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Of the papyri included in this volume, the two long classical texts 
containing the Hypsipyle of Euripides (852) and the new commentary 
on Thucydides II (853) formed part of the large find of literary MSS. 
which was made on Jan. 13, 1906, in the circumstances described in the 
Times of May 24, 1906, and the Archaeological Report of the Egypt 
Exploration Fund, 1905-6, p. 10. The other literary papyri were 
chiefly discovered during the same season, but some were found in 
1897 01* 1902. The non-literary documents, which largely belong to 
the third and fourth centuries, come, with a few exceptions, from the 
finds of 1897. 

In editing the new classical texts we have for the first time been 
without the support of the late Professor F. Blass, to whom our 
previous publications have owed so much ; but for 852 and 853 we have 
been fortunate in obtaining the generous aid of Professors U. von 
Wilamowitz-Mollendorff and J. B. Bury, who have very materially 
furthered the reconstruction of those texts, while Mr. Gilbert Murray 
has also contributed many most valuable suggestions and criticisms 
upon 852. To these three scholars in particular, and to some others 
whose occasional assistance is acknowledged in connexion with the 
individual papyri, we here offer our sincerest thanks. Lastly, we would 
express our obligations to the accomplished Proof-reader of the 
University Press, whose care, in this book as in its predecessors, has 
removed many small blemishes from our pages. 

The next volume of the Graeco- Roman Branch will be Part VII of 
the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, to be issued, we hope, in the course of 1 909. 
We expect to include in it a detailed description of the site and 
excavations with a plan, and a rdsumo of the topographical information 
which the papyri have so far yielded concerning Oxyrhynchus and the 
Oxyrhynchite noma. 



Queen's College, Oxford, 
September, 1908. 


Preface . 

List of Plates 

Table of Papyri .......... 

Note on the Method of Publication and List of Abbreviations 












Theological Fragments (845-851) . 
New Classical Texts (852-872) . 
Extant Classical Authors (873-884) . 
imlscellaneous literary fragments (885-887) 
Documents of the Roman and Byzantine Periods 

(a) Official (888-893) .... 

{5) Declarations to Officials (894-897) . 

(<:) Petitions (898-904) 

{d) Contracts (905-915) 

{e) Taxation (916-919) 
(/) Accounts (920-922) 

(^) Prayers (923-925) .... 

(k) Private Correspondence (926-943) . 
Collations of Homeric Fragments (944-956) 
Miscellaneous Documents (957-1006) . 










New Literary Texts : 

{a) 852 (Euripides, Hypsipyle) . . . . . «329 

((5) 853 (Commentary on Thuc. II) 335 

(f) Other Literary Texts 340 

Emperors ............ 346 

Consuls, Eras, and Indictions 347 

Months and Days ; 34^ 

Personal Names 348 

Geographical 357 

Religion 359 








Official and Military Titles 

Weights, Measures, and Coins 

Taxes ,....•• 

General Index of Greek and Latin Words 

Index of Passages Discussed . 



I. 848 verso, 849 recto, 850 recto, 854, 867 

II. 852 Fr. i, Cols, ii-iii .... 

III. 852 Fr. 60, Cols, i-ii .... 

IV. 853 Cols, xvi-xvii 

V. 871 and 884 recto .... 

VI. 847 recto and 894 .... 

y ai ihe end. 


{An asterisk denotes texts ivhich are not printed in full) 

845. Psalms Ixviii and Ixx . 

846. Amos ii 

847. St. John's Gospel ii (Plate VI) . 

848. Revelation xvi (Plate 1) 

849. Acts of Peter (Plate I) 

850. Acts of John (Plate I) 

851. Apocryphal Acts 

852. Euripides, Hypsipyle (Plates II-IIl) 

853. Commentary on Thucydides II (Plate 

854. Archilochus, 'Ελεγεία (Plate I) 

855. Menander(?) .... 

856. Scholia on Aristophanes' Acharnians 

857. Epitome of Herodotus 

858. Oration against Demosthenes 
859-864. Poetical Fragments 
865-870. Prose Fragments (Plate I) . 
871, 872. Latin Fragments (Plate V) . 

873. Hesiod, Theogonia 

874. ApoUonius Rhodius, Argonautica III 

875. Sophocles, Antigone . 

876. Euripides, Hecuba 

877. Euripides, Hecuba 

878. Thucydides II . 

879. Thucydides III . 

880. Thucydides V . . . . 

881. Plato, Euthydernus and Lysis 

882. Demosthenes, In Aristogitonem I . 

883. Demosthenes, In Aristocratem 

884. Sallust, Catilina (Plate V) 

885. Treatise on Divination 

886. Magical Formula 

887. Directions for Wrestling (.?) 

888. Edict of a Praefect and Petition 

Λ. D. 


. Late 4th or 5lh cent. 


. 6th cent. .... 


. 4th cent 


. 5th cent 


. Early 4lh cent. 


. 4th cent 


. 5th or 6th cent. 


. Late 2nd or early 3rd cent. . 


IV) . Late 2nd cent. 


. Late 2nd cent. 


. 3rd cent. . . . . 


. 3rd cent 


. 4th cent 


. Late 2nd or early 3rd cent. 


. ist-3rd cent 


. ist-yth cent. . 


. 5th-6th cent. . 


. 3rd cent. 


. Early 3rd cent. 


. Early 2nd cent. 


. 5th cent. 

. 182 

. 3rd cent. 

. 183 

. Late I St cent. 

. 184 

. 3rd cent. . . 

. 186 

. Late 2nd cent. 

. 187 

. Late 2nd or 3rd cent. . 

. 192 

. 2nd cent. 

• 194 

. 3rd cent. 

• 195 

. 5th cent. 

■ 195 

. Late 2nd or early 3rd cent. 

. 198 

. 3rd cent. 

. 200 

. 3rd cent. 

. 201 

. Late 3rd or early 4th cent. 

. 202 


889. Edict of Diocletian and Petition . 

890. Letter to a Strategus .... 

891. Apportionment of Duties to an Exegetes 

892. Appointment of a Superintendent of Works 

893. ■ Judicial Sentence .... 

894. Latin Declaration of Birth (Plate VI) . 

895. Return of Village-Accounts 

896. Reports to a Logistes . 

897. Declaration to Riparii . 

898. Petition to an Acting-Strategus 

899. Petition of Apollonarion 

900. Petition to a Logistes . 

901. Petition to a Public Advocate 

902. Petition to a Public Advocate 

903. Accusation against a Husband 

904. Petition to a Praeses . 

905. Marriage Contract 

906. Deed of Divorce 

907. Will of Hermogenes . 

908. Contract between Eutheniarchs 

909. Sale of Acacia-Trees . 

910. Lease of Land , 

911. Lease of a House 

912. Lease of a Cellar 

913. Lease of Land . 

914. Acknowledgement of a Debt 

915. Receipt for Lead and Tin . 

916. Tax-Receipt 

917. Taxing- Memorandum 

918. Land-Survey 

919. Advance of Dues on a Freight 

920. Account of Food 

921. Inventory of Property 

922. Account of Horses 

923. Petition to a Pagan Deity . 

924. Gnostic Charm . 

925. Christian Prayer. 

926. Invitation to Dinner . 

927. Invitation to a Wedding 
828. Letter of Lucius 

A. D 


. 4th cent. 


. 3rd cent. 



• 294 


• 338 . 



. Late 6 th or 

7th cent. 


. 194-6 . 


• 305 



. 316 



• 346 


• 123 



. 200 


• 322 


• 336 


. About 465 

• 236 

. 4th cent. 


. 5th cent. 




• 243 

. 2nd or early 3rd cent. . 


. 276 


. 199 

■ 254 

. 225 


• 197 


. 233 or 265 


• 235 

• 263 

• 442 


. 486 

. 267 

. 572 


. 198 


. Late 2nd or early 3rd cent. 

. 271 

. 2nd cent. 


. 272 

. 182? . 


. 282 

. Late 2nd 01 

early 3rd cent. 

. 283 

. 3rd cent. 



. Late 6th or early 7th cent. 

. 286 

. Late 2nd or 

early 3rd cent. 


. 4th cent. 


. 289 

. 5th or 6th cent. 

. 291 

. 3rd cent. 



. 3rd cent. 


. 292 

. 2nd or 3rd ( 


• 293 



A. D. 



Letter of Nicanor 

Late 2nd or 3rd cent. 



Letter to Ptolemaeus from his Mother 

2nd or 3rd cent. 



Letter of Theopompus to a Strategus 

2nd cent. . . . . 



Letter of Thais 

Late 2nd cent. 



Letter of Diogenes 

Late 2nd cent. 



Letter of Aurelius Stephanus 

3rd cent 



Letter of Serenus 

3rd cent 



Letter of Pausanias 

3rd cent 



Letter of Demarchus .... 

3rd cent 



Letter of Demetrius 

Late 3rd or 4th cent. 



Letter to Flavianus 

4th cent. 



Letter to a Clerk 

5th cent. 



Letter to John 

6th cent. 



Letter of Timotheus .... 

6th or 7th cent. 



Letter of Victor 

6th cent. 



956. Homeric Fragments .... 

2nd-5th cent. 



Leather σίλλνβο: (?) 

122-3 .... 



Vellum σίλλυβος (?) 

80 .... 



Magical Symbols 

3rd cent. 



Memorandum of a Payment of Corn 

3rd cent. 



Demotic Papyrus 

I St or 2nd cent. 



*άηογραφη of Sheep and Memorandum of 


Late I St cent. 



Letter of Ophelia to her Mother 

2nd or 3rd cent. 



Receipt for the Rent of a Camel-Shed 

263 ... . 

. 318 


Order to Collectors of Corn-Dues 

3rd cent. 

. 318 


Official Account of Payments and Writing- 


3rd cent. 

• 319 


Letter from Apion to his Sister . 

2nd cent. 

• 319 


Will of Didyme 

A.D. 100-138 

• 319 


Order for Arrest 

Early 2nd cent. 

• 319 


άποΎραψη . ...... 

Early 3rd cent. 

• 319 


Account of Expenditure on Irrigation 

Late I St or early 2nd cent. 

. 319 


Oath of an Official 

223 ... . 

• 320 


Notice to Sitologi 

168-9 • . ■ 

. 320 


Order for Payment of Wheat . 

3rd cent. 

. 320 


Lease of Land 

82-3 or 98-9 

• 320 


Declaration on Oath .... 

197 ... . 

. 320 


Payment of the φόρος of an άσχολημα . 

253 ... . 

. 320 


List of Furniture 

3rd cent. 

. 321 






Account of Payments of Corn . 



2nd or 3rd cent. 

• 321 


*List of Abstracts of Contracts 


and of 

Payments for Houses . 


3rd cent. 

. 321 


Taxing-Memorandum . 



Late 2nd or early 3rd c€ 

nt. . 321 





3rd cent. 

• 321 


Report to a Logistes 



• 321 


Census-List .... 

82-97 . 

. 321 


Private Account 



50-100 . 

• 322 


List of House- and Land-Property 



Loans of Seed-Corn 

131-2 . 

• 323 


Vellum Title (?) 


5th or 6th cent. 

. 324 


Loan of Corn and Memorandum 


a Sale 


. 324 


List of Persons and Workshops . 

Late 3rd or 4th cent. 

. 325 


Will of a Woman 

331 •• • 

• 325 


Petition to a Police Official 


. 325 


Order for Payment of Wine 

413 .. . 

• 325 


Order for Payment of Wine 

6th cent. 

• -325 


Order for Payment of Corn 

499 . . 

• -325 


Receipt for Money . 

5th cent. 

• 326 


Deed of Surety 

684 .. . 

• 326 


Account ..... 

4th cent. 

. 326 


Account of Allowances (?) 

Late 6th cent. 

. 326 


Account ..... 

616-7 • 

. 327 


-3. Receipts for Lead and Tin . 

About 572 . . 

• 327 


-5. Arabic Papyri 

7th or 8th cent. 

• 327 


Arabic Paper .... 

Mediaeval Period . 

• 327 


The general method followed in this volume is the same as that in 
Parts I-V. As before, some of the more important new literary texts (852-3, 
855) are printed in a dual form, a literal transcript being accompanied by 
a reconstruction in modern style. In other cases, and in the fragments of 
extant authors, the originals are reproduced except for division of words, 
capital initials in proper names, expansion of abbreviations, and supplements of 
lacunae. Additions or corrections by the same hand as the body of the text 
are in small thin type, those by a different hand in thick type. Non-literary 
documents, including the magical text (88β) in the ' Miscellaneous ' section, are 
given in modern form with accentuation and punctuation. Abbreviations and 
symbols are resolved ; additions and corrections are usually incorporated in the 
text and their occurrence is recorded in the critical apparatus, where also faults 
of orthography, &c., are corrected if they seemed likely to give rise to any 
difficulty. Iota adscript has been printed when so written, otherwise iota sub- 
script is employed. Square brackets [ ] indicate a lacuna, round brackets ( ) the 
resolution of a symbol or abbreviation, angular brackets ( ) a mistaken omission 
in the original, braces { } a superfluous letter or letters, double square brackets 
[[ J a deletion in the original. Dots placed within brackets represent the 
approximate number of letters lost or deleted ; dots outside brackets indicate 
mutilated or otherwise illegible letters. Letters with dots underneath them are 
to be considered doubtful. Heavy Arabic numerals refer to the texts of the 
Oxyrhynchus papyri in this volume and Parts I-V, ordinary numerals to lines, 
small Roman numerals to columns. 

The abbreviations used in referring to papyrological publications are 
practically those adopted in the Archiv fiir Papyntsforschmig, viz. : — 
P. Amh. = The Amherst Papyri (Greek), Vols. I-II, by B. P. Grenfell and 

A. S. Hunt. 
Archiv = Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung. 

B. G. U. = Aeg. Urkunden aus den K. Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden. 
P. Brit. Mus. = Greek Papyri in the British Museum, Vols. I-II, by F. G. Kenyon ; 

Vol. Ill, by F. G. Kenyon and H. I. Bell. 


C. P. Herm. = Corpus Papyrorum Hermopolitanorum, Vol. I, by C. Wessely. 

C. P. R. = Corpus Papyrorum Rained, Vol. I, by C. Wessely. 

P. Cairo = Catalogue of Greek Papyri in the Cairo Museum, by B. P. Grenfell 

and A. S. Hunt. 
P. Fay. = Fayum Towns and their Papyri, by B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and 

D. G. Hogarth. 
P. Flor. = Papiri Fiorentini, Vol. I, by G. Vitelli. 
P. Gen. = Les Papyrus de Genέve, Vol. I, by J. Nicole. 
P. Grenf. = Greek Papyri, Series I, by B. P. Grenfell, and Series II, by B. P. 

Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. 
P. Hibeh = The Hibeh Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. 
P. Leipzig = Griechische Urkundender Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, Vol. I, by 

L. Mitteis. 
P. Leyden = Papyri Graeci Musei Antiquarii Lugduni-Batavi, by C. Leemans. 
P. Magd. = Papyrus de Magdola, Bull, de Corr. Hell., xxvi. pp. 95-1 28, xxvii. 

pp. 174-205, by P. Jouguet and G. Lefebvre. 
P. Oxy. = The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Parts I-V, by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. 

P. Par.= Les Papyrus grecs du Musee du Louvre, Notices ct Extraits, t. xviii. 2, 

by W. Brunet de Presle and E. Egger. 
P. Reinach = Papyrus grecs et demotiques, by Th. Reinach, W. Spiegelberg, and 

S. de Ricci. 
Rev. Laws = Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, by B. P. Grenfell, with an 

Introduction by J. P. Mahaffy. 
P. Strassb. = Griechische Papyrus der K. Universitatsbibliothek zu Strassburg im 

Elsass, Vol. I, Parts 1-2, by F. Preisigke. 
P. Tebt. = The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I, by B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and 

J. G. Smyly ; and Part II, by B. P. Grenfell, A. S. Hunt, and E. J. 

Wilcken, Osi. = Griechische Ostraka, by U. Wilcken. 


845. Psalms Ixviii and Ixx. 

12-5 X ι8•2 cm. Late fourth or fifth century. 

This fragment from a papyrus book contains parts of Ps. Ixviii and Ixx, 
written in a large and clear cursive hand probably of the period from 350 to 450. 
The book was of a large size, the page when complete measuring about 23 cm. 
across. No lection signs occur beyond the diaeresis ; the usual contractions 
of Oeos and κνριοί are used, but ουρανοί and μητρός are written in full. For the 
two Psalms here represented the chief uncial MSS. are N, B, and R (the Verona 
Psalter, attributed to the sixth century), but the papyrus does not agree con- 
sistently with any of these authorities. It seems to have been rather nearer to Ν 
than to B, and, as would be expected in an Egyptian text, supports none of the 
peculiar readings of R. 

Verso Ixviii. 30-7. 

TO fi[ov αινζσω το όνομα του θυ μ€τ ωδής μ€γαλυι/ω αυτόν €v αι 
Γ6σ6[ί] και αρίσ\ζ^ι\ τω θ[ω] t^nep] μοσ•χ[ον veov κέρατα (κψζροντα και 
οττλα? _i[5]eT[ou]aal•' πτωγοι και €υφρανθ[ητω]σαν [(κζητησατζ 
τον θν και €κζησ€ταί η ψυχή ϋμων οτι [ίση]κουσ[€ν των 
5 π€νητων Κ9 και του^ π^πβδημ^νου^ [αυτού ουκ ζξουδζ 

νωσ€ί αινζσατωσαν αυτόν οι ουρανοί κα[ι η γη θάλασσα και παν 
τα τα ζρποντα €ν αυτοις οτι ο 6[s σωσζΐ την Χιών και οίκο 
δομηθη[σοντα]ι [αι πολβί? τη? Ιουδαία? και κατοικησουσιν ΐΚ€ΐ 
και κλη[ρονομησουσιν αυτήν και το σπέρμα των δούλων αυτού 
ΙΟ [κ]αθξ[ξουσιν αυτήν 

Recto Ixx. 3-8. 

[τόπον οχνροι^ τον σωσαι με οτι] στ€ρ[€]ωμα μου κ[ά\ί κατά 
[φνγη μου α σν ο θ^ μου] ρν[σαι] μ€ €κ χ€ΐρο9 αμαρτωλού 
[€Κ Y6i/3oy ΐΓαραρομο]υντο? και aSiKovuTO? οτι σν €ΐ νπο 
[μονή μο'\ν κ€ μον κϊ eXwiS μου €Κ ν€θτητο9 μου em σε 
15 [€π€στ]ηριχ^θην αττο γαστροί e/c KoiXias μητρός μον συ μου 
[et σκζπαστη\9 ev σοι η νπομονησι^ μον δια παντός ωσ€ΐ 
[τ€ρα9 €γ€νη]θην τοι? πολλοίς κ[α]ι σοι βοηθός και κραταιός 
[πληρωθητω το στόμα μον α]ι[ν€σ]€ως όπως ϋμνησω 

Ι. It is doubtful whether το at the beginning of this Hne is the final syllable of 
αντΐΚαβΐτο 0Γ the article before όνομα. The latter division would make the line rather short, 
but it could be sufficiently lengthened by the insertion of μου after ^[eojv with t^c•^ The 
vestige of the letter after το suits μ better than o, but is too slight to decide the point, and 
some traces of ink later on in this line are also indecisive. 

2. τω ^(e)w]: or perhaps τω *:[(υρι)ω], which would be a new reading, though the cursive 
188 has τον Kvpiov. (κφφοντα Λvas perhaps omitted, as in {^*. Its insertion produces a very 
long line, while on the other hand its omission leaves the supplement a little shorter than 
would be expected. 

3. [εκζητησατΐ : ζητησατί R. Cf. note on 1. 4. 

4. e[to\v : Kvpiov R. 

€κζησ(ται η ψνχη νμων : ζησεται η ψυχή ημών {νμων t^*'•*) t^ R, ζησΐσθΐ Β. The (κ is 

a repetition from €κζητησατ€, or the scribe may have transferred the preposition from one verb 
to the other; cf. the omission of «κ with ζητησατ( in R. 

5. κ(υριο)ς : ο κυριθ5 Bi^R. 
€ξου8ί]νωσα : SO i<i*R ; €ξου8(νωσ(ν Bh^c•*. 

γ. epnovTa ev αυτοις : SO BS^.aJ^ . ■nepara τηί γηί i^*. 

12. The length of the lacuna indicates that the papyrus had μου after θ{(ο)ς with i^R; 
Β omits. 

13. υπο[μονη: SO the cursives 27, 285; η υπομ. B^^R. Cf. the omission of η before 
fXwis in 1. 14. It is unlikely that και stood before « as in R. 

14. K{vpi)e μου : om. μου Bi^R ; cf. the addition of μου in 1. 12. 

κ(υρι)€ ελπίϊ : κυρΐ( η f\nis R ', κύριος η eXnis Βί^. 

15- [(η€στ]ηριχθην . . . σκΐπαστη]ς. The papyrus agrees with B^ ; R has €πίριφην « 

ματρος eK κ. της μ. μου σν et μοι νπίρασπιστης μου. ο of KoiXtas is corrected from v. 

16. υπομονησις {υ seems to be Corrected) = υπομνησις, which is the reading of i^ 
and the Sahidic version ; υμνησις BR. ω of ωσ« is corrected. 

17. σοι: 1. συ. t^c.aR add μου after βοηθός. 

και κραταιός : om. και Bt^R ; κα\ κραταίωμά μου ΑΠΏ. Ed., Psalt. Acthiop. 

18. R adds κυρκ after αινίσΐως : όπως υμνήσω {την δοξαν σου) was orignally Omitted in t^, 
but added by the second corrector. 

846. AMOS, II 

846. Amos ii. 

ι6•4 X ΐ2•6 cm. 

Sixth century. 

The upper portion of a leaf from a papyrus codex, preserving part of the 
second chapter of the book of Amos in the Septuagint version. Six lines are 
lost at the bottom of the verso, and the size of the complete page can be 
estimated at about 26-5 χ 15-5 cm. The large and heavy uncial script, round 
and upright, in brown ink, and resembling the hand of P. Amh. 190, is probably 
of the sixth century. At the ends of the longer lines the writing becomes very 
small. Two kinds of stops, the high and middle, occur, as well as some of the 
usual contractions. The text is fairly correct, and so far as it goes coincides for 
the most part with that of the Vaticanus, Alexandrinus, and Marchalianus, 
with which we give a collation. The only variant of interest is in verse 7, where 
a reading peculiar to a few cursives occurs. 

Verso ii. 6-8. 
τα ev€K€v ϋπο8ηματ[ων 
\τ\α πατουντα em τον [χονν 
τη^ γη^' και €Κθρ8υλι[ζον 
€iy κβφαλας πτωχω[ι/ 
5 και οΒον ταττινων e[^€/cXi 
[ν\αν και ϋϊο^ και Wp [αυτόν 
[ισ]€7Γορζυοντο προ[ς την αυτή 
τΓα[ϊ\8ισκην όπως [βββηλω 
[σ]ονσιν το ον[ο]μα τ[ου θν αυ 

ΙΟ [τω\ι/' και τα ϊματια [αυτών 
[δ]ζσμ€υοντ€9 σχ[οινιοΐί 
[π]αραπ€τασματα €π[οιουν 
[€]χ^ομξνα τον θυσ[ιαστη 
ριον και OLVOV €κ σ[νκοφαν 

15 τιων €7Γΐνο[ν ev τω οίκω 
του θ[ν αυτών 

Recto ii. 9-12. 
α[ν\τον ϋποκατωθζν κ[αι €]γω 
[αν]ηγαγον ϋμ[α]9 €κ γη9 [Αι] 
[γν]πτον και πίριηγαγον ν 

2θ [μα]ί ev τη ζρημω Τ6σσ[ζ 
[ρακ]οντα €τη του κατακ[λη 
[ρονο]μησαι την γην τω[ν 
[Αμμ]οραιων' και €λαβο[ν βκ 
[των ν]ιων νμων ei9 7rp[o 

25 [φητα]^• και €κ των v€av[i 
[σκω]ν νμων ety αγι[ασμον 
[μη ουκ] €στι[ν'\ ταύτα ϋι[οι 
[Ιη\ Xe]yei ks και €ποτ[ιζζ 
[re το^υ^ ηγιασμ^νον^ [οι 

3θ [νον κ]α[ι] Τ019 προψηται^ 
[βν€τ€λλ€σθ]€ [[/Lt]j XeyovTes 
[ου μη προφητζυση]τ€• 

"7. [ισ]{πορ€υοντο : ΟΓ [€ί]σ{()πορ(υοντο. The supplement at the end of the line is rather 
long, and perhaps την was omitted. 

8. [βφηλ(ύσ]ουσιν : SO the cursives 86, 153, 198 (Holmes); βφηΚωσιν Β, Swete, 
βφηΚωσ(ύσι{ν) A^Q, &C. 

Β a 


20, τεσσ[ίρακ]οί'Γα : SO AQ ; μ Β, 

23. [Α/χμ]ορα4ωΐ' : Αμορραιων MSS. There is ΓΟΟίΏ for at least three letters in the lacuna ; 
Αμο\ρραιων cannot be read. 

€λαβον : Q* has ανίλαβον. 

2 8. A stop is probably lost after κ{νριο)ς. 

847. St. John's Gospel ii. 

i6-2Xi4-6cm. Fourth century. Plate VI (recto). 

This leaf from a vellum MS. of St. John's Gospel is sufficiently early in date 
to be of decided value. The rather large calligraphic script is more closely 
related to the sloping oval type of the third and fourth centuries than to the 
squarer heavier style which subsequently became common for biblical texts and 
of which 848 and 851 are examples. Especially noticeable are the small and 
ω placed high in the line of writing ; the ω is also remarkably shallow — shallower 
for instance, than that in 665 (cf P. Oxy. IV, Plate I). We have little hesitation 
in referring the MS. to the fourth century, and it may well be as old as any of 
the great biblical codices. Stops in the middle position are freely used ; a few 
other dots which occur seem to be accidental. The usual contractions of -narpos 
and Ίησον^ are used, the latter word appearing both as hjs- (1. 9) and Is (1. 30) ; 
μητηρ, on the other hand, is written out at length (1. 4). 

The leaf is practically entire, and preserves a dozen verses from chap, ii of 
the Gospel. Compared with the three principal MSS., the Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, 
and Alexandrinus (C and D are both defective here), the text is much nearest to 
that of the Vaticanus, with which it agrees four times against the other two, 
whereas there is no coincidence with Ν against AB, one with A against ^?B, and 
only two with i^A against B. Readings unsupported by any of the three are 
found in verse 12, ταντα for τοΰτο, and verse 15, where ώ? is added before φραγίλλιον, 
variants for which the new MS. is much the earliest authority. 

Recto ii. 11 -16. Verso ii. 16-22. 

avTOv και ^τηστ^υσαν ety αν 20 nepiarepas πωλονσιν €mey. 
τον 01 μαθηται αυτόν• μ€τα apare ταντα evTevBev- μη 

ταύτα κατ^βη eis Καφαρνα ποί€ΐτ€ τον οίκον τον Wps 

ονμ• αντο9 και η μητηρ αντον- μον οίκον έμπορων ^μνη 

5 και οι αΒξΧφοί' και οι μάθη σθησαν οι μαθηται αντον• ο 

ται αντον• και €Κ€ΐ €μ€ΐναν 2 ζ τι γίγραμμξνο^ €στιν• ο ^J^Aoy 

847. ST. JOHN'S GOSPEL, Π 5 

ου τΓολλα? ημ^ρα^• και eyyuy του οίκου σου- καταφαγ^ται μ€ 

ην το πασνα των Ιουδαίων και απ€κριθησαν ουν οι Ιουδαίοι 

[ανίψη fiy Ιεροσόλυμα ο Ιης και ζίπαν αυτω- τι σημ[€ΐον δπ 

ΙΟ [και €υ]ρ€ν €v τω 'ύρω τους πω κνυ€ΐ9 ημιν- οτι ταυ[τα ποίζΐ? 
[λου]ντας βοάς και πρόβατα- 3° απεκριθη ly και etTrei/ αυ[τοις 

[κα]ι περιστέρας, και τους κερ λύσατε τον ναον τούτον [και 

μ[ατ\ιστας καθήμενους [και [εν τ]ρισιν ημεραις εγερω [αυτόν 

ποιησας ως ψραγελλιον [εκ σ]χοι [ειπ]αν ουν οι Ιουδαίοι- μ και εξ € 

15 vio)v παντας εξεβαλε[ν ε]κ τε[σι]ν ωκοδομηθη ο ναός ου 
τον ϊερου- τα τε πρόβατα και τους 35 τος[•] και συ εν τρισιν ημεραις 

βοάς και των κολλυβιστων ε^ε εγερεις αυτόν- εκείνος δε ελε 

χεεν τα κέρματα- και τας τρα •γεν περί του ναού του σώματος 

πεζ[α\ς ανετρεψεν και τοις τας αυτού- οτε ουν ηγερΘη εκ νεκ 

1—2. (ts αυτόν Originally stood after αντου in ^ί. 

3. ταύτα: SO M,the cursive 124, &c.; τούτο ^5AB,W(estcott)-H(ort), T(extus) R(eceptus). 

Κηφαρναουμ : SO t*5B, W-H : Καπερναούμ A, T-R. 

4. A curved mark above the ρ οί μψηρ is presumably accidental. 

5. The MS. agrees with Β in omitting αιτου after α^ΐλφυΐ (so W-H); t^A add αυτόν 

(so T-R). ^^ omits και οι μαθηται αυτού. 

6. €μ€ΐναν: €μίΐν(ν Α. 

γ. και eyyvs : eyyuf 5e ^ί. 

9. ο Ιη{σου)ί : SO i<5B, W-H, T-R ; A has ο ΐ(»/σου)? etf Ιίροσο'λνμα T(tjaou)r. 

II. ^^ originally read και τα πρόβατα και βυας. 

14. ωϊ is found before φραγβλλιον also in GLX, some cursives, &c. ; om. ως 5^AB, 
W-H, T-R. ^5 originally had (ποιησΐν . . . και παντας in place of the participial construction. 
16. τ€ and τους are omitted in t^. 

1 8. τα Κΐρματα : SO Β, W-H ; TO κΐρμα ^5Α, T-R. 

19. avtTp^ylrev•. SO B, W-H in text ; aveaTpeyl^fv A, T-R, W-H mg., κατ€στρ€ψίν ^. 
2 1. μη: και μη Α. 

23. (μνησθησαν : SO ^ίΒ, W-H j (μν. Se A, T-R. 

25. -/(γραμμιρος is an error for γΐγραμμΐνον. In Β Εστίν precedes γΐγρ. 

26. καταφαγίται : SO i^AB, W-H; κατ^φαγε T-R with some cursives and patristic 

28. (ΐπαν : so B, W-H ; είποι/ i^A, T-R. The same variation occurs at 1. 33. 
30. ΐ(τ?σου)ί : so AB, W-H ; ol.i^, T-R. 

32. [ev]: so Ϊ^Α, W-H in brackets, T-R; om. B. To read [και] in place of [ev] 
would leave 1. 3 1 too short. 

33. μ και e| : the use of figures instead of words is unusual in early uncial MSS., though 
sometimes found in Β and elsewhere ; cf. e. g. 2. recto 9 sqq., 846. 20, note. 

34. ωκοδομηθη l SO A, T-R ; οικοΒομηθη t^B*, W-H. 

35. fv is omitted in t^. 
38. αυτού : om. ^i. 


848. Revelation xvi. 

3-1x9 cm. Fifth century. Plate I (verso). 

Fragment of a leaf from a vellum codex, containing a few verses from 
Rev. xvi. The book was of remarkably small size, for only 11 lines are lost 
between the last line of the recto and the first of the verso, whence it follows that 
there were only 17 lines in the complete page ; the inscribed surface would 
thus have been about 10 cm. in height. The bold upright uncials are similar in 
style to those of the Codex Alexandrinus, though rather heavier ; they may be 
referred to the fifth century. Stops in both the high and middle position occur. 
The text agrees, so far as it goes, with that of the Codex Alexandrinus. 

Recto xvi. 17-8. Verso xvi. 19-20. 

[του να6\υ απο του λτ; ^μνη[σθη ^νω 

θρόνου λβγουσα' πιον του θυ• 8ου 

y^yov^v και eye vaL αυτή το πότη 

νοντο αστραπαί ίο ρων του οίνου 
5 και φωναί και βρο του θυμού τη9 

ται- κ[αί σ]Ησμο? ey[e [ο\ργη9 αυτ[ο]υ και 

ι. [του ναο]ν : SO ^^Α, W(eslcott)-H(ort) ; τον ναον του ουρανού Β &C., T(extus) R(eceptus). 
ουρανού, if uncontracted, would occupy the same space as του vaov, and it is therefore possible 
that [ouparoju should be read here. 

απο τον θρονον is omitted in ϊ>ί and τον θίον substituted. 

4-5. The IMS. agrees with A (so W-H). ^ί inadvertently has βρονται και before αστραπαί 
as well as και βρονται after φωναι. φ. και βρ. και αστρ. T-R with a number of cursives. 

8. bovvai : του Βουναι ϊ^. 

9-12. το, του, and αυτόν are omitted in h^. 

849. Acts of Peter. 

98x9 cm. Early fourth century. Plate I (recto). 

A single leaf from a vellum codex of the Acts of Peter in Greek, the two 
pages being numbered 167 and 168 respectively. These so-called ' Gnostic ' Acts 
of Peter, distinct from the so-called ' Catholic ' Acts, are partially preserved in 
more than one shape. There is firstly the Latin Codex Vercellensis of the 


seventh century, which contains an account of the acts of Peter at Rome in con- 
nexion with Simon Magus and of his martyrdom. Secondly, there are two Greek 
MSS. (of the ninth to eleventh centuries) containing only the martyrdom ; 
dependent upon this recension are the Slavonic, Coptic, Armenian, and Ethiopic 
versions. Thirdly, another Latin version of the martyrdom, ascribed to Bishop 
Linus and extant in a large number of MSS., is independent of the version 
in the Codex Vercellensis, which is shorter and written in much worse Latin. 
These three texts were edited by Lipsius in Acta Apostoloriim Apocrypha, I. 
pp. 1-33 and 45-103. Recently a fragment of a different portion of the Acts 
dealing with an incident during Peter's sojourn at Jerusalem has been published 
by C. Schmidt from a fourth or fifth century Coptic MS. at Berlin {Die alten 
Petrusakteu in Tcxte nnd Uniersuchnugeu, Bd. xxiv. Heft i). The date and 
character of these Acts of Peter, and the history of the text in its different forms 
have been the subject of much discussion ; and the discovery of a fragment 
of what is no doubt the Greek original is a new factor of considerable importance. 
Our fragment belongs to the portion of the Acts concerned with Simon Magus 
found only in the Codex Vercellensis, and corresponds to p. 73, 11. 16-37 of 
Lipsius' edition. 

The leaf is practically perfect, but the ink is much obliterated in the last five 
lines of the verso. The handwriting is a medium-sized upright uncial of a common 
third to fourth century type. Had the material used been papyrus, we should 
have been more disposed to assign it to the late third than to the fourth century, 
but since vellum was not commonly used in Egypt until the fourth century, it is 
safer to attribute the fragment to the period from Diocletian to Constantine. 
The papyri with which it was found were rather mixed in point of date, ranging 
from the third century to the fifth. The usual contraction of 0eos and its cases is 
employed, but μητβρ is uncontracted. ν at the end of a line is sometimes indicated 
by a stroke above the preceding letter. There are no stops, breathings, or accents, 
but a coronis is employed to fill up a space at the end of 1. 14. The scribe was 
not very careful ; e(eo)u for ^(e)^ occurs in 1. 8 and αττοιησομ^θα for άττοίσόμξθα 
in 1. 9, while in 11. 1-3 it is clear that the text is seriously corrupt; cf. note 
ad loc. Apart, however, from this difficulty at the beginning, the agreement 
between the Greek of our fragment and the Latin of the Codex Vercellensis 
is on the whole very close. The Greek sometimes tends to be fuller than the 
Latin, there being two instances (cf notes on 11. 6-7 and 19) where the Latin 
omits words or phrases found in the Greek : at other times the Latin is longer ; 
cf notes on 11. 14, 33, and 36. σε . . . Treipaaat, θίλων in 11. 3o-[ is wrongly 
rendered confidens in ie, but as a rule the Latin is a singularly literal interpretation ; 
cf. e.g. libenter habet for 57δεωί exei in 11. 16-7, and the close resemblance in the 


order of the words throughout. That our fragment represents the Greek text 
from which the Codex Vercellensis was translated admits of little doubt. 

For the question of the relation of the two Latin versions and the Greek 
μαρτύρων to the Greek original of the Acts of Peter that conclusion is of cardinal 
importance. Lipsius had supposed that the Greek original was altogether lost, 
and that the longer Latin version found in the martyrhim ascribed to Bishop 
Linus, so far as it went, represented the original more faithfully than the shorter 
Latin version found in the Codex Vercellensis, while he regarded the Greek text 
of the μαρτύρων as a retranslation from the shorter Latin version. Against this 
complicated hypothesis Zahn {Gesch. d. NTKanoiis, ii. pp. 833 sqq.) put forward 
the simpler explanation that the extant Greek μαρτύρων was part of the original 
Acts of Peter, that the Codex Vercellensis was a translation of it, the longer Latin 
version being an independent translation made at a later date with numerous 
elaborations, and a much less faithful representation of the original. The 
correctness of Zahn's explanation, which has been generally accepted (cf. Harnack, 
Chron. d. altcJir. Lit., ii. 1, p. 551), is thoroughly vindicated by the new discovery. 
Though the longer Latin version of that portion of the Acts to which our frag- 
ment belongs is not extant (whether the longer Latin version ever contained more 
than the martyrhim is very doubtful), a comparison of the divergences in the two 
Latin versions of the martyriiim shows unquestionably that the shorter and not 
the longer one is the form supported by our fragment. The rejection of the 
claims of the longer Latin version to be regarded as more authentic than the 
shorter also removes the principal reason for supposing the Greek text of 
the μαρτύρων to be a retranslation from the Latin, and this theory may now 
be finally abandoned. Since the Greek μαρτύρων agrees on the whole very 
closely with the conclusion of the Codex Vercellensis, Zahn is clearly right 
in accepting the former as belonging to the Greek original. Its relation to this 
shorter Latin version is very similar to that of our fragment to the corresponding 
portion of the Codex Vercellensis. The Greek tends to be rather fuller than 
the Latin, which however sometimes instead of abbreviating paraphrases the 
Greek at greater length and generally follows it closely. So far as the style 
of our fragment can be judged, it is quite in keeping with that of the μαρτύρων. 
The construction, for instance, όρώντων . . . συν€ΐτάθουν in 11. 4-5 finds a parallel 
in the μαρτύρων, p. 83. 34—5 «al κατατΐ€σόντο9 αυτοϋ ανωθβν €κλ(υ0)€ΐ9 συσττ). 

Did the MS. to which our fragment belongs begin at the point where the 
Codex Vercellensis commences, or did it also comprise an account of earlier doings 
of Peter, including perhaps the events at Jerusalem described in C. Schmidt's 
fragment, which apparently belongs to the period before Peter came to Rome ? 
The two pages of our fragment, nos. 167 and 168 of the MS., correspond to lii 


lines of Lipsius' edition of the Codex Vercellensis. The previous 166 pages 
therefore ought to correspond to approximately 996 lines of his edition. As 
a matter of fact the preceding portion of the Codex Vercellensis occupies 908 
lines, and Avhen allowance is made for the circumstance that, judging by the 
μαρτύρων, the tendency of the Latin to abbreviate the original is less marked than 
usual in our fragment, there is every probability that the beginning of this MS. 
coincided with the beginning of the Codex Vercellensis, and that the acts 
of Peter at Jerusalem formed no part of it. This conclusion is not necessarily 
fatal to C. Schmidt's view that his fragments form part of the same work as the 
Codex Vercellensis, for from an early period the various apocryphal Acts tended 
to break up into distinct sections, if indeed these sections were originally com- 
bined. That the Acis of Paul comprised the Acts of Ρ mil and Thecla, the forged 
correspondence with the Corinthians, and the Martyritun Patdi, which were 
previously known as distinct documents, has only recently been made clear 
through C. Schmidt's discovery of the Coptic fragments of the Acts as a whole. 
Similarly of the Acts of JoJin various sections have been preserved in different 
forms, but with considerable lacunae in or between them, in one of which is 
no doubt to be placed the new fragment in the present volume (850), itself con- 
taining the beginning of a distinct section with a sub-title of its own. But since 
the composition of the Acts of Peter is referred by the principal critics to A. D. 
160-170 (Zahn), 200-210 (C. Schmidt), 200-220 (Harnack), our fragment was 
written little, if at all, later than a century afterwards ; and the apparent absence 
in so early a MS. of any section corresponding with C. Schmidt's fragment 
certainly provides an argument in favour of G. Ficker, who {Die Petrnsaktcn^ 
pp. 6-7, Netitest. ApokrypJioi, ed. E. Hennecke, pp. 383-4) is disposed to regard 
that fragment as either not belonging to the Acts of Peter as such, or as later 
than the Acts of the Codex Vercellensis, and thinks that these Acts were intended 
to follow immediately after the Acts of the Apostles. On the other hand the 
subscription in the Coptic MS. TTpa^t? ΥΙίτρον certainly provides strong prima 
facie evidence that it belonged to the same work as the Codex Vercellensis, 
and, as C. Schmidt reminds us, in the stichometry of Nicephorus the Acts of 
Peter is credited with 2750 στίχοι (i. e. it was about the same length as Leviticus 
or St. Luke's Gospel), a number which is too large to be accounted for by the 
Greek original of the Codex Vercellensis alone. 

On the disputed questions of the date of the composition of the Acts of 
Peter and their supposed Gnostic or ' vulgarchristliche ' origin (cf. Harnack, 
op. cit., ii. 2. pp. 170-2) the new fragment has no direct bearing, but its appearance 
is useful in tending to clear the ground by a dispersal of the suspicions of having 
been tampered with which have hitherto attached to the Codex Vercellensis and 



the Greek μαρτύρων (cf. Harnack's later view that the Acts of Peter are a com- 
pilation in Texte und Unters. Bd. xx. Heft 3, pp. ico sqq., and C. Schmidt's 
criticism of this in his Petriisakten). For, putting aside the question whether 
C. Schmidt's Coptic fragment was an integral part of the Acts or not, there is now 
no longer any reason to doubt the substantial fidelity of the shorter Latin version, 
or to suppose that it and the μσρτνριον represent, as far as they go, anything else 
than the Acts of Pctcy in their original form. 


Sl ζμου μη μζλλησαι^Τίί 
[ ]αντον κατίγοντων u a 
[ ]joa αληθώς απ^θαν^ν και 
ορωντων οτι αληθω? ΐ'€ 
5 Kpos eaTiv συν^παθουν 
τη γραι.δι XeyofTes ci αρα 
βονλζΐ μητ^ρ και θαρρ€ΐ? 
τω Πζτρου θυ apavTes 
αντον ημ€ΐς αποιησομίθα 
ΙΟ €Κ€ί ϊνα αυτόν eyeipas 
αποδώ σοι τυυτων (5e ου 
τω? ΧαΧουντων ο ττραιφί 
κτος ατενίζων τω Πβτρω 
9 ΐδου ΙΙζτρ€ D— 



15 ο nats μου v^Kpos κείται 
ον και ο βασιλεύς ηδ^ω? 
ζχα και ουκ ^φζίσαμην 
αυτού καίτοι ye βτ€ρου9 
ζ^ων μ€Τ ζμαυτου ν^ανισ 

2θ κους άλλα σ€ μαΧΧον και το 
δια σου θν ττΗρασαι θζΧων 
et αρα αΧηθζΐ? εστε τουτό 
ηβουΧηθην anoOavuv και 
ο TliTpos ίψη ου π^ιραζίται 

2 5 ^s ουδί δοκιμάζεται Αγριπ 
πα αΧΧα φιΧουμενος και 
παρακαΧου μένος ακούει 
των α^ιων επει δε γυνι 

' . . . (the youths having examined his nostrils to see) whether he was indeed really 
dead, and seeing that he was in truth a corpse, consoled the old woman saying, " If indeed 
you wish, mother, and trust in the God of Peter, we will lift him up and carry him thither, 
in order that Peter may raise him and restore him to you." While they were thus speaking, 
the praefect looking intently at Peter (said), " Behold, Peter, my servant lies dead, who was 
a favourite of the king himself, and I did not spare him although I have with me other 
youths ; but because I desired to try you and the God whom you preach, whether ye are 
indeed true, I wished him to die." And Peter said, " God is not to be tried or proved, 
Agrippa, but when He is loved and entreated He hearkens to those who are worthy. But 
since now . . ." ' 

Codex Vercellensis (Lipsius, Ada Aposi. Apocr., p. 73). 

iuuenes autem qui uenerunt nares pueri cotisiderarant si uere viortuus esset. uidentes 
auteyn quoniam morluiis est cottsolabantur 7?iairem ipsius diceJites : Si uere credis in deo Petri 
iollentes eum perferivius ad Petrum ut cum suscitatis restituat iibi. haec diceiitibus iubenibus 

849. ACTS OF PETER ii 

praefeclus autem in for ο miucns Petruvi dixit : Quid die is, Pelre ? ecce puer tnorluiis iacet 
quern el imperator libcnier hahet et non illi pcperci ; titique habebam alios conplures iuuenes ; 
sed confidens in te et in doviinum tiiiim quern praedicas, si uere certi et ueri estis : ideo huiic 
uolui mori. Pelrus autem dixit: Non temptatur deus neque exiis)timatur, sed dilectissimus 
ex animo colendus exaudiet qui digni sunt. Sed quoniam nunc . . . 

1-2. Line i is not only far removed from the equivalent of the Latin at this point 
(something like των δε νεανίσκων προσΐλθόντων και τας pii/aswould be expected), but is obviously 
quite inappropriate, δι (μου is unintelligible, while the case of μΐ\λησαντ(ς is in contradiction 
to κατ(χοντων . . . ορωντων in 11. 2-4, and though in itself the nominative would yield a better 
construction than the genitive, a parallel for this kind of genitive absolute is cited from 
another part of the Acts of Peter in introd. Nor can αντου κατίχοντων in 1. 2 be right, 
for a participle meaning ' examined ' is necessary in view of the following clause ei apa 

αληθώς απίθανων. By altering κατίχοντων tO κατ(()ώοντων 1. 2 may be retained, but δι (μου μη 

μ(λλησαντ€ς is almost hopeless to emend, μη μΐλλησαντων might be read and connected 
with qui uenerunt (cf. conlinuo surrexerunt four lines previously, and, for μή instead of ού in 
this phrase. Acts of John, ed. Bonnet, p. 191. 23 μ^ μΐΚΚησασα), but δί ζμον would remain 
unaccounted for, and it would still be necessary to suppose the omission of και ray pivm 
before amov. It seems more probable that δι ΐμον μη μΑλησαντΐί has come in by mistake 
from some other passage, δι' €μον presumably occurred where the Latin ha.?, faciens per 
me a few lines after the passage preserved in our fragment, and perhaps again two lines 
later where per nieam uocem is found, μη μ^Κλήσαντΐς, however, does not suggest itself as an 
equivalent for any Latin expression on p. 73 of Lipsius' edition, except conlinuo m\. 11 
where δι' Ιμοΰ would be out of place. 

