4. Πάριδες occurs in the sense of μοιχοί in Anth. Pal. xi. 278 and Chariton 5. 2.
Perhaps Αλεξαν]δροι preceded.

12. eco: or Ger or θεμί.

864. 15:38x 6-8 cm.

π]ενθηρει στολη | στενουσα 20 ] κλυδων | οποια. κοχλουΐς

859-864. POETICAL FRAGMENTS 173

Ἰποντιων. : Js | κοιλαι δὲ πετρων
ω Jades | puxndov εκροτοίυν

_ μ]αζον odevaus | κοπτουσα | Jevav avoigas κολπον [

10 vs χοροὺς [Ὅπου θεους εδαι

1. ov | θρηνωδον [...

J
25 Je xaAxeou | φανταζεί. . .
olus Bpovrns κτυποῖίυς

I. a of Joovas has been corrected from e.

7. mevOnpn στολήν occurs in Jo. Chrysost. t. 2, p. 624 c (ed. Par.).

το. The end of the verse may equally well be after σπου. «da suggests only ἔδαισεν :
edet cannot be read.

17. If the text is right ἀλευεται and eva form a crasis. The epic word ἀλεύεσθαι is not
found in the tragedians, though ἀλεύειν occurs in lyric passages.

24. θ in θρηνωδον is corrected apparently from x.

865-870. PROSE FRAGMENTS.
Plate I (867).

The following six small prose fragments remain unidentified, and except in the
case of 866 there is good reason for believing them to belong to works which are
not extant. The first three seem to be historical, the fourth is perhaps from
a commentary, the fifth is philosophical, and the sixth geographical.

865 consists of the beginnings of the last eight lines of a column, written in
a medium-sized uncial hand of the third century. The fragment belongs to
a description of a war in which Greeks were apparently fighting foreigners, and
the leader of one of the armies was the illegitimate son of a person whose
name probably ended in -evs (l. 5), this general being subsequently recalled,
perhaps in consequence of an oracle (ll. 6-7). “Ydpots, presumably the town
in Calabria, is mentioned in]. 3. A φρούριον of that name occurred in Book xxxix
of Theopompus’ Philippica (Fr. 210), which was concerned with Sicilian history,
though whether the φρούριον was identical with Ὕδροῦς in Calabria is not certain.
Possibly our fragment too belongs to a lost work dealing with Sicilian history.
Apart from the Theopompus passage, there seems to be no mention of Ὑδροῦς
in Greek historians before the Roman period.

866 contains a few letters from the first seven lines of acolumn. The script
is a neat uncial of a distinctly early type, and may be ascribed with confidence to
the first century. A mention of the Carthaginians in 1. 5 suggests that this
fragment also is historical, but the context is quite uncertain.

867 (Plate I) has six nearly complete lines from the top of a column, in

174 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

a rather large and handsome square uncial, resembling the hand of 661 (Part IV,
Plate V). That papyrus (late second century) provides an exceptionally early
example of the type of hand to which the great Biblical codices belong. The
present specimen is probably somewhat later than 661, and is likely to have been
written in the third century. Two kinds of stops (high and middle points) occur.
An iota adscript has been inserted in one place by the original scribe. The
fragment refers to the capture of Ephesus, and may belong to a historical work.
For προσβιάζεσθαι with the dative, which occurs in 1. 4, the only example quoted
in the lexica is Diod. xx. 39.

868 consists of parts of twelve lines, apparently from the top of a column,
written on the verso, the recto being blank except in one corner where there are
one or two broken letters. The script is a medium-sized rather irregular uncial,
probably of the first century. The nature of the fragment is very obscure ; the
second person singular occurs in ll. 5 and 9, but it is difficult to believe that the
lines belong to a connected oration or dialogue, and we are disposed to regard
the fragment as a piece of a commentary, the blank spaces after ἀριστοις and
axoveis in ll. 6 and g in that case marking the division between the text and the
scholia ; cf. 853. The rare word ἀπόκαυμα (1. 4) is not found in writers of the
classical period.

869 contains the ends of twenty-two lines from the upper part of a column,
written in a sloping uncial hand of probably the latter half of the third century. ἡ
The subject is clearly of a philosophical character, and perhaps has reference to
religion.

870 is part of a leaf from a papyrus codex containing a geographical work.
The recto gives a list of tribes in Thrace, Macedonia, and Asia Minor, apparently
in two columns, the successive names being numbered. Of the verso only a few
letters from the ends of lines are preserved ; the last seven lines also seem to be
a list of names, but the upper portion of the page is different. Which side of the
leaf came first is uncertain. The script is a good-sized oval uncial of the sixth or
seventh century.

865. 8x 6-3cm. 866. 6x 2-4 cm.
απολειπὶ ὁ ] πολις μουΐ
pve διατί... .Jof Jae πυθομεῖν
ὕπο ΥδρουΐνἾτος κελί του στρα Ἰοβαλουσι |
τευματος ηγειτο. | ε Je καθολου [

5 ws νοθος vios υστίερον δε με 5 ΚἸαρχηδονιοῖ

ee ee ee ee ee Ὁ Άσ.ς ΨΥ ΨΥ ΣῊΝ

865-870. PROSE FRAGMENTS 175

ταπέμπτος εγενΐετο Ἰρεν εἰς πι (
της κατα μαντειαΐν Ἰρενΐ
μενων των Ελληΐνων

865. 3. The supposed A after κε might be x.

5. ws is probably the termination of the genitive of a proper name ending in -evs. The
phrase μετάπεμπτος γίγνεσθαι occurs twice in Plutarch.

4. κατα μαντειαΐν : OF καταμαντειαΐς, but this word is not known.

866. 2. πυθυμεΐ may be the end of a line.

867. 5°7X 7-5 cm. Plate I. 869. 13-8x 6-1 cm.
ὕδωρ avf...}..[n 1 ὕπαρξεως διαπο. |.
νεγκεν em Bal ] μη βλεπειν vaous τί.
λασσαν. κακ[ε]ιθεν ]s και βωμους αφαγίῖ.
Εφεσω! προσεβᾷα Jas nAOov επι To διστί.

5 σθη: τα ὃ adda yalp 5 Ἰρον ἐστιν ἡ οὐκ €.|{..
[υἹἱπερμηκη προσί. αἸλλ ουχι TavTa μεν εἶ

Ἰσης τοις λοιποις αποῖ
ρον
Ἰυν δὲ ποτε τοις καὶ

Ἰνουσιν θεοις απο

868. 8:1Χ 41 cm. το Jral[y]|ro των ἐκασ
Ἰεμε[.1οε τον ἀκρατον [ ] νομιζομενοις ov
] Kat ort θραυστης of Ἱμενος avrois παρασ
Ίς SovfA}jor ἡμετερωΐν |re τοῖς κατ adnOn
λοις αποκαυματα | ] αλλ ovye τοια. .ἴ: .
5 Js δικην tees ἐμου Ϊ Ι5 |s αναγκαστικοΐ.
]ον τοις ἀριστοις αἱ Ἰν εἰς To προκειμῖε
διαϊκονειτωσαν πενιΐ νον 1 μεγίί[σ]τα de πασιν |
Ἱμενης γυναῖκες af Ἰεν apa την παραΪ
Ἱμων οὐκ ακουεις σὶ Ἰκατα φλναρί. . . --
10 7αθη[.]ω τίρ]αχηλον [| 29 je εἰς ανθρωοίπ..
Ἰισασεῖ 1. αντες οτι [.---
Ἰμινωΐ λους vol....-+--

867. τ. ]..[7: the first letter is probably a, δ, κ, A, oF x, while the vestiges of the
second suggest γ, ἡ, 4, 7, Ort. It is not certain that a letter is lost at the end of the line.

176 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

868. I. Ἰεμείν)οι is possible, though the » would be rather cramped. But there may
have been a blank space before οι; cf. ll. 6 and 9.

2. ott θραυστης : the division o Tipavorns i is less probable.

869. 3. Some form of ἀφαγνίζειν is presumably to be restored, if the y is sie but the
vestiges after apa may represent the angular mark for filling up a line.

5. Perhaps ἡ ov εσῖτι.

14. Possibly ro γλωσίσ.

18. Or |eva ματην.

870. 14:5X5:5 cm.

Verso. Recto.
Col. i. Col. ii.
eae | les μβ Τεκτοσίαγες
seem | ] By [Ταλατίαι
εἸθνη της ] μδ Παφλ[αγονες
|tas. 25 | με Ppvyes
5 Jow. Apa ] 45 ΜΕ ~.se
β εἰν yap τω ] . [Javad
] ἄραβια ] HE Θετταλῖοι
] Le μη Μακαιδίονες
Ἰ. αἱ 80} μθ Θρακεςϊ
i a 1: δον Μυσοι[
Joe γεγονασιν ΠῈΣ να Beooo [
E\vpor(n| 1:5: vB δΔαρδανΐοι
J |. vy Σαρμαῖται
| mpoonyopias 35 | vd ΤῊ
15 Alpkades. & a5 ve aay
loves. Tov ]- [
1 Ποντικοι. ] mae be
Javes. 1. ye Al
Παϊμφυλοι. .
20 ]
1. «αι

48. 1]. Μακεδονες.

54. Perhaps Τρ[αικοί,

871, 872. LATIN FRAGMENTS 177

871, 872. LATIN FRAGMENTS.
Plate V (871).

We have not been able to identify the two following fragments in Latin,
and print them here in the hope that some of our readers may be more successful.

871, a papyrus, has a considerable palaeographical interest, since part of
a document in Greek cursive on the verso, which is most probably of the fifth
century, provides a fairly secure terminus ante quem. On the other hand it
is unlikely that the writing on the recto was separated from that on the verso by
a very wide interval of time, and consequently that the literary text is to be put
earlier than the fourth century, while it may be as late as the commencement of
the fifth. It is written in rather heavy rustic capitals, of a less formal and epi-
graphic type than e.g. those of the Palatine Virgil, though not dissimilar in
formation. The tail of the Q is a conspicuous feature ; 7 is made rather tall in
gui in 1. 5 and zzs in 1. 6. Words are divided off by dots after the manner
of inscriptions, as in the Herculaneum fragments on Actium and in 80, a manu-
script which in Part I we perhaps dated rather too early. Somebody is addressed
in the second person in 1. 3, and the treatise seems to have been of a philosophical
character, and not extant, if the references for the rather rare word astutia, which
occurs in 1. 2, are complete in the new Latin Thesaurus.

872 is a small piece from a vellum leaf of a book, containing on one side the
beginnings and on the other the ends of a few lines, written in good-sized and
rather ornate uncials which may be referred to the sixth century. S at the
beginning of a line is made rather tall; the same letter is combined with a U at
the end of 1. 6 in order to save space. Whether the fragment.is to be classed as
prose or verse is doubtful. The scanty remains, so far as they go, would suit
hexameters, and the lines differ considerably in length, but that is not seldom the
case in Latin prose MSS. It does not seem to be Virgil ; but no good word
occurs to provide a clue.

871. 12:3 x 12-9 cm. Plate V.
inertia - mlagis - .| . it + quam virtule -
et + astutilae + maglis - convenit - gualm -
sapientiale + melmineris - autem de - [
tis + me + logiui non . qui + numeros : a.
5 tium- suo. |[.....|cunt +» sed » qui + in| -
tis + partiblus - in -| quibus . nullus . ng "
minimuls + quidem -
tius + quaml -
N

178 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

id - quod :e.{
το [a'eganti|

[del foral

1. The vestiges before 27 suggest c, 4, or s; x would probably also be suitable, but no
example of that letter occurs in the papyrus.

4. The letter at the end of the line if not @ can only be m or possibly 72, and judging
by the preceding and following lines, not more than one or two letters should follow.
a[r\#um isthe obvious word, and this would involve swos, not sworum (the slight vestiges
after szo would be consistent with either 7 or s) in]. 5 ; but xumeros artium suos, whatever
the mutilated verb in ]cunt may be (discunt, dicunt ?), seems an awkward collocation. The
use of the plural mumeros is noticeable ; it should mean not ‘numbers’ but ‘parts’,
‘members’, or ‘ office’, a sense in which the word is often accompanied by suus.

6-7. nullus ne minimuls quidem: cf. 6. g.Cicero, Tusc. 5.6. 16 nulla ne minima quidem
aura; but πές without guzdem would also be possible. At the end of 1. 7 sben\fus
suggests itself.

11. [pelfora[: the final letter may be m or 5, but performare or performidolosus are
improbable, and the absence of a stop between 7 and 2 makes per forml, inadmissible.

872. 5:9X7 cm.

Recto. Verso.
ie ad .{
] . tus sic al
ie Ζ 8 sf
\tros 10 func 14]
Bie sh ΤΟΣ . tinsel
ludus |

5. Or possibly 1]. evz, but the appearance of 7 is probably due to the penetration of ink
from the other side, the vellum being thin.
11. The letter after s may also be ¢ or ὁ.

873. HESIOD, THEOGONIA 179

imi. EXTAN FE eCrASSICAL AUTHORS

873. HESIOD, Theogonia.
5:0 x 6-7 cm. Third century.

The beginnings and ends of a few lines from the Theogonia of Hesiod,
preserved on a fragment of a leaf from a papyrus book. The character of the
handwriting, a rather small and informal round uncial, points to a date not very
late in the third century, in which the codex form is somewhat uncommon except
for theological works. A mark of elision is used in 1. 999, and in one or two other
places a similar sign may have been obliterated, the surface of the papyrus being
damaged. The columns of writing were remarkably tall, there being an interval
of 63 lines between the corresponding points of the recto and verso. The text
agrees, so far as it goes, with that of Rzach.

Verso.

930 εκ [δ] Apdglirpirns και ερικτυπου Ἐννοσιγαιου
Τρίτων εἰυρυβιης yevero peyas os τε θαλασσης
πυθμεν [ἐεχων Tapa μητρι φιλη και πατρι ανακτι
νάιει χρυΐϊσεῖα δίω δεινος θεος avtap Apni
ρεινοτορω Κυθεέζρεια Φοβον και Aeipov ετικτε

935 δεινους οἱ τ ανίδρων πυκινὰς κλονεουσι φαλαγγας
εν πολεμὼω κρυοενῖΐτι συν Apyi πτολιπορθω
Αρμονιην τε [nly Καΐδμος υπερθυμος θετ ακοιτιν
Ζηνι ὃ ap ΑϊτΊλαντις [Main τεκε κυδιμον Ερμην
k[nplvk αθ[ανατίων tepov λεχος εἰσαναβασα

Recto.

[nye map Ainrew τελεσας στονοεντας αεἸθλους
995 [Tovs πολλοὺς ἐπέτελλε peyas βασιλευῆς umepnvap
[υβριστης Πελιης και ατασθαλος οβριμοεργος

N 2

180 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

[τους τελεσας ες Ιωλκον αφικετο πολλ]α poynoas
[ωκειης ἐπὶ vnos ἀγὼν ελικωπιδ]α κουρὴν
[4ιτσονιδηὴς Kar μιν θαλε]ρίη]ν ποιησατ᾽ ακοιτιν
1000 [kat ρ ἡ γε ὅδμηθεισ ὑπ ]Ιησ]οῖνι] ποιμενι λαὼν
[Μηδειον τεκε maida τον ονρεσιν ετρεφε Χειρων
[Φιλλυριδηὴς μεγαλου de Aros vjoos εξετελειτο
[αυταρ Νηρηος κουραι αλιοιο γερΊοντος
[η τοι μὲν Φωκον Ψαμαθη τεκε) δια θεᾳὼν

997. ες Ιωλκον : we print the reading of the MSS. Ἰαωλκόν Rzach.
1004. Sia: or decja.

874. APOLLONIUS RHODIUS, Argonautica 111.
6 x 4:8 cm. Early third century.

Oxyrhynchus papyri of Apollonius Rhodius have been remarkably pro-
ductive of valuable readings (cf. 690-1), and it is to be regretted that the re-
mains of the present MS. are not more extensive, since judging by the small
fragment which survives it would have been of much importance for critical
purposes. Only the ends of nine lines from the bottom of a column are pre-
served ; but in this narrow compass occurs an apparent confirmation of a generally
accepted emendation of Brunck (1. 263), besides marginal references to unknown
variants in two other lines. The text is written in a small sloping hand on the
verso of a second-century list of persons, and probably dates from the end
of that century or the earlier part of the third. There is one instance of an acute
accent which may be by the original scribe, but no clear case of punctuation (cf.
1. 268, note). Our references to the MSS. L(aurentianus) and G(uelferbytanus)
are derived from Merkel’s edition.

[λευγαλεης Φριξοιο εφ]ημοσυνη [σιν ελεσίθε

ἵπατρος ο μεν θνησκωὴν στυγερας επετελλετ avitas
265 [ἡμετερὴ κραδιη τι] δέ κεν πολιν Opxopevoio

[oorts 08 Ορχομενος k]reavov Αθαμαντος εκητι

[μητερ env ἀχεουσαν αἸποπρολιποντες ἰκοισθε

[ws εφατ Αιητης δὲ παἸνυστατος wpto θυραζε

874. APOLLONIUS RHODIUS, ARGONAUTICA III 181

[ex δ avtn Eiduia dapap kev Atnrao

240 [Χαλκιοπὴης αἰουσα το] ὃ avTika παν ομαδοιο mv pl
[epkos εἐπεπληθει τοι μενῚ peyav αμφεπέενοντο «{
[ 19 letters ] κιεν Διηταο ev τίισιν) ου(τως) φερετίαι

os φερεται |

263. ephjpoovnarp ἐλεσθε: so Brunck ; . . . φημοσύνηισινέεσθαι L; εφημοσύνῃσιν cede ..
G. The reading in the papyrus is unfortunately not certain, but at any rate does not agree
with that of LG, while on the other hand the broken letters are quite consistent with
Brunck’s conjecture.

264. επετελλετ : ἐπετείλατ᾽ MSS.

265. κεν πολιν : SOL; κε πτόλιν G.

268. At some little distance from the end of the line there is an ink-spot which perhaps
represents a stop (in the middle position).

269. This line is rewritten at the bottom of the column with a note concerning an
alternative version found in some MSS, Whether the ordinary reading of the verse
stood in the text is of course uncertain. No variant is cited by editors beyond the trivial
ἰδυῖα (L) for Eidvia, The abbreviation of οὕ(τως) is written in the usual way with a semi-
circle above o, and cannot be naturally interpreted as the negative οὐ ; moreover the omission
of 1. 269 would necessitate the alteration of the feminine participle and the following τὸ
δ᾽ inl. 270. ‘There was indeed a considerable variation in that verse (cf. the next note) ;
but there is no need to suppose that it affected the general construction of the passage.
The letters preceding gepera in the second line of the adscript are very doubtful; before
the papyrus breaks off after φερεται, there is a short blank space, but not enough to show
that the note ended here.

270. mv pl in the margin at the end of the line seems to be a variant on (Χαλκιό)πης
diovea, but no other reading is attested here. The letter after mv is almost certainly μ, not
a; it is unlikely that another letter has disappeared in the space between » and μ.

271. ἀμῴφεπενοντο : So LG; ἀμφιπ. Brunck with four late Paris MSS. On the extreme
edge of the papyrus opposite this line are signs of ink which would suit e.g. r or ¢: but
they may be accidental.

875. SOPHOCLES, Axizigone.
55X57 cm. Early second century.

A fragment from the top of a column, inscribed with the ends of five lines
from the Antigone. The hand is a good-sized uncial, round and upright, but not
calligraphic ; it probably dates from the first half of the second century. A
different writer seems to have made at least one alteration (1. 243), but the mark
of elision inl. 244 is apparently original. The antiquity of L’s σημαίνων in 1. 242,
where the variant σημανῶν is commonly preferred, is the one small item of any
value to be gleaned from the text.

182 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYERI
[το mpaypa δηλοις ὃ wls Te onpatvay velov

σ᾽ κν
[τα δεινὰ yap τοι προστι]θη[κ]] οἴ xAljov πολυΐν
[οὐκουν epets ποτ εἰτ᾽ απαλλαχθεις απεῖι

245 [kat δὴ λεγω σοι Tov νεκῆρον τις ἀρτιωΐς

[θαψας βεβηκε καπι χρωτῆι διψιαν

242. σημαινων : So LA; σημανῶν Ven. 472 and several other late MSS., and this was
apparently also the reading of Didymus; cf. Schol. Ajax 1225.

243. The correction of the graphical error oydov seems to be due to a diorthotes ;
whether he or the original scribe was responsible for the alteration of the preceding « to σ is
more doubtful. The method of the change is different, the « being crossed through, while
the yA are cancelled by dots placed above them. Presumably προστεθηκ was first written.

244. π᾿ Of απαλλαχθεις has been converted from a y.

876. EURIPIDES, Hecuba.
2:0 Χ 8-4. Fifth century.

A small fragment of a leaf from a papyrus book containing the Hecuba
of Euripides. The somewhat negligent uncial writing, which is upright and of
good size, seems to belong to the earlier Byzantine period, and may date from
the fifth century ; the ink is of the common brown colour. Marks of elision
were used, but no accent occurs. The paragraphus after 1. 738 and elision mark
in 1. 740 are in blacker ink and seem to be due to a corrector, who is perhaps
responsible also for ἐμων in 1. 703. A variant found in Parisinus 2713 (thirteenth
century) alone of the better MSS. appears in 1, 740.

Verso.
yoo [ev ψαμαθω λευρα ]
' [movrov νιν εξηνεγκ)ε πελαγιος KAO
[ωμοι αιαι ]
[ἐμαθον ενυπνιον οἸμματων εμων [

Recto.

E{kaBy τι δίρασω ποτερα προσπεσω ‘yovu

876. EURIPIDES, HECUBA 183

Ayapepvovos tovd ἡ [pepo σιγὴ Kaka
TL μοι προσώπω ναΐτον εγκλινασα σον

440 [dupn] το κραθεν δ᾽ ov λεγΐίεις τις εσθ οδε

403. The space suits ενυπνιον (MSS.) better than ενυπνον (Murray with Hermann). The
division of the verse at ata is also found in A.

739. A dot above the line between and ν is apparently meaningless.

740. κραθεν: so the first hand in Cod. Par, 2713, the reading having been subsequently
altered to πραχθέν, as in other MSS., by correctors. 'κραθεν of course gives no sense, and
presumably κρανθέν was intended; cf. e. δ. Ton 77 τὸ κρανθὲν ὡς ἂν ἐκμάθω.

877. EURIPIDES, Hecuba.
Fr. (a) 11-8 x 4:3 cm. Third century.

These two fragments from the upper part of a column also come from
a copy of the Hecuba. The text, which is on the verso of the papyrus, the recto
being blank, is in a slightly sloping uncial hand of the oval type, and was
probably written in the third century. No lectional sign occurs other than the
paragraphus. A variant at 1. 1272 is of some small interest.

οιμοῖι γυναικὸς ὡς εοἰχ ἡσσῶώμενος
δουληΐς υφεξω τοις κακιοσιν δικην
ουκουΐν δικαίως εἰπερ εἰργάσω κακα

1255 οιμοῖι τεκνων τωνδ ομματων τ ἐμων Tadas
adye[s τι ὃ ἡ με mados οὐκ adyew δοκεις
χαιρέις υβριζουσ εἰς ἐμ ὦ Tavoupye ov
ov yap ple χαιρειν χρὴ σε τιμωρουμενὴν
αλλ ov τίαχ ἡνικ αν σε ποντια νοτις

1260 μων νἱαυστολησὴ yns opous E)Anvidos
κρίυψη [μεν ουν πεσουσαν εκ καρχήσιων
προς τίου βιαίων τυγχανουσαν αλματῶὼν
αὐτὴ πῖρος ἱστὸν vaos ἀαμβηση ποδι
υποπίτεροις νωτοισιν ἡ Tow τροπὼ

1265 κυων [yevnon πυρσ εχουσα δεργματα
πως [δ οἰσθα μορφης της ἐμης μετάστασιν
ο Θρηξίι μαντις εἰπε Διονυσος rade

184 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

σοι ὃ οἷυκ expnoev οὐδὲν wy εχεις KaKoV
ov yalp ποτ av ov μ εἰλες ὧδε avy δολω

1271 [θανου]σα τυμβίω ὃ ovolua ow [ κεκλησεται

[μορφη]ς exwdov pln] τι της εμίης ερεις

[κυνος] ταλαινης σημα ναυτιλοις τεκμαρ
[ουδὲν μῆελει μοι cou γε μοι δονῖτος δικην

1275 [και onv] y αναγκὴ maida Κασαϊνδραν θανειν

[απἸεπτυσ αὐτωι [σοι] διδωμ εἶχειν

[xrlever νιν ἡ τουδ αλοχοῖς οἰκουρος πικρα
[μηπω] μανειη Τυϊν)δαριῖς tooovde mats
[καυτον] γε τίουτον [πεἸλείκυν εἕξαρασ avw

1280 [ovros συ] μαινίη Kal κακὼν εἐρας τύυχειν

1256. τί δέ με MSS., corr. Bothe.

1272. The vestiges after ἐπωδὸν are inconsistent with 7 and suit μ, and there is space
for another letter between this and τι. ly] τι gives a sense, but would be a doubtful
improvement on the MSS. reading ἢ τί. Nauck proposed ἐπώνυμόν τι.

1276. αὐτῷ ταῦτα σοὶ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν MSS. ταῦτα seems to have been omitted after αὐτῶι,
The line may have been completed by e.g. τάδε, but a graphical error is more likely.

1279. ye: so L; but the vestige of the first letter is too slight to be decisive against
the variants δέ and σε,

878. THUCYDIDES II.

27-4 X 16-9 cm. Late first century.

These remains of three consecutive columns, containing portions of chapters
22-4 of the second book of Thucydides, were found not at Oxyrhynchus itself
but in a small very shallow mound lying about a mile beyond the site to the
north, where some experimental work (without other result) was done one day in
January, 1906. The text is written in a round ornamental hand which we should
refer to the latter part of the first century. Upright strokes are commonly
finished off with apices, A is of the capital shape, M shallow-topped, I of the
archaic form. No breathings, accents, or stops occur; a short blank space marks
a pause in 1. 23, paragraphi are sometimes employed, and the ordinary angular
sign (cf. e.g. 858), which is here usually accompanied by a dot above and below
it, like a διπλῇ περιεστιγμένη, is used to fill up short lines. But though early in

878.

PEUECYDIDES IT

185

date the MS. is inferior in quality, having several erroneous readings; it is
however of some interest on account of its support, in two doubtful passages, of

the traditional text.

σι

Call 1.
[eornoay ἢ de βοηθεια αὐτὴ 22. 3

[των Θεσσαλων] κατα To πὰ
ίλαιον ξυμμαχικΊον eyeveto

[τοις Αθηναιοις Klar αφικον

[το map αὑτοὺυς Λαρ͵ισσαιοι Pap
[σαλιοι Παρασιοι] Κραννω >
[νιον Πειρασιοι ΓυρΊτωνιοι >

Col. il.
avexopnoav dia Βοιωτων
οὐχ nimep εσεβαλον παριον

τες δε Ορωπον τὴν ynv τὴν

she
Ileipaxny καλουμενὴν ἣν
νεμονται Ὥρωποι Αθηναι

ων ven Jo] oe εδηιωσαν αφι
κομενοι δὲ ες Πελοποννη

σον διελυθησαν κατα πον»
λεις εκαστοι αναχωρησαν
τῶν ὃ αὐτων ot Αθηναιοι du
λακας κατεστήσαντο κατα
γὴν Kat κατα θαλατταν wo
περ On epeddov δια παντος
[του] πολεμουν φυλαξειν Kat
[χιλια] ταλαντὰ απὸ τῶν εν
[τη] ἀακροπολει χρηματων [ε]
[δοξεῖν αὐἱτοιῆς εξαιρετα ποι
[ησαμενοις χ]ωριζεσθαι και
[μη avadovy] ἀλλα amo τῶν

[αλλων πολεΐμειν ἣν de τις

24.

23: 3

5ο

Our collations in 878-880 are with the text of Hude.

[Φεραιοι ἡγουντο dle αὐτων

εκ μεν Aapioons Πολυμή]

[
10 [dns καὶ Aptotjovovs ἀπὸ»

της oTagews εκατερος εἾκ

Col. iii.
πεντηΐκοντα ναυσι προσ 25.1
βεβοηθηκίοτες και αλλοι
τινες Tov εἶκει ξυμμαχωὼν
αλλα τε εκᾳκίουν περιπλε
οντες καὶ ες [Μεθωνὴην της
Aaxovixns [αποβαντες
τῶι τείχει πρίοσεβαλον ον
τι acbever και ανθρωπὼν
οὐκ ενοντων [ετυχε δὲ πε 25.8
pt τους χωρουΐς τουτους Bpa
σιδας ο Τελλιδίος avnp Σπαρ
τιατης φρουρίαν εχὼν Καὶ αἱ
σθομενος εβ[οηθει τοις ev
τωι χωρ[ιωι μεῖίτα οπλιτῶν
εκατον διαδραμὼν δὲ τὸ
των Αθηνίαιων στρατοπεδὸν
εσκεδασίμενον κατα τὴν X®
ρᾶν καὶ [προς To τειχος τετραμ
[μεῖνον εσίπιπτει ες την Με
[θω]νην κίαι ολιγους τινὰς
ev Tt εκίδρομηι ἀπολεσας

186 THE OXVRAVYNCHUS PAPYR

35 [είπηι ἡ επιψ]ηφισηι κινειν τῶν μεθ αἴυτου τὴν τε πολιν
[τα χρήματα τ]αυτα es ἀλλο τι περιεποι[ησε καὶ ἀπὸ τουτοῦυ
[ην μη οι πολεΊμιοι νηϊτηι Tov τολμηϊματος πρωτος τῶν
ἰστρατωι επιπλεω]σι [τ]ηι πὸ 65 Kata τον [πολεμοὸν επηινεθη
λει. καὶ dene αμυνασΊθαι θα εν Σπαρτηΐι οἱ de 4θηναιοι 25. 3
40 [vatov ζημίαν επεθΊεντο [αρ]αντες πίαρεπλεον Kat

[σχοντ]ες της Ἠλειας

5. Λαρ͵]ισσαιοι : so AB; Δαρισαῖοι H(ude) with FM.

6. The papyrus evidently agreed with the MSS. in inserting a name (Παράσιοι ACEFM,
Περάσιοι B) between Φαρσαλιίοι and Κραννωνιοι. H. brackets Π, following Heringa, Παγασαῖοι
Stahl. The correct reading is probably Φαρσάλιοι Πειράσιοι, omitting Πειράσιοι after Κραννώνιοι,
as indicated by the new Thucydides commentary; cf. 853. xiii. 20, note.

ἡ. Πειρασιοι)]: so MSS.; cf. the previous note. . Πυράσιοι H., cf. Strabo ix. p. 435 and
Steph. Byz.

10-3. The remains of letters are scanty and the decipherment is doubtful. τω (?) in
1. 13 and αἀρχοντες in 1. 14 are on a detached fragment.

17. 1. Qpwrov: the initial letter is correctly written in |. 19.

18. Πειραικην: so MSS.; Τραϊκήν Steph. Byz., H. The interlinear « may have been
inserted by the first hand. It is not clear whether the two dots merely enclose the added
letter as is often the case, or represent a diaeresis ; the former alternative is more likely.

1g. ]. Qpemor.

20. The correction is perhaps by a diorthotes.

a2. χ]ωριζεσθαι: χωρὶς θέσθαι MSS., rightly no doubt.

44. The paragraphus is misplaced ; perhaps the scribe took adda for the conjunction.

61. εκδρομηι: ἐσδρομῇ MSS., more appropriately.

62. alurov: so E, H.; ἑαυτοῦ ABFM.

64. [.. . mparos: So MSS.; πρώτου Herwerden, H.

879. THUCYDIDES III.
1201 x 8-1 cm. Third century.

Part of one column, with the beginnings of a few lines of the column adjoin-
ing, written in third-century sloping uncials of a common type. The portion
preserved, from the fifty-eighth and fifty-ninth chapters of Thucydides, Book III,
shows a correct text, supporting a traditional but suspected reading (1. 23). Two
kinds of stop, the high and low (I. 13), are used, besides paragraphi ; these, like
the interlinear insertions in ll. 8 and 11, may be by the original scribe.

Col. i.
[pas Evppay]ofe de ομαι 58. 4
Χχμοις ποτΊε] γενομενοις

879... FHUCYDIDES Ill 187

ὧν ὑμεῖς TO εναντίον
αν δρασαιτε μη ορθως
5 Ὑνοντες" σκεψασθε be 58, 5
Tlavoavias μεν yap εθα
πτεν avTovs νομιζων Col. ii.
[el yni τε φιλί[ι]αι τιθεναι"
και παρ ανδρασι τοιουτοις" xf

Io ves δὲ εἰ KTEVELTE ἢ
A
μία)ς και [x]opav την Πα

ταιΐδα Θηβαΐδα ποιησε
TE. τι ἀλλο ἡ εν πολεμιαι
τε και Tapa τοις αὐυθεν
I5 Tals πατερας τοὺς ὕμε
τερους kale ξυγγενεις a

τιμους γερων ὧν νυν σκίομεν εκεινης NL τὰ ΤΟΣ
[σχουσι καταλειψετε προς λα[μπροτατα μετ avTov
δὲ καὶ ynv ev ne ηἡλεὺ 30 πρίαξαντες νυν εν τηι

20 [θ]ερωθησαν οἱ Ελληνες δὲ τία δεινοτατα κινδὺυ
δουλωσετε ἵερα τε θεων νεῖνομεν παθειν οπερ 59- 3
[os] evgapevor Μηδων de αἰναγκαιον τε Kat
[explatnoav: ερημουτε χαλίεπωτατον Tos wde
[kat θ]νυσιας [ταῖς [π]ατριους 35 €xo[vor λογου τελευταν δι

25. των εσσαμενω]ν Kal κτι οτι και του βιου o κινδυνος
[σαντων αφαιρησεσΊθε eyyu[s μετ avTou

5. δε: so ABEFGM; re C, H(ude).
23. epnuovre: SO MSS.; ἐρημοῦντες Stahl, ἐρημώσετε Herwerden. H. prints ἐρημοῦτε
with an obelus.

880. THUCYDIDES V.
Fr. (4) 18-1 x 13-2 cm. Late second century.

The following nine fragments from the fifth book of Thucydides fall into two
groups, which were discovered on different occasions and come from quite different
parts of the MS. Frs. (@)-(d), containing portions of chapters 32-4 and 40, were

188 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

found together, and the remainder, covering chapters 96-105 and part of 111,
made their appearance some little distance away ten days afterwards. The
rather broad columns are written in a clear and upright semicursive hand, dating
apparently from the later decades of the second century. High stops and para-
graphi are used, double dots as usual denoting a change of speaker in the report
of the debate at Melos. There are two instances of the rough breathing ;
a final ν is occasionally represented by a horizontal dash over the preceding
vowel ; iota adscript and € in ξυν are commonly but not consistently written.
The text is not of a high class and shows several errors which are absent from
the better mediaeval MSS.; it supports tradition in two passages where
emendations are accepted by Hude, but confirms Kriiger’s conjecture τοῦ καί
for καὶ rod in c. 97, which Hude does not adopt.

Ετ, (α)..
Tov|s av[tous a2 Ὁ

1 μὲν «Αθίηναιοι
απεκΊτειναν [
yuvjatkas Ϊ
5 ΠλατΊ]αιευσιν [
κα͵τηγαγοῖν
| ταῖς τε

[αδυ͵ναίτοι ὃ οντες δι]αίσωσαι το τε] ev [Ku 31. 2
{ψελοις] τίειχος και tlas ev [Παρρασιοις] πολίεις

10 απηλ[θο]ν' “ακεδα[ιμ]οίνιοι δὴε τους τε Πίαρ 33. 5
[ρ]ασιους avrovopous πίοιησαν]τες Kat το [TEL
[xos κα͵]θελοντες ἀανεχωρησαν em οἰκου kale 34.1
[του αἸυΐτ]ου θερους ndn ἠκοντων avros τίων
[απο Θραικης μετα Βρασιδου εξελθοντων

15 [στ]ρατιωτων ovs o Κλεαριδα[9] μετα ταῖς σπον
[δας εκΊομισε οἱ Δακ[εδαι]μ[οἸνιοι εψη[φισαν
[το τους μ]εν μετα Βραϊσιδου] Ειλωτας μίαχεσα
[uevou]s ελευθερους εἰναι Kat οἰκειν οἶπου
[αν βουλΊωνται Kat voreploly ov πολλω α[υτους

20 μετα των νεοδαμωδων ες Aempeor [κατε

ΕἸ

880. THUCYDIDES V

ἰστησαν] κειμενον emt τηι Δακωνικίηι Kat
[rye Ηλ]ειαι ovres dn διαφοροι Ηϊλ]ειίοις τους
[δ ex τῇης νήσου ληφθενταῖς chav και Ta
[οπλα] παραδοντας δεζισίαντες [un τι δια τὴν
25 [ξυμφ]οραν νομ[ισ]αν[ τ] εἰς] ελα[σσωθησεσθαι
[και ον]τεῖς επ]ιτι[μοι] ν[εωτ]ερισίωσιν dn καὶ ap
[χας τινας χρυ ταις α[ἰτιμους εἰποιησαν ate
μιαν de τοιανδε] wore μητε alpxew μητε πρι
[apevovs τι ἡ πωλουΐϊντας κ[υριους εἰναι

30 ετὸς τῶϊι πόλεμωι ετελευτὰ apa δὲ τωι Npl εὖ
θυς τίου επιγιγνομενου θερους οἱ Αργειοι ws οἱ
τε πίρεσβεις τῶν Βοιωτων ovs εφασαν πεμψειν
οὐχ n[kov το τε Πανακτον ηισθοντο καθαιρου
μενίον και ξυμμαχιαν ιδιαν γεγενημένην

35 τοις [Βοιωτοις

Ἐν. (4),
κα 49 ἐΐ
τί σί
a γαῖ
το πὶ

Frs. (6), (7), (5).

[τους τε μη προσηκο]ντίας καὶ οσοι ἀποικοι ov

45 τες οἱ πολλοι καὶ αἸἰποσΐταντες τινες KEXELPOV
[ται ες To αὐτο τι]θ[ε]ασι[ : δικαιωματι yap ovdere
[ρους ελλειπειῖν nyour[rat κατα δυναμιν δὲ Tous
[μεν περιγιγνεῖσθαι' ἡμας δῖε φοβωι οὐκ επιε
[vat wore εἕω Tov κίαι] πλεονίων ἀαρξαι Kat τὸ ἃ

50 [σφαλες ημιν δια το κα]ταστραζφηναι αν πίαρα
[σχοιτε ἀλλως τε Kat νη]σιωται [ναυκρ]ατορίων
[και ασθενεστεροι eTEpwv οντες εἰ μη π]εριγε

40.

Igo THE -OXVYRAYNCHUS PARTY RI

[νοισθε: ev ὃ εκεινωι ov νομίζετε ασἸφαίλΊει 98
[αν det yap av και ενταυθα ὠσπερ ὑμεις των δι
55 καίων λογων μας εκβιβασανἾτες [Tor vpE |
[τερωι ξυμφορωι υπακουειν) πειθετίε και ἡ
[μας το ἡμιν χρήσιμον διδασκο͵ντας [εἰ τυγχάνει
[και υμιν το αὐτο ξυμβαινον) πειρασῖθαι πειθει
[ooo yap νυν μηδετεροις ξυμμ]αχουΐσι πὼς ov
Pek)... : :
60 [o ὑμεις αἸσίθενεις τε καὶ ἐπι porns plas οντες μὴ 103. 2
[βουλεσ]θε παθειὶν pind oluo[swOnva τοις] πίολ
[λοις οἦις mapov ανθρωπειωΐς ert σωἸζεσθαι επει
[Sav] πιεζουμένους αὐτοῖυς επιλιπωσιν αἱ pa
[ve]p[a}: eAmides ἐπι tas αφαίνεις καἸθιστανται
65 μαντικὴν τε καὶ χρήσμους και ova TolavTa με
[τ] ελπιδων λυμαινεται : χαλεπὸν μὲν Καὶ ἢ 104
pels εὖ ἰστε νομιζομεν προς δυναμιν τε
THY ὑμετεραν και τὴν τυχὴν εἰ μὴ ἀπὸ του ἴσου
[εσταιῇ αγωνιζεσθαι ομως δὲ πιστεύομεν TnL
yo [μεν Tluxne εκ Tov θειου μη ελασσωσεσθαι ὅτι
[οσιοι] ἴ΄οσιοι]] ov προς δικαίους ἰσταμεθα' τῆς δε
[Suva]pfews] τω ελλείποντι την Δακεδαιμο
[vor ἡμιν ξυνμαχιαν προσεσεσθαι ἀναγ
Knv €xovoav Kal εἰ μὴ Tov ἀλλου τῆς γε συγγε
75 velas eveka αἰσχυνηι βοηθειν Kat ov παντα
Tact ourws adroyws θρα[συνΊομεθα [:] της μεν ΙΟΡΟΙ
τοινυν πρὸς τὸ θειον εἰυμενειας ovd ἡμεῖς οἱ
ομεθα λελειψεσθαι ovdey yap εἕω της avOpw
πειας τῶν μεν ες TO θειον νομίσεως τῶν δὲ
80 es σφας avrovs βουλησεως δικαιουμενης mpac
σομεν ἡγουμεθα yap το τε θειον δοξηι To ay 105. 2
θρωπειον τε σαφως δια παντὸς amo duolews|
avaykalas ov αν κρατηι apxelv καὶ ἡμεις οὔτε
θεντες Tov νομὸν οὔτε κοινωι πρῶτοι χρὴ

880. THUCYDIDES V ΤΟΙ

85 σάμενοι ovta δὲ παραλαβοντες και ἐσομενὸ
ες ae καταλειψοντεῖς] χρώμεθα αυτωι edo
ἴτε]ς καὶ υμας και addovs εν THL αὐτηι δυναμει
[ἡμῖν γενομενους δρωντας av avto καὶ προς 105. 3

μεν] To θειον ovtws εκ Tou εἰκοτος ov φοβου

[
90 [με]ῖθα ελασσ[ω]σεσθαι τίης de es Δ]ακεδαιμίονι
[ους δοξης nv δια το αιἰσχρον dn βοη]θησῖειν

παρεΐχε]τε εἰ [μη μεταστησαμενοι ETL ἡμᾶς 111. 2

αλλο τι [τίωνδε [ἰσωφρονεστερον γνωσεσθε

ov yap δὴ em γε τηῖν εν τοις αἰσχροις καὶ προν Itt. 3
95 πτοις κινδυνοῖς πλειστα διαφθειρουσαν

[ανθρωἸπίο]υς [αἰσχυνην τρεψεσθε πολλοις

[yap προορἸ)ωϊμενοις

1-2. The papyrus seems to have differed here from the ordinary text which would give
40 letters between the ς of του]ς in ]. 1 and v of μεν in ]. 2, whereas the usual length of
a line is about 34-5 letters. Perhaps rovrov was omitted; that there was an agreement
with Dion. Hal. De Thuc. Iud. 845. 12, who has περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τούτους Σικυωνίους
᾿Αθηναῖοι, is less likely.

14. [a}ro: so MSS.; ἐπί H(ude).

21-2. rye Λακωνικίηι και τῆι ΗλΊειαι : τῆς Λακωνικῆς καὶ τῆς ᾿Ηλείας MSS.

33. ἤἶκον : ἥκοντο or ἵκοντο MSS, The ἡ in the papyrus is clear, and the line is quite
long enough without the superfluous ro.

Fr. (4). This small piece, containing the first letters of lines, we have failed to identify.
Since it was found with Frs. (2)-(¢) it would be expected to come from the neighbourhood of
CC. 30-40.

49. τοὴν Ka: so Kriiger; καὶ rod MSS., H.

5o—1. It is likely that the papyrus had ναυκρατόρων rather than ναυτοκρατόρων (B corr.
ΜῈ, but owing to the very doubtful identity of the two broken letters at the end of 1. 50 the
size of the lacuna between νη]σίωται and Ἰατορίων is uncertain.

55. εἐκβιβασαντες : so H. with CG; but exSiacav}res (ABEFM) may equally well have
stood in the papyrus.

63. πιεζουμενους : this late form also occurs in C.

ἐπιλιπωσιν (ΑΒ) suits the space better than emer froow (CEFGM).

1. ov προς: |, προς ov with MSS.

72. The second ε of ελλειποντι has been corrected probably from an «.

75. αισχυνηι: καὶ aicx. MSS. The loss of και would be easy between κα and αι.

80. δικαιουμενῆης : δικαιοῦμεν ἢ MSS.

192 PHEVOXYRHYNCHUS PAP

82. απο: ὑπό MSS.

84. κοινωι: 1. κειμενωι with MSS.

87. vpas: ὑμᾶς av MSS.

88. αὐτο: so MSS.; ταὐτό H., cf. Valla and Schol.

881. PLATO, Euthydemus and Lysis.
10-2 X 6-2 cm. Late second or third century.

A small fragment containing on the recto part of a column, and a few
letters from the ends of some lines of the column preceding, from Plato’s
Euthydemus. The text, which is written in a small neat uncial hand, round and
upright, of about the end of the second century, shows one or two unimportant
variants as compared with the three principal MSS., with none of which it
agrees at all consistently. Stops (in the middle position), paragraphi, and
double dots marking a change of speaker occur.

On the verso of this is a portion of a column from the Lyszs, written
in a small irregular uncial hand with some admixture of cursive, dating probably
from the first half of the third century. Double dots accompanied by paragraphi
mark, as usual, alternations in the dialogue ; there is also a doubtful instance of a
high stop, and one accent. The surface of the papyrus has suffered considerably
and decipherment is sometimes difficult. Considering the small size of the frag-
ment variations from the ordinary text are surprisingly frequent ; they do not
seem to be very valuable, though in most cases they are not obviously wrong.

Recto.
(οι. 1. Col. 1.
μον τονδε: ap ουν εφη τῖαυ = gore λημμίενος οὐκ εστιν 302 Ὁ
[τα nynt oa ειναι wv aly nv ὃ ey[w w Διονωσοδω
[apénis Kat εξηι σοι αυ͵Ἶτοις pe: ταϊλαιπωρος apa
[xpnoOat ott av βουλή]: 302a συ ye τίις avOpwmos εἰ. 3026
5 [οἱον βους καὶ mpoBalra 15 Καὶ οὐδε [4θηναιος ὧι
[ap av ηἡγοιο TavTa cal εἰ μητε Ocelot πατρωιοι εἰσιν
[ναι α σοι εξειη Kat απο μηθ ἵεῖρα μητε αλλο py
[δοσθαι και δουναι κΊἸαι dev καλίον καὶ ἀαγαθον: εα
[θυσαι οτωι βουλοιο θε]ων. ἣν ὃ eyo ὦ Διονυσοδω
το [a ὃ αν μη ουτως εχή!] ov 20 pe- εὐφημει τε και μίη χα

λεπὼς με προδιδασίκε

881. PLATO, EUTHYDEMUS AND LYSIS 193

ἐστι yap εμοιγε Kat Bio
μοι Kat lepa πατίρωια
Kat Tada οσαπερ [ros
25 adAos AOnvaiolis τῶν
TOLOUT@Y : εἶιτα τοις ar
λοις edn Αθηναιοις
οἷυκ ἐστι Ζευς ο πατρωι
iG

5. mpoBalra: cf. T, Ven. 189 and Par. 1808, where πρόβατον has an a written above the
final syllable ; πρόβατον BW, Burnet.

14. ov ye tls: τις ov ye Burn. with T, re ov ye B.

22-3. βωμοι και: so TW, Burn.; om. B.

23. tepa πατΐρωια : ἱερὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ πατρῷα BTW.

Verso.

[εἐπιτρεπου]σιν adAa api 208 C to edn εἰι]ς διδασκαϊίλοῖυ :

[χει go τις : mdaywyos Pov μη Kat οὔτοι σίου] α[ρ]

[epy : μων δουλος wv χοίυσΊιν ole διδασκαλοί!] :

[nueT]epos ye εφη: ἢ δει [π]αντίω]ς δηπου: man 208d
5 [vov ny ὃ eyw ελευθε [ποἸλλ[ου]ς apa σοι ye δεσπο

[pov ov]ra γε ὕπο δουλου 15 [Tas Kat apxjovras ὡς εοι

[αρχεσ͵]θαι: τι δὲ και ποιὼν [kev] exo[v] ο πατὴρ edt

[av ov]ros σου o πα[ι]δαγω [ornot: αλλ apa emjedav

γος αἰρίχει : ayy [d]nzrov Pees. ego agar eee

I. ap at the end of the line is uncertain, but to read αλλ apy is not more satisfactory, for
though the first of the doubtful letters is in some ways more like p than a the second is
more like p than x. Moreover the division ap x|e is very objectionable in a literary text,
while to read ἀρχίζει would make this line longer than any of those that follow, and besides
necessitate a supplement of three letters at the beginning of 1. 2, where there is no
known variant.

2. gow tis: tis cov MSS., which also read ὅδε or ὁ δέ (ὁ alone Paris. 1811) before
παιδαγωγός. The scribe omitted the a and perhaps also the ε in the latter word ; he does not
seem to have written medaywyos.

4. ἀλλὰ τί μήν precedes ἡμέτερός ye in the MSS. (omit ἀλλὰ... ἔφη Ven. 189).

6. ye: om. MSS.

ἡ. de και: δέ MSS. except Vat. 226 which has καί in place of δέ.

194 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

8. govo m.: 6 7. cov MSS,

14. ye: the reading is quite uncertain, but something certainly stood in the papyrus
between σοι and δεσποῖτας. For the insertion of ye cf. 1. 6

15. ὡς εοἶκεν : om. MSS. ὡς ἔοικεν occurred a few lines above in 208 Ὁ. It is superfluous
here after dpa.

882. DEMOSTHENES, /uz Aristogitonem I.

9:8 Χ 7 cm. Second century.

A fragment from the bottom of a column of a roll containing the first
speech of Demosthenes against Aristogiton. It is written in an upright and
rather small round hand, not very regular, and probably dating from the second
century. No stops or other lectional signs are found, but slight blank spaces,
perhaps corresponding to marginal paragraphi, are left where a pause occurred in
ll. 7 and το. An interlinear addition in 1. 8 may be by the original scribe. The
fragment is too small to po any critical value; the writer was apparently
careless.

ὙΠ ΤΥ κίαι Loly tov mlavT ave § 47
[Tle Kat KaTw ποιωΐν εν] Tats εκκλησι
[at]s ws deov στίρεβλου]ν λαβων o
[τ΄δηποτε παρωΐν ore] nperero ado
5 [vjos eyevero τηῖνν κατα] ΖΔημοκλε
[ου)ς evcayyedtaly αν]α[σεισα]ς mo ε
ἰτρίεψεν adda μυρια wv εμο[ι] μεν
[ερ]γον ἀπαντῶν μνησθηναι συ aida
[ο]τι kat ta [αν]τιγραφα αὐτῶν εξεις
το [ερ]γολαβων αὐτωι [Tis ovy ο Tov Tot ᾧ 48

I. 1. κεκραγως,
8. SY add ἐστί(ν) after ἁπάντων : om. Blass with the other MSS.
ov ὃ [ev] ofcda: om. ev AF, Blass. It is of course impossible to be sure that ev was
inserted here as well as 6, but the similarity of συ and ev will readily account for the original
omission of ὃ ev, whereas ὃ by itself would less easily drop out.
9. ἐξεις : 1. exes with MSS.

888. DEMOSTHENES, IN ARISTOCRATEM 195

883. DEMOSTHENES, 7722 Aristocratem.

18 X 4:1 cm. Third century.

A short fragment containing parts of δὲ 149-50 of the speech against Aris-
tocrates. The roll was written in narrow columns, a large space (7-5 cm.) being
left above them. The good-sized, well-formed hand is of the oval type, but the
letters are upright or have only a very slight slope; is noticeably small. It
seems to be a rather early example of this style of literary writing, and perhaps
goes back to the beginning of the third century. A stop placed midway in the
line and accompanied by a paragraphus marks the end of a section. There are
two agreements with minor MSS. against S; but judging from the blunders
in 11. 11-4 the text was not of a high class.

τεραΐς τ]ριακῖον § 149 μον παλιν {πο
τορους ον ακίρι λεμειν πίροει
Bos ηδει παΐν Aero Χερίρονη
Tov ανθρωπίων σον Kat ovjdev —
5 διακειμενζον 15 εἰχε Trove [
εχθροτατα v ὕμας €KEL κα
μιν. καὶ μεῖτα § 150 κον plto]Oo[e πα
TavTa επειδίη λιν avrov Ολίυν
τον προς ἄμ[φι θιοις τοιῖς ὕ]μ[ε
το πολιν πολΊε 20 τεροις εχίθροις

3. malyjrov: so A; τῶν ὄντων other MSS., Blass.

5-6. διακειμενῖον] exOporara υμιν : ἐχθ. ὑμῖν διακ. MSS.

8, ravra: SOV; ταῦτά γ᾽ Blass with other MSS.

11 sqq. The ordinary reading here is πρότερον πολεμεῖν εἵλετο Τιμόθεος τοῦ πρὸς Χερρόνησον.
The text of the papyrus has gone badly astray ; προείλετο for εἵλετο is comparatively harmless,
but παλιν is an awkward repetition of παλιν in 1. 17, and the omission before Χερίρονη)σον
reduces the passage to nonsense.

884, SALLUST, Catzlina.
15-8x15-4cm. Fifth century. Plate V (recto).

Latin classics have been conspicuous for their rarity among papyri from
Egypt, and hence the following fragment of Sallust’s Ca/élina, ch. vi, is of more
than ordinary interest. It consists of a nearly eomplete leaf from a papyrus

Ο 2

196 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

codex, which may be assigned to the fifth century. The upright and well-
formed hand is of the ‘ mixed’ type, the forms of the letters, in which cursive
characteristics predominate, being in general similar to those e.g. of the legal
fragments in P. Amh. II. 28, which are no doubt of about the same date. The ink
is of the reddish-brown colour common at this period. Dots in three positions as
well as the colon (cf. P. Amh. II. 27) are used for purposes of punctuation, pauses
being also sometimes marked by blank spaces (ll. 1, 3, 25) or paragraphi (I. 6).
que is written g-; the only other abbreviation which occurs is vezp- for reipublicae.

The scribe was extremely careless and made a number of errors, which have
been amended to some extent by himself but more often by some one else.
Since the colour of the ink in these corrections does not differ from that of the
text, it is not easy to distinguish the hands ; but the alteration of e. g. propularent
to propulerant in 1. 18 seems clearly to be by the original writer, while the inser-
tion of azuzs four lines lower down is not less clearly due to another person.
There also occur a few cursive adscripts (Il. 5,6, and 10) which may be independent
both of the original scribe and the corrector of annis, &c.; if, however, they are
to be assigned to one or other of them, the former seems more likely to be
responsible than the latter. It may be noted that the cross-stroke of ¢ in
tempore, 1. 5, is brought down to form the base of the following 6 as in the
Italian papyri of the fifth and sixth centuries. In several places small interlinear
marks are found of which the significance is not clear; cf. note on 1]. 7, 26-7, 30.
The text as corrected is good, agreeing in the main with the best MSS., of which
there are a large number dating from the tenth century onwards. The most
interesting reading is the occurrence in ll. 5-6 of the sentence za brevi... factaest,
for which there is otherwise small support. Our collation is based on the edition
of R. Dietsch (Leipzig, 1859), from whose text the papyrus rarely diverges.

Verso.
liberum adq: solutum || fuit]| hi postquam vi. 2
in una moenia convenere. dispari genere

a
dissimili lingalje]|. alius alio more viven
tes. incredibile memoratul|s]| est- guam faci
tempore tu
5 le colerink ita breve gi Σίν diversa
g percon

dld]jy val s]|a BS οι civitas facta est :

sed postquam res cam civibus moribus
agris: aucta: satis prospera satisg: pollens
videbatur; sicuti plerag: mortalium h\aben

884, SALLUST, CATILINA 197

entia ia
10 tur: invidia ex opoleni||um|]| orta est:

1
[elgitur reges. populig: f\lelyctimt. bell[o tem
taba[nt }
[p\flalve | paluciz] ex amicis auxilio esse [nam cete
[re metu peyiclulst a pericjullis aberlant
4 lines lost.
Recto.

e a t
propullalyllelpet: soctts alld|jg- amicis auxilia porta

a
bant ml|us||gisg- |[dis]| dandis quam accipien
20 dis beneficits amicitias parabant imperium 6
legetimum nomen imperi regium habe
annis
bant delecti quibus corpus infirmum inge
nium sapientia validum erat reip- consulta

6
bant 11 vel aetate vel cura similitudine
25 patres appellabantur: post ubi regium 7
imperium quod initio conservandae It

t e
[dertatis alld||g- augenda reip. fuerat- in super
[2zlam dominationemg: se convertit: immu
[πὸ miore annua imperia- binosg: tmpera
30 [tores sibi fecere 60] modo min|ume

1. Με, which is crossed through, is not found in the MSS.

3. alius: so the majority of MSS.; az Dietsch with P*BT (2nd hand) p! &c.

5-6. za... facta est: this sentence is found in Leid. G and with era# for es¢ in a
MS. used by Popma, Vind. 1 and 2, and cod. Herbipolitanus; om. Dietsch. /empore,
which is inserted above the line, is found only here; the addition is no improvement. 267
concordiam as a variant for concordia is also novel; the reading is uncertain, the supposed ς of
con looking more like x, and very little remaining of the final γι. Both per concordiam and
tempore might be regarded as explanatory glosses rather than textual variants.

7. Above e of corum is a mark resembling a small c, which we do not understand.

το. We suppose that the mistaken opulenfum has been twice corrected. za over the
termination is clear, but the decipherment of the cursive letters which precede at a higher

level is very doubtful. The first of them is probably 6, and δία seems just possible, though
there is really more ink than is satisfactorily accounted for by m/, ex... or eo... might
be read.

11. /empiare or teniare MSS. Just in front of the upright stroke of 4 in de//o there is
an angular mark to which we can attach no meaning. The low stop beneath it is doubtful.

198 THE -OXYRAYNCH US “PARYIG

13. pelr|clussz (p® g ρ΄ σὴ might also be read, but is less likely than bebe c\udse.

21. 1. degetimum.

22. annts colrpus: so Ut; corpus annts is the usual order.

24. 11: ec MSS., except g*, which has Az.

26-7. Several small interlinear signs of doubtful significance occur here; cf. Plate V.
Above guod there is something rather like an e, and above the middle z of zuz/zo are some
strokes resembling the letters 127; a more complicated sign appears over augendae, and an
angular mark over e of fuerat.

30. There is an angular mark above the z of min'ume; cf. notes on ll. 11 and 26-4.

IV. MISCELLANEOUS LITERARY FRAGMER@S

885. TREATISE ON DIVINATION.

23:3 x 8-3 cm. Late second or early third century.

This text, containing one well-preserved column between two others which.
have almost entirely disappeared, is written in careful and well-formed upright
uncials of about the end of the second century. High stops are used, besides
paragraphi, while a coronis below a short line at 1. 57 marks the end of a section ;
an accent occurs in 1. 38. The subject of what remains is the interpretation
of strokes of lightning when falling upon statues. A parallel to this is to be
found in the work of Johannes Lydus, de Ostentis, §§ 47-52, where a section occurs
(probably derived from Cornelius Labeo, a writer of the second or third century)
giving the prognostications to be deduced when various objects, and among them
statues, are struck by lightning, according to the position of the sun. Possibly
astronomical conditions were also taken into account in the present treatise,
though they do not figure in what remains. Whether it concerned thunderbolts
only (περὶ κεραυνῶν) or was of a wider character and included other διοσημεῖαι is
also doubtful. It is interesting as an early specimen of the treatises on signs
and wonders which in the Byzantine period became so popular. A noticeable
circumstance is that there are no traces of Egyptian influence, the gods men-
tioned in ll. 44-6 being exclusively Greek. According to Lydus indeed (δ 43,
52), things were not struck by lightning in Egypt, or if ever they were, when the
sun was in Pisces, it was a good omen. Thunderstorms do occur at the present ©
day, though rarely.

O
ee
— Ἐξ

i=)
=

Meee ae!
Ω 3

885. TREATISE ON DIVINATION

Col. ii. Col. iii

- XN avT@ εσται
της evdatpovt
as εαν δε ολοσχε

35 pws καταπεσῆηι 65
ἡ εἰκὼν TAN

ded Led Let
-- Ὁ Ὁ

I 4 >
om B 8

'
a ee ey -.-.. .......ϑ :--....
Ξ “2
~~ ἃ *

a3
8

ΤῊ
S

er Sr ee το οἱ
Ἂ Ἵ

=
ῶ

᾿Ξ aS Se ξαα
.
e

g
cee

yeloa ὑπὸ Tou κε
pavvov απώλει

av αὐτου Tw γε
νει ONMALVEL O
λωι χρὴ ovy Tov
πενητα εἰκονὰ
αφιερουν" Kat
θυειν Avi Kepav
vitjau Kat Hpakree
και Τυχηι Σώωτει
pa κατα δυνα

μιν καὶ προσποι
ειἰσθαι μεν TO προ
τερον σημειίον"

τὴς δε 'πεσουσης
εἰκονος εκθυε

σθαι Kat ἀποτρο
πιαζεσθαι To on

μειον θυοντα

τοις autos Oe

ols
»»

εαν εἰκονες ανδρων
καλων κ[α͵γαθων
ἘΠΕΟΝ ΚΕΒΘΌΣ ΘΗ
πλῃγωσῖ!]. ἷ. . ..

51. First σ of πεσουσης corr. from «.

200 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

‘(If the statue of a poor man be struck by a thunderbolt and do not fall), it will be the
beginning of happiness for him; but ifthe statue when struck by the thunderbolt falls down
entirely, it indicates the destruction of his whole family. ‘The poor man should therefore
purify the statue, and sacrifice to Zeus Wielder of Thunder, and Heracles, and Fortune the
Preserver in accordance with his means, and appropriate the former portent ; but the portent
of the fallen statue he should expiate and avert by sacrifice to the same gods. If the statues
of noble men be struck by a thunderbolt...

31 sqq. The sense of the protasis of this sentence is apparent from what follows ;
it may be restored cay εἰκὼν ἀνδρὸς mevnros uro | [Kepavyov πληγε σα μη καταπεσὴη ap||xn κιτιλ,
In Lydus, De Os/entis, the passage concerning statues is as follows (§ 47): εἰ δὲ kar’ ἀγαλμάτων
κατενεχθῇ (κεραυνὸς) ποικίλας καὶ ἐπαλλήλους τὰς συμφορὰς τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀπειλεῖ" εἰ γὰρ χαρακτῆρες
ἰδεῶν τινων καὶ κόσμια πόλεων τὰ ἀγάλματα ὑπωπτεύθη τοῖς παλαιοῖς, ἀρὰ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἡ περὶ αὐτὰ
ὕβρις. The statues there meant are public ornaments, or represent abstract qualities, and
the portent has a more general significance than is the case here, where private individuals
are concerned,

41. The marginal sign, which stands midway between the two columns, is repeated
again before 1, 87. Its meaning is obscure; it cannot be associated with the paragraphus
below 1, 41, since at 1, 87 there is no paragraphus, nor on the other hand is it very likely in
the latter place to have some connexion with the conclusion of the section in I. 57, for 1. 10
is a full line, and there is therefore no reason to suppose that a section ended at that point.
The symbol might be taken to represent ap or 8p, but the first letter would be incompletely
formed,

886. MAGICAL FORMULA.
21-3 X 126 cm, | Third century.

A formula for obtaining an omen, of a type common in magical papyri, and
purporting, as often happens with Hermetic writings, to be copied from a sacred
book ; cf. note on ll. 2-4 and Reitzenstein, Potmandres, pp. 138 sqq.

The letters of the alphabet, which are frequently employed in astrology and
magic (cf. Boll, Sphaera, pp. 469 sqq., Reitzenstein, of. cit., pp. 260 and 288,
Dieterich, ABC-Denkméailer, P. Brit. Mus. 121. 705 sqq., &c.), play a somewhat
mysterious part in the formula, their number being reckoned as 29 instead of 24.
An uneven figure was in any case required owing to the nature of the process
described in 11]. 19-21, but how the figure 29 was obtained is quite obscure. To
give confidence in the efficacy of the spell, the claim is made (ll. 7-10) that it was
used by Hermes and Isis in the search for the dismembered body of Osiris. The
scribe was a very illiterate person, and makes several mistakes. A couple of
dashes are placed in the margin below 1. 1 and against Il. 24-5.

Μεγάλη Ἶσις ἡ κυρία. ρὶ ὧν θέλις κληδονισ-
θῆναι. λαβὼν φύνι-

886. MAGICAL FORMULA 201

ἀντίγραφον ἱερᾶς Bt- 15 κος ἄρσενος φύλλα κθ
βλου τῆς εὑρετίσης ἐν ἐπίγρ(αψον) ἐν ἑκάστῳ τῶν
τοῖς τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ ταμίοις. φύλλων τὰ τῶν θεῶν
5 6 δὲ τρόπος ἐστὶν τὰ περ] - ὀνόματα κὲ ἐπευξά-
τὰ γράμματα κθ μενος ἐρε κατὰ δύο
δ ὧν ὁ Ἑ ρμῆς κὲ ἡ "Ions 20 δύο, τὸ δὲ ὑπολιπό[μ]ε-
ζητοῦσα ἑαυτῆς τὸν ἀ- νον ἔσχατον ἀναγνῶ-
δελφὸν κὲ ἄνδρα “O- TL KE εὑρήσις σου τὴν κλη-
το σιρειν. ἐπικαλοῦ per (9) δόνα ἐν οἷς μέτεστειν
τὸν Gf Ke τοὺς ἐν βυ- καὶ χρημαθισθήσῃ τη-
θῷ θεοὺς πάντας πε- 25. λαυγῶς.
I. iow Pap.; so in |. 7. 3. 1. εὑρεθείσης. 7. 1. καί : soin Il. 9, 11, 18, 22.
9. δἰσιρειν᾽ Pap. 14. 1. φοίνικος. The « has been inserted later. 17. θεω Pap.
19. 1. αἶρε. 19-2ο. δυο΄ δυο Pap. 20. ὕπολιποίμ]ενον Pap. 21. 1. ἀναγνῶθι.

24- 1. χρηματισθήσῃ.

‘Great is the Lady Isis. Copy of a sacred book found in the archives of Hermes.
The method is concerned with the 29 letters used by Hermes and Isis when searching for
her brother and husband Osiris. Invoke the sun and all the gods in the deep concerning
those things about which you wish to receive an omen. Take 29 leaves of a male palm,
and inscribe on each of the leaves the names of the gods ; then after a prayer lift them up
two by two, and read that’ which is left at the last, and you will find wherein your omen
consists, and you will obtain an illuminating answer.’

2-4. Prof. F. Cumont well compares the beginning of a magical formula found
in Catal. codd. Astr. Graec. vii. p. 62 Βίβλος εὑρεθεῖσα ἐν “Ἡλιουπόλει τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ
ἐν ἀδύτοις ἐγγεγραμμένη ἐν ἱεροῖς γράμμασι κ.τ.λΔ.

6. «6: in 1. 15 κε might be read in place of κθ, the right-hand part of the second
numeral being lost, but there is, we think, no doubt about the reading κθ here ; cf. introd.

10. ἐπικαλοῦ μέϊν : the vestiges following p» suit ε better than a. μέϊν is not very
satisfactory, and ἐπικαλοῦμαι constantly occurs in magical formulae of this character (e. g.
the extract from P. Leyden W. quoted in note on 1. 14); but to read ἐπικαλοῦμε (= ἐπικα-
λοῦμαι) here makes the change to the second person singular in |. 13 very difficult.

11. The sign following τόν is the ordinary symbol in magical papyri for ἥλιος.

14 sqq. Cf. e.g. P. Leyden W. xxiv. 31 sqq. λαβὼν φύλλον δάφνης ἐπίγραψον τὸν χαλακτῆρα
(1. xapax.) ὦ (1. és) ἐστιν καὶ δείξας το (1. τῷ) (ἡλίῳ) λέγε, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε κιτιλ.

19. κατὰ δύο δύο: for this mixture of distributives cf. 6. g. Luke x. 1.

887. DIRECTIONS FOR WRESTLING (?).
10-6 x 5-8 cm. Third century.

On the recto of this small fragment are parts of eight lines from the bottom
of a column, containing repeated references to different parts of the body and

202 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI

apparently belonging to a treatise of the same class as 466, which is concerned
with grips in wrestling. The careful and rather large uncial writing is probably
of the third century. On the verso is another text in a similar and possibly
identical hand ; but the letters are more hastily formed, and the lines are set
much wider apart and also come further down towards the lower edge of the
papyrus. The subject here is evidently different, but the remains are too scanty
to give a definite clue to its nature. .

Recto. Verso.
ἐπι τον δεξίιον [ωμον Ἰηση yap τὸν μ.ἶ
] εἰς τα αριστερα Tou ἷ λαίβουσαν μεγαλαΐ
] emt τὸν δεξιον ωἷμον ] και εξω φευγη [
] emt To [a\kpoy του ἷ Ἰεται ἡ yun ελεῖΐ
5 | ewe τίοϊν ἀαριστεροῖν ὠμον 5 αἸνθρωποι emt τουΐ
Ἰλημψεται Ja φαρμαζκ]α κατί
Ἰ ἐπι τὸ ἀκρον τοῖυ Ἰικαν Kabevdol
] ἐπὶ το στηθος πὶ

V. DOCUMENTS OF THE ROMAN AND
BYZANTINE PERIODS

(a) OFFICIAL

888. EDICT OF A PRAEFECT AND PETITION.

Fr. (4) 9:2 χ 14-9 cm. Late third or early fourth

century. ;

A petition to the exegetes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, with which is here
coupled the Small Oasis, from two persons, one of whom was a woman (cf. note
on 1. 9), concerning the guardianship of the children of their dead sister. Only
the first two or three lines of this document remain and its purport is unknown ;
the interest of the papyrus lies in the fact that prefixed to the mutilated petition
is a copy of an edict, dated in the year 287, of the praefect Flavius Valerius

888. EDICT’ OF .A PRAEFECT AND PETITION 203

Pompeianus, relating to the appointment of guardians for orphan minors. This
ordinance directs that magistrates empowered to make such appointments
(οἱ τοῦ χειροτονεῖν κύριοι) should do so in all cases where orphans were without
guardians, since absence of the latter led to much delay in business in which
orphans were involved. The question here arises, what magistrates were com-
petent to appoint guardians? According to the lex [ulia et Titia, passed in
B.C. 31, this right was in the provinces vested in the praefects, and that that
enactment continued in force in the third century is shown by 720, where
it is expressly named (A.D. 247). In practice, however, the praefect of Egypt
is seldom found exercising his power, which was delegated to subordinate officials,
and in particular to the ἐξηγηταί, who, as in 888, are the persons most commonly
invoked in connexion with the guardianship of minors; cf. e.g. B. G. U. 1070,
in which a woman supplies to the exegetes the name of a man suitable for the
guardianship of her children. From P. Amh. 85 and 86, which are applications
addressed to the exegetes for leases of land belonging to orphans, it would appear
that this magistrate was actually responsible to some extent for the proper
management of property of that class. Professor Mitteis, to whom we are indebted
for several points in the interpretation of this papyrus, thinks that the praefect
was principally appealed to when the parties concerned came from different nomes,
or when one or other of them happened to be residing outside his own nome,
_and the local magistrates were consequently unable to act. The latter explana-
tion would well suit P. Tebt. 326, where the applicants who have recourse to the
praefect are natives of Antinodpolis domiciled in the Fayim. The exegetae,
however, were not the only officials competent in these matters. In 487 the
γραμματεὺς πόλεως is stated to have assigned a guardian to certain minors, and the
epistrategus is requested to direct the strategus to give orders that the γραμματεύς
should substitute another person. According to P. Tebt. 326, where the case is
referred to the praefect, the magistrate who would actually make the appoint-
ment in accordance with the praefect’s instructions would be not the exegetes
but the strategus ; cf. P. Cattaoui verso ii. 17-9, where the iuridicus proposes to
instruct the strategus to make an appointment of guardians. In both these
instances no doubt the strategus may be supposed to be acting merely as the
temporary delegate of the superior authority ; but a more general competence to
deal with such matters is proved, for Oxyrhynchus at any rate, by 56, where an
application by a woman for a κύριος is addressed to the exegetes because the
deputy-strategus was absent, and 898. 26-9, where a strategus orders the
guardian of a minor to be changed. A new date is supplied by this papyrus for
the praefecture of Pompeianus, who is shown to have been in office in Oct. 287,
while from P. Amh. 137 he is known to have been still praefect in July 2809.

204 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

[ΦἸλα[ούιος Οὐαλέριος Πομπη)ιανὸς ὁ διασηϊμό]τατος ἔπαρχος Αἰγύπτου
λέγει"
ΤΩ IN ‘ 2 τὴ 2 ) σ΄: € ~ =
ois [ἐὰν μὴ πεποιημένοι ὦσ]ιν κηδεμόνες ὀρ[φαν])οῖς of τοῦ χειροτονεῖν
κύριοι καθεστῶτες
ἐν 15 letters ποιϊείσθωσαν τοὺς Kad’ [ἡλ)ικίαν κηδεμόνας"
οὕτω γὰρ συμβήσεται τῆς πῖροσ-
͵7 ’ 4 Ms Ξ' φ ~ a ~ 5] “-
ηκ[ούσης ἐπιμελείας τ]υγχάνειν, ὡς νῦν ye ἱπ]ολλὰ τῶν ὀρφανικῶν πραγ-
μάτων τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς
5 κηϊδεμόσιν ὄντων ἀναβολῆς τυγχάνειν διὰ τὸ μὴ παρεῖναι τοῖς ὀρφανοῖς
ἐπιτρόπους ἤτοι
κουϊράτορας. ἔτους] ὃ καὶ y (ἔτους) τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν Διοκλητιανοῦ καὶ
Μαξιμιανοῦ Σεβαστῶν
Φαϊῶφι.. προετέθη ἐν ᾿Οξυ]ρύγχων τῷ αὐτῷ μην[ Φαῶφι κί.

ἢ 16 letters ἐϊνάρχῳ ἐξηγητῇ ᾽Ο ξυρυγ[χίτου κ]αὶ Μικρᾶς
᾿᾽Οάσεως βουλ(ευτῇ) τῆς Aapm(pas) καὶ λαμπ(ροτάτη:) ᾽Ο ξυρύγ-
[χων πόλεως ]
το πῦρ. hehe sh κα]ὶ ᾿ἀπολλωνίας ἀμφοτίἔϊρων ᾿Ωριγένους μη(τρὸς)

Θαήσιος ἀπὸ τῆς λαμπίρᾶς) καὶ λαμπίροτάτη»)
[Ὃ ξυρύγχί(ων) πόλ(εως). τυχόντες τῆς κ]ηδεμονίας τῶν ἀφηλίκων ἀδελφιδῶν
ἡμῶν, τέκνων τῆς μετηλλαχυ-
[fas 50 letters ᾿Ωριγ)ένους ἀπίὸ] τῆς
[αὐτῆς πόλεως ...

I. πομπὴ Ἰίανος Pap. 5. tuyxavew Pap. 6. σεβαστῷ Pap. 8. οξυρυγ᾽ Pap.

‘Proclamation of his excellency Flavius Valerius Pompeianus, praefect of Egypt.
Orphans for whom no guardians have been assigned shall have guardians in accordance
with their age created for them by those competent to make the appointment ...; for it
will thus result that they receive proper attention, whereas at present much business
concerning orphans and depending upon their guardians is delayed because the orphans
are unattended by /w/ores or curatores. The 4th which =the 3rd year of our lords the
Augusti Diocletianus.and Maximianus, Phaophi... Published in Oxyrhynchus on the
27th of the same month Phaophi.

To..., exegetes in office of the Oxyrhynchite nome and the Small Oasis, senator of
the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, from . . . and Apollonia, both
children of Origenes and Thaésis, of the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus.
We were given the guardianship of our nephews (or nieces), the children of our dead
sister .. . daughter of Origenes, of the said city...

888. EDICT OF A PRAEFECT AND PETITION 205

3. The lacuna may be filled e.g. ἐν [ἑκάστῳ νομῷ εὐθέως, or ἐντὸς... ἡμερῶν. πίροσἾη-
κ οὔσης Mitteis,

τοὺς καθ᾽ [ἡλ]ικίαν κηδεμόνας, “ guardians corresponding to the age of the orphans,’ i.e.
tutores for those below the age of puberty (14 years), cwra/ores for those under 25 years.
κηδεμών is here used as a wider term including both /u/ores and curatores ; cf. ll. 5-6 where
ἐπιτρόπους ἤτοι kou|pdropas is synonymous with τοὺς καθ᾽ ἥλικ. κηδεμόνας, ‘ /ufores Or curatores as
the case may be.’ The distinction between /wfor and curator is not infrequently lost sight
of in provincial documents of this period, but no such confusion would be expected, as
Mitteis has pointed out to us, in an official proclamation, and ἤτοι therefore does not mean
that ἐπιτρόπους and κουράτορας are convertible terms.

5. There is a hole in the papyrus between 7 and s of ἀνα]βολῆς, in which there is room
for a letter; the writing surface seems to have been faulty at this point. The supplement
of the preceding lacuna is a trifle shorter than it might be.

6. There would be room for about five letters between xou[pdropas and ἔτους, but a short
blank space may well have been left before the date.

8. The Small Oasis (Bahriyeh) which was grouped with the ‘Emravopia (cf. P. Amh.
137. 1 ἐπιστρ(ατήγῳ) Ἕπτ. καὶ ᾿Οάσεως Mixpas) would naturally, for administrative purposes,
be combined with the Oxyrhynchite nome, to the west of which it lies; cf. 485, where the
implication is that persons living in the Oasis were under the jurisdiction of the Oxyrhynchite
strategus.

g. The petitioners were either brother and sister, or else two sisters; in the former
case, which is the more probable, they perhaps also stood in the relation of husband and
wife. In any case the passage provides another instance of female guardianship, which has
already been attested for peregrin? by 495, and for Roman citizens by P. Tebt. 378; cf.
Wenger, Zetschr. f. Savigny-Stifiung, 28, p. 305%. Various instances in the papyri prove
the possibility of a mother acting as guardian to her children (cf. e.g. 898. 5-6), and the
guardianship of mothers and grandmothers was eventually admitted by the later Roman law ;
but that of women not so related to the ward was at no period legalized.

889. EDICT OF DIOCLETIAN AND PETITION.
23°5 X 9-3 cm. Fourth century.

This narrow strip from a papyrus written in a large cursive hand in very
broad lines contains in ll. 11 sqq. part of a petition addressed to the boule of, no
doubt, Oxyrhynchus, by a man who probably wished to be let off some municipal
burden on the score of old age and ill-health. In support of his case he appeals
to an imperial decree, of which a copy is prefixed in ll. 1-11. The papyrus
is thus similar in character to P. Flor. 57, a petition to the praefect claiming
immunity from λειτουργίαι, which begins by quoting several rescripts of Septimius
Severus and Caracalla guaranteeing this immunity to persons over the age of 70.
The authors of the present decree are clearly Diocletian and Maximian, and the
date of it is apparently the third consulship of the Caesars Constantine and

1 In 495 it is the sister of the testator, not, as stated by Wenger, his daughter, who is appointed
guardian.

206 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Galerius, A.D. 300. It was of the nature of an indulgence (φιλ]ανθρωπίᾳ, 1. 5)
apparently to persons over the age of 60 (ἐξηκονταετεῖς, 1. 9), but the special nature
of the benefits conferred remains obscure, the only clue being afforded by l. 8,
where there seems to be a reference to πράκτορες (Ὁ) and to the practice of
quartering persons upon others (ἐπίσταθμοι). The remains of the date of the
petition itself (ll. 11-2) are too slight to fix the year, but it no doubt falls within
the 50 years following A.D. 300.

Γε]ρμανικὸς Μέγιστος Γουνθικ[ὸς Μέγιστος
Εὐσεβὴς ΕἸὐτυχὴς Νικητὴς Σεβαστὸς καὶ
|s Σαρματικοὶ Μέγιστοι Τερμανικὸς Μέγιστος
Μαξιμιανὸς οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι Καίσαρεϊς
5 φιλ]ανθρωπίᾳ κεκελεύκαμεν [
Jov χρόνου τῆς πολυαιτίας a . [
] καταλαμβανόντων διὰ τί
πρ]άκτορες καὶ ἐπίσταθμοι κοΪ
lots ἑξηκονταετῖς ὡς εἰ eda
10 προετέθη ἐν Ade~avdlpia τῇ α΄ εἰδῶν Δεκεμβρίωϊν
Καίσαρ]σιν τὸ γ΄ ὑπάτοις. ὑπατίας ’Ox[
τῶν λαμ]προτάτων Παχὼν κθ.]
πόϊλεως διὰ τοῦ ἐνάρχου πρυτάνεως
~ > ~ 7
τῆς] αὐτῆς πόλεως [
Ν ~ - σῳ , ~ Ψ'
15 παρὰ τῆς] αὐτῆς πόλεως. τοῦ προτεταγμένου
ἑξηκο]στὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὑπερβεβηκοτί
«ε 4 Ἁ ’ > Ν
ἑβδομηκοστὸν καὶ τρίτον ἐνιαυϊτὸν
᾿ π]ερὶ ἐμὲ γῆρας καὶ τὴν τοῦ σάϊματος ἀσθένειαν
ynpoBjockiav μήτε κτῆσιν Ϊ
20 Ἰν ἐπιρωσθῆναι κἀμοὶ τον. ἷ

Jac ἐπὶ τῶν ὁμοίων μου φθασαντ΄. [

6. 1. πολυετίας, 11. ὕπατοις ὕπατιας Pap. 16. ὕπερβεβηκοτί Pap. 18. v of την
corr. from o.

1-4. Since there are two Augusti bearing the titles Germanicus and Sarmaticus, and
two Caesars, while the consuls hold office for the third time and must be Caesars or Augusti
(Αὐτοκράτορ]σιν is the only alternative for Kaicap|ow in]. 11), the reign of Diocletian and
Maximian, and the third consulship of Constantius and Galerius are clearly indicated.
A slight difficulty arises in connexion with the title Τουνθικός (= Gothicus; cf. for the form
P. Leipzig 119. verso ii. 8, where perhaps Γουνθικοῦ should be read for Γουντικοῦ), which was:

869.. ΕΡΙΟΤ ΟΕ DIOCLETIAN ‘AND. ‘PETITION 207

adopted by Claudius, Aurelian, and Probus, but seems to be new as an epithet of Diocletian.
With regard to the length of the lines, only in 11. 1 and 13 can the beginnings be restored
with any degree of probability. In 1. 1 [Αὐτοκράτωρ Τάιος Αὐρήλιος Οὐαλέριος Διοκλητιανὸς
Γεϊρμανικός implies an initial loss of 46 letters, and in ]. 13 [τῇ κρατίστῃ βουλῇ τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ
λαμπροτάτης ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως a loss of 52, and since no shorter restorations of these two
lines are likely, the initial lacunae may be estimated at not less than 45 letters throughout.
How much is lost at the ends of lines is more uncertain. If the names of the Caesars were
given in full, as is likely, in ll. 3-4, we must restore καὶ Φλαύιος Οὐαλέριος Κωνστάντιος καὶ Γάιος
Οὐαλέριος Μαξιμιανόἠς, i.e. 56 letters, of which 5--ἰὸ probably occurred in 1. 3; hence even if
Teppar[ixds Μέγιστος is the last of Maximian’s titles, there seems to be a loss of from 15 to 20
letters, and the total number of. letters missing between the points at which one line breaks
off and the next commences can hardly be less than 60 on an average, and may amount
to 70 or more. In 1. 3 Σαρματικοὶ Μέγιστοι seems to be an error for the singular, applying to
Maximian alone, for if the plural is correct here, Γερμαικοὶ Μέγιστοι must then be read, and
Diocletian has already been styled Γερμανικός in 1. 1.

8. kol: or καϊί. !

11. Probably [Κωνσταντίῳ καὶ Μαξιμιανῷ τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις Καίσαρ]σιν ; cf. the note on
ll. 1-4. The date by the regnal years (ἔτους ιζ καὶ ις καὶ 6) probably occurred at the end of
1,10, The date beginning ὑπατίας refers to the following petition ; Ou, may be read for Ox],
Owing to the length of the lacuna before λαμ]προτάτων the names must have been given in
full, and it is quite uncertain who these consuls were.

13. Probably [τῇ κρατίστῃ βουλῇ τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόΪλεως ; οἵ.
note on ll. 1-4.

15. προτεταγ[μένου : SC. ἐπιστάλματος Or διατάγματος or the like.

16. ἑξηκοῖστόν : cf. 1. 9 ἑξηκονταετῖς. éBdopunxolordy (cf. 1. 17) is also possible.

890. LETTER TO A STRATEGUS.
20-2 Χ 14-7 cm, Third century.

An incomplete letter from the prytanis of the local βουλή at Oxyrhynchus
to the strategus, giving a list of persons who owed money to the municipal
treasury. Apparently these sums were to be collected by the agents of the
imperial government and to be balanced against moneys owing to the imperial
from the municipal exchequer.

Δούκιος Σ᾽ επτίμιος Αὐρήλιος
Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ ᾿Αἀπολινάριος καὶ ὡς
χρηματίζω ἔναρχος πρύτανις τῆς
᾿Οξυρυγχειτῶν πόλεως Αὐρηλίῳ

5 Acwvidn στρατηγῷ τῶι φιλ-
τάτωι χαίρειν.
τοὺς ἀπαιτεῖσίθα]ι μέλλοντας ἀφ᾽ ὧν
[ὀϊφ[ εἰλουσι τῇ πίόλει] χωρούντων

208 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI

eis διιαγραφὴν τῶν ἐκ λόγου τῆς

[

το [πόλεϊως διαγραφομένων καὶ νῦν
[γράφομέν] σοι πρὸς τὸ μὴ ἐμποδί-
[ζεσθαι τὴ]ν εἴσπραξιν τοῦ ἱερωτάτου
ταμείου. | εἰσὶ δὲ Αὐρήλιοι

AeA καὶ ᾿ΑἸπολλώνιος Kai ΖΔομιττια-

SRR ΠΟΘΙ ΜΕ ἀγορ)]ανομήσαντος, (δραχμὰς 7) υ,
Pi see se ἩἬρ)ακλᾶς ὀνόματος

[
[
15 [νός, οἱ τρεῖς Σ)]αραπίωνος τοῦ καὶ
[
[
[ 20 letters jer a

. . "

12. ἵερωτατου Pap. 14. Soper reall vos Pap.

‘Lucius Septimius Aurelius Sarapion also called Apolinarius, and however I am styled,
prytanis in office of Oxyrhynchus, to his dearest Aurelius Leonides, strategus, greeting.
A written list of those from whom are to be exacted the sums which they owe to the city,
and which are to be used in payment of moneys payable from the account of the city, is
hereby given you in order that there may be no hindrance in collecting the revenues of the
most sacred Treasury. They are Aurelius..., Aurelius Apollonius, and Aurelius Domitianus,
all three sons of Sarapion also called . . ., ex-agoranomus, 400 drachmae.. .’

7. With ἀφ᾽ ὧν the sentence begins as if the object of ἀπαιτεῖσθαι, 1. 6. particular sums
of money or τὰ ἐπιβάλλοντα, was going to be stated; but this is not expressed, so that ἀφ᾽ ὧν
is practically equivalent to 4.

14. Perhaps [. . . . 6 καὶ ᾿ΑἸπολλώνιος, in which case δύο must be substituted for
τρεῖς in 1]. 15.

16. (δραχμὰς ἢ) v: av, 1. 6. Ailpydvos, might be read; but it is likely that the actual
amounts of the debts were mentioned, not merely the names of the debtors.

891. APPORTIONMENT OF DUTIES TO AN EXEGETES.
11-8 x 6-7 cm. A.D. 294.

A letter from the boule of Oxyrhynchus to an exegetes, acquainting him
with the fact that he had been chosen to act in his official capacity during part of
the month of Epeiph as superintendent or president in the discharge of certain
duties, the nature of which is uncertain (cf. 1. 11, note), the expenses being borne
in common by the whole body of exegetae.

The papyrus is written in a small very flowing cursive, and the surface
is much damaged in several places.

891. APPORTIONMENT OF DUTIES TO AN EXEGETES 209

(Eg ὑπάτων Ovadrepiov Kov-
[ olravr[ioly καὶ Mog:pua{voo
τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων Καισάρων.
? ~ “ ~ .
Οξυρυγχιτῶν τῆς λαμπρᾶς Kal
5 {kat} λαμπί(ροτάτης) πόλεως ἡ κρα(τίστη) βου-
λὴ δι Αὐρηλίου Κορνηλιανοῦ
diag. . () ἐνάρχου πρυτάνεως
’ “Ὁ A ,
Πτολεμείνῳ τῷ καὶ Σ᾿ αρμάτῃ
ἐξηγητῇ τῷ φιλ(τάτῳ) χαίρειν.
10 ἐξηγητοῦ ζητουμένου εἰς τὰς
α. [. ας ᾿Επεὶφ ἕως ις,
ΝΜ “ Ὁ A
ἔδοξεν ὥστε σὲ μὲν προ-
στῆναι, τὰ δὲ ἀναλώματα
ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν ἀπὸ
15 τοῦ τάγματος δοθῆναι: καὶ
φ “- 2 +
ἵνα τοῦτο εἰδέναι ἔχοις
ἐπιστέλλεταί σοι, φίλτατε.
and hand ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὐχί(όμεθα),
φίλτατε.

‘In the consulship of Valerius Constantius and Valerius Maximianus, the most
renowned Caesars, The most high senate of the illustrious and most illustrious city of
Oxyrhynchus through Aurelius Cornelianus . . ., prytanis in office, to their dearest
Ptoleminus also called Sarmates, exegetes, greeting. An exegetes being required for the...
of Epeiph up to the 17th, it was decided that you should preside, while the expenses should
be paid by the whole body of those belonging to the order. This letter is accordingly sent to
you, dear friend, for your information, We pray for your health, dear friend.’

1-2. The writing is much obliterated in these lines, but on palaeographical grounds
the papyrus can hardly be later than Diocletian’s reign, and that the Caesars are Constantius
and Galerius is, we think, certain. Probably the initial e was written large, causing |. 2 to
begin much further to the right than ll. 1 and 3.

5. The reading καὶ λαμπ(ροτάτης) is very doubtful, and it is not satisfactory to suppose the
repetition of «ai; but λαμπρὰ καὶ λαμπροτάτη are the regular epithets of Oxyrhynchus, and
though λαμ. ρ᾽ might be read for και Aap’, the letter before the supposed p would suit » or » but
not 7. σεμνοτάτης and ἀρχαίας, honorific epithets of Hermopolis (e.g. in P. Brit. Mus. 955),
are out of the question here.

ἡ. dao .,( ): διασημί ) or διαστί ) might perhaps be read; the letter following the
doubtful o has a vertical stroke coming below the line and suggests τ or p, while above this
is a long horizontal line possibly representing an overwritten A orp. But διασημ(οτάτου) and
διαστ(ολέως) are unsuitable to the context, and no title of any kind would be expected at this

‘210 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

point, so that it is perhaps safer to regard the word as part of the name of the prytanis,
though in that case the abbreviation of it is remarkable.

11. α. [. (ας "Eweip: the supposed s is very doubtful, and there may be nothing at all
between a (for which 6 may be read) and ’Emeig, but ἀπ[ὸ τῆς] a is unsuitable, for the lacuna
ought not to contain more than 3 letters at most, and even with ἀπὸ] a there is no stroke
above a to indicate a numeral; as there is over ¢ of «¢. Moreover, to supply ἡμέρας with τάς
and suppose that only the period and not the purpose for which the exegetes was required
was expressed; is unsatisfactory. We prefer therefore to read a . [. .Jas in agreement with
τάς, though rod Ἐπείφ would be expected.

14. ἀπὸ τοῦ τάγματος : this seems to mean the ἐξηγητικὸν τάγμα, for there were no doubt
several exegetae, just as there were several gymmnasiarchs; cf. Preisigke, Stddsesches
Beamtenwesen, Ὁ. 60; and 908. introd. That βουλευτικόν is the word to be supplied with
τάγμα (cf. C. 1. G. 4411 b. 5) is less likely.

892. APPOINTMENT OF A SUPERINTENDENT OF WORKS.

24:2 Χ 13:8 cm. A.D. 338.

A letter from the logistes of the nome to a member of the boule at

Oxyrhynchus, informing him that he had been appointed by that body to super-
intend the supply of wood required in building a public bath and a gate.
Though written in a formal cursive hand the letter is only a rough draft, which
has been subjected to correction, especially towards the end. The words added
between the lines are more cursively written than the body of the document, but
the hand seems to be the same; μηδέν added in the margin of |. 11 is almost
certainly due to the original scribe.