2. [ ]αυτον'. there is a hole which occupies the place where the first letter of this line 
and of 1. 3 would have come, if these lines began evenly with 11. i and 4-14, and it is 
therefore possible that a letter is lost before αντου and pa respectively. But this hypothesis 
is not satisfactory in 1. 2, where αντου is preferable to e. g. [τ]αυτου or [σ\αυτου, and leads to 
much difficulty in 1. 3 ; for though the ρ of pa is very faint the α is practically certain (χ is 
the only alternative), and that apa is the word meant is shown clearly by 11. 6 and 22. 
Hence if [a^ia is read in 1. 3, the α at the end of 1. 2 becomes superfluous. We prefer to 
suppose that the hole was there when the leaf was written upon, and that the scribe therefore 
began 11. 2-3 further to the right than 1. i. apa αληθώς is rendered by only one word in the 
Latin, uere ; cf. 1. 2 2 where in rendering apa άληθΰς the Latin is redundant. 

6-7• For τη γραιδι the Latin has matrem ipsius, omitting to translate βούλα μητίρ και. 

8. ^ is a mistake for θω. 

g. αποιησομΐθα : 1. άττοισόμ^θα. 

ΙΟ. eicet: ad Petruvi Lat., which is clearer. 

12. πραιφΐκτος: for this form cf, ch. 12 of the μαρτύρων (p. 100. 16, ed. Lipsius) τω 
ττραιφίκτω Άγρίππα. The Latin has haec dicentibus iubenibus praefeclus aute7n in foro, putting 
autem too late. The addition of in foro, however, makes the passage clearer, since the 
preceding lines refer to what took place at the house of the old woman. 

] 3. ατζνι^ων : cf. ατΐν'ισας in chs. 55 and 56 of the Marlyrium Petri et Pauli (ed. 
Lipsius, pp. 164. 21, 166. 6), which is supposed to be based on the older Acts of Peter (cf. 
Harnack, Chron. d. allchr. Lit., ii. 2, p. 177). 

1 4. The Latin has dixit : Quid dicis, Pelre .^ ecce puer mortuus, &c., and we should expect 
at the beginning of this line ίφη• τΊ φης ;, for which there is not room. The doubtful s might 
be 6, i. e. the termination of ehe, which is, however, insufficient by itself. The leaf is torn 
at this point, and the ink very much obliterated, so that decipherment is impossible. 

15. μου is omitted in the Latin. 


1 6. βησιλΐνί = mperafor, as frequently in the Martyriiim Petri et Pauli. 

1 8. καίτοι ye erepovy : the point of this is that the boy chosen to die was the favourite 
servant, and that Agrippa might have chosen one of his other attendants. 

19. In place of /xer ^μαντον the Latin has conphires. 

20—1. τον 8ia σον β{(ο)ν =: dominiwi tuwn quern praedicas. The addition of a participle 
such as κηρνττόμ€νον would be an improvement, but is not necessary, neipaam βΐλων is 
mistranslated by the Latin co7ifide7is in, which does not suit the following clause si uere 
cerli, &c. 

22. ei apa αληθείς : the Latin is redundant, si uere certi el iieri. In 11. 2-3 on the other 
hand apa άΚηθώς is rendered by one word uere. 

25. Αγριππα is omitted in the Latin. 

26-7, φιλουμΐνυς και παρακαλονμ(νο5 : this is clearer than the Latin dilectissimus ex 
aniino colendus. 

850. Acts of John. 

I2-I X IO-7 cm. Fourth century. Plate I (recto). 

The upper portion (apparently) of a leaf from a codex of the Ads of John, 
containing a mutilated account of two incidents, neither of which occurs in 
the extant portions of that work. The handwriting is a good-sized, irregular 
and rather inelegant uncial of the fourth century. Stops (middle and low points) 
are freely employed, as well as occasional breathings. The ordinary theological 
contractions of 0eos, Ί?;σοί}?, and Kvpios occur. The recto has in one or two lines at 
the top of the page the sub-title of the section of the Acts. This sub-title is unfor- 
tunately incomplete, and no light is thrown upon it by the actual contents of the 
fragment ; but the mention of Andronicus supplies a point of contact with the 
extant portions of the Acts of John, in which that individual is mentioned several 
times as a στρατηγός of Ephesus who, at first a sceptic, afterwards became one of 
the apostle's chief disciples in that city. The following incident is of a type 
familiar in apocryphal Acts. The apostle goes to visit the brethren apparently 
at a village near Ephesus, and on the way has to cross a bridge, where his passage 
is barred by a demon in the form of a soldier, who threatens violence. The 
military aspect assumed by the demon recalls a similar story in the Martyrium 
Matthaci, Λvhich is not impossibly here copying the Acts of John ; cf. 1. 26, 
note. Rebuked by St. John, the demon vanishes, and on reaching his destina- 
tion the apostle exhorts the brethren to worship and joins with them in prayer 
(11. 22-36). The verso (11. 1-19) is concerned with a quite different episode which 
is much more obscure. The scene is a church (cf. 1. 16), and apparently a person 
called Zeuxis (1. 13) had just tried to hang himself but had been miraculously 
saved by St. John (11. ^-d), who in 11. 4-13 offers up a thanksgiving of a character 
for which there are numerous parallels in the extant Acts of John. Afterwards 

850. ACTS OF JOHN 13 

some question seems to arise concerning tlie partaking of the Eucharist 
(11. 13-5), and the proconsul (sc. of Ephesus) intervenes, perhaps bringing a letter 
from the Emperor (11. 15-8), but the circumstances are obscure. Whether the 
page on the recto precedes that on the verso or vice versa there is no external 
evidence to show ; but since the description of the incident on the verso implies 
a considerable amount of space devoted to the earlier part of the Zeuxis story, 
we prefer to suppose that the verso precedes the recto, for the missing lower half 
of the recto does not seem to allow sufficient room for the beginning of the 
Zeuxis story, which is obviously quite unconnected with the incident concerning 
the demon in the form of a soldier. The verso therefore presumably belongs 
to the conclusion of one section of the Acts of John, and the recto to the begin- 
ning of the next. The tendency of the various apocryphal Acts to split up into 
independent parts has already been noted (cf. p. 9) in regard to the Acts 
of Peter, and in the Acts of John is especially marked ; the fullest edition 
(Bonnet, Acta Apost. Apocr., i. pp. 151-216) is made up of five separate 
sections derived from different MSS., and not only separated from each other by 
gaps of uncertain length, but also exhibiting in some places evidence of internal 
omissions. There is no difficulty in finding a place for the new fragment. The 
references to Andronicus and the proconsul clearly indicate Ephesus as the back- 
ground. Andronicus is mentioned, obviously for the first time, in c. 31 of the 
extant Acts, where he appears as an unbeliever, but in c. 37 he has already 
become a disciple, and the account of his conversion probably occurred in one or 
more lost chapters which originally intervened between cc. 31 and o,-/^ although 
these both belong to the continuous section of the Acts (cc. 18-86) found in the 
Codex Patmensis. Andronicus also occurs in the following section found only 
in the Codex Vindobonensis (cc. 87-105), so that our fragment must be 
inserted at some point later than c. 31 and before c. 106, where begins the 
account of the μ^τάστασι^ with which the work concluded. Two periods of 
residence at Ephesus are ascribed to the apostle in these chapters, the first 
covering cc. 31-55, at which point St. John leaves for Smyrna and there is 
a gap in which several chapters are lost. His return to Ephesus is narrated 
in c' 62, and throughout the rest of the Acts Ephesus remains the scene. 
Excluding therefore cc. S5-^^ with those lost between cc. $$ and 58, all of 
which dealt with events away from Ephesus, the most suitable points for the 
insertion of our fragment are (i) c. 37 before the sentence beginning 01 h\ από 
Μίλητου, where there is a change of subject, and a lacuna is in any case probable 
owing to the inconsistency of c. 37 with c. 31 concerning Andronicus ; (2) the 
gap between cc. 86 and 87 ; (3) the gap between cc. 105 and 106. But though 
in these three places the lacunae are Evident, there are other points between 


cc. 31-55 and 62-86 (cc. 87-105 form one long speech) where the existence 
of lacunae is possible, so that there is much freedom of choice. If the title 
in 11. 30 and 21 refers, as is possible, to the separation of Andronicus from his wife 
Drusiane, alluded to in c. 63 (e/< -πολλού καΐ του avbpos κίγοψίσμίνη^ αυτηί δια 
θξοσίβααν), our fragment must have preceded that chapter, and the general 
resemblance between the situation in 11. 22 sqq. and that in c. 48 (especially 
in the version found in the Codex Parisiacus ; cf. 11. 22-3, note) also suggests that 
our fragment belongs to the earlier rather than to the later portions of the Acis 
of John. 

The composition of the original Acts of John is assigned by all critics 
to the second century, but how far back in that century the work is to be placed 
depends largel)^ upon the disputed question whether it was used by Clement of 
Alexandria, as has been supposed by Zahn and others, but not by Harnack 
[Chron. d. altchr. Lit., ii. i, p. 542, ii. 2, p. 174). As is usual with apocryphal 
Acts preserved in comparatively late MSS., there is some uncertainty as to the 
extent to which the existing portions accurately represent the original or have 
been subjected to editing. So far as it goes, our fragment, which on account of 
its antiquity no doubt belongs to the original Acts of John, agrees closely both 
in its general form and contents with the previously extant portions, and there- 
fore tends to support the view that these have not undergone any serious amount 
of revision ; cf. the similar conclusion to which we attained in connexion with the 
Acts of Peter (pp. 9-10). The use of the first person plural in reference to Leucius, 
the supposed narrator of the Acts of John, which often occurs in the narrative 
portions of the Acts dealing with Ephesus, is not found in 11. 22 sqq. where it 
might perhaps be expected ; but no importance is to be attached to this circum- 
stance, for e. g. in the story in cc. 48 sqq. the use of the first person is equally 
absent. Formerly the Acts of John were treated as pronouncedly Gnostic, but 
this inference has recently been disputed by C. Schmidt, who is followed by 
Harnack {pp. cit., ii. 2, p. 173) in regarding them as ' vulgarchristlich, aber von 
ausserordentlich starker modalistischer und doketischer Farbung '. It is unfortu- 
nate that the passage in our fragment Avhich would be most likely to show 
its author's theological point of view, the prayer in 11. 5-13, is far from com- 
plete. While most of the phrases are, so far as can be judged, of a conventional 
character, the expression b τα [μ\η^€νί γνώρ{ιμα . . .] γνωρίζων in 11. y-8 has 
a somewhat Gnostic ring. 

The beginnings and ends of lines are lost on both pages of the fragment, but 
it is clear from the fairly certain restorations of the lacunae between II. 22-3, 
26-7, 29-30, and 31-2 that the lines on the recto contained about 41 letters, 
and 1. 27 which projects proves that at least 5 letters are lost at the beginnings 

850. ACTS OF JOHN 15 

of the other lines on the recto. We have calculated the size of the lacunae on 
the hypothesis that one letter is lost before σ /xeyo? in 1. 27 and 4 letters at the 
end of 1. 31. The arrangement of the division of lines on the verso is more 
problematical ; we suppose the lines to be of the same length as those on the 
recto and have taken the restorations in 11. 13 and 13 as the basis for calculating 
the size of the lacunae elsewhere ; cf. note on 1. 9. 


v]iTei3 avTov π[ 

] στεναγμούς και τ[ 

] 5e Ιωάννης /x[ 

Ζζυξ\ί8ι αναστας apas ττο . [ 

5 ]ο . [.]πτ . [. .]?. ό αναγκασας μ€ μετά . [ 

. . . .] €ννοονν\τα] β[ρ\ογ^ίσαί eavTOv- ο τα απ€γναι[σμ€να 

] €πιστρ[€φ]ων et? σ€. ο τα [μ\γ}8ζνι γνωρ[ιμα .... 

ji'oy γνωρίζων. 6 κλαίων τους τ€θλιιχ[μζνον7 

. . . .]ω• ο τους νενεκρωμενονς ανιστων μ . . [.]ου . [. . . 

ΙΟ ....]. ανις των αδυνάτων Ιην• 6 παρακλητος [των 

. . . ,^ων• αινουμεν ae και προσκυνουμβν κα[ι ευναρι 
στου]μ(ν €iri τταση σ[ο]υ δωρβα- και τη νυν οικονο[μια σου 
και] διακον[ι]α- και μονω τω Zev^iSi της €υχ^αρ[ιστιας 

.] e7re[5G)Af]e[i'] Se τοις β[ου]λομβνοις λαβείν . [ 


]βνισαντ€[ς ο]υκ' €τολμησαν. ο δε ανθνπατο[ς 

.]ωνα κ[α]τα το μέσον της εκκλη[σι]ας τω [Ιωάννη 

.^ων λ[εγε]ι δούλε τον ακατωνομαστου 6 [ 

..]..[....] ετΓίστολας εκομισεν πάρα Καισ[αρος , 

] . και σνν[ 

20 απα]λλαγη ;>>>>>[ 

Α]νδρονικος και η γ[ννη ? 

ήμερων δ]€ ολίγων διελθουσων ε[ξελθων ο Ιωαν 


νη? αμ]α πΧξίοσιν αδζλφοίί προ9 [ €βουλ€ 

το nep]aiv€iy ye^vpav νφ ην •η\ο\ταμο^ ^ΡΡ^^Υ [• • • • 

25 και 7Γθ]ρ(νομ€νου [τ]ου Ιωάννου προς τ[οι;]? a5eX0[ous' 

'\ρ Tis [π]ροσβισιν αντω σχ^ηματί στρατιω7\ου ημφι 

β]σμ€νο9. και ety οψ[ι]ν αυτόν στας ίφη- Ιωάννη €ΐ σ[. . . . 

• • • ^^^] Χ^Φ"[^] ^λευσί ταχ^ιστα• και 6 Ιωάννης οι[ 

€φη σ\β€σι σου ο ks την απβιλην [κα]ι την οργην κ[αι την 

3θ ιτ\ημμ\ί\ιαν και ϊδον βκζίνος αφανής eyevcTO «[ττελ 

θοντο]ς ουν του ϊ[ω]αννου πρ[ο]ς ους απη€[ι] και €νρο[ντος 
αντον]ς σννηθροισμβνους einev- α[ναστα]ντ€ς a[8eX 
φοι μου] κλίΐνωμζν γόνατα προς τον κν [κ]αι του μ€γ[αλου βχ^ 
θρον α]ορατον βνίργημα καταργησαν[τα . . .]τησα[ 

35 . . . αυ]τοις eKXeivev γόνατα αμα αυ[τοις . . .]π€ν[ 

]tow θς βφ[ 

' John . . . (spake) to Zeuxis, " Rise up and lift . . . ; thou who didst compel me to 
turn from his purpose one who was intending to hang himself, who turnest the hearts that 
are in despair to thyself, who makest known the things that are known to none . . ., who 
weepest for the afflicted , . ., who raisest the dead ... of the weak, Ο Jesus, the comforter 
of the . . . We praise thee and worship thee and give thanks to thee for all thy bounty and 
the present dispensation and service." And he (gave) the eucharist to Zeuxis alone, (and 
then) offered it to those who wished to receive it, but ... did not dare to do so. The 
proconsul . . . (coming) into the middle of the church saith to John : " Ο servant of the 
unnameable one, . . . brought letters from Caesar . . ." 

' The separation (?) ; Andronicus and his wife. 

' After a few days had passed, John went forth with several brethren to . . ., and wished 
to cross a bridge under which a . . . river was flowing. And as John was on his way to 
the brethren, a certain . . ., clothed in the fashion of a soldier, approached him, and standing 
before his face said, " John, if thou (advancest) thou shalt straightway engage me in combat." 
And John . . . said, " The Lord shall quench thy threat and thy Avrath and thy offence," and 
behold the other vanished. John then having come to those whom he was visiting and 
found them gathered together, spake, " Let us rise up, my brethren, and bow our knees 
before the Lord who has made of none effect the unseen activity of even the great 
(enemy ?)"... he bowed his knees with them . . .' 

4. Probably eine is to be supplied before Ζ(υξ]ώι (for whom cf. 1. 13) and avaaras, αράς 
... is the beginning of the speech, although there is no stop after Zev$]i8i ; cf. however 
1. 30, note. 

5. After [. .]s is a low stop, as after ae in 1. 7 and ημφίί]σμίνος in 1. 27. If με before 
μ(τα . [ is not due to dittography, we may restore μετατ[ρ(π(ΐν (or μ(τασ[τρ€φ(ΐν) Ζ(νζ:^α\ 
ίννοονν[τα]. The letter after μΐτα is quite uncertain. For similar invocations in the Acis of 
John see pp. 187-93 of Bonnet's edition. 

850. ACTS OF JOHN 17 

6. ο both before τα here and before rovs in 1. 9 probably had a breathing which is lost 
in a lacuna. 

7. The line may be completed -γν(ύ(\ίμα Sia if ]vos in 1. 8 is a genitive; ι or μ could 
be read there in place of the doubtful v. 

9. The supposed ω at the beginning of the line is extremely doubtful, and it would be 
possible to read e. g. s. In that case, if the lines on the verso were 3 or 4 letters shorter 
than those on the recto (cf. introd. p. 15), we might read τ(θ\ιμ[μΐ\νον'^ς here, with 8o\ξaζo]μeu 
in place of (νχαρι^στον]μΐΐ> in 11. 11-2, omitting both σου in 1. 12 and the supposed lacuna 
between απ(γνω[σμΐνα and (πιστρ[ΐφ^ων in 11. 6-7. The reduction of the corresponding lacunae 
elsewhere by 3 or 4 letters would, however, present some difficulty in 11. 13-4, where a verb 
is necessary; and we prefer to adhere to the length of lines indicated by the recto. 

και is possible afier ανιστων in place of μ . ., but less suitable. 

10. ανιστων is not satisfactory since the word occurred in the previous line. ΐί;(σο)υ is 
no doubt vocative. 

1 1-3. Cf. e.g. Ac/s of John {AJ), p. 189. 23-4, and 193. 2 sqq., and for οικονομία 
p. 188. 2. 

14. (κοινωνησι, which would be expected (cf. A J, p. 193. 14, &c.), is too long for the 
lacuna after (νχαριστιας. ΐ\8ωκί\ might be read ; but then if 67Γί'^δωκ]ί[ι/] in the next line is right 
(cf. A J, p. 208. ir) these two sentences do not connect well together. 

The supposed stop after λαβίΐν may be the beginning of a letter, e. g. τ. The letter at 
the end of the line is represented by the lower half of a vertical stroke ; [o]i [8e is possible. 

15. Perhaps ατ](νισαντίς. The supposed apostrophe after υνκ is very doubtfuh For 
the ανθύπατος of Ephesus cf. AJ, p. 167. 28 and 851. 2, note. 

16. ]ων suggests a participle like ΐλθ]ων, but the following letters constitute a difficulty, 
the arrangement of the fibres, which are twisted, being not quite certain. Of the supposed 
κ the merest vestige remains, but 8e [κα]τα is unsuitable. 

17. ]ov may be read in place of ]ων. At the end of• the line the supposed rough 
breathing is more to the left than usual, but it is not sadsfactory to regard it as part 
of a mark of abbreviation, i. e. ^v. ακατονόμαστος does not occur elsewhere in the 
apocryphal Acts. 

20-1. Prof C. Schmidt well compares the similar sub-titles in the Coptic Ac/a PaiiU. 
αλλαγΐ7 = ' posting-stage ', Avhich is unsuitable here, occurs in AJ, p. 154. 7. Of the 
compounds άπα'Κλαγη secms most likely, and if the words in 1. 22 had been in the genitive 
it would be easy to connect this heading with the allusion to the separation of Andronicus 
and his wife Drusiane in AJ, p. 181. 25. The presence of the nominative there renders 
this explanation more difficult, unless indeed we restore όπως άπη^^λόγη. The double dots 
after jXXayTj are not certain. That άπα]λλαγή refers to the death of St. John is very 
improbable, for the section of the Ac/s of John dealing Avith that subject is extant, under 
the sub-title of μ^τάστασις OX ανάττανσις {AJ, p. 203). With regard to the reading η -^ννη, 
the γ is almost certain, ρ being the only alernative and less suitable ; but ηγ might of 
course be the beginning of e. g. another proper name. The prominence of Drusiane, 
however, as well as Andronicus in the Ac/s of John makes η -^{γνη very probable, even if 
1. 20 has no connexion with 1. 21 and belongs, as is possible, to the preceding section, not 
to the sub-title at all. 

22—3. Cf. Af ^. 175. 24—5 (Codex Parisiacus) μ(τα ovv ήμίμας τινας κατά θύαν άποκάλνψιν 
€ξη\θΐν ό Ιωάννης ef τινι κώμη (Ις €ΤΓίσκ€ψ•ιν των ά8eλφώv. προς [(πισκ€\Ι/ιν (with a shorter verb 

than (βουλίτο) is possible in 1. 23, but a place-name or equivalent expression is more likely. 
The parallel passage in the Codex Patmensis is τη be ίξής ημίρα οναρ θιασάμ^νος ό Ιωάννης 

μίλια τρία ίξω πνλών π€ριπατησαι ουκ ημύΧησ^ν αλλ' όρθρου άναστας αμα τοϊς αδ^λφοΐϊ eVt την όδόν 



24. The lacuna at the end may be filled either by a short epithet οίπ[ο]ταμοί, e. g. μβγα? 
or βαθυζ, or else by reading και with a compound of ■πο]ρΐυομ€νον. The doubtful ν of epp^ev 
might be μ. 

2 0. Cf. Marty Hum Matthaei (Bonnet, Acta Apost. Apocr., ii. i, p. 232. 15-6) ό δε 8αίμων 

ό iv τω στρατιωτικω σχήματι οφβάς πρότιρον τω βασιλΐΐ πάλιν μ(τασχηματισθΐ\ς iv σχηματι στρατιώτου 

(στη κ.τ.λ. Since the Marty rium Matthaei wzs composed much later than the Acts of John, 
the coincidence may be due to imitation by the author of the former work, haipoiv would 
be expected at the beginning of this line, for it is clearly an evil spirit who appears ; but the 
traces of the last letter are inconsistent with ν and suggest p, though δαι/χ]ω(ΐ') might 
be read. 

28. ορ[•^ισθις might be read at the end of the line. The supposed ο might be σ but not 
f, so that ei[nev is inadmissible. 

30. There is no stop or blank space after eyeveTo, and α possibly represents a[vTa>, with 
απο\βαντο\: for the next word. Cf. note on 1. 4. 

33-4• The second letter of κ{υριο)ν is rather more like υ, but the accusative seems to 
be required by the sense, ν or π can be read after pe in place of y. The word no doubt 

refers to the powers of evil; with fvepyημa in 1. 34 cf. AJ, p. 187. 24 ivepyeiav κακωτικψ, 200. 
14 8aipov€s, ifepyeiai, aneiKai. For καταργησαν[τα cf. Af, p. 1 92. 24 κaτapyηθητι, and Acta 

Philippi, ed. Bonnet, 40. 7 κατα^τ/ηβήσΐται πάσα ή τον εχθρού diivapis. The doubtful r before 
ησα can be y, and Βιη^^γησαΙμενοί is possible. The word is probably a participle in any case. 
35. άδ€λ]φοίί cannot be read, and the τ is nearly certain. With regard to αν[τοΐί, the 
repetition of this word is not very satisfactory, but αδ[ΐλφοις is inadmissible there also. The 
next word may be etVej/ [δε, but r can be read for π. 

851. Apocryphal Acts. 

5-3x18 cm. Fifth or sixth century. 

The following small fragment of a papyrus codex, which clearly contained the 
Acts of some apostle or saint, we have not succeeded in identifying with any 
of the Acta Apostoloriim Apocrypha edited by Lipsius and Bonnet. It consists of 
the lower portion of a leaf, written with brown ink in a large round calligraphic 
uncial hand which is certainly not later than the sixth century and may belong 
to the fifth, ^eos is contracted as usual, but not ανθρωττοξ, nor perhaps Kvpios. 
The recto begins just after the commencement of a new chapter which is indicated 
by a paragraphus and by a vertical wavy line in the margin, apparently the 
bottom of a flourish. If our restoration ηγήμων in 1. i (cf. 1. 5) is correct, a prae- 
fect is apparently giving orders for some one to be exposed to wild beasts. The 
verso contains part of a protest made to the praefect, defending some one (no 
doubt the apostle concerned in these Acts) from the charge of being a magician. 
Whether the recto or the verso comes first is quite uncertair^ Some points 
of connexion with the Acts of Paul and Thecla, in which a similar scene occurs, 
suggest that the fragment may belong either to a different version of those Acts 
or to one of the lost sections of the Acts of Paul (cf p. 9), but it does not 
correspond to any of the new Coptic fragments of that work. 


Recto. Verso. 

^ €ΐπ€ΐ/ ω9 βουλή π[οί]€ί ο [5e η-γ^ [ ].[....]... ο^[. . 

μων emeu προς royy αρχ^ικυ ζ ['^^!1/?/? [ηγ]^μ(ύν ovtos ο αν 

νηγονς αγξΤξ μοι ωδΐ ζωνθαν θρωπο9 ουκ €στιν μάγο? 

άλλα ταγα ο 6s αντον μίγας €στιν 

' . . . said " Do as you wish ". The praefect said to the chief huntsmen, " Bring to 
me here . . . 

" Ο lord praefect, this man is not a magician, but perhaps his god is great . . ." ' 

2. αρχικυνηγονς : this word does not seem to occur in Lipsius and Bonnet's Ac/a Apost. 
Apocr., but cf. Ads of Paul and Thecla, ed. Lipsius, p. 257. 4 αντο% γάρ ϊδίΒου τα κυνήγια. 
ή•γ(μών (cf. 1. 5) is also the word used in those Acts for the Roman governor, while πραίφΐκτος is 
used in the Acts 0/ Pe/er and ανθύπατος in the Acis of John. 

3. The letter after fw, if not v^ must be μ or possibly π, and the next letter seems to be 
a round one, but much narrower than the scribe's ^ or ο elsewhere. Possibly he began to 
write ζ(ύντα and corrected it to ζωσαν, but though the supposed ν may have been crossed 
through the next letter is not like σ or τ corrected into σ. Or perhaps a proper name 
is intended, ζωγριαν cannot be read. 

5-6. Cf. Acis of Paul and Thecla, p. 249. 1-2 6 f>i όχλος προσαχθίντος πάλιν τον Παύλου 
π(ρισσοτίρω5 (βόα, μάγος iariv, aipe αντόν. 

852. Euripides, Hypsipyle. 

Height 37-1 cm. Late second or early third century. 
Plates II and III (Fr. i. ii-iii, 
Fr. 60. i-ii). 

The following fragments, which constitute the most important addition 
to the remains of Greek tragedy hitherto made by Egyptian papyri, belong, like 
841-4 in our previous volume and 853 in this, to the first large group of literary 
texts found in 1906. The style and contents of 852 Avere sufficiently definite to 
enable us at the time of the first announcement of the discovery to identify the 
play as the Hypsipyle of Euripides, and this identification has subsequently been 
confirmed by the recognition of at least two coincidences with citations from that 
drama by ancient authorities. 

C 2 


In common with the other manuscripts from this find, the papyrus was 
recovered in an extremely mutilated condition. The most considerable piece 
was the central portion of Fr. i containing parts of two consecutive columns ; 
but the majority of the fragments, originally numbering over 200, were com- 
paratively small in size. On the whole they have hardly fitted together so well 
as might have been expected. Particularly difficult to deal with in this respect 
are the pieces numbered 6-17 and 30-56, which formed a small group found 
subsequently at some little distance from the rest, and distinguished by being of 
a darker colour and badly worm-eaten. Another characteristic shared by 852 
with 841-2 and 853 is that the literary text is on the verso of a non-literary 
document,— ;in this instance a money account, of which a description is given 
under 985. Though of course very useful for purposes of confirmation, this 
document on the recto, which follows no regular formula, is in too large a hand 
to be of much assistance towards the combination of small fragments ; moreover 
the recto of a number of the fragments is uninscribed. The account is of 
a decidedly early date, and may be safely placed within the first century ; but 
it was apparently not till a good many years later that the verso came to be used 
for this copy of the Hypsipyle, which we should judge to be little anterior to 
A. D. 200. It is written in a sloping uncial hand similar in kind to that of 
842 (the new historian), and no doubt of about the same period. ^ is always 
of the cursive shape, with a tail, and other cursive forms occasionally make their 
appearance, particularly at the ends of lines, e. g. vs of olkovs in Fr. 58. 8, μ^ν of 
λξξομζν in Fr. 60, 59. The size of the letters and the spacing show considerable 
variations in different parts of the MS. ; there is a marked contrast for instance 
in this respect between Fr. i. ii and Fr. 60. ii (cf. Plates II and III). Hence 
inequalities occur in the number of lines contained in the columns, which are 
remarkably tall : there was a difference of seven lines between Cols, i and ii of 
Fr. 60, numbering 62 and ^^ lines respectively ; Col. ii of Fr. 64 has only 54 lines, 
while the first seven columns of the play averaged about 60 lines, as is shown by 
the occurrence in the seventh column of the figure 400, the verse opposite 
to which this numeral is placed being succeeded by at least 15 lines before the 
column ended. This marginal numeration of verses by hundreds is not infrequent 
in papyri ; cf e. g. 841 (Pindar's Paeans), and note on Fr. 25. There are frequent 
variations of the point in the column at which the lines were commenced, 
the object usually being to mark the distinction between iambics and lyrics 
or strophic divisions within the latter. Accents, breathings, and marks of elision 
and quantity are fairly frequent throughout, but lectional signs, as might be 
expected, are rather commoner in the lyrical parts than elsewhere. The 
system of accentuation is similar in character to that of 223, 841 and other 


papyri of this period ; it should be noted that for convenience of printing 
we place the circumflex on the second vowel of a diphthong, though in the 
original it usually covers the two letters. A line curving upwards is occasionally 
placed below compound words, as in 841 and the Bacchylides papyrus. Punc- 
tuation, which is rare, is commonly effected by a high stop, usually placed well 
above the line ; a low stop occurs in Fr. 68. 7. To what extent these various signs 
are due to the original scribe is uncertain ; but he evidently wrote some of them 
and the majority may well come from his pen. The same writer was also doubt- 
less responsible for the names of the dramatis personac which occasionally appear 
in the margin (cf. 211, 855, &c.), for the stichometrical figures already mentioned, 
and for the paragraph!, which are employed both to denote changes of speaker 
and to mark strophic divisions. But it is equally clear that a number of the fre- 
quent alterations and additions made in the text are due to another hand, which 
we have as usual attempted to distinguish by the use of a thicker type ; it is 
however often very difficult to feel confidence in assigning the authorship of 
minor corrections, and doubtful cases have as a rule been credited to the original 
writer. Occasionally a variant or an explanatory note is inserted in the margin. 
But in spite of the numerous modifications the text is left in a by no means 
satisfactory condition, and in several passages emendation is necessary. The 
fault no doubt sometimes lay with the archetype, but it is impossible to acquit 
our copyist of much carelessness. His orthography is very fair : et and ι are 
unusually correctly written, but iota adscript is frequently omitted, and some 
mistakes of accentuation occur. With regard to the use of the Doric α in the 
lyrical parts there is little consistency, and here we as a rule follow the spelling 
of the papyrus. 

The fragments are scattered widely over the play, and though much of the 
plot is now clear, some essential points unfortunately remain in doubt. Hypsi- 
pyle's story is told by several ancient authorities, but none of the versions is 
found to agree very closely with the treatment of Euripides. Hypsipyle, 
daughter of Thoas, the son of Dionysus and king of Lemnos, in a massacre 
of the men of the island by the women concealed and saved her father, whom 
she succeeded in the government of Lemnos. The deception was eventually dis- 
covered, and Hypsipyle, who had meanwhile become the mother of two sons by 
Jason on his way to Colchis in quest of the golden fleece, was sold as a slave to 
Lycurgus, king of Nemea, and put in charge of his infant son. It was with her 
subsequent adventures at Nemea that the plot of Euripides' drama was con- 
cerned. The following is the account of the scholiast to Clement of Alexandria, 
p. 105 sqq. : — ore oi ϊτιτα ϊ•η\ Θήβας συν Άδράστω και YIoXwdK^L ζστρατζύοντο, 
τταρίβαλον ds την Νξμζαν' tottos be ovtos του "Αργούν, ζητοΰντίί 8e ύδρεΰσασ^αι avj/e- 


τυχόν 'Ύψιττυλτ) τι] Soavros θυγατρί τρξφούστ} τταώίον Όφέλτην κάΚονμζνον Έ,υφη-γον 
(1. Έ,νφητονϊ) καΧ ΈΑυρυΗκηί. η be ατίοθζμίνη το τταώίον άηηλθίν avTois vbpeύσaσθaL 
βονλομ^νη. δράκων 6e €V τοσούτω τΐζριτίξσων τω ιταιδιω ανύΚ^ν αντό. η be ζττανξλθοΰσα 
ίΘρήν€ί, 'Αμφίάραο5 be 6 μάντι^ els ων των ΙττΓα αϊτό του σνμβάντοζ toIs "Ελλησι θάνατον 
^ΐpoeμavτeύσaτo και Toy Tialba ^Αργ^μορον eKoKeaev. "Αδραστο? be τταραμυθονμ€νθ9 την 
'Ύψι,ιτνλην en αιηω τον Ί^eμeaκ^v αγώνα σννβστησατο. If Ανκούργον be substituted 
for Ενφηγου and in the last sentence 'Αμφιάραο? for "AbpaaTos and Evpυbίκηv for 
Ύψι-πύλην, the outline so far as it goes will be accurate, but it omits entirely the 
two sons of Hypsipyle who, as we now know, played a part in the plot of 
Euripides. Apollodorus iii. 6. 4 is slightly less detailed : he adds however that 
the serpent was slain and gives Lycurgus as the name of the king of Nemea. 
Four separate accounts are prefixed to the scholia on Pindar's Nemea. The 
first of these brings in Hypsipyle's sons, though with marked divergences from 
Euripides : ev eKetj-o) be τω καιρώ κατά ζητησιν οί iralbes θόαί και Εΰ^^ω? τταράβαλον 
ev Ne^e'a. Ευρυδίκτ/ί be της Ανκονργον γυναικός βουλομ^•ης δια τον ^Οφ4\του θάνατον 
aveXelv την "^Τ-ψιτύλην δια τοϋτό Τ€ ev τινι τό~ω λαθραίω κaτaκλeισάσ■ης, 'Αμφιάραος 
μavτeυσάμevoς beίκvυσι τοΙς τταισι την '^Ύφιττύλην. η be τοΰτο eυτυγJ|σaσa irapeKakei 
τους ήρωας τοις τταισίν {συν)αγωνίσασθαι. There was evidently no question of the 
concealment of Hypsipyle by the queen in Euripides' play, nor any intercourse 
between the former and the seven chieftains after her recognition by her sons. 
The brief account of Hyginus c. 74 is very similar to those of Apollodorus and 
the scholiast on Clement. In only one extant work is the story of Hypsipyle at 
Nemea treated at length, namely the Thebais of Statius, which might have been 
expected to reflect the version of Euripides and was largely drawn upon by 
Hartung in connexion with the Hypsipyle in his Euripides Restitiitus, ii. pp. 430 
sqq. Statius, however, whom as Hartung thought esse Euripide tisum atictore 
manifestiim est^ turns out to have been by no means a safe guide. Apart from 
minor variations in detail, which need not be emphasized here, there are funda- 
mental discrepancies in structure. After the death of the child {Theh. v. 505 sqq.) 
Statius represents the Argive army as proceeding with Hypsipyle to the palace 
of Lycurgus. The procession is met by the king, who proposes to take vengeance 
for Hypsipyle's negligence, but is restrained by the chieftains. In the confusion 
which results the sons of Hypsipyle, who had been hospitably received at the 
palace, go to the assistance of Lycurgus and are so led to discover their mother's 
identity. Then follows the institution of the Nemean games at the instigation 
of Amphiaraus. As will be seen, it was certainly not from Euripides that Statius 
derived the ground-plan of this part of his poem. In the fragments of the 
tragedy Lycurgus is conspicuous by his absence, his place being taken by the 
queen Eurydice who in Statius is a minor figure, while the only representative of 


the Arglve army is Amphiaraus accompanied by a few attendants, and his appeal 
on Hypsipyle's behalf is exclusively to right, not might (Fr. 60. 40). 

Let us now turn to the actual remains of the play. First in order stand 
the three verses quoted in Aristoph. Frogs 121 1-3 from the prologue (Nauck 
Fr. 752) Διοη-σο?, os θνρσοισι . . . -ηφα κ.τ.λ. Welcker, Gricch. Trag. ii. pp. 557-H, 
and Hartung, Eiirip. Rest. ii. p. 431, are very positive that the prologue was spoken 
by Dionysus and have therefore to suppose that the lines cited by Aristophanes 
were preceded by one or two other verses. This however is on the one hand 
inconsistent with the use of the third person ττηδα, and on the other with the 
express testimony of the scholiast, which there is no reason to doubt, that the 
passage was 'Ύ'ψητυληζ η αρχή. The opening is strictly parallel to others in 
the prologues of Euripides, e. g. those of the /ou or the Iphig. in Tatiris, where 
the speaker begins by giving his or her genealogy. In the present case accord- 
ingly the speaker was tracing descent from Dionysus, and the only persons who 
can here come in question are Hypsipyle herself or one of her two sons Euneos 
and Thoas. In the first column of Fr. i of the papyrus, which, as the stichometry 
indicates, was the third column of the play, the sons in the guise of travellers 
seeking hospitality for the night appear in colloquy with a woman, whose con- 
gratulations to the mother of the strangers would almost suffice to identify her as 
Hypsipyle herself; hence the initial ρησι$ would be quite appropriate in the 
mouth of any one of the three persons who are available. If the speaker of 
it is, as we suppose, Hypsipyle, the arrangement is similar to that of the 
Iphigenia in Taiiris. Hypsipyle recounts her history and circumstances^ and 
then enters the palace, perhaps for the purpose of fetching the child Archemorus ; 
Euneos and Thoas arrive, and after some conversation, in which their identity 
and mission (they were looking for their lost mother: cansa viae genetrix as 
Statius, Theb. v. 715, says; cf. Schol. Nem. quoted on p. 22) are explained, 
knock at the door of the palace ; Hypsipyle opens it and the dialogue of Fr. i. 
Col. i follows. If on the other hand Euneos or Thoas made the opening speech, 
Hypsipyle would not have appeared until the travellers proceeded to knock 
at the door. This viev/ is simpler, but possibly too simple ; it hardly accounts 
so well for the τ 30 lines of the first two columns, apart from the consideration 
that the heroine of the piece is perhaps more suitable as the -προλογίζουσα. 

The papyrus breaks off in the middle of the conversation of Hypsipyle with 
the strangers, who presumably gained admittance, in spite of the absence of the 
king Lycurgus (Fr. i. i. 11) ; in these two details Statius is in agreement with 
Euripides (cf. Tkeb. v. 640, 715). Hypsipyle then sings a monody to her nurs- 
ling, of which the conclusion is preserved in the first 14 lines of Fr. i. ii. This is 
the song, as the reference in 1. 8 to κρόταλα indicates, to which allusion is made 


in Frogs 1305 sqq. ττοΰ Vrti-• η toIs όστράκοι^ αΰτη κροτονσα ; δεΰρο Μουσ' Ευριττίδου : 
cf. Phot. Lex. p. 180. 12 κροταλίζ^ιν ου δια τώζ/ χαίρων κροτίΐν^ άλλα δια κροτάλου, 
τ^? κροταλισάσηζ, ωί Έ.υρΐ7τίδη{ν) φηαΐν 6 κωμικός 7Τ€ρϊ rrjs 'Τψίττνλης λξγων. Nauck, 
Fr. 769, takes the word κροταλισάα-ης as having occurred in the text of the play, 
but that is not at all likely ; the verse of the papyrus sufficiently accounts for 
Photius' note. The parodos of the chorus, consisting of Nemean women friendly 
to Hypsipyle (cf Fr. i. ii. 15 φίλα, Frs. 20-1. i φ[ίλτα]ταί, 14 φίλας), follows, the 
choral ode consisting of a strophe and antistrophe (largely composed of glyconic 
verses), each of which is succeeded by a lyrical response from Hypsipyle. In 
the strophe (Fr. i. ii. 15-40) the chorus asks if the captive's thoughts are still 
busy with her island home while such stirring events as the march of the army 
of Adrastus against Thebes are in progress. Plypsipyle replies (Fr. i. iii. 1-17) 
that she cares for none of these things ; her heart is with the ships of the 
Agonauts. The chorus offers consolation by recalling the adventures of other 
heroines who had left their homes and suggests that Hypsipyle's prospects are 
brighter than were theirs (Fr. i. iii. 18-43). Hypsipyle refuses to take comfort, 
and can only look forward to the release of death (Fr. i. iv. 1-9). She then 
perceives some strangers approaching (Fr. i, iv. 10-14), and Amphiaraus enters 
with a small retinue (Fr. i. iv. 15). He addresses Hypsipyle, and asks to be 
shown the way to running water, which was needed for the purpose of a sacrifice 
on behalf of the army on crossing the frontier (cf. note on Fr. i. iv. ^^). A long 
dialogue ensues in which Amphiaraus explains who he is, what was the object of 
the expedition, and how he himself came to be concerned in it, while Hypsipyle 
in her turn discloses her identity and antecedents (Fr. 1. iv. S^-v with Frs. ^-q). 
Finally she consents to comply with Amphiaraus' request (Nauck, Fr, 753 b€ίξω 
μ\ν Άργίίοισιν Αχελώου ρόον), and goes off with him, carrying the child with her. 
Thus ends the first εττ^ισο'διοί', and the chorus occupied the interval with an ode, 
to which Frs. 6-9 are likely to belong ; there is a reference in Fr. 6. τ to χ4ρνφα, 
and the description in Frs. 8-9 of the quarrel between Polynices and Tydeus 
which led up to the expedition of Adrastus would be a very suitable subject 
at this point. Meanwhile Hypsipyle, perhaps with the motive attributed to her 
by Statius ne tarda Pelasgis dux for et (iv. 778), had left the child lying unguarded 
on the ground, to find on her return that he had fallen a victim to a snake ; cf. 
the fragmentary description of the accident by Amphiaraus in Fr. 60. 6"] sqq. 

At this point the course of events becomes obscured, and clearness is reached 
only at Frs. 20-1, where Hypsipyle is found in conversation with the chorus, 
fearful of the vengeance of the child's parents and considering means of flight. 
In what way is the lacuna to be filled ? How was the misadventure made 
known to the chorus and in the palace ? The usual tragic means in such a case 


was the report of a messenger, and as a matter of fact in Fr. 18 there are the 
remains of a few lines which certainly refer to the serpent, and might well come 
from such a report. The objection to this view is the subsequent occurrence 
of a description of the scene by Amphiaraus when pleading with Eurydice. On 
this ground Prof. U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorfif, to whom with Prof. J. B. Bury 
and Mr. Gilbert Murray we owe a number of most valuable suggestions and 
criticisms, would reject the intervention of a messenger, and refer Fr. 18 to the 
first dialogue between Amphiaraus and Hypsipyle, supposing the serpent to be 
a well-known object to whose existence Hypsipyle might allude in speaking 
of the spring. This no doubt is a quite tenable explanation, and the serpent 
is actually so treated by Statius ; cf. v. 505 nemoris sacer horror Achaei^ 51 1-2 
InacJiio sanctum dixcre Tonanti agricolae, and 579 sqq. On the other hand some 
description of the disaster seems essential at this point, if only for the enlighten- 
ment of the audience; moreover to credit Hypsipyle with so clear a previous 
knowledge of the risk would considerably increase her culpability in leaving her 
charge unprotected, while to the parallel from Statius a counterweight may 
be found in his reference to a messenger : et iam sacrifici stibitiis per tecta 
Lycwgi mintiiis implerat lacrimis (v. 638-9). Hence, whether a regular mes- 
senger was employed by Euripides or not, we should prefer to regard Fr. 18 as 
part of a post factum narrative. But there is an obvious alternative to a regular 
messenger : possibly the narrator was Hypsipyle herself. At the conclusion of 
the stasimon she may have returned alone from her ill-fated expedition, and 
in answer to interrogations from the chorus briefly stated what had occurred ; to 
the lyrical portion of such a scene we should refer Frs. 10-13 5 ^^• ^^e scholiast 
on Clement quoted above, ?/ h\ (ττανίλθονσα ^θρην^ι. The question would then 
arise, how was the news to reach queen Eurydice ? A hint towards the solution 
of this problem is perhaps to be found in the rather mysterious remark of 
Hypsipyle when being led off to death, κ^να δ' ^γΐέσθην apa, ' to no purpose then 
was my compunction ' (Fr. 60. 31). These words appear to imply that shame 
had prevented her from a certain action ; and we can find no interpretation more 
suitable than that first suggested by Mr. Murray, that Hypsipyle's feelings 
of honour led her to abandon the project of flight discussed in Frs. 20-1. 
If that is right, then she might naturally be supposed to have gone a step 
further, and voluntarily to have surrendered herself. Of course this explanation 
of Fr. 60. 2 1 is quite compatible with the hypothesis of a messenger ; but the 
latter expedient becomes rather superfluous, and the awkwardness of a second 
description of Archemorus' fate would be far slighter if the first had been a more 
or less incoherent account by the distracted Hypsipyle, and not a formal report 
of another independent eyewitness. 


Our supposition of a voluntary surrender seems to harmonize with the 
mutilated fragment in which Eurydice first occurs among the dramatis per sonae. 
In Fr. 22 the speakers are an unnamed person who appears to be pleading the 
cause of Hypsipyle, the chorus, and Eurydice. The chorus praise the first 
speaker's nobility or generosity {yivv\aC ejAe^^as), and Eurydice follows with 
an angry accusation of using specious words (1. 1 1 τί το.ντ\α\ κομψ[α ...;). If the 
first speaker is Hypsipyle and she had courageously thrown herself upon the 
queen's mercy, ycwaios would be the natural epithet for the chorus to apply 
to her, while her scruples and excuses would no less naturally appear to the 
indignant mother as mere κομψότη^. Frs. 23-31 may for the most part well 
belong to the same scene as Fr. 22 ; in the case of three of them stichometrical 
figures show that they come from the central portion of the play (11. 600-800), 
though somewhat widely dispersed. 

Postponing for the moment the question of what further scenes may have 
here intervened, we pass on to Fr. 60, where sure ground is again reached. 
Hypsipyle is now being led off to her doom. She makes a final appeal to 
Eurydice, acknowledging indeed that she had unwillingly caused the child's death, 
but indignantly repudiating the charge of malicious negligence made against her 
by the queen (cf. 11. ^j-6 φησί b' rib' ίκουσίω? Kraveiv μ€ τταΓδα κάτηβουλξνσαί δο /uois, 
and Nauck Fr. 758). It is of no avail, and her position seems hopeless when at 
the critical moment Amphiaraus suddenly interposes. He had foreseen, he says, 
Hypsipyle's fate, and comes with the object of preventing it, not by force, but 
by persuasion. The queen, who here meets Amphiaraus for the first time, con- 
sents to hear him. He proceeds to tell her (11. 55-1 11) how he had induced 
Hypsipyle to show the way to the spring, and describes the accident with the 
deductions which he drew from it concerning the fate of the expedition against 
Thebes. He offers philosophical consolation, and concludes with the practical 
proposal that the army should give her son burial and institute a festival (the 
Nemean games) to perpetuate both his name and hers. Of Eurydice's reply 
only the first few lines are preserved, but their tone suggests that she had been 
convinced and was prepared to give way (11. 11 2-7). Another gap here occurs, 
but that it is of no very large extent seems to follow from the fact that in Fr. 64. 
Col. ii Amphiaraus is still found upon the stage. He has now done the further 
service of bringing about a recognition between Hypsipyle and her sons, and this 
accomplished he leaves them to mutual explanations in which the adventures 
of both parties are reviewed, Hypsipyle speaking mainly in lyrical measures and 
the sons more calmly in iambics. The i6ooth line is marked in the course 
of this column, and that the end of the play is imminent is also clear from 
the occurrence in the margin of the column following of the name of the god 


Dionysus as a speaker. Col. i of this fragment has almost entirely disappeared, 
but it must have been largely if not entirely occupied by the scene of anagnorisis, 
and therefore one or more columns are required between Fr. 60. ii and Fr. 64. i 
for Eurydice's decision and exit, and the development by Amphiaraus of the 
preliminaries, whatever they were, to the recognition. Stichometrical data point 
to a loss of three columns, to which probably should be assigned Frs. 61-3 
(cf. Fr. 61. 4-6, Fr. 62. 3, Fr. 6^. 6). A suitable place can also be found for the 
lyrical fragments 57-9 in the choral ode immediately preceding the long act 
which we have now reconstructed. In these fragments, of which the connexion 
is evident and the language recalls that of the parodos in the Bacchae, the chorus 
sings the praises of Dionysus. The topic at this juncture would be especially 
appropriate : the god is invoked to come to the assistance of his descendant 
in her extremity, and his actual appearance in the concluding scene is fittingly 
•presaged. In one of these fragments (57. 15; cf. note ad loc) the figure 1100 
probably occurs, which though consistent with the position assigned to them 
involves a final act of unusual length, if it be inferred from the presence of 
Amphiaraus (cf. p. 26) that Frs. 60 and 64 belong to a single act. The longest 
iioho'i in the extant plays of Euripides, that of the Ion, is under 400 lines, 
whereas the e^ooos here would reach nearly 600. Hence it is likely that a short 
choral ode, like e.g. that in Electra 1147-64, divided the exit of Eurydice 
and the recognition of Hypsipyle's sons, though not necessarily effecting a real 
break in the action. The large lyrical element in the two columns of Fr. 64 
is a further reason for reducing the part of the chorus in this section. 

Euripides' plot may thus be followed with sufficient clearness by means 
of the surviving fragments both in its earlier stages and its final denouement ; but 
there is an intermediate link which remains wrapped in obscurity. It would 
in any case have been not a little singular if Hypsipyle's sons who, as has 
been seen, appeared both at the outset and at the end of the play, were kept 
entirely out of the action during the rest of it. Secondly, an interval of some 
200 lines between about 11. 900 and 11 00 at present remains quite unaccounted 
for, and it is difficult to see how this can be filled without bringing in the sons in 
some way. Now on this point we have some external evidence to take into 
consideration, primarily that of the epigram in Anth. Pal. iii. 10 :— 

Φαΐζ^€, ©οαι^, Βάκχοιο ^ντον τόΐί' ματ€ρα yap σου 
ρύση του Θανάτου, οίκ^τιν Ύψίτιύλαν, 

h τον α-η EvpvUms €τλη χόλον, ημοί άττούραί 
ijbpos, 6 yas yevkas, ώλεσεν Άρχψορον. 

σΓ€Γχ€ δε και συ λιπών Άσωπίδοί ayKca κούρα? (?) 
γξίναμίνην &ζων Αημνον h ήγαθέην. 


To which the following explanation is prefixed : — h 6e τω κατά bvaiv τΐλ^υρω kariv 
fv apxfj του beKaTov ττίνακοζ Evvoos γξγλνμμ4νο5 και θόαζ, oijs (y^virqaev 'Ύψιτινλη, 
αναγνωριζόμενοι τγ μητρί καΐ την χρυσην beiKvvvTcs α/χττελο/•, οττερ ην avTols του yivovs 
σνμβολον^ καϊ ρνόμενοι αντην Trjs δια τον Άρχεμόρου θάνατον Trap' Eυρvbίκηs τιμωρίας. 
According to this Euneos and Thoas rescued Hypsipyle ; but in Euripides her 
preserver, properly so called, was certainly Amphiaraus. There thus appear to be 
two distinct traditions ; and it is even possible, as Wilamowitz suggests, to follow 
these to their source. There was at Athens a class of musicians called Evvelbai 
who traced their descent from Euneos the son of Hypsipyle ; cf. e, g. Hesych. 
y€Vos από Έ•ννήον (stc) κεκλημίνον, τον Ιάσονος υιοί, οίον yivos 6ρχ7]στών καΐ κιθαριστών 
. . οί bi, ytvos τι Άθηνησι κιθαρίστων, Photius yevos Άθήνησι μονσικόν, άττό Εύνεω 
του Ίάσονοί καΐ 'Τ\//•ΐ7Γΐίλ?]9. yivos εστί πάρα Άθηναΐοΐ5 οϋτωί όνομαζόμενον' ^σαν δέ 
κιθapωboί, irpos tols Upovpyias παράγοντες την χρείαν. Attic legend therefore brought 
Euneos to Athens, and would accordingly be likely to glorify him by giving him 
and his brother the credit of saving Hypsipyle. A clear reflection of this form 
of the legend is to be found in Euripides in Fr. 64. 98, where one of the sons 
(obviously Euneos) says that Orpheus had taught him the lyre. These con- 
siderations provide a clue, as Wilamowitz points out, to the tenour of the speech 
of Dionysus, whose appearance when the crisis was over would otherwise have 
remained rather unaccountable ; the god no doubt directed Euneos to go to 
Athens ^. It is quite in accordance with this inference to find from C. I. A. Hi. 274 
that Dionysus Melpomenos was the object of the family cult of the Euneidae. 
The other and probably older legend, which represented Hypsipyle as owing her 
preservation to Amphiaraus, is likely to have been derived from Theban epic 
tradition. Euripides contrived to combine both versions of the story ; but what 
part he assigned to the sons between their arrival at the palace and their recog- 
nition is a problem which still awaits solution. Hartung, Etirip. Rest. ii. pp. 431 
and 437-8, proposing in Arist. Poet. c. 14 και Iv rfj "EkXrj 6 vios την μητέρα 
(Kbibovai μέλλων ανεγνώρισαν to read 'Ύψιττυλτ} in place of "Ελλτ; (Valckenaer had 
conjectured Άντιόττ]]), thought that Euneos and Thoas were constituted Hypsi- 
pyle's judges and condemned her to death, a view supported, as he believed, 
by an amphora published by Gerhard in 1837, which represents Hypsipyle and 
Amphiaraus standing before Eurydice, with Euneos and Thoas on the side 
next Hypsipyle and the two chieftains Parthenopaeus and Capaneus next to 
Amphiaraus ; above the two former appears Dionysus, above the other pair 
Zeus and Nemea. But this evidence is of very doubtful value. In the passage 

^ He went on to Lemnos afterwards, at any rate according to Homer Η 467 sqq., where he is 
represented as sending cargoes of Lemnian wine to the Greek army— a most appropriate gift from 
a descendant of Dionysus. Cf. Anth. Pal. iii. 10. 5-6 quoted above. 



from the Poetics Έλλτ; (though otherwise unknown) is retained by the best 
modern editors ; and it is now clear that Ύψίττνλτ} would not really be suitable, 
for it was not the sons' recognition but the intervention of Amphiaraus that saved 
Hypsipyle ; the recognition came afterwards. As for the amphora, the artist's 
object seems to have been to include the principal figures associated in the 
legend rather than to depict a single scene of it ; at any rate it is evident that 
Hypsipyle, her two sons, Eurydice, Amphiaraus, Parthenopaeus, and Capaneus 
cannot all have been brought on the stage together by Euripides. There is 
apparently no road this way ; and we have searched vainly for a clue in the 
papyrus. One or two mutilated passages indeed in the central group of fragments 
may be interpreted as remains of a scene in which the sons appear, the most 
significant being Frs. 34-5. There Hypsipyle is alluded to by the periphrasis 
δμωΐ? η τροψόί ?] τέκνου, which in Wilamowitz^s opinion implies that the speaker 
was unacquainted with her name. The only characters to whom such ignorance 
would be natural are Euneos and Thoas ; and perhaps the latter name is to 
be recognized in Fr. ^^. 7, while 7r]eAas θνρων in 1. 2 of the same fragment may 
be a reference to their encounter with Hypsipyle in the prologos. But these 
fragments are too ambiguous to carry much weight, and they hardly bring 
us any nearer to the answer to the question how the sons were brought into con- 
nexion with the main action. If, as we have supposed, Hypsipyle did not carry 
out her idea of flight, they cannot have assisted her in it — although perhaps 
it was of the travellers whom she had befriended that she was thinking in 
her question to the chorus (Frs. 20-1. 15), ' What if I found some one to convey 
me out of the country ? ' Possibly there is a substratum of truth in Hartung's 
theory, and Eurydice in the absence of her husband turned to the two strangers 
for advice or support in her condemnation of the culprit. Or possibly — and this 
we think more likely — they may have gone to seek the assistance of Amphiaraus, 
although the natural inference from his words in Fr. 60. 37-8 is that his 
opportune arrival was spontaneous. This last suggestion would have the 
further advantage of bringing the young men into contact with Amphiaraus, and 
so give him an opportunity to discover their identity. Indeed it is difficult 
to perceive how otherwise he can have become aware of their presence at all — 
unless by a very remarkable display of his powers of divination. 

It will be convenient here to summarize briefly our conception of the 
dramatic structure. 

Prologos. Speech of Hypsipyle, describing her history and present circum- 
stances, after which she retires on some pretext into the palace. Arrival of 
Euneos and Thoas, who hold an explanatory conversation ; they then knock 
and Hypsipyle emerges with the child Archemorus. She inquires their business, 


and they enter. Hypsipyle left alone sings to the child. 11. i-about 200. 
Nauck Fr. 75s, Fr. i. i-ii. 14, Fr. 2, 

Parodos of Chorus of Nemean women. Strophe and antistrophe, each 
followed by lyrical response from Hypsipyle. About 11. 200-310. Fr. i. ii. 15- 
iv. 9. 

ist Epeisodion. Arrival of Amphiaraus, who converses with Hypsipyle and 
persuades her to conduct him to a stream of water. They go out together. 
About 11. 310-430. Fr. i. iv. lo-v, Frs. 3-5, Nauck Fr. 753. 

ist Stasimon. The chorus refer to the quarrel of Polynices and Tydeus at 
Argos, and their marriage with the daughters of Adrastus. About 11. 430-500. 
Fr. 7-9. 

2nd Epeisodion. Hypsipyle returns in great grief after the death of 
Archemorus. She laments his fate, and questioned by the chorus gives some 
description of what had occurred. Becoming calmer she considers plans of 
flight, but finally resolves to give herself up to Eurydice (?). About 11. 500-650. 
Frs. 10-13, Nauck Fr. 754-5, Frs. 20-1. 

2nd Stasimon. About 11. 650-700. 

3rd Epeisodion, Hypsipyle and Eurydice ; Hypsipyle is condemned to 
death. About 11. 700-850. Frs. 22-32, Nauck Frs. 758, 760. 

3rd Stasimon. About 11. 850-900. 

4th Epeisodion. Euneos and Thoas take an uncertain part in the action. 
They were probably confronted with Eurydice, and perhaps subsequently induced 
either by an appeal from Hypsipyle or by natural generosity to go and seek 
assistance from Amphiaraus. About 11. 900-1080. Frs. '^'^S- 

4th Stasimon. The chorus sing the praises of Dionysus and call on him for 
succour. About 11. 1080-1150. Frs. 57-9. 

5th Epeisodion. Hypsipyle is led out to meet her doom. Arrival of 
Amphiaraus, who persuades Eurydice of Hypsipyle's real innocence. Exit 
Eurydice. About 11. 1 150-1350. Fr. 60. i-ii. 

5th Stasimon. About 11. 1350-75. 

Exodos. Amphiaraus brings about the recognition between Hypsipyle and 
Euneos and Thoas, and then leaves the mother and sons together. Dionysus, the 
ancestor of the family, appears ex machina, and sends Euneos to Athens. About 
11. 1375-1720. Frs. 61-64, Nauck Frs. 756, 761, 762, Fr. ap. Lydus. 

With regard to the number of the actors, though the characters in the play 
are only six, they would require four αγωνισταί to represent them if the papyrus 
is followed in the ascription of Fr. 64. 68-70 to the two sons of Hypsipyle — 
whether they speak simultaneously or one after the other ; cf note ad loc. If the 
number is to be reduced to the ordinary three, one of the sons must be a mute. 


It is clear from internal evidence that Euneos is the speaker in Fr. 64. loi (cf. 
p. 28), while the papyrus assigns Fr. i. i. 7 sqq. to Thoas ; but the former may 
have been the κωφον -ΰρόσωττον in one scene, the latter in the other. 

The Hypsipyle was one of the latest of Euripides' plays, being brought 
out not long before Aristophanes' Frogs, as stated by the scholiast on 1. ^^t 
of that comedy row ττρό oKiyov hiha\QivT(iiv και KoKQiv^ 'Τψιπνλη9, Φοινισσων, 
Άΐ'τωττ7]9 : the Frogs was produced in 405 B. c, Euripides having died the year 
before. This statement of date is borne out by indications traceable in the 
character of the lyrical odes (cf. notes on Fr. i. ii. 15 sqq.), as well as by the 
repeated parodies of the Hypsipyle in the Frogs (cf e.g. notes on Fr. i. ii. 8-10, 
Fr. 7. 4), which are more natural if the play be supposed to be fresh in the 
memory of Aristophanes' audience. From the conjunction of the three names 
in the above-mentioned note of the scholiast it has been inferred by some critics, 
e. g. Hartung and Meineke, that the Hypsipyle, Phoenissae, and Antiope belonged 
to the same tetralogy; but this is quite uncertain. The remark that they 
were ' fine ' tragedies probably reflects the popular verdict, which in the case 
of the Hypsipyle has been endorsed, on the strength of the scanty evidence before 
them, by modern critics : ' drama eximiiim', Valckenaer, Diatr. p. 211, ^ fabula 
vcmistissima reriim varietate distinctal Hartung, op. cit. ii. p. 411. We now 
know that there was not quite so much varietas as Hartung imagined, but 
the remains happily brought to light at Oxyrhynchus sufficiently justify his 
epithet ' veitusta '. If none of the new fragments reveals Euripides in his 
sublimest poetic flights, they maintain a high level of excellence, and need 
not fear comparison with much of his extant work ; while the fact that the 
dramatization of this part of the Hypsipyle legend appears to be essentially 
a Euripidean creation renders the recovery of at any rate the bulk of his plot, 
with upwards of 300 verses either complete or capable of suitable restoration, 
a matter of especial satisfaction. 

In arranging the fragments of the papyrus we have placed them so far 
as possible in what we conceive to have been their original order. The small 
group, which, as already explained (p. 20), was found separately, and both from 
the stichometrical numeration and internal evidence appears to represent the 
central portion of the play, has been kept together (Frs. 6-17, 20-56) ; the other 
minor fragments, the contents of which give no sufficient clue to their position, 
are placed at the end. Finally on pp. 80-83 we print the previously known 
citations from the play, and attempt to assign them their place among the 
fragments of the papyrus. 


Fr. I. Col. i. 

ypa[ 24 letters ]€θίσ 

V^i. ]?ΤΓ . [ ]θνρμα[.]α 

άσa)v[?^δyf)μωveκγa\r][. . . .'\ρζνασ 

νμΗσ^κρουσάτ ωνξανία[ ](Γ 

5 ωμακαριασφωνητ^κο\. . . .'\τίσποτην 

τίτω[.]δζμξλαθρων8ί[. . .]νοιπροση\Θίτον 
θοασ σ7€γ[.]σκ€χρϊ7/ζ€^'[.]ι/[. . . .]•)(βηναιγυναι 

€ίδΐ'[. .]τον . [•]ΐΊ^νκτ€[ ]αιμίαι/ 

€χο[. .]νδ ο[.]ωνδ€Ϊτ[.]ττο[. . •]><ν[.]ηροιδο[ 
ΙΟ €σο[.]€σθατοΐσδ€τοδ€σοΐ'ωσβχ€ΐμ[. .]€ΐ 

[. . . .]7Γθτοσ/ζ[. . .]ΐκ[.]σ•αρσίνωνκν[. .]ι 
[ 17 letters ] . [. .]δωμ[.]τα 

Fr. 2. 

θοασ ovKeu^el 
5 7Γροσ^α[ • 



ΙΟ . . [.](Wi'e5[ 

Fr. I. Col. ii. Plate J I. 

[ ] . . όσοι 

[ ]οσΐδζσθαί 


[ ] . . ρ\ονωσ€ΐΌπρον 

Fr. 1. 


Col. i. 


CT^.) . 

ypa[ 24 letters Jeoty 

ή'|€[ί ]σπ .[ α\6νρμα[τ\α 

a σων [ο\8υρμων €κγαλη[ρΐ€Ϊ φ]ρ€να?. 

νμ€Ϊί ίκρονσατ, ώ v€avta[t, τπίλα]? ; 

ώ μακάρια σφων η τζΚθ[νσ , η\τι^ ποτ ην. 

τί τα{ν]8€ μζλάθρων δ€[6μ€]νοι ττροσήλθίτον ; 
Θ 6α?. στ€γ[η]? Κ€χρήμζ& [€]v[tos ά]χθηναι, γνναι, 

€ί δι{να]τον ήΐμΐγ ννκτ ί\ναυ\[σ\αι μίαν. 

'ίχο\μ(\ν S' ο[σ]ων δζΐ' τ[ί] πο[τ€] λν[π]ηροι δ6[μοις 

ξσ6[μ]ζσθα τοΐσδζ ; το 5e σον ώ? βχεί μ[ζν]ύ. 
(Τψ.) [άδζσ]ποτο? μ[€ν ο]ίκ[ο]9 άρσίνων κν[ρ€]ΐ 

[ 17 letters ]•[••! 8ώμ[α]τα 

Fr. 2. 

(Ύψ.) [..]μ.[ 

γννη 5[e 
θόαΓ. ονκ ΐν ξ€[νωσι 
5 προς δ* α[ 

(Τψ.) ηκιστ[α 
ael δζ [ 
αλλ* €is ν[ 
ΙΟ . . [']όύν ζδ[ 


Fr. Ι. 

Col. ϋ. 

Plate Π. 

(Τψ.) [ ]• • όσοι 

[ ]oy Ιδβσθαι 

Γ ] . . ρχον ώ? ίνοπτρον 




[ ]οφαήτΐν ανγαν 

5 [ ]άνξηματοσον 

[. ."^νησωμαηίκνονζν 




/ / ουτά6^(ΐ^ψασοντά8€κ^ρκί8οσ 
ΙΟ ιστοτόνονπαραμυθιαλημνια 

Κρ Η 

15 ]ησύπαραπροθνροισ(Ι>ιλα 




20 στόματοσα^ικΚηζομίναν 




25 φρονρξΐμναμοσνναδΐσοι 



τάναιγ αιοσζλι[.]σων 


δ€νροτανλ€ΐμωναν€μ€ΐ[ ] 

3θ απάγ€ΐχαλκ€ΐο[.]σοπλο[ ] 

ω[. .]ΐΓ6δασα[. ']ασ[. .]σ[ 
35 ο[.]€κα\ξσ€μζνο[ 


[. . λ6ΐ;κ]ο0α^ τιν avyav 
5 6 [ ] αΰξημα το σον 

7 [. .] μνήσωμαι, reKvou, €v- 

8 ωτΓοΓίρ ή Oepaneiais. 

9 ιδού κτνπο9 δδ€ κροτάλων άν(ω). 
η ον τάδξ ττηνα^ ου τάδξ Κ€ρκίδο^ 

ΙΟ 12 ίστοτόνου παραμυθία Λήμνια, 

13 Μονσα, μίλα μς κρίκων, ο Τί δ' e/y νπνον 

14 τ; χάριν η θ^ραπεύματα πρόσφορα 
16 [7r]ai5i πρίπίΐ ν€αρω 

16 τάδζ μζλωδο? αύδω. 

Xo(poy)] 15 ι τί συ πάρα προθύροΐ9, φίλα; στρ, β 

2 πότερα δώματος εισόδους 

3 σαίρ€ΐ9 ή δρόσον ίπΐ πίδω 

4 βάλλΐΐς οΐά τ€ δούλα, 

8 ή ταν Άργω ταν δια σου 
20 * στόματος del κλτιζομίναν 

7 π€ντηκόντ{ρ)ρον αδίΐς, 
1 77 το χρνσίόμαλλον 

9 Upbu δίρος ο π€ρι δρυο9 

10 δζοις όμμα δράκοντας 

25 η φρουρεί, μναμοσύνα δί σοι 
H τάς άγχιάλοίο Λήμνου 

15 ταν Αιγαίος έλί[σ]σων 

14 κνμο{κ)τύπος ayju, 

15 δίϋρ οτ αν λειμώνα Νίμ€ΐ\ον 
3© η άπάγα χαλκί{ι}ο[ϊ\σ{ιν) οπλο[ις 

17 'Apyuov π\<ί\δίον πα[ρύς 

18 kπl το τα[ς] κιθάρας ίρυμα, 

19 τα? Άμφιονίας €ργον [χ^ρος 

20 ά[κυ]πόδας 'Ά[δρ]ασ[το]ς [Άρη θοόν ', 
35 21 ό \δ'\ ίκάλΐσζ /iei/o[s ... 

D 2, 




4° [ ]οτ[ 

• • • • 

Fr. I. Col. iii. Plate II. 

[ 1^«.'[•] 

[ ]ρακιαν 

[ ]σ[.]μ(νησορονσασ 

5 πρνμνησιαναψαι 

γιν' ν 

ΙΟ θρησσ'ΐβοακίθαρίσορφίω^ 
τοτ(δ' ζίλατίρασανατταυμαπλατα^. .] 
1 5 τ[.]δ€μοιτα8€θνμοσϊ8ζΐΐ'ί€ται 
\ 7Γαρασοφων€κλνοι^λογο[.]σ 

2θ 7Γθ\ινκαιηατριονσδομον[ 


ίνρωπαλίποΰσ απΐβα 




22 ποικίλα σάματα [. . . 

23 τό^α re χ^ρύσ{€)α [. . . 

24 ica[i] μονοβάμον€[ς . . . 

25 άαρόμ^νοι \θ[ον 
4θ 26 [ ]οτ[ 

Fr. Ι. Col. iii. ' Plate II. 

( Τψ.) [ ]ρ«'[•] άντιστρ. α 

[ Θ\ρακίαν 

[ ]σ[.]/ί€ί'7;ί opovaas 

Ιπ οϊδμα γαΧηνύα^ 
5 πρνμνήσι άνάψαι, 

β τον ά τον ποταμο(ΐο) παρ- 

Ί Bkvo^ A'iyiv ίτίκν(ύσζ.\ν\ Πη- 

8 λεα, μίσω δι παρ* Ιστω 

9 'Aaias ίλ€γ{ο)ν ίηιον 

ΙΟ 10 Θριίσσ' ^βόα κίθαρις Όρφύως, 
11 μακροπόλωι/ πιτυλων epiTrjai κ€- 
χιΧξύσματα μζ^Κπομ^να{ν] , τ6τ€ μ\ν τα^- 
13 τίΚουν τότ€ S' ΐίλατίνας άι/άτταν/^α πλά- 
ι 5 14 Ta[y.] r[aj5e μοι τάδξ θυμός {ν)δζΐι/ 'ύ- 
18 ται, Δαναών δ\ πόνους 
16 €T€pos άναβοάτω. 
Xo(j}6s). 1 πάρα σοφών '4κλνον λόγο[ι;]9 ' άντιστρ. β 

2 π(ρ)6τ€ρον ώς €πΙ κυμάτων 
2θ 3 πόλιν και πατρίους δ6μου[9 
4 Φοίνικας Τυρία παις 
Β Ενρώπα λιποΰσ ίπίβα 
β Αίοτρόφον Κρήταν Upav 
1 Κουρητών τροφον ανδρών f 



25 ατζκνωναρότοισ{]ν 

τρίσσοισ€λιπ€νκρα[. . .] 
αργΐΐανθ' €Τ€ραρκλνω 




. .^τανθίοσΐίσφροντίδαθησοί 

...']. [.]σδηφίλατομ€σον[.] 







.] . κυπο . ο[.]μ€τανισσ€ται[ 
■ -]γ(ν€α[. . . .] 

.]ωσ . [ 


Fr. Ι. 

Col. iv. 


]ν€μονάγαγίποτ€ . [ 




τισανηγοοσημ^λοσηκίθαρασ .κιθαρι.[ 

€7Γΐδακρυσ€ίμοΰσ ανοδνρομίνα • €ηιδακρνσιμ[. 



ωζ^υν^μίαστησ^ άΚσοσ^γων 

τινοσ€μπορίαστοΰσ8' €γγυσορω 




30 13 




25 8 α τέκνων άρ6τοισ\ϊ\ν 

9 τρισσοΐς eXincu κρά[το9] 

10 \ώρα9 τ όλβιοι/ άρχ^άν. 
η 'Apydav & iripau κλνω 

οϊσ]τρω βασίλζίαν Ίω 

τΓάτ]ρα9 άμφίί άμξΐψαί 

Κ€ρ]ασφ6ροι/ άταν. 

ταΰ\τ αν 6eos e/y φροντίδα θτ} σοι 

...']. [.]? 8ή, φίλα, το μύσον 

] άπολ€ίψ€ΐ 

TTJarepoy πατίρα 

]''"^Χ^^ ae^ei/ 

] ώκύπορο[$\ μ^τανίσσίται 

] γ^ν(α[. . . .] 


]^<^ '[ 


] . [ 

1 . ο . Γ 

35 18 

40 23 

Fr. Ι. 

Col. iv with Fr. 3. 

(Τψ.) ν€μον ayayk ποτ€ . [ 

Kv(v)ay6v Τ€ Π{ρ)6κριν 
τάν πόσΐί 'ίκτα 
κατ€θρήνησ€ν aoiSais. 
θάνατος ΐλαχ^ξ τά^ e /ίά 7Γάβζ[α. 
τις αν η yoos ή μύλος ή κιθάρας 
eni Βάκρυσι μοΰσ άνοδνρομύνα 
μ€τα Καλλιόπας 
€7Γί πόνους αν '4λθοι ; 
(Χο.) ώ Ζ^ΰ Νζμίας τήσ^ άλσος '4χων 

τίνος εμπορίας τονσδ' kyyύς ορώ 


ι i 

ι5 άμφια ωσ€\ρονανθρωποίσίναιΤ€ρημιαι 





2θ τοΰτζίσβξβηκξνάσμίνοσδ €Ϊδονδομ[ 

τονσδ' €νδιοσλιμώνιν€μ€άδοσ\Θον[ 



τίνοσταδανδ ρων μη\οβοσκαδωματ\ 
35 φΧξίουντίασγησούξ^νηνομιζ^ταί 

νψητυ\-^ [.]λβια\υκονργουμξ\α6ρακληζίταίτα[ 




αμΨ [.]υτονλαβ€ΐΐ'[.]ρ[. . . .]μαν€νκρ^ο^σσοΐσυδωρ 
3θ [.]€ρι/ιβαθ€θί[.]ίν6[. . .]ωσχρησαίμΐθα 

στρατονδζπλη θζ ιπαντασυνταρασσ^ται 
νψι^ [. . .]νβσμο\οντ€σκαιχ[.]ονοσ7Τθίασαπο 

€κτωνμνκηνων[. .]μ€Ραργ€ίθΐγ€ν[ 

35 [.]ρια^υπ€ρβαίνοντ€σ€ίσαλληνχθονα 

[. . .]ατουπρ[.]θυσαφου\ομ€σθαδαν[.]ιδ(ί[.] 
[.]μ€ΐσ[. ...]..[... .]Θαπροσκαδμονπνλασ 
[ 19 letters ]υτυχωσγνναί '€ΐδη[ 

[ 5, „ ]σονθ€μί[. .]a6eiv 

40 [ 20 „ ]αδα'π[. . . .]κηνπατρασ 

Fr. 3• [• . •Μ ]ασθηρά[ 

παι[.]ρϊκ[ ]αμφιαρ[ 


7Γ€λαταί ^eivovs Αωρίδι πύπλων 
€σθή{σ\τι σαφίΐί npbs rovaSe δόμουί 
στίίχονταί ^ρημον αν άλσος ; 
15 Άμφιάρ^αος). cos kyOpov άνθρώποισιν αϊ τ ί{κδ)ημίαί 
όταν 76 χρΐίαν ^ίσπβσων οδοιπόρος 
αγρούς έρημους και μονοικήτους ιδτ] 
ά^φιλος) άρ€ρμήν€υτο{ς) άπορίαν 'ί^ων 
οπτ) τράπηταΐ' κάμ\ yap το ^[uja^^epey 
20 τοϋτ βίσβίβηκΐν άσμ^νος δ' €Ϊδον δ6μ[ου9 

τονσ^ kv Αιος λ^ιμώνι Νίμξάδος χθον[6ς. 
και σ, €Ϊτ€ δούλη τοΐσδ' kφkστηκas δ6μ[οις 
iiT ού)ζΙ δοΰλον σώμ έχουσ', kpήσoμaι 
τίνος τάδ' ανδρών μηλοβοσκα δώματ[α 
25 ΦλΗουντίας γης, ω ^ίνη, νομίζεται. 

'Τ\ΙηΐΓν[λ[η).] [6]λβια Λυκούργου μίλαθρα κλ-βζ^ται τά\δ^, 
\ο\ς k^ άπάσης {αί)ρ€θάς 'Ασωπία{ς) 
κλτ]δον•)^6ς kaTi τούπιχωρίου Διός. 
Άμφ{ίαραος). [ρ]υτον λαβείν [)(]p[vC°']f^' «"^ ^ι/ κρωσσοις ύδωρ 
3θ [χ]€ρνιβα ^€θΓ[σ]ίΐ' 6[διον] ώς χ{ί)αιμ€θα. 

στ{ρ\ατων γαρ υδάτων [ν]άματ ου διΐπβτή, 
στρατού δι πλήθ€ΐ πάντα συνταράσσεται, 
'Τψιπ{ύλη). [τι]νξς μόλόντΐς και χ[θ]ονος ποίας άπο ; 
(Λμφ.) €Κ των Μυκηνών [^σ]μ€ν Άργζΐοι γΐν[ος, 
35 [ο]ρια S' υπερβαίνοντες εις άλλην γβόνα 

\στρ\ατου π^οψΰσαι βουλόμεσθα Ααν[ά\ι'δώ[ν.] 
[ή]μεΐς [γαρ ώ]ρμ[ήμεσ]θα προς Κάδμου πύλας, 
\εϊ πως θεοί πεμποιεν ε]ύτυχως, γύναι. ει δη [ 
{'Τψ.) [τι δε στρατεύεσθ' , ει γε] σον θεμι[ς μ]αθεΐν ; 
4θ (Αμφ.) [κατάγειν θελοντες φυγ]άδα ΙΙ[ολυνί\κην πάτρας. 

(Τψ.) [συ δ^] ώ[ν τις άλλων πημον]ας θηρα[ς λαβείν ; 
(Αμφ.) πα^ς] Οικ[λεους τ οι μάντις] Άμφιάρ[εως kγώ. 


ω/ζ6γαλ[ .']ιακαί\ 

πώσ(5'θίλ[ ]σ-α . [ 

Fr. 4. . . . 

[• λ7Α 

]/ ονομα\ 

5 ί[ 

Fr. Ι. Col. ν. . 


5 €γημοκλ . [ 
ΙΟ €ίπονθ€ασφν[ 

[ Υ'Ί 

Fr. 5• . . . Fr. ι. Col. ν. . 

οσκαισ\ ~τ — ' r 
• ■• ο ωσον . [ 

3ο ονδυ[ 

£5. [ 



('Τλ /r.) ώ ft€yaX[a ]ia και [5=i - v^ - 

(Αμψ.) πω? S οίλ[ ]σα . [ 

Fr. 4. 

(Αμφ.) [. .]σ6[ 

(Tx/r.) η τον [ 

(Αμφ.) όνομα [το σον νυν και yivos λίξον, γνναι. 

(Τψ.) η Λημ[νία χθων 'Τψιπνλην 'ύθρζψί μ€. 

(Αμφ.) : [ 

Fr. Ι. Col. ν. 

(Αμφ.) γχ^νή μ' 'ineiae . . . 

(Τψ•) όσια φ[ρονονσ η . . . 

(Αμφ.) €δ€ξ[αθ' ορμον . . . 

(Τψ.) πόθΐν μ[ 376 

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(Τψ.) eis ην TIS α[ν και 6eol συνήλθον eh γάμους. 

(Αμφ.) ταύτΐ) δίδωσ[ιν ορμον Αφροδίτη καλόν. 

(Τψ.) θ€θΐ θίων γά[ρ ηαισίν ξύμ^ν^ΐς aei. 

(Αμφ.) Πολύδωρος ου[ν ίκλ^ζίθ' ούξ αύτων γόνος. 380 

ΙΟ (Τ ψ.) d που θίάς φν[ς θίΐ' Ιδύξατ, ΰκότως. 

(Αμφ.) τούτου δΙ παΐ[ς ην Αάβδακος 2=i _ ^ _ 

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Fr. 5 Fr. I. Col. ν 

(A) [.]€ί . [ (Τ ψ.) €ίρήσ[€ται 

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(Τψ.) 8βδο[ι]κα θ[αν]άτω παιδοί οία π€ίσομ[αι. 

(Χο.) ονκουν άπαρό? γ, ώ τάλαινα, σ[υμψορων. 

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( Τψ.) πόδβς κρίρ[ο]νσι τοντο κα[1 π]ροθυμία. 

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(Tf.) [ ] . iTovo[ μ) ri φ[η]ς e[ 

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και μη δι όρ[γής (^) co ττα . [ 

χρόνω δ€ βον[λ (β) τδ //[ 

5 το τώί/ γυναι[κων 

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καν διαριθμ[η Fr. 24 

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Fr. 32 Fr. 33 

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δόμων άνασσα' τω γαρ €ύ{π)ρ€π€Ϊ σ ίδων 

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ψυνηνδ' €σανδροσηγνι^αικοσονκαλοΐ' 

5θ ωξ€Ρβπροσαργ€ίπλησια[.]ναιωνχ^θονα 

παντωνδ' ακοονσ οΐδασ€θ[.]τασωφρονα 

ουγαρποτ βιστο8Όμμα€βλ[.]ψασπαρων 



55 γvyaιτoτησδζτηστaλaίπωpovκ[.]κov 

αγριωσφ€ρονσανσ€ηπιονθ[ ]ω 




6ο ταντην€γώξ€π€ίσακρηναωρ[. .]νοσ 

δίΐ^αιδια'γνωνρζυματων]^ ] 

σ apYCioviucr 

στρατιαιτρο6υμ(^σωστίν[.'\ .fj^i •] 

Fr. 6ο. Col. ii. Plate III. 

3 (?) lines lost. 

[ ]i^?"^^[ 

[. . . .]παίσ/ί€[ 
[. . .\ασαμίν[ 
[. .]6ίσ5€[ 
70 [. . .]αί06λ[ 
[. .'\ακωνασ\ 
/ ^κ oi/riaea[ 

75 ^/^6ta5ei"5o[ 


σώφρον yap όμμα τούμον 'Ελλήνων λόγορ 
45 ΤΓολύ? διήκ€ΐ' και πβφυ)^ οντωγ, γνναι, 

κοσμίΐν τ (μαντον καΙ τα διαψβρονθ' όράν. 

erreir άκουσον, τον τάγον^ Se tovS' aves' 

eis μ€ν γαρ άλλο πάν άμαρτάν€ΐν χρεών, 

ψνχην ^ €5• avSpbs ή γνναικοί αν καλόν. 
5θ {Εύρ.) ω ^€ί/€ npos "Apyei ΤΓλησία[ν] ναίων χθόνα, 

πάντων {δ'\ άκο(ν)ουσ οΊδά σ 6[ν]τα σώφρονα- 

ου yap ποτ eh τόδ' ομμ {αν) €βλ[€]ψα9 παρών. 

νυν δ' d τι βονλ{ΐ)), και κλύζ[ι]ν σέθεν θέλω 

και σ (κδιδάσκίΐν ουκ ανάξιος yap ei. 
55 (^/^Φ•) yvvai, το τησδξ τή? ταλαίπωρου κ[α]κον 

αγρίων φίρουσάν σ ήπιον θ[€σθαι θ€λ]ω, 

ου τήνδζ μάλ[λ]ον ή το της δ[ι\κη9 ό[ρ]ων. 

αισχύνομαι δ^ Φοΐβον ου δι ψπύρ[ω]ν 

τύχνην €πασκω{ν}, \/λ€Γ'5ο9 €[ι τ]ι λίξομεν. 
6ο ταύτην iyco 'ξβπ€ΐσα κρηναΐον [ya]vo9 

δΐΐξαι δι αγνών ρευμάτων [όπως λάβω 

στρατιάς πρόθυμ', 'Apyeiov ως δ[ΐ€κπερών 

Fr. 6ο. Col. ϋ. Plate III. 

3 iiii^s lost. 

[ ]υσιν[ 

[....] παΊς pe[ 
[. . .]ασα μ\ν [ 
[ημΥΐς δε [ 
7ο [. . .]αί θέλ[οντες 
[δρ]άκων ασ[ 
ήκόντισ ά[ 
καί νιν δρ6μ[ω 
ζΐλιξεν άμφΙ[1 
75 ήμεΪ9 5' Ιδ6[ντ€ς 





8ο 6ρνιθαδ'αργ€ΐο[ 





85 νοστονκνρησ[ 




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95 καιτορμζνβι[ 



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Ι05 €ντώ8€μ€ . [ 




€γω ο ero^cfa [ f 

άρ)(η γαρ ημΐν [πημάτων πολλών θανών 

Αρ•χ^€μορ69 ί[στιν 

συ τ ονχι σαυτη[ν 
8ο όρνιθα δ' Άργζίο[ι<η 

και μη στολ[ 


πολλοί δ[ 

Κάδμου [ 
85 νόστου κυρησ[ 

"Αδράστου ΐξβτάρ[α πάτριον αν πίδον 

Ιπτα στρατηγ[ων €κσ€σωσμύνο9 μ6νο9. 

τα μ\ν γ€ν6μ€ν[α δη σαφώς ίπίστασαι• 

α δ' αΰ παραινώ τ[αΰτά μοι δίξαι^ γνναι. 
go ξψυ μ\ν ούδβΐς ο[στΐ9 ου πονύ β ρότων 

θάπτει {ν\ Τ€ τβκ[να γατ^ρα κτάται via 

αύτ6(ς) Τ€ θνησκβ\ΐ' και τάδ' ay^ovTai βροτοι 

€19 γην φ€ροντ€ς [γήν. αναγκαίων ^ e^et 

βίον θ^ρίζίΐν ω\στ€ κάρπιμον στάγυν, 
95 <θΛ τον μίν €ί\ναι τον δ\ μή• τί ταντα δζΐ 

στίν€ΐν απβ[ρ δβΐ κατά φύσιν διβκπβράν ; 

α δ' €ΐκο9 'Αργο[ 

θάψαι δο9 ήμ[ΐν 

αλλ' €is τον ά€[ί τοι γ^ρόνον τοις πήμασιν 
ιοο τοΓ[? σο]Ϊ9 βρ6τ([ιον ώφβλήσβται yevo9. 

κλ€ΐνο9 γαρ €σ[ται τάφο? iv άνθρωποι? δδβ, 

άγώνά τ αντω \yυμvικov συστήσομβν 

στ€φάνου9 διδ[6ντ€9 τοΪ9 κρατοΰσι φυλλάδος. 

ζηλωτος (στ[αι δ' άνδράσιν νίκη πάνυ. 
ιο5 €v τωδβ μ\ν [ 

μνησθήσ€τα[ι δ' ώ? 

ίπωνομάσθη [ 




no σννγαρκαλώσο[ 
[. .]ησσονημην[ 

115 καίτασδιαιταστω[ 
7γ[. .]θώδ€τοισμ([ 
το[ ]αίθ/σ[ 

Fr. 6ι. 

Fr, 62. 




5 ]λΘοιιονπαρ6νθΌ . [ 
']σθ'€λξνθ€ραν . [ 
]ι;λ£''>ία[. . .]ιλά[ 

]νητομο . 
5 ]ονκωλνΗ 


] . ονφραΐ 

Fr. 6^. 

]θ€ΐΛ'στιν(ΐστα[.]δ€ . [ 


Νίμύας κατ άλσ[ο?. τήνδζ δ' ονν λΰσαί σ€ χρή, 

αναίτια γάρ' τοΓί [ 
Ι ΙΟ σνν γαρ καλώ σό\ν, ω γύραι, πάθο9 reAet 

θήσ€ί σ€ και παίδ* [e/s το λοιπόν €ύκλ€€Ϊ9. 
^Εύρ.) ω τταΓ, το μίν σοι τ[ 

[. .] ησσον ή μην[ 

[π]ροί ray φνσίΐς [χρη και τα πράγματα σκοπύν 
115 KOU TOLS δίαιτα? Tci)[u κακών re κάγαθών, 

π[€ΐ]θω δΐ τοις μ€[ν σώφροσιν πολλην 'ίχ^ιν, 

To[iy μη δικ]αίοΐ9 [δ' ονδξ σνμβαλλζΐν χρξών. 


Fr. 6τ. 
(Τψ. ?) 

Fr. 62. 

]λ' ο[ϋ]ρι' άζήλω κα[κω 
ηλ]θ€ καρδία? €σ[ω 
]σ^ [ej^oiS" V€avi[ 
η]λ& δμον παρόνθ' ομ[ω9 
ζώ]σιν ή τ€θνάσι δ[η 
]λλα δυστυχονν[τ 
] δουλύαν πικρ\αν 
]y άνηνντου? λό[γοι;? 
]ανσομαί σ€ δω[ 
] καταστήσ€ΐας ά[ν 
πρδ\σθ' Ιλ^υθίραν . [ 
]ρο? d συ μοι τ€ρ[ 
σ]οφω δοίη? χό[ριν 
15 ]υλίκα[. . .]ιλα[ 



]νητομο . 
Λ]ημνίαΐ9 6δ€ 
]ξαιμ€ν αν 
] ου κωλύίΐ 
"[ovs μολζΐν 
]eiay τινο9 
]ν πλάκα 
] . ου φρα[σ 


Fr. 6;^. . 

] άνδρα κατ4φυγζν [^ - «^ - 

]θΐΐν €στιν €ί? τα[.'\δζ. . [^ — 

jofS" άν^θ^σαν τάς συν[^ — 

F 2 







26 lines lost. 


5 lines lost. 


4 lines lost. 

4 lines lost. 

5 ]ουκ€χοΐ'σίσι;/ί/ίαχουσ[ 


]^ίσωσ7Γ6/3€ίϊ'[[α]]ωσ . 



Fr. 64. Col. i. 

4 lines lost. 


]δωνίσι θρα 


]γγαιον οροσ 



3 lines lost. 



]Y]f<0'-'J κα-Γ 

end of column 

Fr. 64. Col. ii. 


6o €πιφ6βον€πιτ€ 

άμφια τηΐ'μ€νπαρη[.]ώνωγυραίφ6ρηχ^αριρ 
65 απ^δωκακαγώσοιπρόθνμαβσπαΐδβ σω 

ου φ τήνδε 


καΐχαιρ€Τ ημ([.]σδ 'ωσπ€ρορμημ€σθαδη 

οινψι^ ζνδαιμονοιησ•ά^ωσγαρωξ€Ρ€ 
7ο €νδαιμοροίησ•δητατωνδ€σωνκακων 



5 ] ουκ '(ίγουσι συμμάχους 
jy Άμφίάρ^ω^' σωσαι \y — 
]0ί9 ώστΓβρεί ν^ως . [ 


Fr. 64. 

%6 lines lost. 

Col. i. 


5 lines lost. 
4 lines lost. 




4 lines lost. 

Ή]δωνίσι Θρα- 

Πά]γγαιον opos 
] τή5 Θράκη8 

3 lines lost. 



4 lines lost. 



> ην 

]f κότ(ω). 





Fr. 64. 

Col. ii. 

('Ti/r.) TCifi/a τ 

ava μίαν 


άνάπ[α]λιν ίτρόγ^ασ^ν 
6o CTTi φόβον επί {re} 
χά/αίΐ/ eXi'|ay, 

)(p6vco 5* ζξβλαμψζν βύάμ^ρο?. 
Άμφίάρ{αοή. την μίν παρ' ή[μ]ων, ω γύναι, φίρτ) χάριν, 
end δ' ψοΐ Ίτρόθυμο? ησ& οτ ήντ6{μην) 
65 άπίδωκα κάγω σοι προθυμ' es παΐδβ σώ. 

σωζον Se δη συ {τίκνα} σφω δΙ τήνδζ μητίρα, 
και χαίρξβ'' ήμ€[ΐ]9 δ', ωσπξρ ώρμήμΐσθα δη, 
στράηυμ a[y]oi/res ήξομ^ν Θήβα? km. 
οΓΤψιπ{ύλη9) ζύδαιμονοίη?, a^ios yap, ώ ^ej/e, 

VOL. 70 ίύδαιμονοίη? δήτα- των δβ σων κακών, 

τάλαινα μήτ€ρ, θ^ων τίί ώ? άπληστο? ή{ν). 





νψί"^ αιαιφνγαστβμ^θζνασζφυγον 



75 ήγάρσ€τα^ανπατ€ρασονκατακταν€ΐν 




π σν8'ζξξκλ€ψασπώσπ6δαωστ€μηθαν€ίν 

~ ~ _ β 

8ο ακτασβαρν]^δ'^ρομουσ 


: ίρημονκόιταν 




85 νανττλωνζίσλιμζναξζνί^ων^πόρον 

άγα ^ 

αγ6νμ€8ουλοσ[.]νατ (π€βασανωτξ[.]ΐΌΐ/ 



μηστίρ' €π€υτν\ιαισίν 
. ' δ 

9© αλλασνπωσ€τράφησοτ€δ' evTivi 




αργωμζκαίτονδ" ηγαγ€ΐσκολχ^α>νπολίν 
απομαστίδιονγ €μωνστ€ρνων 
95 ξπ^ιδ'ΐα^ι^ωνζθανΐμοσμητζρπατηρ 

οίμοικακωνλίγξίσδακρυάτ ομμασιν 
/ τίκνορξμοισδιδωσ 

ιοο τίθ€μζνοσ€ν€π€μοίτξκνον 



Ύ\Ιηπ(ύλη). αίαΐ φυγαί {τ} ίμύβζν as 'ίφνγον, 

ω τίκνον, d μάθοί?) Λήμνου πόντιας 

ttoXlov otl πατβρο? ουκ '4τζμον κάρα. 1595 

75 {Εΰν.) η yap σ ίτα^αν πατέρα σον κατακτανεΐν ; 
( Τψ.) φόβος e^et //e τωι> τ6τ€ κακών ίω 

τ€κν(ον), οία τξ FopyaSes ^ν λίκτροι? 
€κανον tiv^Tas. 
{Εϋν.) συ δ i^iKXeyjras πω? πόδ' ωστ€ μη θανύν ; ι6οο 

8ο (Τ•ψ.) άκτας βαρυβρόμους ίκόμαν 

€πί τ οίΒμα θαλασσών, 6ρν(ίθ)ων 
€ρήμον κοίταν. 
[Εϋν.) κάκζΐθζν ηλθζ^ δίΰρο πώς tivl στόλω ; 

(Τψ.) ναϋταί κώπαις 1605 

85 Ναύπλίον €ί? λιμένα ξ€νικον πόρον 

αγαγόν μ€ δουλοσύ^^ν]α τ ίπύβασαν, ω τ€[κ]νον, 
ένθάδ^ζ Αα)ναί(δ)ων μίλίον (μπολάν. 
(Εϋν.) οϊμοι κακών σών. 