On the verso is a list of names preceded by a heading in two lines, the
writing being much effaced. Apparently the individuals in question were sent
to the Arsinoite nome to meet some charge.

Φλαούιος Εὐσέβιος λογιστὴς ᾿Οἰξυρυγχίτου
; ’΄ ’ € , ΄
Αὐρηλίῳ Πασίωνι ᾿Ωρίωνος β[ουλευτῇ
τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως ἀδελφῷ ε. [. . .. χαίρειν.
ἴσθι ἐκ τῶν ἐπισταλέντων ὑπὸ τῆϊς τῆς πόλεως
5 Κρατίστης βουλῆς διὰ τοῦ ἐνάρχου πίρυτάνεως
᾿Αὐρηλίου Νεπωτιανοῦ ἡρῆσθαί σε [eis......
A bd / uA >
τῶν ἐνχρηζόντων ξύλων εἰς... οσΐ. .. ««
j ἔτι δὲ εἰς
βαλανῖον καὶ [τ]ὴν κατασκευαζ᾿οὶμένην βορρινὴν
τῆς πόλεως '
πύλην, καὶ ἵνα τοῦ ἔργου [ἀϊντιλάβῃ καὶ διὰ. ταχέων

a I ") ...»..

892. APPOINTMENT OF A SUPERINTENDENT OF WORKS att

το ταῦτα ἐκκόψας παρενεχθῆναι ποιήσῃς εἰς τὸ
sha περὶ τὸ λοὑτρὸν [
= Me? 2 x ? \ x
μηδὲν ἔνεδρον γενέσθαι τὸ δημόσιον Kai πολιτεικὸν

ἔργον ἐπιστέλλῃ, ἀδελφέ.

ὑπατείας Φλ[αου]ΐωῖν ΟἸὄρσου καὶ Πολεμίου
τῶν λαμπρί[οτ]άτων ΤΌῦβι ιη.

4. ὕπο Pap. 9. iva Pap.

‘Flavius Eusebius, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, to Aurelius Pasion, son of
Horion, senator of the said city, his ... brother, greeting. Know that by the instructions
of the most high senate of the city conveyed through the prytanis in office, Aurelius
Nepotianus, you have been chosen to (provide) the timber required for the ... bath, and
also for the construction of the north gate of the city; and you are hereby instructed,
brother, to take charge of the work, and with all speed to get the timber cut and delivered,
so that there may be no fraud in connexion with the public bath and the municipal work.
In the consulship of Flavius Ursus and Flavius Polemius the most illustrious, Tubi 18.’

1. Flavius Eusebius occurs also in 85 and 86.

6. Cf. C. P. Herm. 83. 7-8 αἱρεθέντος ... εἰς συνων[ὴν ποιήσεἾσθαι καὶ [ἀἸνακομιδὴν ξύλων.
[εἰς συνωνήν is possible here, but does not combine very well with ἐκκόψας, [εἰς ἀνακομιδήν
or [εἰς ἐπιμέλειαν (cf. e. g. C. P. Herm. 67.8) would be appropriate enough, but are somewhat
long. For a similar notification of appointment cf. B. G. U. 362. v.

ἡ. δημόσιον would be expected to occur somewhere at the end of this line; cf.]. 11 τὸ
δημόσιον λουτρόν ; but εἰς δημόσ[ιον cannot be read, and though- the letter following εἰς may be
τ, and the doubtful o may be ὃ, εἴς re τὸ δημόσιον is also inadmissible. Perhaps the word
following «is gave the special name of the bath in question, but if so it differed from the
δεῖον βαλανεῖον (48. verso iii. 24), Kai(oa)pos βαλανεῖον (48. verso iv. 24), and θερμῶν ‘A8pravev
δημόσιον βαλανεῖον (896. 7 ; cf. 53. 6).

11-2. The words from ἔνεδρον to ἔργον have lines drawn through or above them,
indicating deletion, but ἔνεδρον γενέσθαι at any rate cannot be spared. Apparently the
corrector, whether identical or not with the original scribe (cf. introd.), at first cancelled these
words, intending to rewrite the sentence entirely, but changed his mind and merely added
what was required to restore the sense of the passage.

893. JUDICIAL SENTENCE.
12:5 X34 cm. Late sixth or seventh century.

The extraordinary grammar of this document makes it difficult to construe,
though its general purport is fairly clear. It isa decision or enactment (τύπος ; cf.
note on ]. 1) pronounced by three μείζονες (cf 900. 19, note) of a village concern-
ing some dispute, of which no details are given, between Marcus, another μείζων;
and Marinus. The latter, who was apparently the plaintiff, is declared to have
the right of imposing upon Marcus, acting through his daughter Sophia, a formal
affidavit (θεῖος ὅρκος), in which perjury would have serious consequences ; and

P2 .

212 THE ‘OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Marcus would then be free from further proceedings. If Marinus declined to
conduct an investigation by means of the proposed affidavit he was to be debarred
from taking other steps in the matter.

The writing is across the fibres of the papyrus.

+
+76 τύπῳ τῶν ἀξιω.Ἱπίστων ἀνδρῶν Παμουθίου μείζονος) [v\i(od) . cal. olv
καὶ Πανῖρεν ἀπὸ μειζ(όνων)
[υἹζοῦ) [1Πωάννου καὶ ᾿ἀπολλὼ ἀπὸ μειζόνων) vi(od) Φοιβάμμωνος ἀπὸ κώμης
Η Ἀπόλλωνος ὑπὲρ Μάρκου

ἀπὸ μειζόνων) καὶ Μαρίνου στιπποπραγματευτῇ, ὥστε Μαρίνου ἐξουσίαν

αὐτοῦ

(ntijcat τοῦ θε(ζίγου ὅρκον διὰ Σ᾽οφίᾳ θυγατρὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ Μάρκου ἀπὸ
μειζόνων)

5 καὶ μετὰ τὴν ζητούμενον τοῦ θε(ίζου ὅρκου διὰ τῇ αὐτῇ Σοφίᾳ α[ὐ]τοῦ δὲ
Μαρίνου

οὐδένα] λόγον ὑπὲρ οἱασδήποτε ὅλον τὸ σύνολον πράγματος. ἐγράφ(η)
paves)

Παῦνι [x0 dpa ἕκτῃ τοῦ ἡμέρας. δῆλα δὲ πάλιν ἢ εἰ δὲ μὴ OeAnoa τοῦ
αὐτοῦ

td “ ~ ΤΩ ed Ἂς Lad 7A ’ ; “-“ X 7
Μαρίν[ουὐ] ζητῆσαι τοῦ θε(ίγου ὅρκου διὰ τῇ αὐτῇ Σοφίᾳ αὐτοῦ δὲ Mapivov
οὐδένα λόγον
[ὑπὲρ οἱασ]δήποτε ὅλον τὸ σύνολον πράγμί(ατος) καὶ ἀπελλάχθην αὐτοῦ ὡς
ἐν τύπῳ.

2. [ωαννου Pap. 3. 1. στιπποπραγματευτοῦ. . . Μαρίνῳ ἐξ. αὐτῷ εἶναι. στε Of wore Over
an erasure. 4. 1. ζητῆσαι διὰ τοῦ... Σοφίας θυγατρός. 5. 1. τὸ ζητ.. .. τῆς αὐτῆς Σοφίας αὐτῷ
Μαρίνῳ ἔσεσθαι. 6. 1. οἱουδήποτε. ἡ. 1. Opa... τῆς np... . θελήσει 6 αὐτός. 8. 1
Μαρῖνος... διὰ τοῦ... τῆς αὐτῆς Σοφίας αὐτῷ Μαρίνῳ ἔσεσθαι. 9.᾽ π᾿ of δηποτε apparently

corr. 1. οἱουδήποτε .. . ἀπηλλάχθη.

‘By the sentence of the honourable men Pamuthius, official, son of ..., and
Paniren, of official rank, son of John, and Apollos, of official rank, son of Phoebammon,
of the village of Apollo, in respect of Marcus, of official rank, and Marinus, tow-merchant :
Marinus has power to make inquiry by means of the divine oath through Sophia, daughter
of the said Mareus, of official rank, and after the inquiry by means of the divine oath
through the said Sophia Marinus shall have no ground of complaint on any matter of any
kind whatsoever. Written on the 29th of the month Pauni, the sixth hour of the day. It
is manifest on the other hand that, if the said Marinus refuses to make inquiry by means of

the divine oath through the said Sophia, Marinus shall have no ground of complaint on any ©

matter of any kind whatsoever, and Marcus is free of him as though he were declared so
by sentence.’

—e eS

ΣΝ

8938. JUDICIAL SENTENCE 213

1. For τύπος in the sense of ordinance or decree, found in late Greek, cf. P. Brit. Mus.
71: 45-7 μηδὲ προσέλευσιν κατὰ cov... ποιήσασθαι... μηδὲ αἰτῆσαι θεῖον καὶ πραγματικὸν τύπον
πρὸς τήνδε τὴν διαθήκην, Justin. ov. 113 tit. θείους τύπους ἢ θείας κελεύσεις..

ἀξιωΐ Ἰπίστων : ἀξιοπίστων must be intended (cf. e.g. P. Brit. Mus. 77. 68 ἀξιοπίστων
μαρτύρων) ; but the space between and z is so wide that it is difficult to suppose that nothing
intervened. ἀξιω[ν]πίστων may have been written, but not ἀξίω[ν καί].

7-9. This clause is added as a postscript to provide for the contingency of Marinus
refusing to acquiesce in the form of investigation prescribed. Something seems to have
been written between πάλιν and εἰ, and the traces may be read as 7; but the expression is
very clumsy.

(4) DECLARATIONS TO OFFICIALS

894. LATIN DECLARATION OF BIRTH.
9:4 X Io-8 cm. A.D. 194-6. Plate V1.

Declarations of the birth of children are of frequent occurrence among
Egyptian papyri, but these have always related to peregrini and until recently
there has been no example of such a declaration made by a Roman citizen. Two
years ago, however, the omission was supplied by some wax tablets in the Cairo
Museum published by S. de Ricci, among which is a certificated copy, taken
from an official register, of a declaration of birth made by a Roman in the year
148 (Mouv. Revue Hist., 1906, p. 483; cf. Archiv, IV. p. 252). The formula of these
tablets, which are in Latin, falls into four sections: (1) Names of seven witnesses.
(2) Date (2) by Roman consuls and month, (4) by Emperor and Egyptian months,
Alexandr(iae) ad Aegyptum, descriptum et recognitum fac[ tum] ex tabula albi
profession|um libero|\rum nator|um] &c. (3) Date as before, Marco) Petronio
Flonorato praeflecto) Aeg(ypti) professionis liberorum acceptae citra causarum
cognitionem tabula v et post alia pag(ina) 111, xvitt k(alendas) Octobr(es). (4) Ti-
b(erius) Iulius Dioscorides ... fil(iam) n(atam) Iuliam Ammonum ex Tulia
Ammonartio xiii k(alendas) Septembres.... Were three chief points are clear:
the declaration was made in the Latin language, it was made at Alexandria, and
to the praefect of Egypt. A fragment of a tablet in the Bodleian Library has
been recognized by Wilcken (Archiv, IV. p. 267) as part of a similar Latin
declaration.

Another instance has now come to light in the following papyrus, which is
later in date by some two generations. In the meantime according to the state-
ment of Julius Capitolinus, Vita Marci, 9. 7-9, the formalities of registration had
been regulated by Marcus Aurelius, who ordered that declarations of birth should
be made within 3o days of the event at Rome to the praefecti aerariit Saturni, in
the provinces to certain abularii publict. We should therefore be prepared

214 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

to find in a registration of a date subsequent to this regulation some features
distinguishing it from one of the reign of Antoninus. Asa matter of fact, however,
these distinguishing features do not occur. Our papyrus shows the same three
essential points as the Cairo tablets: the declaration was made at Alexandria,
and to the praefect, and the certificate is drawn up in Latin, though followed by
the signature of the declaring party in Greek. The tabulari publict, whatever
that vague term may signify, do not appear. Prof. Mitteis, to whom we are
indebted for information on this question of registration, thinks that perhaps only
the praefectorial bureau is thereby meant. In any case it seems that the regula-
tions attributed to Marcus Aurelius had practically no effect upon the form
of a Roman declaration of birth in Egypt.

The scarcity of dated specimens of Latin cursive makes this papyrus palaeo-
graphically valuable. It is written in a clear and good-sized hand with occasional
division of words. Abbreviations and an ordinal figure in 1. 6 (cf. 787) are
followed by a single dot. «ὦ is sometimes supplied with an abortive cross-bar.
On the verso are traces of ink which seem to be more than blottings, but the
writing is too much effaced for decipherment ; it is probably Latin, perhaps.
figures.

[ 21 letters | anno [..] Lmp(eratoris) Cae[sa]ris L(ucit)
[ Septimit Severi Pit Perti\nacis Aug(usti) A[vabi|ci Adiabenict
[ΟΣ πε is Sahl. die... A\lexandr(iae) ad Alegypt\um,
[apud Marcum Ulpium Pri\mianum praef(ectum) Aegypti
eal 17 letters 270] fessus est filium sibt natum
BO... 13 |uum ex Ulpia Sabina xvi
[ Το 71. Ζαδ(ἐ ) [ΟἸχγγγπεῆῖο.
[ OBS) ἢ δηλῷ vidly μοι γεγενῆσθαι

7. [ojxyrynché Pap.

‘Inthe . . . year of the Emperor Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax
Augustus Arabicus Adiabenicus, in the month. .., at Alexandria on the coast of Egypt, before
Marcus Ulpius Primianus, praefect of Egypt... . has declared a son, named ... nus, born
to him and Ulpia Sabina on the 16th. . ., being an inhabitant (Ὁ) of Oxyrhynchus. (Signed)
I,..., declare that a son has been born to me...’

1. Probably one line is lost which with the first half of 1. 1 gave the date by the Roman
consuls and month, as in the Cairo tablets. The year may be the second, third, fourth, or.
fifth ; cf. 1. 4, note.

3. mense...die...: so the Cairo tablets, which also support the supplement ad .
Aleg ypt\um.

4. M. Ulpius Primianus is the only praefect with a name ending in -ianus who is

894. LATIN DECLARATION OF BIRTH 215

known in the sole reign of Severus, and though the list is not certainly complete the three
praefects who held office during this short period cover it quite sufficiently. There is
therefore good ground for identifying the praefect of the papyrus with Primianus, whose
name occurs in two inscriptions, (.1, . 4863. iv of a.p. 194-5 and C.I.L. III. 51 of
Feb. 24, 196, and in B.G. U. 973. 6 (undated). Mantennius Sabinus was still praefect on
April 21, 194 (Archiv, 11. p. 447, πο. 77),and Aemilius Saturninus had entered office before
July 11, 197 (B.G. U. 15. ii. 1). The limits of Primianus’ praefecture are thus from the
second to the fifth years of Severus.

4-5. Cf. Vita Gordiant 4. 8 apud praefectum aerarit more Romano professus filium. The
lacuna at the beginning οὗ]. 5 was filled by the name of the father.

6. }zum is the termination of the son’s name, and v7 refers to the day of the month
on which the birth occurred, and which was given according to the Roman calendar; cf.
the Cairo tablets, section (4). According to the law attributed to Marcus Aurelius (cf.
introd.) the registration had to be made znira tricensimum diem ; it is noticeable that the
Cairo tablets are already in accordance with this regulation.

7. If hab- stands for Aadztans referring to the name of the father, it is somewhat out
of its place. Perhaps a plural participle was intended, connecting loosely with both parents.
[Olxyryncho should then in either case strictly be [O]xyrynchz, unless [ O]xyryncho(rum) (sc.
urbe) be read.

895. RETURN OF VILLAGE-ACCOUNTS.
19 X 15:4 cm. A.D: 305.
A statement rendered to the logistes of the nome by two comarchs of
the village of Tampeti, of the village-accounts for two months. Most of its
details are lost through the mutilation of the papyrus. The report was required
in consequence of an order of the praefect (cf. e.g. P. Tebt. 336) Clodius Culcianus,
for whose period of office a new date is supplied ; cf. note on 1. 8. The document
has been joined to another return of a similar character, of which only the
beginnings of the first eleven lines are preserved; addAov occurs apparently as
a village name. On the verso at right angles to the writing on the recto are the
ends of nine lines, apparently of an account of judicial proceedings. The last
three lines are: ]... ev /6 διάδοχος εἶπ(εν) τὰ πεπραγμένα |᾿Α]μμωνιανοῦ ὧν μνίαν
] κύριόν μου διασ(ζημ)ότατον.
‘Eni ὑπάτων τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶϊν Κων)σ[ταντ]ΐίου
καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων Καισάρων τὸ ε.
Αὐρηλίῳ Σ᾿ εύθι τῷ καὶ ἱὩρίωνι λ[ο]γιστῇ ᾽Ο ξυρυγχίτίου
παρὰ Αὐρηλίων Yaxdwvos Πετίριος καὶ Ψόιτος ι
5 Παταβῆτος ἀμφοτέρων κωμαρχῶν κώμης Ταμπέτει.
τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος κα καὶ ty (ἔτους) ἐπιφητοῦντί σοι κατὰ
κέλευσιν τοῦ διασημοτάτου ἡμῶν ἡγεμόνος
Κλωδίου Κουλκιανοῦ τοὺς κωμητίικο]ὺς λόγους τῆς

216 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ἡμετέρας κώμης μηνῶν δύο τοῦ τε Φαρμοῦθι
10 καὶ τοῦ Παχὼν ἀναγκίαιωϊν ἡγ]ησάμενοι ἐπι-
δίδομεν ἵν εἰδέναι [ἔχῃ]ς. [ἔϊστι δέ'
τιμῆς χάρτου καὶ γράπίτρων ... .]. ελίας ἐργατῶν
τριῶν ἀποσταλέντίων ., .. . .) ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνα (δραχμαὶ) pk,
τιμῆς χάρτου καὶ γράπίτρων... edijas ἄλλου ἐργάτου ἑνὸς
15 [ἀποστ]αλέντων ἐπὶ [τὴν ..... ἡΠιτῶν πόλιν (δραχμαὶ) pl

[yi(vovrat)] ὁμοῦ (δραχμαὶ) σί. . «......1 pue[eeeees
[.... τοῖνύμεν, de Tol

[----] μεταφορὰ πὶ
[-.«.... 7 Μικρὰν "Ο[ασιῆν. [
ΟΣ 1 ελί. A |
[.. +. παρ]εσχήϊκαμεὶν [
Remains of 4 more lines, below which the papyrus breaks off.

10. 1. dvayx{ai lol». 15. 1. ἀποσταλέντος.

‘In the consulship of our lords Constantius and Maximianus, most renowned Caesars,
for the fifth time. To Aurelius Seuthes also called Horion, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite
nome, from Aurelius Sakaon son of Petiris, and Aurelius Psois son of Patabes, both comarchs
of the village of Tampeti. In reply to your request in the present 21st which = the 13th
year, in accordance with the order of his excellency the praefect Clodius Culcianus, for the
village-accounts of our village in the two months Pharmouthi and Pachon, we, regarding
this as a necessary duty, present them for your information, as follows :—For the price of
papyrus and writing-materials .., of three workmen sent to Babylon 120 drachmae ; for the
price of papyrus and writing-materials . .. of one workman sent to... 1[. .] drachmae; total
together 2]. .jdrachmae...’

2. The numeral ε is not very satisfactory, but is confirmed by the date in I. 6.

6. The years are those of Diocletian and the Caesars Constantius and Maximianus, the
year of the emperor Maximianus being omitted ; cf. e.g. the date in 71. 4.

8. Clodius Culcianus is mentioned as praefect in Feb., a. Ὁ. 303, in 71. The present
passage proves him to have been still in office at the end of May, a. "ἢ. 305.

10. Perhaps avayxewv was written; the space between « and ὦ is narrow for two letters.

12. γράπϊτρων Wilcken, who compares B. G. U. 1062. 20 τιμῆς χάρτου καὶ γράπτρων.
7. ἐλιας, however, remains a difficulty, for there is hardly room for καὶ ἐπιμ]ελίας here, and
certainly not in 1. 14.

15. ‘Ogvpvyx|trav would barely go into the space, and Βαβυλῶνα in |. 13 suggests a more
remote locality, e. g. ᾿Αρσινο)ιτῶν.

16. p seems to be the numeral; it is followed at a slight interval by a tall upright
stroke which may be « = 10.

17. Probably not ὄμ]νυμεν, since the statement of accounts is continued in 1. 18 sqq.;
ἐπιδείκ]νυμεν, 6. g., is more likely.

19. Mixpav”Olacry: cf. 888. 8, note.

896. REPORTS TO A LOGISTES 217

896. REPORTS TO A LOGISTES.
251 X 34 cm. A.D. 316.

These two reports addressed to the logistes Valerius Ammonianus belong to
the same series as 58, which was sent to the same official and is dated in the same
year. The first of them, which is numbered at the top 127, is also closely con-
nected with 53 in subject. It is an estimate of the probable expense of painting
certain specified parts of some public baths which were in course of repair ; and
these repairs were also the occasion of the report contained in 53. Some new
technical terms occur in the description of the work stated to be necessary.
This is followed by a medical report, similar to 51-2, 476, B. G. U. 647, &c. (cf.
988), upon an official in the service of the governor of the province Aegyptus
Herculia (cf. note on 1.29). The doctors certify that the person in question, who
was perhaps suspected of malingering, was suffering from a mild attack of fever. .

Color.
pkg.

Οὐαλερίῳ ᾿ἀμμωνιανῷ τῷ καὶ Γεροντίῳ λ[ογιστῇ ᾿Οξ(υρυγχίτου)

παρὰ Adpnr(iov ᾿ἀρτεμιδώρου ‘Apowéou ἀπὸ τῆς

Aapm(pas) καὶ λαμπ(ροτάτης) ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως ζωγράφου τὴν
5 ἐπιστήμην. ἐπιζητούσῃ τῇ σῇ ἐμμελείᾳ τὴν

σύνοψιν τῶν δεομένων τόπων ζωγραφίας

τοῦ εὐτυχῶς ἐπισκευαζομένου Τραιανῶν

Ἁδριανῶν θερμῶν δημοσίου τῆς

αὐτῆς πόλεως βαλανίου, κατὰ ταῦτα δηλῶ χρή-
10 few εἰς λόγον ζωγραφίας τῶν τε δεομένων

τόπων τῶν δύο ψυχροφόρων καὶ ἐμβατικοῦ

[θ]όλου ἑνὸς καὶ ἀρδρομηκιαίων ὅλου ξυστοῦ

[εἰσόδων καὶ ἐξόδων καὶ παραθολίων τεσσάρων

[τ]οῦ ἐξωτέρου ξυστοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τόπων
15 [εἰς μ]ὲν τιμὴν χρωμάτων ἀργυρίου δηναρίων

[μυριάδ.. 1. [. «ὦν ἢ « ἐου ἐωγραφίας ὅλων ἔργων

[ἀργυρίου δηναρίων μυ]ριάδαν μίαν: ὅπερ

ἱπροσφωνῶ. |

[ὑπατείας Kaixwiov Σ᾿ αβίνο]υ καὶ Overriov ‘Povdivov

218 THE OXYRHYNCHUS. PAPYRI

20 [τῶν λαμπ(ροτάτων) .......... ] (2nd hand) Adpa(Auos) ‘Aprept-
δωρος
[ἐπιδέδωκα. Adpy(Aos)..... Ἰων ἔγρα(ψα) ὑπ(ὲρ) αὐτοῦ μ(ὴ) ἰδ(ότος).

Col. ii.

[ βκη ] :
ΟἰὐαἸλ[εἸρ[ῳ Apporiave τῷ καὶ Γεροντίῳ λογιστῇ ᾿Ο ξ(υρυγχίτου) :
παρὰ Αὐρηλίων “Ηρωνος [.1. [-. - .. «Ὁ καὶ Διδύμου |

25 Διοσκόρου ἀμφ(οτέρων) ἀπὸ τῆς Dalum(pas) Kai] Aapm(pordrns)

| ᾿Οξυ[ρυγχ)ιτῶν.

πόλεως δημοσίων ἰατρῶν. ἐπίεσἸ]τάλημεν ὑπὸ σοῦ
σήμερον ἥτις ἐστὶν Φαρμοῦθι ς [ἐκ] βιβλιδίων
ἐπιδοθέντων σοι ὑπὸ ᾿ἀπολλωνίου ὀφ(φικιαλίου) ἡγουμένου
Αἰγύπτου "Ηρκουλείας Αὐρηλίου Avtwviov ὥστε γενέσθαι

30 [ἐπὶ τὴν] οἰκίαν ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ πόλει καὶ τοῦτον ἐφιδῖν
καὶ [ay ἂν καταλάβωμεν περὶ αὐτὸν διάθεσιν ἐγ-
γίράφω)ς προσφωνῆσαι. ὅθεν γενόμενοι ἔνθα ὁρῶ-
μεῖν αὐτὸν το[ὕτ]ον κλε[ινή]ρην ὄντα πυραιτίοις
αᾳ. [.ε.... [1 συνεχ[όμενον' ὅπερ) προσφωνοῦμεν.

35 ὑπατείας Καικινίου Σ[αἸβίνϊου καὶ Οὐεττίου “Ῥουφίνου

τῶν λαμπίροτάτων) Φαρμ[ο]ῦθι ἰς.]
and hand Αὐρήλιος “ρων ἐπειδέδωκα
πρ[οσἸφωνῶν ὡς πρόκειται.
grd hand Αὐρήλιος Δίδυμος ἐπιδέδωκα προσφωνῶν
40 ὡς πρίόϊκειται.

4. οξυρυγ᾽χιτων Pap. 7-8. τραιανων αδριανων over an erasure, probably of αδριανων
θερμων. 26. tarpwv Pap. 28. ὕπο Pap, 31. ey Pap. 33. 1. πυρετίοις.

‘To Valerius Ammonianus also called Gerontius, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome,
from Aurelius Artemidorus son of Arsinoiis, of the illustrious and most illustrious city of
Oxyrhynchus, a painter by profession. In reply to the request of your grace for an
inspection of the places requiring painting in the public bath of the said city now auspi-
ciously under repair at the warm baths of Trajanus Hadrianus, I hereby declare that for
the painting of the parts requiring it—of the two cold water conductors, and one vapour-
bath, and the entrances and exits of the entire colonnade, and four passages round the
vapour-bath in the outer colonnade, and the other places—there is required for cost of paint
... thousand denarii of silver, and of the... painting of the whole work ten thousand
denarii of silver; which I therefore report.. The consulship of Caecinius Sabinus and

896. REPORTS TO A LOGISTES 219

Vettius Rufinus the most illustrious, . . . (Signed) I, Aurelius Artemidorus, have presented
the report. I, Aurelius... on wrote for him, being illiterate.’

‘To Valerius Ammonianus also called Gerontius, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome,
from the Aurelii Heron son οὗ... and Didymus son of Dioscorus, both of the illustrious and
most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, public physicians. We were sent by you to-day,
Pharmouthi 6, in consequence of a petition delivered to you by Apollonius, officer of
Aurelius Antonius governor of Aegyptus Herculia, to go to the house in the said city and
inspect this person, and to make a written report upon the condition in which we found him.
Having therefore proceeded thither we saw the man himself lying on a bed seized with
a slight ... fever; which we accordingly report.’ Date and signature of the two physicians.

7-8. Τραιανῶν ᾿Αδριανῶν θερμῶν : the ‘ Baths of Hadrian’ are also mentioned in 54. 14
in A.D. 201, when too they were undergoing repair. Cf. 53. 5-6 τοῦ εὐτυχῶς ἐπ Ἰσκευα(ο]-
μένου θερμῶν δημοσίου Badaviov, which is evidently identical with the βαλανῖον here; the note
ad loc. is to be modified accordingly.

11-13. ἐμβατικοῦ [θ]όλου : ἔμβασις and in later Greek ἐμβατή are used in the sense of
a bath. For θόλος cf. P. Magd. 33. 3 and Mélanges Nicole, p. 282 ἐν τῶι γυναικείωι θόλωι.

ἀρδρομηκιαίων is an unknown word of uncertain signification ; παραθόλιον is also new, but
creates no difficulty.

16. It is not possible to read t}rép ζωγραφίας, since not only is there no sign of any tail
for the p, but a mark like an overwritten v would remain unexplained; the supposed v,
however, is more directly above the o than elsewhere in the papyrus. κεφαΐλεου for κεφαλαίου
might be read but is not satisfactory ; perhaps καὶ τεἸλέου.

29. Aegyptus Jovia, Aegyptus Herculia, and Thebais were the three provinces of Egypt
according to the reorganization of Diocletian. It was supposed by Mommsen (464.
d, Berl. Akad., 1862, p. 500), whose view has been generally followed, that Aegyptus Jovia
consisted of the western, Aegypfus Herculia of the eastern, portions of lower Egypt, the
latter coinciding with the province afterwards called Augustamnica; but the intrinsically
more probable hypothesis of C. Jullian (Rev. Ast, xix, p. 357) that Aegyptus Jovia was the
Delta and Aegyptus Herculia corresponded to the Heptanomis with the Arsinoite nome, is
supported, as the editors notice, by a papyrus published by Collinet and Jouguet in Archiv,
III. pp. 339 sqq., and receives fresh confirmation from 896. Mommsen’s theory, however,
might be reconciled with these two documents by transposing Aegyf/us Herculia to the
west bank.

31. καταλάβ[ ωμεῖν : or perhaps καταλάβίωμἾαι, the singular being used by mistake for the
plural ; the middle is supported by 51. ro.

33. κλεινήρην ὄντα occurs in the corresponding passage of 988.

34. The mutilated word is probably an adjective qualifying πυρετίοις.

897. DECLARATION TO RIPARII,

16:5 X 12-6 cm. A.D. 346.

A declaration on oath addressed to two rifarii of the Oxyrhynchite nome
by four inhabitants of a village, denying all knowledge of the whereabouts
of a certain individual whom they had been ordered to produce. On the riparii,
who were police-officers, see 904. 3, note. The papyrus is nearly complete; the
missing termination probably contained only the signatures.

220 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Ὑπατείας τῶν δεσποτῶν ἡμῶν Κωνσταντίου
τὸ 8 καὶ Κώνσταντος τὸ γ΄ «Αὐγούστων.
ud > ’ 4 v4 « 4 ’ A
Φλαουίοις Εὐλογίῳ καὶ Διονυσαρίῳ ῥιπαρίοις Ο ξυρυγχίίτου)
παρὰ Αὐρηλίων ᾿Αμόιτος “Npov καὶ Πατάπιος
5 Παησίου καὶ Σαρμάτου πρεσβυτέρου καὶ Παπνουτίου
Παησίου τῶν πάντων ἀπὸ κώμης ᾿Ισείου
Ζαπίτου. ἐπέθετο ἡμῖν ἡ ὑμῶν ἐμμέλια
ὥστε Χωοῦν ᾿Ἡρακλήου ὑποβληθέν-
τα εἶναι ἀπὸ τῆς ἡμετέρας κώμης ἀνα-
10 ζητῆσαι καὶ παραστῆσαι. κατὰ ταῦτα
ε ~ ε rf 4 -
ὁμολογοῦμεν ὁμνύντες τὸν σεβάσμιον
θεῖον ὅρκον τῶν δεσποτῶν ἡμῶν Αὐγούστων
ἂν XQ ~ a4 7 ee} ~
[μ]ήτε τὸν Χωοῦν ἔτι εἶναι ἐπὶ τῆς
ε = 7 vA IQ? ς “΄“
[ἡμῶν κ]ώμης μήτε εἰδέναι ἡμᾶς
15 [ὅπου πο]τέ ἐστιν, καὶ μηδὲν διεψεῦ-
[σ]θαι [ἢ ἔνοχοι εἴϊημεν τῷ] θεϊἤῳ ὅρκῳ

I. ὕπατειας Pap. 6. ἴσειου Pap. 8. ὕποβληθεντα Pap. 12. αυγουστῶ Pap.
14. τ Of pyre corr. from ὃ,

‘In the consulship of our masters Constantius for the fourth time and Constans for the
third time, the Augusti. To Flavius Eulogius and Flavius Dionysarius, riparii of the
Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Amois son of Horus, and Aurelius Patapis son of
Paésius, and Aurelius Sarmates the elder, and Aurelius Papnutius son of Paésius, all from
the village of Ision Zapitou. Your grace required us to search out and produce Choous son
of Heracleus, supposed to belong to our village. We therefore declare on the august
divine oath by our masters the Augusti that Choous is no longer at our village, and that
we do not know where he is, and that we have made no false statement, under pain of
becoming liable to the consequences of the divine oath...’

4. Zanitov: Or Ζαπίσου or Zayviov. The name of this village is new; cf. Ἰσεῖον Παγγᾶ
(899. 7), Ἰσεῖον Τρύφωνος (719. 14).

ΙΟ

898.

PETITION TO AN ACTING-STRATEGUS

221

898, PETITION TO AN ACTING-STRATEGUS.

23:3 Χϑ cm.

A.D. 123.

A petition to Hermodorus (cf. 714), basilicogrammateus and acting-strategus,
from Didymus, a minor, complaining of fraud on the part of his mother Matrina

in her capacity as his guardian.

It is alleged that Matrina, after various acts of

bad faith, had obtained possession of a deed belonging to Didymus and demanded
in exchange for it a document absolving her from all claims in connexion with

the guardianship.

᾿Ἑρμοδώρωι βασιλ(ικῷ) ypa(uparei)

διαδεχομένωι καὶ [τ]ὴν στ[ρα(τηγίαν)

παρὰ Διδύμου Διονυσίου τοῦ Kali
Φατρέως ἀπ᾽ ᾽Οξυρύγχων πόλεαϊς.
ἡ μήτηρ μου Ματρεῖνα ἩἩρακλήου
τοῦ καὶ Marpéov οὖσά μου ἐπίίτρο-
πος καὶ πολλά ple ἀ]δικοῦσα ἔτι
Ἂ », , 2 2 ᾽

καὶ πλανήσασά με ἐποίησεν εἰς
θασιν καταβῆναι καὶ γράψασθαι

? 3 Ν ᾽ ?
Διοσκόρῳ ἀνδρὶ ἀπελευθέρας
αὐτῆς ὄντι ἰδίωι αὐτῆς αδοτ. [|[.
ἀργυρίου ταλάντου ἑνὸς ἥμισ{ο}υ
καὶ ὑποθέσθαι ὅσα ἔχω ἐν τῇ ᾿Οάσέϊι
κτήματα [λαἸβόντα τοῦ Διοσκόροϊυ
γράμματα ἀπερ[ισπ]άστου. ἀναβάϊν-
τα δέ με εἰς τὸν ᾿Οξυρυγχείτην
μετὰ καὶ τοῦ Διοσκόρου ἐνήδρευ-

af If \ 3 ’
σεν ἄχρι ἂν αἰτήσῃ με τὴν ἀπερί-
σπαστον καὶ ταύτης ἐνκρατὴς
γενομένη καὶ ovvedvia ἑαυτῆι

A ~ 2 ~ > ’
πολλὰ τῶν ἐμῶν ἀνηρπακυίηι

11. ἴδιωι Pap.

20, συνειδυΐα Pap.

οὐ πρότερον ὁμολογεῖν θέλει
> “- ’ 3 - ’ 3 Δ
αἰτοῦσά ple] ἀντὶ ταύτης ἀποχὴν
τῆς ἐπιτροπῆς, οἰομένη ἐκ τού-
του δύνασθαι ἐκφυγεῖν ἃ διέπρα-
’ , a “A
gev- καίτοι Φιλονίκου τοῦ στρα(τηγοῦ)
>
καθ᾽ ὑπομνηματισμοὺς Kpel-
ναντος ἕτερόν μου ἐπίτροπον
κατασταθῆναι, οὐ πιστεύοντος
οὔτε αὐτῇ οὐδὲ τῆι ἡλικίᾳ μου.
χωρὶς δὲ τούτων οὐδὲ ὀψώ-
νιόν μοι ἐχορήγησεν ἔτι πρὸ μη-
νῶν τριῶν, ἐκ παντὸς θλείβου-
>
od pe εἰς τὸ μὴ δύνασθαι Kar αὐ-
τῆς προελθεῖν. ὧν πάντων χά-
3 7 > \ Ἃ
ριν ἀναγκαίως ἐπιδιδοὺς τὸ
ἀναφόριον ἀξιῶ ἔχειν ἐν κατα-
A QA ~ e > 7
χωρισμῷ καὶ διαλαβεῖν ὡς ἐάν
σοι [δ]όξῃ. (ἔτους) ᾧ Αὐτοκράτορος
Καίσαρος Τραιανοῦ Ἁδριανοῦ Σ᾽ εβαστοῦ
Παῦνι κθ.

21. ανηρπακυΐηι Pap.

222 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

‘To Hermodorus, basilicogrammateus and deputy-strategus, from Didymus son of
Dionysius also called Phatres, of the city of Oxyrhynchus. My mother Matrina, daughter
of Heracleus also called Matreus, who is my guardian and by whom I am much injured,
has ended by beguiling me and causing me to go to the Oasis, and to draw up with
Dioscorus, the husband of her freedwoman and her confidant, a ... of one and a half talents
of silver, and to mortgage all my property in the Oasis in return for a deed of release
received from Dioscorus. On my return to the Oxyrhynchite nome with Dioscorus she
watched for an opportunity of asking me for the deed, and after obtaining possession of it,
being conscious of the theft of much of my property, she refuses to acknowledge having it,
and demands in return a receipt for her guardianship, thinking by this means to escape
the consequences of her misdeeds. This she has done notwithstanding the fact that
Philonicus the strategus has decided, in accordance with a report of proceedings, that
another person should be appointed as my guardian, distrusting both her and my own
youth. Besides this she has failed to supply my allowance for the last three months, using
every means of oppressing me so as to render me incapable of proceeding against her. For
all these reasons I am obliged to present this petition, and beg that it may be registered, and
that you will take whatever steps you think best. The seventh year of the Emperor Caesar
Trajanus Hadrianus Augustus, Pauni 29.’

I. Ἑρμοδώρωι: cf. 714. 2, referring to the year before the date of the present papyrus.
In the previous line there [στρα(τηγῷ) should be read in place of [τῶι, for 898. 26 shows
that Philonicus was the name of the strategus.

6. én[izpo|ros: cf. 888. 9, note.

9. “Oaow: i.e. the Small Oasis (Bahriyeh) ; cf. 888. 8, note.

11. ador .{.: a substantive is wanted to be the object of γράψασθαι and to govern the
genitive ταλάντου in 1, 12. The letters ado are quite clear, and the next letter is
either τ or π. Possibly ἄδοτον is to be read; cf. 1. 18 τὴν ἀπερίσπαστον, and P. Brit. Mus. II.
361 verso 5 περὶ ἀδότου προοικ[ός : but this needs other support. For ἰδίῳ cf. 974.

15. γράμματα ἀπερισπάστου : i.e. a deed of indemnification, distinguished by the formula
ἀπερίσπαστον παρέξεσθαι or an equivalent phrase ; cf. e.g. 270, 286. 9 sqq., and P. Tebt. 392.
In ]. 18 the deed is called ἡ ἀπερίσπαστος simply. ἐν

22-3. The construction is mixed: οὐ πρότερον . . . θέλει would naturally be followed by
πρὶν ἂν λάβῃ, instead of which a participial phrase is used as if πρότερον were absent.

26. Φιλονίκου : cf; note on |]; 1 and 957. στρα(τηγήσαντος) is possible, if Philonicus had
resigned or died and was not merely absent temporarily. For the competence of the
strategi in the appointment of guardians cf. 888. introd.

31. ὀψώνιον : the allowance of Didymus was probably fixed by his father’s will; cf. e. g.
494. 16 ἡ δ᾽ αὐτὴ γυνή μου χορηγήσει τῷ υἱῷ pov K.T.A.

899. PETITION OF APOLLONARION.
35°3 Χ 25:3 cm. ; A: D. 206.

The recto of this papyrus consists of a copy of a petition from a woman
called Apollonarion, claiming on the score of her sex to be released from the
responsibility of cultivating various plots of Crown land in the Oxyrhynchite
nome. That women were legally exempt from the obligation to undertake this
duty was known from B.G. U. 648. 12-4 εἰς ἣν (γεωργίαν) γυνὴ οὖσα οὐκ ὀφείλω

899. PETITION OF APOLLONARION 223

ααθέλκεσθαι κατὰ τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν ἡγεμόνων Kal ἐπιτρόπων περὶ τούτου διατεταγμένα (the
correctness of Wilcken’s interpretation of that passage in Os¢. 1. p. 702 is now
confirmed against the view of Mitteis, Aus d. Griech. Papyrusurk. p. 48); cf. also
P. Tebt. 327, a petition from a woman asking to be released from the liabilities
of an ἐπιτήρησις γενηματογραφουμένων ὑπαρχόντων inherited from her father.

The petition of Apollonarion is dated at the end Thoth 1 of the gth year of
an emperor, who from the reference in 1. Io to the praefect Aemilius Saturninus
must be Septimius Severus: it was a very elaborate and composite document, giving
apparently the history of her case from the beginning, and quoting both her own
previous petitions and various official correspondence in connexion with them.
Since the papyrus contains only the concluding portion of the document, one or
more preceding columns being lost, and what remains is in far from perfect con-
dition, it is difficult to trace fully the whole complicated narrative, but the general
outline of Apollonarion’s proceedings is fairly clear. Her first step was to send
the petition which occupies Il. 2-32. In this she explained the nature of her
liabilities in connexion with the cultivation of Crown land (ll. 3-8) and the
difficulties into which she had fallen (ll. 8-14), and requested that she, as a woman,
might be released from the obligations and her place taken by men (ll. 14-20).
In support of her claim she appended an account of a similar application made
in court in A.D. 154 by a woman; which after the recital of earlier precedents
created by two praefects and an epistrategus was decided in the applicant’s
favour (11. 20-32). The fiame and rank of the official to whom this initial petition
was addressed are lost, but ll. 9-10 show that he was not the praefect, and
ll. 16-7 that he was above the strategus. The hypothesis that he was the
epistrategus can be supported by the possible restoration σὺ ὁ κύριος ἐπιστίράτηγος
in 1. 18 ; but since this petition seems to be identical with the βιβλίδιον which in
ll. 33 and 38 is coupled with an ἐπιστολή of the dioecetes, probably the latter
official was addressed, his name being Flavius Studiosus, as appears from a con-
temporary docuimetit on the verso (cf. p. 225). In answer to Apollonarion the
dioecetes wrote a letter, apparently to the acting strategus of the nome, at the
same time enclosing a copy of her petition. The text of this letter, as is shown
by 1. 33 ἕως τούτου τῆς ἐπιστολῆς Kal τοῦ βιβλειδίου τὸ ἀντίγρα(φον), occurred imme-
diately before ll. 2-32: ἐσημιω[σ]άϊμην at the end of 1. 32 may indicate the official
signature of the dioecetes appended to the enclosure. The date in 1. 33, Pha-
menoth 6 of the 7th year, applies to this signature, not to Apollonarion’s petition,
which was probably written a short time previously. Concerning the contents of
the dioecetes’ letter, it is clear both from Apollonarion’s reference to it in a later
petition (11. 44-5 καθὼς πρότερον ἐπέστειλας) and from the terms in which it is
spoken of by the acting strategus (ll. 37-8) that the dioecetes admitted the justice

224 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

of Apollonarion’s claims. The next step, as appears from Il. 37-8, was for
Apollonarion to write a petition to the acting strategus, Ammonianus, enclosing
the letter of the dioecetes and her original petition, and no doubt asking him to
give the necessary instructions to the local officials of the different villages
to remove her name from the list of cultivators. This petition to the acting
strategus must have been presented between Phamenoth 6 and Pachon 27 of the
7th year, for on the latter day Ammonianus wrote to the comogrammateis of
the villages concerned the letter contained in ll. 36-9, enclosing a copy of Apollo-
narion’s petition to himself, the letter of the dioecetes and the original petition,
and ordering an inquiry into the facts to be held and a report to be made. So
far the negotiations seem to have proceeded smoothly, but at this point a hitch
occurred ; for in Tubi of the 8th year (i.e. eight months later than Ammonianus’
letter to the comogrammateis) Apollonarion addressed a second petition to the
dioecetes, of which the conclusion is extant in ll. 40-45, while the lost beginning
of it presumably preceded the letter of the dioecetes which occurred immediately
before ll. 2 sqq. In this second petition Apollonarion began by quoting the
dioecetes’ letter in answer to her first petition, and the first petition itself (Il. 2-23),
then recounted the action of Ammonianus (Il. 33-9), and ended by asking the
dioecetes to give stricter instructions to the new strategus (whose name is shown
by one of the documents on the verso to be Diophan[es]), so that pressure might
be applied to the local village authorities to carry out the previous orders
of the dioecetes and to release her. The second petition of Apollonarion to the
dioecetes is, we think, the βιβλείδιον which inl. 46 is coupled with an ἀναγραφή and
ἐπιστολή as having been quoted in the papyrus. Hence the texts of both these
documents seem to have immediately preceded the beginning of the second
petition. The ἐπιστολή is no doubt a second letter of the dioecetes (to the
strategus or Apollonarion) in answer to the second petition: and with it we
should connect [ἐσ]ημειωσάμην in 1. 46, interpreting that on the analogy of
ἐσημιω[σ)άϊμην in 1. 32 as the official signature of the dioecetes appended to
the copy of the petition enclosed in his reply; but the identity of Aufidius
Ammonius, who also appends his signature in 1. 46, remains quite obscure. The
nature of the ἀναγραφή is explained by Col. ii of the verso, which seems to contain
an actual copy of it. It was a report, probably supplied by the various como-
grammateis, giving the situations and descriptions of Apollonarion’s holdings and
the names of the previous cultivators. Probably it was sent to the dioecetes by
Apollonarion along with her second petition to him, and was also included
by him in his reply. That this reply was, like the earlier one, favourable to’
Apollonarion is clear from the context, especially the words οἷς ἀκολ[ο]ύθωϊς x.7.A.
in ll, 46-7: the date at which it was dispatched is not stated, but though the

899. PETITION OF APOLLONARION 225

second petition was written in Tubi the reply had not taken effect by the end of
the year, for on Thoth 1 of the 9th year Apollonarion sent off yet another
petition, addressed, as we think, to the strategus. In this she began by citing the
whole dossier, which by this time comprised the second letter of the dioecetes, the
ἀναγραφή, and her own second petition with all its enclosures, and concluded
(Il. 46-50) with the usual request that the local officials should be instructed
to release her from liabilities. Of this petition to the strategus we take the
papyrus to be a copy, and, if so, the beginning of this third petition of which
the end remains in Il. 46-50 was the actual beginning of the papyrus. A brief
summary of the arrangement of this very complicated document, as reconstructed
by us, may be of assistance.
1 Petition of Apollonarion to the strategus (beginning)

2 second letter of the dioecetes

3 , lost
3 avaypapy
4 second petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes (beginning)
5 first letter of the dioecetes ᾿
ό first petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes Il. 2-32
4 second petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes (continued) ll. 33-5
7 letter of Ammonianus ll. 36-9
4 second petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes (end) Il. 40-5
I petition of Apoll. to the strategus (end) ll. 46-50

The chronological order of the documents is 6, 5, 7, 4, 3, 2, 1.

On the verso, the surface of which is much damaged, are two incomplete
columns belonging to three distinct documents, written in hands which strongly
resemble each other, but are perhaps not identical, and are certainly different
from the hand of the recto. The upper half of Col. i contains parts of 22 lines (the
last 8 being almost entirely obliterated) of a document quoting a ὑπομνηματισμός,
Among the words decipherable are 1.1 Jas ἀποφάσεως [ , 3 παροικί ) καὶ yewpy( )s
5 ᾿Αντωνίνῳ, 6 ἐν] ᾿Αλεξ(ανδρείᾳ) τῇ πρὸς Αἰγύϊπτ]ῳ, 7 mpd ς΄ εἰδῶν] ᾿Απριλλίων Φαρμοῦθι
ty, 8 Js εἶπ(εν)" καταφυγὴν ἐπὶ σὲ τὸν κύρι-, 9 ov ] λέγων ἐδανε[ιἸσάμην, 10 κε]φά-
λαιον καὶ τοὺς τόκους. So far as can be judged, this document, unlike the two
following, has no bearing on Apollonarion’s case. The rest of Col. i is occupied
by a copy of a petition similar to that of Apollonarion, made apparently a year
later by another woman called Heraclia. It begins Διοφάνίει (or -τῳ), the rest
of that line and the two next being almost entirely effaced, but in 1. 4 sqq. is
a passage which is legible: ὑπὸ σοῦ ἐπιστάλμ(ατος ἢ) οὗ ear] ἀντίγρα(φον)"
Διοφ(άνης) στρα(τηγὸς) Ὀξ(υρυγχίτου) | (5) κωμογραμματεῦσι τῶν ὑπογεγραμμ[ένω]ν
κωμ(ῶν). βιβλ(ιδίων) δοθέντ(ων) μοι | (6) ὑπὸ ᾿ἩἩρακλείας Θέωνος ᾧ ἀνείλημπται)
ἀντίγρα(φον) ἐπιστολ(ῆς) γραφείσ(ης) ὑπὸ | (7) Φλαυίου Στουδιώσου τοῦ κρα(τίστου)

226 THE OXRYHYNCHUS PAPYRI

διοικ(ητοῦ) περὶ [ylewpy(tas) δημοσίας γῆς ὡς οὐ | (8) προσηκούσης αὐτῇ ἀντίγρα(φον)
ἐπιστέλλε(ται) ὑμῖν ὅπως eLerdoavr(es) | (9) κατὰ τὸ ἀκρειβέστερον τω. .. . « ««...οὖ ]
ἀκ[όλο]υθόν ἐστιν tT... | (10) σεσημ(είωμαι), (ἔτους) ἡ Μεσο(ρὴ) ἐπα(γομένων) ε. With
this letter of Diophanes cf. the almost identical letter of Ammonianus in ll. 36-9
of the recto. Then follows a copy of the petition to Diophanes from Heraclia
enclosing a letter of the dioecetes Flavius Studiosus, but these two documents,
which continue up to the end of 1. 17, are in a hopeless condition. In 1. 18 sqq.
is what appears to be a short imperial decree bearing upon the immunity of
women from γεωργία and beginning Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Λούκ(ιος) Σεπτίμ(ιος) Σεουῆρος
Εὐσεβ(ής): the words γυναιξὶν δικαίας παραιτήσεως occur in |. 21, and a date,
ἡ (€rovs) Φαρμοῦθ(ι) in. 1. 22 also seems to belong to the decree, but the subject
of the two following lines, which are the last of the column and begin much
further to the right, is different. Col. ii has only the beginnings of lines, and
probably not more than about a third of each is preserved. The subject of the
first five lines is uncertain, but the rest of the column (Il. 6-45) is occupied
by a document bearing upon Apollonarion’s case, being we think a copy of the
ἀναγραφή referred to in l. 46 of the recto (cf. p. 224). It begins (1. 6) δηλοῦμ(εν)
ἀναγράφεσϊθαι, Apollonarion is alluded to more than once, and there are numerous
references to lands at various places, including the νομαὶ Διονυσιάδος mentioned in
1. 6 of the recto, while lists of persons occur, in one case being followed by the
words πάντ(ες) dvt(es) mpoyéwpyo(t ?).

ge letter 1-5) «λ κ᾿. CO «τῷ δὲ
and hand [Φλαουίῳ Σ΄ τουδιώσῳ τῷ κρατίστῳ διοικητῇ παρὰ ᾿Απ)]ολλωναρίου τῆς
[καὶ ᾿ἀριστάνδρας ᾿ἀριστάνδρου μη-

[rpos Δι]δύμης τῆἰς...... ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Οξυρυγχειτῶν] πόλεως. τῆς
εὐμενεϊστάτης 19 letters

[τις me Ἰρυνεν ἐπι 25 letters 1. ἐχθέσθαι ἐπὶ τὸ Kar ἐμὲ
σί 25 letters

5 ἡ ες deo: Jerouer . ik ἐν {Πρ δεν abies lols is ae Tod] ‘Ogupvy-
χείτου ὡς συνα.Ϊ 25 letters

[- - πἸερ[] μὲν πόλιν (ἀρούρας) κ, πίερ)! ὶ δὲ. Χύσιν ἐκ [τ]ῶν νομῶν

᾿ Διονυσιάδοϊς (ἀρούρας). καὶ περὶ ...... (ἀρούρας) . καὶ

πἸερὶ τὸ ᾿Ισῖον Παγγᾷᾶ (ἀρούρας) pt καὶ περὶ Σ᾽ ερ[ῦ)φιν (ἀρούρας) Anz

καὶ περὶ Σενεκελεὺ καὶ Κεῖ 25 letters

~+.Jgos. és ὅσον μὲν οὖν δύναμίς por ὑπῆρχεν ταύτας ἐγεώργουν
καὶ ἀνΐ 25 letters

899. PETITION OF APOLLONARION 227

[τὰ τ]ελούμενα, ἐπεὶ δὲ συνέβη μοι Ex τε ἐπικλ[α]σμῶν κελευσθέντων

«ς Ν ~ ?
iat oe ew ies ὑπὸ τοῦ λαμπροτά-
10 [Tov] ἡγεμόνος Αἰμιλίον Σ᾿ ατουρνίνου καὶ ἐξ ἄλλων τινῶν ἀφορμῶν
καὶ σὶ 25 letters
> 7 , ’ > Γι > ra
[ἀνα]γκαίως σχεδόν τι διενιαυτίσαι pe ἐν τούτοις οὐ μόνον συνεχο-
μένην 19 letters ἀλλὰ
[καὶ] διὰ τοῦτο τήν τε ἐνδομενείαν μου καὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον κόσμον καὶ
τὴν ἀ.Ϊ 25 letters
[καὶ ἄϊλλα τῶν ἐμῶν πλεῖστα ἔμφορα πολλοῦ ἄξια ὀλίγου παντελῶς
; ἐν τῷ [ 25 letters

[εἰς Evdad|y pe οὐ τὴν τυχοῦσαν περιστῆναι. οὗ δὴ χάριν ὑπὲρ τοῦ
μὴ μεταϊνάστ]ην [we γενέσθαι... ... ..
15 [....Je€.. σίω)ν μόνων τραφεῖσα καὶ ἀνᾳ .. εἰσα δέομαι ἐπιδιδοῦσ[α
: τὸ ὑπόμνημα 21 letters
[... τὰ] συμβεβηκότα μοι καὶ ἀπαλλάξαι με τῆς γεωργίας τῶν προ-
, κειμένων [ἀ]ρ[ουρῶν καὶ γράψαι τῷ τοῦ ᾽Ο-
[ξυρυγχ)είτου στρατηγῷ ὅπως ὁ ἑκάστης κώμης πραγματικὸς πρό-

γνοιαν ποιήσηϊται 17 letters
[ a4 2 6 a > δ ? A 4 X ~ 7 ¢ a.
.. yewplylav γενέσθαι: ἀνδράσι yap ἔοικεν τὰ τῆς γεωργίας, ὡς Kal
σὺ ὁ κύριος ἐπίστασαι, 16 letters
[......Juarov διὰ τὴν ἔμφυτόν σου εὐεργεσίαν ὑπέταξά σοι ὡς
“ ἐμ δ ΑΒ
ετεραι ago [. | . [. δ᾽ ὧν By He Oo oes eve lv @
20 [dia] σοῦ κατὰ πάντα εὐεργετημένη. διευτύχει. (ἔτους) im θεοῦ
Αἰλίου ᾿ἀντωνίνου Θ[ὼθ 14 letters —

ἐν. «7. ertdos Πτολλίωνος, Σατουρνῖνος ῥήτωρ εἶπ(ε) Πτολλίων ὁ
πατὴρ τῆς [σ]υνηγορ[ουμέν]ης ἔτ΄. Ϊ. . . « -

[- - - .]. διετάσσετο γῆν βασιλικήν τε καὶ δηϊμοσ]ίαν περί τε κώμην
Βουσεῖρ[ιν καὶ Θιντῆριν καὶ Ta..[....-

[- .«...]. xos κώμας τοῦ ᾿Ηρακλεοπολείτου. ἐπεὶ οὖν ἐκείνου μεταλ-

a ? 27 N 4 » ε “

λάξαντος ἐπὶ κληρονόμῳ ταύτῃ οἱ [τῶν κω-

[μῶν] τούτων κωμογραμματεῖς παρὰ τὰ ἀπηγορευμένα ἐπιβάλλουσι
αὐτῇ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς yewpyiar..

25. . .»] κέκριται δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν κατὰ καιρὸν ἡγεμόνων καὶ ἐπιστρατήγων

5 leo ρ par ΕΜ

γυναϊῖκα]ς ταύτῃ τῇ χρείᾳ μὴ καθέλ[κεσ-

Q 2

228

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

[6]α[.1 καὶ αἰὐτὴ ἀξ]ιοῖ ἀναγεινώσκουσα τὰ κεκριμένα ἀπηλ[λάϊχθαι
τῆς γεωργίας ἀνδράσι μόνοις πρ[ο]σηκί οὐ-

[ση]ς. [Πα]Ἱρ[μ]ενίων εἶπ(εν) ἀναγνωσθήτω τὰ em] τῶν τοιούτων
κ[εἸκριμένα. ἀναγνωσθέντος.. .. - ..

δι]ατίάγ]ματος Τιβερίου ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἀπαγορί εύον]τος γυναῖκᾳ γεωργιᾳ.
. [7]... ατε[σῖθαι ἐπὶ τοῦ β (ἔτους) Γάλβα |...

εν καὶ Οὐαλερίου Εὐδαίμονος τοῦ ἡγεμονεύσαντος τὸ αὐτὸ κεκρικότοϊς
ἐϊπὶ τοῦ ε (ἔτους) ᾿ἀντωνί[ν]ου [...

καὶ Μινικίου Κορελλιανοῦ ἐπιστρατήγου ἐπὶ τοῦ τι (ἔτους) ᾿ἀντωνίνου
Καίσαρος τοῦ κ[υ]ρ[ίοἸυ, Παρμενίων εἶπ(εν): ἀκολ[ού-

[θω]ς z[ots] ἀναγνωσθεῖσι δύναται ἡ Ταθυνν. ... . τῆς γεω[ρ)γίας
ἄπηλλαχθαι ales sis es Bea [...]rol.| . «a ΠΣ

ἑϊτ]έρο[υ]ς [γ]εωργοὺς εἰς τὴν γεωργίαν μεταδιατάξαι. ᾿Απολλ[ων]άριον
ἡ καὶ ᾿ἀριστάνδρα ἐπιδέδωκα. ἐσημια[σἸ]άϊμην.

[- .](€rous) ¢ Φαμενὼθ ς. ἕως τούτου τῆς ἐπιστολῆς καὶ τοῦ βιβλ[ε]ιδίου
τὸ ἀντίγρα(φον). πρὸς ἣν ἀκολούθως

[π]ο[Πῶν ὁ τοῦ νομοῦ βασιλικὸς γραμματεὺς ᾿ἀμμωνιανὸς διαδεχόμενος
τὴν στρατηγίαν ἐπέστειλεν τοῖς

πραγματικοῖς τῶν κωμῶν περὶ As) ἐστιν τὰ ἐδάφη ὡς ὑποτέτακται"

Ap[ploviavds βασιλικὸς γραμματεὺς διαδεχόμενος τὴν] στρατηγίαν
κωμογραμματεῖ Χύσεως καὶ ἄλλων κω-

μῶν. βιβλειδίων δοθέντων μοι ὑπὸ ᾿Απολλωναρίου τῆς] καὶ ‘Apto-

- 3 7 2 X ~ -
τάνδρας ᾧ ἀνείλημπται ἐπιστολὴ τοῦ κραϊτίστου
δι[οἹικητοῦ ἔτι δὲ καὶ βιβλείδιον περὶ γεωργίας ἣν ἐδήλ[ω)σεν μὴ
U4 bE ἃς ef 2 , « “
προσήκειν αὐτῇ, τὸ ἕτερον ἐπιστέλλεται ὑμῖν
ed ἈΝ Ν 2 x £7 7 le 2
ὅπως κατὰ τὰ κεκριμένα τὴν ἐξέτασιν ποιησάμενοι δηλώσητέ pot.
ἐσημιωσάμ(ην). (ἔτους) ¢ Παχὼν κέ.
δέον οὖν τὴν μεταδιαταγὴν ἑτέροις γενέσθαι κατὰ τὰ γραφέντα ὑπὸ
σοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀπαίτησιν τῶν φόρων παϊ-
[pla τῶν γεγεωργηκότων, ὅθεν δέομαι ἐὰν σοῦ τῇ τύχ[ῃ] δόξῃ [κἸελεῦσαι
ἐπιστρεφέστερον γραφῆναι τῷ νῦν
στ[ρ]ατηγῷ τοῦ νομοῦ ὅπως ἐπαναγκάσῃ τοὺς μὲν πρ[α]γματικοὺς κατὰ
τὰ ἐπ... ...... ἐπιστ(αλλ[ζέϊντα αὐτίοῖς
τὴ]ν μεταδιαταγὴν ποιήσασθαι, τοὺς δὲ πράκτορας τὴν ἀπαίτηϊσιν

π]οιήσασθαι παρὰ] τῶν ἀντιποιουμένων

899. PETITION OF APOLLONARION 229

τί[ῆ]ς γῆς γεωργῶν, καὶ μὴ ἐνοχλεῖσθαί pe γυναῖκα odolaly ἄνανδρον
' καὶ ἀβοήθητον, καθὼς [π]ρότερον ἐπίέ-

45 σ[τ]είλας περὶ τούτου, iv’ ὦ εὐεργετημένη. διευτύχει. ᾿ΑπἼολλω
νάϊρ]ιον ἡ καὶ ᾿Δἀριστάνδρα ἐπιδέδωκα. (ἔτους) ἡ Τῦβι yf.

[ἐσ]ημιωσάμ(ην). Adpidtos ᾿Αμμώνιος ἐσημ(ειωσάμην). ἕως τούτου τ[ὸ]
βιβλείδι ον καὶ ἡ dvayplalpy καὶ ἡ ἐπιστολή" οἷς ἀκολ[ο]ύθα[ς

[ἀξιῶ ἐπιστεῖλαί σε τοῖς τῶν τόπων πραγματικοῖς ὅπως] καθ᾽ (ἃ) ἠξίωσα
τὴν μ[ετα]διαταγὴν ποιήσωνται πρὸς

τὸ καὶ τοὺς πράκτορας τὴν ἀπαίτησιν τῶν ὀφειλομένων ποιήσασθαι

map ὧν προσήκει. (érovs) 0 Θὼθ a.
[4πολλ]ωνάριον ἡ καὶ ᾿ἀριστάνδρα Apiordvdpov ἐπιδέδωκα. Κορνήλιος
; Πεκύσιος ἐπιγέγραμμαι α[ὐ]τῆς κύριος.

ἘΞ ροῦν": Ἰς ὑπηρέτης ἐπήϊν]εγκα. (ἔτους) 6 Θὼθ a.

4. 1. ἐκθέσθαι. πι οἵ em above the line. 4. ἴσιον Pap. 8. ὕπηρχεν Pap. 14. ὕπερ
Pap. 19. ὕπεταξα Pap. 25. ὕπο Pap.; so inl. 37. 35. ὕποτετακται Pap. 38. ὑΐμιν
Pap. 47. σε added above the line.

‘To his highness the dioecetes Flavius Studiosus from Apollonarion also called
Aristandra, daughter of Aristander, her mother being Didyma daughter of . . ., of
Oxyrhynchus. ... (Iam lessee of) 20 arourae near the metropolis, . arourae at Chusis in the
pastures of Dionysias, ... 110 arourae at Ision Panga, 384 arourae at Seruphis, and...
arourae at Senekeleu and... As long as 1 had the power I cultivated these and (paid)
the taxes, but since it has been my fate as the result both of the extra levies ordained...
by his excellency the praefect Aemilius Saturninus and of other causes ... to have perforce
spent nearly all the year on them, not only being hard pressed . . . but also in consequence
(having sacrificed) both my household stock, my private ornaments, and... anda large
quantity of other property worth a considerable amount for quite a small sum..., I am
hence reduced to extreme poverty. For which reason, in order that I may not become
a wanderer ..., as I have only ... to live on, I present this petition, and entreat you (to
pity) my fate, and release me from the cultivation of the aforesaid lands, and to write to
the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome instructions that the official in each village shall
provide for the cultivation being performed by others; for men are the persons suitable for
undertaking the cultivation, as you yourself, my lord, ... owing to your innate kindness,
I have appended ...in order that I may be completely benefited through you. Farewell.
The 18th year of the deified Aelius Antoninus, Thoth .., in the case of ... etis daughter
of Ptollion: Saturninus, advocate, said, “Ptollion the father of my client was appointed
(to cultivate) Crown and public land at the villages of Busiris, Thinteris, and ... in the
Heracleopolite nome. He died leaving her as his heir, and since the comogrammateis of
these villages are imposing upon her the obligation to cultivate her father’s land in defiance
of the regulations forbidding this, and it has been decided by praefects and epistrategi from
time to time that women are not to be forced to undertake this duty, she too requests, citing
these judgements, that she may be released from the cultivation, which pertains only to men.”
Parmenion said, ‘‘ Let the judgements upon such cases be read.” ‘There were read a decree

230 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI

of Tiberius Alexander in the 2nd year of Galba, forbidding women to be made cultivators,
and a decision of Valerius Eudaemon to the same effect in the 5th year of Antoninus, and
another of Minicius Corellianus, epistrategus in the roth year of Antoninus Caesar the lord ;
whereupon Parmenion said, ‘‘In accordance with the judgements which have been read,
Tathun ... has the right to be released from the cultivation... , and other cultivators ought
to be appointed for the land in her stead.” I, Apollonarion also called Aristandra, have
presented this petition. Signed, the 7th year, Phamenoth 6. So far the copy of the letter
and the petition ; acting in accordance with which the basilicogrammateus of the nome and
deputy-strategus Ammonianus wrote instructions to the officials of the villages where the
lands are situated as follows: Ammonianus, basilicogrammateus and deputy-strategus, to
the comogrammateus of Chusis and those of the other villages. 1 send you a copy of the
petition presented to me by Apollonarion also called Aristandra, to which is joined a letter
of his highness the dioecetes, and also a petition concerning the cultivation for which she
declared herself not to be liable, in order that you may, in accordance with the judgements
on the subject, hold an inquiry and report to me. Signed, the 7th year, Pachon 27.
The change in appointment of other cultivators ought accordingly to take place in
conformity with your letter, and the rents should be exacted from the former cultivators ;
I therefore entreat you, if it please your Fortune, to command that stricter instructions be
written to the present strategus of the nome to compel the officials to make the change
in accordance with the orders which they have received, and the collectors to exact the dues
from the cultivators who claim the land, and not to harass me, a woman without a husband
or helper, following your previous instructions in this matter, that I may obtain relief.
Farewell. Presented by me, Apollonarion also called Aristandra. The 8th year, Tubi 1{.].
Signed. Signed by me Aufidius Ammonius. Thus far the petition, the list, and the letter ;
in accordance with which I entreat you to instruct the local officials to make the change in
the appointment as claimed by me, and the collectors to exact the dues from the proper
persons. The gth year, Thoth 1. Presented by me Apollonarion also called Aristandra,
daughter of Aristander. I, Cornelius son of Pekusis, have been appointed her guardian.
I,...8, assistant, have brought the petition. The 9th year, Thoth 1.

1. The nature of this much abbreviated marginal note, which is written in a larger
hand than the body of the text, is quite uncertain.

2. For the restoration Φλαουίῳ Στουδιώσῳ κιτιλ. cf. introd. p. 225.

9. For ἐπικλασμοί, which were special levies at intervals, see P. Tebt. 373. 12,
note. After κελευσθέντων a date probably followed.

το. Aemilius Saturninus is known from B.G.U. 15. ii. 1, a letter from him to the
strategi of the Heptanomis written on Epeiph 17 of the 5th year. His official rank was not
there given, but P. M. Meyer’s view that he was praefect is now confirmed by the present
passage and 916. το, where he is mentioned as praefect in Pauni of the 6th year; cf.
Cantarelli, La serte det prefetli di Egitto, pp. 63-4. The precise date of this petition of
Apollonarion to the dioecetes is uncertain (cf. introd.) ; it cannot be later than Phamenoth 6
of the 7th year (cf. 1. 32, note), and probably is not many months earlier. After Saturninus
the next praefect who is known is Q. Maecius Laetus, who held office in the roth year.

17. mpayparixds: cf. ll. 35-6, where by πραγματικοί are meant the κωμογραμματεῖς, and
ll. 42-3, where they are contrasted with the πράκτορε. The word seems to be a general
term for a minor official; cf. P. Amh. 107. 15 τῶν rod νομοῦ πραγματικῶν, P, Brit. Mus. 164.
ἡ τῶν βασιλ(ικῶν) ypa(uparéwr) καὶ πραγματικῶν, P. Flor. 57.54, &c. After ποιήσηται something
like ὥστε ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων τὴν γεωργίαν γενέσθαι is required by the sense. Possibly the previous
cultivators (οἱ γεγεωργηκότες) were to be reinstated ; cf. ll. 40-4 and the ἀναγραφή on the verso
(p. 226) which contains a list of these persons.

899. PETITION OF APOLLONARION 231

18. ἐπιστί may be ἐπίστασαι or some part of ἐπιστολή or ἐπιστέλλειν, but hardly ἐπιστῖρά-
tnyos; cf. introd. The construction of Il. 18-19 is not clear. ὑπέταξα, if right, refers to the
ὑπομνηματισμός appended by Apollonarion in 11. 20-32, and δέ has perhaps dropped out.
ὑπέταξας ὅπως cannot be read, and the word following ἕτεραι does not seem to be any part
of ἀφίημι.

21. 7. ersdos Πιτολλίωνος : the name of the applicant is given in |. 31 as 7 Taduw.... .,
where the termination is not -eris. Probably she had two names.

ér.[: perhaps ἔτι, γῆν being an accusative of the same kind as e.g, Aeschin. 3. 24
ἐχειροτονήθη Δημοσθένης τὴν ἀρχήν ; or an infinitive such as γεωργεῖν may have occurred.

25. ἐπιστρατήγων corresponds to ἐπιτρόπων in the parallel passage from B.G.U. 648.
12-4 quoted on pp. 222-3; cf. Wilcken, Οὐδ i. p. 427.

27. Parmenion, the presiding judge, cannot have been praefect, for on Thoth 1 of the
18th year of Antoninus (cf. 1. 20) that office was held by Sempronius Liberalis (B. G. U. 372).
Perhaps he was epistrategus of the Heptanomis, but that view is open to the objection that
in Choiak of the 20th year the epistrategus was Statilius Maximus, as is shown by 487. 1,
while B. G. U. 340, an undated petition to him, refers to events in the 12th year, so that
Statilius Maximus may have been already in office in the 18th year. Other possibilities are
that Parmenion was δικαιοδότης, διοικητής, Or ἴδιος λόγος.

28-30. For Tiberius Alexander and Valerius Eudaemon cf. Cantarelli, of. εἴ. pp. 33
and 49. Minicius Corellianus, epistrategus of the Heptanomis, occurs also in P. Gen. 31
which refers to the 9th year of Antoninus. Before Ovadepiov Evdaipovos, ὑπομνηματισμοῦ, not
διατάγματος, is to be understood, as is shown by the word kexpixéros. In]. 28 after yeopya
no compound of ἄγεσθαι seems satisfactory.

32. ἐσημιω[σάϊμην is the signature of some official and the following date refers to it,
not to ἐπιδέδωκα which marks the end of Apollonarion’s petition. The signature may have
been added in the office of the dioecetes upon the receipt of the petition, but since the
petition is itself an enclosure in the letter of the dioecetes, we are disposed to regard
ἐσημιωϊ σ]άϊμην as the signature of the dioecetes at the conclusion of the copy of the petition
which he was forwarding ; cf. 1. 46 and introd.

33. ἕως τούτου : cf. |. 46, B.G. U. 613. 25 and 36, and introd.

37. © ἀνείλημπται: a singular antecedent for 6 can be found in τὸ ἕτερον on which
βιβλιδίων depends, but the plural βιβλεδίων being probably used, as often, for the singular, the
writer may well have meant it to be the antecedent of ¢. Cf. the letter of Diophanes
quoted on p. 225, where the phrase recurs, but with the abbreviation of βιβλ(ιδ ) δοθεντί ).
For ἀναλαμβάνειν in the sense of ‘including in’ cf. e.g. 985 ὧν ἐπάνω ἀνειλ(ημμέναι) ἐν τῷ.
τοῦ ἡ (ἔτους) λόγ(ῳ) (δραχμαὶ) ᾽β, and B.G. ὕ. 168, 24 τὰ ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρου μέρους [λεχθένἾτα τοῖς
ὑπομνήμασι ἀνελήμφθη.

38. τὸ ἕτερον : τὸ ἴσον or τὸ ἀντίγραφον would be expected at this point (cf. the letter of
Diophanes quoted on pp. 225-6), and perhaps τὸ ἕτερον means no more than the ‘ duplicate’,

j.e. ‘copy.’ If it means the second of two βιβλίδια, and the plural βιβλειδίων in |. 37 is really
correct, these were probably duplicates, not two petitions to Ammonianus written at
different times, so that the sense would be much the same. None of the three documents
stated to be enclosed in Ammonianus’ letter actually follows in 1. 40 sqq,; the βιβλίδιον περὶ
γεωργίας is the original petition to the dioecetes already quoted in ll. 2-32, and the letter of
the dioecetes immediately preceded it, but the petition of Apollonarion to Ammonianus
himself does not seem to have been cited in the papyrus; cf. introd.

39. (ἔτους) ¢ Παχὼν κῷ: the traces of the figure of the year are very slight, and would
suit e. g. 7 as well; but the date of Ammonianus’ letteris clearly later than Phamenoth 6 of the
nth year (1. 33), the date of the communication from the dioecetes which caused it to be
written, and unless the date in 1. 39 is earlier than that in 1. 45 (Tubi of the 8th year) we are

232 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

unable to explain the relation of ll. 40-50 to what precedes, for Il. 40-5 cannot be regarded
as an enclosure in the letter of Ammonianus.

AI. τῶν γεγεωργηκότων : apparently the previous cultivators were to be made responsible
for the land leased by Apollonarion ; cf. zpoyéwpyo(«?) in the ἀναγραφή cited on p. 226. In
ll. 43-4 a different phrase is used τῶν ἀντιποιουμ[ένων] τί 5] γῆς γεωργῶν, and in 1. 48 they are
vaguely called ὧν προσήκει. ἐπιστρεφέστερον was suggested by Wilcken.

900. PETITION TO A LOGISTES.
24:3 Χ τό cm. A.D. 322.

A petition to Dioscurides, the same logistes who issued the proclamation
about the gymnastic display in 42, from a functionary who had been nominated
as an annual superintendent of the express-post, and who here complains of the
failure of certain donkey-drivers to support him in carrying out his duties. It is
badly put together, in spite of the comparatively high position of the writer.

The year of the sixth consulate of Licinius Augustus and the second
of Licinius Caesar, in which the papyrus is dated (cf. 42. 8-9), is still disputed.
The two most recent discussions are those of Jouguet in Comptes rendus de
l Acad. des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres, 1906, pp. 231-6 (cf. Archiv, 111. pp. 339-43),
and Seeck in Rhein. Mus. 1907, pp. 517 sqq., who uphold A.D. 322, and Viereck
in Archiv, IV. pp. 156-62, who decides for A.D. 323. Of these alternatives we
prefer the former.

‘Trareijals τῶν δεσπίοτῶν ἡμῶν ΛΔικινίου Σεβαστοῦ τὸ ς΄ καὶ
Δικινίου
τοῦ ἐπιφανεστάτου Καίσαρος τὸ β΄ [
Οὐαλερίῳ Διοσκουρίδῃ τῷ καὶ ᾿Ιουλιανῷ λοίγιστῇ ᾿Ο ξυρυγχίίτου)
παρ[ὰ] Δὐρηλίον Διοσκόρου Σιλβανοῦ ἄρξαντος βουϊλ(ευτοῦ τῆς
λ[αμπίρᾶς) καὶ λαμπίροτάτης)
᾿Οξυρυγχειτῶν πόλεως. πραιποσίτου μου ὄντος πατριμωναλίων

σι

δεκάτου πάγου τοῦδε τοῦ νομοῦ ὑποβληθέντος ἔτι εἰς κονδουκτορίαν

τοῦ ὀξέος δρόμου τοῦ εὐτυχῶς εἰσιόντος ἔτους, καὶ ἐχρῆν τοίνυν τοὺς
ἐξ ἔθους

ταύτην τὴν χώραν ἀποπληροῦντας ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐνιαυσίως εἰς τοῦτο
ὑπίοἸ]βαλ-

λομένων ὑπακούειν καὶ ἡμεῖν τοῖς ἐνχιρισθεῖσι πλῖστα δημόσια ἐπιτά-

το γματα καὶ τὴν χώραν ἣν ἐξ ἔθους ἀποπληροῦσι ἀποπληροῖν, παρεχομέ-

νων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀναλωμάτων. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιδὴ μανθάνω τούτους

900. PETITION TO A LOGISTES 233

, > ’ ‘ 4 3 7 "5 A QA
βουλομένους ἐνεδρεύειν τὴν τηλικαύτην ἀπαρέτητον χρείαν τισὶ μὲν
ἀπι[ο]ῦσι, ἐνίους δὲ διαβάλλοντας, τῶν ἡμερῶν τῆς ἀντιλήμψεως σ[υἹνα-
χθέντων τοῦ λιτουργήματος, ἐκ τούτου ἠπίχθην τὰ βιβλία ἐπιδοῦναι

ἀξι-
15 Gv τοὺς αὐτοὺς ὀνηλάτας ἐπαναγκασθῆναι Φαῦστον καὶ “Qpov καὶ
Χαιρέαν
, > »¥ eeu e ? , >» “ , A ,
πάντ ἔχειν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐξετέλουν κατ᾽ ἔτος τῆς κονδουκτορίας χρειῶν πάν-
[Ta τε παρασχέσθαι αὐτοὺς: ς)} τοῖς ἐνιζαυσίγοις ὑπακούοντες, καὶ
ἡ[μ]ᾶς διὰ τῶν
Ἂν Ὅς Ν 2 “- ’ὔ 3 “ Ν ΝῚ > ee
[αὐτῶν τ]ὴν ἐνχειρισθεῖσαν χρείαν ἀποπληροῖν καὶ μὴ εἰς ἀνάγκην pe
γενέ-
σθαι ἐντυἸχεῖν τοῖς μείζοσιν περὶ τούτους (2nd hand) ἐνεδρείας γεγενη-
μένης.
20 [ὑπατεία)ς τῆς προκιμένης Μεσορὴ ς.
3rd hand [Αὐρ(ήλιος)] Διόσκορος ἐπιδέδωκα.

3. Ἰουλίανω Pap. 12. ], ἀπαραίτητον... τοὺς μὲν ἀπιζόντας. 13. υ Of ενιοὺς corr,
ΠΌΓα 1. 1, σ[υ]ναχθεισῶν. 14. At Of λιτουργήηματος corr, 16, to Of κονδουκτοριας corr.
17. 1. ὑπακούοντας, 18. αν of ενχειρισθεισαν corr,

‘In the consulship of our masters Licinius Augustus for the sixth time and Licinius
the most renowned Caesar for the second time,.., To Valerius Dioscurides also called
Julianus, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Dioscorus son of Silvanus,
ex-magistrate and senator of the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus,
Being already the administrator of the imperial patrimonial estates in the tenth pagus of this
nome, I have besides been nominated as contractor for the express-post for the year
auspiciously approaching. It was accordingly incumbent on those who customarily
discharge such services on behalf of the annual nominees to this office, to render obedience
to me who have been entrusted with so many public burdens, and to discharge their
customary services, for which their expenses are provided. But whereas I learn that these
persons are desirous of acting fraudulently in respect of these important and unavoidable
functions, some by absenting themselves, and others by deception, and since the period
before entering upon this duty has become short, I therefore hasten to present this petition,
requesting that the said donkey-drivers, Faustus, Horus, and Chaereas, be compelled to
retain and to provide everything for the functions pertaining to the contract which they were
wont yearly to fulfil, in obedience to the annual contractors, so that I may with their
assistance perform the function entrusted to me, and not be reduced to appeal to the officials
upon this matter. (Endorsed) Concerning a case of fraud: in the consulship aforesaid,
Mesore 6. (Signed) Presented by me, Aurelius Dioscorus,’

5. The πατριμωνάλια are the properties belonging to the imperial pafrimontum, which in
Egypt in the Roman period were usually called οὐσιακά. The occurrence of the term
patrimonalia in the fourth century is noticeable.

234 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

6. ὑποβληθέντος : cf. B.G.U. 906. 10 ὑποβληθέντα βουλευτήν, P. Leipzig 40. iii. 17 τῶν
ὑποβληθέντων ὑπὸ τῶν B οὐυλευτῶν εἰς τὸν κεφαλαιωτήν.

κονδουκτορίαν τοῦ ὀξέος δρόμου : Cf. 188. 9. πακτάριος τοῦ ὀξέως δρόμου, 140. 7 σταβλίτης τοῦ
ὀξ. dp., P. Flor. 39. 6 γραμματηφόρου τοῦ ὀξ. ὃ. In P. Oxy. I. p. 219, &c., we took dé. dp. to
refer to the race-course, but, as Wilcken has remarked to us, the cursus velox or express
postal service is doubtless meant ; cf. Cod. Theod. 8. 5. 62 and Preisigke, Kio, VII. p. 269.
κονδουκτορία = conductoria is novel, and conduciorta is apparently not found in the sense
implied here.

12-3. For ἀπαραίτητον χρείαν cf. 904.9. τισὶ μὲν ἀπ οἹῦσι has no construction, and should
have been in the accusative. The reading is indeed uncertain, and the supposed m not very
satisfactory; but a participle seems required to balance διαβάλλοντας, and ἀπιο]ῦσι, but for
the case, gives a good sense. It is noticeable that ἐνίοις was originally written for ἐνίους.

τῶν Nuepav ... σ[υἹναχθέντων : Wwe suppose of υἹναχθέντων to be an error for σ[υ]ναχθεισῶν,
and the meaning to be that the interval of time remaining before Dioscorus had to take up
his duties had become short, This remedy is somewhat violent, but cf. B. G. U. 893. 12-14
οὗτοι of κεκληρωμένοι. . . avtirnpyfolyra τῆς dpxf... ὀλίγαι()) ἡ]μέραι ἐν μέσῳ εἰσίν, where the
sense appears to be very similar, and, for this use of ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι, e.g. B.G.U. 18. 14
ἀντιλαμβ. τῆς ἐγχιρισθείσης αἰ ὐ]τοῖς xpelia's.

15. On the duties of ὀνηλάται see Rostowzew, Adi, vi. p. 253.

16-17. πάντ᾽ ἔχειν is strange, but we can find no other suitable reading, and πάντ᾽ is
supported by the following πάντα. πᾶν τ᾽ ἔχειν. .. πᾶν [τε παρα]σχέσθαι would hardly fill the
space at the beginning οὗ]. 17. αὐτούς is practically certain in spite of the letters marked
doubtful, for though the ur could equally well be read as π, and vs might possibly be κι,
these alternatives give no word. The final s has been written twice over, once as a flourish
below the line, and again in the ordinary position. «mois seems to be a slip for ἐνιαυσίοις,
a word which has already occurred in the adverbial form in 1. 8; the mistake may have
been assisted by ἐνίους in], 13. τοῖς ἐνίοις is hardly a possible expression.

10. τοῖς μείζοσιν : μείζων and μειζότερος are apparently general terms for a person in autho-
rity, used in much the same way as ὀφφικιάλιος. The titles commonly occur without further
definition as e.g. in 894. 1, but are also found both in combination with a local name
indicating the sphere of influence, e.g. 158. 2 τῷ μείζονι τῆς αὐτῆς] Ταμπέτι, or with the name
of the person to whom the μείζων was subordinate, e.g. 181. 14 μείζονα Κλαυδιανοῦ, B. G. U.
367. 5 and 368. το κόμετι καὶ μειζοτέρῳ Στρατηγίου τοῦ πανευφήμου πατρικίου ; cf, the similar use
οὗ ὀφφικιάλιος in 896. 28. The earliest instance of ἃ μείζων that we have noticed is P. Brit.
Mus. 11. 214. 22, of the reign of Aurelian.

901 PETITION TO A PUBLIC ADVOCATE.

15X12 cm. A.D. 336.

This document like 902 is addressed to an official occupying the position
of ἔκδικος or defensor (cf. 902. 1, note), though in this case as a deputy. It
is a complaint of a woman against a neighbour arising out of a chase after her
pigs which had got loose; but the details of the story are lost owing to the

mutilation of the papyrus. On the verso are a few letters which apparently have
no relation to the petition on the recto.

901. PETITION TO A PUBLIC ADVOCATE 235

‘Trareias Οἰὐιβίου] Nerwriavod καὶ Terriov Φακούνδου
τῶν λαμπροτάτων II[alyav ¢.
Pdaovilw| ᾿Ιουλιανῷ διοικοῦντι ἐκδικίαν ᾽Οξυρυγχίτου
παρὰ Αὐρηλίας ᾿Αλλοῦτος Θωνίου ἀπὸ κώμης Τααμπέμο[υ]
ε πάγου. ἑἕσπερινες ὥρες τῇ χθὲς ἡμέρᾳ ἡμέτεροι χῦροι
δύο τὴν ὁρμὴν ποιούμενοι ἐπὶ ἡμέτερον ἔδαφος
γενώμενοι ἐν ὑδραγωγίῳ μηχανῆς τῶν ἡμετέρων
7 ἈΝ iA μ᾿ > Ν ~ a A ’ ‘
πέδων καὶ Παβάνου twos ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς κώμης, [καὶ]
« δ “ Ν ΕΝ Ν,
ὁ προιρημϊένος ΠΊ]αβᾶνος παρατυχὼν ἔχων μετὰ
10 χῖρας ξοίλιον .... wv τοὺς χύρους βουλόμειζο]ς
4 ~ nw ᾽ "
καὶ τοῦτο μ. ..[.....Jos μηδαμῶς ἀδικηθεὶς
ὑπὸ τῶν χύρίων ἀλ]λὰ ἐχόμενος τῆς πρὸς τοὺς

οι

χύρους €...[.. ὅτι] ἐμοὶ ἐπελήλυθαν βουλόμενος
οἰκατα .Ϊ 15 letters ]- as ἐ ph ἔκ τινὸς

15 ἰἀπο]νύας τὴν [........]r.[a]AN οὖν τῶν Body

[....]. ον avka.[...]..[. «1ημην. ὑπ αὐτοῦ

[ 23 letters Ἰκόψας ὡς ἐκ τῶν
i , ]..+.. οἷς τινὰς παράγετε
26 letters 1 θρασύτητι [...
20 [ » 9 Jovoa.[....--
I. ὕπατειας .. . Ter Tov Pap. 3. PAaovi|w] Ἰουλιανω Pap. 5. 1. ἑσπεριναῖς Spas...
χοῖροι : 1. χοιρ. also in 10, 12, 13. ἡ. 1. γενόμενοι. ἡμετερῶ Pap. 8. 1. παίδων. 9.
mpoipnplevos Pap. to, 1. ξύλιον, 14. ἵ pn εκ᾽τινος Pap. 15. 1. [ἀπο]νοίας . . . βοῶν.

16. ir Pap. 18. 1. παράγεται.

‘In the consulship of Vibius (?) Nepotianus and Tettius Facundus the most illustrious,
Pachon 6. To Flavius Julianus, deputy-advocate of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelia
Allous daughter of Thonius of the village of Taampemou in the fifth pagus. In the
evening time of yesterday our two pigs made a rush into our piece of land, and got into the
channel of the water-machine of our children and a certain Pabanus, of the said village.
The aforesaid Pabanus happening to be by, and having in his hands a stick, wished to
(catch) the pigs and (remove them ?) from the place. He had not been in the least injured
by the pigs, but full of... against them, because they had overrun me, wishing to... -
(I know not how?) unless from some madness...’

1. Cf. for these consuls, whose gentile names are not known from literary sources,
P. Flor. 96. 6 and 13, where Vitelli reads Ovi .[.Jov and Τετιτίου. With regard to the latter,
though the traces of the second rin our papyrus are excessively slight, the letter is guaranteed
by the comma after the first τ (see critical note). This mark, which is quite clear, would

236 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

not have been inserted if the next letter had been a vowel, and we have no doubt that the
supposed ε in P. Flor. 96 is a similar sign, which is sometimes so exaggerated that it could
easily be mistaken for a letter. Moreover, Tettius has the advantage of being a well-known
Roman name. Ov . [.lov may represent either Virius, as Vitelli suggests, or Vibius.

3. διοικοῦντι ἐκδικίαν : the occurrence of this phrase shows that Wilcken’s objections in
Archiv, 11. p. 127 to our supplement διοικ(οῦντι) [τὴν στρ(ατηγίαν) in P. Amh. 72. 1 are
groundless. Its precise significance is not yet proved, but we adhere meanwhile to our
original explanation that it means a deputy, and not the magistrate proper ; cf. the analogous
use of διέπων in e. g. 727. 5, P. Brit. Mus. 908. 13 and 19.

4. The village of Τααμπέμου is mentioned in 501. το, &c.

8. πεδων, if not equivalent to παίδων as suggested above, might be for πεδίων ; but media
in papyri commonly mean the lands of a village, not of a private owner.

Io. .... is no doubt an infinitive depending on βουλόμενος, but not λαβεῖν or λαβῖν.

14. Perhaps οὐκ οἶδα ὅπως. At the beginning of the line there is a vestige of ink in
front of οἱ, but if another letter was written this line was begun further to the left than those
above it.

902. PETITION TO A PUBLIC ADVOCATE.
31:5 Χ 39 cm. About A.D. 465.

A petition to a defensor (ἔκδικος : cf. note on 1. 1) of Cynopolis from a
cultivator, complaining of oppression and wrongful imprisonment by a member of
the senate. According to his own statement the petitioner would seem to have
been treated with extreme harshness ; but it is likely from his repeated offer
(11. g-10, 16-7) to pay any debt which could be established against him, that right
was not entirely on one side. A difficulty arises regarding the date of the
papyrus; cf. note on ]. το.

ΦΙίλα)ουίῳ ᾿Ισὰκ τῷ λογιωτάτῳ σχολαστικῷ ἐκδίκῳ τῆς ἄνω Κυνοπολιτῶν
[παρὰ] Αὐρηλίου Μακαρίου υἱοῦ ᾿Ιωσὴφ ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως.

πρ[ὸ τ]ούτου ὑδροπάροχος καθέστηκα καὶ γεωργὸς φανερῶν πραγμάτων
οὐσίας

τοῦ [τῆ]ς μακαρίας μνήμης Φοιβίάμμωνος τοῦ πολιτευσαμένου, μετὰ
δὲ τὴν τούτου τελευτὴν

5 ὁ τἱούτ]ου ἀδελφὸς Θεόδωρος ἐπισῆλθεν εἰς τὴν φροντίδα τῶν τούτου
πραγμάτων

κ[αὶ ττυρ]αννικῷ τρόπῳ ἀπέσπασεν ὀκτὼ καλὰ ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν βοικῶν
ζῴων,

καὶ [ἐστίλατο καὶ παρεσκεύασέν με ἀδίκως ἀναλημφθῆναι τῷ δεσμω-
τηρίῳ πρὸ

~ 4 ~ Ὁ πα , ᾽ὕ πεν ᾽ὕὔ - 3 “ tA
Tpl@v τούτων μηνῶν, καὶ EK τούτου συνέβη τὸ ὑπόλοιπον τῶν ἐμῶν Loar

902. ΡΕΊΖΤΙΟΝ ΤῸ Α PUBLIC (ADVOCATE 237

a x a 6 ΄ ~ 2 Ae ’ Ψ > \ 7

τῇ λιμῷ τεθνάναι, ταῦτα ἐμοῦ ἑτοίμως ἔχοντος εἰ καὶ φανείην χρεωσ-
τοῦντα

Μ΄’ A 5) ͵ ~ 2G 7 cv 3 , ᾽ -

IO αὐτῷ ἐγγράφως πληρῶσαι. ἐπὶ τοίνυν of ἔκδικοι ἐπενοήθησαν ἐν ταῖς
πόλεσειν

πρὸς] τῷ βοήθειαν ὀρέξαι τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις, εἰς τελείαν γὰρ ἀνατροπὴν
καὶ εἰς αἰχάτην

πεινὼων περιέστην ἕνεκεν τοῦ προειρημένου πολιτευομένου, τούσδε τοὺς
λιβέλλους

ἐπιδίδωμι τῇ σῇ λογιότιτι ἀξιῶν κελεῦσαι τοῦτον μετασταλῆναι,
πρῶτο(ν) δή πως μὲν

’ Ν 3 ~ 3 ἈΝ 3 δ “ ’ “ 3 7
Tapackevdoa] τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀρετὴν ἀποδοῦναί μοι ἅπερ ἀπέσπασεν
a v4 ’

τυραννικῷ τρόπῳ βοικά μου

15 ζῷα εὐθαλῆ καθὼς καὶ ἀπέσπασεν, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων τὰ δοκοῦντα τῇ
σῇ λογιότητι πρα-

χθῆναι ἀνεθ(ῆ)γναί τέ με τῶν δεσμῶν, ἐμοῦ ὡς προεῖπον ἑτοίμως ἔχοντος
πληρῶσαι

ὅσα ἐποφίλω αὐτῷ ἐγγράφως: μισοῦσειν γὰρ οἱ νόμοι τοὺς τὰ ἄδικα
διαπραττο-

μέν[ο]υς, λογιώτατε ἔκδικε κύριε. (2nd hand) Αὐρήλιος Μακάριος
᾿Ιωσὴφ ἐπιδέδωκα.