(Τψ.) μη στίν ctt' ΐύτυγίαίσιν. ι6ιο 

9© αλλά συ πώς έτράφης οδξ (τ) ίν tlvl 

χ€ΐρί, τέκνον ω τξκνον ; 
€ν€π' eVcTre ματρι σα. 
(^Εϋν.) 'Αργώ μ€ και τ6ν^ ήγαγ i{i}s (Ιω)λ{κο)ν πάλιν. 
(Τψ.) άπομαστίδιόν γ' ίμών στέρνων. 1615 

95 (Εϋν.) 4π€ί δ* ^ Ιάσων 'έθαν έμός^ ^μήτζρ^ πατήρ — 
(Tyjr.) οΐμοι κακ{α) λέγξΐς, δάκρυα τ ομμασιν, 

τέκνον, έμοΐς δίδως. 
(Εϋν.) Όρφΐύς μ€ και rovS' ήγαγ' e/y Θράκης τόπον. 
(Τψ.) τίνα πατέρι ποτ\ χάριν άθλίω 1620 

roo τιθέμενος ; 'ίν^πέ μοι, τέκνον. 

{Εϋν.) μοϋσάν μ€ κιΘάρ(α)ς Άσιάδος διδάσκεται, 




106 (a) 




€//[. J\iT ακτανλημνιαν 
6οασ[. ]ομιζζΐσοσπατηρ8υοίντ^κνω 
β^[• •]Χ[•' • -]'Υψηχο-ναίσ 

[ ]i^^[• ' • -^όνων 

[ Υ>σ8οκίαβιοτασ[. .] 

[ ]€ματρίπαΐ8ασή 

. [ ]μοι 

κ€/[ ]ντοσοινωπονβοτρυν 


Fr. 64. 

31 lines lost. 







Col. ίίί. 



σ :±_ 

Slow ο[ 

Fr. 63. 

Fr. 66. 

Fr. 67. 




]τοι^σο;' . [ 



5 \αι8ζ.8ρακ\^ 


]€ί/7Γ0 . [ 




τοϋτ\ο\ν δ* is ^pecuy οττλ ^κόσμησ^,ν μά)(ηί' 
(Τψ.) St Αιγαίον Se τίνα ττόρον 
c/i[oA]er' άκταν Αημνίαν ; 
Ι05 {Ενν.) Θόα? [κ]ομίζ€ΐ σο? ττάτηρ τ^κνω δν(ρ). 
(Τ ψ.) η γα[ρ] σίσ[ω]στ[α]ί ; 
(^Ενρ.) Βα[κ]χ[ίον] ye μηγαναΐ^. 

Ι07 C^fO [ F4• • • •Υ>^<^^ 

[ πρ]οσδοκία βιοτας 

[ ]e ματρί ηαΐδα? ή 

Ι ΙΟ . [ ] μοι. 

(Θό.) Κίί[ρου ]vTos οίνωπον βότρυν 




Fr. 64. 

31 lines lost. 


145 • [ 


150 ο[ 

Col. iii. 




Αι6ννσ{ο9). o[ 

155 ^ 




Fr. 6S. 


] • [>'?»'[ 

] στρατοί 
5 ]ro0 i/c[ 

Fr. 66. 

] . α? e/ia[y 
]rov σον . [ 
τ€]κν ίατη[ρ 

]i/' οΐ €Τ(:[ιμ (?) 

]αί δξδρακί 

] αίσ)(ρα γαρ Ae[y 

Fr. 67. 

iv πο . [ 









ΙΟ ]l . . 


Fr. 68 

. υσ 

XI. uy. .... 


XI. /^-'* • • • 









] . Of 


5 ]νου 

5 l^ayjjJ/ 

5 ]ι;γα5ωί/ 











Ί ^ [•]?'' 


ΙΟ ]δα0ρωι/ 

]• »' 

ΙΟ ]μ€ν 


• • • • 



Fr. 71. 

Fr. 7 a• 

Fr. 73. 







] • [•]Π[ 



5 ]σβροντ[ 

]ai σαφώς [ 


e]aTiu αι[ 
]τα βύ^ιν [ 

ΙΟ ]ι. .[ 

]α καλά Xey[ 


Fr. 68 


'. . . . • 

Fr. 69. 

Fr. 70 






]ί τνχαις 


\ν θζών 



] . ον 





5 φ]υγά6ων 



] φάος 



]ω ζυγω 

] κακόν 






\^ άφρων 

ΙΟ ]μ€ν 


] ψα9 

Fr. 71. 

Fr. 72 

(Β) κ\[ 

(Β) κα[ 

5 (^) τίσί 

{Β) μ[ 

{Α) ο[ 

(β) ο. ι 


] • χρ<^μ^^[ 

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5 ]λλων 


]λ* άπ6δο[ 




Fr. 73. 

1 • Μ^-'ί 

]τΓΤ€ΐν e[ 

Jti* €ί πρ[ 


Fr. 74. . . . Fr. 75 Fr. 76. . . 

]τ}σ^θι{ ]υνσοιθα{ ]χ[ 

λω-γυναί λσουσα8ν[ ^f" • 

Ί Γ \αφια{ 

]σωσαί[ ]ποτ€κ{ 

] . . [ 5 ]βανατ[ 

* ■ ]•[ 

Fr. 77 Fr. 78 

] ]•[ 

] \^ 

]ζμισ ]8ανα[ 

ρ 5 \7^'-?[ 

] . ηπ€ρασ 
5 ]ασθαι 




5 ]€ΐΘ€ων 

Fr. 79• Fr. 80. Fr. 81. Fr. 83. 






]οντα . [ 


]κακ . [ 



]δαθ€ων . [ 

] . αδίτισ[ 





5 ]•[ 

Fr. 83. Fr. 84 Fr. 85 

]πζΐθω . [ lA'^'^f.'l ] • [ 

]κομιζ^[ ]στοσο . [ ] . eio-e[.]^[ 

Όν ]^αρθρ[ \ισκαμ . [ 

t"^XPV-[ .... ].[.Μ 



Fr. 74. 

] ώ yvva^L 


Fr. TS' 

'\υν σοι θα[ν 
'^ιν μ ft[ 
]σοι;σα ίι;[ 


] Θανατ[ 

Fr. 76. 


]σσ . 

y €Χ« 
5 ]ζί θίών 

Fr. 77• 

Fr. 78. 


5 ]ασθαί 




79. • . . Fr. 
]ργα σηρ τ[ 
]λι8α9 μι[ 

8ο. . 


δ ] 

Fr. 83. ] π^ί^ώ . 


] κομιζ([ 

] ον χρη 


Fr. 8ι Fr. 83. . . . 

νυν δ[ ]θ€α9 ρ[ ] . α . . [ 

οντ ά . [ ]ντ€τραφ[ ]κακ . [ 

ο)ξαν[ ]8α θίων . [ ] . a8e τι? 

ιωστ€σ[ ] . [. ']<τΐν[ ]re 

Fr. 84. 

Fr. 85.. . 



]? άνθρ[ωπ 

] . €ΐσ€[.]κ[ 
]is καμ . [ 

] • [-Μ 



Fr. 86. . 

Fr. 87. 

]yvx ' [ 



Fr. 88. . 



Fr. 89. . 


i . 

5 ]ν? 


Fr. 90• • 


] . οσ 


Fr. 91. . 



Fr. 92• 


Fr. 93. 



Fr. 97. . 

1^ λ[ 

Fr. 94. 

Fr. 98. . 

• • 

A 1. V, 

Ό• . • • 


yu. . , . 











99•. • . 


lOO. . 











Fr. loi 

Fr. 10a 

Fr. 103. . 

Fr. 104. . 





Fr. 86 Fr. 87. . . . Fr. 88. . . . 

. . > I'^^x • [ ] • • ί 

]eii \νην πυρ[ ] 

Fr. 89. . 


1 1 . yv^. . . i 1 

• y 1. . . . XI. 












] . 0? 



5 ]yy 






Fr. 93• . . . Fr• 94• . . Fr. 95• • • • Fr. 96. . 







]<^^ C[ 










Fr. 97• • • • Fr. 98. . . . Fr. 99• • • • Fr. 100. . . 

I'' λ[ ]η8[ ]μοι^[ ]αη[ 

α[ ]6,8' [ ] ] 

Λ Μ >«[ ]ατ6[ 

... ... ... ].[ 

Fr. ΙΟΙ. . . Fr. 102. ... Fr. 103. ... Fr. 104. . . 

]ίο[ ]σινο[ ]ωκο[ ]ύ<^Λ 

]προ[ ]αισ . υ .[ ]χθο[ ]γα[ 

]ο\ ] ... 


Fr. 105. 



Fr. 106. . 


Fr. ίο;. . . Fr. 108. . 

]ί • [ Μ 

]πω[ ]ape 

Fr. 109. . 


Fr. no. 


Fr. III. . 


Fr. 112. . 

"[τάο . [ 

Fr. 113. 

]' [ 

Fr. 114. . 

] [ 

Fr. II 


1 [ 

] [ 

Fr. 116. 


] . . . [ 

We append here the previously known fragments of the Hypsipyle ; the numbers are 
those of Nauck's Fragmettta Tragicorum, 1889. 

752. Aristoph. Frogs 121 1-3 and Schol. ad loc: 

Διόνυσος, δ? θνρσοισι και νφρων δοραΐί 
καθαπτοί kv ττίνκαισι ΊΊαρνασον κάτα 
ττηδα ^ορΐύων παρθένοις συν ΔίΧφίσιν 

The first three hnes of the play, spoken by Hypsipyle, or, less probably, one of her 
sons; cf introd. p. 23. 

753. Didymus in Macrob. Sat 5. 18. 12 : 

δζίζω μξ,ν Apyeioiaiv !4>(€λωοΐ' ρόον 

. Hypsipyle accedes to Amphiaraus' request to show him a spring. The line is to be 
placed between Fr. i. v. 35 and Fr. 6. 

754. Plut. Mor. p. 93 D = p. 661 F: 

erepop (φ' έτβρω αΐρόμβνος 
άγρβνμ άνθίων ηδομ^να ψνχ^α 
το νήπιον άπΧηστον ίγων 

Ι. αϊρόμινος ρ. 93> ιό)μfvos ρ. 66 Ι. 3• αχρηστον ?χων ρ. 93) άπληστος emv ρ. 66ΐ. 

This fragment, spoken by Hypsipyle and referring to Archemorus, probably belongs to 
the lyrical portion of the scene between her and the chorus immediately after the accident ; 


Fr. 105. ... Fr. 106. . . Fr. 107. . . Fr. 108. . . 

]τουτ[ ] >.[ ]l[ 

] . σ€7Γ[ ]/fOiy ]7Γω[ Yp^ 

Fr. 109. . . . Fr. no. . . . Fr. in. . . Fr. 112. . . . 

]ίοσ€ί[ ]ουτί[ ]lv{ ]τάο . [ 

Fr. IT3. . . Fr. 114. . . . Fr. 115. . . Fr. 116. . . . 

]δορ[ ]. λ[ ] Θ6α[ ]. 

] [ ] [ ] [ ]S-< 

] [ ] [ ] [ ]•••[ 

see introd. p. 25, and note on Fr. 10, in the neighbourhood of which it is to be placed. 
Cf. Statius, Tke6. iv. 786 sqq. at puer in gremio vernae, Sec. 

755. Aristoph. Frogs 1328 and Schol. ad loc. : 

avh. TO δωδζκαμήχ^ανον αντρον 

This is usually supposed to refer to the lair of the δράκων (cf. Phoen. loio σηκον it 
μ(\αμβαθη Δράκοντος), and if SO is to be connected with No. 754 and Frs. 10 sqq. δωδ«αμή- 
χανον, however, is a very strange epithet of Svrpov. There is another reading aarpov, which 
has been taken to mean the sun or the moon ; but this is also unsatisfactory. 

756. Aristoph. Frogs 1322 and Schol. 1320: 

7Γ€ρίβαλ' ω τίκνον aXevas 

Spoken by Hypsipyle and probably from the scene of recognition between her 
and her sons (Fr. 64. i), rather than addressed to the child Archemorus in the early part 
of the play. 

757. = Fr. 60. 89-96. 

758. Stob. Flor. 10. 26 : 

κακοΪ9 TO κύρδος τη9 δίκψ νπ€ρτ€ρον 

Probably to be attributed to Eurydice, who is accusing Hypsipyle of corruption ; cf. 
Fr. 60. 35-6. The line will then come from the vicinity of Frs. 22-32. 

759. = Fr. 60. 1 1 4-1 8. 


760. Stob. Flor. 20. 31 and 20. 12 : 

€^ω γαρ όργήί πα? af^/o σοφώτ€ρο9 

The speaker here is in all probability Hypsipylej deprecating the anger of Eurydice ; 
cf. Fr. 22. 3 Koi μη δι' 6ρ[γής . . . Hencc this line is likely to come from the same scene as 
No. 758 and Frs. 22-32. 

761. Stob. F/or. no. 16: 

άβλπτον ovSiu, ττάντα δ' ξλπίζειν χρίών 

Presumably spoken either by Amphiaraus to Hypsipyle or by Hypsipyle herself 
after her unexpected deliverance, and to be placed somewhere between Fr. 60. 117 
and Fr. 64. ii. 

762. Eust. ii. p. 959. 43 : 

(ϋφημα καΐ σα καΐ κατ^σφραγισμίνα 

Valckenaer wished to emend (νφημα to (ϋσημα, and Hartung following Zirndorfer 
supposes that the reference is to the σημύα by which the recognition of Euneos and Thoas 
was effected. Wilamowitz would retain ιϋφημα, supposing a reference to some secret which 
was to be preserved by silence ; but the context cannot be recovered. 

763. Aristoph. Frogs 64 and Schol. adloc: 

ri έτύρα φράσω ; 
The Avords give no indication of their context. Bothe supposed that the scholiast's 

remark eo-r» be τό ήμιστίχων εξ Ύψιπύλης referred to the first half of the line, ap ίκδιδάσκω 
TO σαφί,ί. 

764. Galenus, vol. 18, i p. 519: 

ί8ού, irpos αίθίρ ίξαμίλλησαι κόρα? 

■γραπτούς (τ' kv αΐ€τ)οίσι πρ6σβλζ{ψ)ον τύπους 

1. κόραι MSS., κόρας Hermann, κόραις Musgrave. 2. οίσι πρόσβλεπαν MSS., (V αΐΐτοισι 

προσβΚίπαν Valckenaer, Diatr. p. 2 1 4 (the passage being quoted in connexion with άίτωμα 

or afTOs), τ , . . πρόσβλεψαν Nauck. 

The reference in these lines is obscure ; possibly they occurred in the conversation of 
Euneos and Thoas on their arrival outside the palace; cf. introd. p. 23, and Fr. i. 
i. 1-3, note. 

765. Aristoph. Frogs 1320 and Schol. ad loc. : 

οίνάνθα τρίφίί τον Upov βότρϋν 

τρέφει RV, φέρει Other MSS., οΐνάντας τε τρέφει TzetzeS. 

This is connected by Welcker {Gr. Trag. ii. p. 559) with the xpvor\ αμπελας referred to 
in the Scholium on Anth. Pal. iii. 10 (introd. p. 28) as the symbol by which Euneos and 
Thoas established their identity. But the words might well come from a choral ode such as 
those to which Frs^ 7 and 57-9 belong; ef. also Fr. 64. in. 


766. Hesychius i, p. 320: 

767. Harpocration, s. v. αρκτ^νσαι : 

Hesych. gives as synonyms ανξησίΐς, βλαστησαί. An ode such as that in Frs. 57-9 
would be a Hkely place for the word to occur. 


Harp, says on be ai άρκτ(νόμ€ναι παρθίνοι άρκτοι καλούνται, Ένριπί8η5 ΎψιπνΚτ], Αριστοφάνης 
ΑημνΙαις κα\ Ανσιστράττ]. These so-called Άρκτοι were devoted to the cult of Artemis 
Brauronia, who was associated with Lemnian legend through the story told by Hdt. vi. 138 
of the rape of Athenian women from Brauron. At what point an allusion to them came m 
the Hypsipyle is quite obscure. 

768. = Fr. I. iv. 15? 

769. Cf. Fr. I. ii. 7 and introd. p. 24. 

770. = Fr. I. ii. 13? 

862. (fab. inc.) Bekker, Anecd. p. 362 : 

Βράκοντο? αίμαΥωτΓον όμμα 

Cf. Fr. 60. 71-2, note. 

Lydus, de mensihus iv. 7. p. 72, ed. Wunsch : 

ω Βνψα παραφρονήματ ανθρώπων, μάτην 

οϊ φασιν ίΐναι την τνχην αλλ' ου deovs- 

€1 γαρ τν)(η μ\ν €στιν, ού8\ν Set θίοΰ, 

€ί 8' οΐ θίοΐ σθίνονσιν, ov8€v ή τνχη. 

Our attention was drawn by Wilamowitz to this citation, which is given with the name 
of the poet and play. The two last lines appear in the form d μέν θ^οΐ σθίνονσιν οίκ βστιν 
τίνη• «'δ' oi σθίνονσιν oihiv ioTiv f, Ύύχη in Floril. Monac. io8 (cf. Schol. Lucian p. 171), and 
so stand in Nauck, Fr. adesp. 169 ; W-M would read eeu>v for ^.oG in 1. 3. The hues are 
likely to have occurred towards the end of the play, after Fr. 60. 

Fr 1 i 2-1 1. Hypsipyle. '... toys to soothe thy mind from lamentation. Was it you, 
young sirs, who knocked at the gates ? Oh happy woman your mother, whoe er she Was. 
What do ye come seeking from these halls ? .r • ^ -ui r ♦ cf 

Thoas. We desire to be taken within the house, woman, if it be possible for us to rest 
here a single night. We have with us all we need : wherein should we be any trouble to 
these halls ? Thy duties will be undisturbed. 

Hyps. It chances that the house is left without a man to rule it . . . 

i-q. Hypsipyle is apparently quieting the child, which had been crying, before addressing 
the strangers) possibly their appearance was the cause of the child's alarm. In 1. 3 some 

G a 


alteration of σωκ seems almost necessary, and σάς, which W(ilamowitz)-M(9llendorfF) suggests, 
is a simple remedy ; των would be easier than σων. The remains of the two preceding verses 
give little clue to their sense ; at the end of 1. i the letter before on had a curved base, and 

may be e, σ, π, or v. ypa[ suggests Nauck Fr. 764. 2 ypanrovs (t iv αΐ€τ)οΐσι πρόσβ\({ψ)ορ 

TV7T0VS, but the difference of termination seems to preclude any identification with that verse ; 
ae]roir could not be read, and to suppose that τνποις was written for τύπους is too bold. In 
1. 2 the doubtful π may be ισ or ιω. 

4. The accents of «ρουσατ and vfavia[i are wrongly placed. 

7. Boas: this was the name of the second son of Jason and Hypsipyle according also 
to Schol. Find. Nem. Argum.^, Myth. Vai. i. 133, 2. 141, Anth. Pal. iii. 10, and Statins, 
Theb. vi. 342; Apollod. i. 9. 17 calls him Nebrophonus, Hyginus, c. 17, Deipylus. 

[e']i{TOf άΐχ^^ι/αί is due to Murray. 

8. (ναν\ίσ]Μ (Murray) suits the scanty traces sufficiently well, and is more euphonious 
after the preceding α\χθψαί than another passive infinitive such as ί^χθηναι. evavXiCeiv occurs 
in Soph. ΡλϊΙ. 33. 

g. The reading of the latter half of the line is doubtful, τ after Set is only fairly 
satisfactory, and <οτ ρ might well be substituted ; [re] hardly fills the lacuna after πο, but the 
scribe's spacing is irregular, and e especially sometimes occupies a good deal of room. 

II. [ά8(σ]ποτοί μ[ίν ο]ι<[ο]$• (Bury) suits the papyrus decidedly better than [άπρόσ]Γατος 

μ[ίν o]Ik[o\s (W-M). 

Pr. 2. I. The gap between this and the preceding fragment is evidently very slight, 
and Fr. 2. i may well be the next line to Fr. i. i. 11. It is indeed just possible that the 
two lines should be combined into one, reading [a8]eanoros κ.τ.λ., but the vestiges in 
Fr. 2. I though scanty are not in favour of σ. The purport of the passage clearly 
is that Lycurgus the king was away (cf. introd. p. 23), and that in his absence the queen 
Eurydice was at the head of affairs. 

4 sqq. The remains of these verses suggest that the sense of Thoas's remark was 
' Then we cannot find quarters here but must seek them elsewhere ? ' to which Hypsipyle 
replied, ' By no means; strangers are always made welcome here.' LI. 4-5 may accordingly 

be restored e. g. οίικ ev ξ(\νωσι τοίσδ' ap άναπανσαίμΐ& αν, προς δ' α]\\ο 8η τι δωμ άφορμασθαι 
χρεών ; cf. for the latter line Here. F. 1286 eV α\\ψ 8η ην όρμησα πολιν, Ale. 1040 el του προς 
άλλου 8ώμαθ' ωρμηθης ξίνου, and, for the reply of Hypsipyle in 11. 6-9, Ale. 566-7 τάμα δ' οΰκ 

ίπ'ισταται μίλαθρ άπωθΐϊν οΰδ' άτιμάζΐΐν ξΐνους. 

Fr. 1. ϋ. 1-14• Hypsipyle is singing to the child Archemorus; cf. introd. p. 23. The 
metrical identity between 11. 9-14 here and 11. 11-7 in Col. iii, makes natural the supposition 
that the preceding verses of these two sets of lyrics were in strophic correspondence, though 
as they stand in the papyrus they do not at first sight appear to be so. But, as W-M points 
out to us, a sufficient correspondence can be obtained in 11. 5-8 with very slight manipulation, 
the verses being glyconics, in which a free responsion is permissible. Between 11. 8 and 9 
the loss of a verse, answering to iii. 10 θρί}σσ εβόα κάθαρις Όρφίως, is marked by the marginal 
αν{ω)•, cf. note on 11. 8-10. By Avriting ποταμοΊο for πόταμου in iii. 6, and in the following 
verse omitting the ν ίφελκυστικόν in ίτίκνωσΐν and transposing the first syllable of Πηλία, the 
following correspondence is obtained : — 

"• 5• [- - -] '^^j - (3rd glyc.) = iii. 6. kj v^«^ - «^ — (2nd glyc.) 

[--] ^^^^ - (3rd glyc.) ^^ v^v^ - v-< - (2nd glyc.) 

^^ (pherecr.) — ^ — \j\j (pherecr.) 

\j — 'u\.j\j — 'u'u — (3rd glyc.) wv.^v-< wi^v^»-» — \j — (2nd glyc.) 


Owing to the imperfect text it is hazardous to attempt to extend this process to the 
preceding lines ; but it seems Hkely that in Col. iii. 3-5 the scribe's division is at fault, and 
that the glyconic-pherecralic measure should be restored by writing σ[^]μ€ΐ/>?5 6ρον\σας in 
οΐδμα ya\avei\as πρνμνησι άνάψαι. Similarly in Col. ii. 4 the second syllable of aliyav very 
likely belongs to the following verse ; in 1. 3 there seems to be a more serious dislocation or 

3. Perhaps ν\πάρχορ, but the vestiges are too slight to give any confirmation. 

4. \€νκ]οφαή: cf. /. A. 1054 λΐνκοφαη ψάμαθον ; but this Is Only one of several 

8-14. Ifyps. 'Lo this rattle's sound! (. . .) No Lemnian strain as solace for the 
shuttle or for the comb pressed within the web, Ο Muse, is this which I have to utter, but 
whatever befits a young child, for his slumber or amusement or meet tending, of this I make 
my song ' (i. e. I sing for the benefit of my nursling, not to beguile labour at the loom). 

8-10. For κροτάλων cf. Aristophanes, Frogs 1305-6, and the other references given in 

introd. p. 24. Frogs 13 13— 6 at θ νπωρόφιοι κατά γωνία! eUifitiXiaatTf δακτύλοΐί φάΚαγγα 

Ίστότονα ττηνίσματα κίρκίδος αοιδοΰ /ieXiVoy was perhaps intended to be a parody on 11. 9-1 1, and 
Ίστοτόνον here strongly supports ίστότονα in the Aristophanes passage where the Ravennas 
alone has ίστόπονα, the reading preferred by recent editors. 

αν{ω), written in a probably different hand at the end of 1. 8, and the critical signs in 
front of 11. 8-9 refer to an insertion in the lost upper margin supplying a textual omission 
which is also indicated by the metre ; cf. note on 11. 1-14. Cf. also Fr. 64. 57, where κάτ(ω) 
occurs in a similar position, and 223, 125, 700. 27. 

II. W-M suggests καλίΐ for /xeXet, but, as Mr. E. C. Marchant observes, this is 
unnecessary if Μοίσα be taken as a vocative. Xeyeiv has been altered (perhaps by the first 
hand) to κρΐκαν; cf. 1. 26, where Λήμνου has replaced νησον. Murray remarks that these 
variations recall the double readings which are found in the Laurentian MS. in several of 
Euripides' plays, the Ion, I. Α., I. T., and Rhesus, and which perhaps descended from the 
edition of Aristophanes of Byzantium; cf. Wilamowitz, Heracles, I. pp. 147 sqq., 214 sq. 

13. ί/ίαρώ: perhaps this is the passage referred to in Bekker, Antiatt. p. 109. 15 (= Nauck 

Fr. 77®) vfapos' άντΙ του veos' Ευριπίδης 'Yy^nrvXi]. 

14. TUSe: this construction ad sensum of a plural substantive with a singular relative 
having a collective sense is common from Homer downwards. A good parallel to the 

present passage is Soph. Ant. 707 οστκ yap αντοί η φρονΰν μόνοί δοκΰ, η γλωσσαν, ην ουκ aWos, 
ή ψυχήν e^eiv, ούτοι διαπτυχθΐντ ΐί ωφθησαν Kevot. 

15-37. Chorus. 'Why art thou, dear one, at the vestibule? Art thou sweeping the 
palace-entrance or sprinkling water-drops upon the ground in servile wise, or art thou 
hymning the fifty-oared Argo which is ever on thy lips or the sacred fleece of gold 
guarded upon oaken branches by a dragon's eye ? Are thy thoughts with sea-girt Lemnos, 
echoing to the rolling billows of the Aegean, now, when hither up Nemea's meads in brazen 
panoply fleet Adrastus having passed the plain of Argos is bringing swift war against the 
lyre-built wall, the work of Amphion's hand ? He has summoned the might (of Hellas) wiih 
divers scutcheons and gilded bows . . .' 

15 sqq. As with the lyrics of Hypsipyle (cf. note on ii. 1-14), so too in the two choral 
odes, strophic responsion was naturally observed, and ii. 15 sqq. = iii. 18 sqq., the metre 
being as before to a large extent glyconic, and the correspondence of a free character. 
A greater licence in the use of the polyschematic glyconic verse, as was remarked by 
G. Hermann, Flem. dodr. vieir., is a characteristic of Euripides' later period. Hypsipyle's 


third song, of which the conclusion remains at the top of Col. iv, served as an epode ; the 
general scheme thus is a β a β y. 

17. σαίρίΐς : cf. e.g. J/ec. 363—4 aalpeiv re ^ώμα κΐρκίσιν τ €φ€στάναι \vnpau αγουσαν 

ημίραν μ άναγκάσΐΐ. The accent οη η is erroneous ; cf. i. 4, note. 

18. οΐά re: so again Fr. 64. 77 ; cf. Homer, γ 73, Hdt. ii. 175. 

19 sqq. Cf. Statius, Thed. v. 615-6 quoiiens tibi Lemnon et Argo sueta loqui et longa 
somnum suadere querela. 

21. 7Τ€ντηκ6ντορο! is the usual Attic spelling; -fpos was an Ionic form, and appears in 
Hdt. Cf. Apollod. i. 9. 16 κάκΰνος (^SC. Argus) ΆθηνίΪ! ίποθΐμίνη: πεντηκόντοροννανν KareaKevaae 
την προσαγορ€υθ€Ϊσαν . . , Άργω. 

2 2. χρνσΐόμαλλον : cf. £ί. 724~5 ΧρνσΐόμαΧλον . . . ποίμναν and Apollod. i. 9• ϊ6 
χρνσόμάΚΧον Sepas. 

28. κνμοτντΓΟ! though unattested is quite a possible word, but κνμοκτΰπος (Simmias ap. 
Hephaest. p. 74 Gaisf. κνμοκτύπων ήραν άλίων μνχών) is required by the metre. 

29. 8(ΰρ' oT (Murray) seems preferable to hevpo (δ'), bringing out more clearly the 
connexion of thought ; ' Are you still harping,' the chorus asks, * on the old themes when 
events of such importance are passing at our doors ? ' A comma-like mark just below the 
a of \(ΐμ(ύνα seems to be meaningless. 

30. anayei is not a quite satisfactory reading. The π is represented only by the second 
of the two uprights, which is drawn so long as to be more like ρ or υ with a space for an 
intervening letter after the a ; there would also be room for a narrow letter between y and et. 
But we can find no suitable alternative to airayu, and a π of just this shape occurs in the 
next column in 1. 20 πάτριους; cf. also παυ in 1. 21. The verse can be easily reduced to 
a third glyconic and brought into harmony with the remains of iii. 15 by reading χαλκίοισιν 
for χαλκΐίοις. Murray suggests α[υ]ρ' ayei, with e. g. κτΰπον after Ne/xf^o" in 1. 29 (cf. Or. 181 
κτνπον TjyayeT') and παϊτούντων in 1. 3 1 instead of na[pfts. But something of the base of a υ 
would be expected to be visible between a and p, and a mixture of dochmiacs (-ou κτνπον 
κ.τ.λ.) with glyconics does not seem very probable in a choral ode. 

31. πείρίίί (W-M) suits the sense, and to a sufficient extent also the metre, though the 
corresponding line (iii. 34) is catalectic. Part of the tail of the p would indeed be expected 
to be visible, but the scribe does not always make .that letter very long (cf. e. g. €ρνμα in the 
next line), and it is not quite clear how far the accent on e of epvpa extends, i. e. the upper 
extremity of it might belong to a ρ of the line above. 

32-3. The wall raised by the lyre of Amphion is of course Thebes. Qi.Phoen. 823-4 

^oppiyyi re Tt'\.\ta θηβαί Tag Άμφιονίαί re Xvpas νπο πύργος άνίστα. 

34. ω\κυ\πό^αζ { = ώκνπό8ης: cf. Anth. Pal. V. 223, ix. 371) is due to W-M. It is 
noticeable that ωκύπορος occurs in the corresponding verse of the antistrophe (1. 37). The 
supplement at the end of the line aims at reproducing the metre of iii. 37, but is of course 

highly conjectural ; for απάγει . . ."Αρη cf. Phoen. 11 23-4 πνΚαις "Αρη npoarjye, /. A. 283-4 

\ίυκηρ(τμον δ' "Αρη Ύάφιον ηγ(ν. Α[δρ]ασ[το]? is Very doubtfully read, but his name can hardly 
be spared in this line, and the initial α is fairly certain. 

35. eKoKtae pevc^s, as Wilamowitz suggests, is more apposite than KoXeaoptvi^s since the 
army was already on the march, and it would be more natural to describe the result than 
the process of Adrastus' preparations. The scanty vestiges between σ and μ are consistent 
with either ο or e, though an e must have been written rather small. 

36. Apparently σύρματα was originally written, the ν being afterwards crossed through, 
but not the e ; possibly, however, the second letter is a deleted ι or y, and the cross-bar of 
the supposed e represents the stroke of deletion. Above the line is an a, and σάματα 

{σήματα) would be a natural word in this context; cf. PL 455-6 άσπίδος iv κύκλω TOiabe 
σήματα, I. A. 275 πρύμνας σήμα τανρόπονν. W-M, however, WOUld prefer σάγματα (cf. Atldr. 


617 κά\\ιστα reixn δ' iv κάλοίσι. σάγμασιν), and it is indeed possible that an overwritten γ 
followed the a, for the papyrus is rubbed here. 

37. The accentuation of τόξα re is in accordance with the rules of ancient grammarians ; 
of Fr 64. ii. I, 841. V. 44 ίνθά /xe and note ad loc. 1 • • 

38. μονο^άμονΑί : the only other instance of this word is Anth. Pal. xv. 27, where it is 
applied to μίτρον in^he sense of having only one foot. Cf. τ(τραβάμων, Σι. 476, &c. 

iii 3-17. Bj'ps. '. . . speeding over the waves in the calm to make fast the cables, 
him whom the river-maiden Aegina bore, even Peleus ; and by the mast amidships Orpheus 
Thracian lyre of Asia sounded a dirge of invocation, playing a measure for the rowers ot 
the long-shafted oars, now a swift stroke, now easying the blade of pine. This, this my soul 
longs to celebrate : let others hymn the toils of the Danai.' 

3-5. In its present condition this is an obscure passage. On the question of the 

metre cf. note on ii. 1-14. . , j r f ^„ 

6-7. ττοταμοΐο and βτ^νωσβ Ώη\\^α are changes made on metrical grounds; ct. note on 
ii 1-14. Peleus is introduced here as one of the Argonauts; cf. Apollod. 1. 9. 16; but 
according to the usual mythology he was the son of Aeacus, and grandson, not son, ot 
Aegina. The ' river ' of course is Asopus. . 

8-10. Cf. Statins, TM. v. 342 sqq. vox media de puppe venit . . . OeagrtustUicaccltnis 
malo mediis iyitersonat Orpheus remigiis. Tk^yov is a certain emendation oi W-M. 1 ne 
termination has been altered in the papyrus, but what was first written is doubtful ; possibly 
it was actually ^\eyov, with a very small o. The combination of and θρτ,σσα as 
epithets of Kt^opts is harsh but excusable on account of the frequency of the conjunction 
'Asian lyre'; cf. Fr. 64. loi, Cyclops 443> &c. Orpheus is enumerated among the 
Argonauts by Pindar, Pyih. iv. 315, and according to later mythographers his musical art 
had much to do with the success of the expedition. Cf. Fr. 64. 98. j / .u . 

II sqq. We rearrange the division of the verses so as to correspond to that 

°^ "Ίΐ'αΧοπο-λοί is not found elsewhere, but may perhaps be defended here on the 
analogy of the Homeric iv άκρο^άλο^σ.ν δρ.σσ.. Ε 523, r 205. W-M s suggestion to read 
αακροηό^ων (ihough that word too lacks classical support) is, however, very attractive ; ct. e. g. 
Timolheus, Persae 10 1-2, where opeiovs πόδα? ναός is a synonym for oars. ^ , . ,. 

II-2 Cf /. 7: II25 sqq. συρίζων ff 6 κηρο8ίτας κάλαμος oipdov Ώανός κωτταις ίπιβωνξα. 

χ ς ibuv W-M: the earliest examples of this verb are in Alexandrian poets but the 
ineptness of IMv and the parallelism of άναβοάτω make the correction practically certain 
here; cf. also ii. 19-21. 

18-32. Chorus. ' From wise men have I heard the tale how of old the Tyrian maid 
Europa left the city and Phoenician home of her fathers, ^"^ journeyed on the waves to 
sacred Crete, nurse of Zeus and home of the Curetes ; yet to a threefold birth of chi dien 
she left sovranty and happy sway over the land. And another maiden, I hear queenl) lo 
of Argos! qSd her fatherland to take the horns of a cow and suffer a gadfly s torment. 
When the god calls this to thy mind . . .' 

18 sqq. On the sequence of thought cf. introd. p. 24. μ^,,^Ιτ 

21-2 Cf. Creies, Nauck Fr. 472 Φο^ν.κογ.νοίς παί φ Tvptay τ«.ον Ενρωπαϊ. muc^ 

following Bothe omits παί r^. Ύνρίας, and παί followed by reKvov can hardly be nght, but a less 
drastic remedy would be to emend παί τψ to παιΒός ; cf. Ύυρια παις here. ^ 

22. TheVe does not seem much to choose between the alternative readings «π.βα and 
.ν.'βα, but άηοβαίν^ν does not happen to occur with a direct accusative elsewhere in Eunpides, 


and the idea of departure is sufficiently expressed by λίποϋσσ. Whether the interlinear e was 
added by the first or second hand is doubtful; cf. introd, p. 21. 

23—4. Cf. Bacch. 120—2 Za θαλάμΐνμα Κουρητών ζαθΐου re Κρητας Atoyepiropeg epavkoi. The 

collocation Αιοτρόφον . . . τροφόν is a little inelegant, but probably sound ; Διοτρόφοί is a new 

26. rpia-aois : i. e. Minos, Rhadamanthys, and Sarpedon; cf. Hesiod, Fr. 39 (Schol. //. 
Μ 292), Apollod. iii. i. i, &c. 

27. Both a circumflex and an acute accent have been placed above the ω οί χωράς ; the 
former of course is erroneous. 

29. [οΐσ]Γρω: [κ€ρ]τρω would remove the hiatus, but is both a less natural term (cf. 
however, Aesch. Prom, 596 sqq. νόσον ... α μαραίρ^ι. με χρίουσα Kevrpois φοιταλίοα) and less 
suited to the size of lacuna. The following word as originally written was a vox nihili ; the 
first of the two deleted letters seems to be λ rather than a. 

30. \nar^pas : the supplement is rather longer than would be expected on the analogy 
of the verses above, but the scribe tends to make the point of commencement of the lines 
advance slightly towards the left as the column proceeds; cf. 1. 31 where [κ{ρ]ασφόρομ is 
practically certain. [x«]pay is less appropriate, especially so soon after 1. 27. 

άμφίς, a word common in Homer and also used by Pindar, is not found elsewhere 
in tragedy, but that is not a sufficient reason for questioning its genuineness here. 

31. [κ(ρ]ισφόρορ (Murray) seems guaranteed by the parallel of Phoen. 248 rar κερασ- 
φόρου . . . 'lovs, though ασ is not Certain, and two letters would be enough for the lacuna if 
the column was kept straight; cf. the preceding note. Aeschylus, Prom. 588, calls lo tSs 

βονκ(ρω παρθΐρον, 

32 sqq. In this passage the chorus is with little doubt seeking to offer consolation and 
encouragement to Hypsipyle, and Wilamowitz suggests that 11. 32-7 may have run somewhat 

as follows : — [raCy ap Beos els φροντίδα θή σοι | [ervKetjs δη, φίλα, το μίσορ | ελπίϊ δ' ουκ\άπο\(ίι\τΐί | 
[ert σ€ TOP Trjare/wi ττατίρα | γρνσεσβαί jrojr ' t\ei σίθΐΡ | \α>ραν και τάχα σ'1 ώ/^υττοροΓϊ] μΐτανίσσ€ται. 
Cf. Soph. Ο, C. 3^5~^ εσχΐί ίλπίδ' las ίμοΰ Bfoiis ωραρ τιν' ί^βΐ!/, ωστ€ σωθηναί nore. This 

restoration, which is made only exempli gratia, brilliantly satisfies the requirements of 
sense and metre, but in the last verse can only with difficulty be reconciled with the 
papyrus, where the lacuna at the beginning of 11. 35-7 is practically of the same size ; one 
letter more than in 1. 35 might be conceded in 1. 37 on account of the slope of the column, 
but hardly three more. In 1. 33 also [συΐΊ^ε[ι]ί though just possible is unsatisfactory, since 
«[t] would not normally fill up the space; moreover a future would be more apposite than 
a present tense. The letters σδ are quite doubtful ; the δ may well be ^ or σ and the σ possibly 
ο or ω : γ]ι/ωσί; might be read were it not for the difficulty of the apparent vestige of an accent 
above the place where the y would come ; the accent might, however, belong to the pre- 
ceding letter. Perhaps απολάβει is the apodosis of the sentence, and we should read [κάν (?)] 
α[ι^σ%, φίΚα, το μίσορ, \ [ελπι'ί σ' ουκ] απολείψει κ,τ.λ. This would well Satisfy all the Conditions 
except that [/cafjis a short supplement for the beginning of 1. 33 ; a^i] would not be open to the 
objection brought above against «[il The supposed acute accent cannot be a mark of 
elision or length. In 11. 36-7 it is evident that the scribe's division of the verses was not the 
same as in ii. 33-4. 

38. yfvea fits in with the context as explained in the preceding note; the god will not 
forget his descendant. 

iv. 2-9. I/yps. ' . . . sang a lament for Procris the huntress whom her husband 

slew. Death is the meet end of these my woes. What wailing, what song, what music 

of the lyre with tearful lament, though Calliope inspired it, could come up to my 
suffering ? ' 


2. The insidious corruption in this line was detected by Murray. The legend of 
Procris, daughter of Erechtheus, who was accidentally killed when hunting by her husband 

Cephalus is thus told by Apollod. iii. 1 5. I btaKKayeiaa Κ^φάλω μίτα τούτον παραγίνίται eVl θηραν' 
ην γαρ θηρ€ντικη. διώκονσαν γαρ αυτήν ev τη \όχμτ] άγνοησας Κεφαλοί άκοντιζ(ΐ και τυχών άποκτΐίνΐΐ 
ΐίρόκριν, και KpiOeis iv Αρείω πάγω φυγήν άώιον καταδικάζΐται. 

3• This line at first omitted has been inserted by the original scribe ; cf. ii. 8, note. 

5. In view of the imperfect context we have left this verse as it stands in the papyrus, 
though the transposition suggested by W-M τα δ* Spa. πάθία θάνατος 'ίλαχΐ may be right. 
Or possibly θάνατο(ΐ') e\axe (sc. Procris)• τά δ* epa πάθία n's κ.τ.λ. should be read. 

6. For the form of this verse cf. /. T. 895-9 ''■''^ "" '*^'' ''"^ "" V ^«^s η βροτος η τί των 
αδόκητων . . . (φαίι/οι) κακών ΐκλυσιν ;, and for the substance of this and the following lines 

Phoen. 1498— 150 1 '"'"α δε προσω86ν η τίνα μουσοτιόΧον στοναχαν eVt δάκρυσι δάκρυσιν, S) δόμος 

S) δόμος, άνακαλίσωμαι ; The marginal κιβαρί\^ is perhaps more probably κιθάρι^σμα, as W-M 
suggests, than κίθαρι[ς as a variant for κιθάρας, but either of these would involve some alteration 
oi μοΰσ άνοδυρομίνα in the following line; cf. the next note. 

7. επιδακρυσι was Originally written, and then altered to (πιδακρνσίΐ, (πιδακρνσι being 
added in the margin as a variant. The p[ following is presumably the initial letter of μοΰσα 
in some form, and possibly μοϋσαν was substituted for μοΰσ άν-, which could not be con- 
structed with the variant κίθαρις (?) for κιθάρας, (τηδακρυσ^ι, however, would neither scan nor 
construe with any of these readings. 

9. Ήονους without a possessive or similar adjective is obscure, but perhaps admissible in 
consequence of the proximity of e^a πάθ(\α in 1. 5. W-M thinks that μονσ in 1. 7 conceals 
an original ίμοΰς, but if so the corruption has gone very deep. 

The chorus now catches sight of the approaching strangers, whose advance is signalized 
by the usual anapaests, 11. 10-4. 

iv. 10-42. Chor. ' Ο Zeus, Lord of our Nemea's grove, what is the quest of these 
strangers, marked by the Dorian fashion of their dress, whom I see approaching hard by, on 
their way towards these halls through the lonely grove ? 

Amphiaraus. How distasteful to a man is travel, and the sight of fields deserted or with 
lonely habitations when a wayfarer is overtaken by some need, unbefriended, with none to 
interpret his want, in doubt which way to turn. E'en upon me has this strait come, but 
with joy I saw yon house in the mead of Zeus in Nemea's land. And thee, strange woman, 
whether thou art a slave who watchest over the house, or no servile person, thee will I ask, 
what man is called the lord of this mansion where the sheep are tended in the land of Phlius ? 

Hyps. Lycurgus call men the master- of these rich halls, who was chosen from out all 
Asopia to be the warden of Zeus, the country's god. 

Amph. I desire to take some running water in our pitchers as a libation to the gods 
offered by us on our journey. For streams of stagnant water are impure, and they have all 
been defiled by the army's throng. 

Byps. Who are ye, and from what land do ye come ? 

Amph. We are from Mycenae and of Argive race, and on crossing the border into 
another land we wish to off"er sacrifice for the Danaid army ; for we have set forth against 
the gates of Cadmus — if haply the gods may speed us prospering on our way, woman. 

Hyps. Why are ye marching, if I may learn this of thee ? 

Amph. We would restore Polynices, an exile from his fatherland. 

Hyps. And who art thou who seekest to take the troubles of others .? 

Amph. I am the seer Amphiaraus, son of Oecles.' 

II. Γοΰσδ' : this abnormal accent was preferred by some grammarians; cf. Fr. 64. 

66 τηνδΐ. 



12. For ττελάταί cf. Soph. Phil. 1 1 64 evvoia πάσα TtiKarav. The scribe apparently began 
to write a λ in place of the first π of πΐπλων. 

13. ΐσθητι: ίσθ. Pap., following the analogy of Ιννυμι, &c. ; but the $piritus lenis (due 
probably to the following &) is usual in Ισβή%, &c. 

15. The correction of ιρημιαι to ίκΒημίαι is due to W-M, ΐκ^ημία is quoted from the 
Hypsipyle in Bekker, Antiatt. p. 93. 26 (Nauck Fr. 768), and ΐρημίαι followed by aypovs 
ΐρήμους in 1, 1 7 produces an awkward tautology. 

i8. αποιν was originally written, and the t was subsequently converted into μ and ο 
written through the mark of elision, the correction being probably by a different hand ; an 
acute accent seems to have been erased over the first o. Άπορον . . . άπορίην is intolerable, 
and some other adjective must be substituted. It also seems likely that the nominative case 
in this and the next word has been replaced by the accusative, though the latter need not 
be wrong, απολις, as Murray remarks, would be closer to the text of the papyrus than 
αφιλο!•, cf. Jlec. 8 II ά'τΓολίϊ ΐρημοί άθλιωτάτη βροτων. This passage supports Wakefield's 
correction άν€ρ(^μ^ην(ντα in Ion 255. 

24. The compound μηλοβοσκός is not otherwise attested. 

27. α'ψΐθΐίς is a simple correction oi evpeOeii, which is not a natural word here. 

28. κλτ^δοϋχο? 'priest', as in Ζ T'. 131 Saias κ\τ}8ονχον. 

29-30. [;ί]ρ[//^οψ' αν and o[8iov] were suggested by Murray, χεαίμίθα instead of 
χρησαιμΐθα by W-M. The middle χίασθαι is idiomatic (cf. e.g. Soph. 0. C. 477 χοάί 
χίασθαι), whereas χρησαίμΐθα is indefensible with [x]e'pw/3a ; perhaps the scribe was influenced 
by χρήζοίμι in the previous verse. Statins describes the country as suffering from a drought, 
and it was water for drink not a libation that Hypsipyle was begged to indicate ; cf. Thed. iv. 
754 sqq. 

3 1 . στρατών was an easy error with στρατού at the beginning of the next verse. 

35. [5]pia W-M. 

37. ωρμημίσθα appears likely here, but the supposed ρμ are extremely doubtful ; the 
vestiges would suit υ or | better than p. A combination with Fr. 92, though the papyrus 
is very similar in appearance, does not seem practicable. 

38. ίώη[ in the margin at the end of this line is no doubt a variant like those in Col. iv, 
and we therefore infer that the verse began with et and some other particle than δ^, e. g. 
nms or γάρ. This opening combined with €]υτνχώί renders the general sense sufficiently clear, 
and the line may be completed in various ways, of which we print an illustration. To 
suppose that €ΐ8η[ is the commencement of a line originally omitted and subsequently 
supplied is inadmissible, for the margin between the columns is not nearly broad enough to 
contain a verse in a single line, while if the verse were divided into several lines, something 
of these should be visible below ίώη. 

39. The restoration of the first half of the verse is the suggestion of Bury; but it is 
quite likely that the letters should be divided ]? οΰ θίμι[ς . . . ; 

41. πημον\αί θηρά[5 λαβ€Ϊν W— Μ. & [^^"(f)» άλλων πημον^ας βηρά[ς τις ων; WOUld also be 

suitable. The position of Fr. 3, containing the beginnings of 11. 41-4, is practically assured 
by the appearance of the papyrus and the appropriateness of its contents. 

42. Both here and in Fr. 60. 15 the papyrus has the Homeric and Pindaric form 
Όϊκλψ, but Οίκλψ is preferred by editors of Aeschylus and Euripides. In Suppl. 925, the 
only other passage is Eurip. where the name occurs, LP read Ίοκλεου?. 

43. Hypsipyle evidently knew Amphiaraus by name ; cf. e. g. Ion 260-^3 (Kp.) Κρεονσα 

μ^v μοι τοϋνομ', fK δ* Έρ^χθίω! τΐΐφυκα, πατρ\! γη δ* Αθηναίων ττόλις. ("ΐω•) ^ κλανον οϊκονσ άστυ 
γΐνναίων τ αττο τραφύσα πατέρων κ.τ.λ. 
44• οιλ[ : or οιχ[? 

Ργ. 4. The precise position of this fragment is uncertain, but there are two reasons for 


placing it above rather than below 11. i-ii of Col. ν : (i) Amphiaraus after telling Hypsipyle 
his name would naturally proceed to ask hers before making any further disclosures, 
especially when he found that his name was familiar to her (cf. 1. 43, note), (2) a dark fibre in 
the papyrus in front of the lines is noticeable in Fr. 4 and also in the upper part of Col. y, 
but disappears lower in the column. Since the break along the top of Cols, iv and ν is 
horizontal and the number of lines in a column here is about 60 (cf. introd. p. 20), there is 
a loss of at least 15 lines between iv. 44 and v. i. 

2. η•. or 17 or ^? 

3-4, We print a restoration suggested by Bury ; the same sense can of course be 
represented in various other ways. 

Pr. 1. V. i-ii. Amph. ' My wife persuaded me . . . 

Hyps. With righteous intent or (guilefully) ? 

Amph. She received a necklace . . . 

Hyps. Whence (was it obtained) ? 

Amph. Famed Cadmus once married Harmonia, — 

Hyps. He was one of those whose nuptials were attended by gods. 

Amph. To her Aphrodite gave a lovely necklace. 

Hyps. The gods to children of gods are ever kind. 

Amph. Now their son was called Polydorus. 

Hyps. If he was the son of a goddess, and received gods' gifts, 'twas a fit name. 

Amph. His son was Labdacus . . .' , 

I-II. The subject of this passage, as was perceived by both W-M and Bury, is clearly 
the famous necklace of Harmonia with which Polynices bribed Eriphyle, the wife of 
Amphiaraus, to persuade her husband to join the expedition against Thebes ; Amphiaraus 
had sworn that Eriphyle should be the arbiter in any question that might arise between 
himself and Adrastus, and so could not reject Eriphyle's request, although he was aware of 
her duplicity ; cf. ApoUod. iii. 6. 2. 

I. Only the bottoms of the first two letters remain, and their identity is extremely 
doubtful ; but the vestiges suit γυ, and if δσία ή^\ρονονσα is right in 1. 2, Eriphyle must^have 
been the subject of 1. l. Cf. ApoUod iii. 6. 2 Έρφύλη rhv Βρμον\αβονσα ennae τον (αι/δρα) 

3 The line may be completed e. g. iBe^aff ορμον χ^ρσι UoKweiKovs πάρα. ποΟ^ν m 1. 4 
probably indicates that the o>os in particular and not merely δώρα in general had been 
mentioned, but it hardly follows that Polynices had also been specified. ^ ^ 

5. For the genealogy here following d.Phoen. 5 sqq. Κάδμο? . . . διπαιδα yηfms Κνηρώοί 

'λρμονίαν ττοτέ Πολύδωρο./ εξ€φυσβ, τοΰ 8e ΑάβΒακον φνναι Xeyovacv, « δβ roiSe Aaiov. ^ 

6 Restored by W-M. Cf. Phoen. 822 Αρμονίας 6e ποτ' ds νμ^ναίονς ήλνθον ουρανώαι. 

η Accounts diifer as to who gave the necklace and to whom it was given ; according 
to some Harmonia received it from Cadmus. But that the giver in this line should be 
divine is necessary from the emphasis on θ,οί in 1. 8 ; cf. Schol. Phoen. 71 τον μ^ν ορμον 

Αφροδίτη . . . airrfj (sc. Αρμονία) ίχαρίσατο. 

8-10. The restorations were suggested by W-M. 

Pr. 5. The appearance of the papyrus suggests that this fragment goes closer to 1. 12 
than to 1. 27, and the first line of it may even coincide with 1. 12. It is noticeable that 
on the lower edge of the recto there are two or three half obliterated letters m a small hand, 
whereas the recto of the rest of Cols, iv-v is blank. But these few letters run in the reverse 


direction to the other writing on the recto, and their presence is not a valid reason against 
placing the fragment in Col. v, which is its most suitable position. Which of the speakers 
is Aniphiaraus and which Hypsipyle is not clearly defined. 
5. The letter after δ is more probably ο than e. 

Col. V. 27. A comparison with the preceding column indicates a gap of 14 lines 
after 1. 1 2. If yi( in 1. 2 8 is yv[vai in the vocative the speaker there must be Amphiaraus, 
but that is far from certain. 

29. The δ in the left margin marks the 400th line of the play; cf. Fr. 25, and introd. 
p. 20. 

Frs. 6-9. We regard these fragments as forming part of the stasimon which followed 
the scene between Hypsipyle and Amphiaraus. That Frs. 6-7 and 9 belong to a single 
column is practically assured by a vertical crease in the papyrus, made, as the writing in the case 
of the two latter shows, after the recto but before the verso was inscribed. This crease has 
also served as a rough guide to the number of letters lost at the beginnings of lines in Frs. 6 
and 7. The position of the three fragments relatively to each other is quite uncertain, and 
they may be arranged in any order ; but it is likely on account of the difference of subject 
that Fr. 9 was separated by a considerable gap from the other two. The reference to 
χίρηβα[ in Fr. 6. i affords a slight reason for placing that fragment first ; also Frs. 7 and 9 
are alike in colour, while that of Fr. 6 is rather different. Fr. 8, containing the beginnings 
of nine lines from [. .]\eu[ to σφ . [ is shown to belong to the same column by the appear- 
ance of the papyrus on both recto and verso (the line of junction between two selides 
accurately corresponds in Frs. 8 and 9), and its place has been determined on internal 
evidence, especially 11. 6-7 and 9. 

Fr. β. I. χ^'ρνιψ is usually accented, like other words in ψ, on the penultimate, but 
the accent χ^ρνίβοί, &c., as in the papyrus, was usual napa rois ποιηταϊς according to 
Suidas s. v. 

3. The supposed interlinear ν is possibly only a circumflex accent, but the angle seems 
to be too acute. 

Pr. 7. 4. 8ρ]οσιζομΐν[ W-M. 8ροσιζόμΐναι in Aristoph. Frogs 131 2 may well be a 
reminiscence of this passage. 

Frs. 8-9. The chorus is here tracing the events which led to the expedition against 
Thebes. According to the well-known story Polynices of Thebes and Tydeus of Calydon, 
both fugitives from their homes, arrived simultaneously at Argos and began quarrelling 
in front of the palace of Adrastus about their quarters for the night {κλισίαί 7r[ep]t ννκτίρου, 
I. 10). Adrastus roused by the noise separated the combatants ; and, believing that they 
represented the lion and the boar which an oracle had foretold as the husbands of his 
daughters (11. 13-5 Φοίβου δ' ei(o]n-ci[s] . . . τίκνα βηρσϊν [(]€v\$]at), adopted them as sons-in-law 
and undertook to restore them each to his country. Cf. Suppl. 131 sqq., Phoen, 409 sqq., 
ApoUod. iii. 6. i. 

2. Pleuron was close to Calydon, the capital of Tydeus. 

6-15. 'By night in lairs by the court-yard, exchanging frequent defiances, by oarage 
of iron and by slaughter they made proof with the spear, fugitives as they were, of the spirit 
of their noble fathers. And king Adrastus lay in his 'couch, having received the behests of 
Phoebus that he should wed his daughters to wild beasts . . .' 

6-9. The restoration, which proceeds on the assumption that θνμόν in 1. 12 is correct 
(cf. note ad loc), is mainly due to Murray. For 1. 6 cf. Phoen. 4 1 5-6 (Πο.) vv^ ην, ' Αδράστου 


δ' ηΚθον els παραστά8αί. (ίο.) κοιτάς ματίύων . . . ', ιη;[ is evidently ννξ ίπ SOme form, and if 

φνγας in 1. 5 is masCuline and not feminine it is probable, as Bury remarks, that 1. 6 
is a fresh clause and vv]kt6s Se should be restored. At the end of the line either av\a or 
ανλα[Ιί is possible. In 1. 7 W-M suggests epib' [eptSos ayfιβόμfvoι, which may be right ; but 
the dative would perhaps be expected rather than the genitive in such a phrase, as e. g. 
in Aret. p. 71• 30 άμ^Ί-^ασθαι TO κακόν κακω. In 1. 8 σι^άρον τ flp]faia (Bury and Murray) 
seems certain, though we can find nothing quite parallel. In 1. 9 the letter before ov 
may be χ. σφαγΰ is a somewhat strong expression, since nobody was killed or, for anything 
the story tells us, even hurt ; but the imperfect ίποίονν serves to soften it. 

12. θυμον. only very slight vestiges remain of the letters after μ, and the first of them 
may also be α or ω ; θνμω^. .] could be read, but there is not room for ^υμώδ[«5], even if 
that prosaic word could be admitted here, and δορ\ θυμώ^α] is an improbable combination. 
A compound adjective δοριθνμ . . . agreeing with φυγάδβρ would be attractive, but none such 
is known, nor are there obvious analogies upon which to coin one that would suit the 

13. €j{o]7ra[s] was suggested by Murray. Cf. Phoen, 409-11 ?χρ>;σ' Άδράστω S.o^\.ai 
χρησμόν τίνα . . . κάπρω \ίοντί θ' άρμόσαι παίδων γάμου!, and ΕΙ. Ι302 Φοίβου τ ασοφοι γΚώσσης 

15• [CM^]«t is somewhat too cramped to be quite satisfactory, but is adopted in default 
of a better reading ; άρμόσαι is excluded. 

16-17. αμπετάσα! probably refers to some word like 'house' or 'gates' and hence 
δ]ό/χο[ν (so Bury; δ]ονο[ι; or δ]όμω[ν are alternatives) is a natural restoration. Cf. AL•. 597 
δόμον άμπΐτάσαί, Phoetl. 297 άμπέτασον TniXas, 

Tr. 10. As explained in introd. p. 25 we regard this and the three following fragments 
(the relative order of which is quite uncertain) as belonging to a lyrical dialogue between the 
chorus and Hypsipyle after the latter's return from her disastrous expedition with Amphiaraus. 
Much depends upon the correctness of the decipherment in 1. 3 of Fr. 10, where there 
is a broken letter of the name of the speaker. If the name is, as we believe, 'Υψι]π{υλη), 
the view adopted of this fragment seems necessary. The doubtful π may also be a letter 
with a round top like ^ or ο (hardly p), but the abbreviation χ]ο{ρός) is unsuitable because 
something of the χ ought also to be visible. Murray proposed to make Fr. 10 refer to 
a search for Hypsipyle and Fr. 11. 1-2 represent her cries when captured, while Bury 
thought that Fr. 10 is a dialogue between the members of the chorus, who caught sight of 
the struggle with the serpent going on in the distance. But the name of Hypsipyle before 
1. 3 would of course be inconsistent with either of these interpretations. 

2. There is a speck of ink at the edge of the papyrus in front of this line, but 
the absence of a paragraphus below 1. i is against referring 1. 2 to a different speaker 
whose name might be given in the margin, as in 1. 3. 

3. μα[κράν Murray. There is no paragraphus below cyyur. 

4. Ιΐλ(]ύσσ(ΐν is right, this line projected by a letter further to the left than 11. 3 
and 7-8. 

5. For aX]tiC€s cf. Here. ^.513 πανΰστατον νυν, ηΚίΚΐς, δίδόρκατε, Phoen, 1 747 ^pos η^ικας 
φάνηθι σάί. Either two or three letters may be lost according as 1. 4 or 11. 7-8 are taken as 
the standard (cf. note on 1. 4) ; yvva]U€s would be too long. At the end of this line some 
correction has been made ; apparently a letter like y or τ has been crossed through and ο or 
ρ written above. Whether the next letter, which is rounded like f, Θ, or σ, was also altered 
cannot be determined ; ctpijKe is unsatisfactory as the remains stand. 



6. If εγω is right the y has been corrected, perhaps from τ or because as first written 
the effect of τ was produced; cf. Fr. i. iv. 2 and Fr. 64. 12, where there has been 
a confusion of γ and τ. 

Pr. 13. I. The vestige in the margin may be part of an obhque dash (cf. Fr. 57. 16, 
Fr. 60. 72, &c.) or represent a letter, e.g. χ[ο{ρόή as in 1. 4 below. 

Frs. 14r-7, These fragments may be connected either with Frs. 6-9 or 10—3. 
Frs, 14 and 15 were found adhering together, face to face, and the worm-eaten edges follow 
the same pattern. 

Frs. 18-9. On the position and interpretation of these two pieces cf. introd. p. 25. 
They were found with the main group of fragments, but are distinguished from them by the 
dark colour and semi-decayed condition of the papyrus. 

Ft. 18. I . The letters vh are very doubtful : κρψη σκια^ might be read ; cf. /. T. 

I24g— 6 δράκων σκίΐρα κατάχαΚκο! (.'*) ΐυφύΧλω 8αφνα. 

3- Α mark like a grave accent has been placed above π as well as the preceding 
ω ; probably the accent intended for the ω was first written too far to the right, and then re- 
peated in its proper place. The acute accent on λευσσω[ seems to have been corrected from 
a circumflex. 

4. πηληκα σάων presumably refers to the hpanav, though πηΚηξ is not used elsewhere 
of a serpent's crest. Cf. Statins, Theb. v. 51b auraiae crudelis gloria frontis prominet, 572 
per que iuhas sianiis capitisque insigne corusci emicat. 

5. Perhaps eVei σΐγ' or eTretat y', as W-M suggests ; but the passage is very obscure. 
The vestige of the letter after fnn is too minute to be recognized. 

6. At the left edge of the papyrus opposite this line are two letters, in a smaller 
but perhaps not different hand, which may be read as ]λα or ]αλ. They probably belong to 
a marginal note on the preceding column (cf. Fr. 64. 50-1) rather than to an entry of the 
dramatis persona, since the paragraphus shows that a change of speaker does not occur till 
the line below. The commencement of the verse is difficult. The letter after the lacuna 
seems to be either δ or a, and rather the former than the latter. 7Γάί{τα] hiahpavat. suggests 
itself, but the compound hiahpav does not occur. On the other hand if the words are 
divided παΐ'[. .]5ta δρασαί a satisfactory restoration is not evident ; neither τιάν^ ojSta (Murray) 
nor πάι{τ' ι]δια seems very likely. ■παι\τ'\οία is not suitable. 

7. The first letter of the line had a tall stroke and Λvas with little doubt either φ or \/r. 
We suppose the verse to have begun Avith a hypermetrical φεΰ on account of the difficulty 
of filling up a foot with the remaining two letters ; but there is a rather similar problem in 
the next line. 

8. The vestige supposed to represent the top of the e in kh and the stop at the end of 
the word might together be taken as a diaeresis over the t, κ[•]Ό hut there would then 
be room only for a very narrow letter, another ι or o, in the lacuna. At the beginning 
of the Une the space is so short that the foot and a half to be supplied there (if "^ψ^ί is right) 
must have consisted mainly of vowels. 

9. Some insertion has been made over the line, but its nature is very uncertain. The 
e after φ is on a small fragment which broke away when the papyrus was being flattened, 
and should perhaps be put closer to the p. Α/χ(^[ία]ρ6[ω5 cannot be read. 

Fr. 19. This fragment is closely connected with Fr. 18 by the appearance of the 
papyrus. Possibly it joins on above 8ia^ in 1. 1 of Fr. 18. 

Frs. 20, 21. On the scene here see introd. p. 24. The position of Fr. 20, which con- 


tains the beginnings of II. 1-4, is probable on internal evidence and confirmed by the 
correspondence of the fibres of the recto. 

1-16. Hyps. 'Dear friends, I stand on the razor's edge, (in danger of) shameful 
treatment ; I am full of fear. 

Chor. Hast thou no word of hope to tell thy friends ? 

Hyps. Flight 1 if only I had knowledge of these roads I 

Chor. What then hast thou found that spurs thee to boldness ? 

Hyps. I am fearful of what I shall suffer because of the child's death. 

Chor. Poor soul, thou hast some acquaintance with such ills ! 

Hyps. Yea, I know them, and I will be on my guard. 

Chor. Where then wilt thou turn ? What city will receive thee ? 

Hyps. My feet and zeal will decide that. 

Chor. The land is guarded round about by sentinel-posts. 

Hyps. You are right : let that be ; but I go. 

Chor. Consider, for thou hast friends in us to give thee counsel. 

Hyps. What if I found some one to conduct me forth from this land ? 

Chor. There is no one who is willing to conduct a slave.' 

I. Z> ^^ra^ai, suggested by Bury, is suitable in itself but not a very satisfactory reading 
of the papyrus, as it makes the letters between φ and τ rather crowded, while on the other 
hand there is a slight space between the ω and the φ ; ω[.1/3 could be read, ω φίλταται 
yvvdiKfs occurs in Oresf. 136; 2> φ[ίλτα]ται however may of course stand alone, and the 
γ here is quite doubtful. At the end of the line eVt ξνροϋ is only one of many possibilities : 

cf. Here. F. 630 δδ' 'ί^ΐ]τ im ξυρον ; Homer Κ 1*73 eVt ξνροΰ ΐσταται άκμης, ScC. 

3. Ισ;^ουσι seems preferable to '4χονσι on account of the preceding e^etj/ ; but ΐχ^ιν is the 
usual word, e. g. Fr. 64. 76, Orest. 1255 φόβος e^et μ(. 

5. aTe[y]S>v των[Κ , which could be read, is an obvious restoration, but the line is then 
difficult to complete ; there is not room for (κψρ[αμονσα. Bury suggests e'\bp[av as τάχος 
toKft, but edpava, though a word used by Euripides as well as Aeschylus and Sophocles, 
occurs only in lyrics. Hence we adopt the restoration proposed by Murray, which is 
sufficiently consistent with the papyrus ; something of the lost β might have been expected 
to be visible, but would not necessarily be so. 

6. W-M would restore at the end of this line κακών, on the analogy oi Androm. 28 
αΚκψ Ttv evpelv κάπικούρησιν κακών, but άλκη in the present passage seems to have a different 
sense. Hypsipyle has just stated in the previous line what her άλκη κακών, her defence or 
resource, was to be, namely flight ; and her reply in 1. 7 shows clearly that the present ques- 
tion must be, what induced her to contemplate such a bold step. Our proposed restoration 
attempts to give this meaning. Whether the alteration of the original reading δ^ ποτ, for 
which 8ητα γ has apparently been substituted, is by the first hand, is doubtful. 

10. So Med. 386 TLS μΐ δΐξΐται πόλις ; 

II. For the conjunction of που» and προθυμία cf. Ion 1 lOg-lO tIs ηροθυμίαποΒων €χ€ΐ (Tt; 
and Phoen. 1430 προθυμία ποδός. 

12-3. φρο[νρίο]ισιν and [ί']ικά[ί•] W-M; for the latter cf. Suppl. 946-7 (Θ17.) τί^ψα 

\ΰπην Toiabe προσθύναι. θίλΐΐς ; (Α.δ.) νικάς' μίν^ιν χρη τλημόνως. We had thought of [eltVa[i'] ew 

δι) τ(α)ντ(ά y), on the analogy of El. 379 κρύτιστον ίϊκη ταΰτ iav, but this is not so close to 
the papyrus. In 1. 12 ι^δε has been lightly crossed through with ink of the same colour as 
that of the overwritten (v. 

14-6. The restoration of these lines is largely due to Murray. In 1. 16 [ovbth θίΚησ^ι 
δραπίτας] may be suggested as an alternative supplement. 


Pr. 22. The speaker of 11. i-8 is evidently pleading the cause of Hypsipyle, and 
we assign them to Hypsipyle herself for the reasons given in introd. p. 26, 
2. The doubtful β may be Θ. 
7. 8ίαριθμ\ may be some part of the verb διαριθμΐΐν or δι' άρι6μ[ίύρ\ ; for the former of. 

/. T. 966 ψήφους διηρίθμησ{, and for the latter (W-M) Bacch. 209 δι' αριθμών δ' ovbfv 
ανξΐσθαι OeXfi. 

9. €]\f[|af Bury ; ]λο[ or ]λω[ can also be read, or possibly ]ασ[ though the first letter 
is more like λ than a. There would not be room for e8p]aa[as. 

II. This was the last line of a column. 

Prs. 23-36. The relative position of these pieces is mostly indeterminate, though there 
are grounds in certain cases for connecting two or more of them somewhat closely together; 
see the notes on the individual fragments. 

Frs. 23-4. These two fragments are similar in appearance, and may well belong to 
the same dialogue ; if the speakers are, as we conjecture, Eurydice and Hypsipyle, (A), the 
questioner, would naturally be the former in both pieces. 

Pr. 23. 3. Perhaps & παί[κακΙστη (cf. Hipp. 682), if the line is spoken by Eurydice 
to Hypsipyle ; cf. the previous note. 

Pr. 25. ζ in the margin of Col. ii marks, we suppose, the 600th, not the 700th line, the 
numeration being by the letters of the alphabet, not figures ; thus 1000 = *:, not i, 1 100 = λ, 
not la, and so on ; cf. Fr. 64. 79, 841. II. 25, VI. 7, and P. Brit. Mus. 732. Col. xvi {Journal 
of Phil. xxvi. No. 51, p. 43), where a ζ denotes the 6ooth line of Iliad xiii. The same 
alphabetical system, in which ς is omitted and t = 6, is commonly used for the numeration 
of the books of a work, e.g. Homer and Herodotus. In P. Grenf. II. 11. ii. 4 (Pherecydes), 
where a ς which is in all probability stichometrical is found, the scribe has confused the 
alphabetical and numerical systems or employed the latter. 

Prs. 27-9. Fr. 28 was found adhering, face downwards, to the upper right-hand side of 
Fr. 27, and the worm-eaten edges have the same pattern. This indication that the two 
fragments are to be connected gains some confirmation from the recto, where part of an 
oblique dash denoting a total occurs on Fr. 27, and on Fr. 28 there is in the right position 
the end of a stroke which may be the continuation of the same oblique dash. If so, the 
gap between them is unlikely to be large, and και χ[6ρ]ι/ίβ[ωΐ' e]Sii^[a . . . p6nv or χ[φ]ίΊβ[αί] 
δ]«'^[ουσα would be a suitable combination ; but we have not succeeded in carrying out the 
restoration on this basis. That Fr. 29 belongs to the same column as Fr. 27 is made 
probable by the presence of a pair of dark fibres in the left margin of both fragments ; 
these fibres are rather closer to the commencement of the lines in Fr. 27 than in Fr. 29, 
which suggests that the latter preceded, but this inference is not certain. The speaker 
apparently is Hypsipyle, who is addressing the queen Eurydice (cf. Fr. 27. 2 and 6-7), as in 
Fr. 22, and perhaps Frs. 27-9 come from the upper part of the column of which Fr. 22 is 
the bottom; but the writing on them is of a distinctly smaller size than that of Fr. 22, so 
that in any case it is likely that there was an appreciable interval. 

Pr. 27. I. Only the bottom of the stichometrical letter in the margin remains, and it 
may be read as e, but e does not suit the supposed situation here ; cf. the previous note 
and introd. p. 26. 

2. The accent of x[cp]w'/3[ does not prove that the termination was the genitive plural ; 
cf. Fr. 6. I, note. 


3. Thore is not room for eye at the b^inning of this fine, bat «■• voold be jost 
possible : perhaps not more than a sin^ie letter is lost in the lacona between c and *. 
A pamgnphus below this or the next line voold probablj be invisible, die popyras heistg 
much rubbed. 

4. A single broad letter would fiD the space before Aim ^>, bat thoe woold be room 
for e. g.ovorru £ither y or a- coald well be read in place oft before the final bcnna. 

Ft. 28. I. 'ψα^ : the 1 maybe ν^κκ,ψ c»^. For a possible combinatiom with Fr. s';. 
2 cf. note above on Frs. 27-9. 

3. Oaly part of the r ronains. bat there is enoa^ of ii^ we dunk, to exdnde μ. 

Ft. 29. See note on Frs. 27-9. 

Fr. 32. The speaker here, evidendy, is again Hypap]^ who is dwdling ΐφοα hor love 
for her dead nai^in|^ probeibly in repodatuon of tbe accnsalions of Fmjdke; cf 
Fr. 60. 10. It is dear firom the recto that the fragment is not from the same colomn 
as Fr. 22 or Fr. 27. 

3. V after a» is fairly certain, bat beyond this the remaios of l^tos are very di^ tul 
tar is reached ; the t may be part of a m and «par or ψββτ could be read. 

4. W-M suggests w}mr. 

7. K}|ii4!uir«{r: Bf^vora is used in Tlreed. 893 crf'the cfaanns «rf^HeloL 
9. 6 ]γ' ayicaXats : cC Fr. 6ol ID ; perhaps iy «ynXMn [pam>„ but die last letter may also 
be e. g. it, λ, or ». 

1 1. X is corrected, a^f^arendy from γ. 

Fr. 33. The speaker and subject of dais fragmant are both problemadcaL dwinL'; 
naturally suggests BuJ^s, and perhaps diis fragmoot belongs with Fis. 34-5 lo a scene 
in which the sons of Hyps^yle again ^^ncd; dL introd. pi 29. 

I. The supposed grave accent on^ is vary doubtfal; a circamflex m breathii^ or an 
interlinear letter, is eqmlly possiUe. 

Frs. 34-5. The si^gested combinadoa of these two fragments is made probaUe by its 
suitability in U. 5-6, and some confinnalory evideace β siqipfied by the recfoi. But die 
situation remains very doubtful, and we abstain fi«m attempts at reconstmdtion. Tbat 
Eurydice is one of the chaiactecs ofmcomed is |Kobable (c£ 1. a aer|gmow[), and W-M thinks 
that die is confronted by Fnneos and Tboas» but we are not convinced that the periphrasis 
used in speaHr^ of Hypsipyle in L 5 really involves this ; cf. introd. p. 29, and die notes 
below. The nnmbar of letters to be supplied at the beg^mings of the fines is uncertain ; 
they are estimated on the hypothesis that six are lost in D. 4-6, but though there can hardly 
have been less, there may have been mme. Tbe worm-eaten patton of Fr. 35 is identical 
with that of Frs. 14-5. 

3. Bury suggests [χύ^ίή μ}» ιύ^* U [tm wAptSm if•», snpposiiig the speaker to be 
Eurydice who had been away from the pabo^ and had now jiet returned. He thinks that 
the absence of the queen as well as the Kng when Amphiaraus arrived would be an 
advantage to ±e plot as hdping to excuse HypsipyH who thus could not ask leave to grant his 
request. But the data seam scarce^ sufficient to substantiate this view. The vestige before 
ονσ suits a θ only moderately well, and the proposed restoration of the preceding hama is 
somewhat overlong. 

4. Perhaps φρ^}Λ^ ; die letter b^ore « (which is almost certain) may be y. Bury 
suggests ?ρ]β»μαι . . . [«pw^iJ^A, but ftMynnw sp^^Sns is uot a voj soit^bfe phrase in 
referring to Hypsipyle. 

5-6. ή rpo4{6s W-M, Mrniay. We had propo^d to read f τμβιφί tc}cm» . . . SOmi»^ 



but W-M objects to this (i) that τίκύω would be expected, and (2) that Hypsipyle was 
a dry-nurse. No doubt the dative would be more natural, but the genitive hardly seems 
impossible ; and to the latter objection it may be answered that Hypsipyle Avould not be 
more than middle-aged (Statius, Theb. v. 466, makes her sons about twenty years old), and 
that her own language rather conveys the impression that she fulfilled all a mother's functions 
■ηΧψου τίκοίσα, especially if βφιρβον be read in Fr. 60. 12, and secondly that she was certainly 
imagined as a nurse in the fuller sense by Statius; cf. TM. v. 617 libera parvo iam 
viaterna daham. It may also be questioned whether τροφα: Βώόναι would necessarily imply 
suckling, ονδ' έσω βαίι{(ΐ suggests something like [(ξψΧ^Υ ^ξω at the beginning of 1. 5. 

Frs. 37-56 are too small to give clear indications concerning their metre. They were 
found at the same time as Frs. 6 sqq. (cf. introd, p. 20), and are therefore grouped here 
with them. 

Fr. 41. I. μάρ]τνσίρ : cf. Fr. 60. 18. 

Fr. 46. I. The deleted α was originally unelided. 

Fr. 49. 2. There was a horizontal stroke like a mark of length or a rough breathing 
above the letter preceding the first a. 

Frs. 57-9 probably belong to the stasimon preceding the act partially preserved in 
Fr. 60 ; cf. introd. p. 27, and note on 1. 17. We have not succeeded in finding a combina- 
tion between them, but the texture of the papyrus and the character of the script, as well as 
similarities in subject and metre, serve to connect them. The praise of Dionysus is the 
main theme, and the metre had a large anapaestic element. 

Fr. 57. I. This line is apparently the first of a column. 

5. The supposed stop after ιδ may well be one of two dots inclosing the interlinear 
variant, though such dots are not commonly used in this papyrus ; cf. however, 
Fr. I. iv. 6-7 and Fr. 73. 4. 

10. Cf. Rhes. 12 τ'ι TO σήμα Bpoei. 

13-6. Cf. Bacch. 142 sqq. p^l 8e γάλακτι neBov, pa b' οίνω, pel be μΑισσαν νίκταρι, Συρίας 
δ' ω? Χιβάνου καπνός. 

17- The traces of the stichometrical figure are slight, but that it is such a figure is 
evident from the horizontal dashes above and below it, and this granted the only 
suitable reading is λ, i. e. 1 1 00 ; the stroke seems to be too diagonal for the right-hand 

limb of a /x. , . , , , , 

20 sqq. The commencement of a new strophe or antistrophe is marked by the para- 

graphus and the projection of the lines to the left; cf. e. g. Fr. i. iii. 18. Who is addressed 

in πότνια θΐων is not clear. 

22. Cf. /. T. 209 ττρωτόγονον θάλος. 

Fr. 58. I. avpai: or λυραι. 

2. Cf. Fr. 57.16 and lofl 89 σμνρνης δ' avvbpov καπνός eh ορόφους Φοίβου πεταται, Tro. Ι064 
σμυρνης αΙθερίας re καπνον. 

3. Cf. Fr. 57. Τ- 
Ι ο. κυ7Γαρισσόρο{φ)ον•. this word was conjectured by Casaubon in Mnesim. Bi'pp. i. 

1, where the MS. reading is κυπαριττοτρόφον. It is just possible that φ and not δ stood 
in the papyrus, but something of the vertical stroke of a φ ought certainly to appear. 
κυπαρισσόρο8ος, as W-M remarks, is a hardly possible compound. 

Fr. 59. The colour of the papyrus suggests that this fragment is to be placed below 
rather than above Fr. 58 ; it does not seem likely that Fr. 58. 12 and Fr. 59. i coincide. 


Fr. 60. 5-62. Hyps. ' ... So seemest thou to indulge blind rage without staying 
to learn truly the events' course. Art thou silent, and answerest none of my complaints? 

For of the child's death I am indeed the cause, but of killing him I am not justly accused, 

my nursling, whom I fed in my arms, and who to my love was as my own child in all save 
that I bare him not, my great comfort ! Ο prow of Argo, and the sea's white foam 1 Ο my 
children, I perish miserably ! Ο seer, son of Oecles, death is upon me ! Help me, come, 
suffer me not to die on a shameful charge ; since for thy sake I am lost ! Come, for thou 
knowest my case, and wouldst be received by this woman as the surest witness of my 
mishap.— Let us go, since I see no friend at hand to save me. Vain then was my 
compunction ! 

Amph. Stay, thou who art sending this woman to be slain, Ο queen of the palace; for 
from thy comeliness to my view I attribute to thee noble birth. 

Hyps.^ O, by thy knees, Amphiaraus, from the ground I supplicate thee, by thy beard, 
by Apollo's sacred art, save me, for thou art come at the very moment in my extremity, and 
'tis for thy sake that I perish. I am at the point of death, and in bonds thou seest me at 
thy knees who then went with the strangers. So thou, a holy man, wilt do a holy deed ; 
but if thou desertest me thou wilt be a reproach to the Argives, yea, to the Hellene race. Ο 
thou who by the altar's sacred flame dost foresee the fortunes of the Danai, tell this woman 
of the child's disaster, for thou wert by and knowest. She says that of set purpose I killed 
her son and plotted against her house. 

Amph. With knowledge am I come, having suspected the fate which the child's end 
^yould bring upon thee ; and I am here to aid thine evil case, armed not with might, but 
right. For it were shame to know well how to receive benefits from thee, and having received 
them, how to do nought in return. First then, stranger lady, show thy face ; for the dis- 
creetness of my eye is much noised abroad among the Hellenes, and it is my nature, lady, 
to restrain myself and to discern qualities. Next listen and relax this hastiness. In all else 
error needs must be, but error against the life of a man or woman is a foul thing. 

Euryd. Stranger, native of the neighbouring land by Argos, I have learned of all men 
of thy discretion, else hadst thou never stood by and looked upon this face. And now if 
thou desirest, I am willing to listen and to instruct thee ; for thou art not unworthy. 

Amph. Lady, I would soften thy bitterness at this poor creature's injury, not so 
much out of regard for her as for justice ; and I am shamed before Phoebus whose art 
I practise by sacrificial fire if I speak any falsehood. 'Twas I who persuaded this woman 
to show a spring of water running with a pure stream that therefrom I might take an offering 
for the army in crossing the bounds of Argos . . .' 

4 sqq. Hypsipyle on her way to death is making a last effort to move Eurydice ; 
cf. introd. p. 26. 

5. δοκ[ίΙϊ συ : or So/c[fi σοι, and the sentence is perhaps interrogative. For χαρίζίσθαι 

cf. Nauck Fr. 31 from the Aeolus 6ργη γαρ όστις €υθ€ως χαρίζΐται. 

11. {γ): δ' Pap., but δε as W-M remarks, is superfluous; r«XV όπως, which he 
suggests, is a rather larger alteration. 

12. Murray's 'ίήχρβον for %φίρον seems the best remedy for this defective line. The 
mistake would be a very easy one especially after in (μαίσιν άγκάλαις (cf. Or. 464 παίδ' 

άγκάΚαισι π^ριφίρων), and ίφερβον can be Supported by Cyc/. 142 ov (ξίθρεψα ταϊσδ' εγώ πστ 

άγκάλαις. W-M Suggests (φεροι^ {€π)ωφiλημ. Cf. for the language here Fr. 32, and for 
ώφί\ημ Statins, Thel•. v. 608 sqq. inihi desertae natonim dulcis imago, Archemore, rerum 
ei patriae solamen ademptae serviiiiqiie decus. 

13. \(νκαινΐΐν is transitive elsewhere in Euripides; cf. Nicander, AJ. 170 αφροΊο νίψ 

κλυδα \ίνκα[νονσαν . 

Η a 


14. The dot which is placed directly over σ of ττπιδεσ was perhaps intended to cancel 
that superfluous letter, but it may be a carelessly written stop. 
16. αρηξο[ν, e]\ee: SO I/erc. F. 494. 

19. σαφΐστατ(ο)ν : cf. Hipp. g^2 μάρτυρος σαφέστατου. σαφίστατ αν WOuld nOt yield the 

required sense. 

20. nyere is addressed by Hypsipyle to her guards. 

21. On the significance of the words Keva δ' [ϊ]πτιδ(σΘην Άρα see introd. p. 25. It was 
suggested by Murray that ίτττ]^ίσθψ "might possibly be here used in a passive sense, ' I was 
reverenced,' i. e. spared, in which case Hypsipyle would mean that she might as well have 
been slain at once ; but there seems to be no parallel for such a use. 

22. ο οι πέμπουσα has been corrected apparendy from e, and probably π^μπΐΐσ was first 
written. The left margin is broken a\vay close to the beginnings of the lines throughout 
this column, and the entries of the speakers' names, if they occurred, are lost. 

23. iurperres was first writteil, the t being a later insertion though possibly by the original 
scribe, τώ evnpene't. is instrumental and there is no need for an alteration like e'-yw yap 
(υπρεπη. The Sentence was begun as if eXevBepav τψ φΰσιν dvai ίΐκάζω, or something of the 
sort, was to follow. 

25. σε . . . iKeris πίτνω = σε 'iKerevw, the abnormal construction being assisted by the 
familiarity of the formula προς σε γονάτων, &c., which is sometimes used with an entire ellipse 
of a verb. Cf. for this appeal e.g. Andr. 572 sqq. αλλ' άντιάζω σ, Z> yepov, των σων napes 

ττίτνονσα γονάτων — χί'Ρ' δ' ονκ ΐξίστί μοι της σης λαβίσθαι φιΧτατης yeveiados — ρΰσαί μΐ προς θβων, 

29- Since the second sentence expands the first and does not stand in any sort of 
opposition to it, re is more appropriate than Be. Perhaps the particles should be trans- 
posed, μέλλω δε . . . 8ΐσμίαν Τ€. 

30. θ of τοθ is corrected from τ. The mistaken υ in ξένους has not been crossed out. 
31-2. Some or even all of the corrections may be in another hand; the η above 01 in 
1. 32 looks as if it had been enlarged after it was first inserted. 
35. [οΐσ]θα (Murray) is more likely than [ησ]θα. 
43- Eurydice had veiled herself on the sudden intrusion of a strange man. Cf. the 

words of the τροφός of Hermione in Aftdr. 876 άλλ' εισί^' εισω μτ^δε φαντάζου Βόμων πάροιθε 
τωνΒε, μη τιν αίσχννην 'Κάβτ]ς πρόσθΐν μίλάθρων τών8' όρωμίνη, τίκνον. It is also tO be remembered 

that Eurydice's husband was absent from the palace. A more subtle interpretation of her 
attitude has been proposed by IMurray, who thinks that shame at being surprised by a good 
man in an act of blind vindictiveness led to an outburst of tears. There is, however, no real 
hint of this in the Greek, and 11. 51-2 are hardly consistent with it. For the turn of the 

verse cf. Heracl. 942 πρώτον μίν οΰν μοι δεΰρ' ΐπίστρΐψον κάρα. 

44-5• There seems to be no similar instance of this use of Βιηκΐΐν, which inverts 

the ordinary construction, e. g. Soph. O. C. 305-6 πολύ γάρ, ω yepov, το σον όνομα 8ιηκ(ΐ πάντας. 

But the locution may be defended on the analogy of buevai, bιepχeσθa^, &c., and there is no 
need to suspect a corruption, κ of /cm has been corrected; the scribe apparently began to write σ. 

46. κοσμίΐν = ' regulate,' ' restrain,' as in Andr, 956 χρεών κοσμύν γυναίκας τας γνναικΐΐας 

νόσους. By τα Βιαφίρονθ' όράν Amphiaraus apparently means that he regarded essential 
qualities, not allowing himself to be distracted by vanities. 

47. Perhaps the interlinear δ as well as the ε and σ is by a later hand. 

49. Cf. Ale. 301 ψυχής γαρ ovbev Ιστι τιμιώτΐρον, 

52. Sense and metre both demand the insertion of aV after όμμα. 

53. βουλεί here Pap., but -u is the regular form elsewhere. 

60. The circumflex accent on εγώ, influenced apparently by the prodelision, is curious ; 
but the accentuation is not seldom at fault; cf. Fr. i. i. 4, iv. 11. κρηναΊον γόνος occurs in 
Aesch. Pers. 483. 


6i. \οπωί\άβω Murray. 

62. What was originally written in place of 'kpyuov is is obscure ; perhaps the α 
of πρόθυμα was also deleted. The mark above ω of ω? was presumably intended as a rough 
breathing but it consists of a single horizontal stroke, ^'^κκπΐρων, followed by some such 
word as όρισμα, W-M. ^ 

67. In the initial lacuna W-M suggests χω, which might bcAvritten και ο, Bury lave. 

68. μ(ν[ : or μίΐ . [, in which case μ€[ν probably followed παί? in the preceding line. ]as 
a/iei>//[ could be read. 

71-2. Bury suggests ασ[ημο5 and in the next verse α[1ματωπ6ν ομμασιν βλίπων, comparmg 
Nauck Fr. 870 8pa<ovTos αίματωπον όμμα, which is quotcd from Euripides in Anecd, Bekk. 
p. 362, and has been referred to this play by Hartung, Eun;p. Rest. ii. p. 436. The subject 
of ηκόντισ is evidently δράκων; Bury compares άκοντίας, the name of a kind of serpent. 
The breathings in 1. 72 are both not quite certain. 

77. We adopt the restoration proposed by Bury; the line of course easily admits 
of several variations, e. g. μυρίων πόνων or κακών or πολυπόνου μοίρας, but the sense IS evident. 

80. όρνιθα = ' omen ', as e. g. in LA. 988 opvis ytvoir' av . . . θαναΰσ' €μη nals. 

81. The letters after μη are represented by exiguous vestiges and are all very doubtful. 
Above the second of them there is a faint vertical mark which may represent an inserted 
iota ; that it is the top of a φ or V' is not probable. 

82. αλλ' ουχ[ or άλλον χ[. 

84. Κάδμου : sc. 7ΓΟλ(ΐί) or some equivalent expression. 

85. Probably κνρησ[α5 agreeing with "Αδραστος. 

86. ιξ€ταρ[, as Murray suggests, seems to be a crasis of Ίξ^ται apa. Our restorations 
in this and the next two lines only attempt to give the sense. 

89-96 = Nauck Fr. 757. 1-8. Lines 89-92 and 95 end-96 are quoted by Clement 
Alex. Strom, iv. p. 587, 11. 89-96, by Plutarch, Mor. p. no F,and Stobaeus (who gives the 
name of the play), Flor. 108. 11, 11. 94-5 μη, by Marcus Antoninus 7. 40, and 1. 94 again 
at II. 6. Lines 90-4 are translated by Cicero, Tusc. 3. 25. 59. 

89. δ' αν : yovv Clem. ; δ' αν is clearly right. 

90. ού πονΐ'ι βροτων : ουκ ae\ πονά. Stob. ου νοσεί βρ. is conjectured by F. G. Schmidt, 
Krit. Stud. ii. p. 487, on the ground that Cicero has quern non attingit dolor . 

91. There is considerable variation in this line in the authorities; Stob. \ΐ^% βάπτ^ιν . . . 
και €Tfpa κτάσθαι. πάλιν, Plutarch θάπτει . . . χατ^ρ αν κτάται νέα, Clement ίάπτα και erepa σπΐίρ(ΐ 

νια. We follow Nauck's text. 

92. αυτοί in the papyrus is a slip for αυτοί as read by Plut. and Clem. avToiis θν^σκειν 
Stob., who also has κατά δ' (= κατά δ' ?) for κα\ τάδ'. ^ . r ^• 

93- [γην άναγκαίω! δ' : την8' άναγκαίωί Plut. and Stob., corrected by Grotius from Cicero s 
translation reddenda terrae est terra. 

94-5. βίον Μ. Ant. II. 6, and το . . .τό for τον . . . τ6ν 7. 40. 

96. oreveiv . . . 8ΐ(κπ(ραν : OTeyeiv . . . δ6Ϊ δ' eKuepav Clem. 

After this line Plut. and Clem, give another, which Nauck edits as Beivov yap oiBev των 
άvayκaίωv βροτο'ΐί [οίθίν yhp heivov Plut., oi bnvhv oibiv Clem.), and it is quite possible that there 
has been an omission in the papyrus; cf. Fr. i. ii..8 and Fr. 64. 57. On the other hand 
the verse is not added here by Stobaeus, who quotes it (in the form ουκ αίσχρον ονδίν κ.τ.λ.) 
as Εύριπίδου simply, without the name of the play, in another place, Flor. 29. 56. 
Stobaeus' testimony, therefore, tends to corroborate the papyrus, and as the hne is easily 

spared we do not insert it. , , . ν r . '/1 

97. The letter before the lacuna seems to be ο rather than e, i.e. Apyo[vs or Apyoufv. 

Something like "Apyolvs iξάγovσι πρόσφορα \ θάψαι dbs ημ^ϊν κου k(v6v τι πράξομίν seemS 



99-101. Cf. Statius, Theh. v, 536-7 ut inde sacer per saecula Grais genlibus et tanto 
dignus morerere septdcro, and 741 mansuris donandus honoribus infans. 

102-3. Cf. the words of the scholiast on Clement quoted in introd. p. 22 eV aura τον 
Νίμΐακον αγώνα σννεστησατο, and Schol. Pindar, Nem. arg. 4 ό δε στίφανο5 £κ χΚωρών ττλ/κεταί 

ιο6. The line may be completed e. g. Άρχψόρου τεθνηκότοζ, as Bury suggests. 

111. its TO \οιπ6ν Murray. 

112. Murray proposes τ\ίμιον ττροσκείσίται. τ[ίμιον is also suggested here by Bury. 

113. ή after ησσον is naturally interpreted as rj\ of. Fr. i. ii. 19 and 22, where ν is 
written in the same way. But μψ[ is obscure. 

1 1 4-7 = Nauck Fr. 759, quoted from the Hypsipyle in Orion, Flor. 7. 5, p. 51, 10; 
1. 114 also appears, without statement of the source, in Flor. Monac. 100. 

114. φνσίΐς : so correctly Flor. Monac; χρησας Orion. 

117. ovhi: olbiv Orion, corr. Schneidewin. Wecklein, Rhein. Mus. xxxiii. p. 121 
proposes to read \oyov in place of χρ^ων. 

Frs. 61-3. These fragments, as W-M suggests, may be assigned with probability to 
the columns intervening between Fr. 60. ii and Fr. 64. i ; the allusions to Hypsipyle's sons in 
Fr. 61. 4-6, to Lemnos in Fr. 62. 3, and to Amphiaraus in Fr. 63. 6 suit that position. 
But though all three give ends of lines they appear to come from different columns. Fr. 63 
is distinguished by a se/is rather to the right of the centre ; and the other two are quite 
dissimilar, Fr. 61 being light-coloured and well preserved, whereas Fr. 62 is dark and 
rubbed. It is likely enough that some of the other pieces among Frs. 65-73 ^^so belong 
to this part of the play, but in the absence of definite indications we do not attempt to assign 
their position. 

Fr. 61. Hypsipyle is the speaker in part of this fragment at any rate, perhaps throughout. 
In 1. 6 she is probably expressing her ignorance whether her sons survive or not, and 11. 8 
and 12 contain allusions to her servitude. A reference to the strange young men precedes 
in 1. 4 ; W-M may well be right in thinking that Hypsipyle is addressing one of the latter, 
and asking him to obtain her liberty. If so the fragment would be preliminary to their 

2. άζηλω κα[κω W— Μ ; o[i;]pta ζηλω κα[κά (Murray) seems more difficult. αλ]λό[τ]ρία ζηλω 
κα[κά is objectionable owing to the neglect of caesura : perhaps ά ζηλω. 