3rd hand μετὰ [τ]ὴν ὑπατείαν Φλᾳ[ουίο]υ Βιβιανοῦ τοῦ λαμπροτάτου τὸ β καὶ τοῦ

δηλωθησομένου Abdp kd.

I, tak, Pap. 2. twonp Pap. 3. ὑδροπαροχος Pap. 6. ε οἵ εκ COIT, βοΐκων
Pap. 9. 1. χρεωστῶν. II, οἱ ἴῃ τοις and αδικουμενοις written above η, which is crossed
through. 11-2. |. ἐσχάτην πεῖναν. 13. 1. λογιότητι. 15. Second π of ἀαπεσπασεν corr.
16. Some letters inserted above δεσμὼν have been erased. 17. First σ of μισουσειν corr.
from ζ. διαπρατιτο Pap. 19. opevov af blotted.

‘To Flavius Isaac, most learned advocate and defensor of the upper quarter of Cynopolis,
from Aurelius Macarius, son of Joseph, of the said city. In the past I was appointed
irrigator and cultivator of real property on the estate of Phoebammon, of blessed memory,
member of the council. After his death his brother Theodorus entered upon the manage-
ment of his property, and tyrannously seized eight fine beasts out of my kine; he also
sent and had me unjustly carried off to prison three months ago, in consequence of which
the remainder of my kine have died of hunger. This he has done in spite of my readiness
to pay, if written proof of any debt to him can be produced. Therefore, since advocates
have been devised in the cities for the purpose of lending assistance to the oppressed—and
‘I have been reduced to complete ruin and the extremity of hunger through the aforesaid
‘member of the council—I present this petition to your wisdom, begging you to order him to

238 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

be summoned, first of all bringing about the restoration to me by his excellency of my kine
which he tyrannously seized, in the same good condition in which they then were ; and for
the rest directing that what seems good to your wisdom should be done, and that I be
released from my bonds, since I am ready, as aforesaid, to discharge any debt secured in
writing. For the perpetrators of injustice are hateful to the laws, most learned lord
advocate. (Signed) I, Aurelius Macarius, son of Joseph, presented this petition. The year
after the consulship of the most illustrious Flavius Vivianus for the second time, and of the
consul whose name is to be declared, Athur 24.’

I. σχολαστικῷ ἐκδίκῳ : cf. 901. 3, 129. 3 τοῦ λαμπρο(τάτου) ἐκδίκου ταύτης τῆς ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν
πόλε(ως), P. Brit. Mus. I. 87. 85 ἔκδικος ‘EppovO(eas), B.G. U. 1094. I σχολαστικὸς καὶ ἔκδικος —
τῆς Ἑρμοῦ πόλ(εω)ς (1. πόλε(ως) }), P. Strassb. 40. 6 σχολαστικῷ καὶ συνηγόϊρῳ (?) τῆς] Θηβαίδος.
These ἔκδικοι are the defensores civitatis who from the year Α.Ὁ. 365 appear as regularly
constituted authorities in the provincial towns (Cod. Just. 1. 55; Cod. Theod. 1. 29). They
were elected by the body of the citizens, the decurions being ineligible, and held office
originally for five years, but after the time of Justinian only for two. Scholastici are
expressly named in Cod. Theod. 1. 29. 2 among the classes suitable for the appointment.
The défensores had a limited jurisdiction in civil cases and in minor criminal matters; their
chief function was, as described in ll. 10-1 of the papyrus, to protect citizens from oppression
and injustice—plebem tantum vel decuriones ab omni improborum insolentia et temerttate tueantur,
Cod. Theod. 1. 29. 7; cf. Cod. Just. 1. 55. 4 uf imprimis parentis vicem plebi exhibeas,
descriptionibus rusticos urbanosque non patiaris adfligt, offictalium insolentiae, tudicum procacitatt
...occurras, &c. InP. Leipzig 34. 10 of c. a.D. 375 the form δηφήνσωρ is used.

The σχολαστικοί were advocates employed in defending cases and similar legal work,
such as drawing up petitions; cf. Cod. Theod. 8. 10. 2, where they are coupled with
oficiales, and their avarice is censured: mec latet . . . scholasticos ultra modum accepts
honorarits in defensione causarum omnium et annonas et sumptus accipere consuesse.

3. ὑδροπάροχος: cf. 187. 22 ὑδροπαροχίίας) and P, Brit. Mus. Ill. 1044. 25. φανερῶν
πραγμάτων is similar to ἀκινήτων πραγμάτων in 126. 17, &c.

7. [ἐστίϊλατο is not quite satisfactory, the \ being doubtful, and the middle voice
unusual.

13. πρῶτο(ν) δή mas: OF πρωτο(τύγπως, as Wilcken suggests.

19. This date is singular, for the order of the words must imply that Vivianus had
been consul for the second time, whereas his only recorded consulship is that in Α. Ὁ. 463
(when his partner was Fl. Caecina Basilius, or, according to Marcellinus, Felix), and the
lists show no blanks in the years preceding and following that year, to which period without
doubt the papyrus belongs. For the phrase rod δηλωθησομένου cf. C.1.G. 3467. 3, 42. 9,
and 60. 12 τοῖς ἀποδειχθησομένοις ὑπάτοις τὸ y, P. Brit. Mus. III. 991. 1 ὑπατείας . . «]λείου τοῦ
λαμπροτάτου καὶ τοῦ ἀποδιχθησομένου : numerous other examples are given in Du Cange, 5. 0.
ὕπατοι δηλωθησόμενοι. Its occurrence in a date pera τὴν ὑπατίαν is unusual.

9038. ACCUSATION AGAINST A HUSBAND.
24-2 X 21-6 cm. Fourth century.

This singular document is an elaborate indictment of a husband by his wife,
who gives a circumstantial account of the former’s violent or insulting behaviour,
extending over a considerable period of time. The two, whose names are not
mentioned, seem to have been a young couple, united originally by an dypagos

908. ACCUSATION AGAINST A HUSBAND 239

γάμος, and subsequently by a regular contract (ll. 17-8) ; but in neither condition
could they succeed in living on terms of harmony. The present document, which
is unaddressed, was presumably a kind of affidavit used in proceedings taken
against the husband ; it is written in vulgar Greek, and in an irregular uncial
hand, the letters of the first two lines being much enlarged. The occurrence
of the word πολιτική in 1. 37 is of special interest in connexion with the much-
discussed Epistle of Psenostiris ; cf. note ad loc. On the verso are a few lines of
shorthand in two columns,

> > alr
Περὶ πάντων ὧν εἶπεν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ ὕβρεων.
ἐνέκλεισεν τοὺς ἑ[α]υτοῦ δούλους καὶ τοὺς
2 ~ @ ~ Ἐν Ν Ν ‘ ‘ x
ἐμοῦ ἅμα τῶν τροφίμ[ω]ν μου καὶ τὸν προνοητὴν καὶ τὸν
υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ ὅλας ἑϊπτ]ὰ ἡμέρας εἰς τὰ κατάγαια αὐτοῦ,

5 τοὺς μὲν δούλους αὐτίοῦ κ]αὶ τὴν ἐμὴν δούλην Ζωὴν ὑβρίσας
ἀποκτίνας αὐτοὺς τῶν πίλ]ηγῶν, καὶ πῦρ προσήνεγκεν ταῖς τρο-
φίμαις μου γυμνώσας αὐΪϊτὰἸς παντελῶς ἃ οὐ ποιοῦσι οἱ νόμοι, καὶ
λέγων τοῖς αὐτοῖς τροφίμοις ὅτι δότε πάντα τὰ αὐτῆς, καὶ εἶπαν
ὅτι οὐδὲν ἔχει παρ᾽ ἡμῶν, τοῖς δὲ δούλοις λέγων Haorry{y}o(v)uévous) ὅτι

ῖο τί ἦρκεν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας μου; βασανιζόμενοι οὖν εἶπαν ὅτι οὐδὲν

~ “ > ᾽ LY -- ΤΆ ρος . Ἃ Ἔα.
τῶν σῶν ἦρκεν ἀλλὰ σῶά ἐστιν πᾶντα Τὰ σᾶ.
ἀπήντησεν δὲ αὐτῷ Ζαίίλ]ος ὅτι καὶ τὸν τρόφιμον αὐτοῦ ἐνέ-
> a >
κλισεν, καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῷ ὅτ[ι] διὰ τὸν τρόφιμόν σου ἦλθας ἡ διὰ τὴν
τοίαν ἦλθας λαλῆσαι ἐπάνω αὐτῆς;
Ν aS ee i ’ “ 2 , 4 “ 3 ~ > ~
15 Kal ὦμοσεν ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ τῶν ἐπισκόπων καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ
καὶ τοῖς δούλοις
ὅτι ἀπεντεῦθεν οὐ μὴ κρύψω αὐτὴ(ν) πάσας μου τὰς κλεῖς καὶ ἐπέχω
αὐτοῦ ἐπίστευεν κἀμοὶ οὐκ ἐπίστευεν.
aA " Ped 7
οὔτε ὑβρίζω αὐτὴν ἀπεντεῦθεν. καὶ γαμικὸν γέγονεν, καὶ μετὰ

τὰς συνθήκας ταύτας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἔκρυψεν πάλιν ἐμὲ τὰς κλεῖς
εἰς ἐμέ. καὶ ἀπελθοῦσα [ells τὸ κυριακὸν ἐν Σαμβαθώ, καὶ ἐποίησεν
20 τὰς ἔξω θύρας αὐτοῦ ἐνκλισθῆναι ἐπάνω μου λέγων ὅτι διὰ τί ἀπῆλ-

θας εἰς τὸ κυριακόν ; καὶ πολλὰ ἀσελγήματα λέγων εἰς πρόσωπόν

μου καὶ διὰ τῆς ῥινὸς αὐτο[ῦ,] καὶ περὶ σίτου (ἀρτάβας) ρ τοῦ δημοσίου τοῦ

ὀνόματός μου μηδὲν δεδωκὼς μηδὲ ἀρτάβ(ην) μίαν. ἐνέκλεισεν δὲ

τοὺς τόμους κρατήσας αὐτ[ο]ὺς ὅτι δότε τὴν τιμὴν τῶν (ἀρταβῶν) p, μηδὲν
25 δεδω[κὼς] ὡς προεῖπον. καὶ εἶπεν τοῖς δούλοις αὐτοῦ ὅτι δότε συμμά-

xous ἵνα καὶ αὐτὴν ἐνκλείσωσι. καὶ ἐκρατήθη Χωοῦς 6 βοηθὸς αὐτοῦ

240 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

3 A , Ν ᾽ Φ, A 2 4 Per 4 3 3 ro
εἰς τὸ δημόσιον Kal παρέσχεν αὐτῷ EvOddapos ἐνέχυρον καὶ οὐκ ἠρκέσθη.
ἦρκα κἀγὼ ἄλλο μικρὸν καὶ παρέσχον τῷ αὐτῷ Χωοῦτι. ἀπαντήσας δὲ
7A ee 2? wo x Q ~s > »
αὐτῷ εἰς ᾿Αντινόου ἔχουσα τὸ πρὸς βαλανῖόν μου μεθ᾽ ὧν ἔχω κοσμαρι-
’᾿ ΒΕ. δ Σ΄. « oY 4 29 ~ ww + sh δὲ a , “-
390 δίων, καὶ εἶπέν μοι ὅτι εἴ τι ἔχεις μετ᾽ ἐσοῦ αἴρω αὐτὰ δί ὃ δέδωκες τῷ
an -~ MES Ν DS ΓΑ > we Ἂ Χ
βοηθῷ μου Χωοῦτι ἐνέχυρον διὰ τὰ δημόσια αὐτοῦ. μαρτυρήσαι δὲ
κι ΄ ΄ ς ΄ σι 5 pe a ,
περὶ τούτων πάντων ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ. καὶ περὶ ‘Avidd\as τῆς δούλης
~ ἂν “a 3 ~
αὐτοῦ ἔμεινεν θλίβων τὴν ψυχήν pou καὶ ἐν τῇ Avtivéov Kai ἐνταῦθα
>
ὅτι ἔκβαλε τὴν δούλην ταύτην ἐπειδὴ αὐτὴ οἶδεν ὅσα κέκτηται, ἴσως
΄ = Ν 4 ᾿" ων mf a x Fe ἣν >
35 θέλων μοι καταπλέξαι Kal ταύτῃ TH προφάσει ἀραι εἴ TL ἔχω: κἀγὼ οὐκ
> ’ ᾽ oN ᾽ ᾽ 1 27 ἊΣ ee \ na
ἠνεσχόμην ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτήν. καὶ ἔμεινεν λέγων ὅτι μετὰ μῆναν
΄ ‘ ; > = \ τὰ ε a
λαμβάνω πολιτικὴν ἐμαυτῷ. ταῦτα δὲ οἶδεν ὁ θ(εός).

1. ὕβρεων Pap. 3. ]. ταῖς τροφίμαις. 4. ὕιον Pap, 6. προσηνεγκεν Pap. 7. το of

ποιουσι added above the line. 8. 1. ταῖς αὐταῖς τροφίμαις. 9. μαστιγίγομενοι Pap. x7.
ὕβριζω Pap. 22. σ οὗ σιτου corr. from τ. 26. ἵνα Pap. 28. 1]. ἀπήντησα. αν}!
μαρτυρήσει. 33. Second ο of avrwoov Corr. 34. ἴσως Pap. 35. 1. we for μοι. και
added above the line. αι of apa corr. (?) 37. ικ Of πολιτικὴν added above the line.

‘Concerning all the insults uttered by him against me. - He shut up his own slaves and
mine with my foster-daughters and his agent and son for seven whole days in his cellars,
having insulted his slaves and my slave Zoé and half killed them with blows, and he applied
fire to my foster-daughters, having stripped them quite naked, which is contrary to the laws.
He also said to the same foster-daughters, ‘‘ Give up all that is hers,” and they said, “ She
has nothing with us”; and to the slaves when they were being beaten he said, “ What did
she take from my house?” and they under torture said, “She has taken nothing of yours,
but all your property is safe.” Zoilus went to see him because he had shut up his foster-son,
and he said to him, “ Have you come on account of your foster-son or of such a woman, to
talk about her?” He swore in the presence of the bishops and of his own brothers, “‘ Hence-
forward I will not hide all my keys from her (he trusted his slaves but would not trust me);
I will stop and not insult her.” Whereupon a marriage deed was made, and after this agreement
and his oaths, he again hid the keys from me; and when I had gone out to the church at
Sambatho he had the outside doors shut on me, saying, “‘ Why did you go to the church?”
and using many terms of abuse to my face, and through his nose. There were 100 artabae
of corn due to the State on my account of which he paid nothing, not a single artaba. He
obtained possession of the books, and shut them up saying, “ Pay the price of the hundred
artabae ” having himself paid nothing, as I stated before; and he said to his slaves, “ Pro-
vide helpers, to shut her up also.” Choous his assistant was carried off to prison, and
Euthalamus gave security for him which was insufficient, so I took a little more and gave it
for the said Choous. When I met him at Antinodpolis having my bathing-bag (Ὁ) with my
ornaments, he said to me, “I shall take anything you have with you on account of the
security which you gave to my assistant Choous for his dues to the State.” To all this his
mother will bear witness. He also persisted in vexing my soul about his slave Anilla, both
at Antinodpolis and here, saying, “Send away this slave, for she knows how much she has
possessed herself of,” probably wanting to get me involved, and on this pretext to take
away whatever I have myself. But I refused to send her away, and he εἷς saying,
“ A month hence I will take a mistress.” God knows this is true.’

908. ACCUSATION AGAINST A HUSBAND 241

8. τροφίμων : cf. P. Leipzig 47. 10. The τρόφιμαι here were apparently some girls
who were being brought up by the complainant, the masculine in |. 8 being an error.
A different male τρόφιμος is mentioned in ]. 12.

6. For the hyperbole in ἀποκτίνας cf. e. g. P. Brit. Mus. I. 113. 12 (4). 11 6 χρεώστης
ἐφόνευσέν με. The instrumental use of the genitive τῶν m λ]ηγῶν is noticeable.

9. παρ᾽ ἡμῶν (literally ‘on our side’) is practically equivalent to map’ ἡμῖν.

14. τοίαν is a slighting reference to the writer of this indictment. For ἐπάνω cf. 131.
14-5 μάρτυρας rods εὑρεθέντας ἐπάνω τοῦ πατρός pov, B.G.U. 29. 1--2 ἔσχον... ἐπάνω τῶν
ἐμῶν κλήρων (both of Byzantine period) ; the word is used in another uncommon
sense in l. 20.

15. With this oath made in the presence of the bishops cf. P. Leipzig 43, where
a bishop acts as a judge.

16-7. The insertion above the line is a parenthetical explanation of οὐ μὴ κρύψω.
κλεῖς,

22. Speaking through the nose aggravated the insult ; Cf. μυκτηρίζειν, naso suspendere, &c.
In Persius 1. 33 dalba de nare locutus has a different meaning.

29. πρὸς βαλανῖον is perhaps better written as two words than one. In either case the
article meant seems to be some kind of handbag which was carried by a lady in going to

the bath, and would hold trinkets and similar objects. A connexion with βαλανίνη, sc. στολή
(cf. 265. 3), is less likely.

34. αὐτὴ οἶδεν : cf. P. Tebt. 424. 5 εἰ δὲ peravoeis, σὺ οἶδας,

35: καταπλέξαι is the opposite of ἐκπλέκειν as used in P. Tebt. 315. 21 κἀγώ σε ἐκπλέξω.

37. For πολιτική in the sense of πόρνη cf. P. Grenf. II. 73-9. The present passage,
which supplies a contemporary parallel, supports our view of that papyrus as against the

interpretation of Deissmann (Zhe Episile of Psenostrts) who wished to make τὴν πολιτικήν
there a proper name.

904. PETITION TO A PRAESES.
31:3 Χ 88-5 cm. Fifth century.

A petition addressed to an unnamed praeses (of the Thebaid) by a certain
Flavius, who had consented to act as substitute for Philoxenus in the post of
riparius, a police official (cf. 1. 3, note). Philoxenus had undertaken to provide
Flavius with the requisite staff of helpers and indemnity in case of accident, but
had failed to fulfil his bond; and Flavius, who had been subjected to much
indignity and even violence in the performance of his duties, now prays that he may
be released from them and the original holder made responsible. The petition is

cast in a stilted and rhetorical style; the handwriting is an exceptionally large,
formal cursive.

I ITap& @X(aoviov). .
_ 2 1 τῆς ὑμετέρας δικαιοκρισζί]ας καθαρότης πάντως κἀμὲ ἐλεήσει τὸν γεγηρα-
κότα καὶ ἀσυνθηκεὶ διαπεπονθότα καὶ χλεύην παρὰ Φιλοξένου τοῦ καθο-
σιωμένου μαγιστριανοῦ.. .
R

242 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

3 οὗτος yap λόγον ἐνωμότως μοι δεδωκὼς καὶ ἐπαγἰγειλ]άμενος ὡς πάντως
ὅσαπερ ἐπιζητεῖται εἰς τὴν τοῦ ῥιπαρίου λειτουργείαν ἐκτὸς πάσης
ὑπομνήσεως πληρώσει,

4 παρέχων μοι καὶ πρὸς βοήθειαν οἰκέτας τε καὶ συμμάχους καὶ [ἀήλλους τοὺς
ὀφείλοντας τὴν παραφυλακὴν τῆς πόλεως ποιεῖσθαι, οὐ μόνον δὲ τοῦτο,
ἀλλ᾽ εἰ καὶ συμβῇ ἀτόπημά τι γενέσθαι

5 αὐτὸν τὸ ἀζήμιον πληροῖν τοῖ[ς] τὴν βλάβην ὑπομένουσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα
πάντα τὰ συντίνοντα εἰς τὴν λειτουργείαν ταύτην ἀποκαθιστᾶν: τούτων
δὲ ὅλων ἐκτὸς γεγένηται

6 καὶ παρορῶν με τὸν ἄθλιον καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν μετεωρι(όϊμενον σχοινίοις
καὶ πληγαῖς κατακοπτόμενον κατὰ τὸ σῶμα, μὴ κεκτημένον μὴ ἀδελφὸν

Ν ~ Ν
μὴ συνγενῆ μὴ
en 4 [74 ~ € Ἂς > 8 ὲ.: Ἂς x ~ , ~

7 υἱὸν δυνάμενον ἅμα μοι συνπαθῖν, ὡς λοιπὸν εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς σωτηρίας πνεῦμα

δυστυχῖν με. ὅθεν τὰς ἱκεσίας προσφέρω τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ ἐξουσίᾳ ὥστε ἐμὲ
Ἁ 3 ~
μὲν ἐλευθερωθῆναι

8 τὰς τοιαύτας λειτουργεία]ς, [τὸν] δὲ πρωτότυπον καταναγκάζεσθαι ἢ δι’ ἑαυτοῦ
Hh \ ε , , ‘ 7 2 2 , 2 a 3
ἢ διὰ οἱουδήποτε προσώπου τὴν τοιαύτην λειτουργίαν ἐξανύσαι, ἐμοῦ ἀπο-
ταξαμένου καὶ μὴ

é Ζ δ νιν € ΄ 4 3 2 \ ΄

g δυναμένου [μηδαμῶς ὑπομένιν τ]ὴν τοιαύτην ἀπαρέτητον καὶ φορτικωτάτην
λειτουργίαν, ἵνα κἀγὼ τούτου τυχὼν εὐχαριστήσω ταῖς ἀκλεινεῖς ἀκοαῖς
τῆς ὑμετέρας '

10 ἐξουσίας, μεγαλοϊπρεπέστατε ἡμῶν ἡγ]εμὼν κύριε. +

2. ὕμετερας Pap.; so in Il. 7 and 9. 1. καθωσιωμένου. 3. emay'[yetAJapevos Pap.
ὕπομνησεως Pap. 4. add Pap. 5. ὕπομενουσιν ... αποκαθίσταν Pap. ἡ. υἷον. acs
ἵκεσιας. . . ὕμετερα Pap. 8. 1. τῆς τοιαύτης. 9. 1, ἀπαραίτητον. iva Pap. 1. ἀκλινέσι.

‘From Flavius. The purity of your righteous judgement will surely pity me, an old man
who has suffered a breach of covenant and mockery at the hands of Philoxenus, the devoted
magistrianus. He gave me his word on oath, and promised that he would surely fulfil
without any reminding every requirement for the office of riparius, providing for my support
both servants and assistants and others whose duty it would be to undertake the guarding
of the city; and not only so, but he promised that if anything extraordinary happened, he
would himself make up the loss to those who suffered injury, and also that he would set
right everything connected with this office. But all this he has evaded, paying no attention
to my unfortunate self, who am daily suspended by ropes and have my body belaboured
with blows, and possess no brother, no relative, no son to sympathize with me, so that at
last the very breath of my life is in danger. Accordingly I make my entreaties to your
highness that I should be released from so grievous an office, and that the original holder
should be compelled to finish it either himself or through some other person, as I renounce

904. PETITION TO A PRAESES 243

it, being unable to endure any longer an office so severe and onerous, in order that having
gained my request I may bless the impartial ears of your highness, our most noble lord
praeses.’

2. ἀσυνθηκεί is presumably an adverb from ἀσύνθηκος, a form occurring in Onesand.
Strateg. 1. 37. ἀσύνθηκα would have been more normal with καὶ χλεύην following.

μαγιστριανοῦ: the magzstriani were the agentes in rebus in the service of the magister
offictorum, and were employed as messengers or representatives in the provinces; cf. Cod.
Theod. 6. 27, Cod. Just. 12. 20 De agentibus in rebus. καθωσιωμένος which = devotissimus,
i.e. a true servant of the State, was the regular epithet of magzstrzant’; cf. e.g. Cod. Just. 12.
21. ἢ schola devotissimorum agenium in rebus, C.1. G. 3467. 7-8 καθωσιωμένῳ μ[αγ]ιστριανῷ καὶ
ἐκδ(ίκῳ).

3. ῥιπαρίου : that the riparius, who first appears in the fourth century, was primarily
a police official appears clearly from |. 4, where the παραφυλακὴ τῆς πόλεως is mentioned as
the sphere of duties of his assistants, and the other evidence is in accordance with this. In
P. Amh. 146 a riparius issues to eirenarchs an order for arrest similar to those sent in earlier
times by the strategus (e.g. P. Tebt. 290), decurion (64), or beneficiarius (65). Petitions
to riparii concerning cases of assault are extant in P. Cairo 10269 and P. Leipzig 37, and in
807 they are found engaged in the search for offenders. Other references to them are
P. Leipzig 49, where a riparius appears as surety for the appearance of a person, P. Leipzig
62. i. 34, where two riparii are found acting with a ὑποδέκτης χρυσοῦ τιρώνων in the delivery
of gold to a χρυσώνης, C. P. R. 30. 52, where a ῥιπάριος τοῦ ἐνάτου οἴκου occurs in a papyrus
of the sixth century, when the ‘ houses’ of the great nobles play an important part in the
administration of the country (cf. 183. 8), and P. Brit. Mus. 653.17. They were sometimes
officials of μητροπόλεις (e. g. P. Leipzig 49), sometimes of the nome (P. Leipzig 37 and 897),
and are often found acting in pairs, e.g. 897, and P. Cairo 10269. The office, as 904
shows, was a burdensome λειτουργία.

5. ἀποκαθιστᾶν : this form occurs as early as Aristotle, We/aph. 11. 8. 12; cf. Diod. τ.
78, Act. Apost. 17. 15 καθιστῶντες, &c.

8. [πρω]τότυπον: cf. 186. 11 ὁμολογῶ ἐγὼ ὁ πρωτότυπος, P. Strassb. 40. 25-8 per’ ἐγγυητί οὔ]
. « » ἀναδεχομέν(ου) . . . τὸ πρόσωπον τοῦ πρωτοτύπου.

(¢d) CONTRACTS

905. MARRIAGE CONTRACT.
20-418 cm. A.D. 170.

A short but interesting contract of marriage between two inhabitants of the
Oxyrhynchite village Psobthis. The formula, as usual in Oxyrhynchus marriage-
contracts, is of the protocol type, not that of a ὁμολογία as in the Faydm ; cf. 496.
The dowry brought by the bride is briefly described, the obligation of the husband
to maintain his wife adequately is emphasized in the stereotyped phraseology, and
provision is made for the restoration of the dowry in case of a separation. An
uncommon clause is added at the end, where the bridegroom’s father appears as
a consenting party to the deed and guarantor of the repayment of the dowry ;
and the opening formula is also remarkable ; cf. 1. 1, note.

Β 2

244 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Ee ‘Avrwvilvou καὶ Pavoteivas Σ᾿ εβαστῶν.
[ἐξέδοτο Μηνόδωρο)ς “Ὥρου μητ(ρὸςρ) Τακαλλίππου ἀπὸ κώμης Ψώβθεως
[τὴν αὑτοῦ θυγατ]έραν Θατρῆν μητρὸς Θατρῆτος ᾿πολλωνίῳ
[Ἡρακλέους μητρὸ)ς Ταυσοράπιος ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς κώμης πρὸς γάμου κοι-
5 ἱνωνίαν. ἡ δ᾽ ἔκδοτ)]ος φέρει τῷ ἀνδρὶ [εἰς φερνὴν λόγου [χ])ρυσοῦ μὲν κοινοῦ
σταθμῷ
[Οξυρυγχείτῃ] μναγαῖον ἕν [[reraproy]| ἐν εἴδεσι συντιμηθέν,
[kai ἔτι ἐν παρ]αφέρνοις ἱματίων σουβροκομαφόρτια δύο,
ler μὲν, κην ΣΕΥ ov τὸ δὲ ἕτερον λευκόν. [[ovovy]] συμβιούτωσαν
[οὖν ἀλλήλοις οἱ γ]αμοῦντες φυλάσσοντες τὰ τοῦ γάμου δίκαια,
το [kal ὁ γαμῶν ἐπιϊχορηγείτω τῇ γαμουμένῃ τὰ δέοντα κατὰ δύνα-
μιν [rod Biov. ἐὰν δὲ ἀπαλλαγὴ γένητία)ι τέκνων ὄντων ἢ καὶ
ἱμὴ γενομένων ἀποδότ]ω ὁ γαμῶν τὰ παράφερνα πάντα
μὲν ἅμ[α] τῇ ἀπ]αλλαγῇ τὴν δὲ] φερνὴν ἐν ἡμέραις ἑξή-
κοντα ἀϊφ᾽ Als ἐϊὰν ἡ ἀϊπαλλαγὴ γένηται, τῆς πράξεως [[av]] οὔσης
15 τῷ ἐκδιδόνϊτ]ι Μηνοδώρου παρὰ τοῦ γαμοῦντος καὶ ἐκ
τῶν ὑπαρχίὀντων αὐτῷ πάντων. παρὼν δὲ ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ
γαμοῦντος ᾿ΗρϊαἸἰκλῆς Μώρου μητί(ρὸς) ᾿4πἰ[ολ]λωνίας ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς κώμης
εὐδοκεῖ τῷ [rel] γάμῳ καὶ ἐνγυᾶται εἰς ἔκτισιν
τὴν προκειμένην φερνήν. κυρία ἡ συνγραφὴ δισσὴ γρα-
φεῖσα πρὸς τὸ ἑκάτερον μέρος ἔχειν μοναχόν, καὶ ἐπερωτη-
20 [θέν)τες ἑαυτοῖς [αλληλοις}] ὡμολόγησαν. (ἔτους) « Φαμενὼθ ιη.

4. κ Of κωμης corr. from π, and γ and μ of γαμου written above μ and y which are

crossed through. 5+ [εις φείρνην Aoyou added above the line; 1. φε]ρνῆς λόγον. 6. 1.
μνααῖον. 7. ἵματιων Pap. 1. σουβρικομαφόρτια. 14. ο Of ovons corr. from τ. 15. 1
Μηνοδώρῳ. 17. npla|kAns . . . κωμης added above the line.

‘, .. Antoninus and Faustina, Augusti. Menodorus son of Horus and Tacallippus of
the village of Psobthis has given for partnership of marriage Thatres, his daughter by Thatres,
to Apollonius son of Heracles and Tausorapis. The bride brings to her husband in respect of
dowry one mina’s weight on the Oxyrhynchite standard of common gold, in kind, according
to valuation, and in parapherna in clothing two outer veils, one .. ., the other white. Let
the husband and wife therefore live together observing the duties of marriage, and the
husband shall supply the wife with necessaries in proportion to his means. If a separation
takes place after the birth of children or before it, the husband shall restore all the super-
dowry at the time of separation, and the dowry in sixty days from the day on which the
separation takes place; and Menodorus, the giver of the bride, shall have the right of
execution upon the husband and upon all his property. The father of the husband,
Heracles son of Morus and Apollonia, of the said village, being present assents to the

905. MARRIAGE CONTRACT 245

marriage, and is surety for the payment of the aforesaid dowry. This contract is valid, being
written in duplicate in order that each party may have a copy ; and in answer to the formal
question they have declared to each other their consent. The roth year, Phamenoth 18.’

1. It is very unlikely that this line is a date. There seems to be barely room for
(ἔτους) « (cf. 1. 20) Αὐρηλίου *Avravijyov, even if ἔτους were written as a symbol; it is also
noticeable that the month is not added (there being a blank space after Σεβαστῶν), and the
date at the end makes another at the beginning quite superfluous. Moreover, the mention
of the empress in a date would be very unusual, though possibly it might have been thought
appropriate in a marriage-contract; cf. the coins in which Faustina is associated with
Fecunditas, Fortuna muliebris, Laetitia, ὅς. These considerations suggest the probability
that 1. 1 contains some unfamiliar formula, 6. g. τῇ τύχῃ ᾿Αντωνί νου κιτιλ., with which might
be compared the ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ common in wills. In any case, however, the mention of
Φαυστεῖνα Σεβαστή here appears to fix the year given in ]. 20 as the roth of Marcus Aurelius,
for though the phrase ἐπερωτη[θέν)τες ὡμολόγησαν in I]. 19--20 suggests a later period (cf. note
ad loc.), the fact that none of the parties to the contract is an Aurelius gives strong support
to a date earlier than Caracalla. For Faustina cf. 502. 3-4, where a priest of Φαυστῖνα
Σεβαστή Occurs in the reign of Marcus.

5. ὁ δὲ Mnvddwp|os is too long, and the natural subject of φέρει is the bride. We there-
fore suggest ἔκδοτ]ος, though that word does not apparently occur in the papyri; cf. however,
ἐκδιδόναι and ἐκδότης.

6. [᾿Οξυρυγχείτῃ] : cf. 496. 3 χρυσίο]ν σταθμῷ ᾿Οξυρυγχείτίῃ μναιαῖα πέντε. The insertion
of γ in μναγαῖον exemplifies a common phenomenon; cf. P. Tebt. 26. 12, Mayser,
Grammatik, pp. 167-8.

7. σουβρ(ι)κομαφόρτιον seems to be a new compound; cf. 921. 4 and B.G.U. 327. 7
σου(β)ρικοπάλλιον.

8. voy is the termination of some word like σανδύκινον or κροκώτινον.

10. énlxopyyeirw: cf. 6. ρ΄. 906. 6.

12-3. Cf. 608, where it is similarly provided that the παράφερνα were to be returned on
demand, and the φερνή within sixty days. The latter term is also that fixed in 497. 6 and
P, Gen. 21 (Archiv, III. p. 387); in Roman marriage-contracts thirty days is a commoner
limit. At the beginning of |. 13 the space is rather broad for du{a|, and perhaps ἅμα αὐἸήῇ
(τῇ) should be read.

16-8. On the analogy of this passage we would suggest that the signature which in
497. 22-4 follows those of the bridegroom and the bride’s father is that of the bridegroom’s
father, who was perhaps made security, as here, for the repayment. Similarly in 906. τὸ
Isidorus, who is only a few years younger than the father of the wife, may well be the father
of the husband. In P. Leipzig 27, which like 906 is an agreement for divorce, the husband
is associated with a person who actually pays over the dowry on his behalf to the wife’s
father ; but this fourth person is there unlikely to be the husband’s father, since not only is
no such relationship stated, but the husband was a freedman, who would not be expected to
have an assignable father. Mlitteis suggests that he was the banker, but that does not seem
at all probable; we should prefer to suppose that he was more intimately concerned in the
transaction, and had appeared in the original marriage-contract as the husband's
guarantor.

1g. This is a remarkably early example of the use in Egypt of the stipulatory formula,
which only becomes common in the third century. In fact we are unable to refer to another
instance from the second century apart from those in which Roman citizens are concerned,
for in C.[P. R. 22.!35, "which is cited by Mitteis, Recchsrecht, p. 486°, ἐπερω]τηθεῖϊσα is an
erroneous reading (Hunt, Gov. Gel. Anz., 1897, p. 462).

246 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

906. DEED OF DIVORCE.

12-6 Χ 33:1 cm. Second or early third century.

The conclusion of a contract for divorce; cf. 266, P. Leipzig 27, C. P. R. I.
23, &c. The document is apparently called an ἀποχή, referring to the repayment
of the dowry; cf. note onl. 10. At the end are the names and descriptions of
the principal parties to the contract, Horion who is no doubt the wife’s father,
Plutarche the wife, and a third person who is not the husband but may have been
a surety for him ; cf. 905. 16-8, note.

45 letters i com il eed |

[ ΣΉ. Lic Gl. oe pha ee τὶ Joo. [- .] κ[αἱ τὰ διὰ
τῆς αὐτῆς συνγραφῆς ἕϊσ]ταμ[ένα

παράφ[εἸ]ρίῖνα ὄντα ἐκ] δραχμῶν τεσσαράκοντα, οἱ δὲ τρεῖς καὶ μὴ ἐνκαλεῖν

ἀλλήλοις μηδὲ ἐνκαλέσειν

τι.

μηδὲ ἐπελεύσεσθαι μήτε περὶ μηδενὸς τῶν εἰς τὴν συνβίωσιν τοῦ Διογένους
καὶ τῆς Πλουτάρχης

5 τεινόντων μηδὲ περὶ ἄλλου μηδενὸς ἁπλῶς μέχρι τῆς ἐνεστώσης ἡμέρας. ὁ δὲ
4Δ[ἡογένης

καὶ ἐπιχορηγήϊσ]ει ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν τὰ [δ]έοντα τοῖς αὐτοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτῶν παρ᾽ αὑτῷ
διαιτωμέν[ο]ις ἄχρι

ἡλικίας. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ νῦν ἐξεῖναι τῷ Διογένει καὶ τῇ Πλουτάρχῃ ἑκάτερος
αὐτῶν ἁρμόζεσίθαι) ὡς ἐὰν αἱρῆ-

ται γάμῳ ἀνευθύνῳ ὄντι, ἢ τὴν ἐσομένην ἔφοδον ἄκυρον εἶναι, τὴν δὲ δηλου-
μένην σ[υἹνγραφὴν

κ[αὶ] τὴν [γ]ενομένην αὐτῆς διὰ τοῦ καταλογείου δημοσίωσιν [καὶ] μετάδοσιν
συνχωροῦσει ἄκυρον εἶναι.

10 κυρία ἡ ἀποχή. ‘“Qpiwy ds (ἐτῶν) vg ἄσημ(οο),. Πλουτάρχη ὧς (ἐτῶν) Kd
donp(os). O[..( ἡ] ᾿Ισίδ(ωρος) ὡς (ἐτῶν) μη οὐλ(ὴ) ὀφρί(ύι) δεξί(ιφ).

7. 1. ἑκατέρῳ. 10. |. ὡς for ὅς.

‘,..and the parapherna fixed in the said contract, worth 40 drachmae. The three
further agree that they neither make nor will make any claim or proceed against each other
on any point connected with the union of Diogenes and Plutarche, or on any other subject
whatever up to the present day. Diogenes shall henceforth provide the necessary means
for the said sons, who shall live with him until they come of age; and henceforth it shall

906. DEED OF DIVORCE 247

be lawful for Diogenes and Plutarche, either of them, to marry as they choose without
incurring liability, any act of aggression against them being invalid. The above-mentioned
contract, and the registration of it through the record-office, and communication of it are
acknowledged to be invalid. This receipt is valid. Horion, aged about 57, with no
distinguishing mark. Plutarche, aged about 24, with no distinguishing mark. O..
Isidorus, aged about 48, with a scar on his right eyebrow.’

1-2. Cf. P. Leipz. 27. 20-3 Ἥρων δὲ ἀπέχιν παρὰ τοῦ Σωσᾶ τὰς διὰ τῆς συνγραφῆς φερνῆς
ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τρι[ακο]σίας καὶ τὰ πα]ράφερνα πάντα. In marriage-contracts the repayment of
the παράφερνα is generally provided for without any stipulation concerning their value, such
as commonly occurs in connexion with the φερνή. In the marriage-contract of Diogenes
and Plutarche, however, though ¢{c}rap[éa and ὄντα ἐκ] are very uncertain, the value of the
mapadepva Seem to have been stated.

7. ἑκατέρ[οἾις cannot be read, nor ὧι for ὡς.

9. διὰ τοῦ καταλογείου δημοσίωσιν apparently refers to the registration of deeds through the
archidicastes in the Library of Hadrian and Nanaeum at Alexandria; cf. 719, P. Leipzig το,
and, for the latest discussion, P. Strassb. 29 introd. ‘These deeds were, however, in all
previously known instances χειρόγραφα, i. e. private notes of hand without the intervention
of the agoranomus or other notarial official, whereas the document in the present case was
a συγγραφή, i.e. the original marriage-contract of Diogenes and Plutarche. The extant
marriage-contracts of the Roman period are all notarial cvyypagai (cf. P. M. Meyer, Kio, VI.
ΡΡ. 442 sqq.), and that a συγγραφή should have undergone δημοσίωσις at Alexandria is a new
and surprising phenomenon. The only explanation which we can suggest is that the
συγγραφή in question resembled that mentioned in 259. 11 in being ἰδιόγραφος, i.e. that
it was really a χειρόγραφον (cf. P. M. Meyer, op. εἴ, p. 447), which required to be sent to
Alexandria to receive official δημοσίωσις. What is precisely meant by μετάδοσιν here is also
not quite clear, owing to our ignorance of the terms of the συγγραφή and the circumstances of
its δημοσίωσις, but μετάδοσιν is likely to be connected with μεταδοθήτω which occurs in the
instructions of the archidicastes quoted in the documents bearing upon the δημοσίωσις, 6. g.
719. 4,B.G.U.578. 7. μεταδοθήτω in the latter example is explained by Mitteis (Hermes,
XXxil. p. 647) as ‘the communication of the copy of the petition concerning δημοσίωσις to the
defendant through the strategus ’, but this explanation does not very well suit the other cases
where the δημοσίωσις is not preparatory to an action at law as in B.G. U. 578, but is only
a precautionary step (cf. 719. introd.). Perhaps μετάδοσις means the official communication
of the fact of δημοσίωσις to all concerned.

10. dmoyn: the reading of the last three letters is uncertain, but an abbreviation of
ἀπαλλαγή OF ἀποζυγή is not admissible. The repayment of the dowry was the chief point in
a contract concerning divorce ; the formula of 266 and P. Brit. Mus. II. 178 is simply that
of an ἀποχή: cf. Lesquier, Rev. de Phil. 1906, p. 25.

907. WILL OF HERMOGENES.
26-5 X 22-4 cm, A.D. 276.

The following will is preserved on the verso of 412, a fragment from the
Κεστοί of Julius Africanus. The testator, Aurelius Hermogenes, a president of
the boule at Oxyrhynchus, divides a considerable real estate between his five
children—three sons and two daughters—and his wife. Property of various

248 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

kinds is first apportioned to the sons, a special bequest being made to the eldest
of them (ll. 7-11). Other property was similarly to be shared by the daughters,
the elder of whom was married; the dowry bestowed on this elder daughter
is confirmed, and provision made for the future marriage-portion of her sister
(11. 11-6, 24-5). To the wife is given the absolute ownership of some land hypo-
thecated as security for her dowry. A guardian is appointed for the three
younger children who were still under age, to act in the case of the sons until
they attained their majority, in that of the daughter until her marriage ; the wife
of Hermogenes is associated in the guardianship, and a nephew is requested
to give his assistance when required.

The chief point of interest in this will, which is not the original document but
a copy taken after the original was opened (cf. 1. 28 and note), lies in its adherence
to Latin formulae. According to the express statement of 1. 2 the deed was
drawn up in Greek; yet it reproduces in a striking manner the phraseology
of the will of Gaius Longinus Castor at Berlin (B.G. U. 326; cf. Mommsen,
Sitzungsber. ὦ, Pr. Akad. 1894, Ὁ, 47, Scialoja, Bull. del? Inst. di dir. rom. vii,
p. 2, &c.), which was translated from the Latin. In the recent monograph of
Arangio-Ruiz, La successione testamentaria secondo ἡ papiri greco-egizit, where the
evidence is conveniently collected and fully discussed, it is remarked (pp. 277-9).
how little difference the promulgation of the constitutio Antonina made to the
testamentary formulae current in Egypt. Latin phrases and forms appear
sporadically, but the few previously published Greek wills of the third and follow-
ing centuries have been cast in the typically Greek shape. In the light of the
present text this conclusion needs some modification. The preference here
shown for Latin forms may be traceable in a greater or less degree to the high
municipal position of the testator ; but the influence of Roman law upon the
formulae of Egyptian wills was evidently stronger than has hitherto been
suspected.

The papyrus is dated on Pauni 7 (June 1) of the first. year of the emperor
Tacitus, and is said to have been opened in the following month Epeiph (June 25-
July 24) of the ‘same first year’. Aurelian seems to have been killed before
_ March 25, 275, but since Tacitus was not chosen emperor till about September
and his accession could not have been foreseen, it is evident that the date of the
papyrus refers to the year 276. Tacitus only reigned six months, his death
probably occurring early in April; that the news of it had not yet reached
Oxyrhynchus by Epeiph is however not very remarkable, for there were con-
siderable variations in the length of the periods which elapsed before changes
in the imperial succession became generally known in Egypt: Commodus
appears in the date of B. G. U. 515 more than five months after his death. Cf.

907. WILL OF HERMOGENES 249

912. 40, note, and P. Strassburg 8. 17, where Pauni 14 of the first year of Tacitus
occurs, and Preisigke’s discussion in pp. 30 sqq.

The ends of the lines are missing throughout and the exact extent of the
loss is not quite certain. Assuming that 1. 6 corresponded verbally to B. G. U.
326. i. 15, the number of letters to be supplied in ll. 1-16 is about 35, in the
remainder 2 or 3 less; and our restorations are made on this hypothesis. In one
or two places a slightly longer supplement seems necessary, but not more than
can be accounted for by a reasonable variation in the length of the lines and the
size of the writing.

[ΔὐρήἸλιος ‘Eppoyévns ὁ καὶ Εἰ ὐ]δαίμων ἐξηγητὴς βουλευτὴς [καὶ πἸρ[ύτανις
τῆς λαμπἸρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάϊτης ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως τόδε τὸ βούλημα

“Ἑλληνικοῖς γράμμασι κατὰ τὰ συνκεχωρημένα ὑπηγόρευσεν'

Αὐρήλιοι ‘Eppeivos καὶ ἱὨρείων καὶ ᾿ Ἡρακλείδης καὶ Πτολεμαὶς καὶ Διδύμη,
οἱ πέϊντε τέκνα μου γλυκύτατα [ἐκ [τῆς συνούσης μοι 18 letters γυναι-

Kos Αὐρηλίας ᾿Ισιδώρας τῆς καὶ Πρείσκας ματρώνας στολάτας, αἱρέσει τῇ
ὑποτεταγμένῃ ἐφ οἷς ἕκαστος προσδῖ.... .. κληρονόμοι μου ἔστωσαν, οἱ
δὲ λοιποὶ

5 πάντες ἀποκληρόνομοί μου ἔστωσαν, προσερχέσθωσάν τε τῇ κληρονομίᾳ μου

ἐπὶ τοῖς ἑκάστῳ καταλιμ[πανομένοις ὁπόταν ... +... eee eaee ρασθαι

ἑαυτοὺς ἐμοῦ κληρονόμους εἶναι, οὗτοί τε ὑπεύθυνοι ἔστωσαν διδόναι ποιῆσαι
παρασχέσθαι ταῦτα πάντα [boa ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ διαθήκῃ μου γεγραμμένα
ἐστί,

τοῦτό τε τῇ πίίστ]ει αὐτῶν παρακατατέθεζγ»μαι. Αὐρηλίοις ‘Eppeivo καὶ
‘petri καὶ Ηρακλείδῃ τοῖς τρισί μου [υἱοῖς ὡς πρόκειται καταλείπω
κοινῶς ἐξ ἴ-

σου ὑπὲρ τῆς κληρονομίας τῆς ἐμῆς ὃ ἔχω περὶ τὸ Ἴστρου τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἄνω
᾿Ισεῖον ἀμπελικὸν χωρίον καὶ σειτ[ἰκὰς ἀρούρας πάσας καὶ 16 letters

νυς καὶ χρηστήρια καὶ συνκυροῦντα πάντα καὶ ἃς ἔχω περὶ Σεφὼ σειτικὰς
ἀρούρας πάσας καὶ ἐν τῇ μητροπίόλει τὴν 28 letters

το μον οἰκίαν καὶ τὴν ἐν αὐτῇ ἐνδομενείαν πᾶσαν, τῷ δὲ ᾿Ἑρμείνῳ μόνῳ kar

ἐξαίρετον ἃς ἔχω περὶ Σ΄ εν κοινὰς πρὸς

σειτικὰς ἀρούρας πάσας καὶ δοῦλόν μου ὀνόματι Φιλοδιόσκορον. «ΑΑὐρηλίαις
Πτολεμαίδι καὶ Διδύμῃ ταῖς πρ[ογεγραμμέναις θυγατράσι μου. .. ...-
δίδω-

250

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

μι καταλείπω καὶ αὐταῖς κοινῶς ἐξ ἴσου ὑπὲρ τῆς κληρονομίας τῆς ἐμῆς ὃ ἔχω
κοινὸν πρὸς τὸν αὐτὸν 24 letters ἀμπελικὸν

χωρίον καὶ σειτικὰς ἀρούρας πάσας καὶ προχρείας καὶ χρηστήρια καὶ συν-
κυροῦντα πάντα, τῇ δὲ Διδύμῃ [μόνῃ Kat ἐξαίρετον 20 letters

ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ Πτολεμαίδι βεβαιῶ διὰ τούτου μου τοῦ βουλήματος ἣν φθάσας
ἐπιδέδωκα αὐτῇ προῖκα εἶ 21 letters καὶ καταλείπω τὴν

δούλην ὀνόματι Εὔνοιαν, τὰ δὲ λοιπά μου δοῦλα σώματα τέσσαρα AtocKov-
ρίδην καὶ Σ᾿ αβεῖνον καὶ ‘Eppl...kal..... τοῖς προκειμένοις ἄρρεσι τοῖς

τρισὶ καὶ τῇ μιᾷ τῶν θηλειῶν, λέγω δὴ τῇ Διδύμῃ. Αὐρηλίᾳ ᾿Ισιδώρᾳ τῇ καὶ
Πρείσκᾳ τῇ συνούσῃ μοι [γυναικὶ 29 letters

πρεπόντως περὶ τὴν συμβίωσιν ἀναστραφείσῃ KaTadlel\mw κυριευτικῶς ἃς ἔχω
κοινὰς πρὸς τὸν [αὐτὸν 22, letters περὶ .. .-

Bw σειτικὰς ἀρούρας πάσας προυπαλλαγείσας αὐτῇ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πρὸς τὴν προσ-
ενεχθεῖσάν μοι ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ ti... φερνήν. ἐπίτροπον δὲ ποιῶ τῶν προκειμέ-

νων ἀφηλίκων μου τέκνων τ[ριῶὴν ἱὨρείωνος καὶ ᾿Ηρακλείδου καὶ Διδύμης ἕως
ἂν οἱ μὲν ἄρρίενες τῆς ἡλικίας γένωνται ἡ δὲ θήλεια

ἀνδρὶ γαμηθῇ «Αὐρήλιον Δημήτριον [τοῦ] Διονυσοθέωνος, ἐπακολουθούσης πᾶσι
τοῖς τῇ ἐπιτροπείᾳ διαφέρίουσι τῆς προγεγραμμένης μου γυναικὸς

᾿Ισιδώρας τῆς καὶ Πρείσκας, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο [ov βο]ϊύλομαι ἄρχοντα ἢ ἀντάρχοντα

ἢ ἕτερόν τινα παρεντιθέναι ἑαυτί[ὸν 29 letters ἐ-

πιτέλλω γὰρ καὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀνεψιοῦ poly Διδύμου εἶναι εὐσεβείας βοηθήσειν τῷ
Δημητρίῳ ἐν οἷς ἐὰν αὐτοῦ [δέηται 26 letters

Αὐρηλίω Διονυσάμμωνι φίλω pov] καταλείπω δοθῆναί τε βούλομαι kar’ ἔτος
ἐφ᾽ ὃν ζήσεται χρόνον ald’ ὧν ἔχω 26 letters

περὶ Maa σειτικῶν ἀρουϊρ]ῶν οἴνου μὲν ἅμα τρύγῃ κεράμια τριάκοντα Kal
πυροῦ μέτρῳ δεκάτῳ τῷ Παῦϊνι μηνὶ ἀρτάβας 14 letters τῇ Ae

δύμῃ.. wpa .[.].. . γενομεν. ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτῆς ἀργυρίου τάλαντα
τέσσαρα, τὴν φροντίδα πὴ 32 letters

κληρονομία. τὸ βούλημα ἐποίησα ἐν τῇ λαμπρᾷ καὶ λαμπροτάτῃ ᾿Οξυρυγ-
᾿ χειτῶν πόλει a (ἔτει) τοῦ κυρίον ἡμῶν [Μάρκου Κλαυδίου Τακίτου
Παῦνι ¢.

(ἔτουρ) a Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Μάρκου Κλαυδίου Τακίτου Εὐσεβοῦς
Εὐτυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ Παῦνι (. Αὐρήϊλιος Ἑρμογένης ὁ καὶ Εὐδαίμων
τὸ βούλημα πεποίη-

κα ἐπὶ [πᾶσι τοῖς] προκειμένοις. ἐλύθη τοῦ αὐτοῦ a (ἔτους) ᾿Επείφ.

907. WILL OF HERMOGENES 251

3. mrodepais Pap.: so in Il, 11, 14. 4. ἴσιδωρας Pap. : so in |. τό. 6. ὕπευθυνοι
Pap. ῃ: ἰαυρηλιοις Pap. 12, « of κοινον corr, from 7. 18, προὔπαλλαγεισας Pap.
24. main Pap.

‘ Aurelius Hermogenes also called Eudaemon; exegetes, councillor and prytanis of the
illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, dictated the following will in the Greek
language, in accordance with the permission. Aurelius Herminus, Aurelius Horion,
Aurelius Heraclides, Aurelia Ptolemais and Aurelia Didyme, my five dearest children by
my... wife Aurelia Isidora also called Prisca, a matron wearing the stola, shall be my
heirs according to the disposition below written, and on the conditions on which each...,
all other persons being disinherited; they shall proceed to my inheritance in accordance
with the bequests made to each of them whenever they . . . themselves to be my
heirs; they shall be responsible for giving, doing, and providing all this which is written in
this my testament, and I confide this to their honour. To Aurelius Herminus, Aurelius
Horion, and Aurelius Heraclides my three sons as aforesaid I bequeath jointly in equal
shares on behalf of my inheritance the vineyard belonging to me near the village of (?)
Istrus by the upper temple of Isis, and all the corn-land and... and utensils and all
appurtenances, and all the corn-land belonging to me at Sepho, and in the metropolis my
.. . house and all the furniture in it; and to Herminus alone as his special property all the
corn-land belonging to me at Sen... jointly with ..., and my slave called Philodioscorus.
To Aurelia Ptolemais and Aurelia Didyme my aforesaid daughters .. . I give and bequeath
likewise jointly, and in equal shares on behalf of my inheritance, the vineyard belonging to
me at. . . jointly with the said... with all the corn-land and the plant, utensils, and all
appurtenances. To Didyme alone as her special property I bequeath . . . and I also confirm
to Ptolemais by this my will the dowry . .. which I previously gave her, and I leave to her my
slave named Eunoea ; my remaining four slaves, Dioscurides and Sabinus and Herm...
and ..., I bequeath to the three sons and one of the daughters, to wit Didyme. To Aurelia
Isidora also called Prisca, my wedded wife ... who has conducted herself becomingly in
our married life, I leave as her own property all the corn-land belonging to me at ... bis
jointly with the said . . ., which was previously mortgaged by me to her in security
for the dowry brought to me with her... I appoint as guardian of my three children
aforesaid who are under age, Horion, Heraclides, and Didyme, until the boys attain
majority and the girl is married, Aurelius Demetrius son of Dionysotheon, with the con-
currence, in all that pertains to the guardianship, of my aforesaid wife Isidora also called
Prisca; and accordingly I do not wish any magistrate or deputy or any other person to
intrude himself... ., for I further enjoin it upon the piety of my nephew Didymus to assist
Demetrius in any way that may be required of him. To my friend Aurelius Dionysammon
I bequeath» and I wish that there be given him during his lifetime from .. . and the corn-
land belonging to me at Moa thirty jars of wine at the vintage and ... artabae of wheat
by the tenth measure in the month of Pauni. (I direct that there be provided as dowry) for
Didyme . . . by her brothers four talents of silver... This will was made by me in the
illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus in the first year of our lord Marcus
Claudius Tacitus, Pauni 7. The first year of the Emperor Caesar Marcus Claudius Tacitus
Pius Felix Augustus, Pauni7. I, Aurelius Hermogenes also called Eudaemon, have made
this will with all the above provisions. Opened in the same first year, Epeiph.’

I. βούλημα: cf. ll. 14 and 26 below, and P. Leipzig 29. 7 Ἑλληνικοῦ βουλήματος.

2. Cf. 990 and P. Rainer 1702. 13 (Ween. Stud. ix. p. 241) γράμμασιν] Ἑλληνικοῖς ἀκο-
λόυθως τῇ θείᾳ [διατάξει. According to the older Roman law the use of the Latin language
was essential in all legal transactions. The emperor who established the right to use Greek

252 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

is thought to have been Alexander Severus, to whose reign the Rainer papyrus belongs ;
whether the permission applied to other countries besides Egypt is disputed ; cf. Arangio-
Ruiz, op. czt., p. 266 sqq.

3. συνούσης po is restored from |. 16, and was probably followed by some epithet.
ἀδελφῆς καί would not fill the space.

4. ματρώνας στολάτας : cf. B.G. U. 860. 1, P. Flor. 16.1. The sola was the mark of
rank and dignity. αἱρέσει = volunfati, a common term in connexion with wills. προσὸ |is
a verb apparently meaning ‘ shares’ or ‘is endowed’.

For the supplement κληρονόμοι μου ἔστωσαν cf. B.G. U. 326, i. 6, where, as Schubart
informs us, the fifth letter is almost certainly «, and therefore something like [καὶ αὗται ἔστωσαν
κληρονόμοι is probably to be restored. The construction of the rest of that line remains
uncertain ; μ[έρουςἾ, however, is not necessary (cf. e.g. Il. 7 and 12 of our papyrus) and
possibly μίόναι δὶέ pou κληροιζόμο!. may be read (cf. P. Leipzig 29. 5 κληρονόμον σὲ μίὀἸνη]ν
κατὰ πάντας τοὺς τόμους καθίστημι), though the repetition of κληρονόμοι is awkward. Or
perhaps ἵνομοι is part of some phrase with oi] νόμοι, for which cf. the passage of the Leipzig
papyrus just quoted, and P. Brit. Mus. I. 77. 13-4 (Will of Abraham’) ὡς ὑπὸ τῶν...
νόμων διηγορευμένα.

4-. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ]... ἔστωσαν : cf. Β. G. U. 326. 1. 7, and the will published by de Ricci
in Wessely’s Stud. z. Paléographie 1, p.6,1. 24 ; the phrase corresponds to the Latin formula
cetert omnes exheredes sunio (Gaius 2. 128). The papyrus proves that pov, not μοι which
Arangio-Ruiz wishes to read before ἔστωσαν (of. cz/., pp 223, 276), is correct.

5. B.G. U. 326. i. 7-8 is on this analogy to be read προσε[ρ᾽χέσϊ θωσάν re τῇ κληρονομίᾳ] μου,
which is now confirmed by Schubart. ἐπὶ. . . caradip{avopévors is there replaced by ἑκάστη
ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἰδίου μέρους, after which 1. ὁπόταν (Schubart) for ἀπὸ r[a\y. We accordingly read
ὁπόταν in the corresponding position, the infinitive . . . paca, which is also adopted from
the Berlin papyrus, perhaps depending on an intervening verb, 6. g. φαίνηται. The p of pacda,
Schubart tells us, can be any letter having a long tail, i.e. 4, @, οὐ Ψ, and it is preceded at an
interval of three letters by a similar long stroke. ἀπογράψασθαι therefore does not seem
suitable. Dareste proposed pera τὸ ὁρᾶσθαι, and Gradenwitz suggests a connexion with
cernere, but this is hardly convincing.

6-7. Cf. B. G. U. 326. i. 14-5, where ταῦτα (so Schubart) not αὐτά is no doubt to be
read after παρασχέσθαι, as here. Schubart would write in the Berlin text πάντα [τὰ] ἐν...
γεγραμμένα. εἴη. τῇ τε πίστει [τα]ύτης (not [αἸὐτῆς) παρακατατίθομαι, but this absolute use οἵ εἴη
does not greatly commend itself, and the mood might be due to a szm# in the original Latin.
It therefore seems more satisfactory to have either ὅσα. . . γεγραμμένα ἐστί OF τὰ... γεγραμ-
μένα in the lacuna here. The corresponding Latin formulae are dammnas esto dare
Jacere praestare . . . fideique eius committo; cf. the will of Dasumius C.1.L. 1352. 116 and
125, the will of Hadoindus in Brissonius, de Formults vii, tla ut ubscumque aliquid per hoc
testamentum meum dedero legavero dareque tussero id ut detur fiat praestetur fidet tuae heres mea
commutto, &c.

7. Or perhaps [τέκνοις ἄρρεσι δίδωμι καταλείπω : cf. 1]. 11-2. μου is by no means certain.

8. περὶ rd... Ἰσεῖον : it is not quite clear how these words should be constructed or
even how some of them should be divided. Perhaps τὸ Ἴστρου, sc. ἐποίκιον, τῶν κατὰ τὸ ἄνω
"Io., SC. οἰκοπέδων, is the best interpretation; but the first τό may refer to Ἰσεῖον and Ἴστρου...
ἄνω be descriptive of that name; cf. combinations like Ἰσεῖον Παγγᾶ (899. 7), Ἰσεῖον
Τρύφωνος (719. 14).

9. ws, which is clearly written, is puzzling. Some expression corresponding to

We are surprised to see that Arangio-Ruiz, of. cé¢., p. 295, repeats the error of writing ἐφῶ in 1. 51
of that papyrus. Evidently ἐφ᾽ ᾧ should be read there as well as in ll. 28 and 60,

— δ» μι, ἑὰς δυννν. ὰ,

907. WILL OF HERMOGENES 253

mpoxpeias in ]. 13 is expected. The lacuna at the end of the line was presumably occupied
with a description of the οἰκία.

ro. The names of several Oxyrhynchite villages beginning with Sev are known,
Σενεκελεύ, Σενέπτα, Σενοκωλενώ, Σενοκῶμις, Sevro. The following κοινὰς πρός is indicated by ]. 12
where τὸν αὐτόν, if correct, implies a previous mention of a person with whom Hermogenes
held property in common, and the end of ]. ro seems the most suitable place for the name to
be given; cf. also 1. 17.

11--2. δίδω]μι καταλείπω = do lego, as e.g. in C.I.L. 1352.125; cf. B.G. U. 326.i. 18
[ἡ klat δίδωμι καταλίπω, and ii. 17. The name to which τὸν αὐτόν refers probably occurred at
the end of |. το; cf. the previous note.

14. Perhaps ἐΐν ἀργυρίου ταλάντοις .. .: οἵ, 1. 254

16. The line may be completed e.g. εὐνοούσῃ μοι (So 494. 9) καὶ κατὰ πάντα.

17. Perhaps περὶ Kopa|8w (45. 9) or ΘῶσΊβιν (614, &c.).

18. It was the usual practice in marriage contracts to give the wife a general claim
against the husband’s property for the repayment of her dowry, but in the present case the
Security seems to have been limited to a portion of the husband’s estate which was formally
mortgaged for this purpose. For ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ cf. e.g. 266. 9 προσηνέγκατο αὐτῷ ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῇ ἐν
φερνῇ. τίοῦ γάμου might be supplied before φερνήν, but three or four letters would
be enough.

19. For ἡλικίας γενέσθαι cf. e.g. 496. 12, 651; the age of 14 years is probably here
meant, at which time a boy passed from the care of a /u/or (ἐπίτροπος) to that of a curator
(φροντιστής). According to the provisions of some Oxyrhynchus wills (cf. 491. 9, 495. 10)
ἐπίτροποι are appointed to act for minors up to the age of 20 or 25 years, but these cases
are anterior to the constitutio Antonina, and considering the strong tendency of Hermogenes
to use Roman formulae, it is safer to take ἐπίτροπος here in its technical Roman sense. Α /u/or
but not a curator could be appointed by a Roman will. For the phrase ἐπίτροπον ποιεῖν Cf.
B.G.U. 326. ii. 17 ἐποίησα ἐπίτροπον τῇ ἰδίᾳ πίστι. The analogy of the present passage,
in which the /u/or is assigned to the daughter as well as the sons, makes it clear that in that
much discussed clause also (cf. Arangio-Ruiz, of. εἴ. pp. 232 sqq.) ἐπίτροπος means /u/or.

20. ἐπακολουθούσης : Cf. 909. 4 ἀφηλίκων μήτηρ καὶ ἐπακολουθήτρια, and note.

21. ἄρχοντα ἢ ἀντάρχοντα : cf. e.g. C.I.G. 2222. 17 ἀρ]χόντων ἢ ἀνταρχόντων. ἀντι-
corresponds to the Latin 2γο-. But the intervention of a magistrate would according to
Roman law be necessary when the sons required a curator; cf. 888. introd.

23. φίλῳ pov is very doubtful; the name of Dionysammon’s (?) father may be
given instead.

25. Possibly ἐν ὥρᾳ γάμου γενομένῃ, with δοθῆναι βούλομαι before τῇ Διδύμῃ, but the
reading would not be very satisfactory, and γενομεν., if rightly deciphered, may also be
constructed with ὑπό.

26. We suppose that there is a small dash after «Anpov[ojuca, followed by a short blank
space ; but the papyrus is damaged in this part, and a letter or two may have intervened
before the supposed ro. There is not room for Εὐσεβοῦς κιτιλ. at the end of this line.
Perhaps Τακίτου alone stood here, with the Roman month or a reference to the consuls; cf.
B.G. U. 326. ii. 11-2.

28. ἐλύθη κιτιλ. : this entry, which is in the same hand and was evidently written at
the same time as the rest of the text, indicates that the whole document is a copy made
after the λύσις had taken place. Cf. B.G.U. 326. ii. 21 καὶ ἀνεγνώσθησαν τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐν ἧ
καὶ ἡ διαθήκη ἐλύθη, and for λύειν in this connexion also 715. 19, B. G. U. 592. ii. 7, &c.

254 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

908. CONTRACT BETWEEN EUTHENIARCHS.
30-6 x 8-5 cm. A.D. 199.

An agreement between Sarapion, who was either himself a eutheniarch
at Oxyrhynchus or, more probably, the grandson of a person holding that office
(cf. note on 1. 5), and five other eutheniarchs concerning the grinding of wheat for
bread to be supplied to the city. The precise terms of the agreement are much
obscured by the mutilation of the papyrus ; the five eutheniarchs were however
each to bear the expense of one factory, and Sarapion and his grandfather were
apparently together made responsible for a sixth, the average daily output of
each mill being fixed at 20 artabae. But the details are comparatively unimpor-
tant, and the value of the document lies mainly in the fresh information supplied
regarding the office of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch. The eutheniarchs, who
first appear towards the end of the second century, superintended the food
supply of the capital towns; but they are not very often mentioned and their
official rank is not yet clear (cf. P. Tebt. 397. 14-5, note). They are sometimes
found holding another office simultaneously, e. g. that of exegetes ; in the present
case five eutheniarchs were gymnasiarchs. We here learn further that at
Oxyrhynchus they formed a board of at least six ; and 1]. 18-21 indicate that
these six held office for a period of a single month. Hence it would appear
that the number for the year was twelve, and that they exercised their functions
in alternate months in two sections of six. With regard to the number of the
gymnasiarchs, of whom five are mentioned in 11]. 6-15, this is the largest figure
yet attested for Oxyrhynchus ; but C. P. Herm. 57 (to which Wilcken called our
attention) indicates the coexistence of at least ten gymnasiarchs at Hermopolis,
and there may well have been ten or twelve or even more at Oxyrhynchus. At
Athens at this period there were monthly as well as yearly gymnasiarchs,
and the monthly office was sometimes held by more than one person (Boeckh,
Staatshaushaltung, 1. 548).

Σαραπίων ὁ καὶ ‘Dpeioly ...
wvos διὰ τοῦ κατὰ πατέρα πάπ-
_ mov ᾿ἀπίωνος γυμνα[σ]ιαρχή-
σαντος τῆς ᾿Οξυρυγχειτῶν
5 πόλεως νυνεὶ εὐθηνιάρχης
τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεως Τιβερίῳ
Κλαυδίῳ Διδύμῳ καὶ ὡς χρημα-

908.

CONTRACT BETWEEN EUTHENIARCHS

ties τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Διονυσείου

καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς συνόδου ἱερονει-

~ > ~ Ὧν -, ~

κῶν ἀτελῶν Kal Θέωνι τῷ

[καὶ ᾿Αν]τιμάχῳ καὶ Διονυσίῳ τῷ καὶ

ἐ « Π

ιν; a a \ 3) 7

[- ... κ]αὶ Ἀχιλλεῖ τῷ καὶ ᾿Ισιδώρῳ
UA x, e¢ ἊΣ

sprite καὶ ‘Qpeiwve

[τῷ κ]αὶ Βερενεικιανῷ ἐξηγη-

Ὁ ρ nY1

[xals] καὶ εὐθηνιάρχαις τῆς αὐτῆς
᾿Οξυ]ρυγχειτῶν πόλεως χ[αίρ]ειν.
ἰσυἸνεθέμην πρὸς ὑμᾶς νῦν
[εἰὐθηνιαρχοῦντι ἀπίὸ A] τοῦ ὄν-
[ros] μηνὸς Παῦνι ἕως xO τοῦ

le
|
[rev |oavTt τοῖς € γυμνασιάρ-
ἱ

[ἐ]ξῆς μηνὸς Bate τοῦ ἐνεστῶ-

[ros] ¢ (ἔτους) ὥστε ὑφ᾽ ἑκάστου ὑμῶν
ἀρτοκοπεῖον ἕν ἀπαρτισθῆναι

[-.1. nove... τρεφόντων ὑμῶν τὰ

[κ]Ἰτήνη χόρτῳ τε καὶ κριθῇ ἐπὶ τῷ
[ἀἸλήθειν τὰ κτ]ήνη ἡμερησίως Kad’ ἕ-
καστον ἐρ[γ]αστήριον μέχρι πυρ[οῦ

ἀρταβῶν εἰἴϊκοσι.. [.]..aoap......[, yo
[ρηγ]οῦντος τὰ ἐν ἑκάστῳ ἐργαστηρίῳ
κ[τ]ήνη κατὰ τὸ of.].[. .]. . λωκαμε
.1.[.....1. ὑμῶν .. σανμασυουΐ. .].. [.] . πία-
[ο]έχειν ev ἐργᾳστή[ρ)ν] τὸν ..[..-...
[Ἱνερπί ) ἐμοῦ παρ[ἐἸχονίτ]ος τροφὰς...
[ἀϊλήθοντας πρὸς τὸ .... [ἐργ]αστήριον τὰϊς
ἴσας ἡμερησίως υἱ. ... ... ἀρτάβας

εἴκοσι, οὐκ ἐξόντος [οὐδενὶ ἡμῶν [π]αΐρα-
[βαἸίνειν τὰ προγεγραμμ[ένα. κἸύρι[α] ταὔ]τ]α
τὰ γράμματα ἑξασσὰ γραφέντα] πρὸς [τὸ ἑἸκά-
τερον ἡμῶν ἔχειν μοναχόν. (ἔτους) ¢
Αὐτοκρατόρων Καισάρων Δουκίου

Σεπτιμίου Σ᾽ εουήρου Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίναϊκος
ApaBixod ᾿Αδιαβ[η)νικοῦ Παρθικοῦ Μεγίστου

255

256 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

καὶ Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου ᾿ἀντωνίνου Σεβαστῶν

Παῦνι Κη. (2nd hand) Σ᾽ αραπίων (ὃ) καὶ “Ωρείαν
45. δ ἐμοῦ ᾿πίωνος πἰάϊππου

εὐδοκῶ πᾶσιν τοῖς προκει-

μένοις.

5. 1. εὐθηνιάρχου (?). 9. ἵερας . . . Ἱερονεικων Pap. 12. todwpe Pap. 18. ὕμας
Pap. 19. 1. [εἸὐθηνιαρχοῦντας. 20. maim Pap. 22. ip... ὕμων Pap. 35. ἴσας Pap. (?)

‘ Sarapion also called Horion, son of... on, through his paternal grandfather Apion,
ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus, at present eutheniarch of the said city, to Tiberius Claudius
Didymus and however ‘he is styled, a victor in the games and exempt from taxation, member
of the Dionyseum and the sacred club, and to Theon also called Antimachus and Dionysius
also called . . . and Achilles also called Isidorus, ex-exegetes, and Horion also called
Berenicianus, ex-exegetes, all five gymmasiarchs and eutheniarchs of the said city of
Oxyrhynchus, greeting. I have made a compact with you being now eutheniarchs from
the (30th?) of the present month Pauni till the 29th of the following month Epeiph in the
current 7th year, that one bakery be fitted out by each of you... the animals being fed by
you with grass and barley, on the understanding that they grind daily in each factory as
much as 20 artabae of wheat .. . supplying the animals in each factory . . . to provide one
factory, the fodder being provided by me, and we shall grind at (this) factory an equal
amount daily, namely 20 artabae ; and it shall be unlawful for any of us to transgress the
aforesaid conditions. This contract, done in six copies in order that each of us may have
one, is valid.’ Date and signature of Sarapion.

1. Probably ‘Qpei|ovos or ’Ami|ovos.

5. It is not clear whether εὐθηνιάρχης refers to Sarapion or to Apion ; in the former case
the order is irregular, in the latter εὐθηνιάρχου should have been written. On the whole we
prefer the second alternative, though why Sarapion appears in the business at all then
becomes obscure, and his action must be supposed to depend upon a private arrangement
between himself and his grandfather.

8-10. This Διονυσεῖον is more probably an Oxyrhynchite than an Alexandrian temple ;
cf. B. G. U. 1073, a notification from the boule of Oxyrhynchus to the record-office of the
election of a person to the σύλλογος of a ἱερὰ σύνοδος, which entitled him to ἀτέλεια, and 1074,
the statement of this individual’s claim, which in |. 1 cites a rescript of Claudius Gothicus
(cf. Wilcken, Archiv, IV. p. 564 and Viereck, Avvo, VIII. p. 413) addressed τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς
οἰκουμένης περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον ἱερονίκαις στεφανείταις. A τόπος καλούμενος Διονύσου Τεχνιτῶν at
Oxyrhynchus is mentioned in 171 (Part II, p. 208), and the impost in 917. 3 apparently
called σπί(ονδὴ) Διον(ύσου) may in some way have benefited the Διονυσεῖον.

19. ἀπὸ [λ]: cf. 1.44, which shows that this contract was written on Pauni 28. 30 days
would be a natural period.

24. [ἐκ] τῆς ἴσης is not satisfactory, for though the doubtful ε may be a, the vestiges of
the next letter do not seem to suit 7; a stroke below the line suggests rather ξ or p. With
ἴσης moreover a diaeresis would be expected over the «. [ἡμε]ρησίως cannot be read.

28. Not ἐμοῦ Σαραπίωνος.

30. There may be a letter at the end of the line after ε, e.g. ν, but a first person
plural does not accord at all well with κατὰ ré. The traces do not suit δεδηλώκαμεν, and
ἀνηλώκαμεν is unsatisfactory. 7 might be read in place of το.

908. CONTRACT BETWEEN EUTHENIARCHS 257

31. Perhaps πᾶσαν. The doubtful » may be A or 8; ἄνδρας would be possible.
ἡμᾶς τούς would assist [d]AnOovras in ]. 34, but the r especially is difficult.

32. Perhaps τὸν ’An| (ova,

33. ερ is followed by the curved mark commonly used in abbreviations to represent 7,
map|é|xor[r los is very doubtful.

38. ἑξασσός is unknown to the lexica but is parallel to τετρασσός, Ῥ. Amh. 107. τό,
B.G. U. 817. 17. The word is also to be recognized in P. Strassb. 29. 46 where, as the
facsimile shows, ἑξασσὴ γραφῖσα should be read for ἑξὰς συνγραφῖσα.

909. SALE OF ACACIA-TREES.
27-5 x 10-8 cm. A.D. 225.

A contract for the sale of fourteen acacia-trees on the edge of a vineyard
for 1200 drachmae, the purchase-money being devoted to the payment of
arrears of taxes upon the vineyard.

Αὐρήλιος Πτολλίων Πτολλίωνος ἀπ᾽ ᾽Οξυρύγχων
᾽ ᾽ ’, ᾽ ri 7
πόλεως ἐπίτροπος ἀφηλίκων τέκνων
᾿Απολλωνίου τοῦ καὶ Διδύμου ᾿Ονησᾶτος
Ν ς Eo > 4 ’ ‘ )
καὶ ἡ τῶν ἀφηλίκων μήτηρ καὶ ἐπακολου-
5 θήτρια Αὐρηλία Εὐδαιμονὶς ᾿Αντινόου
τοῦ καὶ “Ἑρμοῦ ᾿Αντινοὶς χωρὶς κυρίου χρη-
7 ve ΄ Υἵ 2
ματίζουσα κατὰ “Ρωμαίων ἔθη τέκνων
oe > ’ Ua tA ᾽ 4
δικαίῳ Αὐρηλίοις Σερήνῳ υἱῷ Αὐρηλίου
Ἀμμωνίου ἐξηγητεύσαντος τῆς ᾽Οξυρυγ-
Io χειτῶν πόλεως καὶ Σερήνῳ Σερήνου
καὶ Θεωνᾶτι χρηματίζοντι μητρὸς
΄ \ , ΄ arn
Τααρμιύσιος καὶ Σωτηρίχῳ Διδύμου ἀπὸ
τῆς αὐτῆς πύλεως χαίρειν. ὁμολογοῦμεν
πεπρακέναι ὑμεῖν τοῖς τέσσαρσι ἐξ ἴσου
\ af 2 Ν 7 > ~
15 Tas οὔσας ἐπὶ χώματος ἀμπελ[ι]κοῦ
κτήματος νεοφύτου τῶν ἀφηλίκων
περὶ κώμην Σενέπτα ἀκάνθας ἀριθμῷ
τελείας δεκατέσσαρας τειμῆς τῆς συμ-
πεφωνημένης πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀργυ-
? A 7 7 ἃ
20 ρίου δραχμῶν χειλ[ί]ων διακοσίων, αἱ προσ-
εχώρησαν εἰς συνωνὴν πυροῦ χωρή-
5

258 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

σίαϊντος ὑπὲρ μετρημάτων τῆς mpox\et-
μένης ἀμπέλου χρόνων θεοῦ Κομόδου
ἐπὶ τῷ ὑμᾶς τὴν τῶν προκειμένων ἀκαν-

25 θῶν ἀναβολὴν ἐξ [ἐϊπιρίζων καὶ ἄρσιν
ταῖς ὑμῶν δαπάναις ποιήσασθαι ὁπόταν
αἱρῆσθαι, ἐπάναγκον δὲ μέχρι τοῦ Μεσορὴ
τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ὃ (ἔτους), καὶ μετὰ τὴν τῶν ἀκανθῶν
ἀναβολὴν καὶ ἄρσιν τὸν [κ]όσμον τῶν τό-

30 πων τὸ ἴσον ποιήσασθαι ἡμᾶς τε κατὰ τὸ ἥ-
μι[σ]υ καὶ ὑμᾶς τοὺς πεπρακότας κατὰ τὸ ἕτεροΪν
ἥμισυ καθὼς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐστάθη, καὶ ἐπηρω-
τηϑέντες ὡμολογήσαμεν. κυρία ἡ πρᾶσις .
δισσὴ γραφεῖσα. (ἔτους) ὃ Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος

35 Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σ᾽ εουήρου ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Ἐὐσεβο]ῦς
Εὐτυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ ΤΌβι te.

and hand Αὐρήλιος Πτολλίϊων Πτολλίωνος μετ᾽ ἐπα-
κολουθητρίας τῆ[ς μητρὸς

7. τεκνωῖ Pap. 8. vio Pap. 9. εὖ οἵ εξηγητευσαντος COIT. from 7. 14. ἴσου
Pap. 21-2. o Of χωρησαἾντος corr. from a and s added above the line. 27. 1. αἱρῆσθε.
28. των added above the line. 30. ἴσον Pap. 32. 1. ἐπερωτηθέντες. ἡ

‘Aurelius Ptollion son of Ptollion, of Oxyrhynchus, /w/or of the children of Apollonius
also called Didymus, son of Onesas, who are minors, and the mother of the minors, who
gives her concurrence, Aurelia Eudaemonis daughter of Antinous also called Hermes, of
AntinoGpolis, acting without a guardian in accordance with Roman custom by the right of her
children, to the Aurelii Serenus son of Aurelius Ammonius, formerly exegetes of Oxyrhynchus,
and Serenus son of Serenus, and Theonas styled as having Taarmiusis as his mother, and
Soterichus son of Didymus, of the said city, greeting. We acknowledge that we have
sold to you four in equal shares the fourteen acacia-trees in good condition growing upon
the embankment of the newly-planted vineyard belonging to the minors, at the price agreed
upon between us of 1200 drachmae of silver, which sum was devoted to the purchase of
wheat paid for the dues upon the aforesaid vineyard in the reign of the deified Commodus,
on condition that you shall perform the complete uprooting and removal of the aforesaid
acacia-trees at your own expense whenever you choose, but of necessity not later than
Mesore of the present 4th year, and after the pulling up and removal of the acacia-trees the
place shall be set in order in equal shares, half by us and the other half by you the buyers,
as hereby agreed, and in answer to the formal question we have given our consent. This -
sale, of which there are two copies, is valid. The 4th year of the Emperor Caesar Marcus
Aurelius Severus Alexander Pius Felix Augustus, Tubi 15.’ Signature of Aurelius
Ptollion.

909: SALE OF ACACIA-TREES 259

4. Cf. P. Leipzig 9. 6, where three ἀφήλικες send an ἀπογραφή through their mother as
επακολουθήτρια, and 907. 20, where the concurrence (ἐπακολουθεῖν) of the mother in the acts
of the guardian of minors is provided for by will.

15. For ἄκανθαι in vineyards cf. P. Brit. Mus. 214. 13-5 (II. p. 162). The wood was
used for boat-building (Hdt. ii. 96), and for various kinds of machinery (P. Brit. Mus. 1177.
177-220 = III. pp. 186-7), and gum arabic was obtained from it (Hdt. ii. 96).

20. The clause at προσεχώρησαν x.t.d. takes the place of the usual acknowledgement of
the purchase-price by the seller.. Apparently the money in question had been paid direct to
the sellers of the corn.

25. ἀναβολήν : this word is generally used for ‘banking up’, and the trees were ἐπὶ
χώματος (1. 15); but the context shows that it must here be employed in the unusual sense
of digging up or uprooting. ἐξ [é|mpi¢ev is very uncertain ; |. can be read for εξ, but ὡΐς
yields no sense, ὧϊς ¢}ri ῥητῶν being inadmissible. We suppose the sense of ἐπίρριζος, which
apparently does not occur, to be similar to that of émppi¢iov which is read by editors in
Diosc. 1. 10 ῥίζα δὲ... πλάγια δὲ τὰ ἐπιρρίζια ἔχει, i.e. the smaller roots subsidiary to the
main ones; for the form cf. ὑπόρριζος.

910. LEASE OF LAND.
31:5 X 9 cm. A.D. 197.

A lease of 5 arourae of land at Pakerke for four years, following the usual
formula. In the first and third years of the lease the land was to be sown with
wheat at a rent of 6 artabae per aroura, in the second and fourth years with
green-stuffs at a rent of 32 drachmae per aroura; cf. e.g. P. Tebt. 377. Seven
artabae of seed-corn were lent by the landlord for the first year’s crop. Caracalla
is called in the date formula emperor-designate on Nov. 4, 197, as in inscriptions
and coins of that year ; his ¢rzbunicza potestas began in the following January, and
already by May, 198, he was placed on an equality with his father (C. I. L. viii.
2465); cf. 976, which was written 22 days later than 910, Caracalla being still
emperor-designate, and 916, where he appears as full emperor in Pauni (May 26--
June 24 A.D. 198).

[ΕμίσἸθωσεν “Ἱερακ[ίίων ‘Iepaxiwvos am ’O-
[ξυρύγχ]ων πόλεως ἀγορανομήσας τῆς αὐτῆς
[ἰπόλεω]ς Τεῶτι Σ᾽ αραπάμμωνος μητρὸς
Pee Ἰατος καταγεινομένῳ ev κώμῃ Πα-
5 ἱκέρκη] ἀπηλιώτου τοπαρχίας εἰς ἔτη
[
[
[

? Ψ “ XN 3 “ +
pas πέντε, ὥστε TH μὲν ἐνεστῶτι ς΄ (ἔτει)

? Le a 2) ~ y DY
τέσσα]ρα ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ς (ἔτους) τὰς
€ " ’ 5: σὰ ‘ ‘ , 3 ,
ὑπαρχο)ύσας αὐτῷ περὶ τὴν Πακέρκη apov-
Ν 4 ~ a 5) ’ 3,
καὶ ἡ (ἔτει!) σπεῖραι πυρῷ ἐκφορίου κατ ἔτος
5.2

260

40°

THE OXYRAYNCHAUS:- PAPYRI

Kat ἄρουραν ava πυροῦ ἀρτάβας ἕξ, τῷ δὲ

[ἐξῆ)ς ¢ (ἔτει) καὶ θ [τ Eerie XAo-
[pots φόρου ὡσαύτως Kat ἔτος Kat dpov-
[pav ἀνὰ] δραχμὰς τριάκοντα δύο. ὁμο-
[λογεῖ δὲ] ὁ μεμισθωμένος αὐτόθι
[ἐσχηκέναι] καὶ παραμεμετρῆσθαι παρὰ
[Tod γεο]ύχου ἐν πρ[οἸχρείᾳ εἰς σπέρμα -
[ὑπὲρ τῆ]ς γῆς μόνου τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ἔτους
~ 3 ΄ ε ΄ fe x yw 2 ΄

[πυροῦ ἀρ]τάβας ἑπτά, ὧν τὰς ἴσας ἐπά-
[ναγκοὴν ἀποδώσει αὐτῷ ἅμα τοῖς τῆς

~ τὰ ΄ cad ~ 4 ~ > ~
[γῆς ἐκ]φορίοις τῷ Παῦνι μηνὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ
2 ~ oy Z e ΄
[ἐνεστ]ῶτος ἔτουϊ")] μέτρῳ ᾧ παρείληφεν

t
4

> - Ν Pf
[ἀκίνδηυνα πάντα ἱπ]αντὸς κινδύνου,
“ lod a ὧν. oy 4
[τῶν] τῆς γῆς δηϊμ]οσίων ὄντων πρὸς
[τὸν γεο]ῦχον, ὃν [κ]αὶ κυριεύειν τῶν
a ef SS ding 5d 5] ,

ἱκαρπ]ῶν ἕως τὰ κατ ἔτος ὀφειλόμε-

7 IX 4 3 Ν “-“ > va
[va Koluionrat. ἐὰν δέ τις ἀπὸ τοῦ ἰσιόν-
ἄβροχος γένηται

[ros ἔτους, ὃ μὴ εἰζ]η,
ἱπαρα]δεχθήσεταζι] τῷ μεμισθωμένῳ,
[

ds β]εβαιουμένη[9] τῆς μισθώσεως
[ἀπο]δότω τὰ ἐκ[φ]όρια καὶ τοὺς φόρους
[κα]τ᾽ ἔτος μηνὶ [ΠἸαῦνι, τὸν δὲ πυρὸν
[ἐϊφ ἅλω τῆς Πακέρκη νέον καθαρὸν
ἄδολον ἄκῥῤειθον κεκοσκινευμένον

μέτρῳ τετραχοινείκῳ παραλημ-

πτικῷ τοῦ γεούχου, τῆς μετρήσεως

Ἂ ς a ~ > > ~ ‘ € ~
γίε]ινομένης ὑπίὸ τῶν] παρ αὐτοῦ, Kal ἡ πρᾶ-

Wf; wo , ~ 4 2 “Ὁ ς

[tls ἔστω ἔκ τε αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑὕὑπαρ-
χόντων αὐτῷ πάντων, ἐπί τῷ τὸν
αὐτὸν μεμισθωμένον παραδῶναι τὴν
γίῆν] τῷ ἐσχάτῳ ἐνιαυτῷ τεθρυοκο-
πημένην καὶ κα[θ]αρὰν ἀπὸ θρύου καὶ δεί-

’ 4 € ’ Ψ
σης πάσης. κυρία ἡ μίσθωσις. (ἔτους) >
Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Δουκίου Σ᾿ επτιμίου
Σεουνήρου Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίνακος Σεβαστοῦ

ΒΒ Δ...

910. ΔῈ 4.58 OF LAND : 261

45. ApaBixod ᾿Αδιαβηνικοῦ καὶ Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου
‘Avroveivov Καίσαρος ἀποδεδειγμένου
Αὐτοκράτορος ᾿Αθὺρ η. (2nd hand) Teds Sapa-
πάμμωνος μεμίσθωμαι ἐπὶ

τὰ τέσσαρα ἔτη τὴν γῆν ἐκφορί-

50 ov καὶ φόρου κ[α]τ᾽ ἄρουραν κατ᾽ ἔτος
τῆς μὲν ἐν πί[υ]ρῷ διετίας ἀνὰ πυ-
pod ἀρτάβας ἕξ, [τ]ῆς δὲ ἐν χλω-
ροῖς ἀνὰ δραχμὰς τριάκοντα
δύο, καὶ ἔσχον τὰς τῶν σπερμάτων

55 πυροῦ ἀρτάβας [ἑπ]τὰ καὶ ἀποδώσω
πάντα ἀϊς πἸρ[όκειταϊ. Πτολεμαῖος Διο-
νυσίου ἔγραψα [ὑπὲρ] αὐτοῦ μὴ εἰδ[ό-
τος γράμματα.

I. Ἱερακ ων ἵερ. Pap. 14. ο before μεμισθ. Over an erasure, 18. ἴσας Pap.
26, iovor[ros Pap. 37. ὕπαρχοντων Pap.

‘Hieracion son of Hieracion, of Oxyrhynchus, ex-agoranomus of the said city, has
leased to Teos son of Sarapammon, his mother being . . . as, inhabiting the village of
Pakerke in the eastern toparchy, for four years dating from the present 6th year, the 5
arourae which he owns at Pakerke, on condition that in the present 6th year and in the
8th year Teos shall sow them with wheat at. the annual rent of 6 artabae of wheat per
aroura, and in the following 7th and gth years he shall cultivate them with green-stuffs
at the annual rent likewise of 32 drachmae per aroura. The lessee acknowledges that he
has on the spot received and had measured to him from the landlord as a loan for seed on
account of the land, for the present year only, 7 artabae of wheat, of which he shall be
compelled to repay an equal amount to the lessor together with the rent in kind in the
month Pauni of the said present year, by the same measure as that by which he received it,
guaranteed completely against all risks, the taxes upon the land being payable by the
landlord, who shall further retain the ownership of the produce until he recovers his annual
dues. If after the coming year (which heaven forbid!) any part be unirrigated, an allowance
shall be made to the lessee, who when the lease is guaranteed shall pay the rent in kind
and money annually in the month of Pauni, the wheat at the threshing-floor of Pakerke,
new, pure, unadulterated, unmixed with barley, and sifted, according to the 4-choenix
receiving measure of the landlord, the measuring being done by his agents; and he shall
have the right of execution upon both the lessee and all his property, and the said lessee
shall deliver the land in the last year with all the rushes cut, and free from rushes and dirt
of all kinds. This lease is valid.’ . Date and signature of the lessee.

30. τὰ ἐκφόρια καὶ τοὺς φόρους : for the distinction cf. P. Tebt. 377. 23-7, note.

262 : THE OXYRAVYNCHUS ΡΑΡΥΔΙ

911. LEASE OF A HOUSE.
II-I X 7-2 cm. A.D. 233 OF 265.

This contract for the lease of part of a house at Oxyrhynchus follows so far
as it goes the ordinary formula (cf. e. g. 502) ; the chief point of interest in it is
the mention of a special appointment of a ὑπογραφεύς or subscriber to act on
behalf of the lessee, whose sight was affected ; cf. note on 1]. 6 sqq. The papyrus
was written in the third century in the 13th year of an emperor who must
be Severus Alexander or Gallienus.