4. e'lxoif : or possibly [ο]χοΐ5 : cf Fr. 33. 8, where })χη[ might be οχη[μα. 

5. μ of ομού is corrected from λ, probably by a later hand. The words may also be 
divided ο μ ου παρόνθ' δμ[ω5 (?) as Murray suggests, which would imply a masculine speaker 
for this line. 

15. Apparently not ήνίκα. 

Fr. 62. 2. The ν above the line seems to have been inserted by the first hand, and was 
perhaps deleted by the second. 

5. The short ν in κωλύει, if the reading is right, is remarkable. The ν is similarly 
scanned e.g. in Aristophanes' Knights 723, 972, but is long elsewhere in tragedy wherever 
the quantity is determinable. Ion 391, Phoen. 990. Murray notes the parallel oi μψΧ^ν in 
Rhes. 494. 

7. ταιόί•. or Tivos; the fragment may be stichomuthic. 

Fr. 63. The speaker is probably Hypsipyle, who after her rescue by Amphiaraus 
seems in 11. 5-8 to be asking for further assistance ; cf. note on 11. 7-8. 

3. An acute accent on eanv has been substituted for a barytone ; cf. 841. VI. 88. 


4. υ of ονσ was originally omitted. 

7—8. W— Μ proposes αιϊψις ωσπερύ V€0)s ^oKij ττΧαγκτψ κνβ€ρνητην σε] λα^μψάνω [σοφοί; 
as representing the sense of these two verses ; ζ[άλΐ] however could not be read, though 

σ[άλω would suit. 

Pr. 64. i. άναγνώρισκ between Hypsipyle and her sons ; cf. introd. p. 26. It is tempting 
to place Fr. 70 at the top of this column. The recto is blank save for the tip of an oblique 
dash, and in the margin of Fr. 64. i recto there are two incomplete oblique dashes, to one 
of which the tip in Fr. 70 might well belong. On the other hand the strongly marked 
fibres of the papyrus do not correspond in the two pieces as they should do, and the 
combination cannot therefore be regarded as satisfactory. 

50-1. These explanatory glosses are in a small hand resembling that of the text, 
though perhaps distinct from it. The words Ήδωνίσι and nayyatoi/ of course occurred 
in the text. 

57. κάτ(ω) refers to an entry in the (lost) margin below, replacing a deletion (apparently) 
in the text ; cf. Fr. i. ii. 8. κάτ(ω) has been written twice, perhaps through mere inadvertence, 
or possibly the corrector thought that the word was placed too near the end of the verse, 
and so rubbed it out and rewrote it further oif. 

58-106. Hyps. ' . . . (the wheel of the god) ... me and my children has run back again 
along a single road, rolling us now towards terror, now delight ; and at last he has shone 
forth serene. 

Amph. This is the guerdon, lady, that thou receivest from me ; since thou wert 
zealous towards my entreaty, I in my turn have shown my zeal towards thy sons. God keep 
thee now, and keep ye this your mother, and fare ye well; while we will go on with our 
army to Thebes, even as we have set forth to do. 

The sons of Hyps. Blessings on thee, friend, for thou dost merit them; yea, blessings 
on thee. Hapless mother, how insatiate of thy Avoes was one among the gods ! 

Hyps. Ah, if thou shouldst learn of my banishment, my son, my banishment from 
sea-washed Lemnos, because I cut not off the grey head of my father ! 

Eun. Can they have ordered thee to slay thy father ? 

Hyps. I am full of terror at those bygone woes. Oh, my son, like Gorgons they 
slaughtered their husbands in their beds. 

Eu7i. And thou, how didst thou steal aAvay from death ? 

Hyps. I reached the resounding shore and the sea-wave where the birds make their 
lonely nests. 

Eun. And how camest thou thence, what convoy brought thee hither.'' 

Hyps. Sailors carried me by ship to Nauplia's haven, the place of travellers' passage, 
and brought me to servitude here, my son, a sorry merchandise of Danaid maidens. 

Eun. Alas for thy woes ! 

Hyps. Lament not in our good fortune. But how wert thou and thy brother here 
brought up, and by whose hand. Ο my son ? Tell me, tell thy mother. 

Eun. The Argo brought me and him to the city of lolcus. 

Hvps. Yea, the nursling of my breast I 

Eun. But when my father Jason died, mother, — 

Hyps. Alas ! thou speakest of my afflictions, my son, and bringest the tears to my eyes. 

Eun. — Then Orpheus brought him and me to the land of Thrace. 

Hyps. What kindness was he doing to thy hapless father ? Tell me, my son. 

Eun. He taught me the music of the Asian I^tc, and my brother he schooled in Ares' 
art of arms. 

Hyps, And by what way went ye over the Aegean to the shore of Lemnos ? 


Eun. Thy father Thoas conveyed thy two children. 

Hyps. Is he then safe ? 

Eun. Yea, by the contrivance of Bacchus.' 

58-62. e'/i*' evidently preceded, and the subject of the sentence is 8αίμων or Βάκχος or 
some equivalent expression, χρόνω . . . (νάμίρος is a regular dochmiac dimeter, and 11. 58-60 
as they stand in the papyrus may also be regarded as resolved dochmiacs, but it is perhaps 
better, as W-M suggests, to regard those verses as iambic on account of ίλίξαί. In either 
case re is best omitted. For the metaphor of ΐτρόχασίν cf. e.g. Soph. Fr. 787 πότμος iv 

πνκνω deov τροχω κνκΧΛται. 

64. ψτόμην is a somewhat strong expression, but we can find no more suitable correction 
for the meaningless ην rore of the papyrus, and it is well to suppose that Hypsipyle was not 
easily persuaded. 

65. A slightly curved stroke in which we can see no meaning stands above f of TratSe; 
it might be meant for an iota. 

66. The line as left by the first hand though grammatically correct will not scan, since it 
gives a short final vowel before σφ. To omit τίκνα and bring in riji/Se (accented τήν8(, cf. Fr. i. 
vi. 11), which was inserted at a diff'erent time and probably by a different hand, is an easy 
remedy, but the construction then becomes more difficult, since a transitive σωζίτί or σωζίσθβ 
has to be supplied out of the passive σώζον. 

69-71. The marginal annotation assigns these lines to both sons, which implies a fourth 
actor ; cf. introd. p. 30, Perhaps one of them spoke 1. 69, the other 11. 70-1 ; this adds point 
to the repeated (υ8αιμονοίη5 (cf. however, Soph. E/. 11 63— 4 &s μ' αττώλβσαϊ• άττώλίσαί δητ, Ores/. 
219 λαβον,λαβοΰδητ). W-M reminds us of the parallel in Afed. 1271 sqq., where the MSS. 

prefix to 1. 1271 τγοΪγ, to 1272 ereposnaii, and to 1277-8 παΐδεί Or oi hvo iraibes. The StOp in 

1. 70 should have been placed after 8ψα instead of before it. 

72-3. τ which follows φν-γας in the papyrus might be regarded as an error for y (cf. 
Fr. 60. 12), but is better omitted altogether. The metre of these two verses is iambic 
monometer, dochmiac monometer, dochmiac dimeter. 

74. The deleted υ, which was written by the first hand over ν of ^μον, implies the 
division ουκίτ ipov, though if the words were so understood 'ότι ought also to have been 
altered to ore. The transposition of ποΚιόν is suggested by W-M in order to produce 
a dochmiac dimeter. 

75 sqq. Since Euneos is the speaker in 1. loi (cf. introd. p. 28), it is best to regard 
him as sustaining the whole of this conversation. 

77. The correction οϊ τΐκνα to τ^κνον, proposed by W-M, is probable since one son is 
addressed throughout this passage; cf. 11. 73, 86, 91, &c. An anapaestic dimeter is here 
interposed between a dochmiac dim. and a dochmiac monom. For ota re cf. Fr. i. ii. 18. 

Topyabis in the sense of TopyovfS is quoted in Phot. Lex. TrKOKiovTopyabos• τον δοθέντα πλόκαμον 

της Τοργόιτης Άστΐρόπη τη Κηφίως ] cf. Lycophr. 1349"? τταλίμφρων Γοργοί, which is explained by 

some Scholl. as meaning Hera η ΐμποιοΰσα φόβον πάρα την γopyότητa. The word Topyabmv 

is glossed by Hesychius, who cites it (i p. 851) from Sophocles' Daedalus, as άλίάδωι^; cf. 

ibid. Topyibts' al Ώκΐανίδ^ί, Ζοπ. Lex. p. 448 yopyabes' al δί(Γποινηι, 

79• On the rnarginal π = 1. i6oo cf Fr. 25, note. 

80-82. ορνίθων {sic) Pap., but Spvfov though a good word does not occur elsewhere in 
tragedy and W-M's correction ορνίθων is also metrically preferable. Transposing ίκόμαν to 
1. 81 we then get here an iambic dimeter, an anapaestic dimeter, and a dochmiac with 
irrational penultimate. The papyrus shows both the old Attic (properispome) and the later 
accentuation of έρημος. For ορνίθων . . . κοίταν cf. a fragment from the Polyidus (Nauck 
636. 5) ό κνματ οίκων opvis. οϊδμα θαΚάσσιον occurred in the Bellerophon (^dMcVi 301. 2) 


84-6 = spond. dip., dactyl, tetrap., 2 dactylo-epitrit. dims., withcatalexisin the second. 

87. We adopt W-M's conjecture ivBabe Ααναί8ων, which produces a dochiniac dimeter, 
for the unintelligible (νθαΒη (another δη deleted) ναιων. Murray suggests evdab' § ναίω, which 
is closer to the papyrus but makes the construction of μίλίον ΐμπολάν more difficult, besides 
being less satisfactory metrically. The ο of μ^λ^ον is more like ω, and perhaps μ(λ(ων was 
written owing to confusion with ναιων. 

89-92. Dactylo-epitrit. dim. (προσοδιακόν), dactyl, tetrap., 2 crelic dims, (apparently), 
ore δ was written for ode τ : cf. Fr. 60. 29, note; the partial correction is by the first hand. 

93. We substitute is Ίωλκόν for ds Κόλχων, the incongruity of which had already struck 
us and was further emphasized by Dr. Mahaify. According to Ovid, fferoid. 6. 56, Jason 
stayed two years at Lemnos, but his children were not yet born when he sailed for 
Colchis : at any rate it is improbable that he could have wished to take two infants on that 
dangerous expedition ; moreover there would be a strange hiatus in Euneos' story if he said 
nothing of going to Thessaly. Euripides apparently imagined Jason as calling again at Lemnos 
on his return from Colchis (cf. Pindar, Fy/L 4. 251), and on finding Hypsipyle gone— she 
had in the meantime been banished— his natural course would be to carry his young children 
away with him to his own home ; according to Statius, TM. v. 467, Hypsipyle on going into 
exile left them in the charge of a person named Lycaste, Avho is unknown from other sources. 

Cf. ApoUon. Rhod. i. 904-6 (Jason to Hypsipyle) d δ' οϋμοι πίπρωται ενΕλλάδα yaiap ίκίσθαι 
τήλοΰ άναπλώοντι, σν δ' apaeva τταιΒα τίκηαι, πίμπΐ μιν ηβησαντα Πίλασγίδοί evSov Ίωλκοΰ. W-M 

however, in spite of the foregoing considerations, would retain els Κόλχων on the ground 
that this is required by Hypsipyle's interjection in the next line, άπομαστίδων κ.τΧ 

The interlinear e is written through a mark of elision. 

94 = Anapaestic monom. (equivalent to dochmiac) + catalectic dochmiac. 

95. The letters οσ of ψοσ are converted from an ω. 

96-7. κακά for κακών Murray, restoring the dochmiac trimeter. 

98. For Orpheus cf. note on Fr. i. iii. 8-10. 

99-100 = Resolved dochmiac + iambic trim. For χάριν . . . τίθψevos cf. El. 61 

χάριτα τιθ(μίνη πόσίΐ. 

ΙΟΙ. This verse which shows that Euneos is the speaker alludes to the Attic clan ot 
Ευν€ΐ8αι: cf. introd. p. 28. The first hand perhaps wrote μακαρισα5, but the vestige of the 
letter after μ is too slight to show whether it was corrected. 

102. ''Apeωs όπλα . . . μάχηs : 6πλα-μάχη5 coalesces into a single term, being practically 
equivalent, as W-M remarks, to δπλομαχίαν. Cf. FAoen. 307-9 βοστρύχον re κνανόχρωτα 

χaiτas-πλόκaμov, Soph. Afli. 795 βλ(φάρων-ΐμίρο5 ίυλίκτρον vvμφas, &C. The letters ea, 

though broken, are practically certain. 

103-4 = Dochmiac trim., the first member catalectic, the third with an irrational first 

105. The papyrus has 8voiv τεκνω, which is obviously wrong. W-M believes that 
there is a serious corruption, first on account of the form τίκνω, and secondly because the 
words would naturally mean 'his children' not ' your children '. But although dual neuters 
in -ω are certainly rare, they do occasionally occur, e. g. /. T. 487 δυ i^ ivhs κακω, Phoen. 582 
bio κακώ, Aristoph. Birds 1464 ^repS, Lysist. 291 τώ ^ύλω, Xen. Cyr. v. 4. 51 τώ δέ δι^ο 
φρονρίω; and though the expression is not clear, no doubt could arise concerning the 
intended meaning. It would be easy to complete the line differently, e. g. τώ παίδε σου, or 
iKUae νώ, but not easy to account for the corruption. We therefore leave the text as nearly 
as possible in the form in which it stands, while quite admitting its questionable authenticity. 
Murray ingeniously proposes δυ' ol τ€κνω, which no doubt might readily produce δύοιν τίκνω ; 
but the collocation does not seem quite satisfactory. 

106. Ba[*c]x[iov] suits the space better than Βα[«]χ[ία4 and, as Murray remarks, is more 


probable in itself in view of the extremely common use in Euripides of Βάκχιος ■= Βάκχος. 
In Statius, T/ieo. v. 283-4, Dionysus in aiding Thoas to escape from Lemnos promises to 
watch over his fortunes : /u lato paire7)i covimitte pro/tindo. Succcdam curis. 

107. Perhaps ττ\όν<ύν, but μΐταρό^^αί (cf. Nauck Fr. inc. 864 μβταβολας yap πόνων del 

φιλώ) is excluded by the accent on o. 

109. τταΐδαί η : for the circumflex on η cf. Fr. i. ii. 17 ; παΊδα ση is less hkely. 

III. Possibly βροτοΊσι 8ό]ντος, as INIurray suggests: but the sense of the passage 
remains too obscure for a restoration. 

152. On this appearance of Dionysus and the purport of his speech cf. introd. p. 28. 

Fr. 65. στρατί in 1. 4 and θύΐΐν in 1. 9 are doubtless references to the Argive army (cf. 
^Frs. I. iv. 36 and 60. 62), and the speaker is perhaps Amphiaraus, in which case the frag- 
ment should probably be placed with Frs. 61-3 in the gap between Frs. 60 and 64. 

Pr. 67. The rubbed papyrus is very similar in appearance to the bottom of Fr. i. iii ; 
it is quite likely to be lyrical, but does not seem to join on there directly. 

Frs. 68-9. Fr. 68 cannot be placed in Col. i of Fr. 64, nor is it at all likely that 
Fr. 69 belongs there. 

Fr. 70. Possibly this fragment belongs to the top of Fr. 64. i ; cf. note ad loc. It does 
not come from the same column as Fr. 77. 

2. ]i τνχαις : or ΊΓτνχαις. 

5. This may be a lyric verse. 

Fr. 71. Since the recto contains beginnings of lines, this fragment does not belong to 
Fr. I. V, where the recto is blank. 

Fr. 72. This piece approximates in condition to Frs. 18-9, but not closely enough 
to be definitely grouped with them. 

Fr. 73. 4. ψ (not ην) is inserted above the line apparently as a variant on d : in the 
absence of the context it is of course impossible to give either the preference. 

Fr. 76. 3. The insertion above the line is puzzling : the two sigmas are clear, and at 
a short distance from them is a vestige of what seems to be another letter. 

Fr. 77. 4. The slight vestige of the first letter would suit χ. 

Fr. 79. This fragment looks as if it belonged to Fr. i. ii, but we cannot find a place for 
it there. 

Fr. 86. 3. A vestige on the edge of the papyrus above the top of the Q may represent 
a breathing or belong to another inserted letter. 

Fr. 90. 4. This is probably the last line of a column. 

Fr. 96. 4. The supposed c has been corrected apparently from ν ; but perhaps the first 
letter is α and the υ was merely crossed out, being followed by a τ. 

Fr. 97. In the margin slightly above 1. i is what appears to be a small β with two 
horizontal strokes below it. The remains do not well suit either one of the dramatis 
personae or a stichometrical figure, though ^ = 1400 is just possible. 

Fr. 116. Judged by the manner 'of writing, θόα[ is more probably part of the text than 
a marginal dramaiis persona, though the blank space below would suit the latter hypothesis. 

Fr. lie. This is perhaps part of a marginal note; cf. Fr. 64. i. 50-1. The stroke 
like an accent is some little way above the ^. 


853. Commentary on Thucydides II. 

Height 20-5 cm. Late second century. 

Plate IV (Cols, xvi-xvii). 

These considerable portions of a commentary upon the second book of 
Thucydides belong to the large find of literary papyri which produced 841-4 and 
852, and consisted originally of about a hundred fragments of varying sizes, 
two-thirds of which have been pieced together. Excluding the small unplaced 
fragments, 19 columns (about 600 lines) are preserved, divided into eight separate 
sections which we have called A-H, and covering the first 45 chapters of the 
book, though with large gaps at certain points. Like 842, which was written 
on the verso of a long official document from the Arsinoite nome (918), this 
commentary is on the back of a series of non-literary documents from that 
district. A detailed description of these texts is given under 986 ; here it is 
necessary to state that the writing proceeds in the opposite direction to that 
of the scholia, and that at least three originally different papyri have been joined 
together to form a roll of sufficient length for the literary text. Cols, i-iv of the 
recto (= Cols, xix-xiv of the verso) belong to a survey-list of confiscated 
house property ; Cols, v-viii of the recto (= Cols, xiii-viii of the verso) are in 
the same hand and of a similar character, but are concerned with property in land, 
the writer, a comogrammateus of the village of Oxyrhyncha in the i6th year of 
Hadrian, making a fresh start. Col. viii of the recto was cut down the middle and 
joined to another second-century document, Col. ix (=Col. vii of the verso), 
containing a return by sitologi which has itself had the beginnings of lines cut 
off ; the line of junction corresponds to the margin between Cols, viii and vii of 
the verso. Cols, x-xv of the recto (= Cols, vi-i of the verso) belong to a third 
document, a second-century account concerning loans of seed-corn to cultivators 
of Crown lands. 

The script of the commentary is a small and neat informal uncial, with a 
tendency to lapse into cursive forms, especially in the letters, e and κ, and presents 
much similarity to the hand of the Oxyrhynchus scholia on Iliad xxi (221). The 
circumstance that one of the documents on the recto is dated in A. D. 131-a 
provides a terminus a quo for the date of the text on the verso, which on 
palaeographical grounds is not likely to be later than A. D. 200. Probably 842, 
852, and 853 were all written about the same time, somewhat later than 221. 
Iota adscript is rarely (e. g. x. 15, 31, xv. 34) omitted. There are no stops, 
and accents, breathings, and elision-marks are used sparingly ; but paragraph! 


occur frequently to separate the notes, and the lemmata project into the left 
margin by the width of one letter, as in the Berlin Didymus papyrus, and are 
separated from the notes referring to them by a short blank space. With each 
new quotation the scribe begins a fresh line. The common angular sign (some- 
times doubled) is employed to fill up short lines, t and ν occasionally have the 
diaeresis. The concluding word of a note is four times (v. 15, vii. 28, xv. 4, xvi. i ] ) 
abbreviated, even though in the first two cases there was plenty of room to write 
the word out in full ; but of the conventional abbreviations often found in com- 
mentaries of this period (cf. e. g. 856} there is no trace. The columns contain 
from 35 to 38 lines, the beginnings of which tend to slope away to the left as the 
column proceeds. There are a few corrections, all due to the original scribe, who 
was not a very careful copyist, so that several minor alterations in the text, 
chiefly due to omissions, are necessary ; cf. i. 22, ii. 19, 28, vii, 24, ix. 13, x. 27, 
XV. 4, 38. 

Of the eight sections into which the papyrus falls, A contains Cols, i-iii in 
a very fair condition, and the beginnings of lines of Col. iv. So far as the 
external evidence is concerned, there is no special indication that Col. i is the 
original beginning of the writing on the verso, but since the first note refers 
to the opening words of Book II, it is probable that in Col. i we have the actual 
commencement of the work, and that the roll did not contain our author's com- 
mentary on Book I if he wrote one. i. 7-iv. 9 is taken up by a long discussion 
of the criticisms directed against Thucydides' method of writing history by 
Dionysius of Halicarnassus in his extant work -nepX ©ovKvUhov, so that by the end 
of Col. iv our author has only reached c. 2. 4. B, comprising the two well- 
preserved columns ν and vi, follows immediately after A and covers cc. 2. 4-8. 2, 
after which there is a gap. Since the writing on the recto of Β has no connexion 
with that on the recto of C, it does not help to decide the width of the lacuna 
between these two sections, but the internal evidence of the scholia shows that 
at least one column and probably not more than two are missing between 
Cols, vi and vii. C, which contains the two damaged columns vii and viii, begins 
at c. II. 4 and reaches c. 13. 6. D, containing the upper half of Col. ix, 
follows C without an interval, and down to 1. 18 covers c. 13. 6-7. Fr. i, how- 
ever, apparently refers to c. 14. i and probably belongs to the lower part of 
Col. ix, which no doubt covered all c. 14 ; for Ε begins at c. 15. i, and though, as 
far as the verso is concerned, there might be a column or two missing between 
D and E, the writing on the recto makes it practically certain that Col. χ follows 
immediately after Col. ix. While Col. i of Ε ( = Col. x), which covers cc. 15. i- 
17. I is in moderate preservation. Col. ii (=Col. xi) is represented only by 
three small detached fragments. The exact position of that containing parts of 


11. 1-3 is obvious from internal evidence, while that containing the beginnings 
of 11. 15-7 is fixed not only by its suitability to this context, but by the 
writing on the recto, and the accuracy of the position assigned to the third 
fragment, containing parts of 11. 14-21 (Fr. 2), is hardly open to question. The 
next section, F, consists of the ends of lines of Col. xii and three quarters 
of Col. xiii, covering cc. 17. 4-24. τ. That anything is lost between Cols, xi and 
xii is most unlikely, but after Col. xiii there is a long gap, since G begins at 
c. 34. 5. In this section we have the ends of lines of Col. xiv, then three well- 
preserved columns (xv-xvii) and the beginnings of lines of another (xviii) cover- 
ing cc. 34. 5-41. 3. The beginning of the funeral oration of Pericles (cc. 35-45) 
is noted in xiv. 3. After Col. xviii there is another considerable lacuna in which 
probably 3 or 4 columns are lost, and Η (Col. xix) has only the ends of 18 lines 
on a fragment dealing with c. 45. 2, near the conclusion of the funeral oration. 

The date at which these scholia were composed can be fixed within tolerably 
narrow limits. Dionysius of Halicarnassus came to Rome in 30 B.C. and issued 
his great work on Roman Archaeology in 7 B.C. {Ant. i. 7. 2), while Q. Aelius 
Tubero, to whom the treatise on Thucydides was addressed, is probably identical 
with the consul of 11 B. c, so that our commentary which discusses that treatise 
cannot be earlier than 30 B. C. and is not likely to be earlier than 10 B.C. On 
the other hand, since the MS. itself is not later than A. D. 200, the composition 
of the commentary can hardly have taken place later than Hadrian's time, 
and it is more likely that it was written soon after the beginning of the 
Christian era. 

The extant scholia on Thucydides, derived from the Byzantine MSS. and of 
varying dates, are fairly full, but do not display much learning, and are rarely 
of great value either for the elucidation of the text or for quotations from other 
writers ; and in spite of the greater antiquity of our commentary it is but little 
superior to them in point of quality. Our author's interest in Thucydides was 
mainly grammatical, and most of the notes are devoted to the explanation of words, 
phrases, or constructions, with frequent paraphrases of clauses or even whole 
sentences which were difiicult, especially in the funeral oration. Questions of 
spelling and accentuation are discussed in v. 12-5 and vi. 25-8. In exegesis 
our author displays more intelligence than the extant scholia (e.g. v. 1-3) ; and 
though many of his remarks are trivial enough, his opinions on several well- 
known and much disputed passages have some importance, as supporting now 
one, now another of the modern commentators, or suggesting something new ; 
e.g. X. 25-30, xiv. 6-1 1, XV. 16-24, xvii. 16-9, 23-9, and 31-3. But his 
authority cannot be ranked high, for in several places his interpretation is certainly 
wide of the mark ; cf. v. 22-9 (two explanations of the infinitive του μη (κφυγ^ϊν, 


both of which are unsatisfactory), ix. 4-6 (an impossible explanation of νττό 
as equivalent to a-no), xix. 4 sqq. (a hopelessly wrong interpretation of ψ αν ctt' 
ελάχιστοι; κ.τ.λ.)• Of more interest than his exegetical remarks are his critical 
notes on the text. The variant ωρμητο for ωργητο recorded in xiii. 13-5 was 
already known, but neither (κστρατβνομίνων (vii. 29), which occurred in our 
author's text of Thucydides II. 12. 2, nor the alternative reading in the note 
στρατβνάντων (vii. 30) have found their way into the existing MSS., which all have 
€ξ€στρατ€υμ4νωι•, a reading ignored by our author. Of real value is the note on 
Π^φάσιοι (xiii. 20-3), which explains the origin of a long felt corruption in the text 
of c. 22. 3. In the rare cases where the commentary deals with historical or 
geographical rather than with grammatical or textual questions, it is singularly 
disappointing. The brief indication of the position of Phrygia in xiii. 16 slightly 
modifies the current view of the site of that unimportant village, and the note on 
the temple of Dionysus at Limnae (x. 7-14) might have been of some value 
if more complete, but that on the Anthesteria (x. 16-8) merely confirms what 
was already known to us from other sources, and such annotations as vi. 16-24 
and xiii. 25-8 are elementary. Our author, indeed, exhibits a very limited 
acquaintance with Greek literature. There is not a single quotation from other 
Greek historians, and apart from the discussion of the criticisms of Dionysius, the 
only prose writer of any kind who is referred to is . . .]os (apparently an earlier 
commentator on Thucydides) mentioned in x. 11. A well-known quotation from 
Pindar, which in its later proverbial form is also quoted by the extant scholia 
on Thucydides, occurs in vi. 34-5, and there is a passing allusion to the Erech- 
thens of Euripides in x. 3 ; but the only other writers with whom our author 
shows familiarity are Homer and Callimachus. The former is quoted by way of 
illustration not less than ten times (iv. 6, 17, vi. 9-10 (?), 14-5, vii. lo-i, 27-8, ix. 
^-β^ xiii. 17-9, 20-1, xvii. 18-9, xix. 6-7), the interpretation in the last instance 
being singularly perverse, though in accordance with that of the earlier Alex- 
andrian commentators, while the citation in ix. ^-6 is quite inapposite (cf. vi. 
9-10, note). The text is uniformly the vulgate except in xvii. 18-9, where our 
author probably relied on his memory and quoted inaccurately. Callimachus 
is cited twice, the first quotation (x. 7-10, from the Hecale) being partly extant, 
the second (x. 37-8) new. 

In view of the general similarity in mode of treatment between this commentary 
and the extant scholia it is surprising that the points of actual agreement are so 
few. The most noteworthy is the Pindar quotation alluded to above (vi. 34-5), 
but even here the scholia quote the saying as a -παροιμία and in a slightly different 
form. Elsewhere there are occasional verbal similarities, such as would be 
expected from any commentators covering the same ground (cf. e. g. notes 


on V. ^^, viii. 7-9, ix. 10, x. 19-20, xii. 10, xiii. 17, xv. 16, xvi. 19-24)5 but amid 
innumerable divergencies no striking coincidences are found anywhere, and there 
is no reason to think that our author is one of the direct sources of the extant 
scholia, while even an indirect influence upon them seems unlikely. 

The somewhat unfavourable impression which our author makes as a com- 
mentator on the text of Thucydides is improved when we turn to his discussion 
of the views of Dionysius about Thucydides' methods as a historian. As 
a literary critic he exhibits himself to greater advantage than as a grammarian, 
and his defence of Thucydides is both just and sensible. Dionysius, whose 
whole treatment of Thucydides though not wanting in learning and acumen 
is marked by a lack of appreciation of his real merits, in cc. 9-20 of his De 
Thticyd. Itidic. censures the historian's mode of dealing with his subject-matter, 
the following chapters (cc. 21-55) being concerned with his style. Dionysius' 
criticisms on the former topic are represented as coming not from himself but 
from Tildes, i. e. his predecessors, and his objections fall under the three heads 
of biaipeais, τάξΐί, and ^^epyaaia (c. 9). Our author replies to the criticisms under 
the first two heads, briefly summarizing cc. 9-12 in i. 7-33. To Dionysius' 
strictures with regard to διαφ^σι? on firstly Thucydides' choice of a division accord- 
ing to summers and winters in preference to the years of the archons or Olympiads 
or the geographical arrangement adopted by Herodotus, and secondly on the 
consequent want of connexion and abrupt transitions in his narrative, our author 
justly retorts that there was no reason why Thucydides should have chosen 
to reckon by archons or Olympiads (ii. 6 sqq.), and that the Herodotean method 
of narrating events according to localities was quite inapplicable to a history of 
the Peloponnesian war (ii. 15-27), concluding with an effective argMneiitmn 
ad hominem against Dionysius (ii. 33-iii. 1), whose own theory of what system of 
chronology ought to have been followed is shown to be open to the objection con- 
cerning abrupt transitions which he had brought against Thucydides. A system 
of dating by the years of the archons or Olympiads which began in the summer 
would in fact disturb the sequence of the narrative far more than Thucydides' 
division of the year into summer and winter, which in describing military opera- 
tions is the most natural one. In iii. 2-1 7, a passage which is much mutilated, our 
author deals with the supposed want of connexion in Thucydides' narrative, and 
shows that this charge is exaggerated. In iii. i8-iv. 9 he contradicts Dionysius' 
criticism directed against the ra£is, that in his account of the origin of the war 
Thucydides ought to have begun by describing the true cause of it, the rise 
of Athens, instead of postponing this to his description of the commonly alleged 
causes, the Corcyrean and Potidaean incidents. The point at issue between our 
author and Dionysius is here more debateable. No doubt a modern historian 


of the Peloponnesian war would in agreement with Dionysius prefer to begin 
with a sketch of the rise of Athens rather than to introduce this subsequently as 
a digression. But looking at Book I from the point of view of Thucydides' aims 
as expressed in his preface, the arrangement adopted by him is quite defensible. 
As our author points out (iii. 22-30), Dionysius was wrong in thinking that 
Thucydides was under an obligation to give an elaborate account of events pre- 
ceding the Peloponnesian war. Probably his desire to avoid becoming involved 
in this so serious an undertaking was one of the chief reasons for the postpone- 
ment of the sketch of the rise of Athens. Further, our author's dictum in 
iii. 30-iv. I about the duty of a historian to relate the obvious before the remoter 
causes of events is at least as true as Dionysius' opposing aphorism inc. 11 that 
true causes ought to precede false ones, the fact being that no a priori rule can be 
laid down on the subject, which has to be settled with regard to expediency. 
Whatever his demerits as an annotator, our author must on the points in dispute 
be credited with a fairer appreciation of Thucydides than his adversary, one 
of the ablest critics of the day. 

Can our author be identified with any of the known commentators upon 
Thucydides? The answer, is, we think, in the negative. The extant scholia 
mention three of their sources, Antyllus, Asclepius (or Asclepiades), and 
Phoebammon. Of these Phoebammon, who lived in the fourth century, is out 
of the question. The dates of Antyllus and Asclepius, who is generally thought 
to have been a rhetorician rather than a grammarian, are quite uncertain, and 
might therefore fall within the period (about 10 B. C.-A. D. 140) in which the 
author of our commentary wrote ; but the slightness of the connexion between it 
and the extant scholia (cf. p. no) excludes the likelihood of an identification with 
writers utilized in them. Nor is much more to be said in favour of identifying 
our author with any of the other rhetoricians or grammarians who composed 
commentaries upon Thucydides ; cf. E. Schwabe, Leipz. Stud. iv. pp. 81 sqq., 
Doberentz, Dc Scholiis in Thtic, Halle, 1876. Numenius, who wrote -nepX των t^s 
λίξ^ω^ σχημάτων, vTToOicreLS των Αημοσθίνου5 καΐ Θουκυδίδου, χρ€ίών συναγωγή, &C., 
probably lived in the time of Hadrian, which barely falls within the right period, 
and to judge by the title his work seems to have consisted of short arguments, 
not a detailed commentary. Julius Vestinus, who also lived under Hadrian, and 
wrote an Ικλογΐ} in των QovKvUhov, was apparently a lexicographer, not a regular 
commentator upon Thucydides. The title of Claudius Didymus' work, composed 
probably in the first century, ττβρι των ημαρτημίνων τιάρα την άναλογίαν Θουκυδίδτ/, 
indicates that it was quite different from our commentary, as were the ζητήσζίί 
κατά στοιχειού Θουκυδιδου or των τταρά Θουκυδιδτ; ζητουμένων κατά λ^ζίν written by 
Evagoras of Lindus, also probably in the first century. Didymus χα\κ4ντ€ροί, 


though a contemporary of Dionysius, is also, we think, out of the question, 
for it is very doubtful whether he wrote on Thucydides (cf. Pauly-Wissowa, 
Real-encycl. v. p. 460), and his recently discovered commentary on Demosthenes is 
almost entirely historical, not grammatical, and abounds in quotations, being thus 
far removed in character from our papyrus. Caecilius Calactinus, who was also 
coeval with Dionysius, has no stronger claims than Didymus to be identified 
with our author. He discussed and quoted Thucydides (cf. pp. 57-8 and 
193-6 of Ofenloch's edition), and though Dionysius {Ep. ad Cn. Pomp. 3. 20) calls 
Caecilius φίλτατος, the two critics seem to have had controversies (cf. Ofenloch, 
p. xiii). But Caecilius was primarily a rhetorician, and that he wrote a gram- 
matical commentary on Thucydides is improbable. Sabinus (time of Hadrian), 
Tiberius, and Heron son of Cotys (dates unknown) wrote υπομνήματα upon Thucy- 
dides about which nothing further has been recorded, and since our commentary 
is technically a νττόμνημα, it is possible that one of these writers is identical with 
our author ; but it is more likely that he was some obscure Alexandrian gram- 
marian whose works were not long preserved, and whose name even is lost. 
Of his influence on later grammarians (apart from the Thucydides scholia 
already discussed) we have not discovered any clear trace, though cf. x. 36-7, 

It remains to examine our author's text of Thucydides, in so far as this can 
be ascertained from the lemmata. The chief MSS. fall into two main families, 
CG and ABEFM, of which the former is now generally considered to be superior. 
As usual, the text of the papyrus is of an eclectic character and does not con- 
sistently agree with either family ; but it supports the ABEFM group seven 
times (cf. notes on i. 6-7, xiii. 13, xiv. 4, xv. 15, xvii. ao, 30, xviii. 24) against 
only four agreements with the other (cf. notes on vii. 37, xiv. 25, xvi. 29, 31). 
Several new readings occur, of which we append a list. 

(i) i. 7 (c. I. i) V. 1. θ€ρη και χ€ίμωνα5 above the line for Odpos καΐ χειμώνα. 

(2) V. 5 (c. 2. 4) χρησθαι for χρησασθαι. 

(3) V. 21 (c. 4, 2) ξκφυγζίν for Ικφ^ύγζίν {^κφυγζΐν only in a late Paris MS.). 

(4) V. 30 (c. 4. 3) στνρακί for στνρακίω. 

(5) vii. 15 (c. II. 9) νμιν for ημΐν. 

(6) vii. 29 (c. 12. 2) ξκστρατ€νομ€νων, with v. 1. στ par ivovroiv^ for ζζξστρατζν- 

(7) ix. 3 (c. 13. 7) vno for άττό. 

(8) X. 15 (c. 15. 4) αρχαιότατα for αρχαιότερα. 

(9) xiii. 20 (c. 22. 3) Φαρσαλιοι Ileipaaioi (Κραννωνιοι) for Φαρσάλιοι Ώαράσιοι 
Κραννωνιοι Ueipacrioi. 

(10) XV. 34 (c. ^y. 2) bpa Ti for η bpq, 



(11) xvi. 25 (c. 39. l) l•ιaιτ(Λμζθa for Statrcojueroi. 

(12) xvii. '3,^ (c. 40. 3) avToi for 01 avroL 

Of these (5), which confirms a conjecture of Hude, and (9), where the note 
shows that ΐίαράσωι is an interpolation, are undoubtedly better than the readings 
of the MSS. On the other hand (7) is certainly wrong and (i),(ii), and (12) may 
be merely due to mistakes on the part of the copyist of the papyrus (cf. his omission 
in ix. 3) and in any case are not likely to be right. In respect to the other new 
readings there is little to choose between them and the MSS., the sense being 
hardly if at all affected by any of them. As regards the passages in Thucydides 
which have been suspected of being corrupt, the explanation of Παρασιοι 
supports the conclusions of modern editors, and there is some reason to believe 
that the formidable anacoluthon in the MSS. reading at c. 7. 2 did not occur in 
our author's text (cf. vi. 16, note) ; but elsewhere the papyrus, like other Thucy- 
dides papyri (cf. 878-880), tends to confirm the ordinary text even where 
alterations have generally been accepted. Thus in c. 15. 4 (x. 15) the words 
rfj φ\ Usually regarded as a gloss, are found, and neither Cobet's insertion 
of rod in c. 15. 4 (x. 7, note) nor Lipsius' transference of ττανοικησία in c. 16. i 
(x. 31) nor the proposals to omit words in c. 4. 2 (v. 21-2, note) and c. 16. τ (χ. 25, 
note) are confirmed. On the whole our author's text, though not on a level 
with the first-century fragments of Book IV (16 and 696), and perhaps affected 
to some extent by errors of the copyist, is a good one, and its early date gives it 
considerable value. 

In the restoration of the very imperfect text of this papyrus, we have received 
much assistance from Professors U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorff and J. B. 
Bury ; some suggestions are also due to Dr. C. Hude and Mr. H. Stuart Jones. 
We give the text and reconstruction in parallel columns, the lemmata being 
distinguished in the latter by thick type. In the notes Schol. = the extant scholia 
on Thucydides. 

Col. i ( = Acol. i). 

[ ] I. I. [(ίρχεται δ€ ό iroXc^os ένθενδβ•] 

[ ]'R[ , [ ]•Ρ[ ^ 

[. . . .]€στίί'θ[ ]ιτο€νθα [••••] ^ο"^'^ ό[μοίωί κα]ί το ίνθα. 

[. . . ,]λλϊ7λου[ ]υπροσα\λη [τταρ' ά]λλήλου[$• ά,ντί τ6\ϋ trpos άλλΐ7- 

5 [. . . .]σννη[ ]ί [λου?] συνή[θζΐ Xe^e]i. 

[ '\ταίΒζ[.'\ησα^. .'yaaraeyiyv^ [γ€ΎραΐΓ]ται δ' €[|]ή$ ώ[§ €]καστα Ι•γί•γν€- 

.η. C 

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καισυνκο\. . . .]τα7Γραγματαου 
καπα[.]τιζω[. .]α[.]π€ρΐ€καστων 


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2ο τρ€πομ€νοσπρ[.]ντ€λξΐωσαίκαι > 

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σίοί [ό] AXiKapvaaaevs kv τω nepl 
Θονκνδίδο[ν] σνντάγματι nepl ου 
ποΧΧωι/ μ[€]μφ€ταί τον Θουκυδί- 
δη]/, τα 5* άν[ω]τάτω τρία ΚζφάΧαια 
δύξασιν, 6[τι] re ουκ άρχοντα? καΐ 
0Χυμπιάδα[5 ώ]? οι ΧοίποΙ ττροτί- 
OeiKe των γ[ρ6νω]ν άΧΧ' ίδίω? 
θίρη και χίΐ[μων]α9, και οτι διίσιτα- 
Κ€ και διβ[ρηκ]€ την Ίστορίαν 
και σνγκ6[7Γτ€ΐ] τα πράγματα ου- 
κ άπα[ρ]ηζω[ν τ]ά[ί] Trepi έκαστων 

διηγ[ή]σ€ΐ9 ά[ΧΧ]ά άπ άΧΧων €7γ' ^λλα 
τρζπόμζνος πρ[ϊ\ν τζΧζΐώσαι, και 
οτι την άΧηθη του ποΧβμου αίτ[ί-] 
αν e{i)7r{i}a>v ώ? σφόδρα αύτος ίξη- 
τακώί, οτι δι ζύΧάβξίαν τή? ισχύος 
των 'Αθηναίων ίποΧψησαν αύ- 
τοΐί οι Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ου μα Δια 
δια τα Κορκυραϊκα η Ποτειδαιατι- 
κα και τα9 παρά τοις ττολλοΓ? λεγο- 
μύνας αιτίας, όμως ουκ άπο τού- 
των ων ξκρινεν αύτο9 διηγείται 
ίκ[ί\ΐθ€ν άρξάμςνος άφ' ο'ίων πρα- 
γμάτων μετά τά Περσικά ηύ^ή- 
βησαν οι Αθηναίοι, άλλα πάΧιν επι 
τάς κοινάς αιτίας τρέπεται, τοιαύ- 
τα μεν 6 Διονύσιος• είκότως δ' αν 
τις προς αύτον προπετως οΰτως 

Col. ϋ (=Α col. ϋ). 

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35 νωναφανζστζρωνυπονοΗτου 

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Col. vi (= Β col. ίί). 

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πολλαδξχρησμολογοίήιδύ'^ 8. 2. ττολλά δε χρησμολόγοι τ|δο[ν• 

One or more columns lost. 

Col. vii 

[ ^σαιτιαστΓολλακίσκαιδί > 

[ ]ξξηλθονκαίσυν€βα > 

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15 [. .]ιστ€προγονοισκαιυμιναυτοισ > 
[.']π'αμφοτ€ρα€κτωναποβαινον > 

( = Ccol. i). 

(ι I. 4•) [• • e/c μικρά]ς αιτίας πολλάκις και δι' 
[οργής . . . .] ίξήλθον και συνίβα- 
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τερα ην [άκοΰ]σ[αι] το μεγίστην 86- 
^αν €π[ί τη^ ev8o'\^ia^, νυν Se Se- 
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12. 2. [Λακ€δ]αιμονίω[ν] €κστρατ€υομ6νων• 

[y ράφΎταΙιΙ καΐ σ[τρ]ατ€ν[ό]ντ[ω]ν. ου 
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ΙΟ [. .]ωμηίκαιχρηματωνπ[. . . .]νσ•ι[. . 

Col. viii (: 

= C col. ii). 

2. [α]τΓ€ρ καΐ [τΓρ]ό[τ€ρον• 

[.]ν ένεκα e/c[ 

κεν ΟΤΙ ν[ο\μΐ-ζ[ Περι- 

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τω άγει ε[ξ]ελ[α . . .] . αν[. .]ir[. . . 
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[διά] χ€ΐρ05 €χ€ΐν• εν χερσιν [εχειν, 

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35 οτανκαθ[ 


Col. ix ( 

[,^αιτωνπαρξπαλ^ιν τωνφνλα 

[. .]οντωντατ€ΐ)(η[. .]ωναΐ€ΤΓαλξ€ΐσ 
[. . .]οντοίγαρ€φνλασσονϋ7Γοτ€των 
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Fr. Ι. 






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[|iiv Μο]υνυχ[ί]α• λ[ί]μην 'Α[ττίκη9 

About 3 lines lost. 

14. I. 


και γαρ [ 




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χ (= Ε col. i). 

15. I. [Έλ€υσίνιοι] μίτ^ Εΰμό[λ'π•ου• . 

[. . . iu 'Ερζ\χ^θζΐ ΕνρηΓΐ[δης . 


15• 2. ή ά[•τΓάντων] ήδη |υντ[6λθ'υντων 

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25 [.]υτονομωιοικησ€ΐμ€τατρ[ 





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[ρών] νομίζ€ται τφ υδατι χ[ρή]σθαι• 

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ραν αύτονομον (:\ϊ]κησίν ά[ντι (jov) τή9 
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σ€ως. ΐΐρηται δ\ ύπζρβατω\^, το yap e • 
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το[. oi\kovvt€S. 
Ι. καΐ τ[ά] ήρωα ττάντα• τά των [ήρώ- 
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φ\υ}<\αί. Xiyovai δζ ηρώων μ€[ν τους 
σηκούζ) θζών δΐ vaovs' Καλλ[ίμαχοί 
άςι δ' ίχον 'έντομα σηκοί. 

Col. xi (= Ε col. ii. with Fr. a). 

[. . . .^καιφυΧα^ 


Fr. 2. 

.]πα[. . 


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[ ] πα[σης μ\ν 

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17• 2. ου γάρ [διά την 'ΤΓαρά]νομ[ον ένοίκη- 
[σιν παρα]ν6μω[ 




. .]\ηκ[. . 
. .] . ο[. . 

Col. xii (=F col. i). 

[ ' .]φορικωσαποτων 

[ ]νοΐ€ρξταΐ€τοι > 

[ jTTTyi' 

[ .]τΓθλ€μουμα > 

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17. 4• [€|apT\ioVT€S• μ€τα\φορίκως άπο των 

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1 8. 3. [€V XT) ξυναγωγη του] ττολεμου μα- 

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19. 2. [καΐ τροΊτήν τίνα των Άθη]ναίων Ιττ- 

[ττέων ircpl Tovs 'Ρέίτους καλ]ουμ€νου8 
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[ ]:? 4. . .] 

Some lines lost (?). 

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θριωζξ τοπικωσαντίτον€ΐστ[. . . 2 1. 

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5 γαρωσολνμπιαζ€καίοικαδζθρί[. . . 

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μ€νδορπον€λ€σθ€καταστρα[.]ον[. . . 

2θ φαρσαλιοΐ7Γ€φάσίοι απ[.]7Γηρ€ΐαστα[. . 22. 




apavrea- απαραντζσ[. . . .]ταντ€σ 23. 

25 παρίοντ€[.]δ€ωρωπο[. . . .]οριοσ 23. 

γησβοκι^. . .]καιαθην[. . . .]σηι/ > 

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σζίν σννηθξ^ τοΪ9 'Αττικοί?. 
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σων ιτζ{ί^δίον, σννηβ[<ΰ\?' ηκο\ού\θζΐ 

yap ώί Όλνμπίαζζ και οϊκαδξ Θρι[ωζζ. 

2. αλλ' atiTots ώ5 cIkos τήε ['γ]ή8 τ€μν[ο- 
μενηδ* νπύρβατόν ίστι, το γαρ e[^^9 

αυτοί? δξίνον €φαίν€το, τα δ' ά[λλα 
δια μβσον. 

3. κατά |υστάσ€[ι]9 τ[€] Ύΐ•γνόμ€νο[ι• 

συνιστάμενοι, συστρ€φ6μ€νο[ι 
κατά μ€ρη. 
&s €καστό5 ώργητο* m €καστο[9] a>[p€- 
γ€το, €π[€]θύμξΐ. kv kviois δζ γράφ[€- 
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Τ€λ€ΐ ένΐ των Ιτητέων τάγματι, ν[ΰν 

μ\ν δόρπον ξλζσθζ κατά στρα[τ]ον 
kv Τ€λ€€σσι. 

3. Φαρσάλιοι Π€ΐράσιοΐ' άπ[ο\ Πηρείας, ra[y 

kv Πηρξίτ) θρίψ' άργ[υρ6τοζθ9. άμαρ- 
τάνουσι δΐ οι γρά[φοντ€9 Παράσι- 
ο[ί,] €στιν γάρ τήί Άρκ[αδίαί. 

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3• 'irapiovT€[s] 8c *Ωρω'π•ό[ν• μ€θ]6ριο9 

γή? Βοιω[των] και Άθην[αίων €]στίν, 



[ ]βητησαν[. . . .]ακίσ [οθ^ν ήμψισψήτησαν [7Γολλ]άκί9 

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[ ]α[. . . .]Sav[ ]οίαθτ][. 24. ι. [άναχωρησ]ά[ντων] δ' α'ύ[τών] οΐ Άθη- 

Some columns lost. 

5 [■ 

Col. xiv (= 

[ ]υτηκοτωι/αρσβ 34. 

[ ]σιτονμαραθ(ύνα 

[ ]φίοσ 

]δρίπολλωναρ€τασ 35• 


[ ]ηΐ'αι καιμη^ν^νι 

[ ] . σου[ ]ατΓ0 

[ '[ντασαρζτασκίνΒυν^Ι. 

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ΙΟ [ ]σπιστ€ν€σΘαιωσαν > 

[ Ι'-^ν 

[ ]μίτριωσβιπ€ΐν > 35• 

[ ]καίίκανωσ 

[ ]οκησίστησαλη 

15 [ ]νσκολον€στιν 

[ ]πραγματιμο 

[ ]ασνπολη > 

[ ]αιδνσκολον 

[ ]7ηστίίται 

20 [ ]ον7Γραγμα 

[ ]δοξακαί 

[ ]Γ9<•]. 

[ , ] 

[ ]λζοναζ€ 

25 [ ]τηναν > 

[ ]oovvT€cr 

[ ]μισ€ΐ 

- G col. i). 

5. [ τ€Τζλ€]ντηκ6των. άρσ€- 

[νικω5 δΐ λίγου]σι τον Μαραθώνα. 
[ ίτηταΐφιο?. 

Ι. [καΐ μη Ιν ένΐ άν]δρΙ ττολλών aperas 
[κινδυν€ύ€σθαι] €xi tc καΐ χείρον el- 
[ττόντι 'ΐηστ€υθ]ήναι• και μη kv ivl 

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[civ €v eijnovTi καΐ κακώς τοιον- 
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2. [χαλετΓον -ydp το] μίτρίως elueiv 

[ ] καΙ Ικανώς. 

[kv § μόλις καΐ ή δ]όκησΐ8 της άλη- 
[θείαδ β€βαιοά)ται• δγισκοΧόν kaTLv 

[ ] πράγματι μο- 

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[ψ ]αι δνσκολον . 

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[ ] 

[8 T€ (iTreipos έστιν α καΐ TT]\iova%i- 
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[ vo^iiaei' 




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[ , \vyapTO 

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[ . ζ]καστος 

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[σ^ώς T€ καΐ δ(5|η8 τυχ€ΐν ως] eirl 
[τΓλδΐστον• έκά]στον 

4 lines lost. 

Col. XV ( 

[. . .]αιονγαραν[ 

[. .]καίονπ[. .]ινζΐρηκ[.]ν . [. . . .]π . [. 
καθξστηκνια[.]ηλικιαι ξντηιπαρα . ηιταν 

Κ€κλ[. .]αι ονπαρατοπολλονσοίΚ€ΐν 
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1 5 €νδοκιμζίονκαπομ€ρονστο7Γ\€ο[. 
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= G col. ii). 

36. I. [δίκ]αιον "γάρ av[Tois και ιτρέττον δέ• 
[δι\καιοι/ 7Γ[αλ]«/ ξϊρηκ[€]ν . [. . . .]7Γ . [. 
άντΙ του π[ρ]οσήκον. 
36, 3• καθεστηκυία ηλικία* ίν ττ} τΓαρα{κμ)τ} 

37• Ι. καΐ δνομα μέν διά τ6 μη Is όλί-γους 
αλλ' €[s] ττλείονας οίκεΐν δημοκρατία 
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Xeyei δια το μη προ9 ό[λ]ιγαρ)(^ίαν 
διοικ^ΐσθαι τα πράγματα άλλοι eis 
[το] τοΰ ττλήθονς συμφέρον. 
μ6τ€[σ]τι δέ κατά μέν τους νόμουε 
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τινι €κ[α]στος λάμπρος νομίζεται 
kv το\ΐ\ς κοινοΐς, ου κατά το μίρος το 
επιβάλλον ίσον αύτω της π[ολ]ιτξί- 
ας προς το κοινον τ[ι]μάται άλλα 



8ιατηναρ€τη[ ] . y[.]peTa>voi 

25 [.] . /c[. . . .]e . [ yraiiP 

[ ]€κασ'τοσ 

[ ]^νομων 

[ ]ίαρ^τη > 

[ • > 

3o [. . . ]τοκοιΡον 37- 2. 

.]νπροσ > 

]καθ[. . ."Ιρανβπιτη 

]ψιαν[. . .]ιοργησ > > 


35 [ ]σφησΐρπολ[.]τ€νομ€θα 

[ ]νοισκαιπ[. .]σαλλη > 

[ ]αθημ€ραν€πιτη > > 

[ ]χνποπτ€νσοι/τ€σ 

Col. xvi (= G col. iii). 

το[. . . .]ασονδοργ[ i . 

πρ[, . . .]ονηντ[ 

ουδ€[.]ζημίου[. ]ηί 

οψ[. .]α)(θηδονα[ ] 

5 ονλνπονμίν . [. .]ν . . [ ]σ 

τοισηδ€ωσ8ια[. . .]σ"Χί'θ[ 1/°^/^^'' 

ζημιασττ)σκατα[.]κ€ΐν[. . . .]ονκα 
τηγορ[. .] . [.]ιπροστίμον[. .]βνθβρως 
C^ve[. . .]ρ€πομ€ναλλωσ8€€Κ 
ΙΟ τον . . [. . .]α)(θομ€νοικαφασκαιν(>ν 

Tea€7r[. . . .'^αλλωνηδοναισδιατξλου^ 

aveira[. . .]σδ€ταϊδιαπροσομιλόνν 
τβσταδ[. . ^\οσια8ίαδίθσμα\ίσταου 
παρανομ[. .^μ^ν €ντοισϊ8ιοισαπλ[. 
15 στ€ρον[. . .]ηλοισσννοΐ'Τ€σ€ντοίσ 
κοινοίσ[. . .]αβωσκαινομιμωσπο 

37• 3• 

8ία την άρ€τη[ν ή e/c τ]ων [ά]ρζτων οι- 

1]•κ[ y Λ yraiiv 

[..... ] €καστο9 

[ τώ]ι/ νόμων 

[..... ]ι άρ€τη 

[ .••; 1^• 

[€λ€υθ€ρα>ς δέ τά Τ6 irpos] το κοινδν 

[τΓολιτενομίν καΐ Is τή]ν irpos 

[άλλήλoυs των] καθ* [ήμ€]ραν Ιττιτη- 

[δευμάτων ύ'ΤΓθ]ψίαν [ου δ]ι' όp'γήs 

[τον ireXas €ΐ καθ' ή]δονή[ν] δρα τι €χον- 

[t€S• ίλβυθβρω]^ φησίν πολ[ι]τ€ν6μ€θα 
[ev τ€ TOis kol]vois και n[po]s άλλή- 
[Xovs ev TOis κ]αθ' ήμίραν Ιπιτη- 
[δίνμασιν ού]^ νποπτ€ύ\σ}οντ€ς 

Plate IV. 

Tc[v π€λ]α9 008* 6ργ[ιζ6μ€νοί €1 
πρ[ο9 ήδ]ονήν τ[ί 8ρα. 
ουδέ [ά]ζημίου[8 μέν λυ'Π•ηpάs δέ τ]•η 
ο\|/[€ΐ] άχθηδόvα[s Ίτροστιθεμενοι•] 

ον λνποΰμξν . [. .]υ . . [ ]? 

τοΪ9 ήδύως 8ια[ιτω]σιν, o[v8e αχ]/θί μ^ν 
ζημίας της κατά [€]κ€ίν[ων, οΐ]ον κα- 
τηΎορ[ίας] /ί[α]ί προστίμου, [ίΧγνθίρω? 
ζην ί[πίτ]ρβπομ€ν, άλλως 8k e/c 
τον i .[. . .] άγβόμ^νοι και βασκαίνον- 
τας ί'π[1 ταΐς] άλλων ήδοναΐς διατ€- 
av€Tra[x0iu]s δ€ τά ϊδια ττροσομιλοίίν- 
T€S τά δ[ημ]όσια διά δ€05 μάλιστα ον 
'ΤΓαρανομ[ον]μ€ν• iv τοις ιδίοις ά7Γλ[οί;- 
στξρον \αλλ\ήλοις σννόντας iv τοις 
κοινοΐς [€ύλ]αβώς και νομίμως πο- 


\iT^vo[. .]θα \ίτίνό[μί\θα. 

τωι/τ€α[.]€ί€ΐ/αρχηωι/τωνακροασ€ΐ των Τ€ α[1]€ΐ έν άρχη δντων άκροάσ€ΐ• 

τωικατ[.]κονζΐνκα[.]7Γζΐθ€σθαιτοισ τω κατ[ά\κού€ίν κα[ι] πζίθξ,σθαι tqls 

20 αρ•)(ον[. .]ν άρ•)(ου[σϊ\ν. 

καιθνσίαισ[. . .]τησιοισ οιονΒίοΧουτον^τονσ 38• ι• καΐ θυσίαις [δΐ€]τησίοΐ5• ofoi/ 5ί' όλου τοΟ 


το\νπηρον[. .]πλησσζί e^aipevraie^ayu ' το λυττηρον [€κ]•ΐΓλήσσ€ΐ• €^αιρύται, 


τηντ€γαρ[. .]λινκοινηνπαρ€χο > 39• ι• την Τ€ "γάρ [ΐΓΟ]λιν κοινήν τταρέχο- 

μ€ν ακ[. . . .]λιζζίλακ€δαίμοΐΊονσ μ€ν• άκ[ροβο]λίζ€ί Λακεδαιμονίους. 

25 αν€ΐμ€ν[. .]δίαιτωμ€θα ονκαντι άν€ΐμ€ν[ω$] διαιτώμεθα• ουκ άντΙ 

TOvapy[. .]α\\αα8€ωσ του άργ[ω$•] άλλα άδεώ?. 

καιτοιει{. . .]νμιαιμαλ\ονηπονων 39• 4• καίτοι el [ραθ]υμία μάλλον ή ττόνων 

μ€λζτηι[. . .]μημ€ται/ομωντοπλ€ μελίτη [καΐ] μη μ€τά νόμων το ττλί- 

ονητροπ[. .]ανδρ€ίασεθε\ομεν > ον ή τρότΓ[ων] avSpeias έθέλομίν 

30 κιν8υν€[. . . .]π€ρίγίγι•€ταιημιν κινδυν€[•ύ€ΐν] ττεριγί-γνεται ήμΐν 

τοιστ€μ[. . . .]νσιναλγίίνρισμη > tols Τ€ μ[€λλο]υσιν άλ-γεινοΐδ μη 

προκαμν[. . .]καΐ€σαυτα€λθουσίν 'Π•ροκάμν[€ΐν] καΐ Is αυτά Ιλθονσιν 

μηατολμ[. . .]ουστωραΐ€ίμοχθουρ μη άτολμ[οτ€ρ]ου$ των alel μοχθοΰν- 

τωνφαίν[. . . .]ί καιτοί€[.]€ναν€σ€ΐ των φαίν[€σθα]ι• καίτοι e[i'] ef ai^eo-ei 

35 μαλλον[. . . .]αιστωνη[.]ζωμζν μάλλον [καΐ ρ]αστώντ) ζώμεν 

μηκακ[. . .]θουντ€στηιασκησ€ΐ μη κακ[οπα]θοΰντζ9 τβ άσκησα 

μηδυτΓονομωναναγκαζομζ μη^ ύπο νόμων άναγκαζόμζ- 

νοιαλλαδιατην€μφντο[.]ανδρζΐ νοι άλλα δια την €μφυτο[ν] άνδρά- 

Col. χνϋ ( = G col. iv). Plate IV. 

ανυπο[. ]τουσκινδυνουσ αν ύ7Γο[φ€ροντ€9] τους κινδύνους, 

[. . .]ί€στ[ ]οτωνδ€ΐνων > [π£ρ]ί€στ[ιν ημάς ηρ]6 των δεινών 

Γ λμικαιεστουσκιν [μη ταλαιπωρ€Ϊσθ]αι και ej τους κιν- 

[ ^ιντασμηαναν^,^ο [δύνους άπαντήσ]αντας μη άνανδ[ρ]ο- 

5 τ[.]ρουστωναί€ΐκακοπαθουντων τ[ε]ρους των αΐύ κακοπαθούντων 

φαινεσθαιοιμενγαρλακωνεσαΐζΐ ώαίνεσθαι. οι μ\ν yap Λάκωνες alel 

ΤΓΟνεινυτΓΟτωννομωνηναγκα πονεΐν ύττο των νόμων ηναγκά- 

ζοντοοιδαθηναιοιπαρατουσκιν ζοντο, οι ^ 'Αθηναίοι παρά τους κιν- 

Κ 2 


ΒυνονσζΊΓονουντο Svvovs kirovovvTo, 


I Ο πλοντωιτζζργο'^νν,μαλλονκαιρωιηλο 40. ι. Ίτλούτω τ€ «ργου μάλλον καιρώ ή λό- 

γονκομπωιχ^ρωμβθα οπΧουτοσημων Ύου κόμιτω χρώμεθα* ό ττΧοντο^ ημών 

ζτητωνζ[. .]ωνζνκαίρωίφαιν€ταί > ίπΐ των 'i[py](uv kv καιρώ φαίνεται, 

ον\θΎων[. . .]ζον€ίαιλ€γομ€νπλοντ€ΐν ου λόγων [άλ(ϊ\ζονύα λβγομ€ν πλουπΐν. 

καιτοπ€ν[. . . .ΎουχομοΧογ^ιντίνίαι καΐ το τΓ€ν[€σθα]ι ονχ όμολο-γβΐν τινι αΐ- 

15 σχροναλλα[. . .]διαφ€υγ€ΐν€ργωιαίσχΗον σχρόν άλλα [μη] διαφ€ΐ3Ύ€ΐν ep^co α'ίσχιον 

ονχωσκαη[. .]π€ν€σθαιαίσχρουαντωι ού\ ώ? και τ\οϋ] πίν^σθαι αίσχ^ροΰ αντω 

λ€γομ€νουαλ[. . . .]νκρίτικοναντί > λβγομύνον, άλ[λά σν]γκριτικον άντΙ 

airXovT€0€iK[. . . .]σομηροσαίζΐδ€ άπλοΰ τ€θ€ΐκ[€ν, ώ]? "Ομηρος aUl δ\ 

ν€ωτ€ροιαώρ[. . . .]νσίν ν^ώτζροί άφρ[αδ€ο]νσίν. 

2θ 6ΐ'Γ€[.]ο[. .]αντοι[ ]ιωναμακαιπολι 4°• 2. cv Τ€ [t]o[ls] aOTOi[s οΙκ€]ίων αμα καΐ ττολι- 

τικων€πιμ€λια[. . . .]τ€ροίσπροσ€ργα τικών Ιττιμελεια [καΐ cjrepois ττρδδ «ργα 

Τ€τραμμζνοίσ[ ]τικαμη€νδ€ Τ€τραμμ€νοΐ5 [τά ΤΓθλι]τικά μη €νδ€- 

ωσγνωναι eX[ ]τονπαρχ€ΐοιον ώ$ γνώναι• €λ[λίπ€5] το ύπάργ^ι, οίον 

€ντοισαυτοισ[ ]σίν€στίντων kv toIs αύτοΐς [άνδρά]σίν €στΙν των 

25 Τ€ίδιωνκαιτ[ ]ίνωνκατα > re ίδιων καΐ τ[ων κο]ίνων κατά, 

τηνπολινη€[. . . .jeXeia/caiere την ττολιν η e[7ri/x]€Xe£a, καΐ eVe- 

ροισ€στίπροσ€[. . . .]ρμηκοσίτατη(ί• pois kaTi npos e[pya ω]ρμηκ6σι τα της 

γ€ωργιασκαίτα7Γ[. . . .]ικαμηδξν > γεωργίας και τά π[ολί7]ίκά μηδ\ν 

ηττονδίαγιν[. . . .]€Lv ήττον διαγιν[ώσκ]€ίν. 

3θ καίαυτοίητοικρι[. . . .]νγ€ηζνθυ καΐ αύτοΙ ήτοι κρί[νομ€]ν γβ η Ινθυ- 

μονμ€θαορθω[ ]αγματακρινο μουμέθα όρθώ[8 τά ΤΓρ]άγματα• κρίνο- 

μ€ν οιον€πικρι[. . . .]νωσ€Τ€ρων μ€ν οίον kπικpί[voμe]v ώ? έτύρων 

συρόντων συρόντων, 

διαψζροντωσγαρί. . . .]δζ€χομ€ν 4θ• 3• δΐαφ€ρόντω9 "γάρ [δη τό]δ€ ϊγομ,ίν 

35 <οστ€τολμαντ€α[. . . .]fia[. . . .]ακαι ώστ€ τολμάν τ6 α[ΐ(τοΙ] μά[λιστ]α καΐ 

π€ριων€ΤΓΐχ€ΐ[ ]i^e ΤΓ€ρΙ ών Ι'Π•ιχ€ΐ[ρήσομ€ν €κλθΎ]ίζ€- 

σθαιοτοισαλλ[ σθαι• δ τοΪ5 €ΐλλ[οΐ5 άμαθία μέν θράσος, 

Col. χνΐϋ ( = G col. ν). 

λο[ λο[Ύΐσμ6ς δ€ δκνον φέρει* 

ο[ ο[ 

τ[ τ[ 



5 μ^^ιΑ 

ΙΟ οντ€σ[ 
15 σταν€ίδ[ 
2 ο τωσμαλι[ 
25 σωνίσπ€ΐρ[ 
3θ τωνονκα.[ 
35 ατΓοκοινοΙ 






σίν άφ[ 

6vT€9 [ 

40. 5• άδ6ώ$ τι[να ώφ€λο{)μ€ν• 

41. Ι. καΐ καθ' €κ[αστον δοκεΐν αν μοι τόν 

αχίτον αν[δρα τταρ' ημών έττΐ ιτλεΧ- 
στ' αν €Ϊδ[η καΐ μ€τά, χαρίτων μάλι- 
στ' αν €\ιτρ[α'Π'έλω5 το σώμα αΐίταρ- 
K€S 'ΐΓαρ€χ[€σθαι• 

'Λθηναΐο[9 €7Γί 

πλείστα ([ΐδη χαρύν- 

Tcos μάλι[στα 

iavTov ά[ν αυτάρκη τω σώματι 
τταράσγοι. [εύτ/ιατΓίλω? δ\ άντΙ 
του 6ΐ;κόλ[ω$•. 
4'• 3• ν-^^Ά Ί°^9 Λ'^^ ^^^ ακοής κρ€ίσ- 

σων 6S ir€ip[av €ρχ€ται• 

κρ^ισσων [ /^ο- 
νη γά/ο π€[ ^^^ λό- 
γων kv Tol[s ipyoLS 

καΐ μόνη t\5)v πολίμίων 

των ουκ ά[γανάκτησιν €χ€ΐ ώ^ kv 

5€€στ€ρω[9 ούδΐ 

των ύτΓη{κόων ώ? τψ 

άρχης ού[κ άξια ούσα. 
οντ€ τφ \ηΓ[ηκό(ύ κατάμβμψιν 

άπο κοινο[ϋ Χητττίον 

το €χ€ί. οϋτ\<ί άγανάκτησιν οντ€ 
κατάμ6μ\1^[ιν Ιχεί. 
Some columns lost. 



Col. xix( = H). 

[ ]φυσ€ωσ [. . 

[ ]αχίστοί'α[.]6τ[. . 

[ ]α/^peσί/cλeoσ^[. . 

[ ]νσννδ€σμον . [. . 

5 [ ]αντιτονκαΊτ€[. . 

[ ]μ€γωλαονσοον[ 

[ ]λ€σθαιαποκοιΐ'[ 

[ ]ληπτ€θΐ/τοφν[ 

[ ]φνσ€ωσβ\α)(^ίστο[ 

ΙΟ [ ]μηψογονπαρα > 

[ ]f^[' '](τήκαιησαν 

[ ]λ€οσηπ€ρίαρ€ > 

[ ]ογον€ντοισαν[.]ρα[ 

[ ]κα(τδηλονοτ[.]πο 

15 [ ]ατουροηματο[.]τΓαρ[ 

[ ]δοξαταισγνν[. . . . 

[ ]φανηναίττ][. . . . 

[ ]καιπαρα[ 

[ ] φνσ€ω9. 

45• 2. [ή δό|α καΐ η$ αν έττ' €λ]άχιστον ά[ρ]€τ[ή5 
[irepL ή ψόγου Ιν rots] αρρεσι kXcos ρ• 

]ν σννδίσμον . [. . 

το η\ αντί τον και τ€[σ€ΐ- 

[k€V "Ομηρος βονλο]μ' εγώ λαον σόον 
[^μμ^ναι η άπο]\€σθαι, άπο κοιν[οΰ 

[8e ] ληπτίον το φν- 

[σ€ως ] φνσβως eXa)^iaTc[v 

] μη ψόγου πάρα 

J /fA[eojy rj και η9 αν 

[ctt' ίλάχ^ιστον K]\io9 rj irepi ape- 

[τή? ψ]6γον kv τοις av[S\pa- 

[σι yvvai'\Kas 8η\ον6τ\ί'\ ττο- 

]α του νοήματο[ς\ παρ\α 

] δό^α ταΐς 'γυν[αι^1 

] φανηναι τη[. . . . 

] κα\ ΤΓαρα[ 

Fr. 3. 

Unplaced Fragments. 
{a) To Cols. i-vi. 

Fr. 3. 





] και 7Γο[ 



Fr. 4. 

5 ]σαττ[ 

{b) To Cols, viii-xiii. 

Fr. 5. Fr. 4. Fr. 5. 

(?) 7Γ]ατρίδα [ . . . 

]τηί ]ας άρ€τ[ά? ]r?/ 

]τα(Γ ] Sk τη[ ]ταί 

] . σ ί]στΙν ο[ ] . s 

] . ]σαττ[ ] . 

Fr. 6. 

Fr. 7. 

Fr. 8. 

Fr. 6. 

Fr. 7. Fr. 8. 

]ero[. . 









]€U0[. . 

]f Sta 



Fr. 9. 

(i) To Cols, viii-xix. 
Fr. 10. Fr. 9. 

Fr. JO. 


[ ]'i 


[ ]μο^ζ[ 


. [ ]7]τωστι[ 





]ντ€σ [ 



]π€ρ . [ 


]eae . . [ 

]ητω9 τι[ 


]νΤ0 ήδ[ 

] • «4 

]VT€S [ 

Fr. II. 

Fr. 12. 

Fr. 13. 

Fr. II. 

Fr. 12. 

Fr. 13. 




] [ 

[.] . [ 





]to μαρτ[ 






]po[.] €7Γ[ 





. . 






Fr. 14 (to col. XV ?). 

{d) To Cols, xiv-xix. 
Fr. 15. Fr. 14. 

Fr. 15. 



]ίμ 4 




]ι/ τοΓί ί[ 

]? άλη[ 


]f . [' 

]οωι/ e[ 



. . . 

]€ Tcv8[ 

. . . 

5 'Ιται . [ 


{e) Uncertain. 

]raL . [ 

Fr. 16. 

Fr. 17. 

Fr. 16. 

Fr. 17. 





• • • 



] . ι/τοσ[ 



, ι>τοσ[ 


] . ναστη[ 






μά\λιστα [ 


5 ] . eiAfai[ 



]€t και [ 

] άρτΙ [ 







. • . 




Fr. 18. 

Fr. 19. 

Fr. 20. 

Fr. 18. 

Fr. 19. 

Fr. 30. 



]«[ ^ 




i -'^Λ 





• • 

h\ 21. 

Fr. 22. 

Fr. 23. 

Fr 21 

Fr. 22. 

Fr. 23. 



1^^. [ 


9 • 



] . a<l>o[ 



]. αφο[ 


• • 

. . 


. . . 



Fr. 24. Fr. 25. Fr. 24. Fr 25 













i. 1-3. A note on eV^e'i/Se. 6[μοΊωί (ca]l (so W(ilamowitz)-M(ollendorff) and Bury) τ6 'ίνθα 
means that €νθα is sometimes used in a temporal sense like ivdivbe. Cf. Hesych. s. v. %νθα 
and Bekker, Anecd, i. p. 250. 32 ivdivbe' ήτοι τοπικόν ianu . . . η χρονικον . . . Our author, 
interpreting ίνθίνδί in a temporal sense, thus avoided the wrong explanation of it given by 

Schol., άπο TTJabe ttjs αίτιας. 

ό-γ. [yeypan}rai δ' : SO most MSS. (δε), Stuart Jones ; κα\ γίγραπται C, Hude. For the 
alternative reading θίρη . . . χίψωνας there is no MS. authority, and it may be merely due 

to θίρη κα\ χίίμωναί in 1. 1 5. 

i, γ — iv. I . ' Dionysius of Halicarnassus in his treatise on Thucydides blames Thucydides 
on a few grounds, and discusses three chief points, first that he has not fixed his dates by 
archons and Olympiads, like other historians, but according to a system of his own by 
summers and winters ; secondly that he has disturbed and divided the narrative and breaks 
up the events, not completing his accounts of the several incidents, but turning from one 
subject to another before he has finished with it ; and thirdly that although he declares, as 
the result of his own elaborate examination, the true cause of the war to be this, that it was 
precaution against the power of the Athenians which induced the Lacedaemonians to make 
war on them, not really the Corcyrean or Potidaean aff'airs or the causes generally 
alleged, nevertheless he does not begin at the point which he has chosen and start with the 
events which led to the growth of Athens after the Persian war, but reverts to the commonly 
accepted causes. Such is Dionysius' view; but in opposition to this rash criticism one 
might reasonably retort that . . . For the system of dating by archons and Olympiads had 
not yet come into common use . . . (it was impossible) to relate Plataean affairs from first to 
last, and then go back to describe all the invasions of the Peloponnesians one after the other, 
and Corcyrean aff'airs continuously, differing as they did in date ; for he would have thrown 
everything into confusion, or turned back again to periods which he had treated, in a fashion 
both unsuitable and unreasonable. For he was not dealing with a single subject or events at 
one time or one place, but with many subjects in many places and at many periods. Moreover, 
even if he had dated by archons, he would still have been obliged to divide the events, for these 
occurred some under one archon, some under another; it is when a person is only writing 
about a single subject that his narrative is continuous throughout. Hence Dionysius 
contradicts himself; for even if Thucydides ought to have dated by the archons, as he asserts, 
he would have been equally obliged to divide events according to the archons. If, however, 
the events are connected and the chronology offers no obstacle, Thucydides' narrative is 
continuous, as for instance ... in the seventh book ... As for the charge that Thucydides 
has not made the beginning of his history start with the growth of the Athenians, which he 
asserts was the truer cause of the war, in the first place it must be remarked that it was not 
his intention, after setting out to write a history of the Peloponnesian war, to introduce by 
way of a supplement several other wars since the Persian war itself, which may almost be 
regarded as the origin of the growth of Athens ; for that would have lain altogether outside 


his subject. Secondly it must be remembered that it is the duty of every historian to 
describe accurately first of all the obvious and commonly alleged causes of events, and if he 
suspects the existence of any more obscure reasons (to add these afterwards . . .).' 

i, 8-9. iv τω Trepi θοι;κυδίδο[υ] συντάγματι: of the two extant MSS. of this treatise one 
has no title, the other has en nep\ θονκν8ίδου π\ατύτ€ρον, this book following upon the Σρ. ad 
Cn. Pomp. 

ιτ-34. The passage of Dionysius here summarized is De Thucyd. lud. ed. 
. Radermacher, pp. 335 sqq. (cc. 9-12). Of Dionysius' three objections, the first, relating 
to the division into summers and winters (11. 12-15), corresponds to 335. 20-336. 12, the 
second, concerning the want of connexion (11. 15-20), to 336. 12-338. 3, and the third, 
concerning the causes of the war (11. 21-33), to 338. 4-343• 4• O" the first two points 
similar criticisms are also made, but more briefly, in the same author's Ep. ad Cn. Pomp. 

C. 3, and by Theon, Progymn. pp. 184-5 ^"^^P ^γκα^ονσί nves τω Θουκυδίδη, δκλων γαρ κ.τ.λ., 
and Doxopater, ad Aphthon. ii. p. 220 rovro yovv και τον θονκυ8ί8ην nves αιτιούνται κα\ των 
προ ημών, οτι κατά Oepos κα\ τον χαμώνα κ.τ.λ. 

2 2. For the correction of €πιων to (ΐττων, suggested by W-M, cf. Dionys. op. cit. c. 10 

(p. 338) τάϊ αιτ'ια'; βονλ€ται πρώτον elnelv άψ' ων την αρχήν ΐλαβΐ. 

α. 7-8. The restorations διά^βσι? (or διαίρβσί?) and οϋπω iyeyovu are due to Bury, who in 

11. 8-9 suggests ov k[oiv6s λογισμός ^]f (cf. 1. 4). 

10. \vTov is very likely α]ντον, referring to Herodotus. Bury suggests eV r^i βύβλωι as 
the preceding words. 

11. Perhaps κατά τόπο]υς, as Bury suggests; cf. Dionys. op. cit. c. 9 των προ αυτοΟ 

γΐνομίνων συγγραφέων η κατά τόπονς μΐριζόντων ταί άναγραφας κ.τ.λ. 

15- The construction of 11. 15-7 is not certain. W-M, who proposed [8ΐ€ξ(λθόν]τα in 
1. 17, would supply something like ov γαρ ην in 1. 15; Bury, reading [e"peiv πάν]τα in 1. 17, 

would restore 11. 13-5 οίον τη | τοΐί [πολίμον apxjf\ ί[άσ]ας tovs \'Α[θηναΊονς τα μ^ν] nXa[r]aiica κ.τ.λ. 

The vestiges of writing before [. .]αστουί, however, do not suit e : if not ο or ω, they are 
probably parts of two letters, e. g. at or λη. 

19. A conjunction, i.e. te or re, seems to have been omitted through -χράφΕίν being 
wrongly connected with what follows. 

31. raCra: or ταυτά, i.e. affairs belonging to the same series, which is preferred 
by Bury. 

iii. 3-5. ίφ€ξ]ης and σνν[€χως Were suggested by W-M and Bury, ttj ζ' presumably 
refers to the seventh, not the sixth, book of Thucydides. That in reckoning the eight books 
our author's notation followed the letters of the alphabet, as in the books of Homer, rather 
than the numerals is unlikely, though cf. iii. 10-5, note. The existing division of Thucydides' 
work into eight books was already known to Dionysius, who mentions the eighth in op. cit. 
c. 16, and though there were other ancient divisions of the work into nine or thirteen books, 
our author no doubt agreed with Dionysius in employing the system which Marcellinus ( Vit. 

Thuc. 58), quoting AsclepiuS, calls η πλάστη και η κοινή. 
5-6. Bury suggests τα. Σικ€λι\κα Βιηγΐΐί^ται. 

8. The absence of a diaeresis above ]ικα makes it probable that the preceding letter 
was a consonant, e. g. SiiceXjtKa rather than πλατα]ικά. It does not seem possible to find 
a suitable second adjective ending in ικι[κα, for θρ]αικι[κά cannot be read, although the 
supposed ο is very uncertain. κα[τ]οικί[αν or some part of κατοίκιζαν is more probable, 
especially as κατ[οικ]ια . [ could be read in 1. 7. ]poi there seems to be an optative, possibly 

CTVi/eijpot. In 11. 9-10 something like els] 7Γολλ[ά]ί. κeφa[λάs μe\μepισμeva e'ljeTaffti» (Bury) is 



10-5. The restorations in 11. 12-3 are due to Bury. It is tempting to read \σ\τορίαν in 
1. 14, but the stroke above ι must then be ignored, for it is not a rough breathing. Since 
Herodotus' history contained only nine books, <! in this context seems to mean the ninth 
book, the notation following the letters of the alphabet, while προκίΐμίνην indicates that it 
had just been mentioned, possibly in 1. 1 2. But the narrative in the ninth book is particularly 
free from μΐταβάσΐΐς, and λυο should expect the ninth book to be called ff (cf. iii. 3-5, note), 
so that the suggested explanation is not satisfactory. The passage in Dionysius which our 
author seems to have had in his mind is in op. cit. c. 9 (p. 336) oiire yap toIs τόποι: iv oh ai 

πράξΐΐ! iiveT ολίσθησαν ακολουθών εμίρισε τάς διηγήσεις, ώί Ήρόδοτόί τε και ΈλλάΐΊΚΟί κ.τ.λ. ; cf. also 

the praise of Herodotus in c. 5. 

iv. 4-5. a\va μ€σ[ον : there is probably a reference, as Dr. J. E. Sandys suggests, to 
what Quintilian (v. 12. 14) calls the Homerica dtspositio {ο,ϊ. 1. 6 Όμηριι^ω^), i.e. placing the 
weakest part of one's rhetorical forces in the middle (//. iv. 297-300); cf. Cic. Orator 50, 
Cornificius, Rhet.m. 10, 18, Quintil. vii. i. 10. 

10-4. Perhaps κα\οννται in 1. 12 and θουκυδί]|δ7;? in 1. 13. 

15-7. The restorations in 11, 16-7 are by W-M. The Homeric quotation is 
from Β 504. 

18-31. This note is out of place and should have preceded that in 11. 15-7. In 1. 27 
Tivt\s is possible, but the doubtful letter is more like o. 

33-5. The first part of this note on θίμΐνοι, as was perceived by W-M and Bury, refers 
to the use of the middle for the active, θρί^άμβνος being adduced as a parallel. 

V. I. άπο[θ]€μΐνοι: θίμοΌΐ is wrongly explained by Schol. άντ\ τον τΓ€ριθίμ€νοι έαντοΊς. 
"Ομηρος• σάκΐ ωμοισιν WevTo. άνόητον yap κ.τ.λ. The Correct interpretation given by our author 

is supported by Schol. Aeschin. i. 29 τα όπλα μη τίθςσαι' τ6 τίθ^σθαι Xeyerm καΐ ΐπ\ τοΰ άποτίβΐ- 
σθαι τα όπλα κα\ eVi τοΰ πΐριτίβΐσθαι κα\ ΐνδύΐσθαι, ώ? ΐyvωμΐv iv τοις θονκυδώύοκ iv τη β', 'ίντανθα 
be 67ΓΙ τον άποτίθΐσθαι (corr. tO πΐριτίθ€σθαι by Rciske, but wrongly) Xeyet. 

5. χρησθαι : χρησασθαι MSS. 

7—8. Cf. Schol. iπιτηδeίoιs' προί φίλιαν. 

12. els: is MSS., which, however, have the form ήίσαν or rjieaav here as elsewhere in 
place of the more correct ηισαν (i. e. ^<^av) found in our author's text. Cf. the first century 
Thucydides papyrus from Oxyrhynchus (16), which in iii. 7 has απηίΐσαν with the variant 
απηισαν. The object of the note is to distinguish the Attic ηισαν with iota adscript from ηισαν 
as a trisyllable, the form found in Homer, &c. 

17-9. This is the only place where Thucydides uses the masculine form of σκότος; the 
neuter occurs in Thuc. iii. 23 and viii. 42. The Clarendonianus and Aeneas Tact. 2 have 
vKOTei in the present passage, but the papyrus supports the overwhelming majority of the MSS. 

21-2. eK^>vyeiv•. SO Parisinus 1735; iκφeύyeιv Other MSS. The papyrus text agrees 
with most MSS. in reading oi πολλοί in place of πολλοί, the reading of A, which is preferred 
by many recent editors, but not by Stuart Jones. The construction of τοΰ μη iκφevyeιv is 
difficult, and has been explained in several w-ays. Classen connects the words with iμπeίpovs, 
which is the most satisfactory view, \vhile Poppo constructs them with δίωκοντας as an infinitive 
of purpose ' in order that they might not escape ', and Kriiger regarded the phrase as 
expressing the effect ' so that they could not escape ', an explanation which produces 
a tautology with the following words ώστβ 8ΐ(φθ(ίροντο οί πολλοί. Hude, following Herwerden, 
would omit τον μη iκφeύγeιv altogether. Our author's criticism is not very illuminating. 
He remarks that either ώστ€ is redundant (11. 22-6) or else τον should be omitted and wore put 
in its place. Since he renders τον μη €κφνγεΙν by els τό μη iκφvyfϊv in the one case, and ώστβ 
μη εκφνγΰν in the Other, both his interpretations approximate to that of Kriiger rather than 
the rival explanations (unless els τό means ' in respect of, in which case our author's first 


explanation agrees with Classen's), but both seem to rest upon a misapprehension of the 
construction of the whole sentence. For the omission of άστε or the transference of it to 
the place occupied by τοΰ would have the effect of leaving 8ΐίφθ(ίροντο without any con- 
struction, unless indeed in our author's text a fresh sentence began where the MSS. have 
απΐψοι μίν δντίς connected with what precedes. No variant, however, upon μίν in that 
passage is known, and it is more likely that our author simply misunderstood the 

30. στνρακι : στνρακίω MSS. ; but there is possibly a reference to the reading of the 

papyrus in Cramer, Anecd. Par. iii. p. 84. 3 rhv σαυρωτηρα στνρακα φησ\ Θουκυδίδης. With 
the note cf. Schol. στυράκιόν ecmv ό KaXovpfvos σανρωτηρ των δοράτων, HesychlUS στυραζ . , , 

6 σανρωτηρ τον δόρατοί, and the similar explanations in other lexicographers. 

33, συνέβΐντο : cf. Schol. άπο σννθηκης δηλονότι, 

vi. 1-2. The lacuna at the end of 1. i may havo contained another parallel for πανστρατιά, 

e. g. πανοικΊα (cf. X. 3 1 ) Or πάνδημοι, ΟΓ, aS W-]\I SUggCStS, ώ[ί παρ' Όμηρω | πανσυδ'ιτ). If πασ[ 

in 1. 2 is right, πάσ[ηι τψ στρατώι is a natural restoration, but this is rather long, and the 
reading 7rα^[ (e. g. παν\δημΐί or παι\τ\ τωι στρατώι) is not excluded. The meaning, if any, of 
the stroke in the margin against 1. 2 is obscure. There is in the top margin another stroke /, 
which seems to be accidental. 

3. It is of course doubtful whether κακόν (or τον κακοΰ as conjectured by Bredow and 
Baumeister) occurred in the lemma, which may have ended with απροσδόκητου. 

6-7. Perhaps και ι^^οινηι ώ? | tiv(s λεγονσι, as Bury suggests, meaning that this use of 
νποτοπίω was not confined to Attic. To the doubtful κ the only alternative is t. 

9-10. A note on the dative in place of the genitive after π(ρί, δαμασθ^ίς must belong to 
a quotation, which WOuld be expected to be from Homer ; and though neither of the two 

instances of δαμασθΐίς in the I/l'ad (n 816 θΐοϋπληγη κα\ δονρϊ δαμ., and χ 55 ^^ Α"? '^°^ ^^ θάνης 

Άχιληι δαμ.) is really at all apposite, W-M nevertheless may be right in restoring ομοί[ον 
Άχιληι, and supposing that the latter passage was referred to. Schol. A had noted that the 
dative there was used for ύπ' Άχιλλεω?. A more relevant illustration would be one in \vhich 
υπό with the dative was used in place of υπό with the genitive, but it is difficult to see 
whence this is to be obtained without altering δαμασθβίς. γράφΐτ^^αι (cf vii. 30) points to 
a variant upon πβρι to7s ΐξω (ττβρι τών €ξω .?), though none is known. 

1 1-2. Bury suggests τρόπωι | τωι τοιούτωι Xe'yei δι[κάζωσι : but the letter following δ is much 
more likely to be a, e, or ο than i. 

14-5. The Homeric quotation is from Η 467. 

1 6. There is not room for ώί after έπίταξαν unless the line was exceptionally long, but 
ο might be inserted. It is unfortunate that the text of this passage, in which a well-known 
difficulty occurs, is not quoted in extenso. The chief MSS. have και λακΐδαιμονίοις προ: 

ταΊς αντον νπαρχούσαις ΐζ Ίτ. κα\ Σικ. rols τάκ^ίνων eXoptvois vavs €π(τάχθησαν ποιύσθαι^ whlch 

will not construe. Hude follows Herbst in emending ίπΐτάχθησαν to ίπ^τάχθη σ, i. e. διακοσίας ; 
Poppo and Stuart Jones read Ιπΐτάχθη (with apparently one late MS.) ; Classen preferred the 
alteration of vavs to vrjts, while Cobet boldly met the difficulty by reading Λακεδαιμόνιοι . . . 
£πετΐτάχ€σαν {ίπίταξαν Bohme). It is impossible to arguc with certainty from our author's 
paraphrase in 11. 16-20 back to his text of Thucydides at this point ; but seeing that he 
ignores any grammatical difficulty, it is improbable that such an anacoluthon as Aawoai/xowois 
. . . ΐπΐτάχθησαν vavs existed in his text. With regard to the various emendations the para- 
phrase does not favour νψ% in place of vavs or 4π€τάχθη σ, and with επΐτάχθη simply a note 
on the dative of the agent ΑακΐδαιμονΙοις Avould be expected. On the other hand Cobet's 
Αακεδαιμόνιοι ΐπΐτΐτάχεσαν (or επίταξαν) would suit the paraphrase very well, especially as the 
construction of the sentence would then be quite easy, and no grammatical note would be 


necessary. But the great difficulty would still remain of accounting for the origin of 
the corruption. 

21. τη^μφθηναί W-M. The expedition of Hermocrates to Ionia is described in 
Thuc. viii. 26. 

25-8. The rules for the accentuation of σφΊσι and similar pronouns are given by 

Herodian, ed. LentZ, i. p. 555 sqq. ore μίν ovv άπόλΐ^υμ^νως Χίγονται και ουχί προί ertpov πρόσωπον 
άντώιαστίΧΚονται, eyeipovat την προ αυτών οζύαν' ore Se κατά την πρόί τι exepov διαστοΧην ΐκφίρονται, 

ορθοτονοννται κ.τΧ ; cf. the rules quoted in the notes ad he. from the Homeric scholia. The 
general sense of the passage seems to be ' σφΊσι here is enclitic, for although one ought to keep 
its accent {τον τόνον W-M) as far as possible, the rule concerning μετάβαση! (i. e. the reference of 
a pronoun to another person than the subject of the sentence) often prevents this '. But the 
lacunae make the whole passage obscure. Modern editors accentuate σφίσι here. 

34—5. Cf. Schol. νπο απίψία!' παροιμία, γλυκύς άπ^Ίρω πόλΐμοί, Stob. Flor. 50. 3 ^livSapos 
ίιπορχημάτων γΧυκύ δε πόλ(μος άπΐίροισιν, Schol. Ιί. Α 2 2^ ώί καΐ TlivSapos' γΧυκύς άπίίρω πόXeμoς. 

Schroeder (Fr. no, ed. 1908) writes γλυκύ δ' άπίίρω πόΧίμος, but this now seems hardly 
satisfactory in view of the uncertainty of the metre and the agreement of our author with 
Stobaeus. The precise restoration of the lacuna at the end of 1. 34 is uncertain. γλυκ[ύ δε πο- 1 
is hardly long enough, but γλυκ[ι;5 γάρ 6 πο- \ is possible, if our author was not aiming at an 
exact quotation. 

vii. I. The extent of the gap between Cols, vi and vii cannot be determined by the 
writing on the recto ; cf. introd. p. 108. LI. 1-3 are the end of a note on κα\ e'| ολίγου τα πολΧα 

καΐ δι' οργής αί (πιχειρησΐΐς γίγνονται in C. II. 4• 

6-9- The restorations are due to W-M. 

10. For 'Ό]μ\τ)ρικως\ cf. iv. 6. The quotation is from Δ 539. 

12-3. προ}\οου\τι is far from certain; the supposed σ is more like γ or τ, but with o]rt 
it is difficult to find anything suitable for the previous word. W-M proposes ουκίτι 
προ\νοίαι\ οι τοιούτοι κατά πόΧ([μ]ον, βυμ[ωι δ'] ΐξορμώσιν. The article is Certainly wanted before 
τοιούτοι and there is just room for [voiai] and [ωώ] in the two lacunae, but ]oi, though not 
impossible, is less suitable than ]σί. άΧλά might be read in place of κατά, but it is not 
satisfactory to make βξορμωσιν transitive. 

15. ΰμΐν : the papyrus confirms the conjecture of Hude ; ήμΐν MSS., Stuart Jones. 

18. ην [άκοί}]σ[αι] : ΟΓ possibly ηκ[ούομ]([ν αν], as W-M suggests ; but though κ can be 
read in place of v, and the vestige which we regard as the tip of an σ might belong to e or ν 
or several other letters [ακου]σ[αι] suits the space better, and the author of the commentary 
does not elsewhere employ the first person plural. With this lengthy note on eV αμφότερα 

cf. the brief remark of Schol. 8όξα eV αμφότερα κα\ ΐυκΧΐίας κα\ δυσκλεία?. 
20— Ι. \avTi του and υ^\όΧη-^ιν W— Μ. 

27-8• The Homeric quotation (identified by W-M) is from Γ i. 

29. ίκστρατΐυομίνων : neither this reading nor στρατΐυόντων, a variant mentioned in 1. 30, 
was known previously, the MSS. all having έξίστρατΐνμίνων. The perfect middle of this verb 
is not found elsewhere in Thucydides, and the present is quite defensible. 

34. [άμαχηΎύ was Suggested by Bury. 

37. διαλύίσθαι: διαλύε|εσ^αι (sic) C, δίαλυσεσ^αι Other MSS., but cf. Schol. διαλίχσθαι- 

άφίστασθαι των αγωγών. Thucydides employs the future infinitive after μίλΧαν somewhat 
more often than the present, and where the MSS. are divided on the point, e. g. here and 
in i. 107. 3 and viii. 6. 5, editors prefer the future. 

viii. 4. Hude proposes to restore the line αμ[α αυτωι τους ϊνόχους. 

5• The word following άγει is probably some part of ε'^ελαύι/ω ; cf. Thuc. i. 127. i τό 
άγος . . . eXavveiv, to which 11. 4-5 refer. 


7—9. Cf. Schol. δίά χ(ίρό$' δι' eπLμeλeias ίνα μη άποστώσι. aei in I. 8 waS Suggested 

by Bury. 

11. Probably the scribe wrote [κρατι]τθαι, for the lacuna is hardly sufficient for 
six letters. 

12. [πρυσόδίύΐ] and [πορισμώι] are both too short for the lacuna, which requires 9 or 
10 letters. Perhaps κατορθοΰ[ν should be restored in place of κατορθον[σθαι, which makes this 
line rather long. 