᾿Εμίσθωσεν Αὐρήλιος Δημήτριος

6 καὶ [Ζ]ωΐίλος ἀρχιερατεύσας ἐξηγη-
τὴς β[ο)υλευτὴς τῆς ᾿Οξυρυγχειτῶν πό-
λεως Avpynriw Θεογένι Θεογένους

5 τοῦ Θεογένους ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλεαϊς
ἀσθενῖ τὰς ὄψις pet ὑπογραφέως
τοῦ συνχωρηθέντος αὐτῷ ἐκ τἰῶν
ὑπομνημάτων τῆς στρατηγίας
Αὐρηϊλίο]ν Διονυ[σ]ίου τοῦ καὶ ‘Appoviolv

10 ἐπὶ χρίόϊνον ἔτη δύο ἔτι ἀπὸ a Θὼθ
τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος vy (ἔτους) ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπαρ-
χόντων αὐτῷ ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ᾿Οξυρύγχωϊν
more. [ἐπ᾿ ἀμφόδου Δρόμου Θοήριδος
ἥμισυ μέρος οἰκίας καὶ αἰθρίου ὑφ᾽ ἣν

I5 κατάγιον καὶ αὐλῆς καὶ τῶν ταύτης
χρηστηρίων [π]άντων κοινῆς πὶρὸς
ΑΗ Σ 7. [-Jov κασὰν τοῖς Ὁ τὸ

2. [ζΠωῖλος Pap. 6. per Pap. |. μεθ᾽, 8. ὕπομνηματων Pap. 11. ὕπαρχοντων
Pap. 14. ip Pap. ᾿

‘ Aurelius Demetrius also called Zoilus, ex-chief priest, exegetes and councillor of
Oxyrhynchus, has leased to Aurelius Theogenes son of Theogenes, of the said city, who
has weak sight, and is acting with the subscriber who has been appointed for him in
accordance with the memoranda of the office of the strategus, namely Aurelius Dionysius
also called Ammonius, for a period of two years from Thoth 1 of the present 13th year, of
his property at the said city of Oxyrhynchus in the quarter of the Square of Thoéris, a half
share of a house and yard, beneath which is a cellar, and court, and all the appurtenances,
being held by me in common with...’

—_———-* '. ~

| fe)

ΘΙ ΘΙ OF, A HOUSE 263

6-8. An appointment of a ὑπογραφεύς by the strategus seems to be quite novel, and
shows the ὑπογραφεύς in a somewhat new light. This term is frequently used in contracts
to designate the person who signs on behalf of an illiterate party to an agreement, but

“per se has no other concern with the business in hand; there is no reason to suppose that

ordinary ‘ subscribers’ of this kind required any official recognition. A man with defective
sight would naturally need in his business transactions the services of such a ὑπογραφεύς,
but the latter would not be expected to have the prominence here accorded him, or to be
specially appointed. by the strategus. On the other hand if the physical disabilities of
Theogenes had been such as to debar him from acting on his own account, his representative
should have been termed κηδεμών or φροντιστής, not ὑπογραφεύς. The position of this officially
constituted ὑπογραφεύς appears to lie somewhere between that of the curator mente capti and
the normal ‘ subscriber ’.

912. LEASE OF A CELLAR.

26-8 x 7-9 cm. A.D. 235.

A lease of an underground chamber in a house together with the space
above the exhedra, at an annual rental of 60 drachmae ; cf. 502, the phraseology
of which is closely similar, and B.G.U.253. The date in 1. 40 appears to show
that the death of Alexander Severus and the accession of Maximinus occurred
some days earlier in the year 235 than has been generally supposed ; cf. the note

ad loc.

᾿Εμίσθωσεν Αὐρηλία Βησοῦς
Σ᾽ αραπίωνος μητρὸς Σ᾿ αραπιά-
dos ἀπ᾽ ᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλεως

| ~ > ΄
μετὰ συνεστῶτος Αὐρηλίου
Θέωνος τοῦ καὶ ᾿Ασκληπιάδου

> ἊΨ ’ UA
«Αὐρηλίῳ Πατύτι Ilavovpios
ἀπὸ Μερμέρθων ἐπ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν

ἕνα ἀπὸ α Θὼθ τοῦ εἰσιόντος β (ἔτους)

ἀφ᾽ ἧς καὶ αὐτὴ ἔχει ἐμ μισθώσει

παρὰ Αὐρηλί(ίου) ᾿Ισιδώρου Χαιρήμονος

ἐπ᾿ ἀμφόδου Νότου Κρηπεῖδος
wae. Ἀ ΟΝ 7 \ Q
οἰκίας τὸ ἐνὸν κατάγειον Kal τὸν
ἐπάνω τῆς ἐξέδρας τόπον ἐνοι-
κίου τοῦ ἔτους ἀργυρίου δραχμῶν
ἑξήκοντα. βεβαιουμένης δὲ τῆς
μισθώσεως χράσθω ὁ μεμι-

ve ‘

νον παραδότω τοὺς μισθου-
μένους αὐτῇ ὡς πρόκειται

? ‘ > Ν 7
τόπους καθαροὺς ἀπὸ κοπρίων

7 δ 3 7 « IX’

καὶ πᾶσης ἀκαθαρσίας ws ἐὰν
παραλάβῃ καὶ τὰς ἐφεστώσας
τοῖς τόποις θύρας καὶ κλεῖδας,
ἢ ἀποτεισάτω οὗ ἐὰν μὴ πα-

a a 9?
ραδῷ τὴν ἀξίαν τειμὴν ὃ δ᾽ [edly
μα ᾽ “ ~ Bb]

προσοφιλέσῃ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐνοι-
>
κίου μεθ᾽ ἡμιολίας, γεινομέ-
νης τῆς πράξεως παρά τε αὐ-
τοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων
᾽ 3 , ; ΄ ᾿ , θ
αὐτῷ πάντων. κυρία ἡ μίσθω-
σις, καὶ ἐπερωτηθεὶς ὧμο-
λόγησεν. (ἔτους) α Αὐτοκράτορος
: .
Καίσαρος Taiov ᾿Ιουλίου Οὐήρου.

264 THE OXYRHYNCAHUS PAPYRI

σθωμένος τοῖς μισθουμένοις Μαξιμείνου Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς
αὐτῷ τόποις ἐπὶ τὸν χρόνον 40 [Σ᾿ εβα(στοῦ) Φαμεϊνὼθ a. (2nd hand)
ἀκωλύτως, καὶ ἀποδότω τὸ ἐνοί- «Αὐρηλέία
20 Κιον ἐν δόσεσι δυσὶ τοῦ ἔτους [Βησοῦς μ]εμίσθωκα ws πρίό-
δ ἑξαμήνου τὸ ἥμισυ ἀν- [ RECTAL «> ode Big ieee
υπερθέτως. μετὰ δὲ τὸν χρό- : : : ‘ : : :-
4. ενιαυτὸ Pap. 14. δραχμῶ Pap. 21. ανὕπερθετως Pap. 24. 1. αὐτῷ. 30.

[ea] Pap. 32. μεθ᾽ Pap. 34. umapxovr® Pap.

‘ Aurelia Besous, daughter of Sarapion and Sarapias, of Oxyrhynchus, acting with
Aurelius Theon also called Asclepiades, has leased to Aurelius Patus son of Panouris, from
Mermertha, for one year from Thoth 1 of the coming znd year out of the house which she
herself holds on lease from Aurelius Isidorus son of Chaeremon in the South Quay quarter,
the cellar within it and the space above the hall at the rent of 60 drachmae of silver for the
year. When the lease is guaranteed the lessee shall use the parts leased to him throughout
the period without hindrance, and shall pay the rent in two instalments in the year, half the
sum at intervals of 6 months, without any delay. And at the end of the period he shall
deliver the parts leased to him as aforesaid free from filth and dirt of every kind, in the
condition in which he receives them, with the existing doors and keys, or shall forfeit a sum
equivalent to what he fails to deliver, and for arrears of rent one and a half times the
original amount, the lessor having the right of execution upon both his person and all his
property. This lease is valid, and in answer to the formal question he gave his consent.
The rst year of the Emperor Caesar Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus Pius Felix Augustus,
Phamenoth 1.’ Signature of Aurelia Besous.

4. μετὰ συνεστῶτος : the precise legal significance of this phrase, which is found in
several papyri of the period subsequent to the constz/utio Antonina, is somewhat obscure.
That it is not equivalent to μετὰ κυρίου is quite clear from e.g. C. P.R. 1. 9. 2 (χωρὶς κυρίου
χρηματιζούσῃ ... συνεστῶτός σοι Αὐρηλίου Evdaipovos: cf. Ῥ, Leipzig 4. 8 and P. Strassb. 29.
29), where there is a direct opposition between κύριος and συνεστώς. Wenger, in his most
recent discussion of the subject, Gov. gel. Anz. 1907, p. 293, proposes to find an explanation
in the distinction between Reichsrecht and Volksrecht ; where the former no longer re-
quired a κύριος the latter retained him in the form of a συνεστώς : cf. P. Leipzig 28. 4 pera
συνεστῶτος οὗ ἑκοϊῦσ)α ἐμαυτῇ mapnveyka. συμπαρών is sometimes used as a synonym for
συνεστώς ; cf. P, Leipzig 3. i. 2 and 29. 3, 20.

40. ΦαμεἸ]νὼθ a: this is a remarkable date, since Alexander Severus is supposed to have
been killed about Feb. 10, and that the accession of Maximinus should have been known
at Oxyrhynchus so soon after as Feb. 25 is incredible. If Φαμε]νὼθ a here is correct, the
death of Alexander must be put back somewhat earlier; a date from about Jan. 10-20 is
the latest that would be expected. On the other hand some days of January in this year
must be allowed to Alexander in order to account for coins on which is marked the 14th
year of his ¢ribunicta potestas, which would date from Jan. 1. The problem is further
complicated by a papyrus from the Heracleopolite nome translated by Wessely in Fihrer
Pap. Erz. Rainer No. 249, which is dated in Pharmouthi of the 14th year of Alexander ;
that is to say, the writer of that document continued to reckon the year by Alexander at
least 30 days after another writer, at a place further south, had adopted the new reckoning

SIZ LRLEASE. OF, A CELLAR 265

by Maximinus. The discrepancy, however, is less striking than that between B.G. U. 784
which is dated by Pertinax on April 2, 193, and B.G.U. 515 which is still dated by
Commodus on June 2 of the same year, both documents coming from the Fayim. It
seems that the scribes were not very prompt in adapting themselves to the altered conditions,
and that force of habit sometimes led careless persons to go on using a superseded
formula; cf. 907. introd.

With regard to the reading, the numeral a might perhaps be ε, but that makes hardly
any difference. It is a little surprising that there is nothing to be seen of the abbreviation
of Σεβα(στοῦ), for the papyrus is broken only slightly above the line of the letters. [Σεβαστοῦ]
Θώθ might well be read, but Thoth 1 of a first year is an impossible date, since according to
the Egyptian reckoning Thoth 1 always began a new regnal year. There is no doubt
either about the number of the year in 1. 37, which is also guaranteed by 1. 8, or that ]. 04 a
was written at the same time as the rest of the date. ©o6 a might possibly be explained as
an inadvertence of the scribe caused by a reminiscence of ]. 8 ; but this cannot be regarded
as a satisfactory hypothesis.

41. πρόκειται may of course have been abbreviated.

913. LEASE OF LAND.
31-7 X 23°5 cm. A.D. 442.

A lease of 9 acres of land for apparently three years (cf. note on 1. 8), at the
rent of half the produce, the landlord being responsible for taxes and the tenants
providing seed.

[Ὑπατείας ΦἸ]λαουίων Evdogiov κ[αὶ] Διοσκόρου τῶν Aapmp(oTarov)
Padget ιη.

ΞΡ Se oer θ]υγατρὶ τοῦ τ[ῆ]ς ἀρίστης μνή(μη)ς Aavindiov
[προπολιτευοἹμένου τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως

5 [πα]ρὰ Αὐρηϊλίω)ν ‘Appivoiov υἱοῦ Παδιδύμου καὶ Τάορ θυγατρὸς Κάστορος
[- -1θεσμί. .. ἀπὸ κώμης Πτώχεως τοῦ αὐτοῦ νομοῦ. ἑκουσίως
[βουλόμεθ]α μισθώσασθαι ἐξ ἀλληλεγγύης ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος
ἔτους ἕως] σπορᾶς τῆς τρισκαιδεκάτης ἰνδικτίονος ἀπὸ τῶν
[ὑπαρχόντω]ν σοι ἐν πεδίῳ τῆς ἡμετέρας κώμης ἐδάφους

10 [σιτικοῦ ἀρ]ούρας ἐννέα ἢ ὅσας ἐὰν ὦσιν, ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμᾶς ταύτας
[σπεῖραι οἷς] αἱρώμεθα γενήμασιν ἐφ᾽ ἡμισίας πάντων τῶν
[περιγιγνομ]ένων καρπῶν] ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε ἡμᾶς παρασχεῖν σοὶ τῇ γεούχῳ
[τὸ ἥμισυ μέρ]ος ἀντὶ φόρου τῶν περιγιγνομένων καρπῶν
μί[ετὰ καλῆς πίσ[τ]εως, ἡμᾶς δὲ τοὺς μεμισθωμένους ἀνθ᾽ ὧν

15 ποιούμ[εθα] καμάτων τῆς γεωργίας καὶ ἀντὶ τῶν καταβαλλομένων

Tap ἡμῶν σπερμάτων τῇ γῇ ἔχειν τὸ ἄλλο ἥμισυ μέρος

266 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ἀνυπερ[θέτ]ως, τῶν τῆς γῆς δημοσίων ὄντων πρὸς σὲ
τὴν yeody[ov'] ἐπάναγκες δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐξ ἀλληλεγγύης παρασχεῖν
τὸ ἥμισίυ μ]έρος τῶν καρπῶν ἐν τῷ δέοντι καιρῷ ἀνυπερθέτως
20 καὶ τὴν ἀνϊαβοϊλὴν τῶν {v}alp)oupav ποιήσασθαι. κυρία ἡ μίσθωσις
δισσὴ γρίαφεῖσα Kali] ἐπερ(ωτηθέντες) ὡμ[ολ]ογήσαμεν. (2nd hand) Adpy-
λειοίι) “Δρμιύσιον υἱὸν
Παδιδύμ{ ει} ου κ[α]ὶ [Téop] θυγάτηρ Κάστορος οἱ προγεγραμμένοι μεμισθώμεθα
: τὴν
γῆν καὶ ἀποδώσομ]εν ἐξ ἀλληλεγγύης τὸ ἥμισυ μέρος] τῶν περιγιγνο-
μένον καρπον
καὶ συμφωνῖ july πάν)τᾳ τὰ ἐγγεγραμμένα ὡς πρόκιται. Φλ(αούιος)
Σ᾿ αραπίων ‘Npiwvos ἀξιωθεὶς

25. ἔγραψα ὑπὲρ αὐτῶϊν πα]ρόντων γράμματα μὴ εἰδότων.

(1st hand) p αὐ emu...... th..
On the verso vestiges of an endorsement.
3. Savndvov Over an erasure. 5. α Of αρμιυσιου corr. from 0. wou Pap. 4. αλλη-
Aey'yuns Pap. 8. ἵἴνδικτιονος Pap. 17. ανὑπερ[θετΊως Pap. 1g. avimepOeras Pap.
21. 1. “Αρμιύσιος vids. 23. |. περιγιγνομένων καρπῶν.

‘In the consulship of Flavius Eudoxius and Flavius Dioscorus the most illustrious,
Phaophi 18. To... daughter of of Daniel, of excellent memory, president of the council
in the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, from Aurelius Harmiusius son of
Padidymus and Aurelia Taor daughter of Castor, . . . from the village of Ptochis in the said
nome. We desire of our own free will to lease upon our mutual security from the present
year until the sowing of the 13th indiction, out of the land belonging to you in the fields of
our village, 9 arourae of corn-land or ‘thereabouts, on condition-that we sow them with any
crops we please on the basis of half shares in the resulting produce, the terms being that we
shall pay to you the landlord in place of rent the half of the produce in good faith, and
that we the lessees in return for the labour bestowed on the cultivation and the seed sown
by us in the land shall keep the other half, with no delay, the taxes upon the land being
due from you the landlord; and it shall be obligatory upon us on our mutual security to
pay the half of the produce at the proper season with no delay, and to perform the banking
up of the land. This lease, of which there are two copies, is valid, and in answer to the
formal question we have given our assent.’ Signatures of the lessees written for them by
Flavius Sarapion.

4. ἱπροπολιτευομένου : cf. 67. 2,C.P.R.I. 19.1, P. Leipzig 37. 3. The title probably
means president of the decurtones (πολιτευόμενοι) ; cf. Mitteis, C. P. R. I. pp. 61-2.

6. Ἰθεσμῖ is awkward and raises doubts whether the fragment containing these letters
and Ἰρα αυρηΐ in 1. 5 is after all rightly placed here; the hand, however, though not certainly
identical, is very similar, the fibres of the papyrus correspond rather well, and the verso,
which contains vestiges of an endorsement in the right position, is also suitable. A title

i
;

918. LEASE OF LAND | 267

referring to Κάστορος would be apposite, but Ἰθεσμί suggests nothing likely. The name
”EvOeopos occurs in 70. 6, and possibly this may be read here as the patronymic of Castor,
τοῦ being omitted, though in the case of the other persons concerned grandfathers’ names
are not added, and there would barely be room for [Ev].

8. For ἕως] σπορᾶς cf. B. G. U. 586. 10 πρὸς μόνην τὴν τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ἔτους σποράν. ἀπὸ]
σπορᾶς δ suggested by e.g. P. Tebt. 378. 9; but a difficulty would then arise concerning the
number of the indiction, which should in that case be the rrth, not the 13th, and ἕως has
the further advantage of defining the term of the lease.

11. There is not room in the lacuna for ots ἐάν. The rent of one half the produce was
fairly common in the Oxyrhynchite nome; cf. 108, 277, 729.

14. For pera καλῆ]ς (or dyadic) πίσ[τἼεως cf. e.g. Ρ. Leipzig 28. 21.

20. The corrupt word vaovpsy is more probably for ἀρουρῶν, as Wilcken suggests,
than e.g. for veoupyav or νεώρων (cf. Theophrast. C. Pl. 3. 13. 3 διὰ τὸ veoupydy τε εἶναι
τὴν γῆν καὶ ἀκάρπωτον, and Photius νέωρον νέον).

914. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT OF A DEBT.
171 X 11-6 cm. A.D. 486.

᾿Α promissory note for the payment of two solidi of gold, due in consequence
of a purchase of dye. The goods had already been delivered to the purchaser,
who in the present document undertakes to pay the money for them two months
later.

[+ Tolis μετὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Praoviov Oeodwpixov τοῦ
Aapmp(ordrov) Meyeip € θ tvdtK(riovos).
[4ὐρήλιος ᾿Ἀπφοῦτος vids ‘Apeobros μητρὸς Kupias
[ὁρμώμενος ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως
5 [ΑὐρηἸλίῳ Σερήνῳ υἱῷ Δανηειλίω ἀπὸ τῆς
Σ ey v4 -, ε “ 3, 7 Ν
[αὐτῆς π]όλεως χαίρειν. ὁμολογῶ ὀφίλειν σοι Καὶ
σι > A ~ fe ,
[xpelworety ἀπὸ τιμῆς διαφόρων βαμμάτων
[ὧν ἐϊώνημαι παρὰ σοῦ καὶ ἐβάσταξα κατὰ τὰ μεταξὺ
[σύμφωνα χρυσοῦ νομισμάτια δύο, γί(νεται) χρ(υσοῦ) νο(μισμάτια) β.
10 [τὰ δὲ το]ῦ χρυσοῦ νομισμάτια δύο ἀκίνδυνα
[πάντ]α ἀπὸ παντὸς κινδύνου ἐπάναγκες
σ 3 “4 2 lon “ αὐ “
[ἀποδώσω σοι ἐν τῷ Φαρμοῦθι μηνὶ τοῦ
- [ἐνεστ]ῶτος ἔτους pEB pra τῆς παρούσης ἐνάτης
[ἐνδιϊκτίονος ἀνυπερθέτως, τῆς εἰσπράξεως
15 [σοὶ γιγνομένης π[α]ρά τε ἐμοῦ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρ-
[χόντ]ων μοι πάντων ὑποκειμένων τῇ

268 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

[kai ὑπο]θήκης δικαίῳ. κύριον τὸ γραμμάτιον

ἰδισσὸὴν γραφὲν] κ[αὶ] ἐϊπερωτηθεὶς ὡμολόγησα.

On the verso
20 γρ(αμμάτιον) ᾿Απφοῦτος υἱοῦ ‘Apedrov ἀπὸ τῆς λαμπρᾶς ᾿Ο ξυ[ρυγχιτῶν
πόλεως.

I. ὕπατειαν φλαουΐου Pap. 2. Ἱνδικ(τίονος) Pap. 3. 1. ᾿Απφοῦς. υἷος Pap. 5. 1.
Δανιηλίου. 14. ανὕπερθετως Pap. 15. ὕπαρ[ζχοντίων Pap. 20. viov Pap.

‘The year after the consulship of Flavius Theodoric the most illustrious, Mecheir 5, the
gth indiction. Aurelius Apphous son of Hareous and Cyria, coming from the city of
Oxyrhynchus, to Aurelius Serenus son of Daniel, of the said city, greeting. I acknowledge
that I owe as a debt to you, of the price of various dyes which I have bought from you
and removed in accordance with the agreement between us, two solidi of gold, total 2 solidi
of gold; and the two solidi of gold I will of necessity repay to you free of all risk in the
month Pharmouthi of the current 162nd = the 131st year and the present oth indiction

with no delay, and you shall have the right of execution upon me and all my property,’

which is mortgaged for the repayment of this debt, as security and lawful pledge. This
bond, which is written in duplicate, is valid, and in answer to the formal question I have
given my consent, (Endorsed) Deed of Apphous son of Hareotes, of the illustrious city of
Oxyrhynchus,’

1. There is an inconsistency in the statements of date, for the year after the consulship
of Theodoric was a. Ὁ. 485, whereas the dates by the indiction in 1]. 2 and by the Oxyrhyn-
chite eras in ], 13 combine to fix the year as 486. The letters |s are broken, but
satisfactory enough, and ]8 cannot be read; there would indeed be room for one or two
more letters in the lacuna, but with a chrism and an enlarged initial letter the space would
be sufficiently accounted for. The scribe therefore seems to have made a mistake; cf. 183
and 140, in which the eighth year after the consulship of Basilius appears where the ninth
would be expected.

3. ‘Apeodros: in the endorsement on the back the father’s name is given as “Apewrov.

9. For [σύμφ]ωνα cf. e.g. P. Strassb. 40. 13.

10. The supplement is a trifle long for the lacuna.

13. On the Oxyrhynchite eras cf. 125. introd.

17-8. Cf. 186. 41 and P. Amh. 151. 19.

915. RECEIPT FOR LEAD AND TIN.
6 xX 30-4 cm. A.D. 572.

A receipt for lead and tin supplied by a lead-worker for repairing the pipes
ofa bath. The papyrus was found rolled up with four similar receipts issued to
the same lead-worker, which are described in 1000-1003. The writing is in
each case across the fibres. 915 alone is dated by the two Oxyrhynchite eras.

915. RECEIPT FOR LEAD AND TIN 269

+’ Ed66(noav) δ(ιὰ) AordrA® porrBovpy(od) Γεωργίῳ παιδὶ εἰς κόλλησιν
τῶν σωλήνων

τοῦ λουτρ(οῦ) τοῦ mpoacriiov) Φαῶφι κ ἰνδ(ικτίονος) ¢ μολήδου λίτρ(αι)
δώδεκα καὶ κασιδηρίου λίτρ(αι) τρῖς,

γί(νονται) μολήδιου) λί(τραι) ιβ καὶ κασιδ(ηρίου) λίζτραι) y p(dvar).
(and hand) γάνονται) μολ(ύβδου) λί(τραι) δώδεκα καὶ κασιδηρ(ίου)
λί(τραι) τρῖς μ(όνα!).

(1st hand) (ἔτους) σμθ καὶ on Φαῶφι κ ἰνδ(ικτίονος) ἕκτίης. ]

I, ]. μολυβδουργ(οῦ). 2. 1. podvBdou . .. κασσιτερίου : So in ], 3.

‘Provided by Apollos, lead-worker, for Georgius, servant, for soldering the pipes of the
bath in the suburb on Phaophi 20 of the 6th indiction, twelve pounds of lead and three
pounds of tin, total 12 Ibs. lead and 3 105. tin only. Total 12 lbs. lead and 3 Ibs. tin only.
The 249th which = the 218th year, Phaophi 20, 6th indiction.’

() TAXATION

916. TAX-RECEIPT.
16-3 X 19-4 cm. A.D. 198.

A receipt for a series of payments on account of a tax of which the name
is abbreviated as nf or n* and the precise nature is still a matter of uncertainty.
This impost is known from two other published texts, B.G. U. 572. 5 and το,
and P. Tebt. 500, in both instances occurring along with the ναύβιον and other
imposts on land. Wilcken (Osz. I. p. 1741) interprets it as meaning ὀγδόη. The
present text shows that it was calculated upon the aroura, and the mention
of the praefect’s instructions concerning it suggests that it was a special levy
rather than a regular tax. The sums paid are rather high, amounting to 640
drachmae within two months (Il. 12-9), but it is not clear whether the individual
to whom the receipt is issued was the tax-collector or the tax-payer. Caracalla
appears as full emperor in Pauni of the 6th year (May 26-June 24 of A.D. 198) ;
cf. 910, introd.

Ἔτους ¢ Aovxiov Σ᾿ επτιμί[ου
Σεουήρου Εὐσεβοῦς Περτίνακζος
Σεβαστοῦ ᾿Δἀρ(α)βικοῦ ᾿Αδιαβηνικ[οῦ

270 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Παρθικοῦ Meyiorov καὶ Αὐτοκρ[ζάτο]ρος
5 Καίσαρος Μάρκου ΔΑὐρηλίου ᾿Ανταϊνίνου
Σεβαστοῦ Παῦνι. διεγράφη Πασίωνι :
[κ]αὶ μετόχί(οις) δη μ(οσίοις) τραπί(εζίταις) ᾽Ο ξ(υρυγχίτου) [λ]όγ(ου) nf
τῆς κελ(ε)υ-
σθείσης Kar’ ἄρουραϊν ἀν)ενεχθῆναι
ἀκολούθως τοῖς γραϊφεῖσι ὑπὸ Αἰμιλί [ον
το Σατουρνίνου τοῦ λαϊμ]προτάτου ἡγεμόνος]
Τιβέριος Κλούδιος Γέμεινος ὁ κ[αὶ
ΓΤαιίων δραχίμὰς) διακοσί[α]ς, yi(vovrat) (δραχμαὶ) σὄ. Πασία[νἹ
βασιλικ(ὸς) τραπί(εζίτης) σεσημ(είωμα.)..
καὶ τῇ ts τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς ὁμ(οίως) ὁ αὐτὸς δρα(χμὰνς
15 τριακοσίας τεσσεράκονϊίτ]α, γίίνονται) (δραχμαὶ τμ. Πασίων
βασιλικ(ὸς) τραπί(εζίτης) σεσημί(είωμα))..
and hand καὶ τῇ ια τοῦ ᾿Επεὶφ ὁμοί(ως) λόγ(ου) nt
δραχμὰς ἑκατόν, / (δραχμαὴ ρ. Ζωίλ(ος) ὑ[π]η[ρ]έ(της)
σεσημ(είωμαι).
20 καὶ τῇ κὃ τοῦ Φαῶφι ὁμί(οίως) [Ady(ov) n* δρα-
χμὰς [δ)ακοσἸΐ[α]ς, [ 7 (δραχμαὶ) σ.

3. β of ἀαρβικου written through an a. 6. 1. διέγραψε. II. os Of κλουδιος corr.
]. Κλαύδιος. 17. v of του and first ε of ewe corr. 20, ὃ of ké corr.

‘The sixth year of Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Augustus Arabicus
Adiabenicus Parthicus Maximus and of the emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
Augustus, Pauni. Paid to Pasion and his associates, public bankers of the Oxyrhynchite
nome, on account of the tax of 2 (9) ordered to be paid upon the aroura in accordance with
the edict of his excellency the praefect Aemilius Saturninus, by Tiberius Claudius Geminus
also called Gaiion (?) two hundred drachmae, total 2co dr. Signed by me, Pasion, public
banker.’ Records of other instalments follow.

g. On the praefecture of Aemilius Saturninus cf. 899. 10, note.

11-2. The name Γαίων occurs in P. Brit. Mus. II. 258. 130-1, &c., and the repetition
of the « here was perhaps a clerical error. ‘The initial letter is uncertain, and might be meant
for o or possibly e, and e could also be read in place of a. In any case a second name
seems here more likely than e. g. οἵπ(ὲρ) (for ὑπὲρ) ἐγ]γαί{ .} ων, for though the interchange
of o and v is common enough, to postulate it in a doubtful passage is not very satisfactory.
There would too only just be room for the abbreviation of π᾿ and ey in the lacuna.

Sa? Se

917. TAXING-MEMORANDUM 271

917. TAXING-MEMORANDUM.

5x9-8cm. Late second or early third century.

A memorandum extracted from the day-book of a collector of money-taxes,
summarizing payments under various heads. Of the imposts mentioned two,
the ναύβιον (1. 2) and ἐπαρούριον (1. 3), are familiar. The tax of § (1. 2) is not often
met with in Roman times, but a ἕκτη τεμαχῶν occurs in P. Brit. Mus. III.1171. 72
and a ἕκτη levied upon παράδεισοι apparently in P. Tebt. 343. 69, where we sup-
posed that it was connected with the Ptolemaic tax of 4% of the produce for
ἀπόμοιρα upon vineyards and gardens, in spite of the fact that the ἀπόμοιρα is
known to have been sometimes calculated in Roman times upon the acreage
ofland. That the ἕκτη here too means the ἀπόμοιρα is very likely, especially as the
latter is found in 658, where several of the taxes mentioned in 917 occur; the
name ἕκτη, however, may be a mere survival and not necessarily imply that
the tax was actually ΖΦ of the produce. The tax ναί ) φοί( ) (I. 2) is known
from 653, where we resolved the abbreviations doubtfully as va(ddov) φο(ρτίω»ν).
να(ῦλον) is on the whole more probable than να(ύβιον); but φο(ρτίων) is unsatis-
factory, and ¢o(pérpov) is more likely than φό(ρου) though να(ύλον) φο(ρέτρου)
is a somewhat tautologous expression; φοινίκων or φοινικῶνος, however, would
more naturally be abbreviated qo ). The remaining impost, abbreviated
σπί ) διονί ) (1. 3), we connect with σπονδ(ή) in 658, and regard it as levied
nominally for a libation to Dionysus; cf. σπονδή as a tax in P. Tebt. 347. 2.
There may well be a connexion between this tax and the Διονυσεῖον at Oxy-
rhynchus, which perhaps benefited by the proceeds ; cf. 908. 8-10, note.

Two other similar memoranda by the same tax-collector are described
in 981-2. One of these has only the beginnings of lines; the other, which is
complete, mentions besides ἐπαρο(ύριον) a tax called πηχ(ισμοῦ) περισ(τερώνων), for
which 47 dr. 1 ob. 2 chal. are paid. πηχισμοῦ by itself appears as an impost
in P. Brit. Mus. II. 1171. 73, where 73 dr. are paid for it, and 400 drachmae are
entered for ἐπιβολ(ῆς) πηχισμοῦ in P. Brit. Mus. III. 1157. 113, 600 dr. in]. 113, and
400 dr. for 7x (topod) οἰκοπ(έδων) inl. 152. The editors suggest that the charges for
πηχισμός were for measuring areas, but remark that the amounts paid are high ;
possibly the impost was levied upon the areas measured, not on behalf of the
measuring. That the impost γεωμετρίας means land-tax, not a tax for measuring,
was maintained by Wilcken (ΟΖ. I. pp. 173-6), but the evidence subsequently
discovered does not support that view; cf. P. Tebt. I. p. 39. There is, how-
ever, somewhat less difficulty in referring the term πηχισμός than γεωμετρία to
an area measured, and we are disposed to regard the πηχισμὸς περιστερώνων

272 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

as a tax upon pigeon-houses levied according to their size. In Ptolemaic times
there was a tax upon them called τρίτη περιστερώνων (i.e. ξ of the profits; cf.
P. Tebt. 84. 9, note), but this is not known to have survived into Roman times,
and the πηχισμὸς περιστ. may have taken its place. The 4th year, in which 917
and 981 are written (982 is dated in the 3rd year), more probably refers to the
reign of Septimius Severus than to that of Marcus Aurelius, Elagabalus, or Severus
Alexander.

"EE ἐφη(μερίδος) ‘Amiwvos πρά(κτορος) ἀργ(υρικῶν) Ταλαώ.
να(υβίου) καὶ ς΄ καὶ να(ύλου) φο(ρέτρου ?) τοῦ ἐνεστ(ῶτος) ὃ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ)
KB (ἡμιωβέλιον),
ἐπαρο(υρίου) (δραχμαὶ pO χ(αλκοῦ y, σπί(ονδῆς) 4Διον(ύσου ἢ) (δραχμαὶ) ἡ
(τετρώβολον) χ(αλκοῦς) a,
“7 (δραχμαὴ prO (πεντώβολον). δόσις (δραχμαὶ) prO ὀβ(ολοὶ) ς,
5 237) (δραχμαὶ ἑκατὸν τριάκοντα ἐννέα ὀβολ(οὶ) ς.
(ἔτους) ὃ Παῦνι ε.
2. β of κβ corr. from 6.

‘From the day-book of Apion, collector of money-taxes at Talao. For naubion and
the tax of 4 and freight by water for the present 4th year 22 dr. 4 ob., for land-tax 1og dr.
3 chalci, for a libation to Dionysus(?) 8 dr. 4 ob. 1 chal. ‘Total 139 dr. 5 0b. Paid
139 dr. 6 ob. Total one hundred and thirty-nine dr. 6 obols. The 4th year, Pauni 5.’

3. σπ(ονδῆς) : the first letter might possibly be ε, but σ is a more suitable reading and
is confirmed by 658; cf. introd.

4. The sum actually paid is 1 obol in excess of what was due; similarly in 981 the
δόσις exceeds the previous total by nearly 2 obols.

918. LAND-SURVEY.
Height 21-2 cm. Second century.

The verso of this long papyrus contains the text of the new Greek historian
(842), and a short description of the document on the recto was given in Part V,
pp. 110-1. This is a very elaborate survey-register of Crown land at a village in
the south-west of the Arsinoite nome near Ibion Argaei, which is mentioned
e.g.in v.17: The plots leased to separate cultivators are arranged in σφραγῖδες
of varying sizes which have a double system of numbering. One set of numbers
refers to the order in which they occur in the present list, beginning with the Ist
σφραγίς and ending, so for as the papyrus goes, with the 12th ; the other set of
numbers refers to some more extensive register, of which the σφραγῖδες here

918. LAND-SURVEY 273

described formed a part. In only two cases are the figures of the second set
preserved, the 1st and 2nd σφραγῖδες of the present list corresponding to the
17th and 18th of the other ; and it is not unlikely that there was a difference of
16 between the two sets of numbers throughout. From these numbered σφραγῖδες
must be distinguished the use of the term σφραγίς in 918 to denote the individual
plots ; cf. ii. 16, note.

The normal scheme of the survey is as follows. First comes a description of
a particular σφραγίς as a whole,—its geographical relation to the preceding σφραγίς,
its number on both systems, its size, the rents yielded by it, and its adjacent areas.
Where as the result of flooding or other cause in former years (ranging from the
grd to the 12th of an unnamed emperor) the rents were no longer paid or had
been reduced, or the land had changed its category (e. g. χερσάλμυρος which had
become pasture land), information is added on these points, there being several
references to earlier surveys. The general account of each σφραγίς closes with
the words ὧν τὸ xarax( _) (cf. ii. 13, note), referring to the following description
of the individual plots into which it was subdivided. These more detailed entries
give the geographical position οἱ each plot (in the first entry the arourae are
defined as ἀρχόμεναι, in the later ones as ἐχόμεναι), the name of the lessee or
cultivator, the size and rent of the plot, the adjacent areas, and the addition made
to the rent as the result of a reassessment. Where the land was not paying
the normal rent or had undergone changes, the details already summarized
in the general account of the σφραγίς are repeated in reference to the particular
cultivators, 6. g. in Col. xi.

The papyrus is divided into four sections separated by gaps, and as the
writing on the recto and verso runs in opposite directions, D, the last section of
the historical work containing Cols. xi—xxi, is the first of the land-survey, com-
prising Cols. i-viii. Col. i, which is much mutilated, is in a different hand from
the rest, and is apparently the concluding part of a summary of the succeeding
columns. It is concerned chiefly with land καθ᾽ ὕδατος (cf. Cols. ix—xv), and
ends γίνο(νται) καθ᾽ ὕδατος (ἄρουραι) ψκηΖι ς΄ np ξ δ. ὧν ἡ ποσεία. In Col. ii
begins the detailed list οἵ σφραγῖδες. Lines 1-2 indicate the point from which
the survey starts, and ll. 3-7 apparently define the position of certain arourae,
2.2% in number, which stand in some obscure relationship to the Ist σφραγίς. The
general description of that σφραγίς occupies 1]. 8-13, and the details concerning
the two sets of cultivators of the 9345 arourae comprised in it fill ii, 1-iii. 2.
In iii. 3 begins the general description of the 2nd σφραγίς, which contained
102 arourae, the details following in iii. r1-v. 14. The 3rd σφραγίς (v. 15-21)
contained only 2 arourae situated in a hollow which seems to have been formerly
dry but was now flooded, and as no rent or cultivators were assigned to it only

274 THE OXYRAYNEAOS PAPERS

the general description was required. The account of the 4th σφραγίς (vi. 1-8)

is incomplete, but the number of the arourae in it (8, including 4 aroura for
-acanal) is preserved. It was divided among three sets of cultivators who owned
respectively 475, 2, and 13g arourae. vi. I19g-vii. I contains the description of
what is clearly the 5th σφραγίς, though the number is for some reason omitted.
It comprised 55 arourae, but only 4,4, are accounted for in vii. 2-11, so that
either 535 is an error for 435 or an entry has been left out. vii. 12-18 gives the
description of the 6th σφραγίς, which contained 30,5; arourae, and the details
concerning the several plots followed in Col. viii, of which only a few letters from
the beginnings of lines are preserved, section D breaking off at this point. So far
the land in question, with the exception of that in the 2nd σφραγίς, had been
in good condition. The rents up to this point range with one exception from
61 artabae per aroura down to 432, this being the commonest rate ; cf. P. Brit.
Mus. II. 267, where the rents of Crown land near Lake Moeris range from 7 to 24
artabae per aroura, 423 art. being the most frequent. The exception occurs
in the description of the 6th σφραγίς, where the 303% arourae pay at the rate of
(πυροῦ apraBas) ὃ K'&’p'E', i. ε. Ads ἐσ τσ, OF 45: art., a fraction which could not be
expressed without departing from the ordinary series of fractions of the artaba
4% iz, &c. In every instance an addition to the rents had been recently made
of amounts ranging from τς to I artaba, and in one case (iii. 1-2) the rent had
been twice raised. The case is different when we turn to the later columns
of the survey on the recto of sections C, B, and A. These are chiefly concerned
with land which had been flooded, and was therefore unproductive except where
it had been reclaimed for pastures. A, containing the ends of lines of Col. xiii,
Col. xiv, which is incomplete, and Col. xv, of which the ends of lines are lost,
deals with the 11th and 12th σφραγῖδες ; but to which σφραγίς C (parts of 12 lines
from Col. ix) and B (containing a portion of Col. x, Col. xi, which is fairly well
preserved, and a few letters from the beginnings of lines of Col. xii) refer is not
indicated, and the relative order of these three sections would be quite doubtful
apart from the text on the verso. If we are right in regarding A as the first
section of the historical work (cf. Part V, pp. 114-5), it is the last of the survey,
and C and B must belong to the σφραγῖδες intervening between the 6th and
1ith; but it remains uncertain whether C comes between D and B or between
Band A; cf. Part V, pp. 113-4. Col. ix, so far as can be judged from its scanty
remains, deals with land similar to that described in Col. xi, various ἀναμετρήσεις
(cf. xi. 5) being mentioned. Nothing can be made of Col. x, but Col. xi. 1-9 gives
the conclusion of a general description of a new σφραγίς, which had been floaded,
the entries concerning the individual holdings following in ll. 10 sqq. Owing to
the loss of the beginning and the uncertainty of the construction of the various

918. LAND-SURVEY 275

relative clauses which are piled one upon another the details are not clear, but
various categories of land καθ᾽ ὕδατος are distinguishable: (1) in]. 2 that on which
rent continued for a time at any rate to be exacted, ὧν τὰ [ἐϊκφόρια διεστάλ(η),
(2) in ll. 3 and 13 land of which the rent had been reduced and which subsequently
had been converted into pasture land, (3) in]. 21 land ἐν ἐποχῇ, a category frequently
mentioned also in Cols. xiii-xiv, and apparently implying land upon which the
collection of the rents (in xi. 21 4 artabae to the aroura) had been suspended
indefinitely ; cf. P. Tebt. 336. 13-5 and 337. 2, notes. Col. xii, as we have said,
is represented only by a few letters, and Col. xiii, with which section A begins,
has only ends of lines. Both this column and Col. xiv give part of a detailed
list of entries referring to what must be the 11th σφραγίς, since the account of
the 12th σφραγίς begins at the top of Col. xv. Of the five entries in Col. xiii two
are concerned with land ἐν ἐποχῇ, two with land in another category, the arourae
being called ἐναφει(μέναι), a term which occurs in P. Tebt. II. 325. 5; cf. note
ad loc. The land had presumably been placed in this class because it had been
flooded, but to judge by P. Tebt. 325 ἐναφει(μένη) γῆ was capable of being
cultivated, though at only a nominal rent. Col. xiv contains five more entries
concerning lands placed ἐν ἐποχῇ in the 8th year. Rents at the rate of 44 and
18 artabae to the aroura are mentioned (the latter being exceptionally low,
cf. p. 274), but if our interpretation of ἐποχή is correct these represent only the
rents paid before the land went out of cultivation. Col. xv begins with a
description of the 12th σφραγίς, which occupies ll. 1-12. Lines 3-11 summarize
in a manner similar to xi. I-5 the changes which had taken place in the character
of the land since the 4th year as the result of various ἐπισκέψεις, but owing to the
loss of the ends no connected sense is obtainable. The σφραγίς seems to have
consisted largely of χερσάλ(μυρος) which had been converted into νομαί at different
periods, and, since 3023 arourae are mentioned in |. 6, to have been more extensive
than usual. Lines 13-21 give the first three entries concerning individual hold-
ings. In one of these the land had become καθ᾽ ὕδατος in the 12th year, but the
remark is added ἀποκατεστάθ(η) τ[ῷ] ἐνεστ[ῶτι] (ἔτει) [, showing that it had been re-
claimed in the year in which the survey was written. Since no years later than the
12th are mentioned elsewhere in the papyrus, the ἐνεστὸς ἔτος is likely to have
been very soon after the 12th, and may even be the 13th. The handwriting
proves that the survey belongs to the second century, and most probably to the
reign of Antoninus or Marcus Aurelius. We print Cols. ii. 1-iii. 16, v. 15-21,
xi and xiii, which afford good specimens of the whole. The parts omitted
mainly consist of repetitions-of the same formulae or are too much damaged to
be intelligible. ᾿

Two other land-surveys of the Roman period exhibit a classification of land

276 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

by numbered σφραγῖδες, P. Fay. 339 and P. Bruxell. 1 (Mayence and de Ricci,
Musée Belge, 1904, pp. 101 sqq.). P. Fay. 339 is a mere fragment, but the
accounts of the 11th and 12th σφραγῖδες are for the most part preserved ; the text
of the entry concerning the 12th σφραγίς is quoted in our publication, that of
the 11th follows the same formula. The geographical situation of each σφραγίς,
its size, rent, cultivator, and surroundings are given ; but the areas are much smaller
than in 918, being only 1 and 14 arourae in the two cases, and the term σφραγίς
seems to be used to denote a plot of ground belonging to a single lessee rather
than a group ofsuch plots; cf. ii. 16, note. On the other hand in the Brussels
papyrus, which though reputed to come from Dimeh is on account of the proper
names more likely to have been discovered at Hermopolis and to refer to land in
the Hermopolite, not the Arsinoite, nome, the σφραγῖδες are much larger than
those in 918, one of them containing over 635 arourae. ἰδιωτική as well as
βασιλικὴ γῆ is included in them, and the land-tax upon the former is added
to receipts from rents of the latter, whereas in 918 private land, though frequently
mentioned among the γείτονες, is not included in the survey. The Brussels survey,
of which the extant portions cover the 6th to the 1oth σφραγῖδες, is moreover on
a much less elaborate scale than 918, and does not enter into any details concerning
individual cultivators of Crown land.

Col. ii
and hand [ἀρχομένων ἀπὸ vér[ov.......... Ἴους φοι(νικῶνος) ἐν ἠπείρῳ
Eee et Ἰλουμ(ένῳ)
ΠΣ τὴν ἀντ Τ᾿Ωριγένους ἀπί... .. +e +e] ἐξ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διώρυχο(ς) Τεκ-
[νάνις καἸἹλουμ(ένης) μεθ᾽ (iv) γύης Ϊ...«««..οὖ ] KBL1’ διατίν[ο(υσα!}}
ἐπὶ
5 νότ(ον). γίίί(τονες)] νότ(ου) τῶν τῆς [........ ᾿ΑἹμυνταροῦτοϊς τ]ῆς
᾿Αμύνϊτο]υ, βορρᾶ διῶρυξ [.....-.- .] ἀπηλ(ιώτου) Τασαταβοῦτος

[τῆς ᾿Οννώφ[ρ)εως σι(τοφόρος), [λιβὸ(ς) διῶρυ]ξ μεθ᾽ (ἣν) ὁδό(ε).
[a] oppa(yis) ἥ ἐστί) ιᾧ odpalyis) εἶ. « . « ««- ὥ - ἐνειλί ) καὶ
καμπ(ύλη ?) σπόρῳ
(ἄρουραι) θι΄ς΄ ὧν ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ ἀρτάβαΞ) ςδ΄ (ἄρουραι) β [καὶ ἀ(νὰ)
(πυροῦ dpraBas)| δε δ΄ μ(7) (ἀρουραὺὴ i's’, / αἱ m(poxetpevat).
10 γί(τονες) νότ(ου) διῶρυξ, μεθ᾽ (ἣν) γύη[ς ἀἸνυδρ(ος), βορρᾶ βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ
ἤπιρο(ς)
διὰ γεωργ(ῶν) ᾿ἀγχορίμφεωϊ[ς] ᾿Οννώφρεως Kali Πατύνιος

918. LAND-SURVEY 277

“Hpwvo(s) καὶ perdy(ov), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ἐδίάφη) Θεαβήσεως τῆς
Πεϊσούρεως,

ALBO(s) Τεκνάνις λεγομ(ένη) διῶρυξ μεθ᾽ (ἣν) ὁδός. ὧν [τὸ κατακί(. γ᾽

ἀρχόμ(εναι) ἀπὸ vér(ov) [. . .]. evs ᾿Αμήους τοῦ Yoxovda(tos) καὶ [. . «.

15 Δμήους τοῦ Πατύνεως ἐξ ἀλληλ(εγγύης) ἀ(νὰ) (τυροῦ aprdéBas) ὃδδ' μη΄
(ἄρουραι) εδ΄η΄ἰς΄.

yi(roves) νότ(ου) διῶρυξ, βορρᾶ ἡ ἐχο(μένη) σφρα(γίς), ἀπηλ(ιώτου)
, κατοικ(ικὰ) ἐδ(άφη), λι(βὸς)

διῶρυξ. καὶ προσωρίσθ(η) ἄλλο κατὰ (ἄρουραν) (πυροῦ adpraBns) β΄.

βορρᾶ ἐχόμ(ενα!) ἐγβ(αίνουσαι) ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ᾿Αγχορίμφεως ᾿Οννώφρεως
τοῦ

Δείου καὶ ᾿Ισίωνο(ς) Πανεφρέμμεως καὶ Πατύνις °Hpwr{[o(s)

20 τοῦ“ Ηρωνο(ὴ ἐξ ἀλληλ(εγγύη:) (ἄρουραι) yo ὧν ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ ἀρτάβαΞ)
σδ΄ (dpovpat) β, καὶ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ dprdBas) 820 μη΄

(ἄρουρα) α4δ΄, / αἱ π(ροκείμεναι), ἐν ais κοίλωμ(α) καθ᾽ v6(aros).
yi(roves) νότ(ου) ἡ ἐπάνω

ogpatyis) καὶ ἐπί τι μί(έρος) ἰδι(ωτικὰ) ἐδίάφη) Θεαβήσεως Πεσού-
ρεως, βορρᾶ

βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ ἤπειρος διὰ γεωργ(ῶν) ᾿Αγχορ[[]μ(φεως) ᾿Οννώ(φρεως)
καὶ Πατύνι[ο(ς)

“Hpwvo(s) καὶ perdy(ov), ἀπ(ηλιώτου) Θεαβήσεως Πεσούρεως
κλῆρ(ο:), [

5. vt Of αμυνταρουτοἧς corr. 6. Final ο of τασαταβουτος corr, from 7.

Col. iii.

λιβὸς διῶ[ρυ]ϊξ. [καὶ προσωρίσθ(η) ἄλ]λο κατὰ (ἄρουραν) (πυροῦ
ἀρτάβη:) 2.

ιβ (ἔτει) (ἄρουραι) β του. [... προσωρί]σ[θ(η}) ] ἄλλο κατὰ
(ἄρουραν) (πυροῦ ἀρτάβης) δ΄.

ἀπηλ(ιώτου), L ἀνὰ. μέσοϊν ὄντων ἰδιωτικ(ῶν) ἐδαφῶν παρατ(εινόντων)

βορρᾶ ἐπὶ νότ(ον) [........ «δ, B σφρα(γὶ) ἥ ἐστ(ὴ) ιη
oppa(yis)

5 σπί(όρῳ) (ἀρουραὶ) ιη΄ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ adpréBas) εδ΄ [(ἄρουρα) a a(va)
(πυροῦ dprdéBas) ὃ δ΄ μηἼ (ἄρουραι) On’, “΄ αἱ π(ροκείμεναι).

278

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

yi(roves) vér(ov) διῶ(ρυξ) Τεκίνάνις λε]γομ(ένη) μεθ᾽ (ἣν) 686s), βορρᾶ
βασιλ(ικὴ)
γῆ ἤπειρο(ς) διὰ [γεωργ(ῶν)] ᾿Οννώφρεως τοῦ “Ὥρου καὶ
Aroddoviov τοῦ Πανεϊφρέμμεως, λιβὸς Τααμείους
Ττ μας ΣΟ ΒΕΚΉΚΑΥ 28(dem)
τῆς Appiéa[s καὶ] ἐπί τι μέρος ἡ προκ(ειμένη) βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ,
ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διῶρυξ. ὧν τὸ κατάκί ):

ἀρχόμ(εναι) λιβὸς Bera. . os ᾿Αγχ)ορίμφεως τοῦ

Ayxopippews καὶ [Πατύνιο(ς) “Ηρωνο(ς) τοῦ Ν]εστνήφεως
ἐξ ἀλληλ(εγγύης) ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ ἀρτάβας) διεδ' μη΄ [(dpovpar) .
yi(roves) | ὅν Tomas ie

Aeyou(évn) διῶρυξ, βορρᾶ [βασιλ(ικὴ) γῇ ἤ]πειρο(") διὰ γεω[ργ(ῶν),
ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ἡ ἐχο(μένη) σφραί(γίς), λιβ[δ(ς) . . « .«.«-- καὶ προσω-

ρί[σθ(η) ἄλλο
κατὰ (ἄρουραν) (πυροῦ ἀρτάβης) 26’.

7 more lines.

Col. v.

14 lines.
vor(ov) καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου), § ava jitoop) ¢ οὔσης διώρυχο(ς) καὶ ἱκανοῦ

διαστήματί(οϑ),.
y odpatyls) χέρσο(υ) ἐν κοιλ(ώματι) καθ’ ὕδ(ατος) (ἄρουρα) B.
γί(τονες) νότ(ου) διῶρυξ

Φαγήους λεγο(μένη) μεθ᾽ (ἣν) συνώρ(ια) ’IBidvo(s) ᾿Δργαίου, βορρᾶ
᾿Απολλωνίας τῆς Σαραπίωνος κλῆρο(ς) κατοικ(ικὸς) ἀνὰ μί(έσον)
οὔσης διώ(ρυγος) καὶ ᾿Ηρακλείδου τοῦ ᾿Απολλωνίο(υ) κλῆρο(ς),
ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ὁδὸ(ς) δημοσί(α) ἐν ἡ ἄφεσις λιθίνη, λιβὸς
ἡ ἐχομ(ένη) Φακήους λεγομίένη) διῶρυξ.

17. 1. συνόρ(ια). 21. ε of εχομ(ενηὴ corr.
Col. xi.
BBs διὰ] “τὸ Kab’ ὕδατος yleyo(vevar) (dpovpar)| ὃδ'΄ η΄ ὕς λ΄ β΄“.

αἱ. τε αἱ ἀπ )
ἰδιὰ τὸ καθ᾽ ὕδ)ατο(ς) γεγο(νέναι), ὧν τὰ [ἐἸκφό(ρια) διεστάλ(η),
μίεμισ]θί(ωμέναι) γ (ἔτει) ὑπὸ

918. LAND-SURVEY 279

πρεσ(βυτέρων) τῆς κώ(μη9)) (ἄρουραι) ιη4δ΄͵, ὧν τὰ ἐκφό(ρια) τῷ ὃ
(rer) ἠλασσ[ώθᾳ(}} διὰ τὸ καθ᾽ ὕδ(ατος)

ἰγεγο(νέναι), ἁλωνείας)] (ἄρουρα) a ἀ(νὰ) (mupod dprdBas) ὃδ΄, ὧν
εἰσιν αἱ ἐκ τῆς [γεἸνομ(ένης) τῷ La (Ered)

5 [τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ) ἀναμ[ετρή]σεως εὑρεθί(εῖσαι) ἀντὶ καθ᾽ ὕδ(ατος) νομῶν
(ἄρουραι) «ἱ 41δ΄

estore ἐν κὸν 1 γί(τονες) τῶν ὅλ(ων) νότ(ου) διῶρυξ μεθ᾽ (ἣν) ἡ ἑξῆς
σφρα(γί:),

[βορρᾶ ἰδιω(τικὰ)} ἐδ(άφη), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) διῶρυξ μεθ᾽ (ἣν) βασιλ(ικὴ)
γῆ ἤπ(ειρος) δι(ὰ) γεωργ(ῶν) καὶ τοῦ πρὸς νύτ(ου)

[μέρους .. « -Jy() ἡ σφρα(γίξ), AuBO{s) διῶρυξ) καὶ ἐπί(] τι μ(έροΞ)
᾿ ἰδιωτ(ικὰ) ἐδ(άφη).

ὧν [τὸ] κα[ταϊκί }"

το ἀρχόμί(εναι) νότ(ου) χίορ]τονομῶν ἐμφό(ρων) (ἄρουραι) oz ξ΄ δ΄. yi(roves) |
vor(ov) διῶρυξ,

[Bolpp& πρότί(ερον) μεμισθ(ωμένη) ἡ ἐχο(μένη) ε - - [. ἡμ.. ἀπη-
λ(ιώτου) καὶ λιβὸς διῶρυξ.

Blop|p& ἐχόμί(εναι) μ[εμι]σθ(ωμέναι) γ (ἔτει) ὑπὸ ᾿4.:Ἰαπέους ” Hpavo(s) καὶ
: τῶν λοιπ(ῶν) πρεσβ(υτέρων)

[τ]ῆς κίώμης] (ἄρουραι) Al. .1δ΄ αἱ odo(a) καθ᾽ ὕδ(ατος), ὧν τὰ
: ἐκ[φό(ρια)"] τῷ ὃ (ἔτει) ἠλασσώθᾳη),

ὧν εἴσιν αἱ ἐκ) τῆς γενο(μένης) τῷ ta (ἔτει) τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ ἀνα-
μετρήσεως ©

᾿αρ [εὑρεθ(εῖσαι) ἀντὶ κ]αθ᾽ ὕδ(ατος) ἐν νομίαϊς) (ἄρουραι) ς δ΄ καῖ. - - +] +
αἱ π(ροκείμενα!).

[yé(roves) νότ(ου) ἡ ἐπάϊνω [σἸφρα(γίς), βορρᾶ κλῆ[ρ(ος)] κ(ατὴ)οι(κικὸς)
[καὶ ἐϊπί τι μέρο(Ξ) ἁλωνεί[α]ς

Dei Ved akon Ὁ , ἀπ]ηλ(ιώτου) διῶρυξ καὶ κ[ατοι]κ(ικὰ) ἐδ(άφη) [καὶ
εἰσαγ(ωγός), ArBO(s) διῶρυξ.

[βορρ]ὰ καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ἐχομί(ένη) διὰ γεωϊργί(ῶν) - - «5115 ἁἸλωνείας
(ἄρουρα) α ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ dpréBas) διδ'

[γί(τονες)} νότ(ου) ἡ ἐπάνω σφίρ)α(γίς), [βορρᾶ καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου)
δ)ιῶρυξ, λιβὸ() ἡ ἐπίάνω) σφ[ραί(γί9).

20 [βορρ]ᾶἃ €xop(evar) éyB(aivoveat) dBd(s) X[aliphpor[os Ayxolpiupeos
τοῦ ’Ovvd(ppews) Kat “Ayxo(pludpews)

280 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI —

“Qpov ava) (πυροῦ dprdBas) ὃ ey Kod. [...... |]. ae
yeo[p(y )] αἱ obo(at) ἐν ἐποχῇ
ἀπὸ ἴ. (ἔτους) διὰ τὸ Kad’ ὕδ(ατος) [γε]γο(νένα))

1. ε of ετ corr. froma. The fractions after δδ' have a horizontal stroke above them ;
similarly in 1, ro and xiii. 1 and τό.

Col. xiii.
[ 27 letters (dpoupar) . 1δ΄ η΄ ξ΄ δ΄ ὧν ἀ(νὰ (πυροῦ dpréBas) 38’
ae eee ἐϊν ἐποχῇ τεταγμίέναι)
[TB . (ἔτε) διὰ τὸ καθ᾽ ὕδ(ατος) γεγο(νέναι). γί(τονες) νότ(ου) καὶ

Bolppa καὶ λιβὸς διῶ(ρυξ),
[ἀπηλ(ιώτου) 25 letters ]

1 539 letters καὶ με]τόχ(ων) (ἄρουραι) γεδ΄, αἱ ovo(a)
20. Ὁ» ] yi(roves) νότ(ου) Kai βορρᾶ
(ee) ee ] τοῦ πρὸς νότ(ον) μέρους
σαν |
(seo τὰ τὶ τ]ῷ ὃ (ἔτει) ἐναφει(μέναι) διὰ τὸ
of 26 5 yi(roves)| νότ(ου) βασιλ(ικὴ) γῆ αἰγι(αλίτις),
[Poppa 24 letters ]
[ 28 letters τ]ῷ ὃ (ἔτει) ἐναφει(μέναι) διὰ τὸ
[5 - y\i(roves) νότ(ου) ΠΠέλωρος
[ ἐᾷ διῶρυξ, ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ἑτέρα
15 [διῶρυξ, λι(βὸς) 20 letters] ;
23 letters ].[. «ὁ ἧς (ἄρουρα) a8’ η΄ ι΄ ς' ξ΄ δ΄, ὧν
ΣΕ Nas | 7 αἱ πί(ροκείμεναι). καὶ ἐν ἐποχί(ῇ)
ἐτάγ(ησαν)

[τῷ.. (ἔτει) διὰ τὸ Kad’ ὕδ(ατος) γεγο(νέναι). γί(τονες) νό]τ(ου) καὶ
βορρᾶ καὶ λι(βὸς) μεμισθ(ωμέν )
[ ]

li, 2. Probably not καἸλουμ(ένῳ), for there is hardly room for a proper name, even if an

ἤπειρος was likely to bear one.

4. μεθ᾽ (qv): the abbreviation μεθί ) occurs frequently in this survey, always following
the description of one of the γείτονες, but is nowhere written out. It is clearly different from
ἀνὰ μέσον which occurs in a corresponding position, e.g. in v. 18, and is, we think, contrasted
with it, meaning ‘ beyond’ as opposed to ‘ between’; cf. v. 17, where μεθ ) οὐρά ua) Ἰβίωνο(ς)
᾿Αργαίου must mean that the boundary between the lands of Ibion and the village with which

a. Ψὺ ἐν

ΠΟ ee ee

918. LAND-SURVEY 281

918 is concerned lay beyond the canal which was the south γείτων of the 3rd σφραγίς.
μεθ(όριον) would hardly give the required sense, and would have been probably abbreviated
peOop( ), and μεθ᾽ (ἢν) (or ὅν or 4) is practically certain. In B.G.U. 571. 9-10, where
Wilcken reads ἀπὸ χέρσο(υ) ὑπολ(όγου) (ἄρουρα) a ἧς γί(τονες) Bo(ppa) ὑδρ(αγωγὸς) μέθορος, λιβὸς
χέρσος, νότου ὑδρ(αγωγὸς) μέθ(ορος) εδί ), ἀπηλ(ιώτου) κιτιλ.) WE ῬΓΟΡΟΒΘ μεθ᾽ (bv) ὄρος, .. - μεθ᾽
(ὃν) ἐδ(ἀφη).

κβΖη : the interpretation of these figures, which seem to give the total of the arourae
described in ll. 3-7, is uncertain, for they have a line above them such as is found elsewhere
in the papyrus above a series of fractions, e. g. xi. 10, but not above numerals referring to
arourae. The relationship of ll. 3-7 to 11. 1-2 and 8 sqq. is very obscure, but regarded as
fractions the figures are still more difficult.

8. [a] σφρα(γίς) : the restoration of the missing figure is certain, not only from the
position of the entry at the beginning of the list (cf. iii, 4) but from Col. vi, where a
σφρα(γὶς) ἥ ἐστί.) ιζ σϊ φρα(γίΞ) occurs in connexion with the south γείτων of the 4th σφραγίς.

eveX(_ ) is perhaps for ἐν εἰλ(υμένῃ) : ἰλύω meaning to cover with slime is quoted by
Hesychius. ἐνειλ(ημμένη) and ἐνειλζημένη) are unsatisfactory. σπόρῳ is to be connected with
(ἄρουραι), not with the preceding words ; cf. iil. 5.

12, perdx(ov) is more probable than μετόχ(ων) here and in 1. 24, since Ἰσίων Πανεφρέμμεως
(1. 19) seems to be meant.

13. Τεκνάνις λεγομ(ένη) διῶρυξ : neither this canal nor that called Φαγήους (v. 17), OF
Φακήους (v. 21), was known previously. For ὧν [τὸ xarax( ) cf, iii, το, xi. 9. The abbrevia-
tion κατακί ) perhaps stands for κατὰ κεφαλήν, which is used e.g. in Arist. Pol. 2. το. ἢ in the
sense of κατ᾽ ἄνδρα. Cf. P. Tebt. 343. 5 and 88, where ἀκεφάλο(υ) in a survey-list apparently
means ‘nondescript’, ‘ unclassified.’

τό. βορρᾶ ἡ ἐχο(μένη) σφρα(γίς) means not the 2nd or any other σφραγίς adjoining the
rst, but the plot described in 11. 18 sqq. ; cf, 1. 21, where vér(ov) ἡ ἐπάνω opa(yis) refers
back to the plot described in 1]. 14-7, both plots being comprised in the rst σφραγίς.
‘Similarly in iii, 15 ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ἡ ἐχο(μένη) appa(yis) corresponds to λιβὸς ἡ ἐπάνω σφρα(γίς) in
the γείτονες of the next plot described ; cf. also xi. 16 and 19, where 7 ἐπάνω σφραγίς refers
in each case to the preceding holding. This, the ordinary use of σφραγίς, which occurs
throughout 918 in describing the γείτονες of the individual holdings to express the separate
parcels, must be distinguished from its use to denote the larger areas which had numbers,
and contained several σφραγῖδες in the narrower sense. Where, as e.g. in xi. 6, ἡ ἑξῆς
or ἡ ἐπάνω odpa(yis) occurs in the description of a numbered σφραγίς as a whole, it refers
to another numbered σφραγίς, not to an individual holding.

18. For ἐγβ(αίνουσαι) cf. Ρ. Tebt. 84. 91 and note.

iii. 3. For the occurrence of an angular sign before ἀνὰ μέσον cf. P. Tebt. 86. 32. In
ν. Lit takes the shape of a wavy line.

5. σπ(όρῳ): cf. ii. 8, where σπόρῳ is written out.

The missing figure of the arourae assessed at 54 artabae is supplied by the arithmetic
(τοῦ = 1+9%), and confirmed by the details concerning the and σφραγίς given in ili. 17—-V.
14, since two mentions of } aroura at that rate occur. The rate at which the 9} arourae
were assessed (42% artabae) is restored from ]. 13, &c.

11-2. The restorations of the proper names are derived from an entry in Col. iv,
where 1 aroura belonging to these three persons is described. Βενιάϊμιος is not improbable,
but there is no likelihood of a connexion between this name, which ought to be Graeco-
Egyptian, and Benjamin. Ὁ

ν. 11. Though the ὦ οἵ συνώρ(ια) is for the most part lost in a lacuna, this spelling is
confirmed by συνώρ(ια) 18. ’Apy. Which occurs in Col. vii.

282 THE OXVYRAYNCAUS PAPYRI

21. ἐχομ(ένη) is superfluous and should be omitted, or perhaps altered to προκειμένῃ,
since the canals called Φαγήους (I. 17) and Φακήους are obviously identical.

xi. 1. In the fractions of the aroura after + we should expect -ἶς εἶς; λβ can be
read, but the two following letters are irreconcilable with £6. The following a may be for
ἀ(νά), but the sign for πυροῦ ἀρτάβας would not fill the lacuna, At the end of the line ετί, is
perhaps ér|ay(noav), sc. ἐν ἐποχῇ ; cf. xiii. 17. ;

2-5. The punctuation of these lines is not clear, and to what figure ὧν in each case
refers is uncertain. The land ‘leased in the 3rd year’ (I. 2) corresponds to that described
in 11. 12-3, the 1 aroura in |. 4 to that in 1. 18, and the 6% arourae in 1, 5 to the 63 arourae
in ].15. The 183 arourae in |. 3 would be expected to correspond to the figure in ], 13,
but the vestiges following (ἄρουραι) there suit A, not ε.

9. ἡ before σφραί(γίς) is probably 4, not the number of the σφραγίς, since there is no
stroke above it such as occurs with the numbers of the σφραγῖδες elsewhere.

11. ἡ ἐχο(μένη) clearly refers to the land described in Il. 12-7; the following word is
not oppa(yis), and to read «8 [odpa(yis)] is unsatisfactory, for the individual holdings com-
prised in the numbered σφραγῖδες do not themselves have numbers; cf. ii. 16, note.
Moreover after + ..[. .] is a horizontal line indicating », or merely a mark of abbreviation,
but not occurring in the abbreviation of σφραγίς elsewhere in the papyrus.

21. It is not clear whether ey means 5% (arourae) or is an abbreviated word. 4 is not
a common fraction of the aroura, but occurs in Rev. Laws lx. 23. It is not possible to read
Z for e and connect the fractions with the preceding 6.

919. ADVANCE OF DUES ON A FREIGHT.

14'5 X 103 cm. A.D. 182?

Memorandum of an advance of 160 drachmae toa ship’s captain for customs-
dues to be paid at Memphis on a cargo of olives and honey. The 22nd year in
which the document is dated probably refers to the reign of Commodus.

KB (ἔτους) Παῦνι κί
ἐκ λόγ(ου) κλή(ρου ?) ᾿Ιουλ(ίου) Σ' ἀραπί(ίωνο»).
Καλλέᾳ κυβερνήτ(ῃ) εἰς τέλη
Μέμφεως τῶν ἐμ[β]ληθέντ(ων)
5 αὐτῶι ἐλαίας ΠΙΠροσωπίιτῶν) ἡ
κομισθ(έντων) ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρσινοείτ(ου) καὶ
μόνῃ Κλαυδίᾳ ᾿Ισιδώρᾳ
μέλιτος κερα(μίων) ᾧ καὶ σε-
᾿ βειτίων x ὧν λόγο(ν)
10 δώσει (δραχμαὴἣ ρξ.
δό(τω) Ady(ov) Σ'αραπίίωνι) (δραχμῶν) pé.

4. θ οἵ εμ[β]ληθεντ(ων) corr. from τ.

919. ADVANCE OF DUES ON A FREIGHT 283

‘The 22nd year, Pauni 27, on account of the holding (?) of Julius Sarapion. Paid to
Calleas, pilot, for the taxes of Memphis upon his freight of go Prosopite measures of olives
carried from the Arsinoite nome, and 7 jars and 20 boxes of honey for Claudia Isidora
solely, 160 drachmae, of which he shall render an account.

Let him render an account to Sarapion of 160 drachmae.’

2. κλή(ρου) is not quite satisfactory, but κλη(ρονόμου) or -ων is unlikely owing to 1. 11,
where a Sarapion is apparently mentioned whom it is natural to identify with the Julius
Sarapion here.

3-4. The τέλη Μέμφεως are analogous to the duty called λιμένος Μέμφεως in Fayfim
customs-receipts, e.g. P. Fay. 69, 72, &c.; cf. P. Brit. Mus. III. 1107 and Preisigke’s recent
discussion of this tax in P. Strassb. 1. p. 50. In P. Hibeh rro. 24, of the third century B.c.,
only a small sum for γραμματικόν was paid at Memphis upon a freight of corn.

5. We suppose Προσωπ(ίτης) to be a measure deriving its name from the Prosopite
nome, like the ᾿Οξυρυχίτης (Ῥ. Brit. Mus. III. 1170. verso 79, &c.) from Oxyrhynchus. Προ-
σωπί(ίτιδος) might also be read in agreement with ἐλαίας (cf. 6. g. 116. 11 μέτρον ᾿Ομβειτικοῦ
oivo(s)), in which case the measure is not specified; but apart from that small difficulty it
is unlikely that olives from the Prosopite nome in the Delta would be taken to Memphis
via the Fayfim. ‘The figure at the end of the line is doubtful; it is more like 4 than «, but
does not greatly resemble either. A figure of some kind however seems essential.

8. σεβειτίων : cf. P. Par. 10. 22 σεβίτιον γυναικεῖον. The word is supposed to be
a diminutive of σεβίς, which according to Hesychius = mvéis.

11. Σαραπ(ίωνι) : the letters are damaged but fairly secure.

(f) ACCOUNTS

920, ACCOUNT OF FOOD.

13:0 X 13:8 cm. Late second or early third
century,

A short list of various articles, largely comestibles, with the prices paid for
them. This is written on the verso of another money account of which parts of
two columns remain, the beginnings and ends of lines respectively being lost.
The items in the second column are dated in Phamenoth and Pharmouthi of the
21st year of an emperor whom from the handwriting we should suppose to be
Antoninus or Commodus; the document on the verso, which is in a different
hand, is unlikely to be very much later.

Διῤύφων (ἀρτάβη) a (δραχμαὴ κ (dvdBodor),
σινάπεως μ(έτρα ?) ¢ (δραχμαὴ is,
πλατακίων (δραχμαὶ) κὃ (ὀβολός),
λεπτῶν (δραχμαὶ) η,

5 σαλώτια (δραχμαὴ B (δυόβολοι),

284 THE OXYRHYNCAUS. PAPYRI

ἐλεαι (δραχμαὶ) ιθ (δυόβολοι),

πλατακίων (δραχμαὴ μη,

στρουτ(οῦ) μεγάλ(ου) — (δραχμαὶ η,

σφαι[ρ]ίων (δραχμαὴ Kd,
το πλατακίων (δραχμαὶ vs,

σφαιρίων (δραχμαὴ vB,

is λόγ(ον) ἀραβῶ(νος) στρουτ(οῦ) (δραχμαὴ ιβ 1

ῥοῶν (δραχμαὴ εἴ

1. διζύφων Pap. 3. First a of πλατακιων corr. 6. 1. ἐλαῖαι. 8. I. στρουθ(οῦν;
so in ]. 12.

1. διζύφων : cf. Anth. Pal. ix. 503 Οὐκ ἀλόγως ἐν διζύφοις δύναμίν τινα θείαν εἶναι ἔφην,
χθὲς γοῦν δίζυφον ἐν χρονίῳ ἠπιάλῳ κάμνοντι τεταρταίῳ περιῆψα, καὶ γένονεν ταχέως, οἷα κρότων, ὑγιής,
διζύφοις and δίζυφον have been commonly rejected (διζύθοις Erasm., ζιζύφοις (cf. Geop. x. 44
ζίζυφα εἰς οἰνόμελι φυλάττεται) Bapt. Pius, &c., ζωυφίοις Toup, ‘ genuina vox nondum reperta ’
Stadtmiiller), but are now confirmed by the papyrus. Δίζυφον is apparently another form
of ¢i¢upor, the fruit of the zizyphus or jujube-tree ; cf. e.g. Pliny, H. WV. 15. 14. ὃ 47.

2. μ(έτρα) : or perhaps μ(άτια) : the abbreviation consists of a » with a small ¢ written
above and somewhat to the right of it.

3. πλατάκιον is a (new) diminutive of πλάταξ, which, according to Athen. 309 a, was an
Alexandrian name of the fish κορακῖνος.

4. For λεπτῶν cf. P. Strassb. 40. 48 ra ἐξ ἔθους διδόμενα λεπτὰ, .. ; what exactly is meant
is not clear.

5. σαλώτια : the word is unknown.

8. στρουθὸς μέγας Or μεγάλη means an ostrich, but ostriches can hardly have been
purchased for 8 drachmae. Perhaps this was a part payment; cf. ]. 12, where 12 drachmae
are paid as earnest money for orpour(od). In P. Leipzig 97. xxviii. 18 and 20, xxix. 19 and
21 occur entries of an artaba eis τὰ στρουθῶν.

9. opapia are probably sweetmeats, so called from their shape; cf. Vita MS.
S. Szmeonis Sali σιλίγνια καὶ σφαιρία καὶ ὀψάρια.

921, INVENTORY OF PROPERTY.
34°3 X 14-4 cm. Third century.

A list of various articles, chiefly of dress; cf. 109, 741, P. Tebt. 406, P. Gen.
80, &c. The list is on the verso of a lengthy third-century account, of which the
beginnings of lines are lost throughout, mostly concerning measurements of build-
ings, &c., and mentioning different kinds of πήχεις---ἁπλοῖ, καμαρωτικοί (or -ωτοί),
and ἐμβαδοί : e.g. ἐπὶ τὸ] a(drd) ἁπλοῖ πήχί(εις) χπθΖς (β΄, ὧν καμαρωτικοὶ | σνδ, οἱ]
λοιπ(οὶ) πήχ(εις) υκεΖς΄ β΄. πήχεις καμαρωτικοί are not otherwise attested ; the form
ἐμβαδοί for ἐμβαδικοί occurs in Heron, De Mensuris, p. 314. Mention is made of

921. INVENTORY OF PROPERTY 285,

πήγματος γουβεναρίων ἐρικίνων, συμψελίων, and καινῶν πλακίων. At the bottom
is an entry concerning «]epaue, followed by the signature Αὐρήλιοϊς] Σαρᾶς
ἐσημ(ειωσάμηνῚ, part of a date, and ...| ἐπιδέδωκα.

Τὰ ἀποκίμενα παρὰ ᾿Αρσινόην' ο΄ ἐπικάρσιον καινὸν a,
περιβολάδια ἐρεᾶ y, 15 σινδόνια σκιωτὰ β,
στρώματα σ. ικιανα Y> κολόβια τριβακὰ ὃ,
σουρικοπάλλιον α, ἀναβολάδια Υγ;

5 ἱμάτιον λευκὸν α, βαλανάριον α,
κολόβια σμάλλεα ὃ, σινδόνιον παχὺ a,
μαφόρτιον λευκὸν a, 30 κερπικάρια τριβακ(ὰ) Β,
κερπίκαρια épea Καλλέ(ου) β σινδόνιν Κυνοπολ(ίτου) τριβ(ακὸν) α,

καὶ λινά, ᾿Αφροδίτη,

το περίζωμα a, ééora β,
σαβανοφακιάριον μει(κρὸν) α, καὶ ἐν τῷ πυρί[ιὶ γίσκῳ
σανανοφακιάρι(ον) Θαήσι(ος) %, 25 μύστρα, ἔξ
ἄλλο τριβακὸν α, πίπερας.

8. καλλε(ου) inserted later: the final letter has a stroke above it. 12. 1. σαβανο-
φακιάρι(ον). 16. 8 written through y. 24. κω Of πυριγισκω above the line.
‘ Articles deposited with Arsinoé :—3 woollen wraps, 3 - - - coverings, 1 outer cloak,

τ white mantle, 4 woollen (?) shirts, 1 white veil, 2 woollen pillows belonging to Calleas,
and some linen ones, 1 girdle, 1 small face-cloth, 1 face-cloth belonging to Thaésis, 1 ditto,
worn, I new cross-band, 2 cambrics with shaded stripes, 4 worn shirts, 3 shawls, 1 bathing-
bag (?), 1 thick cambric, 2 worn pillows, 1 Cynopolite cambric, worn, an Aphrodite, 2 cups ;

and in the casket some spoons, some pepper.

3. σ΄. txtava is perhaps a geographical adjective ; the first letter may be a.

4. σουρικοπάλλιον : usually spelled σουβρικοπάλλιον ; cf. B. G. U. 327. 7, C. Ρ. R. I. p. 124.

6. σμάλλεα is possibly to be connected with paddds: cf. the collateral forms μαρίλη
σμαρίλη, μάραγνα σμάραγνα, ὅτο. ; but there seems to be no other trace of the spelling with an
initial o in the case of μαλλός.

8. κερπικάρια = cervicalia; the word is found in the form κερβικάρια in a similar list
published by Wessely in C. P.R. 1. p. 125, and in B. G. Ὁ. 814. 11. We interpret Καλλέ(ου)
as a proper name on the analogy of Θαήσι(ος) in 1. 12.

ΤΙ. σαβανοφακιάριον is a New compound. σαβάνιον Occurs in P. Gen. 80. 4.

14. ἐπικάρσιον : cf. C. P. R. 1. 21. 19 σουδάριον [émx|aparov and 27. 9 παλλίολον γλοιὸν
ἐπ)ικάρσιον. :

1g. σκιωτά: cf. Arrian, Perdpl. Mar. Rubr. p. 13 ζῶναι σκιωταί, explained to be
variegated girdles. σικίωτεν in P. Tebt. 413. 11 is perhaps for σκιωτόν.

17. ἀναβολάδια occur also in 109. 9. How they differed from περιβολάδια is
not clear.

18. βαλανάριον is apparently novel; the word may mean a towel or perhaps a bag
carried by a person going to the bath like πρὸς Badaviov in 908, 29.

286 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

24. πυργίσκῳ seems to be the word intended, though there is something between the p
and y. The surface of the papyrus was faulty here, and this may have disconcerted
the writer.

26. mimepas is apparently a form of mémepis: cf. Alex. Trall. 1. p. 67 πιπερόγαρον for

πεπερόγαρον.

922. ACCOUNT OF HORSES.

31-1 Χ 21-7 cm. Late sixth or early seventh
century.

This document contains particulars concerning a number of horses and other
ζῷα, how they had been disposed of, changes effected by sale and purchase, and
losses through decease. The use to which these animals were put is not stated, but
some of them may well have been employed in the ὀξὺς δρόμος (cf. 900. 6, note),
or perhaps the δημόσιος κίρκος (145. 2). The popularity of horse-racing at this
period seems to have led to the introduction of foreign breeds and variation of
qualities; one of the horses here enumerated came from Constantinople (1. 15),
and several unknown technical terms or epithets occur.

The sheet of papyrus is so made up that the recto of a strip added along
one side coincides with the verso of the remainder, and on this surface, which is
thus mostly verso, the account is written. On the back at a distance from each
other are two semi-effaced and illegible lines in which we can discover no
connexion with the main document.

- Τὰ δύο ἱππάρια “Ackdouv ἐδόθη εἰς τὸν ἱππικ(όν).
τὸ ἱππάριν "Ὥφεως ἐδόβ(η) εἰς τὸ ἄνω στάβλον.

ὃ ἱππάριν τοῦ ἄρχο(ντος) ἐδόθ(η) εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ στάβλον.
τὸ ἱππάρ(ιον) Σ᾽ πανίας ἐδόθ(η) εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ στάβλον. ἔ
ὃ ἱππάρ(ιον) τοῦ ‘Apowvoirov ἐδόθ(η) εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ στάβλον.

ὃ μικρὸν λευκὸν ἱππάριν ἐδόθ(η) εἰς τὸν ἱππικίόν).
Πατρίκιον καὶ τὸν μικρὸν γεράτην δεδώκαμεν
ὑπὲρ Τοῦ πυρροῦ ἵππον τοῦ ἄνω στάβλου.
τὸ λευκὸν φοράδιν καὶ πέλατον δεδώκαμεν
10 ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀποθανόντος μικροῦ ἵππου.
τὸν κέντινον πεπράκαμεν καὶ ἠγοράσαμεν
τὸν μικρὸν μελανὸν τὸν ἐν τῷ στάβλῳ.
τὸν ἵππον τὸν λεγόμενον Πλὲβ πεπράκαμεν

ς Ν e

ὑπὲρ τριῶν νομισμάτων Kal ταῦτα ἔχει ὁ κύριος Piddgevols). )

922, ACCOUNT OF HORSES 287

πε e ,

15 τὸ ἱππάριν Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως πεπράκαμεν
ὑπὲρ [νο(μισμάτων)] γ καὶ ταῦτα ἔχει ὁ κύριος Φιλόξενος.
τὰ B (ala τ]ῆς Ἡρακλέους καὶ τὸ ζῷον Οὐρεειὴβτ
πεπράϊκ]αμεν ὑπί(ὲρ) νο(μισμάτων) eB’ καὶ ταῦτα ἐδόθ(η) τῷ αὐτῷ.
τὸ (gov το[ῦ] ἄρχο(ντος) καὶ τὸ τοῦ ὑδροφόρου καὶ ὁμουργὸς
t
20 ἀπαίθαναν.
τὸ φοράδιν τὸ ἀποθανὼν ὑποκάτω Μηνᾶ μειζοτέρ(ου).
ἠγοράσθη ἀπὸ "Ὥφεως (pa τρία νο(μισμάτων) ny’,
καὶ ἀπὸ Παλλώσεως ἄλλο (Gov νο(μισμάτων) y.
and hand ἠπέθανεν ἡ ὀνοθήλ(εια) τῶν Καρανεωτῶν.
25 τὴν ἄλλην ὀνοθήλιαν τῶν αὐτῶν Καρανεωτῶν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀπὸ
“Δουκίου
καὶ τὴν μικρὰν ἐπώλυσα καὶ ἔλαβα τέσσαρα νο(μίσματα) ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν.

1. δῦο Pap. ἵπ᾽παρια Pap. ; so in 11. 2-6, 15. ἵπ᾽ πικ(ον) Pap.; soinl. 6. 5. apot-
voirov Pap. - ἡ. π᾿ οἵ πατρικιον corr. (?). 8. ὕπερ Pap.; so in ll. το, 14, 16, and 26.
ἱππου Pap.; so in ll. ro, 13. 17. Above the last 5 letters of ουρεειηβτ there is a horizontal
stroke. 19. vdpopopov Pap. 20. 1. ἀπέθανον. 21. 1. ἀποθανόν. ὕποκατω Pap.
24. 1. ἀπέθανεν. 25. την in both cases corr. from y, and final ν of αλλην and ονοθηλιαν
inserted. 26. 1. ἐπώλησα.

‘The two horses from Asclou were delivered to the groom. The horse from Ophis
was delivered to the upper stable. The horse of the magistrate was delivered to the same
stable. The horse from Spania was delivered to the same stable. The horse from the
Arsinoite nome was delivered to the same stable. The small white horse was delivered to
the groom. I gave Patricius (?) and the small ..:. for the bay horse of the upper stable.
I gave the white mare and the... for the small horse which died. I sold the... and
bought the small black one which is in the stable. I sold the horse called Pleb for 3 solidi,
which the revered Philoxenus has. I sold the horse from Constantinople for 3 solidi,
which the revered Philoxenus has. I sold the two asses (?) from Heracleopolis and the ass
from Oureeiebt for 52 solidi, which were paid to the same. The ass of the magistrate
and that of the water-carrier and its mate are dead. The mare which died belonged to
Menas the official. Three asses were bought from Ophis for 82 solidi, and another from
Pallosis for 3 solidi. The she-ass of the Karaneots is dead. The other she-ass of the said
Karaneots and that belonging to the people from Lucii and the small one I sold, and
received 4 solidi for them.’

τ. “Acedov on the analogy of “Odews, Σπανίας (which occurred in 190), &c., should be
a place-name.

ἡ. Πατρίκιον here appears to be a proper name rather than a title. The paragraphus
after 1. 6 indicates that ἱππικ(όν) ends the sentence (cf. l. 1), so that Patricius does not refer
to the groom. Perhaps the name of a horse is meant; cf. 1.13 and note. γεράτην may
possibly mean ‘aged’; cf. the late form yeparia. The τ might be read as γ.

9. πέλατον : OF meAayov, which is no easier. For gopddi(o)y cf. Hesych. φοράδες αἱ
θήλειαι ἵπποι.

288 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

11. κέντινος is an unknown word.

13. ἵππον τὸν λεγόμενον Πλέβ: cf. 140. 22 ζῴου τοῦ λεγομένου Περισσοῦ. Is πλέβ con-
nected with plebetus (cf. Πατρίκιον in 1. 7 and note) ?

17. ¢éa in this context more probably signifies asses or mules than oxen (cf. P. Amh.
146. 3 Boixa (Ga). In P. Amh, 150. 23-4 xép(rov) ξηρ(οῦ) πεφορτ(ισ)μένα ζῷα πεντήκοντα asses
are likely to be meant; cf. 140. 22 rod ἐμοῦ ζῴου in a contract concerning a στάβλον.
According to Sophocles’ Lex. (Gov was not used of horses.

19. ὁμουργός does not seem to occur elsewhere, but ὁμοεργής and ὁμοεργία are attested in
late writers. ὁμουργοῦ was perhaps intended.

24-5. Καρανεωτῶν is not likely to mean natives of Karanis in the Fayim, though cf. 1. 5
*"Apowoirov. There may well have been a village called Kapdvera nearer to Oxyrhynchus.

(g) PRAYERS

923. PETITION TO A PAGAN DEITY.

20-1 X 8-4 cm. Late second or early third
century.

A petition addressed to the deity of some Oxyrhynchite temple, perhaps
Sarapis, apparently with a view to prevent the departure of a certain person
to Alexandria for purposes of sacrifice, and to cause him to sacrifice at the
Oxyrhynchite Sarapeum instead ; but owing to the incompleteness of the first six
lines, where the construction is uncertain, the precise object of the prayer is
obscure; cf. 1. 6, note. Similar petitions or questions addressed to Graeco-
Egyptian deities are extant in P. Fay. 137-8, B. G. U. 229-30, Wessely, Script.
Gr. Spec. no. 26, and P. Brit. Mus. 1267 d (Archiv, IV. p. 559); cf. also 925.
The papyrus is broken at the top, but it is not certain that any lines are missing.

Be ere τ ope ee
Το [εὐ τ vn ‘Egdkor . [. .
[.+..]. τισαι αὐτοῖς ὥστε
5 [- κττν τ ἤεις, αὐτοῖς τὸν
Hi. ...\v ὃν εἴασαν εἰς
θυσίαν σοῦ τοῦ κυρίου μὴ
κατενέγκαι εἰς ᾿Αλεξάν-
δρειαν, ἐπεὶ κατ᾽ ἄγνοιαν
10 τῶν φροντίδων av-

923. PETITION TO A PAGAN DEITY 289

aA 5) ’ὔ’ > ΝΥ “
τῶν ἠργάσατο, ἀλλὰ ἕτερον
ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐκεῖνον
θῦ 2 Ce Se Ὃ 2
doa ev τῷ ev Οξυρυγχείτῃ
Σαραπείῳ. τοῦτο ἡμεῖν

15 δός.

1. Perhaps μεγάλῳ, for which cf. e.g. P. Fay. 137 beginning Σοκωννωκοννῖ θεῶι μεζγάγλ(ζω
μεγάλωι. Line 1 here may be the beginning of the petition, but [τῳ κυ]ρίῳ (cf. P. Fay. 138. 1
κύριοι Διόσκουροι) is unsuitable ; the traces of the letter before the supposed « rather suggest
y ΟΥ̓ τ.

2. The letter before σε may bey, ν, or υ.

3. Unless “Ἑξάκων is nominative, the following letter must be τ, which is possible.

4. Possibly ἰχρημ]ατίσαι.

5. [εις seems to be the termination of a future verb, though this does not yield
a satisfactory construction. ν or m can be read in place of ι.

6. Possibly μ[όσχο]ν, in which case ἐκεῖνον in 1. 12 is the object, not the subject, of θῦσαι.
But it seems hardly likely that the petition should be merely concerned with the place where
a calf was to be sacrificed, and the question whether a person was to make a journey was
frequently asked of an oracle; cf. P. Fay. 137-8 and P. Tebt. 284. 2 sqq., and for
a Christian parallel 925. We prefer therefore to suppose that τὸν pf. . . .]ν is a personal
name or description.

8. κατενέγκαι : less probably κατενέγκῃ.

924. GNOSTIC CHARM.
9 X 7-6 cm. Fourth century.

A charm for warding off fever, similar to B. G. U. 956 (edited with a com-
mentary by Wilcken in Archiv, I. pp. 420-7) and P. Tebt. 275, but Christian
instead of pagan; cf. B.G. U. 954-5. The Deity is not addressed under any
particular name at the beginning, but the essentially Gnostic character of the
charm is shown at the end by the mystical symbols and the occurrence of the
title Abrasax, a common Gnostic name of the Supreme Being.

Ἢ. μὴν φυλάξῃς καὶ συντη-
ρήσῃς ‘Apias ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐπιημερι-
νοῦ φρικὸς καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ καθημε-
ρινοῦ φρικὸς καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ νυκτερι-

5 νοῦ φρικὸς καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ λεπτοῦ
{To(v) λεπτουὶ πυρεϊτοῦ...... .«.-
ons. ταῦτα εὐϊμενῶῆς [π]ράϊξ-
εἰς ὅλως κατὰ τὸ θέλημά

290 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

gov πρῶτον καὶ κατὰ τὴν πίσ-
το τιν αὐτῆς ὅτι δούλη ἐστὶν

τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ τοῦ ζῶντος, καὶ ἵνα

τὸ ὄνομά σου ἢ) διὰ παντὸς

{η} δεδοξασμένον. 1

apes τη
15 a ᾿Ι(ησοῦῦ πατήρ υἱός μήτηρ Χι(ριστο)ῦ o :
η —|— υ
ι πν(εῦμηα αω ἅγιος
Ἄβρα σάξ
On the verso
‘Api(a)s.
2. 1. ᾿Αρίαν ... τῆς ἐφημερινῆς. υ Of επιημερινου corr. from o. 3-4. 1. τῆς καθημερινῆς

εν τῆς νυκτερινῆς. τό. 1]. ἅγιον.

‘Verily guard and protect Aria from ague by day and quotidian ague and ague by
night and slight fever and... ll this thou wilt graciously do in accordance with thy
will first and with her faith, since she is a servant of the living God, and in order that thy
name may be glorified for ever.’

1. 4 μήν: cf. B.G.U. 229. 3 and 230: 3 ἦ μὲν σοθήσωι (510).

2. ἐπιημερινός is contrasted with νυκτερινός (1. 4), καθημερινός with e. g. τριταῖος ; cf.
P. Tebt. 275. 21, &c.

6. Above the τ of Aerrov is what looks like a 7, but in any case seems to be superfluous.
The line cannot have proceeded καὶ ἀπὸ ἐπαϊφῆς, for though ἐπαφή is coupled with ἱερὰ
νόσος in contracts relating to the purchase of slaves, who are guaranteed to be ἀναπόριφοι
πλῆν ἱερᾶς νόσου καὶ ἐπαφῆς (e.g. in 95. 19), the term does not signify a disease, as will
shortly be demonstrated by Prof. Kiibler.

7-8. [π]|ράϊ ξ] εἰς is very doubtful, for the writer elsewhere divides words between two
lines correctly, and the supposed p might be ε, τ, or φ, while of the supposed a only the
slightest vestige remains.

1o-11. Cf. B.G.U. 954. 8 ἐμοῦ τοῦ δούλου cov; δοῦλος τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶντος occurs in
Daniel (Theodot.) 6. 20.

15-7. @ and xo are written larger than the rest. The use of the vowels is very
common in magical formulae, but it is curious that here they are six, not seven in number,
e being omitted; unless indeed it was written to the left of a or 7, where the edge of the
papyrus is damaged.

925. CHRISTIAN PRAYER 20

925. CHRISTIAN PRAYER.
5:6 X 9-6 cm. Fifth or sixth century.

This prayer is a Christian counterpart of the pagan petitions to the oracle of
which 923 is a specimen. The writer asks whether it was the divine will that he
should make a certain journey and whether success would attend him. Pre-
~ sumably this prayer was to be deposited in some church, just as the similar pagan
documents were left in the temples; cf. P. Fay. 137. introd. It is written in
a clear cursive of the fifth or sixth century.

e «

ἜΟ θ(εδ)ς ὁ παντοκράτωρ ὁ ἅγιος
ὁ ἀληθινὸς φιλάνθρωπος καὶ
δημιουργὸς ὁ π(ατὴὴρ τοῦ K(uplo (καὶ) σω(τῆ)ρ(οὴς
ἡμῶν ᾿Ι(ησοὴῦ Χ(ριστοὴῦῦ φανέρωσόν μοι τὴν
5 παρὰ σοὶ ἀλήθιαν εἰ βούλῃ με ἀπελθεῖν
εἰς Χιοὺτ ἢ εὑρίσκω σε σὺν ἐμοὶ
πράττοντα (kal) εὐμενῆν. γένοιτο, αθ. '

‘O God almighty, holy, true, and merciful, Creator, Father of our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ, reveal to me thy truth, whether it be thy will that I go to Chiout, and
whether I shall find thee aiding me and gracious. So be it; Amen.’

a4. Cf. B.G.U. O54: 1-3.
7. ηθ is the common symbol for ἀμήν, 99 being the sum of the numerical equivalents of
the letters.

(ὁ) PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE

926. INVITATION TO DINNER.
2-9 X 4-9 CM. Third century..

This and the following papyrus (927) are further examples of the formal
invitations to feasts of which we have previously published examples from
Oxyrhynchus (110-1, 524, 747) and the Fayfim (P. Fay. £32), but which
curiously enough have not yet appeared in other collections. The occasion
of the party in the present case was the ἐπίκρισις of the person in whose
name the invitation was issued, i.e. his admission to the privileged class who
were wholly or in part exempt from the poll-tax ; cf. P. Oxy. II. pp. 217 564:
The normal age of candidates for ἐπίκρισις was about 13 years, since on reaching

292 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

14 they became liable to the tax; the formality thus heralded the attainment of
puberty and the entry upon the duties of a citizen. This invitation is peculiar in
having upon the back what seems to be an address, which former instances have
lacked ; the address, however, is in a different hand and doubtfully deciphered,
and possibly it is not really connected with the note on the recto.

Kade σε “Hpabéov
δειπνῆσαι εἰς τὴν ἐπί-
κρισιν αὑτοῦ ἐν τῇ ol-
΄ c ~ wv [
kia αὑτίοἹῦ αὔριον ἥτις
5 ἐστὶν ε ἀπὸ @p(as) [θ.]
On the verso
2nd hand ΖΧαιλαμωνι
᾿Ηλᾳσίου.

6. 1. Χαιράμμωνι (?).

‘Heratheon invites you to dine with him, on the occasion of his examination, at his
house to-morrow, the 5th, at the oth hour.’

5. The abbreviation of ὥρας consists of an ὦ through which a p is drawn.

927. INVITATION TO A WEDDING.
3:2 X 6-2 cm. Third century.

A formal invitation to a wedding, by which no doubt a feast in celebration
of the wedding is to be understood ; cf. 926. introd., and 111, 747, and P. Fay. 132,
which are also invitations to wedding feasts. The writing is on the verso of
a strip cut from two documents which have been gummed together; one of these
apparently mentioned the emperor Alexander Severus, so that the invitation may
be referred to the middle or latter part of the third century.

Kari ca "Ἔρως
εἰς γάμους ἥτις
3 κ᾿ eA

ἐστὶν αὔριον KO
ἀπὸ ὥρας θ.

I. l. oe. 2-3. 1. αὔριον ἥτις ἐστίν : cf. e. g. 926. 4-5.
‘ Eros invites you to ἃ wedding to-morrow the 29th at the oth hour.’

ee μμ ἽΣ

928. LETTER OF LUCIUS

928. LETTER OF LUCIUS.

10-2 X 7-3 cm.

205

Second or third century.

In this kindly letter written by Lucius to Apolinarius, who is addressed as
‘brother’, the latter is warned of a plot against a girl who had lost her pro-

tector, and is asked to befriend her.
papyrus.

| else.

4. 1, aids.
14. ᾿σιδωριωνος Pap.

Adu}kios ᾿Απολιναρίωι τῶι
ἀδελφῶι χαίρειν,
ἐπὶ Ζωπύρου τελευτήσαντος τῇ
Ταΐδι τοῦ ᾿Αμφιθαλέος εἰσὶν οἱ
> ΓΔ «ε
ἐπεδρεύοντες, ὡμείλησας
2? ’, ‘ ’
δέ μοί ποτε περὶ τούτου͵ φα-
΄ = αὖ 7%
νερόν σοι ποιῶ iva ἐὰν δοκι-
μάσῃς ποιήσῃς πρὶν προ-
λημφθῆναι" οὐδὲ γὰρ ὁ τοῦ
Σεβαστείνου μητέρα ἔχει.
ἐὰν ταρείχια σεαυτῷ ποι-
“ 2 . 2 £
ἢ[5] κἀμοὶ κεράμιον πέμ-

ψί[ο]ν. τὰ παιδία παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ καὶ

᾿Ισιδωρίωνος προσαγόρε[υ]ε.
ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι.

On the verso

ArroAwwapiou.

The writing is across the fibres of the

5. 1. ἐφεδρεύοντες. 7. ἵνα Pap. 9. τ Of του written over something

‘Lucius to Apolinarius his brother, greeting, Since now that Zopyrus is dead there
are persons making designs upon Thais daughter of Amphithales, and you once had a
conversation with me on this subject, I therefore inform you, in order that if you think
fit you may act before she is entrapped ; for the son (?) of Sebastinus has no mother either,
If you are making pickled fish for yourself send me a jar too. Greet the children from me

and Isidorion,

I pray for your health. (Addressed) To Apolinarius.’

. The use of the article with the proper names in 11, 3-4 is unusual, but neither

Say θίδι nor τῇ παιδί can be read for τῇ Ταΐδι.
9. It is difficult to avoid reading ὁ before τοῦ, though the sentence then seems irrelevant.
Without ὁ 6, the subject of ἔχει is Thais.

294 “THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

929. LETTER. OF NICANOR.
345 X 9:8 cm. Late second or third century.

The subject of this letter is the loss of some articles of clothing, which the
writer wished his correspondent to assist him in recovering. It is on the verso of
the papyrus, the recto containing the latter parts of lines of a column of early
second-century accounts, of which the upper portion has been erased to receive
the address of the letter. Three sections remain, each following the same
formula, 6. g. (the last) (1) ὑπὲρ ς (2) ] ἄλφα ξ βῆτ(α) ἃς (3) Jave( +) pm “Adpu(av Ὁ)
καὶ δ΄ AB (4) ] eve, /7é5(5) 1᾿Αχλς: Απολλώνις τξὸ (6) ] λήμ(ματος) τξδ, 4 ἀνηλζώματος)
τξὸ, TA(jjpes). The preceding sections are similarly headed | ὑπὲρ ὃ and Ἰγ ὑπὲρ €
respectively, with ἄλφα and βῆτ(α) followed by different figures in the next line; in
No. 2, 1. 3, there is a y before αμεί ) and ‘Ad(_) for “Adpi(_) ; ᾿Απολλώνις appears
in the same position in both cases.’

The verso had already been once used, and has been cleaned to make way
for Nicanor’s epistle. The original document began with a date of the 21st year
of Commodus (A. Ὁ. 180), but beyond this only a few isolated letters are legible.

Νεικάνωρ Νιννά- γῇ λευκῇ, καὶ σὺν τού-
ρῳ τῶι ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν. 15 τῷ ἄλλα δύματὰ πάν-

εἰδώς σου τὸ [σπουδεον τα, ὡς εἶναι ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ
τὸ πρὸς πάντας καὶ ; ἀριθμῷ ἕξ, ἀποκαταστῆ-

5 νῦν ἕν τοῦτό με ὑπη- σαί μοι εἰς ᾽Οξυρυγχείτην
ρετήσεις. καλῶς ποιή- ἐξ ὧν ἔσχον τὰ προκεί-
σεις ἀπαιτήσας Τιθό- 20 μενα πάντα. διὸ γράφω
ιν τὸν ναυτικὸν δύμα σοι, ἀδελφέ, ἵν᾿ εἰ ἀλλότριά
καροίνου χιτῶνος ἐστιν ἴδῃς, ἐρεῖς δέ μοι ἐν

10 ἐν ᾧ λίνον καὶ λέν- τάχει περὶ τούτου.
τιον τριβακόν, καὶ ἔριᾳ, ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομ(αὺ..

ταῦτα δὲ πάντα συν-
ενῆι εἰς τὸν χιτῶνα τὸν καροῖνον
καὶ ἐσφραγίσθη
On the recto
25 Νιννάρῳ οἰκονόμῳ ‘Amiwvos στρα(τηγοῦ)
and hand πίαρὰ) Νεικάνορος.

: 2. χαιρεῖ Pap, 8. 1. [σἸπουδαῖον. 5. 1. μοι. 12. ]. συνενῆν. εἰς... καίροινον
above ll. 13-4. :

= ©

929. LETTER OF NICANOR 205

‘Nicanor to Ninnarus his brother, greeting. Knowing your goodness to all, I ask you
now to do me this oneservice. Please demand from Tithois the sailor a garment consisting
of a brown tunic, inside which was a linen cloth, a worn towel, and some wool. ΑἹ] these
were inside the brown tunic, and it was sealed with white clay, and with it send back to me
all the other garments, making the total number six, to the Oxyrhynchite nome whence
I obtained all the aforesaid articles. I write therefore to you, brother, to see if they are in
some one else’s possession. Please tell me at once about this. I pray for your health.
(Addressed) To Ninnarus steward of Apion, strategus (?), from Nicanor.’

5. ἕν rovro: or perhaps ἐν rovr(@), but there is no other case of the confusion of o and
in this letter.

8. δύμα for ἔνδυμα is apparently novel.

9. καροίνου seems to be for xapvivov, ‘nut-brown’ ; cf. Theophr. de Sensu 78 καρύϊνον

χρῶμα ἐκ χλωροῦ καὶ κυανοειδοῦς.

12. συνενῆι : this form is the converse of the common use of ἦν for 7, 6. g. P. Tebt.
317. 19-20 ἐφ᾽ ὧν da... ἦν.

17. ἀποκαταστήσας, continuing the construction of ἀπαιτήσας in |. 7, would have been
more regular.

19. ἐξ ὧν makes a bad concord with ᾿Οξυρυγχείτην.

25. στρα(τηγοῦ) is very doubtful.

980. LETTER TO PTOLEMAEUS FROM HIS MOTHER.

15 X 9:2 cm. Second or third century.

An interesting letter from a mother to her son, whose teacher (καθηγητής) had
just left him, and who was now in the charge of his παιδαγωγός. The writer
with evident anxiety urges him to find another teacher.

[.....- elu py Ox μοι 15 σκεις. Kal ἔλεγεν τὸ Ara,
[γ]ράφειν καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐ- ἐμαρτύρει δὲ πολλὰ πε-
[aly χρείαν ἔχῃς. ἐντεῦ- ρὶ τοῦ παιδαγωγοῦ σου.
θεν ἐλοιπήθην ἐπιγνοῦ- ὥστε οὖν, τέκνον, μελη-

5 σα παρὰ τῆς θυγατρὸς σάτω σοΐ τε καὶ τῷ παιδα-
τοῦ καθηγητοῦ ἡμῶν 20 γωγῷ σου καθήκοντι κα-
Διογένους καταπεπλευ- θηγητῇ σε παραβάλλειν.
κέναι αὐτόν: ἠμερίμνουν ἀσπάζονταί σε πολλὰ αἱ
γὰρ περὶ αὐτοῦ εἰδυῖα ὅ- ἀδελφαί σου καὶ τὰ ἀβάσ-

10 τι κατὰ δύν[αἾμιν μέλλει καντα παιδία Θεωνίδος
σοι προσέχειν. ἐμέλησε 25. καὶ οἱ ἡμέτεροι πάντες

δέ μοι πέμψαι καὶ πυθέ- Kat ὄνομα, ἄσπασαι τὸν

296 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

σθαι περὶ τῆς ὑγίας σου καὶ τειμιώτατον παιδαγω-᾿

ἐπιγνῶναι τί ἀναγεινώ- γόν σου "Ἔρωτα.
In the left-hand margin
1. Tad.» eppf. .]. +. [.. -] Abdp κί.}
On the verso

30 ] Πτολεμαίῳ visu,

4. 1. ἐλυπήθην.

. do not hesitate to write to me about anything which you require. It grieved me
to learn from the daughter of our teacher Diogenes that he had sailed, for I had no anxiety
about him, knowing that he intended to look after you to the best of his ability. I took
care to send and ask about your health and learn what you are reading ; he said that it was
the sixth book and testified at length concerning your attendant. So my son, I urge both
you and your attendant to take care that you go to a suitable teacher. Many salutations
are sent to you by your sisters and Theonis’ children, whom the evil eye shall not harm,

and by all our friends by name. Salute your esteemed attendant Eros... (Addressed)...
to her son Ptolemaeus.’

3. ἐντεῦθεν, whether meaning ‘forthwith’ (e. g. P. Tebt. 378. 11 ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἔσχον) or

‘therefore’, is more probably to be connected with ἐλυπήθην than with the preceding
sentence.

15. The subject of ἔλεγεν is the καθηγητής ; his daughter could hardly have given this
information. τὸ ¢jra no doubt refers to Homer, and is therefore likely to denote the sixth
rather than the seventh book, the Homeric books being commonly numbered by letters not
figures; cf. notes on 852. Fr. 25, and 858. lil. 3-5.

23. ἀβάσκαντα: cf. 6. 5. Ῥ' Fay. 126. το τὸ ἀβάσκαντον αὐτῆς παιδίον.

28. There is a blank space after Ἔρωτα, which indicates that this is the name of the
παιδαγωγός, not the imperative of ἐρωτᾶν to be constructed with what follows in the margin.

29. If the letters epp are right they no doubt belong to. ἔρρωσο or ἐρρῶσθαι, but the
succeeding vestiges present difficulties. The letter next after the lacuna may be 6 or a, but

neither ἐρρῶσἾθαι nor ἐρρ[ὥσΊθ(αι) εὔχ(ομαι) suits, the plural ἔρρωσθ(ε) is unlikely, and there is
not room for ἐ ἐρρὶ [ῶσθιαι.

931. LETTER OF THEOPOMPUS TO A STRATEGUS.

Chicago. 22-9 X 10-2 cm, Second century.

A respectful letter to a strategus of the upper Sebennyte nome (ef. 1. 15,
note) from a friend, accompanying the present of an ounce of purple. The fact
that in 1. 8 the praefect is called κράτιστος not λαμπρότατος indicates that the letter
was written before the close of the second century, and the early occurrence
of the formula ἐρρῶσθαί ce... εὔχομαι, which is here combined with ἔρρωσο, is
noticeable; cf. 237. vi. 35, note. The papyrus was briefly described in Part I. 163.

981. LETTER OF THEOPOMPUS TO A STRATEGUS 297

Θεόπομπος Σαραπίωνι τῶι
τιμι[ω]τάτωι χαίρειν.
ε ) 2 - Ν
ὡς ἠθέλησας, κύριε, τὴν
> ΄ ~ » D4
οὐγκίαν τῆς moppvpals] ἔπεμ-

5. Wa διὰ τοῦ κομίσαντος [τ]ὸ ἀπὸ
σοῦ ἐπιστόλιον φύλακος δο-
θησόμενον εἰς τὴν ξενίαν
τῆι μεικρᾷ: σὲ γὰρ τῶι κρατίστωι ἡγεμόνι
ἀκολουθεῖν ἐστοχασάμην.

το . ἐρρῶσθαί σε, κύριέ μου, σὺν τῆι
κρατίστηι ἀδελφῆι καὶ τῆι Κυρίλλῃ
εὔχομαι.
ἔρρω(σο).
Φαῶφι ιε.

On the verso

15 Σαραπίωνι στρατηγῶι Σεβεννύτου ἄνω τόπων
πί(αρὰ) Θεοπόμπου
7
φίλου.

8. ryt μεικρα above the line. 6. 1. δοθησομένην.

‘ Theopompus to his most ‘esteemed Sarapion, greeting. As you wished, sir, I have
sent by the guard who brought the letter from you the ounce of purple to be presented at
the entertainment to the little one ; for I guessed that you were in attendance upon his
excellency the praefect. I pray for the health of you, sir, with. your excellent sister and
Cyrilla. Good-bye. Phaophi 15. (Addressed) To Sarapion, strategus of the upper

toparchy of the Sebennyte nome, from his friend Theopompus.’

8. The μικρά who receives presents at the éevia (cf. Archiv, IV. p. 539) is more likely
to be a youthful daughter of the praefect than of Sarapion, especially as γάρ in 1. 8 suggests
that ll. 8-9 are closely connected with the preceding sentence.

IB. στρατηγῶι Σεβεννύτου ἄνω τόπων: usually a strategus had a whole nome under his
jurisdiction, but the Arsinoite nome had two strategi for the three pepides. That the
Sebennyte nome was in the Roman period divided for administrative purposes into two
distinct halves, the upper and the lower, with Sebennytus and Pachnamounis as their
respective μητροπόλεις, Was already known from Ptol. Geogr. iv. 5. 21 and 23.

208 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

932. LETTER OF THAIS.

9:6 X12 cm. Late second century.

A letter from a woman to a relative or friend, giving him various instructions
about the payment of dues and other matters relating to agriculture. The sen-
tences are loosely constructed and the meaning in consequence not always
transparent.

x 4 ~ 382 ’
Oais Τιγρίῳ τῶι ἰδίῳ χαίρειν.
ἔγραψα ‘Arodwapio ἵνα γένηται ἐν τῇ
δ - ᾽
Πέτνη iva μ[ε]τρήσηι. ἐρῖ σοι δὲ ᾿Απολινάρις
~ 4 4 Ν A 2 4 4
πῶς τὰ θέματα καὶ τὰ δημόσια: τὸ dvo-
5 μα ὃ ἂν αὐτός σοι εἴπῃ. ἂν ἔρχῃ ἄφες ἀρ-
τάβας ἕξ is τοὺς σάκκους σφραγίσας λαχα-
ὯΝ
νοσπέρμου ἵνα πρόχιροι ὦσι, καὶ ἐὰν
δύνῃ ἀναβῆναι ἵνα ἐπιγνοῖς τὸν ὄνον.
a ἘΞ \
ἀσπάζεταί σε Σ᾽ αραποδώρα κ(αὶ Σαβῖνος. τὰ
΄ \ σι κ᾿ ΄
10 χοιρίδια χωρὶς μοῦ μὴ πάλι.
ἔρρωσο.

I. Oais .. . Ἰδιω Pap. 2. ἵνα Pap.; so in ll, 3, 7, and 8. 7. ea Pap. 8. ovo
Pap. g. x Pap.

‘Thais to her own Tigrius, greeting. I wrote to Apolinarius to come to Petne for
the measuring. Apolinarius will tell you how the deposits and public dues stand: the name
will be that which he will tell you himself. If you come, take out six artabae of vegetable-
seed, sealing it in the sacks in order that they may be ready, and if you can go up to find
out the ass, do so. Sarapodora and Sabinus salute you. Do not sell the young pigs
without me. Good-bye.

3. It appears from 88. 4 and elsewhere that Πέτνη is indeclinable. :

4-5. The construction and punctuation of these two lines are not clear. Apparently
a verb is to be understood with πῶς, and ὃ ἂν x.r.A. is the predicate of τὸ dvoya. After the a
of δημόσια above a hole in the papyrus there is a mark which might be taken for the top of
ao, but to suppose that o was written e.g. for (ei)s does not seem likely, and the mark in
question is more probably accidental, or denotes a pause. The ‘name’ was presumably
that of the person to whom the measuring specially related.

9388. LETTER OF DIOGENES 299

933. LETTER OF DIOGENES.
Width 9-2 cm. Late second century.

A letter to Apolinarius, a πρεσβευτής, from a friend, chiefly concerning
a little girl who probably was Apolinarius’ daughter and had been commended
to the care of his correspondent.

Χαίροις, κύριέ pov σῃ καὶ πάντα αὐτῇ
᾿Δπολινάριε, παρὰ ὑπῆρκται ὥστε ἐπα-
Διογένους φίλου. νελθόντα σε μαρτυρη-
τυχὼν [τ]οῦ πρὸς of] γει- θη. καὶ περὶ τοῦ οἴκου
5 νομένοζυ] ἥδιστά σε ἀσ- 20 ἀμέριμνος γείνου ὡς
πάζομ[αι] εὐχόμενος σοῦ παρόντος. διεπεμ-
πᾶσι τοῖς θεο]ϊς περὶ τῆς ψάμην τῇ μικρᾷ τὸ
[ἰσ]ωϊτηρίας σου] κί... .. ἐπιστόϊλγιον, ἐποίησα
about 3 lines lost δὲ καὶ τὸν νυκτοστρά-
ἴ» ........0... .1ρ[..... τὴν με- 25. τηγον φ[ὐλακα κοιμᾶσ-
γίάϊλην ἑορτὴν ἧξα. θαι πρὸς τῇ οἰκίᾳ. ἄσπα-
'περὶ τῆς μικρᾶς ἐγενά- σ[αι] Πλουϊτ]ογένην τὸν φίλον.
15 μὴν ἄχρις ἂν καταπλεύ- ἐρρ[ὩἸ]σθ(αῖ) σε εὔχο(μαὺ,, κύριε.

In the left-hand margin

ἐάν σοι ἀβαρὲς ἢ [πεύθου] παρὰ ᾿Αντινόου εἰ ἠγόρασεν τῷ παιδίῳ σου
30 τὸ φαιλόνιον, εἰ O[é μὴ ἀγό]ρασον.

“ΟἿ the verso

᾿Απολιναρίωι B.. avt() πρεσβευτῇ
π(αρὰ) Διογένους
ὀθονιακοῦ.

18. ]. μαρτυρήσειν. 23. επιστοϊλ]ιον' Pap.

‘Greeting, my good Apolinarius, from your friend Diogenes. Having met with a man
who is going to you I greet you most kindly, praying to all the gods for your preservation.
...I came to the great festival. With regard to the little girl, I was there until she sailed,
and everything was provided for her so that when you come back you will bear me witness.
Have no more anxiety about your household than you would if you were present. I sent
the letter to the little girl and made the night-strategus sleep on guard at the house. Salute
my friend Plutogenes, I pray for your health, sir. If it is no trouble to you inquire of

300 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Antinous whether he bought the cloak for your child, and if not, buy it. (Addressed)
To Apolinarius, .. . legate, from Diogenes, linen-merchant.’

1. For the optative in place of the more usual infinitive cf. e.g. 526. 1,
P. Tebt. 417. 1.

8. The size of the gap below this line is estimated by the apparent length of the lacunae
in ll. 29-30, which are written along the left-hand margin.

13. The late aorist ἧξα occurs 6. g. in Pausan. 2. 11. 5 ἥξας.

14-5. Apparently παρ᾽ αὐτῇ is to be understood with ἐγενάμην, and ἄχρις ἂν καταπλεύσῃ is
for ἄχρις κατέπλευσε; but possibly an adjective meaning ‘careful’, ‘sollicitous,’ has been
accidentally omitted after μικρᾶς.

24. νυκτοστράτηγοι occur at Hermopolis, e.g. P. Leipzig 39. 3, 40. iii. 16 (late fourth
century) and were probably established in other large provincial towns of Egypt, as they were
in those of Asia Minor (Hirschfeld, Sztzungsber. Berl. Akad. 1891, p. 868) ; cf. the νυκτερινὸς
στρατηγός Of Alexandria. Their existence at Oxyrhynchus, however, cannot be inferred
from the present passage, since it is uncertain where the letter was written. The office
is described as a munus personale in Dig. 50. 4. 18. 12. It is somewhat surprising to find
the νυκτοστράτηγος himself mounting guard over a particular house, especially as it seems
from 1. 33 that the writer Diogenes was a person in a private station; his correspondent,
however, was a man of some importance.

30. φαιλόνιον : the transposition of A and ν is common in this word; cf. P. Fay. 347,
2 Ep. Tim. 4. 13 φελόνην.

31. The letters 8 . . are close to the name ᾿Απολιναρίωι, while ἀντί ), which is written
smaller, is separated by a wide space both from 8 . . and πρεσβευτῇ,. βουϊλ(ευτῇ)]} ᾿Αντζινοέων
πόλεως) is a possible reading, but too doubtful to insert in the text. For πρεσβευτῇ cf. 33.
iii. 11 πρεϊσ]βευτὴν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων, B.G.U. 932. 2 πρεσβευτοῦ τῶν] βαρβάρων ; an error for
πρεσβύτῃ is unlikely.

33. ὀθονιακοῦ: cf. C.1.G. 3582. 2 Αἰλίου ᾿Αγαθόποδος ὀθονιακοῦ, Boeckh regards
ὀθονιακοῦ as a proper name, but the word is, we think, more probably a title both there and
in our papyrus.

934. LETTER OF AURELIUS STEPHANUS.
14 X 14-3 cm. Third century.

A letter concerning purchases of yokes and manure, and other domestic
matters.

Αὐρήλιος Στέφανος Αὐρηλίῳ Χαιρήμονι
τῷ ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν.
ἐξιόντος μου εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδριαν μετεβα-
λόμην τῷ σχοινιοπλόκῳ Πετοβάστει πα-
5 ρόντος ᾿Ηρακλήου εἰς τιμὴν ζευκτηρίων
δραχμὰς ἑξήκοντα, καὶ εἰς τιμὴν κί δπρου
ev Χύσει παρόντος Κοπρέως (δραχμὰς) μ, καὶ τῇ Κα-
λῇ ὥστε Κοπρεῖ ἃς εἶχον μετὰ χεῖρας τὰς

934. LETTER OF AURELIUS STEPHANUS 301

(δραχμὰς) μη. μὴ οὖν ἀμελήσῃς τοῦ βαλεῖν τὴν

10 κόπρον. συνεφώνησᾳ γὰρ (ἀρτάβας) κε (δραχμῶν) p παρόν-
τος Κοπρέως: δώσεις οὖν τὰς λοιπὰς (δραχμὰς) ιβ. μὴ
ἀμελήσῃς παραβαλεῖν ἐκεῖ καὶ τῇ γυναι-
κὶ ἕως ἂν παραγένωμαι καὶ χάριν τῶν
ποτισμῶν. εὗρον τὸν Αἰθιοπᾶν καὶ κα-

15 λῶς αὐτῷ ἐστιν. ἄσπασαι τοὺς ἡμῶν πάν-

τας. ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομ(αι).

On the verso

Αὐρηλ(ίῳ) Χαιρήμονι πίαρὰ) Αὐρηλ(ίου) Στεφάνου.

5. Second ἡ of ηρακληου corr. from ov.

‘ Aurelius Stephanus to Aurelius Chaeremon, his brother, greeting. As I was setting
forth for Alexandria I paid to the rope-weaver Petobastis in the presence of Heracleus as
the price of yokes 60 drachmae, and as the price of manure at Chusis in the presence of
Kopreus 40 drachmae, and to Kale for Kopreus the 48 drachmae which I had with me.
Do not fail therefore to throw the manure on the land. I agreed to pay 100 drachmae for
25 artabae, in the presence of Kopreus; you will therefore give him the remaining
12 drachmae. Do not fail to go there, both to help my wife until I return, and for the
sake of the irrigation. I found Aethiopas and it is well with him. Salute all our friends,
I pray for your health. (Addressed) To Aurelius Chaeremon from Aurelius Stephanus.’

5. ζευκτηρίων : ζευκτήρια apparently in connexion with a water-wheel (the yokes of the
oxen which drew it?) occur in P. Flor. 16. 26.

ἡ. ἐν Χύσει: for the village of this name cf. 899. 6. ἐν χύσει, ‘ina heap,’ referring to
the κόπρος is less likely, even if the κόπρος in the present case consisted of sifted nitrous
earth (sebakh), which Wilcken (Archzv, II. pp. 308-12) supposes to have been used in
Roman times, as now, for purposes of fertilization. For the name Καλή cf. B. G. U. 839. 1.

to. An infinitive is omitted after συνεφώνησα, 6. g. λαβεῖν OF ὠνεῖσθαι.

12. For παραβάλλειν in the sense of going to a place cf. 930. 20-1 καθήκοντι καθηγητῇ σε
παραβάλλειν, 987. 10 παραβάλῃς πρὸς τῇ πλατείᾳ, and B.G,. U, 824. 14 παράβαλε ἐκεῖ.

935. LETTER OF SERENUS.

31-5 x 8-8 cm. Third century.

A letter from a man to his brother, chiefly concerned with the health of
various members of the family. On the recto, perhaps in the same hand, are.
remains of two columns of a list of persons, many of them women, the names
being either in the nominative or dative case, followed in some instances at any rate
by amounts in artabae. One entry is Θαήσει γυνα(ικὶ) ‘Arpi(ros) vi(od) Badan,

302 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

another Ὥρῳ Avxrov [, while towards the end of Col. ii is the heading λαχίαν)οπ(ῶλαι)
épol(ws) with a note below the next entry διάφο(ρον) β (ἔτους) (ἀρτάβης) δ΄ .[. The

names Πρ[είσκιλλα and Κακῆτ(ος, gen.) also occur. The document appears to be

a taxing-list of some kind.

Σερῆνος 4Διογέιε]ι ἐὰν [ἔχῃς] διὰ ὥρας γράφ[ῃς
τῷ ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν. Hole] π[εἸρὶ τούτου. ἡ μεταφορὰ

θεῶν συνλαμβανόν- τῶν ἀνκαλῶν ἔστε εὐθ]έ-
των ἡ ἀδελφὴ ἐπὶ 7[6 20 ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός" ἔφθανε

5 κομψότερον ἐτράπη, γὰρ προβαστάξας τὰς ἐν ταῖς (ἀρού-
καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς δὲ ‘Apro- pats Pye.
Kpatiov σώζεται ἄσπασαι πολλὰ τὸν γλυκύτα-
καὶ [ὑγι]αίνει, συνλαμβ[ά- τον ἀδελφὸν “ἡρποκρατίωνα
νουσι] γὰρ ἡμεῖν ἀεὶ off καὶ Θεανοῦν καὶ Θέωνα

10 πίάτ]ριοι θεοὶ ἡμῶν 25 καὶ Διογένην καὶ ᾿Ηλιόδωρον.
δ[ιδό]ντες ἡμεῖν ὑγίαϊν καὶ πολλὰ ὑμᾶς πάντας ἀσπά-
σω[τ]ηρίαν. ἔμελλον dé (erat ‘I[eplaxiawa καὶ ἡ
καὶ αἰὐτὸ]ς ἀναβῆναι τίῇ. θυγάτ[ηρ] Τσενῆσιν.
ἐπεὶ of παρὰ] Σ᾽ αραπίωϊνος

15 εἶπον [Kak]as ἔχειν αἰὐ]τ[όν, ἐϊρηρῶσθ(αῦ) σε εὔχομ(αι
διὸ γ[ράφ]ω σοι ὅπως & οὗ 30 πανοικεῖΐ,
17. a of δια above the line. 19. |. ἔσται. 21. mpo above the line. | 24. 6 of

θεανουν corr. from a.

‘Serenus to Diogenes his brother, greeting. With the assistance of heaven our sister
has taken a turn for the better, and our brother Harpocration is safe and well; for our
ancestral gods continually assist us, granting us health and safety. I intended to come up
myself on the [.'th, since Sarapion’s friends said that he was ill. I write to you therefore
to ask you to write to me at once(?) about him by any messenger you may have. The
transport of the bundles will be performed immediately by my father: he has already taken
away those in the i[.] arourae. Many salutations to my sweetest brother Harpocration,
Theanous, Theon, Diogenes, and Heliodorus. Many salutations to you all from Hieraciaena
and her daughter Tsenesis. I pray for the health of you and all the household.’

5. κομψότερον : cf. Ῥ, Tebt. 414. 10 ἐὰν κομψῶς σχῶ, St. John 4. 52 κομψότερον ἔσχεν.

19. ἀνκαλῶν : cf. e.g. P. Amh. 150. 25 χόρτον... ἐν ἀγγάλαις (szc), P. Flor. 17. 13,
and an Oxyrhynchus ostracon published in Arch. Report, 1904-5, p. 16 τήλεως μανδάκαι £;
ἀγκάλαι τν. ;

21. At the end of the line figures apparently follow the symbol for ἄρουραι.

.
ὃ
i
|

936. LETTER OF PAUSANIAS 303

936. LETTER OF PAUSANIAS.
16-7 X 14°9 cm. Third century.

This letter is noticeable for several unusual words which it contains. It
is written in a fairly regular sloping uncial hand in two columns, that to the left,
of which only the ends of lines remain, following that to the right. The writer
apparently anticipated that he would not finish his letter in a single column, but
curiously began on the right-hand side of the sheet, leaving a broad margin
in front of his first column. The writing of the left column, which was no doubt
considerably narrower than the other, is of a reduced size. A graphical peculiarity
is a horizontal dash placed below as well as above the figures in ll. 6, 11, &c.

Col. i.

Παυσανίας ᾿Ιουλίῳ ᾿Αλεξάνδρωι

τῶι πατρὶ χαίρειν. '

πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὑγιαίνειν

‘Kal τὸ προσκύνημά σου ποιῶ παρὰ τοῖς
5 ἐπιχωρίοις θεοῖς. κόμισαι παρὰ Σύρου.

κλουίον φῶν π' καὶ βαυκάλιον ὅπου

τριχοίνεικον σινάπεως καὶ ἡμίχουν

ἐλαίου ῥαφανίνου καὶ βαυκάλιον ὅπου

ἡμίχουν μέλιτος καὶ τὸ ξιφίδιν.

10 κόμισαι παρὰ ᾿Αγαθημέρου μελικηρίδα

καὶ κύθραν πλακούντων ι καὶ μελίτινᾳ

στεφάνια γ' ταῦτα δὺς τῇ ἀδελφῇ μοὺ

καὶ ἀσπάξζου αὐτὴν λείαν. κόμισαι παρὰ

τοῦ κομίζοντός σοι τὸ ἐπιστόλιον κλουίον

15 ἔχον μ καὶ σφυρίδιον Κανωπικὸν ὅπου (ζεύγη
ἄρτων ὃ καὶ ς ζεύγη σκωρσελείνας.

ὁ ἠπητὴς λέγει ὅτι οὐ δίδω οὔτε τὸν χαλκὸν
οὔτε τὸ φαινόλιν ἄτερ ᾿Ιούστου, λέγει γὰρ
ὅτι οὔπω λελύτρωται τὸ φαινόλιν οὐδὲ

20 Φιλόξενον 6X ἐξ ὅλων οὐχ εὗρον. ἀπῆλθον
πρὸς τὴν μητέρα (Ap) yovtou καὶ λέγει ὅτι
οὐκ ἔχω ἄρτι σεῖτον οὐδὲ τὰ βιβλίδια ἀπήρ-

304 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

[rorar ἕως ἄρτι. ἔνε(γγκόν μοι δύο σκυτάρια

ἀνζά]βολον καὶ ταλίλ)άριον ἱππικινακοι
25 πενταετίας καὶ ὑπόδημα. ἄρτι μοι

πέμψον σαρκοφανὴν ἔχοντα μα-

Col. ii.

lov yap αὐτοῦ ἡ
ἔλ]αβον καὶ ἀφη-
1. ἀνάλωμα καὶ

Ἰτως ἡμᾶς
] ἐμὲ καὶ τὴν
Ἰερα μου γρα-

Ἰμειν καὶ |re εὐπευκοι

Ww
ο

σι ees Bl σισ τσ’:

]ro δεῖ ποῆ- 1 δ᾽ ὕστερα πα-

Ἰς τὸ γὰρ et 1 ἐμῷ ὀνόματι

ΠΝ
R
-

doma¢e|rai σε ἡ μήτηρ
Ἰνημά μου

7. ὅτι πειρα-
ἸἹμου ἐλθεῖν

ἜΞ
9
ξ

>
Or
aoe Ne Ne Oe eee

[
[
35 [ Jav ἔχει ἐν ey- ]
P| ] παρὰ σοὶ λη-
[ 1 μεστὸν πεν- 50 éplpacbai σε εὖὔ-
[ -δηράχμου καὶ βεί- χομαι πολΊλ[οἵῆς
[κους 7. ερεου μύρου ἰχρόνοις. ]
40 ἢ Ἰω στατῆρα τὸν
I. ἵουλιω Pap. 2, toi Pap. 3. ὕὑγιαινεῖ Pap. 6. κλουΐον Pap.; so in ]. 14.
8. om of omov corr. from και (?). II. πλακουντων i Pap. a of μελιτινα corr. from Ὁ. 12.
]. δός. 19. ο οὗ φαινολιν corr. from ε. 20. x Of ovy corr.

‘Pausanias to his father Julius Alexander, greeting. Before all else I pray for your
health, and I perform the act of worship on your behalf to the gods of the country. Receive
from Syrus a basket of 80 eggs and a jug with 3 choinices of mustard and half a chous of
raphanus oil and a jug with half a chous of honey and the dagger. From Agathemerus
receive a honeycomb and a pot of ro cakes and 3 honey-sweet garlands; give these to my
sister and salute her warmly. Receive from the bearer of the letter a basket containing
40 eggs (?) and a Canopic basket with 4 pairs of loaves and 6 pairs of... The cobbler says
that he will not give up either the money or the cloak without Justus, for he says “ The
cloak has not yet been redeemed, and I have entirely failed to find Philoxenus”, I went to
the mother of Ammonius, and she says “I have no food now, and the petitions have not
yet been got ready”. Bring me two hides, a wrap, and a small crate . . . five years old, and
some (?) shoes. Send me now an open-work covering (?) having ἃ ..

6. κλουίον seems to be a form of κλουβίον or κλωβίαν, a bird-cage; cf. the Hebrew
helfiv. κλουβίν occurs in P. Tebt. 413. 14, where it was mistakenly regarded as a form of
κολόβιον. For ὅπου after 8 at the end of the line cf. Il. 8 and 15. Both here and in 1. 15
the second letter is apparently m not μ, and ὁμοῦ, if that were the word meant, should of

936. LETTER OF PAUSANIAS 305

course be followed by a dative; in ]. 8 the reading is doubtful on account of a correction
and the imperfect state of the papyrus.

11. μελίτινον has been altered to pedirwa, the o having been converted to an a, but the
stroke representing the final v being left untouched. This is more likely than that ped(A)i-
τι(οὴν a should be read, for numerals in this letter have a stroke below as well as above, and
the original o is more unaccountable if a figure was intended.

16. oxwpoedeivas is presumably a compound of oxép and σέλινον, but no such word is
known ; the doubtful εἰ may be 7, but this is not less difficult.

20. Od’ ἐξ ὅλων = παντάπασιν, ‘entirely’; cf. 893. 6 ὅλον τὸ σύνολον.

24. ἀνά]βολον : cf. P. Tebt. 413. 10 ré(ova)pa ἀν(άγβολα, which we were therefore wrong
in altering to dv(a)Soda(s) on the analogy of 741. 13-4. The end of this line is puzzling ;
perhaps urmxw is a separate word = immdv. The final letter is possibly e.g. ν, but only
a single stroke is visible; s is unlikely.

25. For πενταετίας cf. P. Fay. 347 terparias, which occurs in a list of miscellaneous
articles ; but the meaning is obscure in either case.

26. The adjective σαρκοφανής is used of animals in Sext. Pyrrh. Hypol. τ. 14. 50 τά re
ὀστρακόδερμα καὶ τὰ σαρκοφανῆ, but σαρκοφανήν here seems to be a garment of some sort.

39. Not σ]τερεοῦ.

42. ἔλ]αβον : or Bow.

48. Perhaps προσκύ]νημά.

937. LETTER OF DEMARCHUS.

21 Χ9:Ὲ cm. Third century.

The following letter to a woman named Taor from her brother Demarchus
is chiefly concerned with a stone bowl, about the safety of which the writer was
anxious. The usual request for various articles and announcement of other
articles on their way to the addressee form the conclusion,

Δήμαρχος Τάορ τῇ καὶ παραγγείλῃς πᾶσι τοῖς
ἀδελφῇ πλεῖστα χαίρειν. 15 ἐκεῖ, Φιλοκύρῳ καὶ Ζωσίμῳ,

γεινώσκειν σε θέλω ὅτι ἔγρα- παρατηρεῖσθαι αὐτὴν μὴ

ψάς μοι περὶ οὗ ἐποίησέν μοι δόξῃ αὐτῷ [[λαβ]] τῷ 4γα-

5 Ayateivos. ἐὰν οὖν ζήσω τείνῳ λαβῆ[σ]αι τὴν φιάλην,
χρόνον καὶ ἔλθω εἰς τὴν Kali] ἀντίγραψόν μοι διὰ τοῦ
πατρίδα μου ἐκδικήσω ἐμαύ- 20 ‘Avtivoéals] περὶ οὗ σοι
τόν. κἂν νῦν οὖν παραγ- ἔπεμψα, καὶ [γ]ράψον ἐκεῖ
γέλλω σοι, ὦ κυρία μου ἀδελ- τὸ κατ᾽ εἶδος ὅτι τι καί τι εἴλη-

το φή, ἵνα παραβάλῃς πρὸς τῇ pas. καὶ εἴ τινος χρήζει ὃ ᾿4ν»-
πλατείᾳ τοῦ θεάτρου καὶ τινοεὺς παρασχήσεις αὐτῷ
μάθῃς περὶ τῆς φιάλης 25 καὶ ἐλεύσει μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸν
τῆς λιθίνης ἐν (τ)ῷ πλοίῳ Τα[σ]οιτᾶν, [π]έμψον τὸν μα-

306 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

In the left margin, at right angles
φόρτην σου καὶ τὸ κεράμιον τοῦ γάρους καὶ δικότυλον ἐλαίου χρηστοῦ.
ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι.
On the verso
δέξε y σακκούδια mapa) τοῦ ‘Avtwvo-

30 é€ws τοῦ σοι τὰ γράμματα διδόντος.

ἀπόδ(ος) Τάορ τῇ ἀδελφῇ m(apa) Δη[μ]άρχου.

2. χαιρεῖι Pap. 4. ο Of ov corr. from τ. 5. 1. ᾿Αγαθεῖνος, and similarly in 1. 17.
8. παραγ᾽γελλω Pap.; similarly in]. 14. 10. iva Pap. 17. ὦ Οὗ avrw corr. from ue.
19. κ of κα[ι] corr. from ε. 25. v Of αὐτου corr. from ». 29. 1]. δέξαι.

‘Demarchus to his sister Taor, very many greetings. I would have you know that
you wrote to me about what Agathinus did to me. Well, if I live and come to my native
land I will have my revenge. And for the present I bid you, my dear sister, go to the street
of the theatre and find out about the stone bowl in the boat and warn them all there,
Philocyrus and Zosimus, to keep a watch on it, lest Agathinus should determine to take the
bowl. Write me a reply through the man from AntinoGpolis about whom I sent to you, and
write the list there, that you have received so and so. If the man from Antinodpolis wants
anything provide him with it, and come with him to meet Tasoitas. Send your cloak and
the jar of pickled fish and two cotylae of good oil. I pray for your health. You will
receive three bags from the man from Antinodpolis who is the bearer of this letter.
(Addressed) Deliver to my sister Taor from Demarchus.’

13. The papyrus has ev @ πλοιω, of which the easiest correction seems to be to write
τῷ for. ἐν ᾧ πλοῖον might perhaps mean ‘engraved with a relief of a boat’, but this
is less likely. ;

18. For λαβῆϊσ]αι cf. Bekker, Anecd. Ox. τ. p. 268 ἐστὶ λαβῶ περισπώμενον θέμα... καὶ
ὁ μέλλων Tod λαβῶ λαβήσω" Kai παρ᾽ Εὐπολίδι λελάβηκα ὡς μαθῶ μαθήσω, οὗ ὁ παρακείμενος μεμάθηκα.
But there is not much room for the [σ], and the 8 is of the cursive form like a «, which is
not used in παραβάλῃς in 1. 10; the other letters, however, are clear. The writer began the
same word after αὐτῷ in the line above.

22. τι καί τι is analogous to τὸ καὶ τό : this is simpler than to take τί καὶ τί as an indirect
interrogative, ὅτε being redundant.

26. Ταϊσ]οιτᾶν : cf. P. Fay. ror. recto ii. 9 Τασύτης.

27. ydpous: the usual form is ὁ ydpos or τὸ ydpov, but τὸ ydpos occurs in Geopon. 20. 46
ed. Basil., and E¥. Mag. τάριχος... mapa τὸ γάρη ἔχειν.

938. LETTER OF DEMETRIUS.

Chicago. 8-9 X 17-8 cm. Late third or fourth century. .

A letter from a son to his father, reproaching him for his failure to send

fodder for the oxen. The papyrus was briefly described in Part I. 161. The
writing is across the fibres, ΜῈ

- μὰ

938. LETTER OF DEMETRIUS 307

Δημήτριος ᾿Ηρακλείδῃ πατρὶ χαίρειν.

οὐκ ἀκόλουθον πρᾶγμα ἐποίησας ἐνεδρεύσας τὰς τροφὰς τῶν κτηνῶν

τῆς Σεναώ, ἔκπαλαι ἐπισταλεὶς δώδεκα σαργάνας χόρτου ἐκεῖ ἀποστεῖλαι

καὶ μὴ πέμψας, ὡς ἐκ τούτου κινδυνεύειν τὰ κτήνη διαφθαρῆναι. τῶν
5 οὖν κτηνῶν κακῶς ἐχόντων καὶ τῆς γῆς διὰ τοῦτο μὴ ποτιζομένης ἠπεί-

χθην καὶ νῦν σοι γράψαι ὅπως αὐτῆς ὥρας γομαΐϊσας ]θῆναι ἐπιτηδείως τὰς

σαργάνας
ποιήσας ἀποστείλῃς. τῇ γὰρ ἀσχολίᾳ μου fyap} ἔδοξας ἐπεγγελᾶν.
ἐρρῶσθαί σε πολλοῖς χρόνοις
εὔχομαι.
4. emey'yedav Pap.

‘Demetrius to Heraclides his father, greeting. It was an unfitting act of yours to
intercept the fodder for the oxen at Senao, and not to dispatch it, although you had long ago
been instructed to send twelve baskets of hay thither, with the result that the oxen are in
danger of destruction. Since the oxen are thus in a sorry state, and the land in conse-
quence is not being irrigated, I hasten to write to you now once more and beg you
instantly to get the baskets properly laden and send them off; for you seem to be mocking
my industry. I pray for your long health.’

3. Σεναώ, which is presumably a village of the Oxyrhynchite nome, is not mentioned
elsewhere.

939. LETTER, TO FLAVIANUS.
25:3 X 17-6 cm. Fourth century.

An affectionately worded Christian letter, apparently from a dependent to
his master, concerning the illness of his mistress. The style, which shows the
influence of the New Testament, is more polished than that of the average letter
of the period, and the document ranks high as a specimen of epistolary com-
position. A strip containing the beginnings of lines is missing in the upper
portion, but the sense is always clear though the restoration is sometimes
quite conjectural.

[Τῷ κυρίῳ] pov Φλαβιανῶι
[Δημήτ]ριος χαίρειν.

[ὡς ἐν ἄλἸ]λοις πλείστοις νῦν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἡ πρὸς σὲ
“ ᾽ὔ “- “ > 7 ii © ex
[τοῦ δεσπότου θεοῦ γνῶσις ἀνεφάνη ἅπασιν ἡμῖν
5 [ὥστε τὴν] κυρίαν ἀνασφῆλαι ἐκ τῆς καταλαβούσης
πὶ τὰς V4 4 y+ Ν Ν « ~ 7 ε
[αὐτὴν νόσ]ου, καὶ εἴη διὰ παντὸς ἡμᾶς χάριτας ὁμο-
᾿ X 2

308 THE OXYRHYNCAUS PAPYRI

[λογοῦντα]ς διατελεῖν ὅτι ἡμῖν ἵλεως ἐγένετο

[καὶ ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἡμῶν ἐπένευσεν διασώσας ἡμῖν

[τὴν ἡμῶν] κυρίαν: ἐν γὰρ αὐτῇ πάντες τὰς ἐλπίδας
το [ἔχομεν συνγνώμην δέ, κύριέ μου, σχοίης μοι

[καὶ εὔνους] ἀποδέξει με εἰ καὶ ἐς τηλικαύτην σε
[ἀγωνία]ν ἄκων ἐνέβαλον γράψας περὶ αὐτῆς ὅσα
[ἐκομίσω. τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτα ἐν θλίψει αὐτῆς
[πολλῇ οὔσης οὐκ ὧν ἐν ἐμαυτῷ ἀπέστειλα
15 ἱσπουδάζων) εἴ πως ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου δυνηθείης
[πρὸς ἡμᾶς] ἀφικέσθαι, τοῦτο τοῦ καθήκοντος
3 “ ε ae Ν ies) 4 4
ἀπί αἸ τοῦντἼ]ος" ais δὲ ἐπὶ τ]ὸ ῥᾷον ἔδοξεν τετράφθαι
ἕτερά σε γράμματα ἐπικαταλαβεῖν ἐσπούδασα διὰ
Εὐφροσύνου ἵνα σε εὐθυμότερον καταστήσω.
Ν x Ν Ν 7 UA 2 Ps 4 vA
20 νὴ yap τὴν σὴν σωτηρίαν, κύριέ pov, ἧς μάλιστά
[4 Σ Ἀ BJ Ζ x - a 4,
μοι μέλει, ef μὴ ἐπινόσως ἐσχήκει τὸ σωμάτιον
τότε ὁ υἱὸς ᾿Αθανάσιος αὐτὸν ἂν ἀπέστειλα πρὸς σὲ
ἅμα Πλουτάρχῳ ἡνίκα ἐβαρεῖτο τῇ νόσῳ. νῦν δὲ
πῶς πλίονα γράψω περὶ αὐτῆς ἀπορῶ, ἔδοξεν
25 μὲν γὰρ ὡς προεῖπον ἀνεκτότερον ἐσχηκέναι ἀνακαθεσθεῖ-
σα, νοσηλότερον δὲ ὅμως τὸ σωμάτιον ἔχει. παρα-
μυθούμ[ε]θα δὲ αὐτὴν ἑκάστης ὥρας ἐκδεχόμε-
νοι τὴν [oly ἄφιξιν. ἐρρῶσθαΐί σε, κύριέ μου,
διὰ παντὸς τῷ τῶν ὅλων
ἊΞ 4
30 δεσπότῃ εὔχομαι.
Φαρμοῦθι ς.

On the verso
Φλαβιανῶι
Δημήτριος.

4. ἵλεως Pap. 14. ove’ Pap. 19. iva Pap. 22. vios Pap. 25. ανακαθεσθεισα
inserted later.

“Τὸ my lord Flavianus from Demetrius, greeting. As on many other occasions so
now even more plainly than ever has the regard of the Lord God for you been revealed to
us all by the recovery of my mistress from the sickness which overtook her, and may it be
granted us to continue for ever to acknowledge our thanks to Him because He was
gracious to us and inclined His ear to our prayers by preserving for us our mistress; for ip

989. LETTER TO FLAVIANUS 309

her the hopes of all of us rest. Please pardon me, my lord, and receive me kindly, though
I unwillingly caused you so much anxiety by writing to you the messages which you
received. I wrote the first letter when she was in much pain, and I was beside myself in
anxiety that you should come to us by every possible means in your power, for this was
what duty demanded; but as she seems to have taken a turn for the better I am anxious
that you should receive another letter by Euphrosynus, in order that I may make you more
cheerful. By your own safety, my lord, which is my first interest, if my son Athanasius
had not then been ailing, I should have sent him to you with Plutarchus when she was
overcome by the sickness. But now I know not what more I am to write concerning her,
for her condition seems, as I have said, to be more tolerable, as she has sat up, but she
nevertheless remains rather ill. We comfort her by hourly expecting your arrival. I pra

my lord, to the Master of all for your continued health. Pharmouthi 6. (Addressed) To
Flavianus from Demetrius,’

11. εὔνους: or perhaps ἵλεως, which has already occurred in 1. 7. ἵλεως δέξασθαι is
a Sophoclean phrase, 447. 1009, 77. 763.

28 sqq. ἐρρῶσθαι κιτιλ. is in darker ink, and at first sight appears to lee been added
by a different hand; but ἐκδεχόμε- presents a similar appearance, whereas the rest of the
sentence vo... ἄφιξιν, which must have been written at the same time, is just like the
preceding lines. It is therefore improbable that any distinction of hand should be made.

940. LETTER TO A CLERK.

10-7 Χ 30 cm. Fifth century.
A letter containing instructions to a vordpios concerning the vintage. The
writing, as is usual with Byzantine letters, e.g. 941-3, is across the fibres of the
papyrus.

XFY
~ 2 Σ 2 A a ee 5) a 2 ,
Συνορῶ τέως ἐν ταυτότητι μεῖναι Tas ῥύσεις ἄχρι τῆς τελευταίας μερίδος
ἵνα μὴ
δόξωμεν διώκειν τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς μήπω τρυγήσαντας. τοίνυν͵ ὧς ἀνωτέρω
εἴρηται,
καταξίωσον ἐπέχειν τοῦ λογισμοῦ ἕως οὗ μάθῃς τὴν τῶν ἄλλων μερίδων
δύναμιν,

5 καὶ ἐν τοσούτῳ γράφεις μοι καὶ οὕτως σκοπῶ τὸ πρακτέον. τὸν δὲ
Ἴ Φοιβάμμωνα
τὸν φροντιστὴν μεταστειλάμενος ἔχε ἐγγὺς σοῦ μίαν μίαν.
On the verso
érrido(s) τῷ θαυμασ[ιω(τάτῷ)] ᾿Ιωσὴφ νοταρίῳ
«νον λαρμόσωνος.

2. ἵνα Pap.

310 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

‘It is my desire that the flow of the wine should remain as it is for some time until the
last holding is ready, that we may not seem to press hardly upon the others who have not
yet gathered the grapes. Therefore, as stated above, please to delay the account-taking
until you learn the capacity of the other holdings, and in the meantime write to me, and
thus I shall see what is to be done. Send for Phoebammon the steward, and keep him at
hand together with you. (Addressed) Deliver to the most admirable Joseph, clerk, from (?)
Charmoson (?).’

1. A careful discussion of various explanations of the mystic formula χμγ is given by
Smirnoff in Berl. Phil. Wochensch., Aug. 18, 1906, pp. 1082 sqq. He suggests that
the letters correspond to the Hebrew NX = εἷς or ἕν, comparing the representation of the
Hebrew tetragrammaton by the Greek mm. It may perhaps be regarded as some slight
support for this view that the order of the letters occasionally follows that of the Hebrew,
TMX (cf. Arch. Report for 1906-7, p. 10 ad fin.) ; but the question remains unsettled.

2. συνορᾶν in the sense of to ‘ resolve’ or ‘determine’ is common in Byzantine Greek,

e.g. Concil. Chalced. 639 e συνορῶμεν πρὸ πάντων μὲν τὰ πρωτεῖα... . φυλάττεσθαι.

6. μίαν μίαν was used for κατὰ μίαν by Sophocles according to Antiatt. 108. 9, and
Apophthegm. Patrum 80a (Migne, vol. xlv) χρὴ οὖν μίαν μίαν συγκαταβαίνειν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς is
quoted by Jannaris, Hist. Gr. Gram. ὃ 666 as an instance of the same use, while Sophocles,
Lexicon, p. 424, translates this ‘ once in a while, occasionally’. In the papyrus, however, the
context clearly indicates that μίαν μίαν means ‘together’, wa, and the sense may well be
the same in Apophthegm. 80 ἃ, emphasizing the συν of συγκαταβαίνειν.

8. Possibly π(αρὰ) Χαρμόσωνος Or Λαρκάσωνος, but m(apa) does not really account sufficiently
for all the traces, and the word ending in -ovos may be the name of the place of which
Joseph was νοτάριος, ne

941. LETTER TO JOHN.
13°3 X 31-4 cm. Sixth century.

In this letter the writer entreats his friend to help him in obtaining from the
monastery of St. Justus a piece of ground to be used for brickmaking.

ἜΝ
Ἐπειδὴ ὁ πλινθευτὴς λέγει τὸν τόπον τοῦ υἱοῦ Νιννοῦδος ὀστρακώδης
καὶ μὴ πεποιημένον εἰς πλινθεῦσαι, ὡς δὲ λέγει ὅτι ἐὰν σ[κ]υλῆς πρὸς τὸν
υἱὸν
τοῦ οἰκονόμου τοῦ ἁγίου ᾿Ιούστου παρέχει σοι τόπον ὀλίγον ἣ ἀντὶς τοῦ
' ' μαρτυρίου
5 ἢ ἐξ ἀρ[ἡστερῶν αὐτοῦ ἤγουν ἐκ δεξιῶν, καταξίωσον χαρίσασθαΐ μοι
σκ[υἹλμὸν
πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀλλ᾽ ἄρτι καὶ εἰπεῖν αὐτῷ. εἰκὸς παρέχει σοι τὴν χάριν, ἐκ
τοῦ γὰρ

941. LETTER TO JOHN 211:

> » Ὶ ᾿ A “o>
ἐγγύς ἐστιν. ἀλλ᾽’ οὕτως λέγεις αὐτῷ ὅτι ἐὰν θέλεις παρέχομέν oor τὸ
> 2
ἐνοίκιον
3
? χε »
μόνον πάρεχέ μοι, τὸν δὲ θεὸν σοῦ. εὐθὺς διὰ Φοιβάμμωνος δήλωσόν μοι
A : a
τὴν παρ αὐτοῦ ἀπόκρισιν. εἰπὲ δὲ αὐτῷ ὅτι ὀλ[ίγη]ν μόνον θέλομ]εν καὶ
οὐ πολλήν.
10 ἐπίδ(ος) ᾿Ιωάνϊνῃ mapa) ....... .jevov.+

2. viov Pap. 1. Νιννοῦτος ὀστρακώδη. 3. σ Of mAwOevoa corrected. vioy Pap. 4. ἵἴουστου
Pap. 6. adds Pap.; so in ]. 7. 4. eyyus Pap. 10. ἴωανΐνη Pap.

‘ Since the brickmaker says that the place of the son of Ninnous (?) is full of sherds and
not adapted for brickmaking, and as he says that if you will trouble to go to the son of the
steward of the monastery of St. Justus he will provide you with a small space, either
opposite the martyr’s shrine, or on the left of it, or on the right, vouchsafe me the favour
of going to him and speaking to him now. It is likely that he will grant you this favour,
for it is close by. Say to him this: “If you wish, we will pay you rent, only grant me the
favour and God be with you(?)” Inform me immediately by Phoebammon of his answer.
Tell him that we only want a little and not much. (Addressed) Deliver to John
from...’

1, The meaning of this 7 with a dash through it, which is not uncommon at the top
of letters of this period, is obscure. It is written like the abbreviation of παρά, but παρά
without a following name is meaningless. Possibly, however, the custom of commencing
παρὰ τοῦ δεῖνα, 6. 5. 904, led scribes to write πίαρά) even when there was no real intention of
adding the name. |

3. σκυλῆναι πρός = ‘to take the trouble of going to,’ as is shown by instances where ἕως
replaces πρός, e.g. Cyrill. Scythop. Vita S. Sabae σκυλῆναι ἕως τοῦ οἴκου. Cf. 123. 10 (third
or fourth century) ποιῆσον αὐτὸν σκυλῆναι πρὸς Τιμόθεον, which we translated wrongly, and
B. G. U. 830. 25 where the active form σκῦλαί τινα πρός is found in a letter of the first century.

4. The form dyris, evidently employed in a local sense, is remarkable. It occurs at
a later period with an accusative, e.g. Th. Prodromus 3. 285-6 (twelfth century) ἀντὶς νερὸν
φαρμάκιν, and is used in modern Greek. 4

7. The subject of ἐστιν is perhaps ὁ τόπος, the meaning being that the proposed change
of locality would be slight ; this seems more likely than that ἡ χάρις is the subject, and that
ἐγγύς is metaphorical, ‘ the favour is nothing out of the way.’

8. τὸν δὲ θεὸν σοῦ : this very elliptical phrase appears to mean, ‘I pray that God may
bless you (if you do as I ask)’; cf. 155. 4-5 πολλοῖς χρόνοις καὶ καλοῖς τὴν ὑμετέραν μεγαλο-
πρ(έπειαν), ‘I wish long life and happiness to your magnificence.’

942. LETTER OF TIMOTHEUS.
Chicago. 7X 30 cm. Sixth or seventh century,

A letter from a man who had just arrived at Nilopolis, where he had received
a letter from the addressee ; in consequence of this he had resumed his journey
without delay though very unwillingly. Both the writer and the person addressed

312 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

bear abbreviated titles (apparently ordinarius and exceptor respectively) which are
somewhat obscure but seem to be military ; cf. ll. 6-7, notes. The papyrus was
briefly described in Part I. 162. ᾿

+ Κατὰ τὴν τρισκαιδεκάτην κατελάβαμεν τὴν Νειλουπολιτῶν περὶ ὥραν
ἕκτην, καὶ μετὰ τὸ

ἀπολῦσαι ἡμᾶς τὰ (Ga γράμματα ἡμῖν ἀπεδόθη τῆς σῆς ἀδελφικῆς
λαμπρ(ότητος) περὶ ὀγδόην ὥραν

καὶ ὁ θεὸς oder, εἴπερ μὴ ἤμεθα ἀπολύσαντες τὰ (Ga, εἰ δ᾽ αὐτὰ εἴχαμεν
ἐπαναλῦσαι. πρὸ τριῶν οὖν

ὡρῶν, ὅτε καὶ δυνάμεθα ἐξελθεῖν τῆς πόλεως, ἐξερχόμεθα ὀφείλοντες σὺν θεῷ
παραγενέσθαι.

8 πάνυ δὲ ἡμᾶς ἀήδισεν ἡ ἀδελφική σου λαμπρ(ότης) μηδὲν ἡμῖν σημάνασα τῶν
παρακολουθησάντων.

On the verso
+ érid(os) τῷ δεσπό(τῃ) τῷ Ta(v)T(wv) λαμπρ(οτάτῳ) εὐδοκ(ιμωτάτῳ) πά(ντων)
φιλ(τάτῳ) ἀδελφ(ῷ) Πετρωνίῳ ἐξκ(έπτορι)
π(αρὰ) Τιμοθέου ὀρδ(ιναρίου) Θεοδόδου.

4. wpov' Pap. 7. 1, Θεοδότου.

‘ We reached Nilopolis on the 13th about the 6th hour, and after we had released the
animals a letter was delivered to us from your brotherly excellency about the 8th hour; and
Ged knows whether we had not released the animals, and whether we had any more to
unloose. Accordingly before three hours were passed, as soon as we could leave the city
we leave it, being obliged by the help of God to arrive. We were much displeased with
your brotherly excellency for not explaining to us any of the consequences. (Addressed)
Deliver to the lord my most excellent, most illustrious, and most beloved brother Petronius,
exceptor, from Timotheus, ordinarius of Theodotus.’

I. ὥραν ἕκτην : about noon.

2. ζῷα: probably donkeys rather than horses; cf. 922. 17, note.

3. δ᾽ αὐτά: or perhaps δαυτα for ταῦτα: cf. Θεοδόδου in 1. 7. A better sense would be
obtained if εἰσαυτζίκ)α could be read, in which case εἴχαμεν ἐπαναλῦσαι would mean ‘ could
have returned ’,

6. ἐξκ(έπτορι) : cf. the ἐξκέπ(τορες) mentioned in 48. recto ii. 26, an account of military
supplies. The excep/ores were a kind of clerks, and those in 48 were clearly connected
with the army; probably Petronius too held a military position; cf. the next note.
ἐξκ(ουβίτορι), as Wilcken remarks, is also possible; cf, P, Brit. Mus. 1. 113 (7). 14
ΓΕ Pa

7. ὀρξζιναρίου) : we have not found another instance of this title in a papyrus, and the
meaning is uncertain, but as ord:nartus was used for a centurion and equated to ταξίαρχος,
the term may well apply to some minor military officer.

94. LETTER OF VICTOR 313

943. LETTER OF VICTOR.
17:4 X34 cm. Sixth century.

A request to a chartularius (cf. 128. 1, &c.) that he would send three persons
in order that a decision might be arrived at on the question which of them was
responsible for the dues upon a bath.

+
+ Karafiéon ἡ σὴ γνησία ἀδελφότης Μηνᾶν τὸν λαμπρότατον Kai Σ᾽ ερῆνον
τὸν λαμπρότατον τραπεζίτην καὶ Μηνᾶν τὸν προκουράτορα παρασκευάσαι
ἀπελθεῖν εἰς δίαιταν ἕνεκεν τοῦ λουτροῦ, καὶ μὴ ἀποστῇ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁ
μειζότερος
ἄχρι συνομολογεῖ τῷ ἐνδόξῳ οἰκῳ ὁ ὀφείλων ἐξ αὐτῶν τὸν φόρον τοῦ
λο(υ)τροῦ
5 δοῦναι. ephvos γὰρ ὁ λαμπρότατος τραπεζίτης διὰ πίσματος γυναικὸς
ἐδίωξεν
Κόλλουθον τὸν εὐλαβέστατον ἐκ τοῦ λο(υ)τροῦ, καὶ ὅτε ἐποίησεν τὸ πῖσμα
αὐτοῦ οὐ θέλει ἀποστῆναι.
καὶ (ῇ κύριος οὐκ ἀφίσταμαι τῶν τριῶν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοὶ πληροῦσιν τὸν φόρον
τοῦ λουτρο[ῦ] ἕωϊς . .]ειν ἀντιγεοῦχοϊν.] +
On the verso
+ δεσπό(τῃ τῶ ἁπά(ντων) λαμπρο(τάτῳ) τιμαξιω(τάτῳ) σὺν θ(εῷ) ἀδελφῷ
-+Tewpyiw χαρτ(ουλαρίῳ) + Βίκτωρ σὺν Heo) a...)

3. σ Of αποστη corr. from ο. 4. First o of συνομολογει over an erasure. 6. Tov
evdaBeoraroy above the line in a different hand. 7. αλλάντοι Pap.

‘May your true brotherliness vouchsafe to cause the most illustrious Menas and
Serenus the most illustrious banker, and Menas the agent to come to arbitration with respect
to the bath, and let not the official leave them until the one of them who owes the rent of
the bath agrees with the noble house to pay it. For Serenus the most illustrious banker
through the persuasion of his wife chased the most discreet Colluthus out of the bath, and
having done what he was persuaded to do will not depart. As the Lord lives I do not
leave the three, but they pay the rent of the bath until the deputy... (Addressed) To the
most illustrious and honourable lord, re the grace of God my brother George, secretary,
from Victor, by the grace of God.

2. mpoxouparopa : cf. P. Brit. Mus, III. 1032. 10, a letter of about the same period as this,
and Gloss. Basil. προκουράτωρ ἐστὶν ὁ φροντιστὴς ἢ ἐντολεύς, ὁ πρᾶγμα ἑτέρου κατ᾽ ἐντολὴν αὐτοῦ
διώκων,

314 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

4. ἄχρι συνομολογεῖ: so probably rather than ἄχρις ἂν ὁμολογεῖ, though a and v when
written small, as here, are at this period often indistinguishable. For οἴκῳ cf. 126. 4, note.

6. ἀποστῆναι: SC. τοῦ λουτροῦ ()). But the connexion is not very clear.

ἡ. Cj κύριος is frequent in the LXX; cf. e.g. Judges 8. 19 {i κύριος. . . οὐκ ἂν
ἀπέκτεινα ὑμᾶς.

8. The term ἀντιγεοῦχος, which is apparently not found in literary sources, occurs also
in 153. 3 τῷ ἐνδ(όξῳ) ἀ., 156. 5 χαρτου(λάριος) καὶ ἀ., B.G.U. 303. 28 μεγολοπρ(επέστατον)
τριβοῦνον ἀ., and 693. 2, all of the Byzantine period. In 156 we translated the word as
‘land-agent’, i.e. the deputy of the owner, which on analogy should be the meaning. The
γεουχοῦντες of Byzantine papyri are commonly people of importance, 6. g. Flavius Apion at
Oxyrhynchus (183. 4-5, &c.), whose representative would be an influential person. In the
indices of the B. G. U. ἀντιγεοῦχος is classed among the officials.

The preceding word seems to be an infinitive, but there is not space for ἐλθεῖν,
and ἥκειν and ἰδεῖν are not suitable. A break occurs in the papyrus after the supposed ν, and
this may have been followed by another narrow letter.

VI. COLLATIONS OF HOMERIC FRAGMENTS

(The collations are with text of Ludwich.)
(a) Lliad.

944, 61x6-3cm. A few letters from the ends of ii. 436-444, with elision-
marks. Third century, written in sloping oval uncials.

945. 134:5Χ 6:5 cm. Fragment of the top of a leaf from a book, containing on
the recto the ends of ii. 722-741 and on the verso the beginnings of 753-772;
with occasional breathings, accents, and elision-marks. 724 Final ε of
μν]ήσεσθε corr. to αἱ by a second hand. 734 Ὑπέριαίν. Fifth century,
written in heavy sloping uncials.

946. 57x53 cm. A few letters from the middles of ii. 861-867. 864
? Μεθ]αης τε και Αντιίφος. Late second or third century, written in broad,
slightly sloping uncials.

947. 7:5x29cm. A few letters from the beginnings of iv. 443-452, from the
bottom of a column, with elision-marks. Third century, written in a small
and neat but not very regular uncial hand.

948, Fr. (2) 8:9x43cm. Two fragments containing the ends of x. 233-243
and 250-255, with stops (middle and low points) and occasional breathings,
accents, and marks of quantity. Third century, written in a good-sized
semi-uncial hand.

949. 13x46cm. A few letters rom near the ends of x. 437-452, from the

‘bottom of a column, with occasional accents (449 ἠὲ). 446 βοην ayaldos
[Διομηδης (τὸν δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ὑπόδρα ἰδὼν προσέφη κρατερὸς Διομήδης MSS.). 451
πτολεμιξωΐν. Late second or third century, written in square upright uncials
similar to those of 869 (Plate I).

950. Fr. (δ) 23:8 Χ 5-7 cm. Two fragments, the first containing a few letters
from near the beginnings of xi. 322-329, the second the ends of 359-402
(a whole column), with stops, and occasional breathings, accents, and elision-
marks. 366 εστιν. 368 εξεϊναριξεν. 371 τυμβωι added by a second hand
above πυργωι, which is crossed through. 375 avetAke. 381 απο θυμον ολεσσαι.
Third century, written in sloping oval uncials.

316 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

951. Fr. (4) 8x6cm. Part of a leaf from a book, containing on the verso
portions of xx. 425-437 and on the recto portions of 470-482, with elision-
marks. 473 The letter before ovs is not p or τ but seems to be a, i. 6. παρ]α
or xatja. Fourth century, written in heavy sloping uncials.

952, 11-7x5-2cm. Parts of xxiv. 74-90 from the top of a column, with high
stops and occasional accents. 78 re omitted. Third century, written in
sloping oval uncials.

(ὁ) Odyssey.

958. Fr. (4) 11x11-9 cm. Four fragments from three distinct columns of
a MS. of iv. Fr. (a), from the bottom οἱ a column, contains a few letters
from 97-100, Fr. (4), from the top of a column, parts of 197-204, Fr. (c)
a few letters from 222-224, and Fr. (d), from the bottom of a column, parts
of 248-261, with high stops, and occasional breathings, accents, and elision-
marks. 249 xareBn Τρῶων. 251 ανειρώτων. 252 eywv ελόευν (the reading
of Aristarchus?). 254 we for μεν. Second century, written in a round
upright uncial hand of good size and handsome appearance.

954. 2-6x93cm. Fragment ofa leaf from a vellum book, containing on the
verso the beginnings of xiv. 299-303 and on the recto the ends of 328-332,
with frequent accents. Fourth or fifth century, the verso being written
in lighter and more sloping uncials than the recto.

955. 7x28 cm. Fragment οὗ ἃ leaf from a book, containing on the verso
a few letters from xvii. 601-606 and on the recto parts of xviii. 27-40, with
high stops and frequent accents. 34 ξυνεηκ. Third century, written in
upright uncials, those on the recto being much smaller than those on the
verso.

956. 9:6x14-2 cm. Ends of xxiii. 309-326 and beginnings of 342-356, from
the tops of two columns. 317 peyada for βαρέα. 318 Λ]αιστυγονιην αφικοντο.
320 omitted. 345 p’ omitted. Second or third century, written in heavy
square, nearly upright uncials of medium size.

VII. MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS

These may be classified as follows (we call attention to the fact that the
texts of 957-8, 962-7, 969-72, 974, 977-8, 980-1, 987-95, arid 997 are given
nearly or quite in full).

Writing Exercise 966 verso.

Magical papyrus 959.

Orders to officials 965, 969.

ἀπογραφαί 962 recto, 970.

Reports to officials 983, 989.

Declarations on oath 972, 976.

Petition 991.

Lease 975.

Wills 968, 990.

Loan 988 recto.

Deed of surety 996.

Miscellaneous contracts 977, 980 recto.

Receipts 964, 995, 1000-3.

Taxation 960, 966 recto, 979, 981-2, 997.

Census-List 984.

Land-Survey 984, 986, 988 verso.

Accounts 962 verso, 971, 978, 980 verso, 985-6, 998-9.

Orders for payment 973-4, 992-4.

Private Correspondence 968, 967.

Titles or σίλλυβοι 957-8, 987.

Demotic papyrus 961.

Arabic papyri and paper 1004-6.

957. 3:3x13-4 cm. A strip of leather, once glued to a papyrus, perhaps
a σίλλυβος, and containing a much abbreviated official note, of which the
text is (1) Φιλ(ονίκου) στρα(τηγοῦ) (cf. 898. 26) > τόμ(ος) ἐξητ(ασμένων ?) εἰδ(ῶν)
J οἱ ἀπὸ διαλογ(ῆς ?) ¢ (ἔτους) (2) ᾿Αδριανοῦ ὅς ἐστί!) τῶν πρὸς παραγγελίίαν) (3)
ἀπὸ vy, below which in the right-hand corner is απηί ) enclosed apparently
between rounded brackets. The symbol after εἰδ(ῶν) is obscure ; it resembles
the sign for δραχμή or a cursive at, the following letters οἱ being raised slightly
above the line: perhaps (kal) of. A.D. 122-3. Complete. 4 lines.

318 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

958. 2x8-4cm. A strip of vellum, perhaps used like 957 as a σίλλυβος. It is
inscribed with two lines (1) | πρακί( .) rod μηνὸς Σεβαστοῦ (2) | y (ἔτους) Τίτου
(A. D. 80). The strip is.complete above and below the writing, and perhaps
nothing is lost at the beginnings of lines. πρακί( ), if correct, probably
refers to πράκτωρ or a derivative, but npax( ) can equally well be read.

959. 7-2x13cm. 8 incomplete lines containing magical symbols, interspersed
with occasional Greek letters. About the third century.

960. 5:7x9:5cm. Memorandum of a payment of corn by two persons, the
text being Αὐρηλία Θεανοῦς Διδύμου καὶ 6 vids Αὐρήλιος Σαραπίων 6 καὶ Θέων
Σερύφεως πόλεως (ἀρτάβας) ple’. Σερύφεως πόλις seems to be identical with
the known Oxyrhynchite village Σερῦφις (cf. e.g. 991). Third century.
Complete. 5 lines.

961. 10:2x12-4 cm. Demotic papyrus containing the first 15 lines of a
document. First or second century.

962. 11-5x6-Icm. On the recto the first 18 lines of an ἀπογραφή of sheep,
addressed to the strategus (cf. 245-6) probably in the reign of Claudius or
Nero, the writing being much obliterated. On the verso a memorandum
concerning various contracts, of which the text is Πόλεως" ἀγορασμὸν οἰκίας a
(ἔτους) Népwvo(s) Φαρμοῦθ(ι), καὶ διαίρεσιν T..... α (ἔτους) Παῦνι, 05 (ἔτους)
Κλαυδίου μη(νὸς) Γερμανικείου ἀγορασμ(ὸν) οἰκία. Probably written in or soon
after the reign of Nero. Complete. 8 lines.

963. 16x9-7cm. The upper part of a letter from a woman to her mother,
thanking her for sending a καθεδράριον (‘stool’). The text of ll. 1-11 is
᾿Ωφελία Θεαροῦτι τῇ μητρὶ χαίρειν. ἀσπάζομαί σε, μῆτερ, διὰ τῶν γραμμάτων
τούτων ἐπιθυμοῦσα ἤδη θεάσασθαι. χάριν δέ σοι οἶδα, μῆτερ, ἐπὶ τῇ σπουδῇ τοῦ
καθεδραρίου, ἐκομισάμην γὰρ αὐτό. οὐκ ἀλλότριοϊν γὰρ] τοῦ ἤθους ποιεῖς, φιλ[τάτη
μῆτερ, σἸπουδάζουσα. .. Second or third century. 14 lines. -

964. 13-7x16-3cm. Receipt for the rent of a camel-shed, of which the text
is Αὐρήλιος Θέων 6 καὶ Εὐδαίμων ἐπικαλούμενος ᾿Αριστίων καὶ 7 ἀδελφὴ Σαραποῦς
ἡ καὶ ᾿Αγαθόκλια ἀμφότεροι ᾿Αριστίωνος καὶ ὡς ἐχρημάτιζεν Αὐρηλίῳ ᾿ἸΙσιδώρῳ
χαίρειν. ὁμολογοῦμεν ἀπεσχηκέναι παρὰ σοῦ τὰ ἐνοίκια οὗ ἔχεις ἡμῶν ἐν μισθώσει
'καμηλῶνος ἐπ᾽ ἀμφόδου [Ἱπ]πέων Παρεμβολῆς τῶν ἀπὸ Φαμενὼθ ἕως Μεσορὴ τοῦ
διεληλυθότ[ ο]ς « (ἔτους) ἐν δραχμαῖς διακοσίαις εἴκοσει, μένοντος ἡμεῖν τοῦ λόγου
πάντων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος μηνὸς OHO ἐνοικίων ἀκολούθωϊς! τῇ μισθώσει. κυρία ἡ
ἀποχὴ καὶ ἐπερωτηθέντες ὡμολογήσαμεν. (ἔτους) ca Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Που-
πλίου Λικιννίου Γαλλιηνοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Μεγίστου Ἐὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ Θὼθ
s. Signature of Aurelius Theon. A.D. 263. Complete. 12 lines.

965. 10-2x12-I cm. An order to the collectors of corn-dues at the village
of Φιλονίκου (cf. P. Hibeh p. 8) to deal gently with a certain individual.

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS 319

The text is [pdxropos] σιτικῶν Φιλονείκου. μὴ παρεϊνοϊχλήσητε Λουκίῳ
Κερελί. .. .. « υἱανιανῷ καὶ ἀπόλυσον τὴν [..... αὐτ]οῦ ἕως οὗ κατασπείρωσιν
πο os 1. Cf. P. Brit. Mus. II. 379, P. Reinach 57, and Ζ᾽ αγήηι Towns, Ostr.
45. Third century. Written across the fibres. Incomplete. 4 or 5 lines.

966. 12:7x10-5cm. Onthe recto 7 lines of an official account, apparently
giving a list of payments from different villages. The text is καὶ ἐξ ἐπικρίσεως
πυροῦ (ἀρτάβαι) χπθδ' κ' μή, λαχάνου (ἀρτάβαι) 7 ξης κ᾿. Tlovyews* φακοῦ
(ἀρτάβαι) β, λαχάνου (ἀρτάβαι) EyZ, καὶ ἐξ ἐπικρίσεως . Third century. On
the verso are two lines in rude uncials, no doubt a writing-exercise, of which
the text is ev maow ἐστ αδικτον ἢ (corr.) γνωμη kadov (a corrupt iambic line) e..

967. 15:1x9:2cm. The upper part of a letter from a man to his sister.
Lines 1-11 ᾿Απίων Ἑ). ξακωνοῦτι τῆι ἀδελφῆι χαίρειν. φασὶ τὸν κράτιστον ἡγεμόνα
ἐλεύσεσθαι ἐνθάδε περὶ τὴν τριακάδα, ὃ ἵν᾽ εἰδῇς γράφω σοι. καλῶς δὲ ποιήσεις
ἐπιστείλασα εἰς ἀγρὸν ἄρξασθαι τῶν εἰς τοὺς ἀμπελῶνας ποτισμῶν τῇ πέμπτῃ τοῦ
ἑξῆς μηνὸς... Address on the verso. Second century. 18 lines.

968. 39:9x134cm. Ends of lines of the will of a woman called Didyme,
leaving her property to her sons by her former husband. KAdpos and her
present husband Sarapion, and making provision for her τροφὸς ‘Apaois. At
the end are the signatures of the testatrix and witnesses, one of whom
is called “Exdrwy. Cf. 489-95. Written across the fibres, probably in the
reign of Trajan or Hadrian. 45 lines, including 3 lines of an endorsement

upon the verso.

969. 38-8x12-4cm. Anorder to an dpyépodos to summon an accused person, simi-
lare.g.to 64-5. The text is ᾿Αρχεφόδωι. μετάπεμψον ᾿Απολλώνιον Γαίου, ἐντυ-
χόντος ᾿Απολλώνιου περὶ κατασπορᾶς. Early second century. Complete. 3 lines.

970. 81x87cm. Beginning of an ἀπογραφή addressed to the comogrammateus
of Σερῦφις by an inhabitant of Antinodpolis. The text is Κωμογρα(μματεῖ)
Σερύφεως παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Πάριδος τοῦ καὶ Ζευξιανοῦ Νερουιανείου τοῦ καὶ Γενεαρχείου
᾿ἀποδέδειγμ(ένου) ἀρχιερέως τῆς λαμπρᾶς ᾿Αντινοέων πόλεως διὰ Αὐρηλίου Πτολεμαίου
Ἱερακιαίνης ἀπὸ Πέλας. ἀπογρά(φομαι) κατὰ τὰ κελευσθ(έντα) ὑπὸ Αὐρηλίου ’Av-

᾿ τωνίνου τοῦ κρα(τίστου) πρὸς ταῖς ἐπισκ(εφθείσαις ?) [. Αὐρ. ᾿Αντωνῖνος is perhaps
identical with Αὐρ. ᾿Αντίνοος, vice-praefect in A.D. 215-6 (cf. Cantarelli,
La serie dei prefetti, Ὁ. 66), unless πρὸς ταῖς ἐπισκ(έψεσι), a new title, be read.
ἐπικρ(ίσεσι) is unsuitable. Early third century. 12 lines. This ἀπογραφή has
been glued to another, of which the beginnings of 8 lines are preserved, and
which on the verso has Χαιρή(μονι) στρα(τηγῷ) and at right angles ] Σερύφε(ως).

971. 14:7x7cm. Account of expenditure on irrigation, of which the text is
Adyo(s) ἀντλ(ήσεως) Διονυσίου. Mex(elp) Kd ποιοῦσι ὑδραγῳ(γὸν) ἐν τ(ῷ) κλ(ήρῳ)

᾿ ἐργ(άταις) B ὀβ(ολοὶ) 1, Ke B ὀβ(ολοὶ) ι, Ke B ὀβ(ολοὶ) t, KE a ὀβ(ολοὶ) ε, κη

320 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

ἀντλ(οῦσι) ἐργ(άταις) ὃ ὀβ(ολοὶ) As, KO ἀντλ(οῦσι) καὶ παράγ(ουσι) ὑδραγ(ωγὸν)
ὃ ὀβ(ολοὶ) Ag, Χ ὃ ὀβ(ολοὶ) Ag, καὶ ἀνηλ(ώματος) ἐνοικίου κηλ(ωνείου) (cf. P. Tebt.
II. 342. iii. 19) ὀβ(ολοὶ) ιη, / ὀβ(ολοὶ) ρξα. καὶ τειμ(ῆς) ἐλαί(ου ?) (δυόβολοι), /
ὀβ(ολοὶ) ρξγ; ot (δραχμαὶ) kZ. Late first or eatfly second century. Complete.
10 lines.

972. 14:9xIocm. Conclusion of an oath taken by an official upon entering
office, similar to 82,a fragment of an oath by a strategus. The text is
elis [τὸ ἐν μη]δενὶ μεμφθῆναι [ἢ] ἔϊνο]χοίς ε]ΐην τῷ ὅρκῳ. καὶ π[α]ρέσχον δὲ ἐμαυτοῦ
ἐνγυητὴν Γάιον ᾿[ούλιον ᾿Αντώνιον παρόντα καὶ εὐδοκοῦντα. ἔτους β Αὐτοκράτορος
Καίσα[ρ]ος Μάρκου Αὐρηλίου Σεουήρου ᾿Αλεξάνδρου Εὐσεβοῦς Εὐτυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ
Μεσορὴ ἐπαγομένων a. Τάιος Πουλφέρνιος Τιβερεῖνος ὥμοσα τὸν ὅΐρ]κον καὶ
ἐκτελέσω τὴν χρείαϊν ὡς π]ρόκειται. (2nd hand) Γάιος “Lov[A}to[s] ᾿Αντώνιο[ς]
ἐνγυομαι (]. ἐγγυῶμαι) αὐτὸν ἐκτελοῦζνγτα τὴν» δηλουμένην χρίαν ὡς πρόκιται.
A.D. 223. τό lines.

973. 85x10cm. A notice to sitologi, similar to 516, 619--82, and P. Leipzig
112-117, authorizing them to pay 242 artabae of wheat, beginning Δημητρία
᾿Ανδρομάχ(ου) δι(ὰ) ᾿Απολ(λωνίου) βοηθ(οῦ) σιτολ(όγοις) PoBdov τόπ(ων) χαίρειν.
διαστείλατε κιτιλ. The Φοβόου (or Φοκόου) τόποι are clearly identical with the
Φοβ.. μου τόποι in P. Leipzig 116. 2. After the date, the 9th year of Aurelius
and Verus (A.D. 168-9), is the signature of a certain Εὐτύχης, perhaps
a σιτολόγοςς. Nearly complete. 12 lines. :

974. 4:5x9-I cm. An order for the payment of 2 artabae of wheat. The
text is (apa) Sapa Διονυσίῳ γεωργῷ χαίρειν. δὸς Ζωσίμῳ ἰδίῳ ὑπὲρ ὀψωνίων
πυροῦ ἀρτάβας δύο, γί(νονται) πυροῦ (ἀρτάβαι) β. (ἔτους) ὃ Μεσορὴ ε σεσημί(ωμαι).
Third century. Complete. 4 lines.

975. 19:3x7-5 cm. Signature to a lease of 23 arourae, in which the lessee
agrees to pay rent at the rate of 54 artabae per aroura and acknowledges
a loan of 28 drachmae to be repaid ἅμα τῇ (ἐμῇ τρύϊγ]ῃ, apart from other
debts to the lessor. Written in the 2nd year of an emperor who is probably
Domitian or Trajan. 20 lines.

976. 11-7x11-8cm. Conclusion of a declaration on oath, containing the date
(ἔτους) ¢ Αὐτοκράτο(ρος) Καίσαρος Λουκίζου Σεπτι]μίου Σεουήρου EvoeBods Περτί-
vaxo(s) Σεβαστοῦ ᾿Αραβ[ικοῦ)] ᾿Αδιωβηνικοῦ καὶ Μάρκου Αὐρη(λίου) ᾿Αντωνίνου
K[al]oapos ἀποδεδιγμένου Αὐτοκράτορο(ς) ᾿Αθὺρ A (i.e. Nov. 26, A.D. 197; cf.
910. introd.), and the signatures of ᾿Αντεῖς Σαραπᾶτος, who makes the
declaration, and of a collector of corn-dues as γνωστήρ (Παυλεῖνος πρά(κτωρ)
σι(τικῶν) ... «AC 1) δι(ὰ) Διονυσίου Bon(A0d) γνωρίζω) ; cf. 496. τό, note.
14 lines.

977. 18-7x7-2 cm. Conclusion of a document relating to a payment of 800

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS 321

drachmae for the φόρος of an ἀσχόλημα (the collection of a tax ἢ), containing
only the date and signatures. Lines 4-19 (ἔτους) B Αὐτοκρατόρων Καισάρων
Γαίου Οὐιβίου Τρεβωνιανοῦ Γάλλου καὶ Γαίου Οὐιβίου ᾿Αφινίου Γάλλου Oveddov-
μιανοῦ Οὐολουσιανοῦ Εὐσεβῶν Εὐτυχῶν Σεβαστῶν Μεχεὶρ ι. Αὐρή(λιος) Σαραπίων
6 κ(αὶ) ᾿Απεῖς βουλ(ευτὴς) δι᾿ ἐ(μοῦ) Αὐρη(λίου) Διοσκόρου καὶ ὡς χ(ρηματίζω)
ἀποσυστα(θεὶς) διεπόρισα φόρου τοῦ προκ(ειμένου) ἀσχολή(ματος) τὰς προκ(ειμένας)
δραχ(μὰς) ὀκτακοσίας, / (δραχμαὶ) ὠ, ὡς πρόκ(ειται). (2nd hand) Αὐρήλιος
Διονύσιος 6 καὶ ᾿Αφροδίσιος γυ(μνασίαρχος) βουλ(ευτὴς) σεση(μείωμαι) τὰς δραχμὰς
ὀκτακοσίας, / (δραχμαὶ) w, followed by a similar signature by an exegetes.
A.D. 253. 21 lines.

978. 46x7-5 cm. Beginning of a list of articles of furniture. The text is
Κερλάρια (1. κελλάρια ?), δίφρος (sic) B, λιβανοθήκη, ὄσοπτρον (1. ἔσοπτρον), τύλ[η),
x.{. Third century. 6 lines.

979. 7-4x42cm. Fragment of an account of payments in artabae from the
villages of Σενέπτα, Σκώ, Σενεκελ(εύ), and Movip(ov), Second or third century.
6 lines, the ends of which are lost.

980. 14:9x7-8 cm. On the recto parts of 14 lines from a list of abstracts of
contracts (?), the last 8 lines referring to a purchase of land. Early third
century. On the verso is a short list of payments for the purchase of
houses, of which the text is Κορνήλιος ποικιλτὴς τιμῆς οἰκίας ἐν πίστει ts
ἣν τιμῆς (δραχμαὶ) ᾽Β, "Αρειος ὀπωροπώληΪς] τιμῆς οἰκίας (δραχμαὶ) φ, Δημέας
κλη( )) οἰκ(ίας) (δραχμαὶ) A. ὦ (1.6?) μείζω(ν ἢ) ἐσημει(ώσατο ἢ). Third century.
Complete. 7 lines.

981. 9x9-5cm. Extract from the ἐφημερίς of Apion similar to 917 and 982.
The text is "Ef ἐφη(μερίδος) ᾿Απίωνος πρά(κτορος) ἀργ(υρικῶν) Σεντω(λενὼ)
ἐπαρο(υρίου) τοῦ ἐνεσ(τῶτος) ὃ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) ov (δυόβολοι), πηχ(ισμοῦ) περι-
στ(ερώνων) τοῦ α(ὐτοῦ) ὃ (ἔτους) (δραχμαὶ) uC (ὀβολὸς) χ(αλκοῖ) β, γ(ίνονται) κ-τιλ.
Cf. 917. introd. Late second or early third century. Complete. 6 lines.

982. 65x65 cm. Fragment of a similar memorandum of Apion, written
in the 3rd year, the ends of lines being lost. Cf. 917. introd. 4 lines.

983. 24:5x18-7 cm. Report, similar to 896. ii, addressed to Valerius Ammo-
nianus, logistes, by two δημόσιοι ἰατροί, of whom the second is named ᾿Απίων
Ἡροδότου, concerning the injuries received by a certain Moveis. The papyrus
is numbered 106 in the series of which 53 is no. 105 and 896 nos. 127-8 ; cf.
53 and 896. introd. Dated in the consulship of Sabinus and Rufinus (A. Ὁ.
316). Incomplete. 16 lines.

984. Height 18cm. The verso of this mutilated papyrus contains the Pacans
of Pindar (841). On the recto of sections A-C is a census-list of persons
with their ages, parentage, abode, &c., e. g. Πανεσνε(ὺς) ἀπελ(εύθερος) ᾿Απολ-

322

THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

Advias ἐξ ἀπογρα(φῆς) α(ὐτοῦ) οἰκῶν ἐν ἱερῶν “Apews θεοῦ μεγίστου γέρδ(ιος)
ἄση(μος) (ἐτῶν) με, Τανοῦρις γ(υνὴ) αὐτοῦ (ἐτῶν) A, Θαῆσιν θυγ(ατέρα) (ἐτῶν) ς,
Σενπανεσνέ(α) ἄλλην (ἔτους) a Σενπαραῖθ(ις) ἄλλη μη(τρὸς) Tarvayodro(s), δι ἧς
καὶ ἐδηλ(ώθη) Πεταρποχρα(τίωνα) υἱὸν αὐτο(0) ἀπογεγρα(μμένον) τῶι γ (ἔτει) Τίτου
θεοῦ (ἔτους) a τετελευτηκέναι. Ἡρακλῆς Πτολ(εμαίου) τοῦ “Ηρακλήο(υ) μητρὸ(ς)
Σενφώιτο(ς) π(ρεσβυτέρας ?) Λύκο(υ) ἀφῆλ(ιξ) ἀπὸ γ(υμνασίου) ἐξ ἀπογρα(φῆς)
Εὐδ(αίμονος) Λύκου τοῦ “Ὥρου φροντιστοῦ οἰκῶν ἐν μέρει (ἡμίσει) οἰκίας Σενοννώ-
(φρεως) Ἡρακλήου μελ(ίχρως) (ἐτῶν) ι[.. Other entries of interest are (1) Ὀννῶ-
(φρις) Ὀρσεύτου τοῦ Λυκόφρο(νος) μητρδ(ς) ᾿Ανρέσιο(ς) Φατρέϊως ἐξ ἀπογρα(φῆς)
α(ὐτοῦ) ἀπὸ γ(υμνασίου) οἰκῶν ἐν μάνδ(ρᾳ) ἩΗρακλήου “Ἱέρακος (ἐτῶν) μ, (2) Σισύφις
Σι[σἸύφ(ιος) τοῦ Ὀφιέως μη(τρὸς) Τερεῦτος ἐξ ἀπογρα(φῆς) α(ὐτοῦ) πασ(τοφόρος)
᾿Απἰ[όϊλλωνος θεοῦ μεγίσ(του) οἰκῶν ἐν παστοφορίῳ τοῦ αὐτο() ἱερο(ῦ) (ἐτῶν) ξ,
(3) Ἱέραξ Ἡρακλεοδ(ώρου) το(ῦ) “Ηρακλεοδ(ώρου) μη(τρὸς) ᾿Απολλωνία[ς] προξένου
βουλ[εἸυτῶν (a phrase which recurs in another fragment... ἐξ ἀπογρα(φῆς)
α(ὐτοῦ) πρόξενο(ς ?) βουλ(ευτῶν) οἰκῶν év. ..). The following rare names occur:
Ψῶις, Xepeveds, Σενχεμενεῦς, Tepexa( ) (fem.), Τευφωῦς (fem.), Ταανοῦφις (fem.),
Θαρίων Αἰσχυρᾶτος, Σενύφις (fem.), Ψαῦτις, Τεαῖψις (fem.), Θάλλουσα, Ποῦνσις,
Παανοῦφις, Πατῆβις, ᾿Ατῆρις, Σαρποκρατίς (fem.), Σφραγίς (fem.), Τοῶνσις (fem.),
Ψιραίθης, Ψεντοῦς, ᾿Αρουσῶις, Παυφῶις, Ταυφῶις (fem.), ᾿Αβαβῖκι(ς ἢ), Σενπτόλλις
(fem.), Σέντρ[ι]ς (fem.), Ταψωβᾶις (fem.), Ταπτίχι(ς) (fem.), Ταφῖβις (fem.),
Φιλοστέφ(ανος), ᾿Ασπιδᾶς, Παρεχάτης, Πετουφῶις. The locality is apparently
Oxyrhynchus, the ἄμφοδον Κρ[ηπ(ῖδος) being mentioned; cf. 714. 11 Νότου
Κρηπῖδος. Written after the reign of Titus, probably in that of Domitian.
On the recto of section D in a different hand (cf. Part V. p. 13) are parts of
a few lines from a land-survey, mentioning various κλῆροι. ἃ (Ξεπρότερον)
κάτοι(κος) precedes some of the personal names.

985. Height 37-1 cm. The verso of this papyrus contains the fragments of

Euripides’ Hypsipyle (852). On the recto is a private account of receipts
and expenditure written in the second half of the first century in a large
cursive hand. Only one column has complete lines, e.g. Il. 6 sqq.: [tJa.
λήμμα(τος) Ἑρμᾶτος οἰνοπρά(του) ἀπὸ τιμῆς οἴνου γενή(ματος) η (ἔτους) εἰς o(vp-
πλήρωσιν) (δραχμῶν) Τξη μετὰ τὰ(ς) ἐπά(νω) (δραχμὰς) BPEq κατὰ μέρος (δραχμαὶ)
p. ιβ. ἀνηλώμα(τος) Φαύστῳ ἀντλοῦντι μηχα(νὴν) μηνὸς Σεβα(στοῦ) ὃ ε > ἡμε(ρῶν)
y ὡς 70(8) μη(νὸς) (δραχμῶν) κ αἱ συναγό(μεναι) (δραχμαὶ) β. ἐργάτηι τηροῦντι τὸν
οἶνον τὸν ἐν ἡλια(στηρίῳ) Μουχινὼρ (an Oxyrhynchite village; cf. 491. 3)
(δραχμαὶ) 8. ... ty. Σαραπίωνι Βελλ[έω] (so in another fragment) ἀμπελο(υργῷ)
δι(ὰ) Πετεσ(ούχου) (δραχμαὶ) κ, L σημα(ίνει) ὁ Σαρα(πίων) ἀνηλω(θῆναι) ἐργά(ταις)
δυσὶ σκάπτοντ(ι) χοῦν καὶ ἐπιτιθο(ῦντι) (sic) τοῖς ὄνοις εἰς τὸ ἀπηλιωτικὸν χῶμα τοῦ
χωρίου ἕως Kd ἡμερῶν ta ἐργ(άταις) KB ἀνὰ (τετρώβολον) ὀβο(λοὶ) πη αἱ (1. ot)

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS 323

(δραχμαὶ) 18 (τετρώβολον), ὧν δο(θεῖσαι) α(ὐτῷ) ἐπὶ Ady(ov) (δραχμαὶ) ἡ. ις-
Ἡρακλᾶτι μηχα(ναρίῳ) ἰσά(γοντι ") μη(νὸς) Σεβα(στοῦ) ¢ ἕως κ (δραχμαὶ) η. In
another fragment a series of figures is summed up / εἰς τὸ α(ὐτὸ) (δραχμαὶ)
T xB (τριώβολον), dv ἐπάνωι ἀνειλ(ημμέναι) (cf. 899. 37, note) ἐν τῷ τοῦ ἡ (ἔτους)
λόγ(ῳ) (δραχμαὶ) ᾽Β, κα(ταλείπονται) (δραχμαὶ) ᾿ΑχΧβ (τριώβολον).

986. Height 20-5 cm. The verso of this papyrus contains the commentary on
Thucydides (858). On the recto are three distinct documents which have
been joined together to form a roll of sufficient length ; cf. p. 107. The
first of these, which is on the recto of Cols. xix—xiv of the commentary, is
part of a list of house-property apparently in the hands of οὐσιακοὶ μισθωταί,
probably at the Arsinoite village of Oxyrhyncha, in the 16th year of Hadrian
(see below). Col. i (on the recto of section H) is a mere fragment and
Col. ii has only ends of lines; but Col. iii is well preserved, and contains the
following three entries (ll. 4-25) τοῦ αὐτοῦ Z μέρος ψειλοῦ τόπ(ου) arf... ... |
Ar ]. pot ἱμίσει (516) ψιλοῦ τόπου ἰδιω(. )[.. .Jauo.. [. οἰκία] καὶ αὐλὴ
δηλ(ωθεῖσα) ἐπικεκρατῆσθαι πρὸ τῆς ἀναλήμψεως ὑπὸ Πετεσούχου ᾿Αμμωνᾶ τοῦ Πασ-
τωοῦτος ἀπὸ τῆς κώμ(ης) ἐξ οὗ περιγεγονέ(ναι) ἀπὸ ἐνοικίων (δραχμὰς) ιβ. γίτονες
τῆς ὥλης (sic) οἰκίας καὶ αὐλῆς νότου τέκνων “Ἥρωνος τοῦ Ζήνωνοϊς οἰἸκία, βορρᾶ
ῥύμη βασιλ(ική), λιβὸς “Αρμιύσεω(ς) Πάτρωνος διὰ κ[λη]ρονόμων οἰκία, ἀπηλ(ιώτου)
ἴσοδος καὶ ἔξοδος. τοῦ αὐτοῦ γ΄ μ[έρο]ς οἰκίας καὶ αἰθρίου ἐπικρατηθὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ
αὐτοῦ ἐξ οἢῦ ἐδηλ(ώθη) ve (ἔτει) περι[γε]γονέ(ναι) (δραχμὰς) ὃ. γίτονες τῶν ὅλων κιτ.λ.
᾿Αμμωνίου ᾿Αἰμμ]ωνίου τοῦ καὶ ‘Podiwvos γεναμέν[ου] οὐσιακοῦ [μισθ]ωτοῦ καὶ ἐνοφει-
λέσαντος ἐν τ΄. [. . .͵ Z μέρος & μ[έρους] οἰκίας καὶ αὐλῆς. γίτονες τῆς ὅλ(ης) οἰκίας
καὶ αἰὐλῆς] νότου καὶ ἀπηλ(ιώτου) ῥύμη βασιλ(ική), λιβὸς Πουήρεως [οἰκία,] βορρᾶ
ἑτέρων oi[k|i(a), οὗ τὸ περιγενάμ(ενον) σὺν τοῖς σιτι[κοῖς] ὑπάρχουσει τοῦ ᾿Αμμωνίου
ἐπάνωθε ὥρισται. In the margin against the beginning of each of these
entries is κόλί(λημα) 9¢ Col. iv is less complete ; ll. 4-7 τοῦ αἰὐτο]ῦ ψιλὸς]
τόπος ἀπὸ [μ]έρους ἀνοικοδομημένος ἀπὸ συν]... .] πλίνθου (or ¢ πλίνθου) οὗ μέτρα
νότον ἐπὶ βορρᾶ πήχί(εις) μ, λιβὸς ἐπ᾽ ἀπηλ(ιώτην) τίοῦ] πρὸς νότον μέρους πήχί(εις)
ιθ2, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ πρὸς βορρᾶ πήχί(εις) ιβ4, [ἐ]ξ οὗ μηδὲν περιγίνεσθ(αι). The next
entry mentions τῇ γεναμ(ένῃ) τῷ vy (ἔτει) ἐπελεύσει [τ]ῶν οὐσιακῶν, and that
following begins Φανίου Πετεσορφιώμεως τοῦ Pavlov. In Col. v, which is in
the same hand as Cols. i-iv and is on the recto of Col. xiii of the com-
mentary, begins a return of προσοδικὰ ἐδάφη (i.e. confiscated land) at
Oxyrhyncha supplied by the comogrammateus. Lines 1-5 [mapa...... lv
Ἥρωνος κωμογρ(αμματέως) ᾿Οξυρύγχ(ω») [.......+- τ]ῶν ὑπὸ [τ]οῦ τῆς μερίδο(ς)
βασιλ(ικοῦ) γρα(μματέως) Πτολεμαίο(υ) εἰς [ἐπίσκεψιν] μεταδοθέντ(ων) προσοδικῶν
ἐδαφῶν τοῦ is (ἔτους) [Αὐτοκράτορος K]atcapos Τραιανοῦ ᾿Αδριανοῦ Σεβαστοῦ (A. Ὁ.
131-2). εἶναι δέ" followed by a survey-list of holdings with rents, γείτονες,

Y 2

324 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

&c., which is continued in the fragmentary Cols. vi-vili. Col. viii has been
cut down the middle and joined to another document in a different hand
(Col. ix), the line of junction corresponding to the margin between Cols. viii
and vii of the verso. This is a return by σιτολόγοι y τοπ(αρχίας) to an official
of the Πολέμωνος μερίς, probably the basilicogrammateus, and mentions
βασἸιλ(ικὴν) γῆν (πυροῦ) φογη΄ προσόϊδ(ου) (ἄρουραι) Ὁ] Ab (πυροῦ) [. . . Διοίνυσο-
δωριανῆς οὐσίας (πυροῦ) ey'n’, but is too much damaged to be intelligible.
Cols. x-xv, corresponding to Cols. vi-i of the commentary, belong to
an account of seed-corn issued at the rate of 1 artaba per aroura to
various cultivators of Crown land, the rent of the holdings being described in
detail. Col. xi is well preserved, but the others are more or less broken.
The formula is the same throughout ; e.g. xi. 7-15 Μυσθᾶς “HpaxAjo(v) τοῦ
Aciov τοῦ ᾿Οννώ(φριος) καὶ Δεῖος Δίου τοῦ ᾿Οννώ(φριος) (ἄρουραι) γδ΄η (ς΄ ES,
ὧν ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) ὃΖι'β' μ΄ (ἄρουραι) βδ'η ἴ ς΄, καὶ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) δέΖκ'μ΄ (ἄρουρα)
a, (πυροῦ) yy'n’. ᾿Αγχορίμφζ(ιγο(ς) ᾿Οννώφριο(ς) τοῦ Δείου (ἄρουραι) 128’, ὧν ἀ(νὰ)
(πυροῦ) ὃΖιβ'μ΄ (ἄρουραι) BZ, καὶ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ). ὃδ4Ζδ΄.΄. (ἀρούρας) δ΄η,, καὶ
ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) ὃΖ (ἀρούρας) Ζι'ς΄ λ' β΄, καὶ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) b's’ καὶ (΄εἰο΄ ε΄ (ἄρουραι)
B, καὶ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) by καὶ (ε΄ οε΄ (ἄρουραι) {(apovpar)} γηΐ (ς΄ λ΄ β΄, καὶ ἀ(νὰ)
(πυροῦ) δ Ζκ' δ᾽ μ΄ (ἄρουραι) Bu's’, (πυροῦ) ι2δ΄. 21-6 Πενεουῆρις Ἡρακλήο(υ) τοῦ
Πενεουήριο(ς) καὶ Πενε[ο]υῆ(ρις5) πρεσβ(ύτερος) Δείου τοῦ ᾿Οννώφριο(ς) καὶ Ἡρακλῆς
Ἡρακλήο(υ) τοῦ Πενεουή(ριος) οἱ γ (ἄρουραι) ς η΄ (ς΄ ξ' δ΄, ὧν ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) ec’ καὶ
Udo'e (ἄρουραι) γηΐ (ς΄ ξ' δ, καὶ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) δΖδ' μ΄ (ἀρούρας) 2λ΄ β΄, καὶ
ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) ὃ.Ζδ΄ οε΄ (ἄρουραι) β, καὶ ἀ(νὰ) (πυροῦ) 68°. (ἀρούρας) δίη (ς΄ λ΄ β΄,
(πυροῦ) ς ς΄ κδ. The fractions τς, gs, τσ, τσ, and τς of an artaba are
unusual ; cf. 918. introd. and P. Tebt. 341.

987. 7:7x94cm. A piece of vellum with the name “Aza Βίκτωρ in uncials
enclosed in an ornamental border, and below in different ink |.xp. Fifth
or sixth century.

988. 15x18-4cm. On the recto is the conclusion of two copies of a χειρόγραφον
concerning a loan of corn, the first copy having lost the beginnings of lines.
Col. 11. 1-10 ἀποδώσω δέ σοι τὰ προκείμενα κεφάλαια σὺν τοῖς συναχθησομένοις
διαφόροις τῷ Παῦνι μηνὶ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος τετάρτου ἔτους ἐφ᾽ ἅλω Ἰσίου Παγγᾶ νέα
καθαρὰ ἄδολα ἄβωλα κεκοσκινευμένα, τὸν μὲν πυρὸν καὶ ἄκρειθον ὡς εἰς τὸ δημόσιον
μετρούμενον, τὴν δὲ κριθὴν καλῶς πεπατημένην χωρὶς δίσης καὶ ἀθέρος, πάντα μέτρῳ
τῷ προκειμένῳ κιτιλ. Dated in the 4th year of Severus Alexander, Athur 30
(A.D. 224). On the verso is a memorandum concerning the sale of unpro-
ductive land, of which the text is ᾿Εγλημ(φθὲν ?) ἐκ γραφῆς ὑπολόγου tn (ἔτους)
Κομόδου ᾿Ισείου Tayya ᾿Αρχεπόλιδος κλήρου μεθί ) καὶ τῶν συνχωρουμένων εἰς
πρᾶσιν οὐκ ἔλασσον διπλῆς τιμῆς μεθί ) ἄμμου κατεξ(υσμένου) (ἀρουρῶν) ὃ, γείτ(ονες)

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS 325

νότ(ου) βα(σιλικὴ Ὁ) διὰ ᾿Αριστάνδ(ρου) Ζήνωνος καὶ ἄλλων κακοφυής, βορρᾶ Σαρα-
πιάδος Ἡρώδου νυνὶ Ἡρώδου Διονυσίου, ἀπηλιώτου) ἡ μεγ[ἀϊλη διῶρυξ, λιβ(ὸς) ἡ
ἑτέρα διῶρυξ, χερσάμμου (ἀρουρῶν) ς(, γείτ(ονες) πάντοθ(εν) [Σα]ραπιάδ(ος) Ηρώδου
νυνὶ ‘Hpda{ov] Διονυσίου. Third century, soon after A.D. 224.

989. 24x108cm. A list of persons and ἐργαστήρια at different villages, sent
apparently to some official with a view to the exaction of a contribution from
them. The text is... Πασίων χαλκεύς., ἐν ἐποικίῳ Πτολεμᾶ ἐργαστήριο!".
καὶ ἐν κώμῃ Tie ἐργαστήριον) ᾿Αμμωνίου σὺν τοῖς υἱ[οἷς] καὶ Εὐαγγέλου χαλκ[έως.]
καὶ ἐν ἐποικίῳ Τααμ[πέμου] ἐργαστήριον. καὶ ἐν κώμῃ ᾿Ὥφι ἐργαστήριον. καὶ ἐν
τῷ Ἡρακλείῳ ἐποικίῳ ἐργαστήριον, καταμένι δὲ ἐν ἐποικίῳ Σινπέκλη καλουμ[έϊνῳ.
καὶ ἐν κ[ώμ]η Σερύφει Ψεναμοῦνις υἱὸς Διοσκόρου. καὶ ἐν κώμῃ Πανεύει ΤΠαγῶνις.
καὶ ἐν Θώσβι Σαλόβις. καὶ ἐν Χύσι ἄνω ᾿Ιβοεῖς. καὶ ᾿Ισίου Τρύφωνος Πένβα.
καὶ ἐν κώμῃ ᾿Αδεὺ ᾿Αμμώνιος. ἀξιοῦμεν τούτους συντελεῖν σὺν ἡμεῖν. Late third
or fourth century. Incomplete, the beginning being lost. 26 lines.

990. 9:5x25:3cm. Beginning of a will of a woman. The text is Ὑπατείας
Ἰουνίου Βάσσου καὶ Φλαουίου ᾿Αβλαβίου τῶν λαμπροτάτων ἐπάρχων Μεσορὴ Ky ἐν
τῇ λαμπρῷ καὶ λαμπροτάτῃ Ὄ ξυρυγχειτ[ῶν] πόλει. Αὐρηλία ᾿Αἰᾶς θυγάτηρ ᾿Αγαϊθ]οῦ
Δαίμονος Κεκιλίου ἄρξ(αντος) γενομένου .. . « -- .| ths Aap (pas) καὶ λαμπ(ροτάτη5)
᾿Οξυρυγχειτῶν πόλεως τόδε τὸ βούληϊμα..... .) ἐποίησα νοοῦσα καὶ φρονοῦσα ἐπινό-
ows ἔχουσα γραφὲν ὃ... 1] ΕἙ[λ]ληνικοῖς γράμμασιν κατὰ τὰ συνκεχωρημένα OT. «+,
followed by parts of two more lines, For the formula cf. 907. A.D. 331. 8 lines.

991. 83x11 cm. Beginning of a petition (?) addressed to a police official
called ἐπόπτης εἰρήνης. The text is Ὑπατείας ᾿Αντωνίου Μαρκελλίνου καὶ
Πετρωνίου Προβίνου τῶν λαμ(προτάτων) (cf. P. Cairo 10690) Φαρμοῦθι ι. Pravin
Διοσκόρῳ ἐπόπτῃ ἰρήνης ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου παρὰ Αὐρηλίᾳς Τααμμωνίου Σαραπίωνος ἀπὸ
κώμης Σερύφεως γ οἵ (séc, not π(άγου)) τοῦ αὐτοῦ νομοῦ... A.D. 341. 9 lines.

992. 8.6x161 cm. Order for the payment of a jar of wine. The text is
Ἰουλιανὸς Δωροθέῳ. παρασχοῦ Μαρίᾳ γυνὴ (516) Πεκολαρίω (1. -ov) otvo[v] δι(πλοῦν)
a ἐν λοχίαις αὐτῆς. σεσημ(είωμαι) οἴνου διπλοῦν a. (ἔτους) πθ μη (1. vn) Φαρμοῦθι
kB. A.D. 413. Written across the fibres. Complete. 6 lines.

993. 6-9x7-3cm. Order issued by a church for the payment of two jars
of wine to a plasterer on the occasion of a feast. The text is + Ἢ ayia
éx(K)A(nota) ᾿Ανουθίῳ δι(ακόνῳ ?) οἰκ(ονόμῳ ἢ) τοῦ ἁγίου Γαβριήλ. mapacyx(0d) τῷ
κονιατῇ ὑπ(ὲρ) τῆς ἑορτ(ῆΞ) τοῦ Τῦβι β ἰνδ(ικτίονος) οἴν(ου) δι(πλᾶ) β δύο μ(όνα),
followed by flourishes. Sixth century. Complete. 5 lines.

994. 30:5x8cm. Order for the payment of 12 artabae of corn to a monk,
The text is Ἐ Φοιβάϊμμ]ων xdp(es) καὶ Σαμουὴλ περίβλ(επτος). παρασχοῦ
ἸΙούστῳ μονάζ(οντι) Ady(ov) ὀψωνίου κατὰ συνήθ(ειαν) καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐνάτης ἰνδικτίονος
σίτ(ου) καγκέλλῳ ἀρτάβας δώδεκα, γί(νοιται) σίτ(ου) καγ(κέλλφ) (ἀρτάβαι) ιβ

326 THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI

μό(ναι). (ἔτους) pos ρμε OHO . . ivdix(riovos) 6.4 A.D. 499. A difficulty arises,
as often, in the figure of the indiction, which should be the 8th not the 9th.
Written across the fibres. Complete. 4 lines.

995. 31x11 cm. An illiterate receipt for a solidus and three κόμτα. The
text is xuy + Kupi(w) pov ἀδελφ(ῳ) Βαριχᾷ Φοιβάμμων χερ(ιστής). ἔχω τῆς σῆς
ἀρετῆς ὑπὲρ τοῦ κυρίου μου] Ἰωάννου χρισοῦ νομιματιαν ἕνα, γί(νεται) νἱο(μισμάτιον)]
a μόνον. Μεσορὴ ta θ ἰνδ(ικτίονος) ἀρχῇ. ve ὁμοί(ως) καὶ κόμτα (=comta ?) τρία
μόνα, χρυσίον νομ(ισμάτιον ?). Written across the fibres, in the fifth century.
Complete. 4 lines.

996. 17:1x29-4 cm. Deed whereby two γεωργοί become surety to the heirs of
Flavius Apion that two other γεωργοί, Praous and Georgius, would remain on
the estate belonging to the heirs, the formula being practically identical with
that of 185, beginning Βασιλείας τοῦ θειοτάτου καὶ εὐσεβεστάτου ἡμῶν δεσπίόγτου
μεγίσίτου εἸὐεργέτου Φλαοί[υίου] Τιβερίου Μαυρι[κί]ου τοῦ αἰωνίου] Αὐγούστου καὶ
Αὐτοκράτορος ἔτους γ, ὑπατείας τοῦ αὐτοῦ εὐσεβ(εστάτου) ἡμῶν δεσπ(ότου) ἔτους a
᾿Αθὺρ κὃ ἰνδ(ικτίονος) τρίτης (A.D. 584). τοῖς ὑπερφυεστάτοις διαδόχοις . ..
᾿Ανήσιος πρεσβύτερος υἱὸς ᾿Ανοὺπ μητρὸς Τάβης καὶ Αὐρήλιος ᾿Ανοὺπ φροντιστὴς
υἱὸς ᾿Ανησίου ἑτέρου μητρὸς Ταπάνης ὁρμώμενοι ἀπὸ ἐποικίου μεγάλου Μούχεως καὶ
Γεώργιος υἱὸς ᾿Ιωάννου ἀπὸ ἐποικίου Εὐτυχιάδος ... ὁμολογοῦμεν ἑκουσίᾳ γνώμῃ
κιιλ. Nearly complete, only the last few lines, which corresponded to 185.
28-31, being missing. Title on the verso. 1 lines.

997. 15:1x9:2 cm. An account relating to various Oxyrhynchite villages,
perhaps a list of fines for arrears of taxes. The text is [? Ὑπὶὲρ u’ (= δεκάτης Ὁ)
παρολκῶν (cf. P. Amh. 126. 20 ὑπ(ὲρ) ὑπερχρονί(ας)). Νε[ίλ]ου ἐποικ(ίου) κε,
Τανάεως κε, Πέτνη x, Τακολκίλεως 1, Τεξεεὶ ι, Σεφὼ A, Ταμπείτει Ae, Ἰέμη is, and on
the verso in a different hand Νείλου ἐποικ(ίου) [.,] Tavdews ὃ. Fourth century.
Practically complete. 11 lines.

998. 32x45 cm. Account of allowances (?) to inhabitants of various Oxyrhyn-
chite villages, beginning [Tv]éo(s) τῆς παραχωρήσ(εως) τοῦ δεσπό(του) ἡμῶν τοῦ
κύρου οὕτως" τοῖς ἀπὸ Παλώσεως ᾿Αλεξ(ανδρείας) νο(μισμάτια) oy κερ(άτια) ὃ,
ἰτ]οῖς ἀπὸ Εὐαγγελείου καὶ Τίλλωνος σί(του) ἀ(ρτάβαι) o καὶ ᾿Αλεξ(ανδρείας)
νο(μισμάτια) is. The other payments are made to [τ]οῖς ἀπὸ Νεκώνθεως ὑ(πὲρ)
ἀποτάκτ(ων) χωρ(ίων), [rlots ἀπὸ Ταμπέτι, Σεφώ, ΠΠακέρκη, Μεσκανούνεως, Σκέλους,
Τερύθεως καὶ Θεαγένους καὶ Νικήτου, Μελίτα, Νήσου Λαχανίας, Θαήσιος, Παγγου-
λεείου, Νήσου Λευκαδίου, Λουκίου, Ταρουσέβτ, Ταρουθίνου, Τακόνα, ’Oorpaxtvov,
᾿Ιβίωνος, Στεφανίωνος. The total is given in a second column, γί(νονται)
σί(του) (ἀρτάβαι) jarmg καὶ ’Ade€(avdpelas) νο(μισμάτια) tx Kep(dria) ὃ. Late
sixth century. Practically complete. 24 lines. The papyrus was briefly
described as 191.

MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS 327

999. 34x 37-3 cm. Account of receipts and expenditure on one of the estates
of Flavius Apion the younger (cf. 188. 5). Lines 1-5 Φλαουίῳ Arion τῷ
πανευφ(ἠμῳ) καὶ ὑπερφυ(εστάτῳ) ἀπὸ ὑπάτωϊν ὀρδιναρί]ω(ν) γεουχοῦντι (καὶ) ἐνταῦθ(α)
τῇ λαμπρᾷ ᾽Οξυργχιτῶν πύλει. Adyo(s) λίημμά(τω»)) καὶ ἀναλωμά(των) γεν[οἱμέ(νω»)
δι’ ἐμοῦ Στεφάνου προ(νοητοῦ) Παγγουλεείου σὺν to(is) ἄλλ(οις) μέρ(εσι) (καὶ)
Μα[ρ]γαρίτου καὶ ᾿Αμβιοῦτος καὶ Μαιουμᾶ καὶ ἄλλ(ω») ἐξωτικ(ῶν) τόπων (καὶ) ἐπὶ
τῆς ε ἰνδ(ικτίονος) (ἔτους) σαγ (καὶ) σξβ (A.D. 616-7). λήμμ(ατα) οὕ(τω-)"
π(αρὰ) κληρ(ονόμων) ᾿Απφοῦτος ᾿Επιμάχου ἀπὸ κτήμ(α)τ(ος) Παγγουλεείου σίτου
κ(αγκέλλῳ) (ἀρτάβαι) ve (καὶ) νο(μισμάτια) 64... followed by similar entries.
one of which is π(αρὰ) τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν γεωργῶν ὑ(πὲρ) idi(as) γῆς. The names
Σεναμοῦν and Ταπητάρ(ιος ἢ) occur. Title on the verso. One nearly complete
column, probably followed by another which is lost. 22 lines in all. The
papyrus was briefly described as 196.

1000. 6-3x26-8cm. Receipt similar to 915 for 4 λίτραι of tin, provided by
Apollos, μολυβουργός, εἰς διόρθωσ(ιν) τοῦ λέβυτος (1. λέβητος) τοῦ γεουχικ(οῦ)
μακελλαρ(ίου). Written across the fibres, about A.D. 572. Cf. 915. introd.
Nearly complete. 2 lines.

1001. 83x 31-2 cm. A similar receipt for 6 λίτραι of tin and 4 of lead
provided by Apollos Γεωργίῳ γαστρισι( ) (? -εκαστρισίῳ, castrenst) els μότοσι(ν)
(cf. P. Brit. Mus. III. 1177. 295 μοτώματος) TOV μαγειρικ(ῶν) [σἸκε[υἹῶ[ν] τοῦ
δεσπ(ότου) ἡμῶν τοῦ κύρου. Written across the fibres, about A.D. 572.
Nearly complete. 3 lines. é

1002. 58x 31-3 cm. A similar receipt for 8 λίτραι of lead and some tin
provided by Apollos εἰς διόρθ(ωσιν) τοῦ σωλῆν(ος) λεγομ(ένου) Σαβητί ) τοῦ
λουτρ(οῦ) τῆς μεγάλ(ης) οἰκ(ίας) εἰς ἐπιβουλί. Written across the fibres,
about A.D. 572. Incomplete. 3 lines.

1003. 6:5x303 cm. A similar receipt for ὃ λίτραι of lead and 4 of tin
provided by Apollos εἰς διόρθωσ(ι») τῶν χαλκίων τοῦ κτήμ(ατος) Mecxa-
νούνεως. Written across the fibres, about A.D. 572. Nearly complete,
2 lines.

1004. 34:2x17:2 cm. Arabic papyrus containing on the recto 24 lines,
of which the ends are missing, and on the verso a complete letter (?) of
9 lines in a large hand. Seventh or eighth century.

1005. 189x221 cm. Arabic papyrus containing on the recto 8 complete
lines with part of one line at right angles, and on the verso the last 10 lines
of another document with part of one line at right angles. Seventh or
eighth century.

1006. 15:6x7-7 cm. A complete Arabic document of 13 lines, written on
paper in the mediaeval period.

INDICES

NEW LITERARY TEXTS.

(a) 852 (EURIPIDES, Hypsipyle).

(Numbers in thick type refer to fragments.)

ἀγαθός 6O. I15.

ἄγειν 1. i, 7, iv. 1; 20-1. 16;
60. 20; 64. 68, 86, 93,
98.

ἀγκάλη 32. 5, 9; 60. το.

ἁγνός 60. 33, 61.

ἀγρίως 60. 56.

ἀγρός 1. iv. 17.

ἀγχίαλος 1. ii. 26.

ἀγωΐ 19. 2.

ἀγών 60. 102.

ἄδειν 1. ii. 21.

ἀδέσποτος 1, i. 11,

ἴΑδραστος 1. il. 34; 8-9. 14;
60. 80.

dei 1. ii. 20; 2. ὃ; 60. 99.

deipew 1. li. 39.

d&tndos 61. 2 (?).

ἀήρ 57. 22.

ἄθλιος 64. 99.

ἄθυρμα 1. i. 2.

αἰαῖ 64. 72.

Aiyaios 1. li. 27; 64. 103.

Αἴγινα 1. iii. 7.

αἰθήρ 571. 9.

αἱρεῖν 1, iv. 27 (εὑρεθείς Pap.).

αἰσχρός 60. τό, 41; 66. 6.

αἰσχύνεσθαι 60. 58.

αἰτία 60. τό.

ἀκοντίζειν 60. 72.

ἀκούειν 60. 47, 51-

ἀκτή 64. 80, 104.

ἀλητευΐ 8-9. 3.

ἀλκή 20-1. 6.

ἀλλά 2.9; 10.4; 20-1. 13;
60. 33, 99; 64. go.

ἀλλαγή 69. 5.

ἄλλος 1. iv. 35, V- 33; 60.
11, 48.

ἅλμη 6O. 13.

ἄλσος 1. iv.
108.

ἁμαρτάνειν 60. 48.

ἀμείβειν 1. ili. 30; 8-9. 7;
60. 7.

ἁμός 59. 2.

ἀμφί 60. 74.

᾿Αμφιάραος 1. iv. 15, 29; 64.
63. ᾿Αμφιάρεως 1, iv. 42 ;
60. 25; 63. 6.

᾿Αμφιόνιος 1. 11. 33.

ἀμφίς 1. iii. 30.

ἄν 1. iv. 6, 9, 29; 57. 17;
60. 19, 52; 61.11; 62.
4. = ἐάν 1. ili. 32; κἄν

10, 14; 60.

22. ἢ. τεάνά 1. We 29,
iv. 14.

ἀνά 57.9; 64.58. ἄν 1. ii.
29, ἷν. 14.

ἀναβοᾶν 1. 111. 17.
ἀναγκαῖος 60. 93.
ἀναδιδόναι 57. 12.
ἀναίτιος 60. 109.
ἀνάξιος 2O-1. 3; 60. 54.
ἀνάπαλιν 64. 59.
ἀνάπαυμα 1. 111. 14.
ἀναπεταννύναι 8-9. 17.
ἀνάπτειν 1. ill. 5.
ἄνασσα 60. 23.
ἀνατιθέναι 68. 4.
ἀνερμήνευτος 1. iv. 18.
ἀνήνυτος 61, 9.

ἀνήρ 1. ili. 24, 1v. 24; 60.49;
63. 2.

ἄνθρωπος 1, iv. 15; 84. 3.

ἀνιέναι 60. 47.

ἀνοδύρεσθαι 1, iv. ἢ.

ἀντάγειν 57. 10.

ἄντεσθαι 64. 64 (?).

ἄνω 1, 11. 8.

ἄξιος 64. 69.

ἀοιδή 1. iv. 4.

ἀπάγειν 1. li. 30.

ἅπας 1. iv. 27.

ἄπειρος 20-1. 8,

ἀπέρχεσθαι 20-1. 13.

ἄπληστος 64, 71.

ἀπό 1. iv. 33; 58. 4.

ἀποβαίνειν (Ὁ. 1. ἐπιβ.) 1. 111. 22.

ἀποδιδόναι 64. 65; 72. 6(?).

ἀποί 33. 4.

ἀπολείπειν 1, 111, 34.

ἀπολλύναι 82. το; 60. 14, 28.

᾿Απόλλων BO. 26.

ἀπομαστίδιον 64. 94.

ἀπόπτολις Ἴ0. I.

ἀπορία 1. iv, 18.

ἄπορος (1. ἄφιλος ?) 1. iv. 18.

ἄρα BO. 21, 86.

᾿Αργεῖος 1, ii. 31, iii. 28, Iv.
34; 60. 32, 62, 80.

"Apyos 42. 2; 60. 50, 97-

᾿Αργώ 1. ii. το; 60. 14; 64.

93:
ἀρετή 27. 5.
ἀρήγειν 60. τό, 39.
“Apns θά. 102.
ἀριθμός 22. ἡ (?).

390

ἄροτος 1. ill. 25.

ἄρσην 1. 1. 11.
᾿Αρχέμορος 60. 78.

ἀρχή 1. 111. 27; 60. 77.
. ᾿Ασιάς 1. ili. 9g; 64. τοι.
ἄσκοπος 57. 21.

ἄσμενος 1. iv. 20.
᾿Ασωπία 1. iv. 27.

ἄτη 1, ili. 31.

av 60. 89.

αὐγή : ee 4.

αὐδᾶν 1. 11. 14.

αὐλή 8-9. 6.

αὔξημα 1. ii. 5.

αὔρα 58. τ (?).

αὐτός 60. 92, 102.
ἀφικνεῖσθαι 60. 37.
ἄφιλος (ἄπορος Pap.) 1. iv. 18.
[ἀἸφιστάναι 57. 4.
ἄφρων 68. το.

ἄχθεσθαι 60. 92.

βαίνειν 34-5. 6.

Βάκχιος 64. 106. -

βάλλειν 1. ii. 18; 57. 8.

βαρύβρομος 64. 80.

βασίλεια 1, ili. 29.

βασιλεύς 8-9. 13.

βίαιος 60. 40.

βίος 60. 94.

βιοτή 64. 108.

βλέπειν 60. 52.

βλώσκειν 1. iv. 33; 62. 6;
64. 104.

βοᾶν 1. 111. 10.

βουΐὰ 22. 4.

βούλεσθαι 1. iv. 36; 60. 53.

βότρυς 57. τι ; 64. III.

Βρόμιος 58. 3.

Bpovr| 78. 5.

βρότειος 6O. 100,

βροτός 60. 90, 92.

γάλα 517. 15.

γαλήνεια 1. iil. 4.

γαμεῖν 1. ν. 5.

γάνος 60. 60.

γάρ 1. iv. 19,31, v.83; 12..3;
20-1. 14; 60. 17, 18, 20,
23, 27, 28, 35, 41, 44, 48,

INDICES

52,54, 77, ΤΟΙ, 109, 110; | διδάσκειν 64. TOL.

64. 69, 75, 106; 66. 6.

ye 20-1. 6, 8, 13; 60. 11
(δέ Pap.) ; 64. 106.

γενεά 1. 11]. 38,

γένειον 6O. 26.

γενναῖος 8-9. 113; 22. Q.

γένος 1. iv. 34; 57. 25(?);
59. 7.

γῆ l.iv. 25; 20-1. 12, 15;
60. 93.

γίγνεσθαι 18. 7; 60. 88.

γιγνώσκειν 20-1. 9.

γλυκύς 82. 4.

γόνυ 60. 25, 30.

γόος 1. iv. 6.

T'opyds 64. 77.

γοργωπός 18. 3.

γραΐ 1. i. 1.

γύνη 1. i. 7, iv. 38, v. 1, 28;
2. 3; 20-. τ; as
60. 45, 49, 55, 89; 64.
63; 74. 3.

δάκρυ 1. iv. 7; 64. οὔ.

Aavaida 1. iv. 36; 64. 87 (?).

Δαναοί 1. ili. 16; 60. 34.

δεδοικέναι ZO-1. 7.

δεικνύναι 28.1; 60. 43; 60.
61.

δεῖν 1. 1.9; 60. 95, 96.

δεῖσθαι 1. i. 6.

δέρος 1. li, 23.

δέσμιος 60. 29.

δέσποινα 84--5. 2.

δεῦρο 1. ii. 29; 64. 83.

δέχεσθαι 1. ν. 3; 20-1. το;
58. 7; 60. το, 89.

δὴ 1. iii. 33, iv. 38; 20-1.
13; 24.3; 57. 24; 60.
18; 61. 6; 64. 66, 67.

δῆλος 8-9. 0.

| δῆτα 20-1. 6,. το; 27. 4;

64. 70.

διά 1. τὸ αν Ὁ 7 UY;
60. 17, 28, 38, 58, 61;
64. 103.

δίαιτα BO. 115.

διαριθμεῖν 22. ἡ (?).

διαφέρειν BO. 46.

διδόναι 1. v. 7, 35; 34-5. 6;
60. 98; 61.14; 64. 97.

διεκπερᾶν 60. 96.

διήκειν 60. 45.

διϊπετής 1. iv. 31.

δίκαιος 60. 117.

δίκη 60. 57.

διολλύναι BO. 17.

Διόνυσος 57. 2; 64. 152.

Διοτρόφος 1. iii, 23.

δισί 78. 5.

Suwis 84--5. 5.

δοκεῖν 5. 5(?); 27. 6; 60.
5» 9-

δόμος 1. i, 9, 111. 20, iv. 13,
20, 22; 8-9. 16; 34-5.
6; 60. 23, 36.

δόρυ 8-9. 11.

δουλεία 61. 8.

δοῦλος 1. 1]. 18, iv. 22, 23;
20-1. τό.

δουλοσύνη 64. 86. ;

δράκων 1. 11. 24; 18..2; 60.

71.

δρᾶν 18. 6; 60. 42; 66. 5.
δρόμος 60. 73.

δροσίζειν 7. 4.

δρόσος 1. il. 17.

δρῦς 1. il, 23.

δυΐνα 1. ν. 30.

δυνατός 1. i. 8.

δύο 64. 105.

δυστυχεῖν 61. 7.

| δυσχερής 1. iv. 19.

δῶμα 1. i. 12, il. 16, iv. 24;
34-5. 4.

Apis 1. iv. 12.

Ἰδώτωρ 7. 5.

ἐᾶν 20-1. 13; 27. 3.

ἐγγύς 1. iv. 11; 10. 3.

ἐγώ 1. ii. 11, ili. 15, iv. 19;
10. 6; 12. 4; 20-1. 9,
15; 60. 8, 12; 15, σ᾿
28, 29, 31, 36, 60, 76,
89; 61. 13; 64. 64, 65,
72 (ἐμέθεν), 76, 86, 93, 98,
100, 101, 1105 7a 4;
75. 2.

ee 11. 1, 2.

εἰ 1. τ, 8; 20-1. 15; 60.
53) 593 64. 73; 178. 4.
εἰ δὴ 1. iv. 238. εἴ που 1.
v. 10.

εἰδέναι 60. 18, 35, 37, 51.

εἰκός 60. 97.

ethdrwos 1. ili. 14.

εἶναι 1. i. 5, fo, iv.. 28, 34,
v. 6; 60. 31, 32, 51, 54,
95, τοι, 104; 61. 13 (ἢ);
63. 3; 64. 64, 71; 65.8.

εἰπεῖν 2O-1. 4; 59. 8; 60.

34:

εἴργειν 88. 3.

εἰρεσία 8-9. 8.

εἷς 1. 1. 8, v. 6; 64. 58.

eis 1. ii. I1, ili. 32, iv. 35;
2.9; 5.3; 20-1. 6; 60.
48, 52, 93, 99; 68. 3;
64. 85, 98.

εἰσβαίνειν 1. iv. 20.

εἴσοδος 1. ii. τό.

εἰσορᾶν 60. 20, 29.

εἰσπίπτειν 1. iv. 16.

εἴτε 1. ἵν. 22, 23.

ἐκ 1. iv. 34; 32. 11.

ἐκγαληνίζειν 1. 1. 3.

ἐκδημία (ἐρημία Pap.) 1. iv. 15.

ἐκδιδάσκειν 60. 54.

ἐκεῖ 28. 2.

ἐκεῖθεν 64. 83.

ἐκκλέπτειν 64. 79.

ἐκλάμπειν 64. 62.

ἑκουσίως 60. 35.

ἐκπείθειν 64. 60.

ἐκπνεῖν BO. 38.

ἐκτελεῖν 82. 4.

ἔλεγος 1. iii. 9.

ἐλεύθερος GO. 24; 61]. 12.

ἑλίσσειν 1. li. 27; BO. 74;
64. 61.

Ἕλλην 60. 32, 44.

ἐμαυτοῦ BO. 46.

ἐμμενί 12. 3.

ἐμός 1. iv. 5; 60. Io, 11, 18,
19, 27, 44; 64. 94, 95,
97; 66.1; 70. 11.

ἐμπολή 64, 87.

ἐμπορία 1. iv. 11.

NEW LITERARY TEXTS

ἔμπυρα 60. 33, 58.

ἐν 1. iv. 21, 29; 2.4; 20-1.
12; 22. 10; 32.5; 60.
27,105; 64. 77, 90.

ἐναυλίζειν 1. i. 8.

ἐνέπειν 64, 92, 100.

ἐνθάδε 64. 87.

ἐνοπή 8--9. 13.

ἔνοπτρον 1, ii. 3.

ἐντός 1. i. 7.

ἐξ 1. iv. 27; 60. 13.

ἐξάγειν 20-1. 15; 59. 6.

ἐξαμαρτάνειν 22. 8.

ἐξεπίστασθαι 6O. 41.

ἐξευρίσκειν 20-1. 6.

ἐξισοῦν 89. 2.

ἔξω 1. v. 28; 34-5. 5.

ἐοικέναι 57. 1.

ἐπαιδεῖσθαι 60. 21.

ἐπασκεῖν 60. 59.

ἐπεί 18. 5 (?); 64. 64, 95.

ἔπειτα 60. 47.

ἕπεσθαι 60. 30.

ἐπέχειν 60, 22.

ἐπί 1. 11. 17, 32, 111. 4, 109,
iv. 7, 9; 82. 9; 58. 9;
60. 10, 22; 64. 60, 68,
81, 89.

ἐπιβαίνειν 1. iii. 22 (Vv. 2, ἀποβ.);
64. 86.

ἐπιβουλεύειν BO. 36.

ἐπιχώριος 1, iv. 28.

ἐπονομάζειν 60. 107.

ἑπτά 60. 87.

ἐπωμί 58. 9.

ἔργον 1. ii. 33.

ἐρεῖν 1. ν. 27.

ἔρεσθαι 1. iv. 23.

ἐρέτης 1. iii. 12.

ἐρημία 1. iv. 15 (1. ἐκδημία Ὁ).

ἐρῆμος 1. iv. 14,17; 64. 82.

ἔρις 8-9. 7.

ἔρυμα 1. ii. 32.

ἔρχεσθαι 1. iv. ο; 88. 2(?);
60. τό, 18; 61. 3, 5; 64.
83; 72. 3.

es 58. 8; 60. 49; 64. 65,
93 (εἰς Pap.), 102.

ἐσθής 1. iv. 13.

ἔσω 34-5. 6; 61. 3.

331

ἔσωθεν 58. τι.

ἕτερος 1. 111. 17, 28; 60. 91.

ἑτοῖμος 66. 4 (9).

ἐν 60. 41, 42.

εὐδαιμονεῖν 64. 60, 70.

εὔελπις Δ0--Ἰ. 4.

εὐήμερος B64. 62.

εὐνέτης 64. 78.

εὐπρεπής 60. 23.

εὑρίσκειν 1. iv. 27 (I. aipebeis) ;
20-1. 15.

Εὐρυδίκη 22. 11.

Εὐρώπη 1. ili. 22.

εὐσεβής BO. 40.

εὐτυχία 64. 89.

εὐτυχῶς 1. iv. 38.

εὐωπός 1. ii. 6.

ἐφιστάναι 1. iv. 22; 57. 4 (?).

ἔχειν 1. i. 9, iii. 36 (?), iv. 10,
18, 23; 8-9.14; 20-1.
3, 4,143 60. 40, 93, 116;
61. 4; 63. 5; 64. 76;
76. 4.

ἐχθρός 1. iv. 15.

ζευγνύναι 8-9. 15.

Ζεύς 1. iv. ΤΟ, 21, 28.

ᾧγλωτός BO. 104.

ὧν 61. 6.

ζυγόν 70. 7.

ἤ 1. 11. 7, 12, 1, 19, 22, Iv.
6; 60. 49, 57, 113; 61.
6; 64. 109.

ἦ 4. 2. ἦ yap 64. 75, 106.

ἤδη 18. 4.

᾿Ἠδωνίς 64. 50 schol.

ἥκειν 1.1. 2; 18. ὃ ; 60. 27,
39; 64. 68; 686. 6.

ἥκιστα 2. 6.

ἧλιξ 10. 5.

ἡμεῖς 1. i. 8, iv. 37; 60. 69,
75, 77, 98; θά. 63, 67.

qv 22. 8; 27. 7.

ἤπιος 60. 56.

ἧσσον 6O. 113.

ἠχεῖν 1. 11. 28.

θάλαμος 57.7; 58. 3.
θαλάσσιος 64. 81.

9.9.

θάνατος 1. iv. 5; 20-1. 7;
75. 5.

θάπτειν 60. ΟἹ, 98.

θεά 1. ν. το.

θέλειν 58.13 60. 53, 56, 70.

θέμις 1. iv. 39; 77. 3.

Geos 1. 111. 32, iv. 30, v. 8;
57.20; 64. 71; 68. 3;
78. δ᾽ 51..5.

θεραπεία 1. 11. ἢ.

θεράπευμα 1. ii, 12.

θερίζειν ΘΟ. 94.

Θῆβαι 64. 68.

θήρ 8-9. 15.

θηρᾶν 1. iv. 41.

θιγγάνειν 59. 4.

θνήσκειν 80. 3(?); 60. 8, 15,
14, 29, 92; 61. 6; G4.
79; 75. τ (ὃ).

Goa Li 7 5-8-4 5 S87 5
64, 105, 115.

Θράκη 64. 51 schol., 98.

Θράκιος 1. ill, 2; 64. 50
schol.

Θρᾷσσα 1. 111. 10.

θροεῖν 10. 7.

θύειν B5. 9.

θυμός 1. ili. 15; 8-9. 12.
θύρα 88. 2.

Ἰάσων 64, 95.

ἰατήρ 66. 3.

ἰδεῖν 1. ii, 2, ili, 15 (I. ὑδεῖν),
ἵν. τῇ, 20. νεδε; 90; 26,
23; 75:

ἰδού 1. ii. 8.

ἴδρις 20-1. 5.

ἱέναι 1. iil. 15.

iepos 1. ii. 23, iii. 23.

ἰήιος 1. 111..9. ᾿

ἱκέτις 60. 25.

ἱκνεῖσθαι BO. 86; 64. 8ο.

ἱστάναι 20-1. 2.

ἱστός 1. 111. 8.

ἱστότονος 1. ii. 10.

Ἰώ 1. ili. 29.

ἰώ 12, 4; 60.14; 64. 76.

Ἰωλκός 64. 93 (Κόλχοι Pap.).

Κάδμος 1. iv. 37; 60. 84.

INDICES

καθιστάναι 61. 11.

καίνειν 64. 78.

καιρός 60. 27.

κακός 6O. 19, 27, 55, 115;
6l. 2; 64. 70, 76, 88,
96; 68. 8. κακῶς 6O. 14.

καλεῖν 1, ii. 35.

Καλλιόπη 1. iv. 8.

καλός 6O. 49, 110; 66. 7.

κἄν 22. 7.

καπνός 58, 2.

κάρα 60. 43; 64. 74.

καρδία 61. 3.

κάρπιμος GO. 94.

κατά θ0. 96, 108.

καταθρηνεῖν 1. iv. 4.

κατακτείνειν 64. 75.

καταφεύγειν 63. 2.

κάτω Θά. 57.

κεῖνος 64. ILI.

κέλευσμα 1. ill. 12.

κενός 60. 21.

κερασφόρος 1. 111. 31.

κερκίς 1. 11. 9.

κήλημα 82. 7.

κιθάρα 1. ii. 32, iv. 6 (υ. 1.
κίθαρις OF κιθάρισμα) ; 64.
ΙΟΙ.

κίθαρις 1. iii. 10, iv. 6 (?).

κιθάρισμα 1. iv. 6 (?).

κλεινός 1. v. 5; 60. 101.

κλῃδοῦχος 1. iv. 28.

κλήζειν 1. 11. 20, iv, 26.

κλῇθρον 34-5, 3.

κλισία 8-9. το.

κλύειν 1. iii. 18, 28; 60. 53.

κοίτη 8-9. 6; 64. 82.

Κόλχοι 64. 93 (I. Ἰωλκός ὃ).

κομίζειν 64. 105; 83. 2.

κομψός 22. II.

κοσμεῖν BO. 46; 64. 102.

Κουρῆτες 1. ill. 24.

κράτος 1. iii. 26.

κρέκειν 1. ii. 11 (Ὁ. 1. λέγειν).

κρηναῖος Θ0. 60.

κρήνη 18. τ.

Κρήτη 1. iii. 23.

κρίνειν 20-1. 11.

κρόταλον 1. ii. 8.

κρούειν 1. 1. 4.

| κρωσσός 1, ἵν. 29.

κτείνειν 1. iv. 3; 36. 3; 60.
9, 36.

κτῆμα, 59. 3.
κτύπος 1. ii. 8.
κύκλος 20-1, 12.
κῦμα 1. ili. 19.
κυμο(κ)τύπος 1. 1 58.
κυναγός 1. iv. 2.
κυπαρισσόροφος 58. 10.
κυρεῖν 1.1. 11; 60. 85.
κωλύειν 62. 5.
κώπη θά. 84.

λαγχάνειν 1. iv. 5.

λαμβάνειν 1. iv. 29; 986. 4;
63. 8: 68. 3. :

λέγειν 1. ii. τ (0. 1. κρέκεινν ;
22. 9; 60. 59; 64. 96;
66. 6, 7.

λειμών 1. ii. 29, Iv. 21.

λείπειν 1. iii, 22, 26,

λέκτρον 64. 77.

λευκαίνειν 6O. 13.

λευκ]οφαής 1. ii. 4.

λεύσσειν 10. 43; 18.3; 60.
39:

Λήμνιος 1. il. 10; 4. 4; 62.
3; 64. 104.

Λῆμνος 1. ii. 26 (υ. 1. vqgos) ;
64, 73.

λίβανος 57. τό.

λιμήν 64. 85.

λόγος 1. iii, 18; 82. 8; 60.
44; 61. 9.

Λυκοῦργος 1. iv. 26; 2. 2.

λυπηρός 1. i. 9.

μακάριος 1. 1. 5.

μακράν 10. 4.
μακρόπολος 1. ili, 11.
μάλα 10. 2.

μᾶλλον 6O. 57.
μανθάνειν 1. iv. 39; 64. 73.
μάντις ΘΟ. 15.

μάρτυς 41. τ; 60. 18.
μάχη 64. 102.

μέγας 1. iv. 43; 60. 12.
μέγεθος 12. 2. -
μέλαθρον 1, i. 6, iv. 26.

μέλειν 1. ii, 11.

μέλεος 64. 87.

μέλλειν BO. 29.

μέλος 1. iv. 6.

μέλπεσθαι 1. iil. 12.

μελῳδός 1. il. 14.

μέν 1.1. 11, ill. 13; 60. 8, 40,
41, 48, 68, 88, 90, 95,
105, 112, 116; 64. 63.
μὲν οὖν 60. 43.

μένειν 1. 1. 10.

μένος 1. ii. 35.

μέσος 1. ili. 8, 33.

pera 1. iv. 8.

μετανίσσεσθαι 1, ili. 37.

μή 22. 3; 27. 7; 60. 16,
81, 95, 117; 64. 79, 89.

μηδείς 60. 42.

μηλοβοσκός 1. iv. 24.

μήτηρ 64. 66, 71, 92, 95,
109.

μηχανή 64. 106.

μιμνήσκεσθαι 1, 11. 6 ; 60. 106.

μνημοσύνη 1. ll. 25.

μονοβήμων 1. ii. 38.

μονοίκητος 1. iv. 17.

μόνος 65. 3 (?).

μοῦσα 1. li, 11, iv. 7; 64.

ΙΟΙ.
Μυκῆναι 1. iv. 34.

ναΐειν 60. 50.

vipa 1, iv. 31,

Ναύπλιος 64. 85.

ναῦς 63. 7.

ναύτης 64. 84.

νεανίας 1.1. 4; 61. 4.
νεαρός 1. ii. 13.

νέκταρ 67. 15.

Νεμέα 1, iv. 10; 60, 108.
Nepeds 1, iv. 21.

Népevos 1, ii. 29.

Ἰνεμὸν 1. iv. 1.

νέος 60. OI.

νῆσος 1, ii. 26 (v. 1, Λῆμνος).
νικᾶν 20-1, 13.

νιν 60. 73.

νόστος 6O. 85.

νύκτερος 8~9, 10.

νῦν 60, 53; 80. I.

NEW LITERARY TEXTS

νύξ 1.1. 8; 8-9.6; 57. 23.
νυχεύειν 8-9. 13.

ξενικός 64. 85.

ξένος 1, iv. 12 (ἐεῖν.), 25;
2.7; 27. 5; 60. 30, 43,
50; 64. 69.

ξενών 2. 4.

6 (rel.) 1. ii, 24, iii. 6, iv. 3,
10, 11.

ὅδε 1, i. 6, 10, ii. 8, 9, 14, 1].
ΤῸ; IV. By F3, 21: 28, 24s
26; 20-1.5,14; 60. το,
22, 34) 35) 47, 52; 55, 57)
92, 105; 62. 3; 64, 66,
90, 93, 98.

ὅδιος 1, iv. 30.

ὁδοιπόρος 1. iv. 16.

ὁδός 64. 58.

ὀδυρμός 1. 1. 3.

ὄζος 1. ii. 24. i

οἶδμα 1. ili. 4; 64, 81.

Οἰκλῆς 1. ἵν. 42; 60. 15.

οἶκος 1.1. 11; 58. 8; 59. 5.

οἴμοι θ4. 88, 96.

οἴνη 58. 4.

οἰνωπός 64, III.

οἷος 10.5; 20-1.7; 37.4;
66. 4. οἷά τε L.ii.18; 64.77.

οἶστρος 1. iii. 29.

ὄλβιος 1. ili. 27, iv. 26.

ὀλλύναι 10. 8,

ὄμμα 1. ii, 24; 60.. 44, 52;
64. 96.

ὁμοῦ 61. 5.

ὅμως 6]. 5.

ὄνειδος ΘΟ, 32.

ὄνομα 4. 3.

ὅπῃ 1. iv. 10.

ὅπλον 1. li, 30; 64, 102.

ὁρᾶν 1. iv. 11 3 60. 46, 57.

ὀργή 22. 3 (dv ὀργῆς) ; 60. 6.

ὀρθῶς 60. 6, 9.

ὅριον 1. iv. 35.

ὁρμᾶν 1. iv. 37; 64. 67.

ὄρνις ΘΟ, 80; 64. 81,

ὄρος θά. 51 schol.

ὀρούειν 1. iii. 3.

᾿ορφεύς 1. ili. 10; 64, 98.

333

ὅς 1. i. 3, ii. 23, iil. 25, iv. 27,
ν. 6; 5. 2; 18. 435.60, 7,
To, 30, 38, 58, 89, 97;
64. 72; 73. 4; 83. 3.

ὅσιος 1. v. 2; 60. 31.

ὅσος 1. 1. 9.

ὅσπερ 6O. 96.

ὅστις 1. 1. 5, li. 11; 20-1. 15;
60. 21, go.

ὅταν 1. iv. 16.

ὅτε 1. ii. 293 57. 25; 64. 64.

ὅτι 64. 74.

ov, οὐκ 1. li. 9, IV. 31, V. 30;
2.4; 12..4; 18. 8: 60.
9, 11, 40, 49, 52, 54, 57;

90; 62. 5; 63. 5; 64.
74. ovxil.iv. 23; 10. 3;
59. 4.

οὐδέ 84-δ. 6; 617. 4. (); 680.
117.

οὐδείς 60. 7, 20, go.

οὔκουν 20-1. ὃ.

οὖν 1. v.9; 60. 43.

οὕνεκα 6O. 8.

οὔριος 61. 2 (?).

οὔτις 20--]. 4.

οὗτος 1. iil, 32, ἱν. 20, ν. 7,
11; 420-11, 9,.. 11, 12;
27.6; COX ύο, 89, 95;
64. 102; 98. 1.

οὕτω, οὕτως 60. 5, 45.

Παγγαῖος 64. 51 schol.

πάθος 1. iv. 5.

παῖς 1. ii, 13, 1], 21, iv. 42,
v. 11; 20-1. 7; 22. 6;
60. 14, 36, 67, 111, 112;
64. 65, 109; 72. 3.

mapa 1. ii, 15, ili. 8, 18; 8-9.
6; 58.7; 64. 63.

παραινεῖν BO. 80.

παραμύθιον 1. ii. το.

παρεῖναι ΘΟ. 35, 52; 61. 5.

παρθένος 1. ili. 6.

παριέναι 1. ii. 31.

πάροικος 18. 2.

πᾶς 1. iv. 32; 18. 6(?), 7;
60. 48, 51.

πάσχειν 20-1. 7; 60. 38, 41,
42.

334

πατήρ 1. ili. 353 8-9. τι;
60. 15 ; 64. 74, 75, 95;
99; 64. 105.

πάτρα 1. ill. 30, iv. 40; 8-8.
τη

πάτριος 1. il. 20.

πεδίον 1. il. 31.

πέδον 1. 11. 17.

πείθειν 27. 7.

πειθώ 60. 116; 83. 1.

πέλας 82. 2; 60. 2ο.

πελάτης 1. iv. 12.

πέμπειν 60. 22.

πεντηκόντορος 1. ii, 21.

πέπλον 1. iii. 12.

πέρας 1. 4.

περί 1. ii. 23; 8-9. το; 88.

περιέχειν 82. 5.

Πηλεύς 1. iil. 7.

πήληξ 18. 4.

πημονή 1. iv. 41.

myn 1. il. 9.

πικρός 60. 8.

πίτνειν BO. 25.

πίτυλος 1. iii. 11.

πλάξ 62. 9.

πλάτη 1. 11]. 14.

Πλευρών 8--9. 2.

πλῆθος 1. iv. 32.

πλήν BO. II.

πλῃσίος BO. 50.

πόθεν 1. ν. 4.

mot 20-1. το.

ποικίλος 1. li. 36.

ποιμήν 18. 5.

ποῖος 1, iv. 33.

πολιός 64. 74.

πόλις 1. ili, 20; 20-1. το;
64. 93.

Πολύδωρος 1. ν. 9.

πολύκαρπος 7. 2.

Πολυνείκης 1. Iv. 40.

πολύς 60. 45, 83, 116.

πονεῖν BO. go.

πόνος 1. iii. 16, iv. 9.

πόντιος 64.°73.

mopevew 91. 3.

πόρος 64. 85, 103.

πόσις 1. iv, 3.

INDICES

ποταμός 1. iii. 6.

ποτέ 1.1. 5, 9, iv. 1; 57. 6;
60. 52; 64.99; 86. 3.

πότερα 1. ii. τό.

πότνια 57, 20.

mov 10. I, 2.

mov 1. ν. το.

πούς 2O-1. 11; 64. 79.

πρᾶγμα 60. 6, IT 4.

πράσσειν 60. 31.

πρέπειν 1. ll. 13.

προδιδόναι ΘΟ. 31.

προθύειν 1. iv. 36.

πρόθυμα 60. 62.

προθυμία 20-1, 11.

πρόθυμος 64. 64, 65.

πρόθυρον 1. ii. 15.

Πρόκρις 1, iv. 2.

πρός 1. iv. 13,37; 2.5; 60.
25, 26, 30, 42, 50, 114.

προσδοκία 64, 108.

προσέρχεσθαι 1. i. 6.

πρόσθε 61. 12.

προστιθέναι BO. 24.

πρόσφορος 1. li. 12.

πρότερον 1. ili. 19.

πρυμνήσια 1. iil. 5.

πρῷρα 60. 13.

πρωτόγονος 57, 22.

πρῶτον θ0. 43.

πύλη 1, 1. 4, ἵν. 37.

πυρί 87. 2.

πῶς l.iv.44; 80. 2; 64. 79,

83, 90.

ῥείν 57. 13.
ῥεῦμα 60. ότ.
ῥύεσθαι 60. 28.
ῥυτός 1. iv. 29.

σαίρειν 1. ii. 17.

σαυτοῦ Θ0. 79.

σαφής 1. iv. 13. σαφῶς 65.
4. σαφέστατος BO. 19.

σείειν 18. 4.

σῆμα 1, li. 36; 57. το.

σῖγα 18. 5 (?).

σιγᾶν 60. 7.

σίδηρος 8--9. 8.

σκοπεῖν 20-1. 14; 60. 114.

σμύρνα 58. 2.

σός 1. i. 3, 10, li. 5, 19; 60.
28, 30, 38, 39, 43, mee,
110; 64. 65, 70, 75, 88,
92, 105; 66. 2; 79. 2.

σοφός 1. 111. 18; 61. 14.

στάζειν 57. 14.

στατός 1. iv. 31.

στάχυς 7. 3 ; 60. 94.

στέγη 1. 1. 7.

στείχειν 1. ἵν. 14.

στένειν BO. 96; 64. 89.

στέργειν 60. 12.

στέρνον 64. 94.

στέφανος 6O. 103.

στίβος 20-1. 5.

στολί 6O. 81.

στόλος 64. 83.

στόμα 1. ii. 20.

στράτευμα 64.68; 65. 4 (?).

στρατηγός BO. 87.

στρατιά BO. 62.

στρατός 1. iv. 32, 36.

σύ 1. ii. 18, 25, ii 232, 1ν. 22,
39; 20-L. το; 27. η;
80. 17, 18, 23-5, 51, 54,
56, 79, 111, 112; GL. 10,
13; 64. 65, 66, 79, 90;
75. τ. σέθεν 1. iii. 36;

60. 42, 53. σφώ 64. 66. ᾿

σφῷν 1. 1. 5.
συμβάλλειν 60. 117.
σύμβουλος 20-1. 14.
σύμμαχος 68. 5.
συμφορά 20-1. 8; 60. 34,

σύν 60. L10.

συνταράσσειν 1. iv, 32.

σφαγή 8--9. 9: 60. 22.

σώζειν BO. 21; 63. 6; 64.
66, 106; 74. 4.

σῶμα 1. iv. 23.

σώφρων 22. το; 60. 44, 51,
116. +.

ταλαίπωρος 60. 55. '
τάλας 20-1. 8; 64. 71.
τάσσειν 64. 75.

τάχ᾽ ἄν 57. τῇ.

τάχος θ0. 47.

1. NEW LITERARY TEXTS

ταχύπλους 1, iii, 13.

τέκνον 1. ii: 6, iii, 25; 8-9.
15; 32.6; 34-5.5; 60.
9, 11, 34, 38,91; 64. 58,
166), 73, 77, 86, 91, 97,
100, 105; 66. 3.

τεκνοῦν 1. iii. 7.

τέμνειν 64, 74.

τέχνη 60, 26, 59.

τιθέναι 1, iii, 32; 60. 56,
111; 64, 100,

τιθήνημα BO. το.

τίκτειν l,i. 5 ; 44.1; 60.11.

tis 1. 1, 6, 9, 15, iv. 6, τι,
24, 33. Ve 34; 10. 4:
20-1. 6, το, 15; 22. rr
23.1; 24.3; 57, 6, το
60. 95; 64. 83, 90, 99,
103.

τις 1. ii. 4, v. 6; 20-1. 15;
60. 53, 59; 62. 7; G4,
11; 82. 3. Ι

τοξεύειν 60. 76.

τόξον 1. ii. 37,

τόπος θ4. 98,

τότε 1. iii. 13, 14; δ7. 24;
60. 30; 64. γό. ᾿

τρέπειν 1. iv. 19; 20-1. το.

τρέφειν 64. 90; 81. 2.

τριπεῖ 58. 6. Ea

τρισσός 1, 111, 26,

τροφός 1. iii, 24; 34-5, 5.

Tpoxatew 64. 59,

Τύριος 1, iii. 21,

τύχη 60. 33, 37; 70. 2.

ὑπιδέσθαι BO, 37.
ὕπνος 1, ii, 11 3 82. 4(?).
ὑπό 57. 8(?); 60. τό.

3; 12. 4; 64. 69, ὩΣ

φάναι 23.1; 680. 46.
φάος 57. 21; 70. 6.
|paros 16. 4.

Rew), 56, 93; 64. 63.
φεῦ 18. Ts
φεύγειν 20-1, 5; 64. 72,
φίλος 1. ii. 15, iii. 33, 41 (?);
20-1. 14; 82. 6; 58.5;

20-1. τ,

Φλιούντιος 1, iv, 25.

φόβος 18. 4; 20-1. 3; 64,
60, 76.

Φοῖβος 8-9. 13; 60, 58.

Φοινίκη 1, 11]. 21.

φράζειν 62. το.

φρήν 1. i. 3.

φρονεῖν 1. ν. 2.

φροντίς 1, iii, 32.

φρουρεῖν 1. ii, 25.

φρούριον 20-1. 12.

φυγάς 1. iv. 40; 8-9, 5, 12;
70. 5.

φυγή 64. 72,

φύειν 1, v, 10; 60. 45, go.

φύλαξ 18, 18,

φυλάσσειν 20-1, 9; 12.

ὑδεῖν 1. iii, 15 (ἰδεῖν Pap.). Φύσις 60. 24, 96, 5.14:

ὕδωρ 1. iv, 29, 31; 60. 13.

ὑμεῖς 1.1. 4.

ὑός 64, 69.

ὑπερβαίνειν 1, iv, 35-

χαίρειν 64. 67,
χάλκεος 1, ii, 30.
χάρις 1, ii. 12; δῆ. 18; 59.

Ὑψιπύλη 1. iy. 26, 33; 10.

pepBew 80. 12 (φέρειν Pap.).
φέρειν 58.6; 680. 12 (1. φῴ-

60. 20; 67. 5. φίλτατος

335

10; 60. 28; 61. 14; 64,
61, 63, 99.
χεῖν 1. iv. 30 (χρῆσθαι Pap.).
χείρ 82. 11; 58. 7, 10; 64.
gt.
xépu 1. iv. 30; 6. 1; 27. 2.
χθών 1. ii. 39, iv. 21, 33; 35;
60. 50; 108. 2 (?).
χορός 1. iii. 18 ; 18, 4; 22.9.
χρῶν, κέχρημαι 1, i. 75 χρῆσθαι
72. 2.

χρεία 1. iv. τό.

χρεών 60. 48, 117.

χρή 5. 4; 6O. 114; 77. 4;
88. 3 (0).

χρη! 5. 3.

xpngew 1. iv. 29.

χρόνος 22. 4; 64. 62.

χρυσεόμαλλος 1. ii. 22.

χρύσεος 1. ii, 37,

χώρα 1. iii, 2}.

ψεῦδος 60. 59.
ψυχή 60. 49.

ὦ 1. 1. 4, 5, ἵν. 10, 25, 43;
20-1. 1, 8; 23, 3; 60.
13, 15, 22, 25, 33, 43, 50,
112; 64. 63, 69, 73, 86,
91; 74. 3.

ὠκυπόδης 1. ii, 34.

ὠκύπορος 1. [1]. 37.

ὡς (relative) 1. i. 10, ii, 3, iv.
15; 58.9; 60.8, 11, 14,
62; 64. 71. (final) 1. iii.
19, lv. 30; 84-5, 3. (un-
certain) 1. ν. 29; 24, 3, 4.

ὥσπερ 64. 67.

ὡσπερεί 88. η:

ὥστε 60. 94; 64. 79.

ὠφέλημα 60. 12.

(ὁ) 858 (COMMENTARY ON THUCYDIDES Ep):
(Numbers in thick type refer to columns.)

ἀγανάκτησις 18, 30.
ἀγνοεῖν 14. 26,
ἀγορά 5. 3.

ἄγος 8, 5.

ἀδεῶς 16. 26.

ἀδιαιρέτως 5, 15,

ἀεί 10. 38. αἰεί 17. 5, 6.
᾿Αθηναῖος 1, 24, 32; 8. το,

28; 10. 26, 30; 13. 26;
17. 8; 18. 18.

-᾿Αθμονέων δήμος 18. 16.
ἄθροισις 19, 5.

336

Αἰγύπτιος 8. 15.

Αἰολεύς 5. 14.

αἰσχρός 117. 16.

αἰτία 1. 21, 28, 33; 8. 21,
Π hee Fee

ἀκολουθεῖν 18. 4.

ἀκολούθως 8. 1.

ἀκούειν 7, 18.

ἀκουσίως 6, 33.

ἀκριβῶς 8. 17, 34.

ἀκροβολίζειν 16, 24.

ἀλαζονεία 17, 13.

ἀληθής 1. 213 8. 21.

“Αλικαρνασσεύς, Διονύσιος 6 ‘AX.
1, 8.

ἀλλά 1, 14, 19, 32; 2. 25;
15. 8, 10, 23% 16. 26, 38;

1. τῇ:
ἀλλήλων 1. 4; 5. 37; 15.
36; 16. 15.

ἄλλος 1. 19; 2. 20; 11]. 2;
18. 8; 16. τι. ἄλλως
16. 9.

ἀλογιστεῖν 7. 6.

ἀλόγως 2. 24.

ἁμαρτάνειν 18. 21.

ἀμαχητεί 7. 34.

ἀμφισβητεῖν 18, 27.

ἀμφότεροι 7. 17.

ἄν 1. 34.; 2. 21; 7. 24; 14.
10; 18. 21.

ava 4, 4.

ἀναγιγνώσκειν 5, 13.

ἀναγκάζειν 16. 37 ; 17. 7.

ἀνάγκη 2. 28.

ἀναιρεῖν 12. 22.

ἀνανδρότερος 17. 4.

ἀνατιθέναι 8. 24.

ἀνατρέχειν 2. 23.

ἀναχωρεῖν 7. 33.

ἀνδρεία 16. 38.

ἄνεσις 16. 34.

ἀνέχειν 12. 13.

ἀνήρ 17. 24; 19. 13.

ἄνθρωπος 18. 6 (?).

ἀνιέναι 12. 6.

ἀντεγκαλεῖν 2. 1 (?).

ἀντί 17. 175 Fr. 17. 5. ἀντὶ
τοῦ 4; 4. 33; 5. 1, 10;
9. 4,9; 10. 27: 12. 2ῇ,

INDICES

285 18. 15°37 15. 43; 16.
25; 18. 22; 19. 5.

ἀνωμάλως 5. 18.

ἀνωτάτω 1. 11.

ἀξία 15. το.

ἄξιος 10. 20.

ἀπαίρειν 18. 24.

ἀπαντᾶν 17. 4.

ἀπαριθμεῖν 9, 12.

ἀπαρτίζειν 1, 18,

ἀπειρία 18. ITI.

ἄπειρος 6. 35.

ἀπιστεῖν 14, το.

ἁπλοῦς 17, 18,
16. 14.

ἀπό 1. 19, 28, 30; 2. τρ;
8. το, 26, 27; 5. 35; 6.
18, 28.; 7. 24; 9..4,.13;
10. 35; 12. 1, 135 195.
20; 18. 35; 19. ἢ.

ἀποβαίνειν 7, 23.

ἀποθνήσκειν 14, ἡ.

ἀποτιθέναι 5. τ.

ἀπρεπῶς 2. 23.

ἀπροσδόκητος 6. 4.

dnrew 6. 34.

ἁπλούστερον

“Apyos 11. 15.

ἀργῶς 12, το; 16. 26.

ἀρετή 14, 8; 15. 24, 28; 19.
12 5/Er-4; 2,

ἄρθρον δ. 26.

᾿Αρκαδία 18. 23.

ἀρσενικός 5. 10.
14. τ.

ἔλρτεμις 10. 14.

ἄρχεσθαι 1. 30.

ἀρχή 8. 18; 18. 33.

ἄρχων 1, 12; 2. 6, 28, 31,
25; 8. 1; 16. 20.

ἄσκησις 16, 36.

ἄστυ 9. 14, 15.

ἀσφαλῶς 11. 2.

ἅτε 6. 4.

᾿Αττική 9. 18.

᾿Αττικός 18. 2.

αὐξάνειν 1, 31; 8, 27.

αὔξησις 8. 19.

αὐτόνομος 10. 2}, 28.

αὐτός 1, 22, 24, 29, 35; 3.
26; 10. 18 ; 18. 8, 28;

ἀρσενικῶς

15, 22; 17. τό, ὁ αὐτός
2. 22; ὅ. 35; 10. 32;
17. 24.

ἀφανέστερος 8. 35.

ἀφηγεῖσθαι 8. 34.

ἀφιστάναι 18. 24.

ἄχθεσθαι 16. το.

ἄχρι 9. 14, 17; 16. 6.

βαίνειν 5, 35.
βασκαίνειν 16, 10.
Βοιωτός 18, 26.

γαῖα 11. 15.

γάρ 2.6, 21, 24, 30, 34; 8.
29; 5. 8, 145 1. 7.9.
25; 18. 5, 7, 23; 14.29;
17. 6; 18: 27%

ye 3. 2.

γεωργία 17. 28.

γῆ 18. 26.

γίγνεσθαι 8. 30; 15. 8.

γιγνώσκειν 5. 5.

γλυκύς 6. 34.

γοῦν 6. 32.

γράφειν 2. 12, 19, 28, 32,
35; 6. το; 7. 30; 18.
14, 22.

γυνή 19. 14, 16.

δαμάζειν 6. 10.

861.34; 2. 32; 3.16, 18, 34;
5. 1, 6, 15, 31; 95 2"
7.19; 9.11, 15; 10. 8,
II, 13, 17, 29, 36, 37;
38; 18. 8,14, 22; 15. 17,
19; 16. 9; 17. 8.

δεῖν 2. 35; 6. 26; 8. 8.

δεινός 18, 8; 17. 2.

δεκτέον 7. 19.

δέχεσθαι Ἴ. 31.

δηλονότι 19. 14.

δῆλος 6. 30.

δημοκρατία 15. 8.

δῆμος 8. 24; 18. τό.

δημόσιος 8. 25.

διά 1. 23, 26; 7. τ; 8. 8;
10. 12, 26; 18. 9; 15.
9, 24; 16. 21,31.

διαγιγνώσκειν 17, 29.

διαιρεῖν 1. 16; 2. 29, 36; 5.
14.

διαιτᾶν 16. 6.

διακρίνειν ‘7. 37.

διαλύειν 7. 32.

διανοεῖσθαι 12. 26.

διασπᾶν 1. 15.

διάστημα 9. 13.

διάταξις 7. 27.

διατελεῖν 16. 11.

διαφέρειν 2. 20; 15. τό.

διαφθείρειν 5. 24, 29.

διάφορος 15. τό.

διεξέρχεσθαι 2. 17.

διεξιέναι 1, 12.

διηγεῖσθαι 1. 29; 8. 4.

διήγησις 1. 10.

διιστάναι 5. 36.

δίκαιος 15. 2.

διοικεῖν 15. 10.

Διονύσιος (ὁ “Αλικαρνασσεύς) 1.

"34; 2. 345 9.103;.4. 2. |

Διόνυσος 10. ὃ.

δισυλλάβως 5. 12.

διώκειν 5, 23, 28.

δοκιμάζειν 4, 30.

δόξα 7.18; 14. 21; 19. 16.
δόρυ 5. 32.

δύνασθαι Fr. 3. 2.

δύσκολος 14, 15, 18.

ἐάν 8. 2.

ἑαυτοῦ 2. 33; 18. 21.

ἐγκλιτέον 6. 25.

ἘΠ 285. 55, 9. 6, 21; 7.
π ἘΠ᾿ 2; 12. 275.14.
28; 16. 34.

εἰδέναι 12. 24.

εἶδος 18. 10.

εἰκότως 1. 34.

εἶναι 1. 3; 23.24, 29; 8. 22;
gee Ἴ. τὸ; 9. το, τό;
10. 13, 14, 16, 17, 23;
Pee ἢ» 25, 26᾽;.14.1 18;
ἘΠ 24, 27 5:18; 19)5.1¢8.
ἘΠῚ gas Ere 4s 2

εἰπεῖν 1. 22; 10. 18; 14. 9,
11.

εἴρειν 2. 33.

εἰς 5. 1, 24, 34, 35; 6. 20;

NEW LITERARY TEXTS 337

7 δ᾽ 60 0... πο; 1d. 9};
15. το.

εἷς 2. 24, 25, 32 5 14. 6.

εἰσφέρειν 6. 13.

εἶτα 2. τῇ.

ἐκ ἤ. 23; 9. τό; 16. 9.

ἕκαστος 1. 18; 18. 13; 14.
30, 34; 15. 20, 26.

ἑκάτερος ‘7. 25.

ἐκεῖθεν 1. 30; 6. 20.

ἐκεῖνος 16. 7.

ἐκεχειρία 12. 14.

ἐκλιμνάζειν 10. 12.

ἐκφεύγειν 5. 24, 28.

ἐλάχιστος 19. 9.

ἐλευθέρως 15. 35; 16. 8.

᾿Ελευθήρ 10. 9.

ἐλλιπής 17. 23.

ἐλπίζειν 12, 26.

ἔμπειρος 5. 23, 27.

ἔμφυτος 16. 38.

evi, δι: 2. 8, 255 3..28, 39;
Be 5...36... 8. 71.10..15:
18. τ4; 14.6; 15. 4, τ,
19, 21; 16. 14, 15, 34;
ἘΠ: 2p 243 1827255 19.
13.

ἐναντίος 2. 34; 7. 3, 23.

ἐναντιοῦσθαι 6. 27.

ἐνδεεστέρως 18, 30.

ἕνεκα 8. 2.

ἔνθα 1. 3.

ἐνθυμεῖσθαι 8. 30.

ἑνικῶς 4. τό.

ἔνιοι 10. 35; 18. 14.

ἐνιότε 5. 18, 19.

ἐνιστάναι 12, 28.

ἔντομα 10. 38.

ἐξάγειν 16. 22.

ἐξαιρεῖν 16. 22.

ἐξελαύνειν 8. 5.

ἐξέρχεσθαι 7. 2 ; Fr. 3. 3.

ἐξετάζειν 1. 22 ; 8. 10.

ἑξῆς, τὸ ἑ. 10. 29; 19. 7.

ἐξιστάναι J. ἢ.

ἐξορμᾶν 7. 13.

ἔξω 8. 29; 6. 9.

ἔξωθεν 8. 11.

ἑορτή 10. τό.

ἐπαινεῖν 18. 1.

ἐπάλληλος 2. 10.

ἔπαλξις 9. 2.

ἐπεισάγειν 8. 28.

ἔπειτα 8. 30.

ἐπεξέρχεσθαι 12. 27.

ent I, τὸ, 32; 3. 22,.30}ὉΣ
17, 19, 25; 33; 10. 16,
30%. 16. 11 17 1 δὰ

ἐπιβάλλειν 15. 22.

ἐπιεικής 4. ἢ.

ἐπιθυμεῖν 18. 14.

ἐπικρίνειν 17. 32.

ἐπιμέλεια 8.9; 17. 26.

ἐπίσημος 10. 17.

ἐπιτάσσειν 6. τό.

ἐπιτάφιος 14. 3.

ἐπιτήδειος 5. ὃ.

ἐπιτήδευμα 15. 37.

ἐπιτιμᾶν 8. 13.

ἐπιτρέπειν 16. 9.

ἐπιφέρειν 6. 32.

ἐπιχειρητέον 5. 11.

ἔργον '7. 9, 24; 17. 12, 27.

ἐρεῖν 10. 29; 15. 2.

ἐρέτης 12. 2.

Ἐρεχθεύς 10. 3.

Ἑρμοκράτης 6. 24.

ἔρχεσθαι δ. 34; 7. 36; 8.
3945 12. 21.

ἐσβολή 2. 18.

ἔσχατος 5. 313; 6. 22.

ἕτερος 17. 26, 32.

ἕτοιμος 12. 2.

ἔτος 16, 21.

εὖ 10. 8.

εὐδοξία 7. 19.

εὐκόλως 18. 23.

εὐλάβεια 1. 23.

εὐλαβῶς 16. τό.

Εὐριπίδης 10, 3.

εὑρίσκειν 17. 33.

ἐφεξῆς 2. 20; 3. 3.

ἔχειν: BG. 23,.275°79. τ 0.
38 ; 18. 36.

ἕως 9. Το.

€ Sm

Ζεύς, pa Δία 1. 25.
ᾧημία 16. 7.

ζῆν 16. 9, 35.

338

ΠΟ St. Be, 50; 5. 265
6. 22; 7. 22, 23.

ἡδέως 16. 6.

ἡδονή 16. 2, IT.

ἡμεῖς 17. τι.

ἡμέρα 10. 16; 15. 37.

Ἡρύδοτος 2. 9; 8. 13.

ἥρως 10. 34, 36.

ἦτοι §. 22.

ἧττον 17. 29.

θεός 10. 37.

θέρος 1. 15.

Θουκυδίδης 1. 9, τὸ ; 8.4, 20;
6. 17.

Θριάσιον πεδίον 18. 3.

Θριῶζε 18. 5.

θρυλεῖν 8. 22.

θυμός 7. 13.

t 8. 14.

ἴδιος 15. 18 ; 16. 14; 17. 25.
ἰδίως 1. 14.

ἰέναι 5. 13.

ἱκανῶς 14. 13.

ἱππεύς 12. το.

ἰσηγορία 15. το.

ἴσος 15. 22.

ἰσχύειν 8. 6.

ἰσχύς 1. 23.

ἱστορία 1. 16; 8. 18.

ἸΙταλιώτης 6. τῇ.

Ἴωνες 5 14.

Ἰωνία 8. 24.

καθῆσθαι 12. 10.

καὶ γάρ 2.34; 9. 25.

καὶ μήν 2. 27.

καιρός 2. 27 ; 17. 12.

καίτοι 16, 34.

κακοπαθεῖν 16. 36; 17. 5.

κακοῦν 6. 31.

κακῶς 14. g.

καλεῖν 5.31; 10. 35.

Καλλίμαχος 10. 7 (?), 37.

kata 2. 6, 7, 26, 28, 35; 4.
28; 7.12; 8.6; 10. 26,
28; 13. 12; 15. 14, 10,
51, 375 16. 75: UT: 25.

INDICES

κατακούειν 16. το.

κατάμεμψις 18. 37.

καταπλήσσειν 6. 30.

κατηγορία 16. 7.

karotx| 8. 8.

κατορθοῦν 8. 12.

κεφάλαιον 1,113; 2. 32.

κεφαλή 3. 9.

κήρυγμα 5. 6.

κλέος 19. 11, 12.

κινδυνεύειν 14, 8.

κίνδυνος 17. 1, 3, 8.

κοῖνός 1. 33; 15. 21, 23, 36;
16. τὸ ; 17257 ΘΕ 9 Ὁ;
190. η,

Kopkupaixa 1. 26; 2. το.

κόσμος 7. 26.

κρείσσων 18. 26.

κρίνειν 1. 29; 17. 31.

κύκλος 9. 10, 14, 17.

κωλύειν 8. 3.

κώπη 12. 3.

Λακεδαιμόνιος 1. 25; 6. 19;
16. 24.

Λάκων 17. 6.

Λακωνία 10. 13.

λαμπρός 15. 20.

Neyew 41.29 S23, 94 σις
6. 5, 125/20.) 565 447%;5
15. Ὁ; 17. τ5, τῇ.

λέξις 1. 5.

ληπτέον 19. 8.

λιμήν 9. 18.

Λιμνᾶτις, ΓΆρτεμις ΛΔ. 10. 14.

λογισμός 2. 4.

λόγος 17. 13; 18. 27.

λοιπός 1. 13.

Λυδιακά 8. 15.

λυπεῖν 16. 5.

μὰ Δία 1. 25.

μάλιστα 18. 20; ΕἾ. τό. 4 (9).
μᾶλλον 16. 35.

Μαραθών 14. 2.

μέγιστος 7. 18.

μεθόριος 18. 25.

μέλλειν 8. 23; 12. 9.
μέμφεσθαι 1. το.

μέν 1.945, 3. 22545: τὰ τὲ

| τὰ; 10, 8, 56: eee
15. 17; 16.6; 17. 6.

μέρος 8. 29; 18.12; 15. 21.

| μέσος 4.5; 18. 9. :

μετά 1. 31; 6. 24; 10. 25.

μετάβασις 3. 12; 6. 28.

μετανοεῖν 6. 32.

μεταξύ 8. 12.

μεταφορικῶς 5. 34 5 12. 1, 12.

μεταχειρίζεσθαι 8. 8.

μετέχειν 10. 30; 15. τό.

μέχρι 2. τό.

μή 8. 3, 19; 5. 24, 28; 7.
17; 14.6; 15.9; 16. 36;
17. 4; 19. 10:

μηδέ 7. 36; 16. 37.

μηδείς 7. 353; 17. 28.

μήν, καὶ μ. 2. 27.

μόνος 2. 33; 18. 26, 29.

ναός 10. 37.

vais 6. 19, 22.

νεότης 6. 33.

νόημα 19. 15.

νομίζειν 8. 3; 10. 23; 14.
27; 15. 20.

νόμιμος 10. 23. νομίμως 16.16.

νόμος 15. 18, 27; 16. 37;
17. ἢ

νῦν 7. 1Q..

νυν 15. τό.

οἴκαδε 18, 5.

οἰκεῖν 10. 33; 15. 7.

οἴκησις 10. 27, 28.

οἶκος . 33.

οἷος 1. 30, οἷον 2. 13; 16.
4, 21; 17. 23, 32. οἷός
τε 6. 26.

ὀλιγαρχία 15. 9.

ὅλος 16. 21.

᾿Ολυμπίαζε 18. 5.

᾿Ολυμπιάς 1. 13; 2 ἢ; 4
28 (?).

“Ounptkas 4. 6; 7. το.

“Opnpos 4.16; 6.14; 17. 18.

ὁμιλία 7. 36.

ὁμοίως 1. 3; 2. 36; 6. 9.

ὅμως 1. 28.

ὁποῖος J. 24.

ὁπόσος 9. τό.

ὅπου 10. 14.

ὁρᾶν Ἴ. 25.

ὀργίζεσθαι 16. τ.

ὀρέγεσθαι 13. 13.

ὁρίζειν 4, 29.

ὁρμᾶν 18. 15; 17. 27.

ὅσος 6. 26.

ὅσπερ 8. 21.

ὅταν 2. 32; 8. 35; 12, 2.

ὉΠ ἘΣ. ἘΠ 21,23; 2.1;
3. 31; 8. 3.

οὐδέ 2.9, 25; 8.6; 6. 31;
16. 1, 6.

οὐδείς 6. 20.

οὐδέτερος 5. 19.

οὐκέτι J. 11.

οὖν 2. 33.

ovre 18. 36.

οὗτος 1. 28; 2. 31; 8. 35;
4.10; 5.15; 15. 4. οὕτως
E35; 5. 22; 10. 11.

ὀφείλειν 8. 31.

πάθος 7. 7.

πάλιν 1.32; 2. 17, 22, 29;
9. τό: 15. 2.

πανοικίᾳ 10. 32.

πανσυδίη 6. 2.

παρά 1.27; 15.7; 17. 8.

παραβαίνειν 8. τι (?).

παραδιδόναι 2. 5; 6. 21.

παρακμή 15. 4.

παράνομος 1]. 18.

Παράσιοι 18. 22.

παράταξις 5. 36.

παρέλκειν 5. 25.

παρέχειν 18. 22.

πᾶς ἃ. 17, 21; 8. 31; 11.
14; 15. 1-7.

πατρίς Fr. 4.1.

πεδίον 18. 4.

πείθειν 16. 19.

Πειραιεύς 9. 11, 16.

πέλας 16. 1.

Πελασγικός 11. 15.

Πελοποννησιακός 8. 23.

Πελοποννήσιος 2. 18.

πέμπειν 6, 21.

πένεσθαι 17. τό.

NEW LITERARY TEXTS

mepil.8,9,18; 6.9, 28; 19.12.

περίβολος 9. 15.

περιεῖναι 17, 2.

Περικλῆς 8. 3, 30.

Περσικά 1. 31; 8. 26.

Πηρεία 18. 20.

Πίνδαρος 6. 35.

πιστεύειν 14, το.

Πλαταῖϊκά 2. 15.

πλατύς 2. 8.

πλεῖστος 10. 20; 18. 19.

πλείων 8. 25.

πλεονάζειν 5. 26.

πλῆθος 15. τι.

πλουτεῖν 17. 13.

πλοῦτος 17. 11.

ποιεῖν 3. 20; 6. IQ.

ποικίλος 2. 11.

πολεμεῖν 1. 24; 7. 31.

πόλεμος 1. 21; 8. 22, 25; θ.
34; 7.9, 12.

πόλις 4.153; 17. 26.

πολιτεία 15. 22.

πολιτεύεσθαι 15. 35; 16. τό.

πολιτικός 17. 28.

πολλάκις 6. 27; 7.1; 18. 27.

πολλαχοῦ 2. 26.

πολύς 1. το; 2. 26, 27; 8.
9; 8.12; 10. 30; 15. γ.
οἱ πολλοί 1. 27; 5. 25, 29.

πονεῖν 17, 7, 0.

ποτέ 10. 9.

Ποτειδαιατικά 1. 26.

πρᾶγμα 1. τῇ, 30; 2. 3, 29;
Sick, 2, 39 9:14.16, 20;
15. το.

πράσσειν 8. 13.

πρεσβεία 7. 31.

πρεσβύτατος 9. 5.

πρίν 1. 20; 7. 32.

πρό 17. 2.

πρόγονος 7. 22.

προκεῖσθαι 8. 14.

προνοεῖν 7. 12.

πρόνοια 8. 11.

προπετῶς 1. 35.

πρός 1. 4, 35; 3.18; 15. 9,
23, 36;.16. 2; 17. 2;

προσήκειν 15. 3.

προσθήκη 8. 28.

Ζ 2

339

προσκεῖσθαι 7. τῇ.

πρόστιμον 16. 8.

προτιθέναι 1. 13; 8. 24.
πρῶτος 8. 27, 33. πρῶτον 8. 22.

ῥᾳστώνη 16. 35.
ῥητέον 8. 23; ὅ. 22.

σαυρωτήρ 5. 30.
σηκός 10. 37, 38.
Σικελία 6. 18.
σκότος 5. 17.
στρατεύειν 7. 30.
στράτευμα 7. 32.
στρατοπεδεύειν 5. 2.
συγγράφειν 8. 24.
συγγραφεύς 8. 31.
συγκόπτειν 1. 17.
συγκριτικός 17. 17.
συγχεῖν 2. 21.
συκοφαντί 4. 9.
συμβαίνειν 2, 31.
συμβάλλειν 7. 2.
σύμβασις 5. 34.
συμβόλαιον 15. 18,
συμμαχεῖν 6. 22.
συμμαχία G6. 20.
συμμίσγειν 7. 35.
συμφέρειν 15. τι.
σύνδεσμος 19. 4.
συνεῖναι 16. 15.
συνείρειν 8. 2.
συνεχῶς 2. 10, 33; 8. 5.
συνήθης 1. 5; 5. το; 198. 2.
συνήθως 18. 4.
συνιστάναι 18. 11.
σύνταγμα 1. 9.
συντελεῖν 10. 6.
συντιθέναι 5. 33.
Συράκουσσαι 6. 23.
συστρέφειν 18. 11.
σφόδρα 1. 22.
σχεδόν 8. 2}.
σχῆμα ὅ. το.
σῴζειν 6. 26.

τάγμα 18. 17:
ταλαιπωρεῖν 117. 3 (0).
τε 6. 26; 17. 25. .
τεῖχος 9. 2, IO,

340

τελειοῦν 1, 20.

τέλεον 8, 29.

τελευτᾶν 14. τ.

τέμενος 10. 35.

τιθέναι 4. 33,34; 5.1; 17.
18 ; 190. 5.

τιμᾶν 15. 23.

τις 1.35; 2.32; 3.34; 4.
a4 3 6.73 2125 14) 28;
15. 20; 16. 2.

τοι 8. 2. Cf. καίτοι.

τοιοῦτος 1. 33; 6.12; 7. 12;
20; 15. 8.

τοιουτότροπος 14. 9 (?).

τοπικῶς 13. 3.

τόπος 2, 25; 12. 17; 18. τό.

τοσοῦτος 9, 12.

τρεῖς 1, 11; 10. 16.

τρέπειν 1, 20, 323.

τρέφειν 4. 35.

τριακοντούτης 4. 11.

ὑπάγειν 5. 7.

(c)

INDICES

ὑπάρχειν 17. 23.

ὑπερβατός 13. 7.
10. 29.

ὑπήκοος 18. 32.

ὑπερβατῶς

| ὕπο 8..35; 16.327; 17::ὴ.

ὑπόθεσις 2. 24; 8. 30.
ὑπόληψις 7. 20, 21; 14, 17.
ὑπονοεῖν 3. 35.

ὑποπτεύειν 6. 5; 15. 38.
ὑποφέρειν 17. I.

ὕστατος 2. 16,

φαίνεσθαι 13. 8; 17. 6. 12;
19. τῇ:

Φάληρον 9. II, 13.

φάναι 2. 36 ; 8. 21; 4. 27;
6. 17, 35; 10.8, τι; 15.
38:

φανερός 8. 32.

φιλία 5. 7.

φιλικός 5. 6.

φίλος 5. 8.

φυλάσσειν 9. τ; 11], 3.

φυλή 10. 36.
φύσις 19. 1, 8, 9.

χαριέντως 18. το (3).

χειμών 1. 15.

χείρ 8. 7.

χρή 2. 36.

χρῆμα 8. τι.

χρῆσθαι 5. 6, 10, 18; 11. 19.

χρηστός 7. 22.

χρόνος 1.14; 2. 21, 22, 25;
9. 3.

χώρα 10. 26, 28.

χωρίζειν 7. 38.

Woyos 19. 10, 13.

ὡς 1, 13, 22; 2, 0, 265 9,
23; 4.13; 5.98; το; θ.
30, 32, 35; 7. 20,27; 9.
5; 13. 5,13; 14.10; 15.
193.17. τό, 18: 25.

ὥστε 5. 25, 26, 28.

OTHER. LITERARY ΤΕΧΤΘ.

(Numbers in thick type refer to papyrt.)

ἀγαθός 885. 59.

ἄγειν 851.3; 856. 29; 858 ὁ.
8. dye 854. 6.

ἀγορά 858 ὁ. 27.

ἀγορεύειν 858 ὁ. το (?).

ἀγρεῖν 854. ὃ.

᾿Αγρίππας 849. 25.

ἀγωνίζεσθαι 856. 48; 857. 2.

ἄδεικτος 966 (?).

ἀδελφός 850. 23, 25, 32;
886. 8.

ἀδύνατος 850. 10.

ἄελλα 860 a. 6 (?).

᾿Αθηναῖοι 856. 26, 42.

αἰνεῖν 850. 11.

αἰνῶς 860 a. 13.

αἴρειν 849. 8; 850.4; 886.

19.

(1) GREEK.

αἰωρεῖν 864. 14.

ἀκατονόμαστος 850. 17.

ἀκολουθεῖν 855.1, το; 858 ὁ.
22.

ἀκούειν 849. 27; 858 ὁ. 20,
30; 868. ο.

ἄκρατος 868. 1.

ἄκρος 887. recto 4, 7.

ἀκτή 864. 18.

ἀλαβώδης 859. 5.

ἀλεύεσθαι 864. 17.

ddnOjs 849. 22; 869. 13.
ἀληθῶς 849. 3, 4.

ἀλκή 860 a. 7.

ἀλλά 849. 20, 26; 881. 7;
854. 6; 855. 6; 8582.
13; 869. 6, 14.

ἀλλήλων 855. 7.

ἄλλος 8584. 14;
867. 5.

ἅμα 850. 23, 35; 869. 18.

ἄμουσος 864. 18.

ἀμφιεννύναι 850. 26.

ἄν 855. 4, 6; 856. 58;
863. 4.

ἀνά 857. 3.

ἀναγιγνώσκειν 886. 21.

ἀναγκάζειν 850. 5.

ἀναγκαστικός 869. 15.

ἀνάκρισις 868. το.

ἀνατιθέναι 858 ὦ. τό.

᾿Ανδρόνικος 850. 21.

864. 4:

ἀνήρ 857. 6, 22; 860a. 8,

16; 885. 58; 886. 9.
ἄνθρωπος 851. 8; 869. 20;
887. verso 5.

ΝΥ ΣΝ ΝΣ ιν a a .

ἀνθύπατος 850. 15.

ἀνιστάναι 850. 4, 9 (ἀνιστῶν) ;
858 ὁ. 27.

ἀνοιγνύναι 864. 23.

ἀντίγραφον 886. 2.

ἄνω 858 ὁ. 32; 862. 14.

ἄξιος 849. 28; 8586. 13;
862. 18.

ἀόρατος 850. 34.

ἀπαλλαγή 850. 20.

ἀπαντᾶν 858 ὦ. 36.

ἅπαξ 863. 4.

ἀπειλή 850. 29.

ἀπέρχεσθαι 850. 13 (?); 857.
τε,

ἀπιέναι 850. 31.

ἀπό 854. 8; 856.50; 869.

ἀποβάλλειν 868. 5 (?).

ἀπογιγνώσκειν 850. 6.

ἀποδιδόναι 849. τι.

ἀποθνήσκειν 849. 3, 23.

ἀπόκαυμα 868. 4.

ἀπολείπειν 865. I.

ἀπολλύναι 855. 9.

ἀπόνιπτρον 856. 66.

ἀποπρολείπειν 859. 3 ().

ἀποτροπίαζεσθαι 885. 53.

ἀποφέρειν 849. 9.

ἀπράγμων 855. 13.

Gnrew 855. 9.

ἀπώλεια 885. 38.

dpa 849. 2,6, 22.

᾿Αραβία 870. 5 (?), 7.

᾿Αργεῖοι 857. 4.

ἀριστερός 887. recto 2, 5.

ἄριστος 864, 2, 4; 868. 6.

᾿Αρκάδες 870. 15.

ἄρσην 886. 15.

ἀρτίως 855. 17.

ἀρχικύνηγος 851. 2.

ἀρχή 885. 31.

ἀσπίς 858 ὁ. το.

ἀτενίζειν 849. 13; 850. 16.

ἀτυχεῖν 857. 19.

αὐτός 849. 2, 9, το, 18;
850. τ, 26, 27, 32, 38:
851. 7; 855. 9; 856.
32, 47, 50, 64, 14; 857.
19; 858 0..15, 30; 869.

NEW EIPERARY TEXTS.

12; 885. 32,39. ὁ αὐτός
858 4.18; 885. 56.

ἀφαγνίζειν 869. 3 (?).

ἀφανής 850. 30.

ἀφέλκειν 854. 7.

ἀφιέναι 855. 4, 6.

ἀφιεροῦν 885. 43.

ἀφικνεῖσθαι 855. 21.

᾽᾿Αχαιοί 864. 3.

Βαβυλώνιοι 856. 25.

βάλλειν 856. 8 (ἢ).

βάρβαρος 857. 20, 26.

βασιλεία 856. 31.

βασιλεύς 849. 16; 856. 70.

Béooo 870. 32.

βίβλος 886. 2.

βιοῦν 863. 4.

βλέπειν 869. 2.

βλώσκειν 859. 6.

βούλεσθαι 849. 7, 23; 850.
14; 851.1; 8584. 41.

βουλή 858 ὁ. 32, 34.

βροντή 864. 26.

βροτός 880 a. I.

βροχίζειν 850. 6.

βυθός 886. II.

βωμός 869. 3.

Takara 870. 23.

yap 854. 8; 855. 14, 22;
856. 30, 74; 857. 5;
858 4. 25, 29, 39; 860.
16; 867. 5; 870. 6;
887. verso I.

ye 849. 18; 855.8; 858 ὁ.
24; 861.5; 862. 8.

Γέλων 857. 15.

γένος 885. 39.

Γέρης 856. 60.

Γέτης 855. 3, 4.

γέφυρα 850. 24.

γῆ 857. 28.

γίγνεσθαι 850. 30; 865. 6;
870. II.

γνώμη 966.

γνωρίζειν 850. 8.

γνώριμος 850. 7.

γόνυ 850. 33, 35-

ypais 849. 6.

341

γράμμα 886. 6.

γυνή 850. 21; 868.8; 887.
verso 4.

γυργαθός 856. 44.

δαίειν 864. το (?).
Aaos 855, II, 13.
Δάρδανοι 870. 33.

das 855. 9.

δεικνύναι 856. 49.

δεῖν 856. 54.

δειπνεῖν 858 ὁ. 26.
δεῖπνον 854. 4.
Δελφοί 857. 24.
δεξιός 887. recto I, 3.
δέρκεσθαι 860 ὁ. 1.
δεσπότης 855. 14, 16.
δέχεσθαι 856. 20.

δή 855. 7.

δημηγορεῖν 858 ὁ. 20.
δημηγόρος 858 ὁ. 18.
δῆμος 858 ὁ. 32.
Δημοσθένης 858 ὁ. 19, 23, 29,

35:
διά 849. 1, 21; 854. 6;
856. 73; 857.9; 8584.
22; 886. 7.
διακονεῖν 868. 7.
διακονία 850. 13.
διασῴζειν 855. 5.
διαφεύγειν 855. 12.
διαφθείρειν 863. 6.
διδόναι 857. 7.
διεξιέναι 858 ὦ. 23, 31.
διέρχεσθαι 850. 22.
δικάζειν 856. 24.
Δικαιόπολις 856. 68.
δικαστικός 856. 75-
δίκη 856. 27; 868. 5.
δῖος 864. 3.
δοκεῖν 857. 9.
δοκιμάζειν 849. 25.
δόρυ 858 ὁ. 24.
δοῦλος 850. 17; 868. 3.
δρομεύς 856. 29.
δύναμις 885. 47.
δύνασθαι 854. 9.
δύο, κατὰ δύο δύο 886. 19.
δυστυχεῖν 861. 8.
δωρεά 850. 12.

342

ἐάν 885. 34, 58.

ἑαυτοῦ 850.6; 856. 70, 72;
857. 5 (ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν); 886.
8.

ἐγείρειν 849. το.

ἐγώ 849. I, 15; 850. 5;
851. 3; 854.4; 855. 4,
6,12, 13; 861. 5; 862.
15; 863. 2,5; 868. 5.

ἔθνος 870. 3.

εἰ 849. 2, 6, 22; 850. 27;
855. 15.

εἰκών 885. 36, 42, 52,58.

εἶναι 849. 5, 22; S51. 6, 7;
855. 5, 14, 23; 856. 20,
43, 62; 8584. 18, 29;
862. 8,15; 864.2; 869.
5; 885. 32; 886. 5;
966.

εἰπεῖν 850. 32; 851.1, 2.

εἷς 966 (?).

eis 850. 7,27; 856.25, 55;
857. 24; 8580. 12, 14,
17, 21; 866. 6; 869.
16, 20(?); 887. recto 2.

εἰσάγειν 856. 30.

εἶτα 856. 63, 68, 77.

ἐκ 856. 36; 8586. 27;
-864. 16.

ἕκαστος 860 a. 8; 889. 10(?);
886. 16.

ἐκεῖ 849. το; 856. 74.

ἐκεῖθεν 867. 3.

ἐκεῖνος 850. 30.

ἐκεῖσε 856. 63.

ἐκθύεσθαι 885. 52.

ἐκκάειν 856. 41.

ἐκκλησία 850. τό.

ἐκπέμπειν 858 ὦ. 15.

ἐκποδών 855. 19 (3).

ἐκφοβεῖν 858 ὁ. 31.

Ἐλάτεια 858 ὦ. 25.

Ἕλλην 857. 18 ; 865. 7.

Ἑλλησπόντιος 864. 8 (?), 15.

ἐμαυτοῦ 849. το.

ἐμβαίνειν 858 ὦ. 2ο.

ἐν 854. 9; 855. το, 22;
856. 44; 864. 1; 870.
6; 886. 3,11, 16, 23.

ἐνέργημα 850. 34.

INDICES

ἔνθα 864. 17.

ἐνθάδε 855. 17; 863. ὃ.

ἐνθένδε 855. 12.

ἔνθερμος 858. 78.

ἐννοεῖν 850. 6.

ἐξ 856. 75.

ἐξάγειν 858 ὁ. 21.

ἐξαπατᾶν 855. 14.

ἐξεμεῖν 856. 55 (?).

ἐξέρχεσθαι 850. 22.

ἐξιέναι 855. 2.

ἐξιστάναι 856. 66, 67.

ἔξω 887. verso 3.

ἐοικέναι 856. 40.

ἐπεί 849. 28.

ἔπειτα 855. 4; 864. το.

ἐπεύχεσθαι 886. 18.

emt 850.12; 856.58; 857.
5, 22; 867. 2; 869. 4;
887. recto I ef saep., verso

ἐπιγράφειν 888. τό.
ἐπιδεικνύναι 855. ΤΙ.
ἐπιδιδόναι 850. 14.
ἐπιέναι 860 a. 5.
ἐπικαλεῖσθαι 886. το.
ἐπιστολή 850. 18.
ἐπιστρέφειν 850. 7.
ἔργον 859. ὃ.

ἐρεῖν 861. το.

ἐρεμνός 860 a. 5 (0. 1. ἐρυμνός).
ἐρημία 856. 58.
Ἑρμῆς 886. 4, 7.
ἐρυθρός 854. ὃ.

ἐρυμνός 860 a. 5 (v. 1. ἐρεμνός).

ἔρχεσθαι 850. 28; 8.58 ὁ.
14; 860α. 2; 862. τι;
869. 4.

ἐς 859. 1.

ἔσχατος 886. 21.

ἕτερος 849. τὸ ; 856. 53.

εὐδαιμονία 885. 32.

εὐλαβεῖσθαι 857. τό.

εὔνους 858 ὦ. 37.

εὑρίσκειν 850. 31; 855. 12;
886. 3, 22.

Εὐρώπη 870. 12.

εὐχαριστεῖν 850. 1Ι.

εὐχαριστία 850. 13.

Ἔφεσος 867. 4.

ἔχειν 849. 17, 19; 855. 7,
9,19; 856. 9,18 ; 858 ὁ.
19, 28; 860 α. 15.

Ζεῦξις 850. 4, 13.
Ζεύς 885. 44.
Cnrew 886. 8.
t¢orOar (?) 851. 3.

7 869. 5.
ἡγεῖσθαι 865. 4.
ἡγεμών B51. 1, 5.
ἡδέως 849. τό.
ἠήν 855. 15.
ἥλιος 886. II.
ἡμεῖς 849. 9; 854. 8; 855.
20.
ἡμέρα 857. 14.
ἡμέτερος 868. 3.
Ἡρακλῆς 885. 45.
ἡσυχία 858 ὁ. ὃ.

θάλαμος 859. 6.

θάλασσα 864. τό ; 867. 2.

θαρρεῖν 849. ἡ.

θέλειν 849. 21; 886.13.

Θεμιστοκλῆς 858 ὁ. 20.

θεός 849. 8, 21. 25; 850.
36; 851. 7; 862. 13;
863. 3; 864. 10; 869.
9; 885. 56; 886. 12, 17.

Θερμοπύλαι 857. 2.

Θετταλοί 870. 28.

Θέωρος 856. II.

Θῆβαι 858 ὁ. 14.

θλίβειν 850. 8.

Gods 854. 6.

θυρυβεῖν 858 ὁ. 43.

Θρᾶκες 870. 30.

θρασύς 855. 17.

θραυστός 868. 2.

θρηνῳδός 864. 24.

θύειν 885. 44, 55.

θώραξ 858 ὁ. 24.

ἰδού 849. 14; 850. 30.
ἱερός 886. 2.

Ἰησοῦς 850. το.

ἵνα 849. το; 856. 55; 67.
Ἶσις 886. I, 7.

ἱστάναι 850. 27.
Ἰωάννης 850. 3. 16, 22, 25,
a4, 28, 31.

Κάδμος 857. 21.

κάδος 854. 7.

κάειν 858. 20.

καθεύδειν 887. verso 7.

καθῆσθαι 858 ὦ. 15, 32.

καθιέναι 856. 55.

καθόλου 866. 4.

Καῖσαρ 850. 18.

καίτοι 849. 18.

κακός 858 ὁ. 12.

Ἰκαλεῖν 861. 9.

καλός 885. 59; 966.

Καρχηδόνιος 866. 5.

κατά 850. 16; 855. 18;
864. 15; 865. 7; 869.
13,19 (?); 885. 47; 886

19.

καταδαρθάνειν 859. 7.
κατάκαυσις 855. 4.
καταλαμβάνειν 858 ὦ. 25.
καταπίπτειν 885. 35.
καταπράττειν 856. 77.
καταργεῖν 850. 34.
κατέχειν 849. 2.

κεῖσθαι 849. 15.
Κεραύνιος 885. 44.
κεραυνός 885. 37, 60.
κῆρυξ 858 ὁ. 35.
κηρύσσειν 858 ὁ. 35.
κλαίειν 850. 8.
Κλεισθένης 856. ἢ.
Κλέων 856. 27.
κληδονίζειν 886. 13.
κληδών 886. 22.
κληματίς 855. 2.
κληρονομία 855. 18.
κλίνειν 850. 33, 35:
κλύδων 864. 20.
κνίζειν 855. 16.
κοῖλος 864, 21.

η.
Κοισύρα 856. 65.
κόλπος 864. 23.
κομήτης 856. 28.
κομίζειν 850. 18.
κομπαστής 856. 56.

κόϊλος 854.

NEW LITERARY TEXTS

κόπτειν 864. 9.
κόρη 862. 17.
κοῦφος 855. 14.
κόχλος 864. 20.
κρέας 856. 79.
κροτεῖν 864. 22.
κτύπος 864. 26.
κύκλος 855. 10, 22.
κύριος 850. 29, 33; 8981. 5.
κυρία 886. 1.
κώθων 854. 6.
κωμῳδία 856. 3.
Κῷος 857. 22.

Λακεδαιμόνιοι 856. 73.

λαλεῖν 849. 12.

Λάμαχος 856. 56, 65.

λαμβάνειν 850.14; 856. 58;
862.17; 886.1:,4; 887.
recto 6, verso 2.

λαχάνιον 856. 37.

Λάχης 855. το.

λέγεν 849. 6; 850. 17;
856. 35. 44, 66, 70, 76;
858 ὁ. 31, 35, 36.

hounds 869. 7.

μάγος 851. 6.

patos 864. 9.

Μακεδόνες 870. 29.

μαντεία 865. 7.

Μαραθών 858 ὦ. 12.

μάχεσθαι 863. 11.

μάχη 858. 17.

Μεγακλῆς 856. 61.

μεγαλοκλῆς 860 a. IO.

μεγαλοφροσύνη 856. 72.

μέγας 850. 33; 851. 7;
8584. 40; 886.1; 887.
verso 2. μέγιστος 869. 17.

μέλλειν 849. 1.

μέλος 864. το.

μέν 855. 13, 17; 856. 62,
71,74; 8584.14; 869.
6; 885. 49.

μένειν 857. 6.

μενεπτόλεμος 860 ὅ. 7 (°).

μέσος 850. τό.

μετά 849.19; 850. 5.

μεταπέμπειν 858 ὦ. 28.

343

μετάπεμπτος 865. 5.

μετεῖναι 886. 23.

μή 849. τ; 857.17; 858 ὁ.
34; 869. 2.

μηδείς 850. 7.

μήν 858 ὁ. 13.

μήτηρ 849. 7; 859. 6.

μιγνύναι 860 ὁ. 9.

μισθός 856. 57.

μόνος 850. 13.

μῦθος 864. τ.

μυκηδόν 864. 22.

Μυσοί 870. 31.

μυττωτός 856. 21.

ναί 855. 13.

vais 854. 6; 856. 71; 857. 7.

νεανίσκος 849. το.

νεκρός 849. 4, I5.

νεκροῦν 850. 9.

νέκυς 864. 14.

νήφειν 854. 9. ἡ

νικᾶν 857. 7.

νόθος 865. 5.

νομίζειν 869. 11.

νόμος 858 ὁ. 36.

νῦν 850. 12; 862.16; 863.
6. νυνί 849. 28.

ξένος 856. 10. ξεῖνος 854. 3.
ξίφος 858 ὁ. 24.

ode 854. g.
οἴεσθαι 858 ὦ. 37.
οἴκοι 858 ὁ. 15.
οἰκονομία 850. 12.
οἶνος 854. 8.
οἷος 862. 12.
28, 69, 75:
ὀλίγος 850. 22.
ὅλος 885. 40.
ὁλοσχερῶς 888. 34.

ὁμοῦ 869. 7.

ὅμως 862. 8.

ὄνομα 886. 18.

ὄνος 862. 5.

ὅπλον 858 6. 16; 860 ὅ. 10.
ὁποῖος 864. 20,

ὅπου 864. το.

ὁπότε 858 ὁ. 13.

οἷον 856. 23,

344

ὁρᾶν 849. 4.
ὀργή 850. 29.
ὁρμᾶν 860 ὁ. 4.
ὄρνις 856. 59.

ὅς 849. 16; 850. 24, 31;

| πάροιθε 859. 4.

856. 36, 58, 75; 8580. |

24; 860a. 9;
13 23.

σσιρις 886. 9.

ὅσος 855. 8; 858. 62.

ὅτε 856. 70.

ὅτι 849. 4; 856. 56; 868.
2; 869. 21.

οὗ (reflexive) 859. 4.

ov, οὐκ 849. 17, 24; 850.

Th; 8861. 6; 855. 5;
858 ὁ. 14, 24, 36; 862.
18; 868. 4; 868. 9;

869. 5,11. οὐχί 855. 16;
869. 6, 14.

οὐδέ 849. 25 ; 854.8; 8580.
24; 869. 4.

οὐδείς 857. 8; 858 ὁ. 36.

οὖν 885. 41.

οὐπώποτε 858 ὁ. 30.

οὔτε 854.5; 857. 6, 7.

οὗτος 849. ΤΙ, 22; 8951. 5;
856. 29, 49, 73; 857.5;
858 a. 4, ὅ; 14, 16, 23,

29, 31; 869. 6. οὑτοσί
862. 3, 6.

οὕτω, οὕτως 849. 11; 856.
40 (ἢ), 77.

Ἰοῴρων 861. 16.
ὄψις 850. 27.

παιδίον 862. 4, 9.

mais 849. 15.

Παλλάς 856. 43.

Πάμφυλοι 870. 19.

πανουργία 855. 11; 856 59.

πάνυ 855. 5.

mapa 850. 18; 856. 30, 32,
57; 858 ὁ. 24.

παρακαλεῖν 849.27; 8580.13.

παράκλητος 850. 10.

παρακολουθεῖν 858 ὁ, 38.

παραλείπειν 863. 9.

παρεῖναι 858 ὁ. 33.

παρέχειν 858 ὦ. 13.

886. 7, |

INDICES

Πάρις 863. 7.

παροιμία 856. 29.

παροίνιος 856. 42.

πάρος 859. 7.

was 850. 12;
860 a. 14; 864. 4, 5, 14,
19; 869. 17; 886. 12;
966.

πατήρ 858 ὁ. 25.

πατρίς 860 a. 9.

παύειν 858 ὁ. 26.

Παφλαγόνες 870. 24.

meb{ 856. 26.

πείθειν 858 ὁ. 23.

πειράζειν 849. 24.

πειρᾶν 849. 21.

πέλεσθαι 859. 8 (-écxero) ;
860 a. 3.

Πελοπόννησος 858 ὦ. 22.

858 5. 41; |

}

, πέμπειν 857. 20.

πένης 885. 42.
mevOnpns 864. 7.

evi] 868. 7.
πεντηκόντορος 857. 22.

᾿ περαίνειν 850. 24.

᾿ πέρας 861. 4.

περί 856. 4, 43; 857. 17;
858 4. 33; 886. 5, 12.

Περικλῆς 858 ὁ. 21.

περινοστεῖν 856. 31.

περιορᾶν 855. 6.

περιτιθέναι 855. το.

Πέρσαι 857. 11.

πέτρα 864. 21.

Πέτρος 849. 8, 13, 14, 24.

πίπτειν 885, 51.

πλεῖν 858 ὁ. 21.

πλείων 850. 23.
863. 5.

πλημμέλεια 850. 30.

πλήν 857. 4; 862. 14 (?).

πλήσσειν 885, 36, 61.

πλουσιώτατος 858 ὁ. 39.

ποιεῖν 851. 1,

ποιητής 856. 12.

πόλις 856. 16; 8586. 42;
863.5; 866. I.

πολίτης 858 ὁ. τό, 39.

πολύς 868. 5.

πλεῖστον

πονηρός 855. 17.
Tlovrixot 870. 17.
|rovrios 864. 8.
πορεύεσθαι 850. 25.
πόρνη 856. 41.
ποταμός 850. 24.
πότερον 869. 8.
ποῦ 862. 7.

| πραίφεκτος 849. 12.

πρό, πρὸ τοῦ 868. 9.
προβουλεύειν 858 ὦ. 33, 34.
πρόδηλος 855. 3.

προδότης 856. 62.

| προκεῖσθαι 869. τό.

πρός 850. 23, 25, 31, 333
851. 2; 855. 7, 16; 856.
34, 76; 857. το.

προσβάλλειν 857. I.

προσβιάζεσθαι 867. 4.

προσέρχεσθαι 855.. 7.

προσηγορία 870. 14.

προσιέναι 850. 26.

προσκυνεῖν 850. 11.

προσποιεῖσθαι 885, 48.

πρότερος 885. 49. πρότερον
856, 71.

προφωνεῖν 856. 67.

πρύτανις 858 ὦ. 26.

πρῶτος 858 ὁ. 17.
856. 71.

πτωχός 856. 31.

πυκινός 860 ὁ. 8.

πυνθάνεσθαι 856. 63; 866. 2.

πῦρ 855. 3.

πύρδανον 855. 2.

Tluppias 855. 8, 21.

πώγων 856. 9.

πῶμα 854. ἡ.

πῶς 858 ὁ. 23.

πρῶτον

ῥάκος 856. 33.
ῥεῖν 850. 24.
ῥῆμα 856. 34.

σάλπιγξ 858 ὁ. 30.
σαλπικτής 858 ὁ. 28.
Σάμος 858 ὁ. 21.
σαπρός 856. 36.
Σαρμάται 870. 34.
σβεννύναι 850. 29.

— Δ «οὐ ἐμ μόνω».

σέλμα 854. 6.
σημαίνειν 885. 40.
σημεῖον 885. 50, 54.
σίκυος 856. 40.
σκέλος, κατὰ τῶν ox, 855. 18.
σκηνή 858 ὁ. 27,
σκῆψις 856. 29.
σκληρός 856. 22.
Σκύθης 857. 21.
στακτή 855. τό.
στεναγμός 850. 2.
στένειν 864. 7.
στῆθος 887. recto 8.
στίχος 860 ὁ. 8.
στολή 864. 7.
στρατεύειν 856. 57.
στράτευμα 865. 3.
στρατηγός 858 ὁ. 18.
στρατιώτης 850. 26.
Στύμφηλος 859. 3.
σύ 849. 11, 20, 21; 850. 4,
II, 12, 29; 855. 1, 16;
866. 22.
συμμαχεῖν 857. 8.
συμπαθεῖν 849. 5.
σύν 854. 6.
συναθροίζειν 850. 32.
σύνδουλος 855. 5.
σφεῖς 860 a. 9.
σχῆμα 850. 26.
σχίσμα 856. 33.
Σώτειρα 885. 46.

ταλακάρδιος 860 a. 3.
Tadads 859. 2.
ταμεῖον 886. 4.
τάξις 856. 64.
τάχα 851. 7.
ταχύ 855. το.
28.

Τεκτόσαγες 870. 22.
τέχνη 855. 12, 13.
τηλαυγῶς 886. 24.

τάχιστα 850.

astutia 871. 2.
autem 871. 3.

convenire 871, 2,
de 871. 3.

NEW LITERARY TEXTS

Τίβιος 855. 3.

tridwver 856. 40.

τίνειν 868. 5.

τις 850. 26; 855. 12, 15;
856. 2,37; 858 ὁ. 29, 38;
864. 5.

τοι 856. 65.

τοῖος 869. 14.

τολμᾶν 850. 15.

| Τολμίδης 858 ὦ. 22.

tore 864, τό.
τράχηλος 868. 10.
τρεῖς 857. 23.
τριακόσιοι 857. 3.
τριήρης 856. 43.
τρόπος 886. 5.
τρύξ 854. 8.
Τύχη 885. 46.

“ὙὙδροῦς 865. 3.

ὕδωρ 857. 28; 867. τ.

υἱός 865. 5.

ὑμεῖς 858 ὁ. 30.

ὕπαρξις 869. I.

ὑπέρ 850. 1; 856. 69.

ὑπεριδεῖν 857. 14.

ὑπερμήκης 867. 6.

ὑπό 850. 24; 855.20; 856.
27,32; 857.19; 865.3;
885. 37, 60.

ὑπολείπειν 886. 20.

ὕστερος 862. τι.
865. 5.

ὕστερον

φαίνεσθαι 884. 2.
φάναι 849. 24; 850. 27;

856. 6, τό, 54, 65, 73, 74.
φαντάζειν 864. 25.
φάρμακον 887. verso 6.
φάρυγξ 856. 55.
φείδεσθαι 849. τὴ.
Φειδίας 862. 7.

(2) LATIN (871-2).
e 871. 9.
ego 871. 4.

in 871. 5.
inertia 871. 1.

345

φέρειν 855. 2, 18, 22.
kev 862. 10; 867. I.

φεύγειν 856.27; 887. verso 3.

φιλεῖν 849. 26.

φίλτατος 855. 18.

φλυαρί 889. 19.

φλύαρος 855. 15.

φοῖνιξ 886. 14.

φοιτᾶν 854. 7.

φορτίον 855. ὃ.

dpa 854. 2.

φρήν 855. 15; 864. τ.

Φρύγες 870. 25.

φυλακή 854. 9.

φυλή 856. 50.

φύλλον 856. 36 ; 886. 15, 17.

φύρειν 864. τό.

φων 858 a. 1.

ἐνεγ-

χάλκεος 864. 25.
χαλκός 860 a. 4.

| χάρις 855. 19; 856. 76.

χαῦνος 856. 69.

χείρ 850. 28; 856. 32(?).
χορός 864. Io.

χρέος 856. 35.

χρή 885. 41.

χρῆμα 857. 27.

χρηματίζειν 886, 24.
χρῆσθαι 856. 24.

ψήφισμα 858 ὁ. το.

ψῆφος 856. 24.
ψυχρός 856. 12.

ὦ 855. 3.

ὧδε 851. 3.

ὠλένη 864. 9.

ὦμος 887. recto 3.

ὡς (relative) 851.1; 854. 5;
856. 41, 54; 859. 7.
= ὅτε 855. 21 (?).

ὥστε 858 ὁ. 44.

is 871. 4, 6, 9.
loqui 871. 4.

magis 871. 1, 2.
meminisse 871, 3.

346 INDICES

minimus 871. 7. pars 871. 6. sic 872. 8.
perforare 871. 11 (?). suus 871. 5.

ne... quidem 871. 6-7." quam 871. 1, 2, 8 (?).

negare 871. Io. ‘ ter 872. 9.

non 871. 4. ἅπ|57Ὲ an 5.0, Ὁ. tunc 872. 16.

nullus 871. 6. sapientia 871. 3.

numerus 871, 4. sed 871. 5. virtus 871. 1.
II. EMPERORS.

CLAUDIUs.

Κλαύδιος 962.
NERo.
Νέρων 962.
GALBA.
Γάλβα 899. 28.
Titus.
θεὸς Tiros 984. Tiros 958.
HaprIANn.
Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Tpatavis ᾿Αδριανὸς Σεβαστός 898. 40; 986.
“Adpiavés 957.
ANTONINUS Pius.
᾿Αντωνῖνος Kaic. ὁ κύριος 899. 30.
θεὸς Αἴλιος ᾿Αντωνῖνος 899. 20.
᾿Αντωνῖνος 899. 29.
Marcus AURELIUS AND VERUS.

᾿Αντωνῖνος καὶ Ovnpos οἱ κύριοι Σεβαστοί 973.

Marcus AvrELIUvs.

᾿Αντωνῖνος καὶ Φαυστῖνα Σεβαστοί 9085. 1.

Commonvs.
θεὸς Κόμοδος 909, 23.
Κόμοδος 988.
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.
Imp. Caes. Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Aug. Arabicus Adiabenicus
894. I.
Abroxp, Kaio, Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Σεουῆρος Εὐσεβής 899. introd.
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS AND CARACALLA.

Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Σεουῆρος EvoeB. Περτίναξ SB. ’ApaB. ᾿Αδιαβην. καὶ Μάρκος
Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αντωνῖνος Καῖσ. ἀποδεδειγμένος Αὐτοκρ. 910. 43; 976.

11... CONSULS SARA S, AND INDICTIONS 347

Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Σεουῆρος Εὐσεβ. Ueptiva€ eB, "Apa. ᾿Αδιαβην. Παρθικὸς
Μέγιστος καὶ Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αντωνῖνος 38. 916. I.

Αὐτοκρ. Καίσαρες Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Σεουῆρος Evoe. Περτίναξ ᾿Αραβ. ᾿Αδιαβην. Tap. Μέγιστ.
καὶ Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αντωνῖνος ers 908. 4o.

Severus ALEXANDER.

Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος Σεουῆρος ᾿Αλέξανδρος Εὐσεβ. Εὐτυχ. Σεβ. 909. 34; 972;
988.

Maximinus.

Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Tasos ᾿Ιούλιος Οὐῆρος Μαξιμεῖνος Εὐσεβ. Εὐτυχ. Σεβ. 912. 27.
GALLUS AND VOLUSIANUS.

Αὐτοκρ. Kaioapes Tatos Οὐΐβιος Τρεβωνιανὸς Γάλλος καὶ Taos Οὐίβιος ᾿Αφίνιος Τάλλος Οὐελ-
δουμνιανὸς Οὐολουσιανὸς Εὐσεβ. Εὐτυχ. Σεβαστοί 977.

GALLIENUS.

Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Πούπλιος Λικίννιος Ταλλιηνὸς Γερμανικὸς Μέγιστ. Εὐσεβ. Εὐτυχ. Σεβ. 864.
Tacitus.

Αὐτοκρ. Καῖσ. Μάρκος Κλαύδιος Τάκιτος Εὐσεβ. Εὐτυχ. Σεβ. 907. 27.
ὁ κύριος Μάρκος Κλαύδιος Τάκιτος 907. 26.

ῬΙΟΟΙΈΕΤΙΑΝ and Maxtytan (cf. Index III).

of κύριοι Διοκλητιανὸς καὶ Μαξιμιανὸς Σεβαστοί 888. 6.
[Αὐτοκρ. Γάιος Αὐρήλιος Οὐαλέριος Διοκλητιανὸς Γερμανικὸς Μέγιστ. Τουνθικὸς [Μέγιστ. κ.τ.λ.
Εὐσεβ.] Εὐτυχ. Νικητὴς Σεβ. καὶ [Αὐτοκρ. Μάρκος Αὐρήλιος Οὐαλέριος Μαξιμιανὸς Εὐσεβ. Evrvx.
SB. | Σαρματικὸς Μέγιστ. Γερμ. [Μέγιστ. καὶ Φλαούιος Οὐαλέριος Κωνστάντιος καὶ Γάιος Οὐαλέριος
Μαξιμιανὸς οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι Καίσαρες 889. 1.
κα καὶ vy ἔτος (of Diocletian and the Caesars Constantius and Maximian) 895. 6.

Maurice.

fa , ΄ , :
6 θειότατος καὶ εὐσεβέστατος ἡμῶν δεσπότης μέγιστος εὐεργέτης Φλαούιος Τιβέριος Μαυρίκιος ὁ
», ΕΝ Ν > ,
αἰώνιος Αὔγουστος καὶ Αὐτοκράτωρ 996.
Αὔγουστοι 897. 12.

III. CONSULS, ERAS, AND INDICTIONS.

ConsuLs.
ἐφ᾽ ὑπάτων Κωνσταντίου καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ τῶν emp. Καισάρων (294) 891. I.
Κωνσταντίῳ καὶ Μαξιμιανῷ τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις Καίσαρσιν τὸ Υ. ὑπάτοις (300) 889. II.
eg ὑπάτων Kwyorartiov καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ τῶν ἐπιφ. Καισάρων τὸ ε΄ (305) 895. I.
ὑπατείας Καικινίου Σαβίνου καὶ Οὐεττίου ρουφίνου τῶν λαμπροτάτων (316) 896. 19, 35;
989.
ὑπατείας Λικινίου Σεβαστοῦ τὸ ς΄ καὶ Λικινίου τοῦ ἐπιφ. Καίσ. τὸ β' (322) 900. τ.
ὑπατείας Ἰουνίου Βάσσου καὶ Φλαουίου ᾿Αβλαβίου τῶν λαμπροτ. ἐπάρχων (331) 990.
ὑπατείας Οὐ(β]ου Νεπωτιανοῦ καὶ Τεττίου Φακούνδου τῶν λαμπροτ. (336) 901]. I.

348 INDICES

ὑπατείας Φλαουίων Οὔρσου καὶ Πολεμίου τῶν λαμπροτ. (338) 892. 13.

ὑπατείας ᾿Αντωνίου Μαρκελλίνου καὶ Πετρωνίου Ἱπροβίνου τῶν λαμπροτ. (341) 991.

ὑπατείας Κωνσταντίου τὸ δ΄ καὶ Κώνσταντος τὸ γ᾽ Αὐγούστων (346) 897. I.

ὑπατείας Φλαουίων Εὐδοξίου καὶ Διοσκόρου τῶν λαμπροτ. (442) 918. 1.

μετὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Φλαουίου Βιβιανοῦ τοῦ λαμπροτ. τὸ β΄ καὶ τοῦ δηλωθησομένου (about 465)
902. Ig.

τοῖς μετὰ THY ὑπατείαν Φλαουίου Θεοδωρίχου τοῦ λαμπροτ. (486) 914. 1.

ὑπατείας Φλαουίου Τιβερίου Μαυρικίου ἔτους α (584) 996.

Eras ΟΕ Οχυξηυνοηῦξ.

ἔτος πθ νη (μη Pap.; 413) 992.
» ρξβ pra (486) 914. 13.

pe (AS Ue (499) 994.

» σμθ om (572) 915. 4.

» TOY o&8 (616-7) 999.

INDICTIONS.

and (6th cent.) 993.

3rd (584) 996.

5th (616-7) 999.

6th (572) 915. 2, 14.

gth (486) 914. 2, 14; (499; 1. 8th) 994; Mesore τι, ἀρχῇ (5th cent.) 995.
13th (444-5) 918. 8.

IV. MONTHS AND DAYS.

(2) MONTHS.
Τερμανίκειος (Pachon) 962.
Σεβαστός (Thoth) 958; 985.

(Ὁ) DAYS.
εἰδοὶ ᾿Απρίλλιαι 899. introd. ἐπαγομένων a 972.
εἶδοι Δεκέμβριαι 889. το. τριακάς 967.

V. PERSONAL NAMES.

"Al. Jamns village-elder, son of Heron 918. xi. [᾿Αγαθόκλεια, Σαραποῦς also called Ag., daughter

Eo. of Aristion 964.
"ABaBix(s) 984. ᾿Αγαθὸς Δαίμων ἄρξας son of Caecilius 990.
᾿Αβρασάξ 924. 18. ᾿Αγχορίμφις father of Anchorimphis 918. iii.12. .
᾿Αγαθήμερος 936. το. ᾿Αγχορίμφις son of Anchorimphis and father

᾿Αγαθῖνος 987. 5, 17. of Benia[.]is 918. iii. 11.

V. PERSONAL NAMES

᾿Αγχορίμφις son of Horus 918. xi. 20.

᾿Αγχορίμφις son οἵ Onnophris (1) 918. ii. τι,
18, 23, xl. 20; (2) 986.

*Adpi(ay ) 929. introd.

᾿Αθανάσιος son of Demetrius 939. 22.

*Aias, Αὐρηλία A. daughter of Agathodaemon
990.

Aiftoras 934. 14.

Αἰμίλιος Σατουρνῖνος praefect 899. 10; 916.9.

Αἰσχυρᾶς father of Tharion 984.

᾿Αλέξανδρος, Ἰούλιος ᾿Α. father of Pausanias
936, I.

᾿Αλέξανδρος, Τιβέριος ’A, praefect 899. 28.

᾿Αλλοῦς, Αὐρηλία "A. daughter of Thonius
901. 4.

᾿Αμηοῦς son of Patunis 918. ii. 15.

᾿Αμηοῦς son of Sokonopis 918. ii. 14.

᾿Αμμωνᾶς son of Pastoous and father of
Petesuchus 986.

᾿Αμμωνιανός 895. introd.

᾿Αμμωνιανός, Οὐαλέριος ᾽Α.4150 called Gerontius,
logistes 896. 1, 23, 34, 36; 989.

᾿Αμμώνιος 986. 21; 989.

᾿Αμμώνιος son of Ammonius 986.

᾿Αμμώνιος son of Rhodion and father of
Ammonius 986.

᾿Αμμώνιος, Αὐρήλιος ᾿Α. ex-exegetes 908. 8.

᾿Αμμώνιος, Αὐρήλιος Διονύσιος also called Am.
911. 9.

᾿Αμμώνιος, Aididios A, 899. 46.

᾿Αμόις, Αὐρήλιος A. son Of Horus 897. 4.

᾿Αμυνταροῦς daughter of Amyntas 918. 5.

᾿Αμυντᾶς 918. 6.

᾿Αμφιθαλής 928. 4.

᾿Ανδρόμαχος 978.

᾿Ανήσιος son of Anoup 996.

᾿Ανήσιος father of Aurelius Anoup 996.

“Avda 908. 32.

᾿Ανούθιος deacon (?) 993.

᾿Ανούπ father of Anesius 996.

Ανούπ, Αὐρήλιος ᾽Α. son of Anesius 996.

*Avpeots daughter of Phrateus 984.

*Avreis son of Sarapas 976.

᾿Αντίμαχος, Θέων also called Ant., gymnasiarch
908. Io.

᾿Αντίνοος 983. 29.

’Avrivoos also called Hermes 909. 5.

᾿Αντωνῖνος 899. introd.

᾿Αντωνῖνος, Αὐρήλιος A, 6 κράτιστος (vice-

praefect ?) 970.

᾿Απολλώς leadworker 915. 1 ;
᾿Απολλὼς μείζων, son of Phoebammon 893. 2.

349

᾿Αντώνιος, Αὐρήλιος ᾿Α. governor of Aegyptus

Herculia 896. 29.

᾿Αντώνιος, Γάιος Ἰούλιος ᾽Α. 972.
ἔΑπα Βίκτωρ 987.
᾿Απεῖς, Αὐρήλιος Σαραπίων also called Ap.,

senator 977.

᾿Απίων 928, 2; 967.

᾿Απίων collector οἵ money-taxes 917. 1;
981; 982.

᾿Απίων eutheniarch 908. 3, 45.
᾿Απίων public physician, son of Herodotus

983.

᾿Απίων strategus (?) 929. 25.
᾿Απίων, Praowos A. 999.
᾿Απολινάριος 928. 1, 16; 932. 2, 3.

᾿Απολιψάριος, Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Αὐρήλιος Σαραπίων

also called Ap., prytanis 890. I.

᾿Απολινάριος πρεσβευτής 988. I, 31.
᾿Απόλλων θεὸς μέγιστος 984.
᾿Απολλωνάριον also called Aristandra daughter

of Aristander 899. 2 67 saep.

᾿Απολλωνία 905. 17; 984.

᾿Απολλωνία daughter of Origenes 888. το.
᾿Απολλωνία daughter of Sarapion 918. v. 18.
᾿Απολλώνιος 929. introd.; 969.

᾿Απολλώνιος assistant of sitologi 9738.
᾿Απολλώνιος also called Didymus son of

Onesas 909. 3.

᾿Απολλώνιος son of Gaius 969.

᾿Απολλώνιος son Of Heracles 905. 3.
᾿Απολλώνιος father of Heraclides 918. ii. 19.
᾿Απολλώνιος ὀφφικιάλιος 896. 28.

᾿Απολλώνιος son of Panephremmis 918. iii. 8.
᾿Απολλώνιος, Αὐρήλιος ᾿Α.

son of Sarapion
oe 1000-3

᾿Απφοῦς son of Epimachus 999.

᾿Απφοῦς, Αὐρήλιος ’A. son of Hareous 914. 3,
20.

᾿Ἀρᾶσις 968.

᾿Αρεία 924. 2, IQ.

” Apetos vegetable- -seller 980.

‘Apeods father of Aurelius Apphous 914. 3,
20.

“Apns θεὸς μέγιστος 984.

᾿Αριστάνδρα, Apollonarion also called Ar.,
daughter of Aristander 899. 2 οἱ saep.

’Apioravdpos father of Apollonarion also
called Aristandra 899. 2.

360

᾿Αρίστανδρος son of Zenon 988.
᾿Αριστίων father of Aurelius Theon also called
Eudaemon 964.

᾿Αριστίων, Αὐρήλιος Θέων also called Eudaemon |

surnamed Ar., son of Aristion 964.
“Αρμιέυς father of Taames 918. iii. 9.
“Αρμιύσιος, Αὐρήλιος "A. son of Padidymus

913. 5, 21.

“Αρμιῦσις son of Patron 986.

“Αρουσῶις 984.

“Αρποκρατίων 935. 6.

᾿Αρσινόη 921, 1.

᾿Αρσίνοος father of Aurelius Artemidorus
896. 2.

᾿Αρτεμίδωρος, Αὐρήλιος
Arsinous 896. 2, 20.

᾿Ασκληπιάδης, Αὐρήλιος Θέων also called Ascl.

912. 4.
᾿Ασπιδᾶς 984.
᾿Ατῆρις 984.

“Ατρῆς 985. introd.

Αὖκτος father of Horus 9885. introd.

Αὐρηλία Aids daughter of Agathodaemon 990.

Αὐρηλία ᾿Αλλοῦς daughter of Thonius 901. 4.

Αὐρηλία Βησοῦς daughter of Sarapion 912. 1,
40.

Αὐρηλία Διδύμη daughter of Aurelius Hermo-
genes also called Eudaemon 907. 3 67 saep.

Αὐρηλία Εὐδαιμονίς daughter of Antinous also
called Hermes 909. 5.

Αὐρηλία Θεανοῦς daughter of Didymus 960.

Αὐρηλία Ἰσιδώρα also called Prisca 907. 4,
16, 21.

Αὐρηλία Πτολεμαῖς daughter of Aurelius
Hermogenes also called Eudaemon 907.
3, ΤΥ. τὰν

Αὐρηλία Τααμμώνιος daughter of Sarapion
991.

Αὐρηλία Tadp daughter of Castor 913. 5, 22.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αμμώνιος ex-exegetes 909. 8.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αμόις son of Horus 897. 4.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Ανούπ son of Anesius 998.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αντωνῖνος ὁ κράτιστος (vice-praefect ?}
970.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αντώνιος governor of Aegyptus
Herculia 896. 29.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Απολλώνιος son of Sarapion 890. r4.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Απφοῦς son of Hareous 914. 3.

Αὐρήλιος ‘Appwows son of Padidymus 918.
5, 21.

*A. painter, son of

INDICES

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αρτεμίδωρος painter, son of Arsinous
896. 2, 20.

Αὐρήλιος Δημήτριος son of Dionysotheon 907.
20.

Αὐρήλιος Δημήτριος also called Zoilus, exegetes
911. 1.

Αὐρήλιος Δίδυμος public physician, son of
Dioscorus 896. 24, 37.

Αὐρήλιος Διονυσάμμων 907. 23.

Αὐρήλιος Διονύσιος also called Ammonius
911. 9.

Αὐρήλιος Διονύσιος also called Aphrodisius,
gymnasiarch 977.

Αὐρήλιος Διόσκορος 977.

Αὐρήλιος Διόσκορος senator, son of Silvanus
900. 4, 31.

Αὐρήλιος Δομιττιανός son of Sarapion 890. 14.

Αὐρήλιος ‘Eppeivos son of Aurelius Hermo-
genes also called Eudaemon 907. 3, 7, 10.

Αὐρήλιος Ἑρμογένης also called Eudaemon,
exegetes 907. I, 27.

Αὐρήλιος "Ηρακλείδης son of Aurelius Hermo-
genes also called Eudaemon 907. 3, 7,
19.

Αὐρήλιος Ἥρων public physician 896. 24, 37.

Αὐρήλιος Θεογένης son of Theogenes 911]. 4.

Αὐρήλιος Θέων also called Asclepiades 912. 4.

Αὐρήλιος Θέων also called Eudaemon sur-
named Aristion, son of Aristion 964.

Αὐρήλιος Θεωνᾶς 909. 1.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Ισίδωρος 964.

Αὐρήλιος ᾿Ισίδωρος son οἵ Chaeremon 912. το.

Αὐρήλιος Κορνηλιανός prytanis 891. 6.

Αὐρήλιος Λεωνίδης strategus 890. 4.

Αὐρήλιος, Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Αὐρ. Σαραπίων also
called Apolinarius, prytanis 890. 1.

Αὐρήλιος Μακάριος son of Joseph 902. 2, 18...

Αὐρήλιος Νεπωτιανός prytanis 892. 6.

Αὐρήλιος Πάρις also called Zeuxianus, chief-
priest elect 970.

Αὐρήλιος Πασίων senator,
892. 2.

Αὐρήλιος Παπνούτιος son οἱ Paésius 897. 5.

Αὐρήλιος Πατᾶπις son of Paésis 897. 4.

Αὐρήλιος Πατῦτις son of Panouris 912. 6.

Αὐρήλιος Πτολεμαῖος 970.

Αὐρήλιος Πτολλίων son of. Ptollion 909. 1,
37:

Αὐρήλιος Σακάων comarch,
895. 4.

son of Horion

son of Petiris

V. PERSONAL NAMES

Αὐρήλιος Σαραπίων also called Apeis, senator
977.

Αὐρήλιος Σαραπίων also called Theon 960.

Αὐρήλιος Sapas 921. introd.

Αὐρήλιος Σαρμάτης elder 897. 5.

Αὐρήλιος Σερῆνος son of Aurelius Ammonivs
909. 8.

Αὐρήλιος Zepqvos son of Daniel 914. 5.

Αὐρήλιος Σερῆνος son of Serenus 909. Io.

Αὐρήλιος Σεύθης also called Horion, logistes
895. 3.

Αὐρήλιος Στέφανος 934. I, 17.

Αὐρήλιος Σωτήριχος son of Didymus 909. 12.

Αὐρήλιος Χαιρήμων 984. 1, 17.

Αὐρήλιος Ψόις comarch, son of Patabes 895. 4.

Αὐρήλιος ‘Qpiev son of Aurelius Hermogenes
also called Eudaemon 907. 3, 7, 19.

Avgidios ᾿Αμμώνιος 899. 46.

᾿Αφροδίσιος, Αὐρήλιος Διονύσιος also called
Aphr., gymnasiarch 977.

᾿Αφροδίτη goddess 921. 22.

᾿Αχιλλεύς also called Isidorus, gymnasiarch
908. 12.

Βαριχᾶς 995.

Βελλέως father of Sarapion 985.

Bemal. |s son of Anchorimphis 918. iii. 11.

Bepevixtavds, ‘Qpiwv also called Ber., gymnasi-
arch 908. 13.

Βησοῦς, Αὐρηλία B. 912. 1, 40.

Βίκτωρ 943. 9. “Ama Βίκτωρ 987.

Ταβριήλ, ὁ ἅγιος T. 998.

Γάιος father of Apollonius 969.

Τάιος ᾿Ιούλιος ᾿Αντώνιος 972.

Γάιος Πουλφέρνιος Τιβερῖνος 972.

Ταίων (?), Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Τέμινος also called
Gai. 916. 11.

Τέμινος, Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Τ', also called Gaion
916. II. ;

Τερόντιος, Οὐαλέριος ᾿Αμμωνιανός also called
Gerontius, logistes 896. 1, 23.

Γεώργιος 915. I.

Τεώργιος castrensis (?) 1001.

Γεώργιος chartularius 948. 9.

Γεώργιος son of John 998.

Δαίμων, ᾿Αγαθὸς A. ἄρξας, son of Caecilius
990.
Δανιήλιος father of Aurelius Serenus 914. 5.

99:

Δανιήλιος president of the council 918. 2.

Δήμαρχος 987. I, 31.

Δημέας 980.

Δημητρία daughter of Andromachus 978.

Δημήτριος father of Athanasius 989. 2, 33.

Δημήτριος son of Heraclides 988. 1.

Δημήτριος, Αὐρήλιος A. son of Dionysotheon
907. 20, 22.

Δημήτριος, Αὐρήλιος A. also called Zoilus,
exegetes 911, I.

Διδύμη 899.3; 968.

Διδύμη, Αὐρηλία A, daughter of Aurelius
Hermogenes also called Eudaemon 907.
3 ef sacp.

Δίδυμος 907. 22; 960.

Δίδυμος father of Aurelius Soterichus 909. 12.

Δίδυμος son of Dionysius also called Phatreus
898. 3.

Δίδυμος, ᾿Απολλώνιος also called Did., son of
Demeas 909. 3.

Δίδυμος, Αὐρήλιος Δ. public physician, son of
Dioscorus 896. 24, 37.

Δίδυμος, Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος A. gymnasiarch
908. 6.

Διογένης 906. 4, 5, 7; 935. 1, 25.

Διογένης καθηγητής 980. 7.

Διογένης linen-merchant 938. 1, 32.

Διονυσάμμων, Αὐρήλιος Δ. 907. 23.

Διονυσάριος, Φλαούιος Δ. riparius 897. 3.

Διονύσιος 971 ; 974.

Διονύσιος assistant of collector of corn-dues
976.

Διονύσιος gymnasiarch 908. 11.

Διονύσιος father of Herodes 988.

Διονύσιος also called Phatreus,
Didymus 898. 3.

Διονύσιος father of Ptolemaeus 910. 56.

Διονύσιος, Αὐρήλιος A. also called Ammonius
911. 9.

Διονύσιος, Αὐρήλιος A. also called Aphrodisius,
gymnasiarch 977.

Διονυσοθέων father of Aurelius Demetrius
907. 20.

Διόνυσος god 917. 3.

Aios son of Dius 986.

Aios father of Onnophris 918. ii. 19; 986.

Aios son of Onnophris and father of Dius
986.

Atos son of Onnophris and father of Hera-
cleus 986.

father of

334

Aios'son of Onnophris and father of Pene- |
oueris 986.

Διόσκορος 898. 10, 14, 17-

Διόσκορος father of Aurelius Didymus 896.
25.

Διόσκορος father of Psenamounis 989.

Διόσκορος, Αὐρήλιος A. 977. ᾿

Διόσκορος, Αὐρήλιος Δ. senator, son of Silvanus |
900. 4.

Διόσκορος, Patios Δ. ἐπόπτης εἰρήνης 991. Ϊ

Διοσκουρίδης 907. 15

Διοσκουρίδης, Οὐαλέριος A. also called Julianus,
logistes 900. 3.

Awopdyns| strategus 899. introd.

Δομιττιανός, Αὐρήλιος A. son of Sarapion 890.
14.

Δωρόθεος 992.

‘Exdtov 968.

᾿Ἑξακονοῦς 967.

‘E€dxov 923. 3.

‘Emivayos father of Apphous 999.

Ἕρμί 907. 15.

‘Eppas wineseller 985.

Ἑρμῆς, ᾿Αντίνοος also called Herm. 909. 5.

Ἑρμογένης, Αὐρήλιος Ἕ. also called Eudaemon,
exegetes 907. I, 27.

‘Epyd8epos basilicogrammateus and acting
strategus 898. I.

Ἔρως 927. 1.

Ἔρως παιδαγωγός 980. 28.

Εὐάγγελος smith 989.

Εὐδαιμονίς, Αὐρηλία Eis. daughter of Antinous
also called Hermes 909. 3.

Εὐδαίμων son of Lycus 984.

Εὐδαίμων, Αὐρήλιος Ἑρμογένης also called Eud., |
exegetes 907. I, 27.

INDICES

Εὐδαίμων, Αὐρήλιος Θέων also called Eud. sur-
named ᾿Αριστίων, son of Aristion 964.

Εὐδαίμων, Οὐαλέριος Εὐδ. praefect 899. 29.

Εὐθάλαμος 908. 27.

Εὐλόγιος, Φλαούιος Εὐλ. riparius 897. 3.

Εὔνοια 907. 15..-

Εὐσέβιος, Φλαούιος Evo. logistes 892. 1.

Εὐτύχης sitologus (?) 9738.

ἙΕὐφρόσυνος 939. 19.

Ζευξιανός, Αὐρήλιος Πάρις also called Zeux.,
chief-priest elect 970.

_ ρων son of Xenon 986.

Ζήνων father of Aristander 988.
Ζήνων father of Heron 986.

Zon 908. 5.

Ζωίλος 908. 12.

Ζωΐλος banker’s assistant 916. 18.

—_— τὰ το

| Ζωίλος, Αὐρήλιος Δημήτριος also called Zo., }

exegetes 911. I.
Ζώπυρος 928. 3.
Ζώσιμος 937.15; 974.

Ἠλάσιος (?) 926. 7.
Ἡλιόδωρος 985. 25. |
Ἡραθέων 926. 1.

| Ἡρακλᾶς 890. 17; 985.

Ἡράκλεια daughter of Theon 899. introd.

| Ἡρακλείδης son of Apollonius 918. v. 19.

Ἡρακλείδης father of Demetrius 938. 1.

Ἡρακλείδης, Αὐρήλιος ‘Hp. son of Aurelius
Hermogenes also called Eudaemon 907.
3, 17, 19.

Ἡρακλεόδωρος father of Heracleodorus 984.

Ἡρακλεόδωρος son of Heracleodorus and ἘΝ
father of Hierax 984.

Ἡράκληος 984. 5; 984.

Ἡράκληος father of Choous 897. 8. ]

‘HpdkAnos son of Dius and father of Musthas
986.

Ἡράκληος son of Hierax 984.

Ἡράκληος also called Matreas 898. 5.

Ἡράκληος son of Peneoueris 986.

Ἡράκληος son of Peneoueris and father of
Heracles 986.

“Ἡράκληος father of Ptolemaeus 984.

Ἡρακλῆς son of Heracleus 986.

Ἡρακλῆς son of Morus and father of Apollo-
nius 905. 4, 17.

Ἡρακλῆς son of Ptolemaeus 984.

Ἡρόδοτος father of Apion public physician
983.

Ἡρώδης 988.

“Ἡρώδης son of Dionysius 988.

Ἥρων comogrammateus 986.

Ἥρων father of Heron 918. ii. 19.

Ἥρων son of Heron and father of Patunis
918. ii. 12, 18, 24.

Ἥρων son of Nestnephis and father of Patunis
918. iii. 12.

"Hpov village-elder, father of A[.]apes 918.
xi. 12.

V. PERSONAL NAMES

Ἥρων, Αὐρήλιος “Hp. public physician 896.
24, 37:

Θαῆσις 888. το; 921.12; 9385. introd.

Θαῆσις daughter of Panesneus 984.

Cais 982. 1.

Θαΐς daughter of Amphithales 928. 4.

Θάλλουσα 984.

Θαρίων son of Aischuras 984.

Θατρῆς daughter of Menodorus 9085. 3.

Θεαβῆσις daughter of Pesouris 918. ii. 12,
22, 24.

Θεανοῦς 935. 24.

Θεανοῦς, Αὐρηλία Θ. daughter of Didymus 960.

Θεαροῦς 963.

Θευγένης father of Theogenes 911. 4.

Θεογένης son of Theogenes 911. 4.

Θεογένης father of Aurelius Theogenes 911. 4.

Θεογένης, Αὐρήλιος 8. son of Theogenes 911. 4.

Θεόδοτος 942. 7.

Θεόδωρος 902. 5.

Θεόπομπος 991. 1, τό.

Θέων 899. introd.; 935. 24.

Θέων also called Antimachus, gymnasiarch
908. Io.

Θέων, Αὐρήλιος Θ. also called Asclepiades 912. 4.

Θέων, Αὐρήλιος 8. also called Eudaemon sur-
named Aristion, son of Aristion 964.

Θεωνᾶς, Αὐρήλιος Θ. 909. 11.

Θεωνίς 980. 24.

᾿Ιβοεῖς 989.
ἸΙρακίαινα 936. 27.
‘Iepaxiwy eX-agoranomus, son of Hieracion
910. I.
Ἱερακίων father of Hieracion 910. 1.
‘Iépaé son of Heracleodorus 984.
“έραξ father of Heracleus 984.
"Ingots 924. 15; 925. 4.
᾿ἸΙουλιανός 992.
‘TovAtavds, Οὐαλέριος Διοσκουρίδης also called
' Jul., logistes 900. 3.
ἸΙουλιανός, PAaovios "I, acting defensor 901. 3.
Ἰούλιος Ἀλέξανδρος father of Pausanias 936. 1.
ἸΙούλιος Σαραπίων 919. 2, 11 (?).
Ἰούλιος, Τάιος Ἰ. ᾿Αντώνιος 972.
᾿Ιοῦστος 986. 18.
᾿Ιοῦστος monk 994.
᾿Ιοῦστος, ὁ ἅγιος "I. 941. 5.
Ἰσάκ, Φλαούιος “I, defensor 902. 1.

393

ἸΙσιδώρα, Αὐρηλία “I. 964.

᾿Ισιδώρα, Αὐρηλία “I. also called Prisca 907.
4, 16, 21.

ἸΙσιδώρα, Κλαυδία Ἰ. 919. 7.

ἸΙσιδωρίων 928. 14.

᾿Ισίδωρος 906. το.

Ἰσίδωρος, Αὐρήλιος I. son of Chaeremon 912.
10,

Ἰσίδωρος, Ἀχιλλεύς also called Is., gym-
nasiarch 908. 12.

Ἰσίων son of Panephremmis 918. ii. 19.

Ἰωάννης 941. 10; 995.

ἸΙωάννης father of Georgius 996.

Ἰωάννης father of Paniren 898. 2.

"loon father of Aurelius Macarius 902. 2, 18.

Ἰωσήφ notary 940. 7.

Καικίλιος father of Agathodaemon 990.
Κακῆς 935. introd.

Καλή 984. 7.

Καλλέας 921. 8.

Καλλέας pilot 919. 3.

Κάστωρ 913. 5, 22.

Κερελί, Λούκιος Κερελί. ...... lenavés 965.
Κλάρος 968.

Κλαυδία ᾿Ισιδώρα 919. 1.
Κλαύδιος, Τιβέριος Κλ.
Gaion (?) 916. 11.
Κλαύδιος, Τιβέριος Κλ. Δίδυμος gymnasiarch

908. 6.
Κλώδιος Κουλκιανός praefect 895. 8.
Κόλλουθος 934. 6.
Κοπρεύς 984. 7, 8, 11.
Κορελλιανός, Μινίκιος Κ. epistrategus 899. 30.
Κορνηλιανός, Αὐρήλιος K. prytanis 891. 6.
Κορνήλιος son of Pekusis 899. 49.
Κορνήλιος ποικιλτήῆς 980.
Κουλκιανός, Κλώδιος Κ. praefect 895. 8.
Κυρία 914. 3.
Κύριλλα 981. 11.

Γέμινος also called

Λεωνίδης, Αὐρήλιος A. strategus 890. 4.

Λούκιος 928. 1.

Δούκιος Κερελΐ. ... ss Ἰανιανός 965.

Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Αὐρήλιος Σαραπίων also called
Apolinarius, prytanis 890. 1.

Λύκος 984.

Δύκος son of Horus and father of Eudaemon
984.

Λυκόφρων father of Orseutes 984.

354

Μακάριος, Αὐρήλιος M. son of Joseph 902. 2,
18.

Mapia 992.

Μαρῖνος tow-merchant 898. 4, 5, 8.

Marcus Ulpius Primianus praefect 894. 4.

Μάρκος μείζων 893. 2, 4.

Marpeas, Ἡράκληος also called Mat. 898. 6.

Marpeiva daughter of Heracleus also called
Matreas 898. 5.

Μηνᾶς 943. I.

Μηνᾶς μειζότερος 922. 21.

Μηνᾶς προκουράτωρ 948. 2.

Μηνόδωρος son of Horus 905. 2, 15.

Μινίκιος Κορελλιανός epistrategus 899. 30.

Moveis 988.

Μυσθᾶς son of Heracleus 986.

Μῶρος father of Heracles 905. 17.

Νεπωτιανός, Αὐρήλιος N. prytanis 892. 6.
Νεστνῆφις father of Heron 918. iii. 12.
Νικάνωρ 929. 1, 26.

Nivvapos οἰκονόμος 929. 1, 25.

Νιννοῦς 941, 1 (?).

"Omoas father of Apollonius also called
Didymus 909. 3.

᾿οννῶφρις 918. il. 7.

᾿οννῶφρις father of Dius 986.

᾿οννῶφρις son οἵ Dius and father of Ancho-
rimphis 918. ii. 11, 18, 23, xl. 20; 986.

᾿οννῶφρις son of Horus 918. iii. 7.

᾿οννῶφρις son of Orseutes 984.

*Opaevrns son of Lycophron and father of
Onnophris 984.

Οὐαλέριος ᾿Αμμωνιανός also called Gerontius,
logistes 896. 1, 23; 983.

Οὐαλέριος Διοσκουρίδης also called Julianus,
logistes 900. 3.

Οὐαλέριος Εὐδαίμων praefect 899. 29.

Οὐαλέριος, Φλαούιος Οὐ. Πομπηιανός praefect
888. 1.

᾿Οφιεύς father of Sisuphis 984.

Παανοῦφις 984.

TlaBavos 90]. 8, 9.

Παγῶνις 989.

Παδίδυμος father of Aurelius Harmiusis 913.
5, 22.

Παήσιος father of Aurelius Papnoutius 897. 6.

Παήσιος father of Aurelius Patapis 897. 5.

INDICES

Παμούθιος μείζων 898. 1.

Πανεσνεύς freedman, father
cration 984.

Πανεφρέμμις father of Apollonius 918. iii. 8.

Πανεφρέμμις father of Ision 918. ii. 19.

Tavipev μείζων son of John 893. 1.

Πανοῦρις father of Aurelius Patutis 912. 6.

Παπινούτιος, Αὐρήλιος Π. son of Paésius 897. 6.

Tlapexarns 984.

Πάρις, Αὐρήλιος Π. also called Zeuxianus, chief-
priest elect 970.

Παρμενίων 899. 27, 30.

Πασίων public banker 916. 6, 12, 15.

Πασίων smith 989.

Πασίων, Αὐρήλιος Π. senator, son of Horion
892. 2.

Παστωοῦς father of Ammonas 986.

Παταβῆς son of Aurelius Psois 895. 5.

Πατᾶπις, Αὐρήλιος Π. son of Paésius 897. 4,

Πατῆβις 984.

Πατρίκιος (?) 922. 7.

Πάτρων father of Harmiusis 986.

Πατῦνις father of Ameous 918. ii. 15.

Πατῦνις son of Heron 918. ii. 11, 19, 23, iil. 12.

Πατῦτις, Αὐρήλιος Π. son of Panouris 912. 6.

Παυλῖνος collector of corn-dues 976.

Παυσανίας son of Julius Alexander 986. 1.

Tlavpars 984.

Πεκολάριος (?) 992.

Πέλωρος 918. xiii. 13.

Πεκῦσις father of Κορνήλιος 899. 49.

Πένβα 989.

Ileveodpis son of Dius 986.

Ileveodpis father of Heracleus 986.

Ileveovpis son of Heracleus 986.

Πεσοῦρις father of Theabesis 918.11.12, 22, 24.

Πεταρποκρατίων son of Panesneus 984,

Πετεσορφιῶμις son of Phanias 986.

Πετεσοῦχος 985.

Πετεσοῦχος son of Ammonas 986.

Πετῖρις son of Aurelius Sakaon 895. 4.

Πετοβάστις ropemaker 984. 4.

Πετουφῶις 984.

Πετρώνιος exceptor 942. 6.

Πλέβ horse 922. 13.

Πλουτάρχη 906. 4, 7, 10.

Πλουτογένης 933. 27.

Πομπηιανός, Φλαούιος Οὐαλέριος .praefect 888.1.

Πουῆρις 986.

Πουλφέρνιος, Γάιος II, Τιβερῖνος 972.

οἵ Petarpo-

V. PERSONAL NAMES

Ποῦνσις 984.

Πραοῦς 996.

Πρεῖσκα, Αὐρηλία ᾿Ισιδώρα also called Prisca
907. 4,16, 21.

Πρείσκιλλα 935. introd.

Primianus, Marcus Ulpius P. praefect 894. 4.

Πτολεμαῖος 930. 30.

Πτολεμαῖος basilicogrammateus 986.

Πτολεμαῖος son of Dionysius 910. 56.

Πτολεμαῖος son of Heracleus and father of
Heracles 984.

Πτολεμαῖος, Αὐρήλιος II, son of Hieraciaena
970.

Πτολεμαΐς, Αὐρηλία Π. daughter of Hermogenes
also called Eudaemon 907. 3, 11, 14.

Πτολεμεῖνος also called Sarmates, exegetes
891. 8.

Πτολλίων 899. 21.

Πτολλίων father of Aurelius Ptollion 909. 1, 37.

Πτολλίων,. Αὐρήλιος II, son of Ptollion 909.

I, 37:
“Ῥοδίων father of Ammonius 986.

Sabina, Ulpia S. 894. 6.

Σαβῖνος 907. 15; 932. 9.

Σαλόβις 989.

Σαμουὴλ περίβλεπτος 994.

Σαραπάμμων father of Teos 910. 3, 48.

Sapanas father of Anteis 976.

Σαραπίας 912. 2.

Sapanias daughter of Herodes 988.

Σαραπίων 890. 1; 912. 2; 918. v. 18; 935.
14, 23; 968; 991.

Σαραπίων son of Belleos 985.

Σαραπίων ex-agoranomus, father of Apollonius
and Domittianus 890. 15.

Σαραπίων also called Horion, son of...on
908. I, 44.

Σαραπίων, strategus αἱ Sebennytus 981. 1, 15.

Σαραπίων, Αὐρήλιος Σ. also called Apeis,
senator 977.

Σαραπίων, Αὐρήλιος Σ. also called Theon 960.

Σαραπίων, Λούκιος Σεπτίμιος Αὐρήλιος Σ. also
called Apolinarius, prytanis 890. 1.

Σαραπίων, Sdaowos =. son of Horion 918. 24.

Σαραποδώρα 932. 9.

Σαραποῦς also called Agathoclia, daughter of
Aristion 964.

Sapas 974.

355

Σαρᾶς, Αὐρήλιος Σ. 921. introd.

Σαρμάτης, Αὐρήλιος Σ. elder 897. 5.

Σαρμάτης, Πτολεμεῖνος 4150 16 Sarm.,exegetes
891. 8.

Σαρποκρατίς 984.

Σατουρνῖνος ῥήτωρ 899. 21.

Σατουρνῖνος, Αἰμίλιος Σ, praefect 899.
916. 9.

Σεβαστεῖνος 928. το.

Σεναμοῦν 999.

Σενοννῶφρις daughter of Heracleus 984.

Σενπανεσνεύς daughter of Panesneus 984.

Σενπαραῖθις daughter of Panesneus 984.

Σενπτόλλις 984.

Σέντρις 984.

Σενύφις 984.

Σενφῶις daughter οὗ Lycus 984.

Σενχεμενεῦς 984.

Σεπτίμιος, Λούκιος Σ, Αὐρήλιος Σαραπίων also
called Apolinarius, prytanis 890. 1.

Σερῆνος 935. 1.

Σερῆνος banker 948. 1, 5.

Σερῆνος father of Serenus 909. Io.

Σερῆνος son of Serenus 909. 10.

Σερῆνος, Αὐρήλιος Σ, son of Aurelius Ammo-
nius 909. 8.

Σερῆνος, Αὐρήλιος Σ. son of Daniel 914. 5.

Σεύθης, Αὐρήλιος Σ. also called Horion, logistes
895. 3.

Σιλβανός father of Aurelius Dioscorus 900. 4.

Σισύφις son of Ophieus and father of Sisuphis
984.

Σισύφις pastophorus, son of Sisuphis 984.

Σοκονῶπις father of Ameous 918. ii. 14.

Σοφία daughter of Marcus 893. 4, 5, 8

Στέφανος mpovonrns 999.

Στέφανος, Αὐρήλιος Σ. 984. 1, 17.

Στουδίωσος, Φλαύιος Σ. dioecetes 899. introd., 2.

Σύρος 986. 5.

Σφραγίς 984.

Σωτήριχος, Αὐρήλιος Σ. son of Didymus 909. 12.

10;

Τααμῆς daughter of Harmieus 918. iii. 8.

Τααμώνιος, Αὐρηλία T. daughter of Sarapion
991.

Ταανοῦφις 984.

Τααρμιῦσις 909. 12.

Τάβη 996.

Tabu... 899. 31.

‘TaxdNMiewor 905. 2.

356

Τανοῦρις 984.

Tadp 937. I, 31.

Tadp, Aaah τε; daughter of Castor 913. 5, 22.

Ταπάνη 996.

Ταπητάρ(ιος ?) 999.

Tarrixis 984.

Τασαταβοῦς daughter of Onnophris 918. ii. 6.

Τασοιτᾶς 937. 26.

Tarvayovs 984.

Tavoopams 905. 4.

Ταυφῶις 984.

Tapifis 984,

Ταψωβᾶις 984.

Teatyis 984.

Tepevs 984.

Tepexa( ) 984.

Τευφωῦς 984.

Teds son of Sarapammon 910. 3, 48.

TiBepivos Tacos Πουλφέρνιος T. 9172.

Τιβέριος ᾿Αλέξανδρος praefect 899. 28.

Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Γέμινος also called Gaion (?)
916. 11.

Τιβέριος Κλαύδιος Δίδυμος gymnasiarch 908. 6.

Τίγριος 982. 1.

Τιθόις 929. 7.

Τιμόθεος ordinarius 942. 7.

Towvoas 984,

Ἰσενῆσις 935. 28,

Ulpia Sabina 894. 6.
Ulpius, Marcus U. Primianus praefect 894. 4.

Φανίας father of Petesorphiomis 986.

Φανίας son of Petesorphiomis 986.

Φατρεύς 984.

Φατρεύς, Διονύσιος also called Phat., father of
Didymus 898. 4.

Φαῦστος 900. 15; 985.

Φιλοδιόσκορος 9Ο7. 11.

Φιλόκυρος 987. 15.

Φιλόνικος strategus 898. 26 ; 957.

Φιλόξενος 922. 14, 16; 936. 20.

Φιλόξενος magistrianus 904. 2.

Φιλοστέφανος 984.

Φλαβιανός 939. 1, 32.

Φλαούιος 904. 1.

Φλαούιος Διονυσάριος riparius 897. 3.

Φλαούιος Εὐλόγιος riparius 897. 3.

Φλαούιος Εὐσέβιος logistes 892. 1.

‘Opiav 906. το.
‘Opiov father of Aurelius Pasion 892. 2.

*Qpos 900. 15.

*Qpos father of Anchorimphis 918. xi. 21.
ὯΩρος father of Aurelius Amois 897. 4.
ὯΩρος son of Auctus 935. introd.

ὯΩρος father of Lycus 984.

ὯΩρος father of Menodorus 906. 2.

*Qpos father of Onnophris 918. iii. 7.

INDICES

Φλαούιος ᾿Ιουλιανός acting defensor 901. 3.
Φλαούιος ᾿Ισάκ defensor 902. 1.

Φλαούιος Οὐαλέριος Πομπηιανός praefect 888. 1.
Φλαούιος Σαραπίων son of Horion 913. 24.
Φλαύιος Διόσκορος ἐπόπτης εἰρήνης 991.
Φλαύιος Στουδίωσος dioecetes 899. introd., 2.
Φοιβάμμων 941. 8.

Φοιβάμμων father of Apollos 898. 2.
Φοιβάμμων comes 994.

Φοιβάμμων ex-councillor 902. 4.

Φοιβάμμων φροντιστής 940. 5.

Φοιβάμμων χειριστής 995.

Χαιράμμων 926. 6 (?).

Χαιρέας 900. 15.

Χαιρήμων son of Anchorimphis 918. xi. 20.
Χαιρήμων father of Aurelius Isidorus 912. 10.
Χαιρήμων strategus 970.

Χαιρήμων, Αὐρήλιος Χ, 984. 1, 17.

Χεμενεῦς 984.

Χριστός 924. 15; 925. 4.

Χωοῦς 908. 26, 28, 31.

Χωοῦς son of Heracleus 897. 8, 13.

Ψαῦτις 984.

Ψεναμοῦνις son of Dioscorus 089. 4
Ψεντοῦς 984.
Ψιραίθης 984, |
Vas 984.

᾿Ωφελία 963.

‘Opryérms 888. 10, 12; 918. 1]. 3.

“Ὡρίων also called Berenicianus, gymnasiarch
908. 13.

‘Opiov father of Flavius Sarapion 913. 24.

‘Qpiav, Αὐρήλιος Σεύθης also called Hor., logistes
895. 3.

“Ὡρίων, Αὐρήλιος ‘O. son of Aurelius Hermo-
genes also called Eudaemon 907. 3,17, 109.

‘Opiov, Zapariov also called Hor., son of ...on
908. 1, 44.

VI.

GEOGRAPHICAL

357

GEOGRAPHICAL.

(4) COUNTRIES, NOMES, CITIES, TOPARCHIES.

Aegyptus 894. 3, 4.

Αἴγυπτος 888.1; 899. introd.

Αἴγυπτος Ἡρκουλία 896. 29.

᾿Αλεξάνδρεια 889. 10; 899. introd.; 923. 8;
934. 3; 998.

Alexandria 894. 4.

᾿Αντινοεύς 937. 20, 23, 29.

᾽Αντινοίς 909. 6.

᾿Αντινοέων πόλις 970.

᾿Αντινόου (πόλις) 908. 29,33; 938. 32 (9).

᾿Αρσινοΐτης (νομός) 919. 6; 922. 5.

Βαβυλών 895. 13.

“Ἑλληνικός 9O7. 2; 990.
“Ηρακλεοπολίτης (νομός) 899. 23.
Ἡρακλέους (πόλις) 922. 17.
Ἡρκουλία, Αἴγυπτος “Hpk. 896. 29.
Κανωπικός 936. 15.

Κυνοπολίτης (νομός) 921. 21.

Κυνοπολιτῶν (πόλις), ἡ ἄνω 902. 1.
Κωνσταντίνου πόλις 922. 15.

Μέμφις 919. 4.
μερίς 986.

Νειλουπολιτῶν (πόλις) 942. τ.
νομός 899. 42; 900. 6; 913.6; 991. -

ο΄ (?) 991.

“Oacis 898. 9, 13. Μικρὰ Ὄ, 888. 8; 895.
19.

᾿Οξυρυγχίτης (νυμός) 888. 8; 892.1; 896.
3; 896. 1,23 ; 898.16; 899. introd., 5,
16; 900. 3; 901. 3; 905. 6; 916. 7;
923. 13; 929. 18; 991.

᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν πόλις 889.13; 890.4; 891. 4;
896. 3, 25; 899. 3; 900. 5; 907. τ,
26; 908. 4,17; 909. 9; 911. 3; 918.
4; 914. 4, 20; 990; 999.

᾿Οξυρύγχων πόλις 888. 7, 8, 11; 898. 4;
909.1; 910.1; 911.12; 912. 3.

Oxyrhynchus (? Oxyrhynchorum urbs) 894.
7: :

πᾶγος, δέκατος π. 900. 6.
Πολέμωνος μερίς 986.
πόλις, = Cynopolis 902. 2. = Nilopolis 942.
. = Oxyrhynchus 889. 14,15; 892. 3,
9; 896. 9, 30; 899.6; 904.4; 808. 6;
909. 13; 910. 3; 911. 5; 914. 6; 962.
Ἰιτῶν πόλις 895. 15. πόλεις 902. To.
Προσωπίτης 919. 5.

em. 901]. 5.

“Ῥωμαῖοι 919. qe
Σεβεννύτου ἄνω τόποι 991. 15.
τοπαρχία, ἀπηλιώτου (Oxyrh.) 910. 5. γ ror.

(Πολέμωνος μερίδος, Arsin.) 986. Σεβεννύτου
ἄνω τόποι 981. 15.

(4) VILLAGES, ἐποίκια, τόποι.

1. Oxyrhynchite.

᾿Αδεύ 989.

᾿Αμβιοῦτος τόποι 999.
᾿Απόλλωνος κώμη 893. 2.
"Ἄσκλου 922. τ.

Εὐαγγελεῖον 998.
Εὐτυχιάδος ἐποίκ. θ96.

Ζαπίτου, ᾿Ισεῖον Ζ. 897. 6.
Ἡρακλεῖον ἐποίκ. 989.

Θαήσιος 998.
Θεαγένους 998.

| Θῶσβις 989.
| ᾿βιών 998.

358

Ἰέμη 997.

Ἰσεῖον Ζαπίτου 897. 6.
Ἰσεῖον Παγγᾶ 899. 7; 988.
᾿Ισεῖον Τρύφωνος 989.
Ἴστρου 907. 8.

Καρανεώτης 922. 24, 25.

Aaxavias Νῆσος 998.
Λευκαδίου Νῆσος 998.
Λουκίου 922. 25; 998.

Μαιουμᾶ τόποι 999.
Μαργαρίτου τόποι 999.
Μελίτα 998.

Μερμέρθα 912. 7.
Μεσκανοῦνις 998.
Μονίμου 979.
Μουχινώρ 985.
Μοῦχις ἐποίκ. 996.

᾿ Μῶα 907. 24.

Νείλου ἐποίκ. 997.
Νεκῶνθις 998 ; 1008.
Νῆσος Λαχανίας 998.
Νῆσος Λευκαδίου 998.
Νικήτου 998.

᾽οστρακίνου 998.
Οὐρειήβτ 922. 17.

Παγγᾶ, ᾿Ἰσεῖον TI. 899. 7; 988.
Παγγουλεείου 998 ; 999.

Πακέρκη 910. 4, 7, 32; 998.
Ἠαλλῶσις Or Παλῶσις 922. 23; 998.
Πανεῦις 989.

Πέλα 970.

Πέτνη 982. 3; 997.

Ποῦχις 966.

Πτολεμᾶ érroix, 989.

᾿Ιβιὼν ’Apyaiov 918. v. 17.

Βουσεῖρις 899. 22.
Θωτῆρις 899. 22.

INDICES

Πτῶχις 913. 6.

Σαδάλου 895. introd.

Σαμβαθώ 908. 19.

Ze, 907. το.

Σεναώ 938. 3.

Σενεκελεύ 899. 7; 979.

Σενέπτα 909.17; 979.

Σεντωλενώ 981.

Σερῦφις 899. 7; 970; 989; 991. Σερύ-
ews πόλις 960.

Σεφώ 907. 9; 997; 998.

Σινπέκλη ἐποίκ. 989.

Σκέλους 998.

Σκώ 979.

Σπανία 922. 4.

Στεφανίωνος 998.

Τααμπέμου 901. 4; 9389 (0).
Τακολκῖλις (ἢ) 997.

Τακόνα 998.

Tadao 917, 1.

Ταμπέτι 895. 5; 997; 998.
Tavas 997.

Tapovdivov 998.

Ταρουσέβτ 998.

Τεξεεί 997.

Τερῦθις 998.

Ths 989.

Τίλλωνος 998.

Τρύφωνος, ἸΙσεῖον 1. 989.

Φοβόου (or Φοκόου) τόποι 978.

Χιούτ (? not Oxyrhynchite) 925. 6.
Χῦσις 899. 6, 36; 984.7. X. ἄνω 989.

VaBOs 905. 2.

"Oduis 922. 2, 22; 989.

2. Arsinotte,
| ᾿οξυρύγχα 986.

2. Heracleopolite.

Φιλονίκου 9685,

VII. RELIGION 359

Δρόμου Θοήριδος 911. 13. Κρηπῖδος 984.
Ἱππέων Παρεμβολῆς 964. Νότου Κρηπῖδος 912. 11.

(4) TRIBE AND DEME (ΑΝΤΙΝΟΙΤΕ).

Νερουιάνειος 6 καὶ Tevedpxetos 970.

(ὁ) MISCELLANEOUS (BUILDINGS, κλῆροι, οὐσίαι, &c.).

“Adptava, Τραιανὰ ‘Adp. θερμά 896. 7. λουτρόν, δημόσιον A. 892. 11. A. τοῦ προαστείου
᾿Αρχεπόλιδος κλῆρος 988. 915. 2.

βαλανεῖον δημόσιον 896. 8. Cf. 892. 8. μαρτύριον 941. 4.

Διονυσιάδος νομαί 899. introd., 6. νομαὶ Διονυσιάδος 899. introd. 6.

Διονυσεῖον 908. 8. οὐσία Διονυσοδωριανή (Arsinoite) 986.
Διονυσοδωριανὴ οὐσία (Arsinoite) 986. προάστειον 915. 2.

διῶρυξ Τεκνάνις (Arsinoite) 918. ii. 3, 13, ili. πύλη βορρινή 892. 8.
6, 13. δ. Φαγήους or Φακήους (Arsinoite) | Σαβητί Ὶ, σωλὴν λεγόμενος Σ. 1002.

ΘΙ8. ν. 17, 21. μεγάλη ὃ. 988. Σαραπεῖον 928. 14.
θερμὰ Τραιανὰ ᾿Αδριανά 896. 7. Τεκνάνις διῶρυξ (Arsinoite) 918. ii. 3, 13, iii.
Ἰσεῖον, τὸ ἄνω “Io. 907. 8. 6, 13. :
κλῆρος ᾿Αρχεπόλιδος 988. Τραιανὰ ᾿Αδριανὰ θερμά 896. 7.
κυριακόν 908. 19, 21. Φαγήους ΟΥ̓Φακήους διῶρυξ (Arsinoite) 918. ν.
17, 21.

VII. RELIGION.
(1) PAGAN.

(2) Gods.

Διόνυσος 917. 3 (?).
θεοί 933. 7; 985. 3, 10; 936. 5.

᾿Απόλλων, θεὸς μέγιστος 984,
Ἄρης, θεὸς μέγιστος 984.
᾿Αφροδίτη 921. 22.

(δὴ) Temples.

Διονυσεῖον 908. 8. | παστοφόριον 984,
ἱερὸν ᾿Απόλλωνος 984. iep.”Apews 984. Σαραπεῖον 928. 9.

apxteparevoas 911. 2. | παστοφόρος 984.
ἀρχιερεύς 970.

360

INDICES

(4) Miscellaneous.

ἑορτή, μεγάλη ἑορ. 933. 13. °
θυσία 923. 7.
ἱερὰ σύνοδος 908. 9.

ἱερονίκης 908.
σπονδὴ Διονύσου 70) 917. 3.

(2) CHRISTIAN.

(a) Divine Titles.

᾿Αβρασάξ 924. τῇ.

δεσπότης θεός 939. 4.
29.

θεός 903. 37; 941.8; 942. 5, 4; 9438...
θεὸς δεσπότης 9859. 4. θεὸς ζῶν O24. II.
θεὸς παντοκράτωρ 925. 1.

ὁ τῶν ὅλων δεσπ. 939.

᾿Ιησοῦς Χριστός 924. 15; 925. 4.
κύριος 925. 4; 943. 7.

μήτηρ 924. 15.

πατήρ 924. 15.

πνεῦμα ἅγιον 924. τό.

vids 924. 15.

(4) Ecclesiastical Titles.

διάκονος 999 (?).
ἐπίσκοπος 908. 15.

μονάζων 994.

οἰκονόμος τοῦ ἁγίου ᾿Ιούστου 941]. 4.

TaBpinr, ὁ ἅγιος T. 993.
ἐκκλησία, ἡ ἁγία ἐκκὰ. 993.
᾿Ιοῦστος, ὁ ἅγιος I. 941. 4.

ΝΠΙ.

ἀγορανομήσας 890. τό; 910. 2.

ἀντάρχων Θ9Ο7. 21.

ἄρξας 900. 4; 990.

ἀρχέφοδος 969.

ἀρχιερατεύσας 911, 2.

ἀρχιερεύς 970.

ἄρχων 907. 21; 922. 3,10.

βασιλικὸς γραμματεύς (a) ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου. Ἑρμό-
δωρος, διαδεχόμενος καὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν (Α. Ὁ.
123) 898. 1. ᾿Αμμωνιανός, διαδεχ. καὶ τὴν
στρατ. (A.D. 199) 899. 34, 36. (2) ᾿Αρσινοί-
του Πολέμωνος μερίδος. Πτολεμαῖος (a. D.
131-2) 986.

βοηθός 976. Cf. Index XI.

βουλευτής 888.8; 892.2; 900.4; 907.1;
911.3; 977; 984.

βουλή, ἡ κρατίστη 8. 891. 5; 892. 5.

μαρτύριον 941. 4.
Q6 (= ἀμήν) 925. 7.
χμγ 940.1; 995.

OFFICIAL AND MILITARY TITLES.

γραμματεύς. See βασιλικὸς ypap.
γυμνασιάρχης 908. 15; 977.
γυμνασιαρχήσας 908. 3.

διοικητής, Φλαύιος Στουδίωσος ὁ κράτιστος διοικ-

(A. D. 200) 899. introd., 1, 37.

ἐκδικίαν ᾿Οξυρυγχίτου διοικῶν 90]. 3.

ἔκδικος 9OZ, το, 18. ἔκδ, τῆς ἄνω Κυνοπολιτῶν
902. I.

eEnyntevoas 908. 13, 14; ; 909. 9.

ἐξηγητής 891. 9, το; 907.1; 911. 2; 977.
ἐξηγ. Οξυρυγχίτου ‘ah Mixpas πσάσεις 888. 8.

ἐξκέπτωρ 942. 6(?).

ἔπαρχος, ᾿ἸΙούνιος Βάσσος καὶ Φλαούιος ᾿Αβλάβιος
of λαμπρότατοι ἔπαρχοι (Α. Ὁ. 331) 990.
Cf. ἡγεμών.

VIII.

επιστράτηγος 899. 25. Μινίκιος Κορελλιανὸς
ἐπιστρ. (A.D. 146--") 899. 30.

ἐπόπτης εἰρήνης 991.

εὐθηνιάρχης 908. 5, 16.

εὐθηνιαρχῶν 908. 109.

ἡγεμονεύσας. See ἡγεμών.

ἡγεμών 899. 25; 904. το. Τιβέριος ‘Ade-
ξανδρος (A.D. 69) 899. 28. Οὐαλέριος
Εὐδαίμων ἡγεμονεύσας (A. Ὁ. 141--2) 899. 29.
M. Ulpius Primianus (?), praefectus Ae-
gypti 894. 4. ὁ λαμπρότατος jy. Αἰμίλιος
Saroupvivos (A.D. 198) 816. το, (A. D. 200)
899. το. Αὐρήλιος ᾿Αντωνῖνος ὁ κράτιστος
(? identical with Αὐρ. ’Avrivoos, vice-praefect
in A.D. 215-6) 970. Φλαούιος Οὐαλέριος
Tlopmniavos ὁ διασημότατος ἔπαρχος (A. Ὁ. 287)
888. τ. Κλώδιος Κουλκιανὸς ὁ διασημ. ny.
(A.D. 305) 895. 7. ὁ κοάτιστος. ἡγεμών
(unnamed) 981. 8 ; 967.

ἡγούμενος Αἰγύπτου Ἡρκουλείας (A.D. 316)
896. 28.

ἰατρός, δημόσιος ἰατ. 896. 26 ; 988.

καστρίσιος (?) 1001.

κόμες 994.

κωμάρχης 895. 5.

κωμογραμματεύς 899. introd., 24, 36; 970;
986.

λογιστής. Αὐρήλιος Σεύθης ὁ καὶ ‘Opiwy (a. Ὁ.
305) 895. 3. Οὐαλέριος ᾿Αμμωνιανὸς ὁ καὶ
Γερόντιος (A.D. 316) 896. 2, 23; 988.

Οὐαλέριος Διοσκουρίδης ὁ καὶ ᾿Ιουλιανός (A. Ὁ.

322) 900. 3. Φλαούιος Εὐσέβιος (A. D. 338)
892. τ.

μαγιστριανός, καθωσιωμένος μαγ. 904. 2.

μειζότερος 922. 21; 943. 3.

μείζων 893.1; 900.19; 980.
893. 2, 3, 4.

ἀπὸ μειζόνων
νοτάριος 940. 7.
νυκτοστράτηγος 933. 24.

οἰκονόμος στρατηγοῦ (?) 929. 25.
VII. (2) (4).

OFFICIALS AND MILITARY TITLES

Cf. Index .
| χειριστής 995.

361

ὀρδινάριος 942. 7. ἀπὸ ὑπάτων ὀρδιναρίων 999.
ὀφφικιάλιος 896. 28.

πολιτευόμενος 9OZ. 12. πολιτευσάμενος 902. 4.

πραγματικός 899. 17, 35, 42, 47.

praefectus. See ἡγεμών.

πραιπόσιτος πατριμωναλίων δεκάτου πάγου 900. 5.

πράκτωρ 889. 8; 899. 43, 48; 958 (9).
πρ. ἀργυρικῶν 917. 1; 981-2. πρ. σιτικῶν
965 ; 976.

πρεσβευτής 933. 31.

πρεσβύτεροι κώμης 918. xi. 3; 12.

προκουράτωρ 948. 2.

πρόξενος βουλευτῶν 984.

προπολιτευόμενος 918. 4.

πρύτανις 907. 1. ἔναρχος πρύτ. 889. 13;
890. 3; 891. 7; 892. 5.

ῥιπάριος 897.3; 904. 3.

σιτολόγος 973 ; 986.

στρατηγία 911. 8, βασιλικὸς γραμματεὺς διαδεχό-
μενος καὶ τὴν στρ. See βασιλικὸς γραμ.

στρατηγός (4) ᾿Οξυρυγχίτους. Φιλόνικος (A. D.
123) 898. 26; 957. Διοφάνης] (A. D. 200)
899. introd. ᾿Απίων (Ὁ) (late second or
third cent.) 929. 25. Χαιρήμων (early third
cent.) 970. λεωνίδης (third cent.) 890. 5.
Unnamed 899. 17, 42. βασιλικὸς ypap-
parevs διαδεχύμενος καὶ τὴν στρ. See Bac.
yp. (6) Σεβεννύτου ἄνω τόπων. Σαραπίων
(second cent.) 981. 15.

σχολαστικός 902. I.

τραπεζίτης 943. 2, 5. βασιλικὸς rp. 916. 13,
16. δημόσιος tp. 916. 7.

ὕπατος, ἀπὸ ὑπάτων opdwapiov 999. Cf. Index

ITI.
ὑπηρέτης 899. 50; 916. 18.

φύλαξ 981. 6; 933. 25.

χαρτουλάριος 943. 9.

362 INDICES

IX. WEIGHTS, MEASURES, AND COINS.

(a) WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

ἀγκάλη 935. το.

ἄρουρα 899. 6, 7, 16; 907. 8, 9, 11, 13, 18,
24; 910. 7, 10, 12, 50; 918. το, 20 (?);
916.8; 918. introd. ef saep.; 935. 21 (?);
986; 988.

dptaBn 908. 22, 23, 24; 907. 24; 908. 28,
353; 910. 10, 18, 52, 55; 918. introd. ef
saep.; 920.1; 9382.5; 934.10; 960;
966; 974; 979; 986; 994; 998-9.
Unusual fractions: 2986. 7,986. 3, 986.
τς 918. introd.; 986. τ 986. εἶ 918.
introd. 7; 986. za, 918. introd.

δικότυλον 987. 27.
διπλοῦν 992-8.

ζεῦγος 986. 15, 16.

ἡμίχουν 936. 7, 9.

κάγκελλος, καγκέλλῳ SC. μέτρῳ 994: 999.
κεράμιον 907. 24; 919. 8; 961. introd.; 928.

12; 997. 27.
κόμτον (?) 995.

λίτρα 915. 2, 3; 1000-1002.

μέτρον 910. 21. μ. δέκατον BOF. 24. μ.
τετραχοίνικον παραληπτικὸν τοῦ yeovxov 910.
34. καγκέλλῳ, 56. μέτρῳ 994; 999. μέτρον
= τῇ artaba (9) 920. 2.

μνααῖον. χρυσοῦ κοινοῦ σταθμῷ ᾿Οξυρυγχίτῃ pr.
905. 5.

οὐγκία 981. 4.
ξέστης 921. 23.

πῆχυς 921. introd.; 986. π. ἁπλοῦς, ἐμβαδός,
καμαρωτικός (Or -τός) 921. introd.

Tpovwnirs (?) 919. 5.

σαργάνη 938. 3, 6.
σταθμὸς ᾽Οξυρυγχίτης 908. 5.
στατήρ 936. 40.

τετραχοίνικον μέτρον. See μέτρον.
τριχοίνικον 936. 7.

(ὁ) COINS.

ἀργύριον 896. 15, 17; 898. 12; 907. 25;
909. το; 912. 14.

δηναρίων μυριάς 896. 15, 17.

δραχμή 890. 16(?); 895. 13, 15, 16; 906.
3; 909. 20; 910. 13, 53; 912. τ4;
916. 12 e¢ saep.; 917. 2, 3,4, 5; 919.10,
11; 920. 1 ef saep.; 984. 6, 7,9, 10, 11;
964; 977; 980-1; 985-6.

δυόβολοι 920. 1, 5,6; 971; 981.

ἡμιωβέλιον 917. 2.
κεράτιον 998.

μνααῖον, χρυσοῦ μν. 905. 5.

νόμισμα O22. 14, 16, 18, 22, 23, 26.
νομισμάτιον 914. 9,10; 995; 999. ᾿Αλεξαν-
dpeias von. 998.

ὀβολός 917. 4,5; 920. 3; 971; 981; 985.
πεντώβολον 917. 4.

τάλαντον 898. 12; 907. 25.
τετρώβολον 917. 3; 985.
τριώβολον 985.

χαλκός 936. 17.
χαλκοῦς 917. 3; 981.
χρυσίον 995 (?).
χρυσός 914. 9, 10; 995. xp. κοινοῦ σταθμῷ
᾿Οξυρυγχίτῃ μνααῖον 905. 5.
«

ee eee eee

ΧΙ. GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 363

X. TAXES.
ἀργυρικά 981-2. Eevia 931. ve

δεκάτη παρολκῶν (?) 997. ry, )
δημόσια, ra ὃ. 908. 31 (0); 910. 23 ; 918. 17 5 ee , stig
932. 4. οὐσιακά 986.

ἕκτη 917. 2.
ἐπαρούριον 917. 3; 981.
ἐπικλασμός 899. 9.

πηχισμὸς περιστερώνων 981.

σιτικά 965; 976; 986.
ἡ), n+ (= ὀγδόη ?) 916. 7, 17, 20. σπονδὴ Διονύσου (?) 917. 3.

Μέμφεως τέλη 919. 3.

μέτρημα 909. 22. τέλη Μέμφεως 919. 3.

τελούμενα 899. 9.
ναύβιον 917. 2.
ναῦλον φορέτρου (?) 917. 2. φόρος 899. 40. Cf. Index XI.

XI. GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS.

ἀβαρής 988. 29. ἄδολος 910. 33; 988.
ἀβάσκαντος 980. 23. ἀεί 955. 9.
ἀβοήθητος 899. 44. ἀζήμιος 904. 5.
ἄβροχος 910. 27. ἀηδίζειν 942. 5.
ἄβωλος 988. ἀθήρ 988.
ἅγιος 924. 16; 925.1; 941. 4; 999. ἄθλιος 904. 6.
ἀγκάλη 935. 19. αἰγιαλῖτις 918. xiii. 10.
ἄγνοια 928. 9. αἰγιαλός 918. ΧΙ. 5, 14.
ἀγοράζειν 922. 11, 22; 933. 29, 30. αἴθριον 911. 14; 986.
ἀγορανομήσας 890. 16; 910. 2. αἱρεῖν 892. 6; 906. 7; 909. 27; 918. 11.
ἀγορασμός 962. αἴρειν 903. 10, 11, 28, 30, 35+
ἀγρός 967. αἵρεσις 907. 4.
ἀγωνία 939. 12. αἰτεῖν 898. 18, 23.
ἀδελφή 980. 23; 9381.11; 985.4; 986.12; | αἰώνιος 996.

937. 2, 9, 31; 964; 967. ἀκαθαρσία 912. 26.
ἀδελφιδοῦς 888. II. ἄκανθα 909. 17, 24, 28.
ἀδελφικός 942. 2, 5. ἀκίνδυνος 910. 22 ; 914. Io.

ἀδελφός 892. 3, 12; 902. 5; 903.15; 904. ἀκλινής 904. 9.
6; 907. 25; 928. 2; 929. 2,21; 984. ἀκοή 904. 9.
2; 935. 2,6, 23; 942. 6; 943. 9; 995. ἀκολουθεῖν 931. 9.

ἀδελφότης 943. I. ἀκόλουθος 899. introd.; 988. 2. ἀκολούθως
ἀδικεῖν 898. 7; BOl. 11; 902. ΣΙ. 899. 30, 33,46; 916.9; 964.

ἄδικος 902. 17. ἀδίκως 902. 7. ἀκριβέστερος 899. introd.

364

ἄκριθος 910. 33; 988.

ἄκυρος 906. 8, 9.

ἀκωλύτως. 912. 19.

ἄκων 989. 12.

ἀλήθεια 925. 5.

ἀλήθειν 908. 26, 34.

ἀληθινός 925. 2.

ἀλληλεγγύη 918. 7, 18, 23; 918. ii. 15, 20,
ili. 13.

ἀλλήλων 906. 3; 909. 19.

ἄλλος 895. 14: 899. 10, 13, 36; 902. 15;
903. 28; 904. 4,5; 906. 5; 913. 16;
918. ii. 17, lili, 1, 2,15; 921. 13; 922.
23, 25; 929. 15; 939. 3; 940. 3, 4;
984; 988; 999.

ἀλλότριος 929. 21; 963.

ἄλφα 929. introd.

ἁλωνεία 918. ΧΙ. 4, 16, 18.

ἅλως 910. 32; 988.

ἅμα 908. 3; 904. 7; 905. 13; 907. 24;
910. 19; 939. 23; 975.

ἀμελεῖν 984. 9, 12.

ἀμεριμνεῖν 980. 8.

ἀμέριμνος 933. 20.

ἀμήν (q@) 925. 7.

ἄμμος 988.

ἀμπελικός 907. 8; 909. I5.

ἄμπελος 909. 23.

ἀμπελουργός 985.

ἀμπελών 967.

ἄμφοδον 911. 13; 912. 11; 964; 984.

ἀμφότερος 895. 5; 896. 25; 964.

avaBaivey 898.15; 932.8; 935. 13.

ἀναβολάδιον 921. 17.

ἀναβολή 888. 5; 909. 25, 29; 9138. 20.

avaBodov 936. 24.

ἀναγιγνώσκειν 899. 26, 27, 31; 930. 14.

ἀναγκαῖος 895. 10. ἀναγκαίως 898. 36 ; 899.
11.

ἀνάγκη 900. 18.

ἀναγράφειν 899. introd.

avaypapn 899. 46.

ἀναζητεῖν 897. 9.

ἀνακαθῆσθαι 989. 25.

ἀναλαμβάνειν 899. introd:, 37;
985.

ἀνάληψις 986.

ἀναλίσκειν 988.

ἀνάλωμα 891. 13; 900. 11; 929. introd.;
936. 43; 971; 985; 999.

902. 7;

INDICES

ἀναμέτρησις 918. introd., xi. 5, 14. _—

ἄνανδρος 899. 44.

ἀναρπάζειν 898. 21.

ἀναστρέφειν 907. 17.

ἀνασφάλλειν 939. 5.

ἀνατροπή 902. 11.

ἀναφαίνειν 939. 4.

ἀναφέρειν 916, 8.

ἀναφόριον 898. 37.

ἀνεκτότερον 939. 25.

ἀνεύθυνος 906. 8.

ἀνέχεσθαι 908. 36.

ἀνεψιός 907. 22.

ἀνήρ 898.1; 898.10; 899. 18, 26; 905.
5; 907. 20.

ἀνιέναι 9O2. τό.

annus 894. I.

ἀνοικοδομεῖν 986.

ἀντάρχων 907. 21.

ἀντιγεοῦχος 949. 8.

ἀντιγράφειν 987. 19.

ἀντίγραφον 899. introd., 33.

ἀντιλαμβάνειν 892. 9.

ἀντίληψις 900. 13.

ἀντιποιεῖσθαι 899. 43.

ἀντίς 941. 4.

ἀντλεῖν 971; 985.

ἄντλησις 971.

ἄνυδρος 918. ii. Io.

ἀνυπερθέτως 912. 21; 918. 17, 19; 914. 14.

ἄνω 902. 1; 907.8; 922. 2,8; 981. 15;
989. ἀνωτέρω 940. 3.

ἀξιόπιστος 893. I.

ἄξιος 899. 13; 912. 30.

ἀξιοῦν 898. 37; 899. 26, 47; 900. 14;
902. 13; 913. 24; 989. }

ἀπαγορεύειν 899. 24, 28.

ἀπαιτεῖν 890. 7; 929. 7; 989. 17.

ἀπαίτησις 899. 40, 43, 48.

ἀπαλλαγή 905. II, 13, 14.

ἀπαλλάσσειν 893. 9; 899. 16, 26, 31.

ἀπαντᾶν 908, 12, 28.

ἀπαραίτητος 900. 12; 904. 9.

ἀπαρτίζειν 908. 23; 936. 22.

ἅπας 939. 4; 943. 9.

ἀπελεύθερος 898. 10; 984.

ἀπεντεῦθεν 908. τό, 17.

ἀπερίσπαστος 898. 15, 18.

ἀπέρχεσθαι 903. 19, 20; 925. 5; 936. 20;
943. 3.

XI, GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 365

ἀπέχειν 964.

ἀπηλιώτης 910.5; 918. ii. 3 e/ sacp.; 986; 988.

ἀπηλιωτικός 985.

ἀπιέναι 900. 13.

ἁπλοῦς 921. introd. ἁπλῶς 906. 5.

ἀπογράφειν 970 ; 984.

ἀπογραφή 984.

ἀποδεικνύναι, ἀποδεδειγμένος Αὐτοκράτωρ 910.
46; 976. droded. ἀρχιερεύς 970.

ἀποδέχεσθαι 989. 11.

ἀποδιδόναι 802. 14; 905. 12; 910. 19, 30,
55; 912. 19; 913. 23; 914. 12; 937.
31; 942.2; 988. .

ἀποθνήσκειν 922, 10, 20, 21, 24.

ἀποκαθιστάναι 904. 5. (ἀποκαθιστῶν);
introd.; 929. 17.

ἀποκεῖσθαι O21. 1.

ἀποκληρόνομος 907. 5.

ἀπόκρισις 941. 9.

ἀποκτείνειν 908. 6.

ἀπολύειν 942. 2,3; 965.

ἀπόνοια 90]. 15.

ἀποπληροῦν 900. 8, 10, 18.

ἀπορεῖν 939. 24.

ἀποσπᾶν 902. 6, 14, 15.

ἀποστέλλειν 895. 13, 15; 938. 3, 7; 989.
14, 22.

ἀποσυνιστάναι 977.

ἀπότακτος 998.

ἀποτάσσειν 904. 8.

ἀποτίνειν 912. 29.

ἀπόφασις 899. introd.

ἀποχή 898. 23; 906.10; 964.

ἀργυρικά. See Index X.

ἀργύριον 896. 15, 17; 898. 12; 907. 25;
909. 19; 912. 14.

ἀρδρομηκιαῖος 896. 12.

ἀρετή 902. 14; 995.

ἀριθμός 909. 17; 929. 17.

ἀριστερός 941. 5.

ἄριστος 9138. 3.

ἀρκεῖν 903. 27.

ἁρμόζειν 906. 7.

ἄρουρα. See Index IX (a).

ἀρραβών 920. 12.

ἄρρην 907. 15, 19.

ἄρσις 909. 25, 29.

ἀρτάβη. See Index IX (a).

ἄρτι O36. 22, 23, 25; 941. 6.

ἀρτοκοπεῖον θ08. 23.

918.

ἄρτος 986. τό.

ἄρχειν. ἄρχων 907, 21; 922. 3, 10. ἄρξας
900. 4; 990. ἄρχεσθαι 918. ii. 1, 14,
iii, II, Xl. 10; 967.

ἀρχέφοδος 969.

ἀρχή 995.

ἀρχιερατεύσας 911, 2.

ἀρχιερεύς 970.

ἀσέλγημα 908. 21.

ἄσημος 906. 10; 984.

ἀσθενής 911. 6.

ἀσπάζεσθαι 930. 22, 26; 982. 9; 988. 5,
26; 984.15; 935.22, 26; 936. 13, 47;
963.

ἀσυνθηκεί 904. 2.

ἀσχόλημα 977.

ἀσχολία 988. 7.

ἀτελής 908. 10.

ἄτερ 986. 8.

ἀτόπημα 904. 4.

αὐλή 911. 15; 986.

αὔριον 926. 4; 927. 3.

αὐτόθι 910. 14.

ἄφεσις 918. ν. 20. .

ἀφῆλιξ 888. 11; 907.19; 909. 2, 4, 16;
984.

ἀφιέναι 932. 5.

ἀφικνεῖσθαι 989. τό.

ἄφιξις 939. 28.

ἀφιστάναι 948. 3, 6, 7.

ἀφορμή 899. το.

ἄχρι 898. 18; 906. 6; 940. 2; 948. 4.
ἄχρις 988. 15.

βαλανάριον 921, 18.
βαλανεῖον 892. 9; 896. 9. τὸ πρὸς Bad. 908.

20. :

βαλανί 935. introd.

βάλλειν 934. g.

βάμμα 914. 7.

βαρεῖν 939. 23.

βασανίζειν 908. το.

βασιλικός. Bac. γῆ 899. 22; 918. ii. 10, 23,
ill. 6, 9, 14, Xi. 7, xiii. 10; 986; 988(?).
Bac, ῥύμη 986. Bac. γραμματεύς and Bac.
τραπεζίτης. See Index VIII.

βαστάζειν 914. 8,

βαυκάλιον 986. 6, 8.

βεβαιοῦν 907. 14; 910. 29; 912. 15.

βῆτα 929. introd.

366 INDICES

βιβλίδιον 896. 27; 899. introd., 33, 37, 38,
46; 936. 22.

βιβλίον 900. 14.

Bixos 986. 28.

Bios 905. II.

βλάβη 904. 5.

βοήθεια 902. 11; 904. 4.

βοηθεῖν 907. 22.

βοηθός 908. 26, 31; 973; 976.

βοϊκός 902. 6, 14.

Boppas 918. ii. 6 ef saep.; 986; 988.

βορρινός 892. 8.

βούλεσθαι 9OO. 12; 90]. 10, 13; 907. 21,
23; 918. 7; 925. 5.

βουλευτής. See Index VIII.

βουλή 891. 5; 892. 5.

βούλημα 907. 1, 14, 26, 27; 990.

βοῦς 901. 15.

γαμεῖν 905. 9, 10, 12,15, 17; 907. 20.

γαμικόν 908. 17.

γάμος 905. 4,9, 17; 906.8; 927. 2.

γάρος (τὸ y.) 987. 27.

γαστρίσι(ος) ( = καστρίσιος ἢ) 1001.

γείτων 918. ii. 5 e/ saep.; 986; 988.

γένημα 913. 11; 985.

γεουχεῖν 999.

γεουχικός 1000.

γεοῦχος 910. τό, 24, 35; 918. 12, 18.

γεράτης 922. 7.

γέρδιος 984.

γεωργεῖν 899. 8, 41.

γεωργία 899. introd., 16, 18, 24, 26, 28, 31,
32, 38; 913. 15.

γεωργός 899. introd., 32, 44; 902.3; 918. ii.
II, 23, lil. 7, 14, Xi. 7,18, 21; 974; 999.

γῆ 899. 44; 910. 17, 20, 23, 40, 49; 913.
16, 17,23; 988. 5; 999. βασιλικὴ γῆ
899. 22; 918. ii. το, 23, ili. 6, 9, 14, Xi.
7, xiii, 10; 986; 988(?). δημοσία γῆ
899. introd., 22. γῆ λευκή 929. 14. προ-
σόδου sc. γῆ 986.

γῆρας 889. 18.

γηράσκειν 904. 2.

γηροβοσκία 889. 19.

γίγνεσθαι 892. 11; 894.8; 895. τό; 896.
29, 32; 898. 20; 899. 18, 40; 900.
18, 19; 901. 7; 903.17; 904. 4, 5;
905. 11,14; 906. 9; 907. 25(?); 910.

27, 36; 912. 32; 914. 9, 15; 915. 3; |

916. 12, 153; 918. introd., xi. 1, 2, 4, 13,
22, xiii. 3,18; 925.7; 932.2; 9383. 4,
14, 20; 989. 7; 974; 981; 986; 990;
994-5; 998-9.

γιγνώσκειν 937. 3.

γλυκύς 907. 3; 935. 22.

γνήσιος 948. 1.

γνώμη 996.

. γνωρίζειν 976.

γνῶσις 939. 4; 998.

γνωστήρ 976.

γομοῦν 988. 6.

γουβενάριον 921. introd.

γράμμα 898.15; 907. 2; 908. 38; 910.
58; 913.25; 937.30; 939.18; 942.
2; 963; 990.

γραμματεύς. See Index VIII.

γραμμάτιον 914. 18, 20.

γράπτρον 895, 12, 14.

γράφειν 893. 6; 896. 21; 898. 9 ; 899.
introd., 40, 41; 905.18; 908.38; 909.
34; 910.57; 918. 21, 25; 914. το;
916.9; 929.20; 9380.2; 932.2; 935.
16,17; 986. 29; 987. 3, 21; 938. 6;
939. 12, 24; 940.5; 967; 990.

γραφή 988.

yons 918. ii. 4, IO.

γυμνασιαρχήσας. See Index VIII.

yupvactdpyns. See Index VIII.

γυμνάσιον, ἀπὸ γυμν. 984.

γυμνοῦν 908. 7.

γυνή 899. introd., 25, 28, 44; 907. 3, 16,
20; 934. 12; 9385. introd., 943. 5;
984; 992.

δανείζειν 899. introd.

δαπάνη 909. 26.

δεῖν 899. 40; 908. το; 906. 6; 918. 19;
936. 31.

δειπνεῖν 926. 2.

δεῖσα 910. 41; 988.

δεῖσθαι 896. 6, 10; 899. 15, 41; 907. 22.

δεκάτη 997 (?).

δεξιός 906. το; 941. 5.

δεσμός 902. 16.

δεσμωτήριον 902. 7.

δεσπότης 942. 6; 943. 9; 998; 1001.
decom. θεός 939. 4. ὁ τῶν ὅλων δεσπ. 939.
30. Cf. Index II.

δέχεσθαι 937. 29.

“-
=e αν ἘᾺΝ

XxX,

δή 899. 14; 902. 13(?); 907.16.

δῆλος 898. 7.

δηλοῦν 896.9; 899. introd., 38, 39; 902.
19; 906. 8; 941.8; 972; 984; 986.

δημιουργός 925. 3.

δημόσιος. τὸ δημ. 9OB. 22, 27; 988. τὰ
dnp. 903. 31; 910. 23; 918. 17; 932.
4. δημ. βαλανεῖον 896. 8. δημ. γῆ 899.
introd,, 22. δημ. ἐπίταγμα 900. 9. dnp.
ἰατρύς 896. 26; 988. δημ. λουτρόν 892.
11. dnp. ὁδός 918. ν. 20. δημ. τραπεζίτης
916. 7.

δημοσίωσις 906. 9.

δηνάριος 896. 15, 17.

διά. διὰ ὥρας 935. 17.

διαβάλλειν 900. 13.

διαγράφειν 890. το; 916. 6.

διαγραφή 890. 9.

διαδέχεσθαι 898. 2 : 899. 34, 36.

διάδοχος 895. introd.; 996.

διάθεσις 896. 31.

διαθήκη 907. 6.

διαίρεσις 962.

δίαιτα 948. 3.

διαιτᾶν 906. 6.

διάκονος 998 (?).

διαλαμβάνειν 898. 38.

διαλογή 957 (?).

διαπάσχειν 904. 2.

διαπέμπειν 988..21.

διαπορίζειν 977.

διαπράσσειν 898. 25; 902. 17.

διασημότατος 888.1; 895. introd., 7.

διαστέλλειν 918. introd., xi. 2; 978.

διάστημα 918. ν. 15.

διασῴζειν 9839. 8.

διάταγμα 899. 28.

διατάσσειν 899. 22.

διατείνειν 918. ii. 4.

διατελεῖν 937. 7.

διαφέρειν 907. 20.

διαφθείρειν 938. 4.

διάφορος 914. 7. διάφορα 988.

διαψεύδεσθαι 897. 15.

διδόναι 891. 15; 899. introd., 37; 908. 8,
23, 24, 25, 30; 904.3; 907. 6, 11, 23;
915. 1; 919. το, τι; 922. 1 ef saep.;
923. 15; 9381. 6; 934.11; 935. 11;
936. 12,17; 937.30; 943.5; 974; 985.

διενιαυτίζειν 899. 11.

di(a) 918. 26.

GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 56]

διέρχεσθαι 964.

διετία 910. 51.

διευτυχεῖν 899. 20, 45.

δίζυφον 920. 1.

δικαιοκρισία 904. 2.

δίκαιος 899. introd.; 905.9; 909. 8; 914.
18.

δικότυλον 937. 27.

διό 929. 20; 935. τό.

διοικεῖν 901. 3.

διοικητής. See Index VIII.

διόρθωσις 1000; 1002-3.

διπλοῦς 988. διπλοῦν. See Index IX (a).

δισσός 905. 18; 909. 34; 918.21; 914.
19.

δίφρος 978.

διώκειν 940. 3; 9438. 5.

διῶρυξ 918. ii. 3 ef sacp.; 988.

δοκεῖν 891. 12; 898. 39; 899.41; 902.
15; 957. 17; 98S. 7; 999. R265
940. 3.

δοκιμάζειν 928. 7.

δοξάζειν 924. 13.

δόσις 912. 20; 917. 4.

δοῦλος 908. 2, 5, 9, 16, 25, 32, 34; 907.
II, 15; 924. το.

δραχμή. See Index IX (4).

-dpaxpos 936. 38.

δρόμος 900. 7; 911. 13.

δύμα 929. 8, 15.

δύναμις 899. 8 ; 905. το; 980. το; 940. 4.

δύνασθαι 898. 25, 34; 899. 31; 904. 7,
9; 932.8; 989.15; 942. 4.

δυστυχεῖν 904. 7.

ἐᾶν 923. 6.

ἑβδομηκοστὸς καὶ τρίτος 889. 17.

ἐγγράφειν 918. 24.

ἐγγράφως 896. 31; 902. το, 17. .

ἐγγυᾶσθαι 905. 17; 972.

eyyuntns 972.

ἐγγύς 940. 6; 941. 7.

ἐγκαλεῖν 906. 3.

ἐγκλείειν 9OB. 2, 12, 20, 23, 26.

ἐγκρατής 898. το.

ἐγχειρίζειν 900. 9, 18.

ἐγχρήζειν 892. 7.

ἐγώ. emu 913. 26. ζ

ἔδαφος 899. 35; 901. 6; 918. 9; 918. 1.
12, 16, 22, iii, 3, 9, xl. 7,8; 986.

368 INDICES

εἰδέναι 891. 16; 892. 4; 895. 11; 896.
21; 897. 14; 903. 34, 37; 910. 57;
918. 25; 929.3, 22; 9380.9; 942. 3;
963; 967.

εἶἰδοί 889. το; 899. introd.

εἶδος 905. 6; 987. 22; 957.

eixds 941. 6.

εἴπερ 942. 3.

εἰρήνη 991.

εἷς, μίαν μίαν 940. 6.

εἰσάγειν 988 (?).

εἰσαγωγός 918. ΧΙ. 17.

εἰσιέναι 900. 7; 910. 26; 912. 8.

εἴσοδος 896. 13; 986.

εἴσπραξις 890. 12; 914. 14.

ἕκαστος 899.17; 904.6; 907. 4,5; 908.

22, 26, 29; 939. 27.
ἑκάτερος 905. 19; 906. 7; 908. 38.
ἐκβαίνειν 918. li. 18, ΧΙ. 20.
ἐκβάλλειν 908. 34, 36.
ἐκδέχεσθαι 939. 27.
ἐκδιδόναι 9O5. 2, 15.
ἐκδικεῖν 937. 7.
ἐκδικία 901. 3.
ἔκδικος. See Index VIII.
ἔκδοτος 905 5(?).
ἐκεῖ 984.12; 937. 15, 21; 938. 3.
ἐκεῖνος 899. 23; 928. 12.
ἐκκλησία 993.
ἐκκόπτειν 892. 10.
ἐκλαμβάνειν 988.
ἑκούσιος 996. ἑκουσίως 918. 6.
ἔκπαλαι 938. 3.
ἐκτελεῖν 900. 16; 972.
extn. See Index X.
ἐκτιθέναι 899. 4.
ἔκτισις 905. 17; 914. 17.
extés 904, 2, 5.
ἐκφεύγειν 898, 25.

ἐκφόριον 910. 9, 20, 30, 49; 918. introd., xi.

2, 3,.13.
ἐλαία 919. 5; 920. 6.
ἔλαιον 936. 8;-937. 27; 971.
ἐλασσοῦν 918. xi. 3, 13.
ἐλάσσων 988.
ἐλεεῖν 904. 2.
ἐλευθεροῦν 904. 7.
ἐλπίς 939. 9.
ἐμαυτοῦ. 9857. ἢ ; 972. ἐν ἐμαυτῷ 939. 14.

ἐμβαδικός 896. 11. =

ἐμβαδός 921. introd.

ἐμβάλλειν 919. 4; 9939. 12.

ἐμμέλεια 896.5; 897. 7.

ἐμποδίζειν 890. 11.

ἔμφορος 899. 13; 918. xi. το.

ἔμφυτος 899. 19.

ἔναρχος. ἔν. ἐξηγητήῆς 888. 8. ἐν, πρύτανις
889. 13; 890. 3; 891.7; 892. 5.

ἐναφιέναι, ἐναφειμένη (?) sc. γῆ 918. xiii. 9, 12.

ἔνδεια 899. 14.

ἐνδομενία 899. 12; 907. το.

ἔνδοξος 943. 4.

ἐνεδρεία 900. 19.

ἐνεδρεύειν 898. 17; 900.12; 938. 2.

ἔνεδρον 892. 11. '

ἐνεῖναι 912, 12.

ἕνεκεν ΘθΟ2. 12; 949. 3.

ἐνέχυρον 908. 27, 31; 914. 17.

ἔνθα 896. 32.

ἐνθάδε 967.

ἐνιαύσιος 900. 17 (ἢ). ἐνιαυσίως 900. 8.

ἐνιαυτός 889. τό, 17; 910. 40; 912. 7.

ἔνιοι 9OO. 13, 17 ().

ἐνιστάναι 895. 6; 906. 5; 908. 21; 909.
28; 910. 6, 8, 17, 21; 911. 11; 918.7;
914. 13; 917. 2; 918. introd.; 964;
981; 988.

ἐνοίκιον 912. 13, 19, 31; 941. 7; 964; 971;
986. εν

ἐνοφείλειν 986.

ἐνοχλεῖν 899. 44.

ἔνοχος 897. 10; 972.

ἐνταῦθα 908. 33; 999.

ἐντεῦθεν 980. 3.

ἐντυγχάνειν 900. 19; 969.

ἐνωμότως 904. 3.

ἐξαίρετος 907. 10, 13.

ἑξάμηνος 912. 21.

ἐξανύειν 904. 8.

ἑξασσός 908. 58.

ἐξέδρα 912. 13.

ἐξεῖναι 906. 7; 908. 36.

ἐξέρχεσθαι 942. 4.

ἐξετάζειν 899. introd.; 957.

ἐξέτασις 899. 39.

ἐξηγητεύσας. See Index VIII.

ἐξηγητής. See Index VIII.

ἑξηκονταετής 889. 9.

ἑξηκοστός 889. 16 (?).

a ee EAS

AI, GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS

ἑξῆς 908. 21; 910. 11; 918. xi. 6; 967.

ἐξιέναι 984. 3.

ἐξκέπτωρ 942. 6 (?).

ἔξοδος 896. 13; 986.

ἐξουσία 898. 3; 904. 7, το.

ἔξω 908. 20.

ἐξώτερος 896. 14.

ἐξωτικός 999.

ἐοικέναι 899. 18.

ἑορτή 988. 13; 993.

ἐπαγγέλλειν 904. 3.

ἐπάγειν, ἐπαγόμεναι ἡμέραι.

ἐπακολουθεῖν 907. 20.

ἐπακολουθήτρια 909. 4: 37-

ἐπαναγκάζειν 899. 42; 900. 15.

ἐπανάγκης 918. 18; 914. τι.

ἐπάναγκος 909. 27; 910. 18.

ἐπαναλύειν 942. 5.

ἐπανέρχεσθαι 988. τῇ.

ἐπάνω 908. 14, 20; 912. 13; 918. ii. 21,
xi, τό, 19; 985.

ἐπάνωθε 986.

ἐπαρούριον 917. 3; 981.

ἔπαρχος. See Index VIII.

ἐπεγγελᾶν 938. 7.

ἐπεί 899.9, 23; 902.10; 923.9; 928. 3;
935. 14.

ἐπείγειν 900. 14; 988. 5.

ἐπειδή 900. 11 ; 908. 34; 941. 2.

ἐπεισέρχεσθαι 902. 5.

ἐπέλευσις 986.

ἐπέρχεσθαι 901. 13; 906. 4.

ἐπερωτᾶν 905. 19; 909.32; 912.36; 918.
21; 914.9; 964.

ἐπέχειν 908. 16; 940. 4.

ἐπιβάλλειν 899. 24.

ἐπιβουλ 1002.

ἐπιγιγνώσκειν 980. 4, 14; 982. 8.

ἐπιγράφειν 899. 49. :

ἐπιδιδόναι 895. 10; 896. 21, 28, 36, 38;
898. 36; 899.15, 32, 45, 49; 900.14,
21; 902. 13, 18; 907. 14; 921. introd. ;
940. 7; 941. 10; 942. 6.

ἐπιζητεῖν 895. 6; 896.5; 904, 3.

ἐπιθυμεῖν 963.

ἐπικαλεῖν 964,

ἐπικάρσιον O21. 14.

ἐπικαταλαμβάνειν 939. 18.

ἐπικλασμός 899. 9.

ἐπίκρισις 926. 2; 966.

See Index IV.

369

ἐπικρατεῖν 986.

ἐπινεύειν 939. 9.

ἐπινοεῖν ΘΟΖ. το.

ἐπινόσως 939. 21; 990.

ἐπίρριζος (?) 909. 25.

ἐπιρωννύναι 889. 20.

ἐπισκευάζειν 896. 7.

ἐπίσκεψις 918. introd.; 970; 986.

ἐπίσκοπος 908. 15.

ἐπίσταθμος 889. 8.

ἐπίσταλμα 899. introd. (?).

ἐπίστασθαι 899. 18.

ἐπιστέλλειν 891.17; 892.4,12; 896.26; 899.
introd., 34, 38, 42, 44; 47; 938.3; 967.

ἐπιστήμη 896. 5.

ἐπιστολή 899. introd., 33, 37, 46.

ἐπιστόλιον 981. 6; 933. 23; 936. 14.

ἐπιστράτηγος. See Index VIII.

ἐπιστρεφέστερον 899. 41.

ἐπίταγμα 900. 9.

ἐπιτέλλειν ΘΟ. 21.

ἐπιτηδείως 988. 6.

ἐπιτιθέναι 897. 7; 985 (ἐπιτιθοῦντι).

ἐπιτροπεία 9O7. 20.

ἐπιτροπή 898. 24.

ἐπίτροπος 888.5; 898.6, 28; 907.18; 909.2.

ἐπιφανέστατος. See Indices 11 and III.

ἐπιφέρειν 899. 50.

ἐπιχορηγεῖν 905. το; 906. 6.

ἐπιχώριος 986. 5.

ἐποίκιον 989 : 996-7.

ἐπόπτης 991.

ἐποφείλειν ΘΟΖ. 17.

ἐποχή 918. introd., xi. 21, xill. 2, 17.

ἐργάζεσθαι 923. II.

ἐργαστήριον 908. 27, 29, 32, 34; 989.

ἐργάτης 895. 12,14; 971; 985.

ἔργον 892.9, 12; 896. τό.

ἐρεῖν 929. 22; 932. 3; 940. 3.

epeous 921. 2, 8.

ἐρίκινος 921. introd.

ἔριον 929. II.

ἔρχεσθαι 903. 13, 14; 932. 5; 936. 34;
937. 6, 25; 967.

ἔσοπτρον 978.

ἑσπερινός 901. 5.

ἔσχατος 9Ο2. 11; 910. 40.

ἕτερος 898. 28; 899. 19, 32, 38, 40; 905.
8; 907. 21; 909. 31; 918. xiii. 14;
923. 11; 939. 18; 986; 988; 996.

Cf. λέγειν.

37°

ἔτι 898. 7, 32; 899. 38; 900. 6; 911.10;
939. 3.

ἑτοίμως 902. ο, τό.

εὐδοκεῖν 905. 17; 908. 46; 972.

εὐδόκιμος 942. 6.

εὐεργεσία 899. το.

εὐεργετεῖν 899. 20, 45.

εὐεργέτης 996. Cf. Index II.

εὐθαλής 902. 15.

εὐθέως 985. 19. εὐθύς 941. 8.

εὐθηνιαρχεῖν 908. 19.

εὐθηνιάρχης. See Index VIII.

evOuporepos 939. 19.

εὐλαβέστατος 948. 6.

εὐμενής 899. 3; 925. 7. εὐμενῶς 924. 7.

εὑρίσκειν 918, xi. 5, 15; 925.6; 984. 14;
936. 20.

εὐσέβεια 9O7. 22.

εὐσεβέστατος 996. Cf. Index II.

εὐτυχῶς 896. 7 ; 900. 7.

εὐχαριστεῖν 904. 9.

εὔχεσθαι 891. 18; 928. 15; 929. 24; 991.
12; 983. 6, 28; 984. 16; 985. 29; 936.
3, 50; 987. 28; 988.9; 939. 30.

εὐχή 989. 8.

ἐφεδρεύειν 928. 5.

ἐφημερινός (ἐπιημ.) 924. 2.

ἐφημερίς 917. 1; 981-2.

ἐφιστάναι 912, 2}.

ἔφοδος 906. 8.

ἐφορᾶν 896. 3ο.

ἔχειν 891.16; 895.11; 898.13,37; 900.
16; 901. 9, 12; 902.9,16; 908. 9, 29,
30, 35; 905. 19; 907. 8, 9, 10, 12, 17,
23; 908. 39; 910. 15, 54; 912. 9;
913. 16; 918. ii. τό, 18, ili. 15, v. 21,
Xl. II, 12, 18, 20; 922. 14,16; 928.
10; 929.19; 9380.3; 984. ὃ; 935.
15,17; 936. 15, 22, 26, 35; 988. 5;
939. 10, 21, 25, 26; 940.6; 942. 3;
964; 990; 995.

ἕως 891. 11; 899. 33, 46; 907. το; 910.
25; 934. 13; 986. 13; 940. 4; 948.
8; 964; 965; 985.

filius 894. 5.

ζεῦγος 936. 15, τό.
ζευκτήριον 934. 5.

INDICES

ὧν 907. 23; 924. τι;
(GA κύριος).

ζῆτα, τὸ ¢. (i.e. Lad vi) Ay 18.

(nreiv 891. 10; 893. 4, 5, 8

ζωγραφία 896. a. 10, τό.

ζωγράφος 896. 4.

(gov 902. 6, 8, 15; 922. 17, 19, 22, 23;
942. 2, 3.

937. 5: 943. 7

7 893. 7; 908.13; 904.8; 906.8; 907.
21; 912.29; 918. το; 925.6; 941. 4,
5; 972.

“ἢ μήν 924. I.

ἡγεῖσθαι 895. το. ἡγούμενος. See Index Vill.

ἡγεμονεύσας 899. 29. '

ἡγεμών. See Index VIII.

ἤγουν 941. 5.

ἤδη 9638.

ἥδιστα 933. 5.

ἦθος 969.

ἥκειν 9858. 13.

ἡλιαστήριον 985.

ἡλικία 888. 3; 898. 30; 906. 7; 907. 19.

ἡμέρα 898. 7; 900. 13; 901. 5; 909. 4;
904. 6; 905. 13; 906. 5.

ἡμερησίως 908. 26, 35.

ἡμιολία 912. 32.

ἥμισυς 9O9. 30, 32; 911. 14; 912. 21;
913. 13, 16, 19, 23; 986. ἐφ᾽ ἡμισείας

913. II.
ἡμίχουν 986. 7, 9.
ἡμιωβέλιον. See Index IX (6).

ἡνίκα 939. 23.

ἤπειρος 918. ii, I, 10, 23, 111. 7, 14, XI. 7.
ἠπητής 986. 17.

ἤτοι 888. 5.

θαυμάσιος 940. 1.

θεᾶσθαι 968.

θέατρον 937. II.

θεῖος (sc. ὅρκος) 898. 4, 5,8; 897. 12, 16.
θειότατος 996.

θέλειν 893. 7; 898. 22; 909. 35; 991]. 33
937. 3; 941. 7,9; 943. 6,

θέλημα 924. 8.

θέμα 982. 4.

θεός. See Index VII.

θερμά 896. 8.

θῆλυς 9O7. τό, 19.

θλίβειν 898. 33; 909. 33.

AI, GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 371

θλίψις 939. 13.

θνήσκειν 9O2. 9.

θόλος 896. 12.

θρασύτης 901. 19.

θρυοκοπεῖν 910. 40.

θρύον 910. 41.

θυγάτηρ 898. 4: 905. 3; 918. 3, 5, 22;
930.5; 984; 9900. .

θύειν 928. 23.

θύρα 908. 20; 912. 28.

θυσία 928. ἡ.

habitare 894. 7.

ἰατρός 896. 26; 983.

ἴδιος 898.11; ‘932. I; 974; hope

ἰδιωτικός 918. ii. 22, iii. 3, Oo; Xi. 9.8

Bro ) 986.

iepovixns 908. 9.

ἱερός. ἱερὰ σύνοδος 908. 9.
890. 12. ἱερόν 984.

ἱκανός 918. ν. 15.

ἱκεσία 904. 7.

ἵλεως 939. 7.

ἰλύειν 918. ii. 8 (?).

ἱμάτιον 905. 7; 921. 5.

ἵνα 891.16; 892.9; 895.11;
903. 26; 904.9; 924. 11;
929. 21; 932. 2, 3, 7, 8;
939. 19; 940. 2; 967.

ἰνδικτίων 918. 8; 993-6. Cf. Index III.

ἱππάριον 922. 1 ef sacp.

ἱππικινακοι (?) 936. 24.

ἱππικός 922, 1, 6.

ἵππος 922. 8, 10, 13.

ἴσος 907. 7, 12; 908. 35; 909.
910.18. ἴσως 908. 34.

ἱστάναι 906. 2(?); 909. 32.

ἱερώτατον ταμεῖον

899. 45;
928. 7;
937. 10;

14, 30;

κάγκελλος 994; 999.
καθαρός 910. 32, 41;
καθαρότης 904. 2.
καθεδράριον 968.
καθέλκειν 899. 25.
καθηγητής 980. 6.
καθήκειν 980. 12; 999. τό.

καθημερινός 924. 3.

καθιστάναι 888. 2; 898. 295 902. 3; 939.

912. 25; 988.

10.
καθοσιοῦν 904. 2.

καθώς 899. 44; 902. 15; 909. 32.

καίτοι 898. 26..

καινός 921. introd., 14.

καιρός 899. 25; 918. 19.

κακοφυής 988.

κακῶς 935.15; 938. 5.

καλεῖν 918. ii. 4; 926. τ;

καλός 902.6; 918. 14; 988.
6; 984. 14; 967.

καμαρωτικός 921. introd.

καμαρωτός 921. introd.

κάματος 918. 15.

καμηλών 964.

καμπύλος 918. ii. 8 (?).

Κανωπικὸν σφυρίδιον 936. 15.

καρπός (‘wrist’) 910. 25.

καρπός (‘ fruit’) 918. 12, 13, 19, 23.

kapvivos (κάροινος) 929. 9, 13.

κασσιτέριον 915. 2, 3; 1000-3.

καστρίσιος 1001 (?).

καταβαίνειν 898. 9.

καταβάλλειν 913. 15.

κατάγαιον 908. 4. κατάγειον 911. 15; 912. 12.

καταγίγνεσθαι 910. 4.

κατακόπτειν 904. 6.

κατακί 1) 918. ii. 13, iii. 10, xi. 9.

καταλαμβάνειν 889. 7; 896. 31;
942. τ.

καταλείπειν 9O7. 7, 12, 14, 17, 23; 985.

καταλιμπάνειν 907. 5.

καταλογεῖον 906. 9.

καταμένειν 989.

καταναγκάζειν 904. 8.

καταξιοῦν 940. 4; 941.5; 948. 1.

καταξύειν 988.

καταπλεῖν 980. 7; 933. τρ.-

καταπλέκειν 908. 35.

κατασκευάζειν 892. 8.

κατασπείρειν 965.

κατασπορά 969.

καταφέρειν 928. 8.

καταφυγή 899. introd.

καταχωρισμός 898. 37.

κατοικικός 918. ii. 16, v. 18, xi. 16, 17.

κάτοικος 984.

κελεύειν 889. 5; 899. 9, 41;
916. 7; 970.

κέλευσις 895. 7.

κέντινος 922. 11.

κεράμιον. See Index IX (a).

927.1; 989.
καλῶς 929.

939. 5;

902. 13;

Bb2

372 INDICES

κερλάριον (= κελλάριον ?) 978.

κερπικάριον O21. 8, 20.

κεφάλαιον 899. introd.; 988.

κηδεμονία 888. 11.

κηδεμών 888. 2, 3, 5-

κηλώνειον 971.

κινδυνεύειν 938. 4.

κίνδυνος 910. 22; 914. τι.

κλείς 908. 16, 18; 912. 28.

κληρονομία 907. 5, 8, 12, 26.

κληρονόμος 899. 23; 907. 4,6; 986; 999.

κλῆρος 918. ii. 24, ν. 18, 19, ΧΙ. 16; 919.
2(?); 971; 984; 988.

κληί 1,980.

κλινήρης 896. 33

κλουίον (ΞΞ Plousior ?) 936. 6, 14.

κοίλωμα 918. ii. 21, v. 16.

κοιμᾶσθαι 988. 25.

κοινός 891. 14; 905. 5,12; 907. 17; 911.
16. τὸ κοιν. τῶν γεωργῶν 999. κοινῶς
907. 12.

κοινωνία 9058. 4.

κόλλημα 986.

κόμες 994.

κομίζειν 910. 26; 919.6; 931.5; 9986. 5,
10, 13, 14; 969.

κόλλησις O15. 1.

κολόβιον 921. 6, τό.

κόμτον 995 (?).

κομψότερος 935. 5.

κονδουκτορία 900. 6, τό.

koviatns 998.

κόπριον 912. 25.

κόπρος 984. 6, 10.

κοσκινεύειν 910. 33; 988.

κοσμαρίδιον 908. 20.

κόσμος 899. 12; 909. 29.

κουράτωρ 888. 6.

κρατεῖν 908. 24, 26.

κράτιστος. κρ. ἀδελφή 981. 11. κρ. βουλή
891. 5; 892.5. Kp. διοικητής 899. introd.,
I, 37. ὁ Kp. ἡγεμών 981. 8; 967. ὁ Kp.
970.

κριθή 908. 25; 988.

κρίνειν 898. 27; 899. 25, 26, 27, 29, 39.

κρύπτειν 908. 16, 18.

κτᾶσθαι 903. 34; 904. 6.

κτῆμα 898. 14; 909. 16; 999; 1008.

κτῆνος 908. 25, 26, 30; 938. 2, 4, 5.

κτῆσις 889. 19.

κυβερνήτης 919. 3. Ξ

κύθρα 986. τι.

κυριακός. τὸ κυριακόν 908. IQ, 21.

κυριεύειν 910. 24.

κυριευτικῶς 907. 17.

κύριος (‘ guardian’) 888. 2; 899. 49
909. 6.

κύριος (‘valid’) 905. 18; 906. το; 908.
37; 909. 33; 910. 42; 912. 35; 918.
20; 914.18; 964.

κύριος (title) 895. introd.; 899. introd., 18;
902. 18; 904. 10; 922. 14, 16; 929.
4; 925. 3; 981. 3, το; 933. 1, 28;
937. 9; 939.1, 5, 9, 20, 28; 948. 7;
995. Cf. Index II,

kupos 998; 1001.

κωμάρχης 895. 5.

κώμη895. 5,9; 897.6, 9,14; 899. introd.,
17,35, 36; 901. 8; 905. 4,17; 919.
9; 918. xi. 3,13; 986; 989; 991. CF.
Index VI (4).

κωμητικός 895. ὃ.

κωμογραμματεύς. See Index VIII.

λαλεῖν 908. 14.

λαμβάνειν 898. 14; 908. 37; 922. 26;
936. 42; 987. 18 (λαβῆσαι), 22.

λαμπρός 942. 6; 943. I, 2, 5, 9: Cf.
Index III and Index VI s. v. ᾿Οξυρυγχιτῶν
πόλις.

λαμπρότης 942. 2, 5.

λάχανον 966.

λαχανοπώλης 935. introd.

λαχανόσπερμον 932. 6,

λέβης 1000.

λέγειν 888.1; 895. introd.; 899. introd.,
21, 27, 30; 903. I, ὃ, 9, 10, 13, 20, 21,
25, 30, 36; 907. 16; 918. ii. 13, iii. 6,
14, V. 17, 21; 922. 13; 980. 15; 992.
5; 985. 15; 986.17, 18, 21; 941. 2,
3, 6, 7,9; 1002.

Aecrovpynua 9OO. 14.

λειτουργία 904. 3, 5, 8,

λέντιον 929. Lo.

λεπτός 924. 5. λεπτά 920. 4.

λευκός 905. 8; 921. 5, 7; 922. 6, 9; 929.

14.
λῆμμα 929. introd.; 985; 999.
λίαν 936. 13.
λιβανοθήκη 978.

ΧΙ.

λίβελλος YO, 12.

λίθινος 918. ν. 20; 937. 13.

λιμός (ἡ) 902. 9.

λινοῦς 921. 9.

λίνον 929. το.

λίτρα 915. 2, 3; 1000-3.

his 918. il. 7 εἰ sacp.; 986; 988.

λόγιος ΘΟΖ. 1, 18.

λογιότης SOB. 13, 15.

λογισμός 940. 4.

λογιστής. See Index VIII.

λόγος 890. 9; 893. 6, 8; 895.8; 896.
10; 904. 3; 805. 5; 914. 17; 916. 7,
ἘΠ 20; 919. 2,9, 11; 920. 12; 964;
971; 985; 994; 999.

λοιπός 904. 7; 907.15; 918. xi. 12; 921.
introd. ; 984. τι.

λουτρόν 892. 11; 915. 2; 943. 3, 4, 6, 8;
1002.

Aoxeia 992.

λύειν 907. 28.

λυπεῖν 980. 4.

λυτροῦν 986. το-

μαγειρικός 1001.

μαγιστριανός 904. 2.

μακάριος 902. 4.

μακελλάριος 1000.

μάλιστα 939. 20.

μᾶλλον 939. 3.

μάνδρα 984.

μανθάνειν 900. 11; 987.12; 940. 4.

μαρτυρεῖν 903. 31; 930. 16; 988. 18.

μαρτύριον 941. 4.

μαστιγοῦν 908. 9.

ματρώνα στολᾶτα 907. 4.

μαφόρτης 937. 26.

μαφόρτιον 921. 7.

μεγαλοπρεπέστατος 904. το.

μέγας 920. 8; 923. 1; 9888. 12; 984;
988; 996; 1002. μείζων and μειζότερος.
See Index VIII.

μεθ᾽ (ἥν) 918. ii. 4 ef saep.

μεθί ) 988.

μειζότερος, μείζων.

μέλας 922. 12.

μέλειν 980. 11, 18; 939. 21.

μέλι 919. 8; 936. ο.

μελικηρίς 936. 10.

μελίτινος 936, II.

See Index VIII.

GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK .AND LATIN WORDS 373

μελίχρως 984.

μέλλειν 890. 7; 930. το; 935. 12.

μέμφεσθαι 912.

μὲν οὖν 899. 8.

μένειν 908. 33,36; 940.2; 964.

μερίς 940. 2, 4; 986.

μέρος 905. 19; 911. 14; 913. 13, 16, 19,
252) 9151... iy, xi. 8; 16) sia
984-6 ; 999.

μέσος. ἀνὰ μέσον 918. ili, 3, Vv. 15, 18.

μεστός 936. 37. ;

μεταβάλλειν 984. 3.

μεταδιαταγή 899. 40, 43, 47.

μεταδιατάσσειν 899. 32.

μετάδοσις 906. 9.

μεταλλάσσειν 888. II;

μετανάστης 899. 14.

μεταξύ 914. 8.

μεταπέμπειν 969.

μεταστέλλειν ΘΟ. 13; 940. 6.

μεταφορά 895. 18; 935. 18.

μετεωρίζειν 904. 6.

μέτοχος 916. 7; 918. il. 12, 24, Xill. 5.

μετρεῖν 932. 3; 988.

μέτρημα 909. 22.

μέτρησις 910. 35.

μέτρον 907. 24; 910. 21, 34; 986; 988.
Cf. Index IX <a).

μέχρι 906. 5; 908. 27; 909. 27.

μηδαμῶς 9O1. II. 9

μήν 898. 6; 895. 9; 898. 32; 902. 8;
903. 6; 908. 20, 21; 910. 20, 31; 914.
12; 916. 14; 958; 962; 964; 967;
985; 988. Cf. Index IV.

μήτηρ 888.10; 898.5; 899.2; 803. 32;
905. 2, 3, 4,17; 909. 4, 11, 38; 910.
3; 912.2; 914. 3; 924.15; 928. το;
936. 21, 47; 963; 984; 996.

μητρόπολις 907. 9.

μηχανάριος 988.

μηχανή 9Ο1. 7; 985.

μικρός ΘΟ8. 28; 921.11; 922. 6, 7, Io, 12,
26; 931.8; 983. 14, 22.

μισεῖν 9θΟ2. 17.

μισθοῦν 910. 1, 14, 28, 39, 48; 911 1;
912. 1, 16, 17, 23, 41; 918. 7, 14, 22;
918. xi. 2, II, 12, xiii. 18; 977.

μίσθωσις 910. 29, 42; 912. 9, 16, 35; 919.
20; 964.

μισθωτής 986.

899. 23.

374

pvaatov 905. 6.

μνεία 895. introd.

μνήμη 902. 4; 913. 3.

μόλυβδος 915. 2, 3; 1001-3.

μολυβδουργός 915. 1; 1000-3.

povafe 994.

μοναχός 905. 19; 908. 39.

μόνος 899. 15, 26; 907. 10; 910.17 ; 915.

3; 919.7; 993-5. μόνον 899.11; 904. —

4; 941. 8,9.
porwots 1001.
μυριάς 896. τό, 17.
μύρον 936. 39.
μύστρον 921. 25.

nasci 894. 5.

ναύβιον 917. 2.

ναῦλον 917. 2.

ναυτικός 929. 8.

νέος 910. 32; 988.

νεύφυτος 909. τό.

νή 939. 20.

νοεῖν 990.

voun 899. introd., 6; 918. introd., xi. 5,
15.

νόμισμα. See Index IX (4).

νομισμάτιον. See Index IX (2).

νόμος 902. 17 ; 908. 7.

νομός 899. 30, 42; 900.6; 918.6; 991.
Cf. Index VI (a).

νοσηλότερος 939. 26.

νόσος 989. 6, 23.

νοτάριος 940, ἡ.

νότος 918. ii. 1 ef sacp.; 986; 988.

νυκτερινός 924. 4.

νυκτοστράτηγος 933. 24.

νῦν 899. 41; 906. 6, 7; 908. 18; 929.
5; 937.8; 938.6; 939. 3, 23.

νυνί 908. 5; 988.

ξενία 931, 7.

ξέστης 921. 23.
ξιφίδιον 936. 9.
ξυλαμᾶν 910. ΤΙ.
ξύλον 892. 7.
ξυστός 896. 12, 14.

ὀγδόη (?) 916. 7, 17, 20.
ὀβολός. See Index IX (ὃ).
ὁδός 918. ii. 7, 13, iii, 6, ν. 20.

INDICES

ὅθεν 896. 32; 899. 41;

ὀθονιακός 933. 23.

οἴεσθαι 898. 24.

οἰκεῖν 984.

οἰκεῖος 899. 12.

οἰκέτης 904. 4.

οἰκία 896. 30; 903.10; 907. το; 911.
14; 912. 12; 926. 3; 933. 26; 982;
980; 984; 986; 1002.

οἰκονόμος 929. 25; 941. 4; 993.

οἶκος 983. 19; 943. 4.

olvorpatns 985.

οἶνος 907. 24; 985; 992-3.

οἱοσδήποτε 893. 6,9; 904. 8.

ὀκνεῖν 930. 1.

ὀλίγος 899. 13; 941. 4,0.

ὅλος 898. 6, 9; 896. 12, 16; 908. 4,5;
918. xi. 6; 986. 19 (ὅλ᾽ ἐξ ὅλων), 29; 986.
ὅλως 924. 8.

ὁμιλεῖν 928. 5.

ὅμοιος 889. 21.
introd.; 995.

ὀμνύειν 897. Ir; 903.15; 972.

ὁμολογεῖν 897. τι ; 898. 22 ; BOS. 20; 909.
13, 33; 910. 13; 912. 36; 913. 21; 914.
6, το; 989. 6; 964; 996.

ὁμοῦ 895. τό.

ὁμουργός 922. 20.

ὅμως 939. 26.

ὀνηλάτης 900. 15.

ὀνοθήλεια 922. 24, 25.

a a 890. 17; 903. 23; 907. 11, 15; oad,

; 980. 26; 9382.4; 936. 46.

ὄνος θεν ὃ: 985.

ὀξύς 900. 4.

ὁπόταν 909. 26.

ὅπου 936. 6, 8 (?), Is.

ὀπωροπώλης 980.

ὅπως 899. introd., 17,39, 42, 47; 985. 16;

938. 6.

ὁρᾶν 896. 32.

ὀρδινάριος 942. 7; 999.

ὀρέγειν ΘΟΖ. 11.

ὁρίζειν 986.

ὅρκος 898. 4, 5,8; 897. 12, 16; 908. 18;
972.

ὁρμᾶσθαι 914. 4; 996.

ὁρμή 901. 6.

ὀρφανικός 888. 4.

ὀρφανός 888. 2, 5.

904. 7.

ὁμοίως 916. Ε4, 17, 20; 985.

XJ,

ὅσος 898. 13; 899.8; 902.17; 903. 34;
913. 10; 939. 12.

ὅσοσπερ 904. 3.

ὀστρακώδης 941. 2.

ὅτε 942. 4: 948. 6.

ὅτι 903. 8 e/sacp.; 924. το; 930.9; 936.
17, 19, 21; 937. 22; 9389. 7; 941. 3,

7, 9-

ov μή 903. τό.

οὐγκία 931. 4.

οὐλή 906. το.

οὖν 899. 8, 40; 901. 15; 908. το; 930.
18; 934.9; 957. 5,8; 938.5; 942.3.

οὐσία 902. 3; 986.

οὐσιακὸς μισθωτής 986.

οὕτω 888.3. οὕτως 940.5; 941. 7; 998-9.

ὀφείλειν 890. 8; 899. 48; 904. 4; 910.
25; 914.6: 942. 4: 948. 4.

ὀφρύς 906. το.

ὀφφικιάλιος 896. 28.

ὄψις 911. 6.

ὀψώνιον 898. 31;

ο΄, γ ο΄ 991.

974; 994.

π΄ 941. τ.

πᾶγος 900. 6; 901. 5.
παιδαγωγός 930. 17, 19, 27.
παιδίον 928. 13; 930. 24; 933. 29.
παῖς 901. 8; 915. 1.

πάλιν 893. 7; 903. 18.
πανεύφημος 999.

πανοικεί 985. 30.

παντελῶς 899.13; 903. 7.
πάντοθεν 988.

παντοκράτωρ 925. 1.

πάντως 904. 2, 3.

πάνυ 942. 5.

πάππος 908. 2, 45.

παραβαίνειν 908. 36.

παραβάλλειν 980. 21; 994. 12; 937. 10.
mapayyehia 957.

παραγγέλλειν 937. 8, 14.

παράγειν 901.18; 971.
παραγίγνεσθαι 984. 13; 942. +
παραδέχεσθαι 910. 28.

παραδιδόναι 910. 39; 912. 23, 29.
παραθόλιον 896. 13.

παραίτησις 899. introd.
παρακατατιθέναι 907. 1.
παρακολουθεῖν 942. 5.

GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 4ης

παραλαμβάνειν 912. 27.

παραληπτικός 910. 34.

παραμετρεῖν 910. 15.

παραμυθεῖσθαι 989. 26.

παρασκευάζειν 9Ο2. 7, 14; 948. 2.

παρατείνειν 918. iii. 3.

παρατηρεῖν 937. τό.

παρατυγχάνειν 90]. 9.

παραφέρειν 892. το.

παράφερνα 905. 7, 12; 906. 3.

παραφυλακή 904. 4.

παραχώρησις 998.

παρεῖναι 888.5; 905.16; 918. 25; 914.
13; 933. 21; 984. 4, 7, το; 972.

παρενοχλεῖν 965.

παρεντιθέναι 9O7. 21.

παρέχειν 895. 21 ; 900. το, 17; 908. 27, 28;
904. 4; 907. 6; 908. 31, 33; 918. 12,
18 ; 937. 24; 941. .,6,7,8; 972; 992-4.

παριστάναι 897. το.

mapox( ) 899. introd.

παρολκή 997.

παρυρᾶν 904. 6.

παρουσία 908. 15.

πᾶς 897.6; 898.33,35; 899. introd., 20;
900. 16; 908. 1, 8,11, 16, 32; 904. 3,
5; 805. 12,16 ; 907. 5,6; 9, 10, 11, 12,
18,20, 28 ; 908. 46; 910. 22, 38, 42, 56;
911. 16; 912. 26,35; 918.11, 24; 914.
II, 16; 924. 12; 929. 4, 12, 15, 20;
930. 25 ; 988. 7, 16; 934.15; 935. 26;
936. 3; 937.14; 939. 6,9, 15, 29; 942.
6; 964; 988.

παστοφόρος 984.

πατεῖν 988.

πατήρ 899. 21, 24; 905.16; 908. 2; 924.
15; 925. 3; 985. 20; 936. ὧν; 937. Io.

πατριμωνάλια BOO. 5.

πάτριος 935. το.

πατρίς 937. 7.

παχύς 921, 19.

πεδίον 913. 9.

πεῖνα 9O2. 12

πεῖσμα 948. 5, 6.

πέλατον (?) 922. 9.

πέμπειν 928.12; 930.12;
21, 26; 938. 4.

πενταετία 936. 25.

πεντώβολον. See Index IX (2).

πέπερις. See πίπερας.

981. 4,26; 937.

376

περίβλεπτος 994.

περιβολάδιον 921. 2.

περιγίγνεσθαι 913. 12, 13, 23; 986.

περίζωμα 921. το.

περιιστάναι 899. 14; 902. 12.

περιστερών 981.

πῆγμα 921. introd.

πηχισμός 981.

πῆχυς. See Index IX (a).

πίπερας 921. 26.

πιπράσκειν ΘΟΘ. 14, 31; 922. ΤΙ, 13, 15,
18.

πιστεύειν 898. 29; 903. 17.

πίστις 9O7. 7; 918.14; 924.9; 980.

πιστός 893. I.

πλάκιον 921. introd,

πλακοῦς 936. II.

πλανᾶν 898. 8.

πλατάκιον 920. 3, 7, 10.

πλατεῖα 937. τι.

πλείων, πλεῖστος. See πολύς.

πληγή 908. 6; 904. 6.

πλήρης 929. introd.

πληροῦν 9Ο2. το, 16; 904. 3,5; 949. 7.

πλινθεύειν 941. 5.

πλινθευτής 941. 2.

πλίνθος 986.

πλοῖον 98}. 13.

πνεῦμα 904. 7; 924. τό.

ποιεῖν 888. 3; 892. το; 898.8; 899. 17,
34, 39, 43, 41, 48; 901. 6; 908. 7, το;
904.4; 907. 6,18, 26,27; 909. 26, 30;
913. 15,20; 928. 7, 8,11; 929.6; 933.
23; 936. 4, 31; 987. 4; 938. 2,7; 941.
3; 943.6; 963; 967; 971; 990.

ποικιλτήῆς 980.

πόλις 890. 8, 10; 892.3,9; 895.15; 896.
9, 30; 899. 6; 902. 2, 10; 904. 4;
908.6; 909. 13; 910.3; 911.5; 914.
6; 942.4; 960; 962. Cf. Index VI (ca).

πολιτεύεσθαι ΘΟΏ. 4, 12.

πολιτική 908. 37.

πολιτικός 892. 11.

πολυετία 889. 6.

πολύς 888. 4; 898. 7, 21; 899. 13; 908.
21; 980. τό,22; 985. 22,26; 986. 51;

938.8; 941. 9. πλείων 989. 24. πλεῖ-
στος 899. 13; 900. 9; 939. 3. πλεῖστα

957. 2.
πορφύρα 981. 4.

INDICES

ποσεία 918. introd.

ποτέ 928. 6.

ποτίζειν 938. 5.

ποτισμός 984. 14; 967.

πρᾶγμα 888. 4; 893. 6,9; 902.3,5; 938. 2

πραγματικός 899. 17, 35, 42, 47.

πραιπόσιτος 900. 5.

πρακτέος 940. 5.

πράκτωρ. See Index VIII.

πρᾶξις 905.14; 910. 36; 912. 33.

πρᾶσις 909. 33; 988.

πράσσειν 895. introd.; 902. 15; 924. 7 (?)
925. 7.

πρεπόντως 907. 17.

πρεσβευτής 933. 31.

πρεσβύτερος 897. 5; 984(?); 986; 996
πρεσβ. κώμης 918, xi. 3, 12.

πρίν 928. 8.

προάστειον 915. 2.

προβαστάζειν 935. 21.

mpoyéwpyos (?) 899. introd.

mpoypapew 907. τι; 908. 37; 918. 22.

προέρχεσθαι 898. 35.

profiteri 894. 5.

προιστάναι 891. 12.

προίξ 907. 14.

προκεῖσθαι 896. 37, 39; 899.16; 900. 20;
905. 18; 907. 18, 28; 908. 46; 909.
22, 24; 910. 56; 912. 24, 41; 913.24;
918. ii. 9, 21, lii. 5, 9, Xi. 15, xii. 17; 929.
19; 972; 977; 988.

προκουράτωρ 9438. 2.

προλαμβάνειν 928. 8.

προλέγειν 901]. 9; 902. 12, 16; 908. 25 ;
939. 25.

mpovontns 908. 3; 999.

πρόνοια 899. 17.

πρόξενος βουλευτῶν 984.

προπολιτεύεσθαι 918. 4.

προσαγορεύειν 928. 14.

προσέρχεσθαι 907. 5.

προσέχειν 980. 11.

προσήκειν 888. 3; 899. introd., 26, 38, 48.

προσκύνημα 936. 4, 48 (?).

προσοδικός 986.

πρόσοδος, προσόδου Sc. γῆ 986.

προσορίζειν 918. ii. 17, iii. 1, 2, 15.

προσοφείλειν 912. 31.

προσφέρειν 908. 6; 904. 7; 907. 18.

προσφωνεῖν 896. 18, 32, 34, 37, 38.

AI, GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 377

προσχωρεῖν 909. 20.

πρόσωπον 908. 21; 904. 8.

προτάσσειν 889. 15.

πρότερον 898. 22; 899. 44; 918. ΧΙ. II.
ἃ ΞΞ πρότερον 984.

προτιθέναι 888. 7; 889. το.

προυπαλλάσσειν 907. 18.

πρόφασις 909. 35.

πρόχειρος 932. 7.

mpoxpeia 907. 13; 910. τό.

πρύτανις. See Index VIII.

πρῶτον 902. 13; 924. 9g.

πρωτότυπος 904. 8.

πύλη 892. 9.

πυνθάνεσθαι 980. 12; 933. 29.

πῦρ 903. 6.

πυργίσκος 921. 24.

πυρετός 924. 6.

πυρέτιον 896. 33.

πυρός 907. 24; 908, 27; 909. 21; 910. 9,
10, 18, 31, 51, 55; 918. i. 9 ef saep.;
966; 974; 986; 988.

πυρρός 922. 8.

πωλεῖν 922. 6 ; 932. το.

πως 902. 13(?); 939. 15.

πῶς 932. 4; 939. 24.

πρῶτα 939. 13.
πρωτοτύπως 9O2Z. 13 (?).

ῥᾷον 939. 17.

ῥαφάνινος 936. 8.

ῥήτωρ 899. 21.

ῥιπάριος 897. 3; 904. 3.

pis 908. 22.

poa 920. 13.

ῥύμη 986.

ῥύσις 940. 2.

ῥωννύναι. ἔρρωσο 931.13; 982. 11. ἐρρῶσθαί
σε εὔχομαι 891.18; 928.15; 929. 24;
931. το; 933. 28; 984. 16; 985. 29;
936. 50; 987. 28; 938.8; 999. 28.

σαβανοφακιάριον 921. II, 12.
σάκκος 982. 6.

σακκούδιον 937. 29.

σαλώτια 920. 5.

σαργάνη 938. 3, 6.
σαρκοφανής 936. 26.

σεαυτοῦ 928. τι.

σεβάσμιος 897. τι.

σεβίτιον 919. 8.

σημαίνειν 942. 5; 985.

σημειοῦν. σεσημείωμαι 899. introd.; 916. 13,
16,19; 974; 977; 992. ἐσημειωσάμην
899. 32, 39,460; 92l.introd. ἐσημειώσατο
980.

σήμερον 896. 21.

σίναπι 920. 2; 936. 7.

σινδόνιον 921. 15, 19; 21.

σιτικός 907. 8 et sacp.; 918. το; 965.

σιτολόγος 973; 986.

σῖτος 908. 22; 986. 22; 994; 998-9.

σιτοφόρος 918. ii, 7.

σκάπτειν 985,

σκεῦος 1001.

σκιωτός 921, 15.

σκοπεῖν 940. 5.

σκύλλειν 941. 3.

σκυλμός 941. 5.

σκυτάριον 986. 23.

σκωρσελίνη (?) 986. τό.

σμάλλεος (Ὁ) 921. 6.

σουβρικομαφόρτιον 905. 7.

σουβρικοπάλλιον 921. 4.

σπείρειν 910. 9; 913. τι.

σπέρμα 910. 16, 54; 918. 16.

σπονδή 917. 3.

σπορά 913. 8.

σπόρος 918. ii. 8, iil. 5.

σπουδάζειν 939. 18; 968.

σπουδαῖος 929. 3.

σπουδή 9638.

στάβλον 922. 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 12.

σταθμός 905. 5.

στατήρ 936. 40.

στέλλειν 902. ἢ.

στεφάνιον 986. 12.

στιπποπραγματευτής 898. 3.

στολᾶτα 907. 4.

στοχάζεσθαι 931. 9.

στρατηγίας See Index VIII.

στρατηγός. See Index VIII.

στρουθός 920. 8, 12.

στρῶμα 921. 3.

συ, ἐσοὺ 908. 30.

συγγενής 904. 6.

συγγνώμη 939. το.

συγγραφή 905. 18; 906. 2, 8.

συγκυρεῖν 9Ο7. 9, 13.

συγχωρεῖν 906. 9; 907. 2; 911. 7; 988;
990.

συλλαμβάνειν 935. 3, 8.

378

συμβαίνειν 888. 3; 899. 9, 16; 902. 8;
904. 4.

συμβιοῦν 905. 8.

συμβίωσις 906. 4; 907. 17.

σύμμαχος 908. 25; 904. 4.

συμπάσχειν 904. 7.

συμπλήρωσις 988.

συμφωνεῖν 909. 18; 918. 24; 934. το.

σύμφωνος 914. 4.

συμψέλια 921. introd.

συνάγειν 900. 13; 985; 988.

συνειδέναι 898. 20.

συνεῖναι 907. τό.

συνενεῖναι 929. 12.

συνέχειν 896. 34; 899. II.

συνηγορεῖν 899. 21.

συνήθεια 994.

συνθήκη 909. 13.

συνιστάναι, συνεστώς 912. 4.

σύνοδος 908. 9.

σύνολος 893. 6, 9.

συνομολογεῖν 943. 4.

συνορᾶν 940. 2.

συνόριον 918. ν. 17.

σύνοψις 896. 6.

συντείνειν 904. 5.

συντελεῖν 989.

συντηρεῖν 924. 1.

συντιθέναι 908. 18.

συντιμᾶν 905. 6.

συνωνή 909. 21.

σφαιρίον 920. 9, II.

σφραγίζειν 929. 13; 932. 6..

σφραγίς 918. introd. 67 saep.

σφυρίδιον 936. 15. ;

σχεδόν 899. 11.

σχοινίον 904. 6.

σχοινιοπλόκος 984. 4.

σχολαστικός 902. 1.

σώζειν 935. 7.

σωλήν 915. 1.
1002.

σῶμα 889.18; 904. 6; 907. 15.

σωμάτιον 939. 21, 26. ᾿

σῶς 908. II.

σωτήρ 925. 3.

σωτηρία 904. 7; 933.8; 935.12; 939. 20.

a .txtavos 921. 3.

god. λεγόμενος ZaByr( )

τάγμα 891. 15.

INDICES

τάλαντον. See Index IX (ὁ).

ταλάριον 936. 24.

ταμεῖον 890. 13.

ταρίχιον θ28.

τάσσειν 918. xiii. 2, 17.

ταυτότης 940. 2.

ταχύς. ἐν ταχεῖ 929. 23.

τείνειν 906. 5.

τέκνον 888.11; 905.11;
2,7; 930.18; 986.

τελεῖν 899. 9. :

τέλειος 9OZ. 11; 909. 18.

τελευταῖος 940. 2.

τελευτᾶν 928. 3; 984.

τελευτή 902. 4.

τέλος 919. 3.

τετραχοίνικυς 910.

τετρώβολον, See one IX (Ὁ).

τέως 940. 2.

τηλικοῦτος BOO. 12; 999. II.

τηρεῖν 985.

τιμαξιώτατος 948. 9.

τιμή 895. 12,14; 896.15; 908. 24; 909.
18; 912. 30; 914. 7; 984. »,6; 971;
980; 985; 988. ᾿

τιμιώτατος 930. 27; 931. 2.

τις, τι καί τι 937. 22.

διὰ ταχέων 892. 0:

907. 3,19; 909.

| τοίνυν 900. 7; 902. το; 940.. Ea

τοῖος 908. 14.

τοιοῦτος 899. 27; 904. 8, 9.

τόκος 899. introd.

τόμος 903. 24; 957.

τοπαρχία 910.5; 986.

τόπος 896. 6, 11, 14; 899. 47; 909. 29;
912. 13, 18, 25, 28; 981. 15; 941. 2,
4; 973; 986; 999. —

τοσοῦτος 940. 5.

τότε 939. 22.

τραπεζίτης 916. 7, 13, 16; 948. 2, as

τρέπειν 935. 5; 939. 17.

τρέφειν 899. 15; 908. 24.

τριακάς 967.

τριβακός 921. 13, 1

τριχοίνικον 996. 7.

τρόπος 902. 6,14; 939. 15.

τροφή 908. 33; 938. 2.

τρόφιμος 908. 3, 6, 8, 12, 13a

τροφός 968.

τρυγᾶν 940. 3.

τρύγη 907. 24; 975.

16, 20, 21; 929. II.

Al,
τυγχάνειν 888. 4, 53 899.
933. 4.
τύλη 978.
τύπος 898. I, 9.

τυραννικός 9O2. 6, 14.
τύχη 899. 41.

14; 904. 9;

ὑβρίζειν 908. 5, 17.

ὕβρις 909. 1.

ὑγεία 980. 13; 935. 11.

ὑγιαίνειν 935. 8; 936. 3..

ὑδραγώγιον 901. 7.

ὑδραγωγός 971.

ὑδροπάροχος 9Ο2. 3.

ὑδροφόρος 922. 19.

ὕδωρ, καθ᾽ ὕδατος 918. introd. e¢ saep.

υἱός 898. 12; 894. 8; 902. 2; 903. 4;
904. 7; 909.8; 913.5, 21; 914. 3, 5,
20; 924. 15; 930. 30; 985. introd.;
939. 22; 941. 2, 3; 960; 984; 989;
996...

ὑπαγορεύειν 9Ο7. 2.

ὑπακούειν 900. 9, 17.

ὑπάρχειν 899.8; 905. 16; 910. 7, 37; 911.
11; 912. 34; 918. 9; 914.15; 983.17
(ὑπῆρκται) ; 986.

ὑπατεία. See Index III.

ὕπατος.
Index III.

ὑπεύθυνος 907. 6.

ὑπερβαίνειν 889. τό.

ὑπερφυέστατος 996; 999.

ὑπηρετεῖν 929. 5.

ὑπηρέτης 899. 50; 916. 18.

ὑποβάλλειν 897.8; 900. 6, 8.

ὑπογράφειν 899. introd,

ὑπογραφεύς 911. 6.

ὑπόδημα 986. 25.

ὑποθήκη: 914." 18.

ὑποκάτω 922: 21.

ὑποκεῖσθαι 914. 16:

ὑπόλογος 988.

ὑπόλοιπος 902. 8.

ὑπομένειν 904. 5.

ὑπόμνημα 911. 8.

ὑπομνηματισμός 898. 27.

ὑπόμνησις 904. 3. ὲ

ὑποτάσσειν 899. 19, 35; 907. 3

ὑποτιθέναι 898. 13: ᾿

ὕστερος 986. 45.

ἀπὸ ὑπάτων ὀρδιναρίων 999. Cf.

GENERAL INDEX OF GREEK AND LATIN WORDS 579

φαίνειν 902. 9.

φαινόλιον 986. 18, 19. jenilerion 933. 30.

φακός 966.

φάναι 967.

φανερός 902. 3; 928. 6.

φανεροῦν 925. 4.

φέρειν 905. 5; 936. 23.

φερνήῆ 905. 5, 13, 18; 907. 18.

φθάνειν 889. 21; 907. τ4; 935. 20.

φιάλη 937. 12, 18.

φιλανθρωπία 889. 5.

φιλάνθρωπος 925. 2.

φίλος 890.5; 891. 9, 17, 19; 907. 23;
931.17; 933. 3, 27; 942.6; 963.

φοινικών 918. il. I

φοράδιον 922. 9, 21.

φόρετρον 917. 2.

φόρος 899. 40; 910. 12, 30, 50; 913. 13;
943. 4, 7; 977.

φορτικώτατος 904. 9.

ppig 924. 3> 4; 5:

φρονεῖν 990.

φροντίς 902. 5; 907. 25; 923. το.

φροντιστής 940.6; 984; 996.

φύλαξ 931.6; 933. 25.

φυλάσσειν 905.9; 924. 1.

χαίρειν 890. 6; 891. 9; 892. 3; 908. 17;
‘909.13; 928.2; 929.2; 931.2; 932.
I; 934. 2; 935. 2; 936. 2; 987. 2;
938. 1; 939.2; 963-4; 967; 973-4.
χαίροις 933. τ.

χαλκεύς 989.

χαλκίον 1008.

χαλκός 936. 17.

χαλκοῦς. See Index ΙΧ (4),

χαρίζεσθαι 941. 5.

χάρις 939.6; 941.6; 968. χάριν 898. 886; ;
899. 14; ’ 934. 13.

χάρτης 895. 12, 14.

χαρτουλάριος 943. 9.

χείρ BOL. το. μετὰ χεῖρας 984. 8.

χειριστῆς 995. ;

χειροτονεῖν 888. 2.

χερσάλμυρος 918. introd.

χέρσαμμος 988.

χέρσος 918. v. 16.

χθές BOL. 5. :

χιτών 929. 9, 13.

χλεύη 904. 2.

380

χλωρός 910. II, 52.

χμγ 940.1; 995.

χοιρίδιον 982. το.

χοῖρος BOL. 5, 10, 12, 13.

χορηγεῖν 898. 32; 908. 28.

χορτονομή 918. xi. Io.

χόρτος 908. 25; 938. 3.

χοῦς (‘mound’) 985.

χρεία 899. 25; 900. 12, τό, 18; 980. 3;
972.

χρέος 914. 17.

χρεωστεῖν 902. 9 ; 914. 7.

χρήζειν 896. 9; 937. 23.

χρηματίζειν 890. 3; 908. 7; 909. 6, τι;
964: 977.

χρῆναι 900. 7.

χρῆσθαι 912. τό.

χρηστήριον 907. 9, 13 ; 911. τό.

χρηστός 987. 27.

χρόνος 889.6 ; 907. 23; 909. 23; 911.1το;

912. 18, 22; 986. 52; 937.6; 998. 8.

INDICES

χρυσός 905. 5; 914. 9, το; 995.

χρῶμα 896. 15.

χῶμα 909.15; 988.

χώρα 900. 8, το.

χωρεῖν 890. 8; 909. 21.

χωρίον 907. 8, 13; 985; 998.

χωρίς 898. 31; 909.6; 982. το; 988.

ψιλός 986.

ψυχή 908. 33.
ψυχροφόρος 896. II.

ὠνεῖσθαι 914. 8.

gov 986. 6.

pa 893.7; 901.5; 926.5; 927.4; 935.
17 (διὰ ὥρας) ; 988. 6 ; 939.27; 942.1,
2, 4.

ὡσαύτως 910. 12.

ὥστε 891.12; 893. 3; 896. 29; 897. 8;
904. 7; 908.22; 910.8; 923. 4; 930.
18; 933.17; 934.8; 939. 5.

INDEX OF PASSAGES DISCUSSEB;

(a) AUTHORS.

XII.
PAGE
Anth. Pal. iii, 10). : : x wee
> ae Xo) ae : 284
Apophthegm. Patrum 80a 310

Aristophanes, Frogs 1312 - τ Le

1313:-6. ΚΝ
Aristotle, Poetics 14. -
Callimachus Frag. 66 a :
Clemens Alex., Schol. on P. eo poh al

Cod. Iust. 1. Bg 238
Cod. Theod. 1. 29 238
Comicorum Fragmenta 2 31 (Kock) . 154
Cramer, Anecd. Parts. iii. p. 84.3 . 140
Dionysius Hal., De Zhucyd. Ludic.
9-20 . 4 : ; 111--2

Dioscorides 1. τὸ. i 5
Euripides, Jom 255 . : : «> OP

Euripides Frag. 472 (Nauck) . . nee
152 . oo

754 - 80
755-8 : 81
157 : »,. JOE
759 . . . 102
760-7 . -° . = Baez
764 3 tke . Be
870 ἔ - Or
Homer Χ δ ς > 140

Iu]. Capitolinus, Vita Marci 9. 4-9 213-4
Lydus, De Menstbus iv. 7. p. 72 2 ee
Mnesimachus, 171. 1.1. πο
Pindar Frag. 110. : τ΄.
Steph. Byz. 5. uv. Sptya . 145

ΧΙ. ANDEX OF PASSAGES DISCUSSED 381

(6) PAPYRI, INSCRIPTIONS, &C.

PAGE PAGE

Pam: 72. 1. : : . 256 Ρ. Οεοηΐ. 11. 73.909 . : ‘ . 241
107. 15 : : ‘ » 220 PL Lewpzig-27 . ‘ : ‘ » 245

150. 23-4 . . - « "288 3.) : Ξ ‘ : . 243

ἘΠ ὦ ἘΠ 1, 35; i. ας ‘ : . 230 49. : : j « 243
303. 28. Ξ : 514 116. 2 : > : 320

326.1. 6-8, 14-5 . ΖΗ 110. verso ii. 8 . : oe

Tt ae ; pape he, Oxvol 42. Sq. ; 5 ij 2B2

Il. 571. 9-10. ᾿ ς | 285 Bas ᾿ : ; <2 2%

riper θὲ . : . 269 53- 5-6 . : Ε Pe

ik - ᾿ ‘ ao 2417 125. τὸ τ. ; ‘ 4) 208

648. 12-4 : 222-3, 231 138. 9 : ; ‘ oa

III. 893. 12-4 : Ἶ 253} 140. ἢ : Σ : ᾿ς 254

IV. 1094. 1 ‘ : e238 153. 3 : 3 : ey |

P, Brit. Mus, ἔ ae >a eee : 6 Bee 156. 5 : 6 : eee
: ἢ a 250 LE, ΣΡ ΒΕ; ‘ . , 249

1Π. of 111, 113, 152 27 Ve III, 495 . ξ : ‘ - 205

ΤΥ" 73. 5 ey i 497. 22-4. ‘= : 2248

©. Bruxell,1 .. « 276 Gate : : Ἢ ey
P. Cairo in Archiv, III. Pp. “939 . 219 ΙΝ. 114. 222
Cairo tablets in Noun. Rev. Hist. 1906, P, Rainer in wees, Fuhrer, No. 249 264
Ρ. 483. ; 5 : Ξ fe 5 | P. Strassb. 29. 46 . Ἶ 257
©. 1. α. 3582. 2 : : ‘ 300 46..6. : ‘ PS
Ὁ ih, Ly 22058 Ὁ, ; ; » 245 £0; 48:; : ; . 284
50. 52 - : : . 241 ΕΒ: Lebt. Tl, 243: 5, 88. : 28:1

Ebay. 339. : : ; . 276 343.69. ‘ : : B91
SA ; : ; ae ot 413. 10. Fi ‘ i. $68

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No. 847 recto

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VII. THE HIBEH PAPYRI, Part I. Double Volume for 1904-5 and 1905-6. By
B. P. GRENFELL and A.S. Hunt. Ten Collotype Plates. 455.

VIII. THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI, Part V. For 1906-7. By B. P. GrenreLy
and A.S. Hunt. Seven Collotype Plates. 255.

IX. THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI, Part VI. For 1907-8. By B. P. ἀκενβειτ,
and A. 5. HuNT. With six Collotype Plates. 255.

X. THE OXYRHYNCHUS PAPYRI, Part VII. For 1908-9. (/n preparation.)

ANNUAL ARCHAEOLOGICAL REPORTS.
(Yearly Summaries by F. G. Kenyon, W. E. Crum, and the Officers of the Society, with Maps.)
Edited by F. L1. GRIFFITH.
THE SEASON’S WORK. For 1890-1. By Epovarp Navittg, Percy E. NewBerry, and
G. W. FRASER. 25. 6d.
For 1892-3 and 1893-4. 2s. 6d. each.
» 1894-5. 235. 64. Containing Report (with Plans) of Mr. Ὁ. G. Hocartu’s Excavations in
Alexandria.
3» 1895-6. 3s. With Illustrated Article on the Transport of Obelisks by EDOUARD NAVILLE.
», 1896-7. 25.6d. With Articles on Oxyrhynchus and its Papyri by B. P. GRENFELL, and a Thucydides
Papyrus from Oxyrhynchus by A. 5. Hunt.
» 1897-8. 2s. 6d. With Illustrated Article on Excavations at Hierakonpolis by W. M. FLINDERS
PETRIE.
» 1898-9. 25.6d. With Article on the Position of Lake Moeris by B. Ρ. GRENFELL and A. 5. HUNT.
1899-1900. 25. 6d. With Article on Knossos in its Egyptian Relations by A. J. EVANS.
And eight successive years, 2s. 6d. each.

SPECIAL PUBLICATIONS.

AOTIA ἸΗΣΟΥ͂ : ‘Sayings of Our Lord,’ from an Early Greek Papyrus. By B. P. GRENFELL
and Α. 5. HuNT. 25. (with Collotypes) and 6d. net.

NEW SAYINGS OF JESUS AND FRAGMENT OF A LOST GOSPEL. By

B. P. GRENFELL and A. 5. HunT. Is. net.

FRAGMENT OF AN UNCANONICAL GOSPEL. By B. P. Grenret and A. 5.

HUNT. Is. net.

ATLAS OF ANCIENT EGYPT. With Letterpress and Index. (Out of print.)
GUIDE TO THE TEMPLE OF DEIR EL BAHARI. With Plan. (Out of print.)
COPTIC OSTRACA. By W. E. Crum. τος. 6d. net.

Slides from Fund Photographs may be obtained through Messrs. Newton ὦ» Co., 3 Fleet Street, E.€.
and Prints from Mr. R. C. Murray, 37 Dartmouth Park Hill, N.W.

Offices of the Egypt Exploration Fund:

27 GREAT RUSSELL STREET, LONDON, W.C., AND
PIERCE BUILDING, COPLEY SQUARE, BOSTON, MASS., U.S.A.

Agents:

BERNARD QUARITCH, 11 GRAFTON STREET, NEW BOND STREET, W.
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co., DRYDEN HOUSE, GERRARD STREET, Ww.
ASHER & Co., 13 BEDFORD STREET, COVENT GARDEN, W.C., AND
56 UNTER DEN LINDEN, BERLIN.

HENRY FROWDE, AMEN CORNER, E.C., AND 29-35 WEST 32ND STREET, NEW YORK.

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