33-4. Perhaps καθα\ρ6ν ^λθη with κα6[αρόν in 1. 35, as Hude suggests. 
36. Kol nepiaiperav has already been quoted in the lemma in 1. 29. 

ix. 3—6. The MSS. have τοσούτοι γαρ (φύλασσαν το πρώτον όποτε οΊ πολέμιοι εσβάΧοκν από 
τε των πρεσβντάτων και των νεωτέρων κα\ μετοίκων όσοι όπλίται ήσαν. The Omission of το πρώτον 

. . . έσβάλοιεν in the lemma is probably a mere accident, and does not imply that the words 
were wanting in our author's text, though this seems to have gone astray at this point. The 
reading νπό, which stood there in place of άπό, is indefensible if υπό τε των πρεσβ. κ,τ.λ. is 
to be connected with τοσούτοι έφύλασσον, as our author clearly intended ; for υπό cannot be 
used as equivalent to άπό in this sense, and the Homeric parallel which he cites, δαΐδων νπο 
λαμπομενάων (Σ 492), is irrelevant, since νπο there has its not uncommon sense 'to the 
accompaniment of. 

10. [εω]ς: cf. Schol. εω! τοΰ κύκλου. The reading άπ]ό, though possible, is less suitable. 
The insertion of β' was suggested by Bury. 

14-6. [kJukXoi» Se . . . α[στ]6ω[ί is a parenthesis, and [κ]αι πάλιν όπόσον κ.τ.λ. depends on 
απαριθμείται, referring to Thucydides' words a few lines later than the lemma, τα δε μακρά 

τείχη προί τον ΙΙειραια τεσσαράκοντα σταδίων. Τί'\ε^ραιε\ως waS Suggested by W-M and Bury ; 

ε[κ το\ΰ [π. or εκ τ\ο[ΰ Π. cannot be read. The second s of αστεωί in 1• 14 has been 

18. Μο]υνυχ[ί]α : SO MSS. ; Μουνιχία Hude, Stuart Jones. 

22-8. The position assigned by us to Fr. i is not certain. On the one hand the 
colour and general appearance of the fragment suggest that it belongs to this column, and 
when placed where it is λιβό? at the beginning of a line giving a new entry of the land- 
survey on the recto of Fr. i will come just underneath λιβοί at the beginning of another entry 
which is on the recto of the upper part of Col. ix, while the lines on the recto of the frag- 
ment containing the ends of viii. 22-9 (the position of which is fixed) may be the continuation 
of the lines on the recto of Fr. i, though there is no certain connexion. The chief objection 
to the position assigned to Fr. i is that on the recto of the upper part of Col. ix there seems 
to be a junction between two selides, which would be expected to appear also on Fr. i, but 
does not. We have, however, been unable to find any suitable place for the lemma in 1. 23 
commencing ευβο\_ except Έ.ΰβο[ιαν in 14. i, and if that restoration is accepted, the position 
given to Fr. i must be approximately correct. A difficulty arises in 1. 26 where ξ[•]χίσι/ο[ 
is a very unsatisfactory combination of letters, and probably there is some corruption. The 
ξ projects somewhat to the left, but not enough to justify the inference that it belongs 
to a lemma. 

X. 2-4. Bury suggests παρά\γει εν 'Έρε'^χβε'ί ΈυριπΙ\Ρης τον [ Εΰμολπο»/]. 

6. The word following ξν'\ντελοΰντω\ν may, as Bury remarks, have been χρήματα or 


7. TO εν Α\ίμνα\ΐί ύίΐονυσο\ν' SO MSS. ; το (τον) εν Λ. Δ. Hudc, following Cobet. The 
scribe has left a blank space after κ\ίμνα]ις as if the lemma ended there, but probably this is 
a mistake; cf. x. 25. The remains of 1. 10, as was perceived by W-M and Bury, belong to 
a quotation from the Hecale of Callimachus (Fr. 66 a ed. Schneider) ; see Schol. Ar. Frogs 

216 Αίμναι χωρίον ttjs Αττικής, εν ω Αιονυσου ιερόν. Καλλίμαχος εν Έκάλτ]' Αιμναίω δε χοροστάδα: 


riyov eopras, and Steph. Byz. Αίμναι ϊνθα 6 Aiouvaos Ιτιμάτο. ΚαΧ\Ιμαχο5' Αιμναίω 8e κ.τ.Χ. (καΐ 

of λιμναίοι, codd.). W-M, restoring Καλλίμαχο! in 1. 7, regards the quotation as beginning 
with fv Se in 1. 8 and containing two complete hexameters, but this view is open to some 
objections. The restoration Καλλίμαχος at the end of 1. 7 implies that 1 1 letters are lost 
after 8ιονυσο[, whereas elsewhere in this column the corresponding space contains only 5-8 
letters. This difficulty can be got over by supposing that Καλλίμαχο? was abbreviated, but 
in 1. 9 a similar and more serious obstacle arises ; for Αψναίωι (which is certain) is sufficient 
by itself to fill the lacuna at the end of the line, and since Έλΐνθηρ will be the conclusion of 
the first hexameter, the first foot of the second hexameter seems to be reduced to ei. W-M 
proposes ΐ"ι[σατο, which makes excellent sense, but involves a supplement of 12 letters 
in the lacuna. The e of ft[ has been corrected from a straight stroke (probably i) but the 
reading is practically certain, η being the only alternative for ei and less satisfactory. Bury 
on the other hand would restore a shorter name than Καλλίμαχος in 1. 7 [Αίδυμος ?), and regard 
the Callimachus quotation as beginning with [Αιμναίωι in 1. 9, reading the preceding word as 
Έλ(υθηρεΙ, i. e. Έλενθΐρΰ. But that Callimachus' name was mentioned in 1. 7 (cf. x. 37), and 
that 11. 8-9 belong to the quotation, seem to us more probable. On Eleuther, the eponymous 
hero of Eleutherae, who is said to have made the first image of Dionysus subsequently 
brought by Pegasus to the temple eV Αίμναις at Athens, cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-encycl. s. vv. 
Dionysos, Eleuther, Eleuthereus. 

II -2. Apparently the point of the contrast between this statement and the Callimachus 
quotation is that according to the latter the temple at Limnae was called after Dionysus 
as god of marshes in general, while according to the other explanation Limnae was merely 
a local name. With ονΓ[ω]ί in 1. 11 jo? is the termination of a proper name, e. g. Αί\8νμ~Ός ; 
but it is possible to read ]cus δε ovi[o\i, ]ως being the termination of an adverb or a substantive 
in the genitive with e. g. διά. οντ{ο'\ς would however then have to mean Thucydides, which is 
not satisfactory. 

15. αρχαιότατα: αρχαιότερα MSS. The reading of the lemma may be a mere error, but 
is in itself defensible ; for accepting Boeckh's view that there were four distinct Dionysiac 
festivals at Athens, the Greater and Lesser Dionysia, the Anthesteria, and Lenaea, the 
Anthesteria might be called the ' most ancient ' instead of the ' more ancient ', i. e. than the 
Greater Dionysia. Thucydides' statement that the Anthesteria was a general Ionic festival 

is intended to prove its high antiquity, and cf. Schol. άρχαώτΐρα ewre διότι ecm κα\ veatTepa Άλλα. 

TTj 1/3' : so MSS ; most modern editors follow Torstrik in regarding the words as 
a gloss. With a mention of the day μψός, not iv μηνί, would be expected. The papyrus 
shows, however, that the interpolation, if it be such, is very early. Our author's note con- 
cerning the date of the festival is in accord with the extant evidence on the subject ; 
cf. Pauly-Wissowa, Real-encycl. i. p. 2372. 

19-20. π]λ[€]ίστου: SO most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones ; πλείστα AB (corr. A 2nd hand), 
which Torstrik wished to read, omitting α^ια. With ei'j τά κ.τ.λ. cf. Schol. λείττει ή tls, 

ΐν Τ] ei? τά πλείστον άξια. 

2 ζ. There can hardly be any doubt that the lemma ends at οϊκησΐΐ, although the scribe 
fails to leave a blank space ; cf. x. 7, note. The following words in Thuc. are μίτΰχον ol 
'Αθηναίοι, and the construction of the dative οικι^σει with μρπ'ϊχον being extremely difficult, 
some recent editors, including Hude, would omit the latter word. That our author's text had 
μ(τΛχον is clear from 1. 30, and the difficulty of connecting it with οίκι^σει is discussed by 
him in 11. 25-9, but the nature of his explanation is somewhat obscure. Apparently 

he regarded Trj αντ. οΙκησ^ι in place of τής αυτ. οϊκησ€ως as equivalent to διά την αντ. οΐκησιν, 

thus approximating to the view of Herbst, who explained the dative as instrumental and 
supplied αντης (i. e. T^s αυτονόμου οϊκησεως) ; this, however, produccs a very redundant con- 
struction. If μΐτά το[0 μ€Τ€Ϊχορ is rightly restored in 1. 25, the beginning of the note seems 


to mean ' rfj air. οικήσει goes with μετίϊχον oi Αθηναίοι ', and δια την κατά κ.τ.λ. IS a distinct re- 
mark ; if oi Αθηναίοι with either μΐτΐϊχον or a different verb in 1. 25 be connected with bia την 
κατά κ.τ.λ., μετά το[ΰ must be abandoned : e or ω might be read in place of the doubtful o. 

Schol. merely remark that αυτονόμω οίκησίΐ is for αυτονόμου οίκησ^ως. 

29-30. (ΐρηται be ΰπ(ρβατω[ς κ.τ.λ. refers to the position of eVi πολύ which is to be con- 
nected with μΐτΐΐχον. TO ίξης (restored by W-M) means ' the grammatical sequence is ' ; 
cf. xiii. 7, note. 

31. [ττα\ν[οι'\κησία γενόμενοι: SO MSS. (v. \. πανοικεσία) ; Hude and Stuart JoneS folIow 
Lipsius in placing πανοικησία after ου ρα8ίως. 

33• The ο following r is almost certain, υ being the only alternative. [01] does not fill 
up the lacuna, so that το is not the termination of e. g. διεγίνοντο. δια nav\TO[s] is possible. 

Schol. remark πανοικησία και ου πανοικία Χίγεται, 

35-6. κ^αλοΰνται | φ'υλ]αί was Suggested by Bury and Hude. 

36-7. This distinction between σηκός and vaos is also stated by Ammonius: vaos κα\ σηκος 

διαφέρει, ό μεν yap vaos εστί θέων, 6 δε σηκος ηρώων. The distinction is not alwayS observed ; cf. 

Liddell and Scott, s.v. σηκός. The quotation from Callimachus (from the Hecalet', cf. x. 7, 
note) is new. 

xi. 14-5. The accent oi ap\yos points, as W-M perceived, to the restoration of these 
lines as a quotation of the well-known oracle, which occurs e. g. in Schol. Theocr. xiv. 48. 
The beginning of the line is commonly cited as γαίης μεν πάσης, but here γαίης and πάσης have 
changed places. A difficulty arises in connexion with the reading [ya]t7/[f, that, since it 
belongs to the note, not the lemma, there ought to be only one letter lost, but the scribe 
sometimes begins his lines unevenly (e. g. in ix. 26) and occasionally treats words belonging 
to the note as if they were part of the lemma (e. g. in xvii. 31). Possibly, however, he wrote 


1 6. Perhaps δλωί] ωκηθη. 

1 7. ου is given the barytone accent in order to distinguish it from οΰ. The note probably 

began with something like ού διά τ6 παρα^όμω[ς οίκείν \ τοσαΰταις σνμφοραι\ς εχρη^σαντο, aS 

Stuart Jones suggests. 

xii. 2-3. The restorations are due to W-M. 

5. είναι may have been added in the lemma after μαλακός. The occurrence of αθροίσει 
in the paraphrase indicates that our author explained ξυναγω-γη as referring to the assemblage 
of the allies at Sparta not to the conduct of the war, thus agreeing with Herbst against the 
ordinary view ; cf. Classen, ad loc. 

6. ] . e: the vestige of the first letter would suit δ or λ best. 

7. Stuart Jones suggests \^Ομηρος μαλθακός αϊχμη]της (P 588). 

ΙΟ. άργώς : cf. Schol. εν τη καθέδρα' τη αργία της πολιορκίας δηλονότι. 

12. The word before με]ταφορικως was probably an equivalent of άνείχεν, perhaps εμενεν 
(Bury) or εκώλνεν (W-M, who compares Bekker, Anecd. i. p. 400. 7 λέγεται άνεχειν καΧ 

TO κωλνειν. Θουκυδίδης εν εκτω κ.τ.λ.). In place of τα όπλα (W— Μ) Bury SUggestS χε'ιρας. 

Line 14 clearly contains a comparison between άνοχη and εκεχειρία, but the reconstruction is 
uncertain. There is certainly a letter after εκε^χειρια, and the vestige suits ι better than $•. 
If εκε])(ειριαι is nominative plural this may be accounted for by the plural use of άνοχαί ; if it 

is dative singular something like [άνοχη 'ίση τβ εκε]χεφία is required. [άνοχα\ επϊ τψ εκε]χειρία5 

(W-M) would have been more satisfactory. 

17. It is tempting to restore oi 'ΡεΊτο]ι τόπ[ο]ς \ της Άττικψ, but ο does not fill the lacuna 
before ?. Possibly Pe]trot τ[. .]ς should be read, but the letter following το is more like π than 
IT and there is not room for τ[όπο]ς. 

19. Lines 19-32 are on a detached fragment. The writing on the recto confirms the 


internal evidence of 11. 24-7 that these lines belong to the lower portion of Col. xii, but the 
extent of the gap, if any, between 11. 1 8 and 1 9 is uncertain. 

23. The accent of abe suggests, as W-M remarks, a form like 'EXeuirlimSe, but though 
the letter before aSe might be v, the letter before that is more like e, o, or υ than t. 

24. The letter before ναι may be t instead of η, but [ταξάμΐνον μϊ^ιναι. does not suit 
the size of the initial lacuna, and [trepuhi'iv τμηθ^ιναι is also too long, so that [ού καταβΥ)ναι 
is practically certain. To the form ^^ασαν there is no objection, but the word does 
not seem very suitable in this context. The doubtful δ might be read as a, λ, or μ. 

27-9. The restoration of the beginning of the note is due to W-]\I, who further 
suggests ] τότ{ΐ) (?) oi ^Α.τ[τ\ικο\ τι^ίασιν but Ατ[τ]ικο4 does not suit the vestiges. For «Ve^- 

fkivaovrai cf. Schol. eZ ine^iaaiv' el ^π(ζ(\ΐνσονται, ol Αθηναίοι προς πόλ€μον. 

xiii. I. This line, restored by Hude, and the next clearly belong to a note on 
the use of the middle in place of the active in χωρησισθαι (c. 20. 4), έπαινίσ^σθαι being adduced 
as an illustration ; cf. iv. 32-5, The first two letters of ίπαιν(σ[(\σθαι have a stroke 
through them, but this is to be regarded as accidental, not as implying deletion. 

7. A note on the construction of avToU, which depends on bnvbv ίφαίνίτο after a long 
interval. The reading «'[^'5? is not very satisfactory, for the traces of ink suit o, σ, or τ better 
than e, but τό ίξης is the technical phrase required here ; cf. the close parallel in x. 29-30. 

13. ωργητο : MSS. are divided between this reading and ωρμητο (CEG), which accord- 
ing to our author (1. 14) was found 'in some copies', and must have been a very early 
variant. Editors also differ; Hude and Stuart Jones prefer ωρμητο. 

1 6. Apart from the present passage in Thuc. Phrygia in Attica is only mentioned 

twice, (l) Schol. Arist. Birds 493 Φρνγίων ίρΊων η άπ6 Φρυγίας η άπο δημον. eW γαρ άπάλα κα\ 
καλά epia, (2) Steph. Byz. S. V. Φρυγία, , . . eari κα\ τα Φρίιγια ον8(Τ€ρως τόπος μ^ταζυ Βοιωτίας κα\ 

'Αττικής. Bursian {Geogr. i. p. 334) conjecturally placed it in the neighbourhood of Acharnae 
at the north-east foot of Mount Aegaleus. Since the site of Athmonon is fixed {idicf. p. 343) 
at the modern village of Marusi, which is 7 kilometres west of Acharnae, the statement of 
our author that Phrygia belonged to the Athmonian deme does not accord with the position 
assigned to the village by Bursian, although Athmonon being an important deme may have 
stretched some way to the west. Our author is likely to be right on the point, in spite of 
Steph. Byz.'s assertion that Phrygia was ' between Boeotia and Attica ', which suggests quite 
a different position. 

17. τάγματι : SO Schol. τάγματι hi The Homeric quotation is from Σ 298. 

20. ΦαρσάλίΟί lieipaaioi : ΦαρσαΚιοι ΤΙαράσιοι MSS. (cf. 878. 6 ; Hepaaioi B), which 

continue Κραννώνιοι Ώίΐράσιοι. Ώαράσιοι, a term nowhere else applied to a Thessalian tribe, 
has generally been rejected by critics as an interpolation due to a misspelling of Ώΐΐράσιοι and 
a confusion with the Παρράσιοι in Arcadia, who are out of place here, while the form Tieipaaioi 
is generally altered to Ώυράσιοι in accordance Avith Sirabo ix. p. 435, and Steph. Byz. s.v. 
Ώύρασος. The reading of the lemma proves that Παράσιοι did not stand after Φαρσάλιοι 
in our author's text of Thuc, while his note shows that he knew of Uapaaioi (or Uappaaioi) 
as a variant on netpao-tot, but rightly rejected it. That Παράσωι was originally a marginal 
variant which found its way into the text, causing the transposition of Πηράσιοι, is now clear, 
and the hypothesis of an interpolation is confirmed. As regards the form Utipaaioi the 
lemma supports the traditional spelling of the MSS. against Πυράσιοι, and in view of the fact 
that Steph. Byz. mentions a certain Ueipaaia πάλις Μαγνησίας, the alteration to Πυράσιοι seems 
to us unnecessary. Our author's explanation oi πυράσιοι as connected with the Πηρίία men- 
tioned in Β 766 is however very doubtful, for the reading Πηρείτ} is there somewhat uncertain 
(there are variants Φηρίη and litept'i; besides Ufipijj), and Steph. Byz. distinguishes Ώηρύα 
θίσσαλία? χωρίον from Ώεφασία. 



22-3. The restoration of these two Unes was proposed by W-M, Stuart Jones, and 

Hude ; cf. Schol. UapaaioC ΤΙαρράσιοι 'ApKades, ΐίαράσιοι θ€τταΚοί. 

29• The restoration of this Hne is far from certain, especially as \των] does not fill the 
lacuna after av, unless those letters were unusually spread out. Perhaps the lemma ended 
with αύ[τών\ which would then be followed by a blank space, and ol Άθη\ναϊοι belongs to 
the note. 

Xiv. 1—2. Part of a note on alu iv αΙτω θάπτονσι Toiis €Κ των πολίμων ττΚην -ye τονς iv 

Μαραθώνι. The restoration in 1. 2 is due to W-M, who is no doubt right in regarding 
επιτά]ψιο5 in 1. 3 as a title. 

4. That before evi the papyrus had eV, which is omitted by CG, is certain not only from 
the size of the lacuna but from ev ivi in the paraphrase, i. 6. 

6-1 1. The proposed restoration of the paraphrase is very doubtful in several respects. 
For κίν^υνε[ΰ\ΐΐν κιν^υνί[ν(\σθαί may be Substituted, or possibly Kivbvvo[s \ yap, as W-M suggests, 
with elvai των] in 1, 7 ; τοιου\τοτρόπου\ί is not very satisfactory, but there is not room for 
Toioif^Tovs αυτον\ί. In 1. 7 either πολλών or an equivalent is required. τ\()σου[των avhpS>v\ 
is possible, with another word in place of avhpi. The doubtful σ may be n-, but neither 
€ί1πόΐ'[τί nor ] πολ[λώι/ can be read. Our author seems to have interpreted τηστ^υθηναι, like 
Poppo and Classen, as epexegetic of κιν^υνΐνΐσθαι and not as the subject of it (τό being 
omitted), which latter view is supported by Schol. (αντϊ τον καί μη eV κιν8ννω γίνΐσθαι το 
πιστίνθψαι) and now advocated by Steup ; cf. Classen's Thucydides, ed. iv. p. 221. 

13. Perhaps [συμμΐτρως], as W-M suggests (cf. Schol. μετρίως• συμμετρως, άξίως), ΟΓ 
[επιτη^ΐίως] (Bury). 

15-20. Bury restores these lines 8^ΰσκολόν ίστιν | τψ άληθειαν iv τώ] η pay μάτι μ6\νον 
βεβαιούν κατά τΐάί ίποληίψείί των ακροατών, κ\η δύσκόλον Ι άληθεύειν Βοκείν' αίπιστείται | yap το 
νπερβάΧλον rloii πράγμα\το5. 

2 2. The letter (beginning with a vertical stroke) following του has a horizontal line 
above it, indicating either a numeral or word cited like καί in xix. 5. 

25. αυ\τον : so CG ; εαυτοΰ ABEFM. It is of course possible, but less likely, that our 
author meant αντοΐί. 

27—31. Bury suggests νο]βίσεί\αν tiv ενια πλεονάζεσθαι^ ε'ί τίνα | υπέρ αυτούς άκονοιεν' 
μόνο^ν yap τό . . . και δ ελκαστο: Ι αίιτος Ικανός είναι 8ρά.σαι\ ήyε^τaι. 

32-3. Bury is probably right in assigning these lines to a fresh lemma, not to the pre- 
ceding note, although 11. 30-1 paraphrase words not included in 11. 24-6. 

XV. 2. 7r[a\\iv, which can hardly be evaded, may be explained, as W-M suggests, 
as a reference back to δίκαιον yap ημάς κ.τ.λ. in c. 11. 2. Our author's note on that passage, 
if he had one, is lost in the gap between Cols, vi and vii. The word after eipi;K[f]«/ is probably 
an adverb. 

4. καθεστηκυία[ι] : the papyrus follows the ordinary spelling of the MSS. ; καθεστηκύα. 
Hude. After τ-ί/ it is difficult to see what other word than παρακμί} can have been meant, but 
that was certainly not written ; the letter following irapa is conceivably κ, but is much more 
like y or τ, and μ is out of the question. 

6. οϊκεΊν : so most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones ; ηκειν C (second hand) and superscr. G. 

7-1 1. In regarding οίκεΐν as equivalent to διοικεΐσθαι our author is quite correct, but in 
paraphrasing ες as ' for the advantage of he conflicts with modern editors, who practically 

all adopt the view that ες πΧείονας οΙκεΊν = διοικεΐσθαι ώστε πλείονας είναι τοίις διοικοΰντας. This 

is supported both by the variant ηκειν for οϊκεΙν and by several parallels for this use of eV 
(especially Thuc. viii. 53), and suits the context much better. The interpretation Avhich our 
author rejects in 11. 7-8 seems to be right in its interpretation of h, but is wrong with regard 


to the meaning of οίκΰν, which cannot mean in this context ' inhabit ', as seems to be impUed 
by the contrast between οίκύν in 1. 7 and bioiKUaOai in 1. 10. 

14. τωι has the barytone accent to distinguish it from τώι. 

15. τα π\ίο\ν : SO ABEFM (πλεΐοι/), Hude, Stuart Jones ; τα πλέω CG. 

16. Βιάφορά νυν τα 8ιαφίροντα: cf. Schol. τα Βιαφίροντα ταϊς 18ιωταΐί. 

21-2. This explanation of the obscure phrase οϊ/κ άπο μίρους is novel. Schol. remark 

τοϋτο Xeyet δια tovs Ήρακλείδα?, βασιλεΐ? των Λακώνων, oiTivts από μίρονς ηρχον δια μόνψ την 

fvyivfuiv καν μη ΐίχον άρΐτην, and in accordance with this supposed reference to the Spartan 
kings the phrase has generally been interpreted ' not because he is sprung from a particular 
class ', while Classen thinks that the meaning is ' not because he is supported by a political 
party ', and Herwerden wished to read yevovs for μέρους. Our author on the other hand 
interprets it ' not according to the equal share to which he is entitled as a member of 
a democratic state', i.e. honours are distributed not in equal shares but in accordance 
with merit. In 1. 25 Bury suggests οι|[δ]ε (which is possible) followed by a participle 
or infinitive meaning ' will be assigned ' {ι^αταν]ψ[ηθησ(σθαι τη]ν τάξιν is too long, but 

κ[αταν](μ[ηθησομίνη]ν (την) τάξιν COUld be read), and in 1. 26 [αΰτώι iv τηι ττολιτείαι] ΐκαστοί. 

33. vno\y\f'iav : or possibly άννηο\^^Ίαν ; cf. note on 1. 38. 

34. hpa T( : η δρα MSS. δρα τι may be a mere slip of a copyist, rt δρά apparently 
occurs in the paraphrase (xvi. 2). 

38. ov\x νποτττΐυ{σ]οντα : if our author's text had the ordinary reading νττοψίαρ in 1. 33, 
his paraphrase is not very accurate at this point. Thucydides' phrase e's την ... ίποψίαν does 
not harmonize well with the following words ού δι' οργής κ.τ.λ., and Madvig conjectured 
ίτΓοψιν, Reiiferscheid άνυπο\Ι/Ιαν, to which ον]χ ΰποπτ(νοντ€ς would be appropriate enough. To 
read avvno}j/iav in 1. 33 is possible, for though it would produce 13 mostly broad letters 
in the lacuna as against only 11 in 1. 32, there are 14 letters in the corresponding lacuna in 
1. 34, and in the lower part of this column the beginnings of lines seems to have sloped 
away to the left. But it is more probable that our author read νπο\(/ίαν and in ον]χ νπο- 
TTTfiovTes was merely giving the general sense, obtaining his negative from ού δι' όργψ ; 
cf. Schol. ελΐνθψως δε" ώσανεΐ 'eKtytv ουκ iaph άλλι^λοΐί ύποπτοι. 

xvi. 5• The vestige of a letter following Χυπον^κν would suit e. g. τ, but hardly o, so that 
\νπονμ(νο[ι is improbable, ν may be read in place of the doubtful v. ε[π£σκ]υ^ρ[ωπά^οΐ'τε]9 
(Bury) is unsuitable, but ]s may well be the end of a participle. 

9-10. εκ Toi . . [. . .] probably refers to τι, 'όψα. εκ τοΐ) h{]\kov\ (Bury) does not suit ; 
the first letter seems to be a, κ, or λ, the second to be a round letter, t.^.o; or possibly μ[ 
might be read. 

18. a\pfi: so Hude with E; άύ other MSS. ; cf. 1. 33. 

19—20. Tols αρχου\σιν : cf. Schol. τώΐ' άρχοι/Γω^. 

21. οίον di όλου Tov.hovs: cf. Schol. δ*' όλου τον ΐ'τονς θύουσιν οΊ Άθηναωι καθ" εκάστην πλην 
μιας ημίρας. 

24- άκ[ροβο]λιΧει Λακεδαιροι/ίουί : similar remarks (e.g. αΐνίττΐται προς Λακεδαψοί'ίουί) are 

frequent in Schol. on cc. 37-9; cf. also xvii. 6-9. 

25. Βιαιτώμεθα: 8ιαιτώμ€νοι MSS., the verb being χωροΰμεν. Whether Βιαιτώμεθα is 

an inadvertence, or implies a diflferent arrangement of this sentence in our author's text (e. g. 

διαιτώμεθα . . . χωρονντίς) is Uncertain. 

29. (θίλομεν: SO CG, Hude, Stuart Jones; (βίλοιμεν other MSS. and Dion. Hal. 
31. τοΙς re: SO BCG, Hude, Stuart Jones ; τε τοΊς other MSS. 

33. άτολμ[οτ(ρ]ους : SO most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; ^τολμοτίροα suprascr. Gj, ex 
corr. f, and Dion. Hal. 

aUi: so E, Hude, Smart Jones; aei other MSS. ; cf. 1. i8. 

L 3 


xvii. 1-2. αΐ'υ7Γο[ and \ΐστ[ are on a separate fragment, and the margin is broken 
away immediately to the left of ανυπο; but the position assigned to the fragment admits of 
practically no doubt, especially as it belongs to the top of a column. 

3. ταΚαιπωρΐΐσ&\αι : SO Bur)' and Hude ; καταπονάσβ\αι W— Μ. 

ΙΟ. καφω : SO the best MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones ; eV καφω Fj g. It is disputed whether 
καιρώ is a predicate of πλοντω, ώ? being omitted (so Poppo and Steup), or is a kind of 
adverbial dative (so Classen, 3rd ed.) : our author's paraphrase in spite of the use of iv 
καφω is compatible with either view. 

16-8. This explanation of α'ίσχιον as a comparative used in place of the simple adjective 
agrees with that of the ancient grammarian quoted by Poppo (who practically accepts this 
view) α'ίσχιον άντ\ τον αϊσχροΰ, Θουκυδίδης, while Other explanations, e. g. Classen's, attach 
greater significance to the comparative. 

18-9. The quotation is from ν 294. A slight error has crept in, for the MSS. have 
αΐ€( γάρ Te, not atVi δί, which will not scan. 

20. eu : so ABEF ; evi CGfg, Hude, Siuart Jones. With ev it is necessary to supply 
the verb, as is remarked in 1. 23 ; and evi is no doubt preferable. 

21. e]Tepois: SO MSS., Poppo and Stuart Jones; erepa Classen; irepois erepa Hude 
following Richards, The traditional reading is defended by Poppo on the view that erepoL 
refers to the poorer classes of Athenians who were too busy to take part in the administration 
of public affairs, but able to form a judgement on them, and that the persons meant by 
τοις αύτο'ις are the richer classes, an interpretation which is rather arbitrary. With erepa or 
crf'pois eTepa both halves of the sentence refer to the Athenians in general, the second half 
emphasizing the same idea as that expressed by the first. Our author does not explain 
precisely who are meant by erepoi, but since he took epya in the sense of τά τψ γeωpγίaς epya 
he seems to agree with Poppo's view that hepoi refers to the poorer classes. 

30. αυτοί: so ABEF, Poppo, Classen ; ol αυτοί CG, Hude, Stuart Jones. Cf. 
1. 35, note. 

31. The scribe has by mistake included Kpivopev in the lemma. The note explains 
Kpivopev as meaning ' decide upon proposals invented by others ', implying a contrast with 
' originate new ones ourselves ' (βνθυμονμΐθα). Our author's interpretation thus supports 
Poppo's translation aid mdicamus certe (^ab aliis proposiia) aut excogitamus {nova) recie, 
against Classen's ' entweder bringen wir die Sachen zur Entscheidung, oder suchen iiber sie 
richtige Einsicht zu gewinnen'. 

34. [brf TojSe : δη (Set AB) καΐ τοδε MSS., Stuart Jones ; δη καϊ τφδί Hude. The papyrus 
may have had [κα\ τό]δε. 

35, α[υτοί]: οί αυτοί MSS. ; cf αυτοί in 1. 30, where the MSS. are divided, αυτοί may be 
right there, but here οί αυτοί is distinctly better. 

xviii. 12. The note was doubtless on άδeωs, upon which Schol. remark am τovμeγάKωs. 
μεγάλως may have occurred here, or, as W-M suggests, άφθόνως. 

14. 7ΓλεΙ]στ' : so most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; πλείστοι' AB. 

18-23. χαρί€ν]τως in 1. 1 9 and the restoration of 1. 22 were suggested by Bury and 
Stuart Jones, the restoration of 1. 21 by Bury, who proposes ΆθηναΐοΙς άνηρ in 1. 18 and 
μά\ι[στα των άλλων ανθρώπων in 1. 20. 4πιχαρί]τωε (W— Μ) is an alternative in 1. 19. Schol. 

explain εύτραπέλως by eυκιvητως, evδeζίως. 

24. κρ€ίσ]σων: SO most MSS., Hude, Stuart Jones; κρεΊσσον C. 

27. Perhaps we[piyiveTai, as W-M proposes. λό]γωρ . . . epyois was suggested by both him 
and Bury. 

29-33• These lines paraphrase the sentence of Thucydides following the lemma. The 
restorations are mainly due to Bury, who further proposes νικηθ€ν]των in 1. 29, ?χουσα εκΐίνων 


in I. 31, and μομφψ ΐ'χη in 1. 32. The paraphrase does not help in regard to the difficult 
reading τω πολβμίω ίττίΚΘόντι, which many critics have wished to alter. 

35-7. A note (restored in part by Bury) to the effect that exei governs κατάμΐμψιν as 
well as άγανάκτησιν. 

xix. 1-3. There is a blank space after φύσεως before the lacuna, and if φύσεως was the 
end of the line, 1. i probably belongs to a note on της re γαρ υπορχούσης φύσεως and 11. 2-3 
are a lemma. It is possible, however, that a couple of letters are lost in the lacuna after 
φύσεως, in which case that word belongs to the lemma and 11. 2-3 to the note. That all 
three lines belong to a note is less likely, for 1. i would then be too short ; and the same 
objection applies to regarding all three as a lemma, while in addition it would then be 

necessary to suppose the omission of a whole line {μη χύροσι γενέσθαι νμϊν μεγάλη). 

4-7• The Homeric quotation (from A 117) is cited in order to illustrate the use of ή 
for καί, and if our author considered that Thucydides also employed η for καί his comment 
must apply to η ψόγου, though in reality there is no justification for interpreting ή there as 
και. It is possible, however, as W-M points out, that the quotation is intended to illustrate 
the converse of Thucydides' use ; in that case our author's remark applies to καί ης, which 
in his opinion was for η ης; i. e. he thought that the construction Avas της Ιπαρχονσης φύσεως 

μεγάλη δόξα εστίν μη χείροσι γενέσθαι ή εκείνη ή φύσις ης αν κ.τ.λ., which makes ηο Sense. Which- 
ever view we credit him with, our author seems to have completely misunderstood the 
meaning of the sentence, and the Homeric parallel makes matters worse ; for ή is not there 
used for καί, though on this point he is only following the singularly perverse interpretation 
of that passage by the Alexandrian critics ; cf. Schol. A ό δε λόγος τοιοντος• θέλω, φησίν, εγώ 

τον οχλον μάλλον σωζεσθαι κα\ αυτός άπολεσθαι. ό γαρ ή σύνδεσμος άντΙ τον καί παρείληπται τω ποιητή. 

Our author's lack of judgement in explaining Thucydides' meaning is made still clearer by 
11. 7-8 άπο κοιν[οΰ . . . ληπτεον το φύ[σεως, meaning that φύσεως is to be supplied with ^s•, for 
the real antecedent of ης is εκείνη τη γυναικί understood, and the words which are truly άπό 
κοινού are μεγάλη η δόξα. It is impossible to acquit him of having committed a series of 
errors in his attempt to elucidate this badly constructed, but not particularly difficult 

854. ArCHILOCHUS, 'EAeyeta. 

3-7 X 3-3 cm. Late second century. Plate I. 

The extreme smallness of this fragment is very unfortunate, since the 
coincidence of the last four lines with a quotation in Athenaeus proves the 
author to have been Archilochus ; cf. Athen. 483 d μνημόνευα, αντου (sc. τον 
κωθωνοί) καΐ Άρχίλογοί ev 'EAeyeiots ώ? ττοτηρίον οΰτω?' αλλ' άγξ κ.τ.λ. (=:Fr. 4 
Bergk *). An addition to the aa lines which, including these four cited by 
Athenaeus, are all that survive of the 'EAeyeta, would have been very welcome ; 
but in its present mutilated state the fragment is practically worthless. It seems 
to have come from an extensive roll (cf. note on 1. 2), the recto of which was 
occupied by a cursive document dating probably from about the middle of the 
second century ; the seventh year of an emperor (Antoninus ?) is mentioned. The 
literary text on the verso, written in rather small round uncials, need not be 


referred to a much later period, and may well fall within the same century. Two 
accents occur, besides some marginal marks of uncertain significance. 

]Θ φρα[ 


ξξίνοι . [ 
Seinuoi/ δου[ 
5 — ουτ €μοί ω^ αι[ 

αλλ aye συν κω\θωνι θοη^ Sta σέλματα νηος 
φοίτα και κοϊλ(ΰ\ν πωματ αφξλκε καΒων 
άγρξί δ οινον [epvOpov απο τρύγος ovSe γαρ ημζΐς 
νηφ^\^ί\ν cy [φυλακή τηδ€ δυνησομ^θα 

2. The marginal θ is most naturally explained as marking the Sooth line of the 
manuscript ; of. e. g. 852. The papyrus is broken immediately above the Θ, but a slight 
vestige is left which we suppose to represent a stroke over the letter. Of the marks below 
θ the second horizontal line and the vertical one beneath should perhaps be combined as 
a critical sign referring to 1. 3, to which they are really opposite ; cf. the dash 
opposite 1. 5. 

6. αλλ aye '. αλλά re A, corrected by INfusurus. 

7. Ko'CKc^v : κοίλων A and editors, but κοίλων, an Aeolic form found in Anacreon 9. 2, 
may Λνεΐΐ be right here. 

9. νηφ([ι]ρ ev : v. μίν A, eV Mus. But the reading in the papyrus is not satisfactory ; 
one letter between φ and ν would be belter than two, and the traces after the second e, if 
not absolutely inconsistent with v, suggest a round letter like σ. Moreover the accent is 
wrong. But we can find no suitable alternative ; the fourth letter can hardly be o, and 
therefore νηφονΐ! does not suit ; νηφίμ^ναι (conj. Bergk) is inadmissible. 

855. MeNANDER ? 

13 X 16-3 cm. Third century. 

This fragment of an unidentified New Attic comedy, though inconsiderable 
in size, is of more than usual interest, bringing before us with much vividness 
a scene to which we think there is no exact parallel in the extant remains 
of either Greek or Roman comedy. A slave Daus has been detected and caught 
by an indulgent (1. 13) master. Laches, in some act of villainy connected with an 
inheritance (1. 18), and Laches proposes to have him burnt alive. Daus is 
perhaps bound to a stake ; his fellow-slaves, to whom the victim appeals 

855. MENANDER? 151 

vainly for mercy, bring out faggots and pile them round him ; and Laches 
himself carries the lighted torch. Wilamowitz, to whom we are much indebted 
in the reconstruction of this text, supposes that the slave had taken refuge at 
an altar, where however the right of asylum would not protect him from being 
burnt. At any rate the language plainly implies that it was not his master's object 
merely to dislodge him from a place of sanctuary. Of course the grim scene was 
not acted out, and no doubt Daus eventually escaped ; but that it should be carried 
so far is a significant indication of the Athenian attitude towards slavery at this 
period, and the passage may be placed in contrast to some others where a more 
humane tendency is displayed, e. g. Philemon's (KevOipovs ^ττόησς ττάντας rfj φύσ^ι 
bovXovs b€ μζτξττόησζν η irXeove^La (Kock, Fr. 95). It is said that the position 
of slaves was peculiarly favourable at Athens, and though a master had the 
power of punishment he might not legally put them to death ; cf. Antiphon, 
de caede Herodis, p. 738 οίδέ ol tovs hea-noras άττοκτζίναντξ^ , . . ουδ' ούτοι 
θνησκονσιν ντι' αυτών των τ,ροσηκόντων . . . κατά νόμους νμ^τ^ρον^ iraTpLovs : but 
perhaps the law was stricter in theory on this point than in practice. For 
the burning of slaves Wilamowitz cites the fragment from Euripides' Syleus 
(Nauck Fr. 687) in which Heracles in a servile position says τΐίμττρί], κάταιθί 
σάρκαί κ.τ.λ. Murray suggests that Laches only wished to frighten Daus, and 
was playing a big practical joke. That is a quite tenable hypothesis, but perhaps 
not much is gained by it so far as the rights of Athenian slaves are concerned. 
Daus certainly thought that he was to be burned, and seems rather to take it for 
granted ; he makes no protest against the illegality or the unheard of barbarity 
of the act. There is a general similarity between the scene, in the papyrus and 
that in Aristophanes' Thesmoph. 726 sqq., with the essential difference that 
Mnesilochus, for whose burning preparations are there made, is a free man. 

The identity of the play to which the fragment belongs and of its author 
is quite uncertain. Wilamowitz would refer it to some other poet than 
Menander on the ground of the occurrence of the article at the end of a verse at 
1. 23, to which there is no parallel in the Cairo papyrus. But this is not a very 
conclusive argument, and it seems to us to be more than outweighed by a 
remarkable linguistic coincidence between 11. 13-4 and a citation from the 
Perinthia ; cf. note ad loc. 

There are remains of two columns, the second of which is in fair 
preservation. The text is written in medium-sized sloping uncials of the 
common third-century type. Double dots and paragraphi are employed to 
denote the alternations of the dialogue, and, as in 211, 852, and the Cairo Menan- 
der, the names of the speakers are sometimes inserted, in a more cursive but 
perhaps not different hand. Stops, mostly a high point (one in the middle 



position occurs at the end of ii. 5), are freely used, though not always with 
discrimination, and marks of elision are also frequent ; two accents occur (one 
misplaced) and a mark of long quantity {καν = καΐ kv). All these lection signs 
seem to be due to the origfinal scribe. 



Col. i. 



[ \av8aKo\ov6ei\^ 

[ ]ασζ^Ησίνψίρωντοπυρ[ 


ζπξίτακατακανσαμ αφζΐητ auyera 
5 [. . .]δονλονοΐ'τα•καιδιασωσαν[. .^υπανν- 

[. . .]ανμαφ€ίηταλλαπ(ρίο\Ιτ€σθ€μζ• 

.] . ττροσαΧΚηΧουσ^γομζνπροσζργ^ίται 
. .]ριασ•οσονγ€φορτίονφ€ρων 


ΙΟ [ ]ολονθ€ΐ : π€ριθζτ ([.]κυκλωιτα)(ν 

. . .]ίδ€ίξαίδα€την7Γανονργιαν 
τ€\νηι/€γώ: ναιδα^τομ^ναπ pay μονά 

15 φλναροσ : ηην : ξίδζτιστηντωνφρζνων 
στακτην : ξκνίσθήσ : ου•)(ΐπροσσου8ζ(ηΓοτα 
ομζνπονηροσ'οθρασυσζνθαδ' αρτίωσ 
[ ]ο8ων'€^€ΐΡ)(αρίν 

20 [ ]συφημωι/ : κα€τ[.] 

[ ] . ωσαφίΚ€το 

[ ΊφζρομζνοσγαρκανκυκΧα^ 

[ \()τωντζστιτο 

Unplaced fragment . 

855. MENANDER? 153 

Col. ii. 

Γ ] • συ δ' άκολούθίΐ [μοι, Πτα. 

(Δοος) [κληματίδ]ας 'ύ^ασιν φίρων το πνρ[δανον 
και πυρ πρόδηλον ω Τίβΐζ και Πτα, 
eVeira κατακαύσπ μ άφ^ίητ άν, Πτα, 
5 [σνν]δονλον οντά, και διασωσαν[τ ; ο]ι) πάνυ 
\ννν'\ αν μ άφ^ίητ- άλλα πζριόψίσθί μ€ ; 
[τι δ]η προς αλλήλους €χομ€ν ; προσίρχίταί 
[ό Πνρ]ρίας όσον ye φορτίον φίρων 
[ά7ΓΟ]λωλα* και δαδ' αύτος ήμμίνην 'ίχων 
ΙΟ [Λάχης άκ]ολονθ€Ϊ. Λάχ(Ης). π^ρίθ^τ k[v] κύκλω ταχύ 
[τα ξνλ'' €π]ίδζΐ^αι, Αά€, την πανονργίαν 
τβχνην τιν ζύρων διαφυγών τ ίνθίνδζ. μξ. 
(Δα.) τίχνην €γώ ; (Λάχ.) ναι, Ade, το μ\ν άπράγμονα 
και κοΰφον €^απαταν γαρ ίστι δεσπότη ν 
15 φλύαρος. (Δα.) ήήν. (Λάχ.) d δί τις την των φρενών 
στακτην — ίκνίσθης ; (Δα.) ούχΙ προς σου, δέσποτα. 
(Λα.) ο μ\ν πονηρός, 6 θρασύς, kv6aS άρτίως 

κατά των σκαλών την κληρονομίαν φι\Κ\τάτο[υ 

[ π]οδων, (Δα.) H^iv χάριν 

2θ [ ]ς ixj) ημών. Λάχ(Ης). κά€τ[€] 

[ ] ΤΤ]υ[ρ]ρίας. . ως άφίκ^το 

[ ] φΐρόμζνος γαρ καν κύκλω 

Γ ]ρτων τ €στι το 

' Tibius (?) . . ., and do you, Getes, follow me. 

Daus. He is coming out with faggots ; there is the fuel and the fire. Ο Tibius and 
Getes, would you then leave me to be burnt, Getes, me your fellow slave, and your preserver ? 
Surely you will not desert me now ! Will you disregard me ? What have we against each 
other ? Here comes Pyrrhias, with what a load on his back I I am undone ! Laches himself 
is following with a lighted torch. 


Laches. Put the logs quickly all round him. Give an exhibition, Daus, of your cunning 
by finding some device and escaping me here. 

Da. J find a device ? 

La. Yes, Daus ; for to deceive an easygoing and careless master is mere foolery. 

Da. Ohl 

La. But if one feels his brains turning to ashes — were you hurt ? 

Da. Not by you, master. 

La. This rascal, this rogue, has lately in a cowardly manner (made away) here with 
the inheritance of my dearest . . .' 

Col. i. )3ωσ( ) is in the same hand as the interlinear dramalis personae in the next 
column. In the Cairo Menander papyrus the names of speakers are frequently added in the 
right-hand margin of the column to which they refer, and that might be the case here, 
though ΐ/3ωσ( ) suggests no likely name. Perhaps σωσ( ), e. g. Σωσ(ίαί), a name frequent 
in comedy, may be read, though there would then remain an unexplained mark below the 
first σ; cf. note on 1. 21. But of course the word may not be a name at all. 

Col. ii. 2. The supplements were suggested by Wilamowitz. For [<cX»j/itari6]ar cf. 
Aristoph. Thesmoph. 728 and, for πύρδανον, 661. 19. 

3• Tt'/Sioi and Τίτης were common names of slaves. In the line cited from Menander's 
Thettale as (υβνμία β/β τ6ν δοΰλον τρίφίΐ (Kock, Fr. 231) Bentley proposed to read (νθνμία rot 
Ύίβκ κ.τ.λ., but as the second syllable of the name is now shown to be long, the rot is 

4. κατακανσΐΐ is quite clearly written, and there is no necessity to emend to κατακαϋσαι^ 
though that might have been expected. 

6. [vvv], which makes an apposite contrast to the aorist 8ιασωσαν\τ, is due to Wilamowitz. 
The only objection to it is the stop after πανν, but as the scribe's pointing is not always 
accurate (cf. e. g. 1. 3) this is not a fatal obstacle. If the presence of the stop is to be pressed, 
we might read ο]υ πάνυ, [ονκ]. 

7. The letter before npos, of which only a very slight vestige remains, may be ω, but 
there does not seem to be room for [ουτ]ω. 

8. [ό nvp]pias Wilamowitz. Cf. Aristoph. Progs 730 Πυρρίαις and Schol. όνομα γαρ 

8όν\ου 6 ΤΙνρρίας. 

g. The ι of δαώ' was inserted after the second δ had been written. 

II. Restored by Wilamowitz. In 1. 10 after ταχύ an indistinct spot on the edge of the 
papyrus may represent a stop, but it is further away from the final letter than is the case e. g. 
in 11. 5 and 6 and, since an object for nepieer is desirable, it is better disregarded. Even if 
the stop were certain, this would not necessarily preclude the suggested supplement ; cf. 
note on 1. 6. 

Ϊ3-4. Cf. for the language Menander, Perinthia (Kock, Fr. 393) "Otrrw παραλαβών 
Οίσπότην άπράγμονα κα\ κοΰφον εξαπατά βΐράττων, ουκ οίδ' ο τι οϋτος μεγαλύόν ί'στι διαττεπραγμίνος, 
(παβΐλτΐρώσα! τον {nporepov) άβΐλτ^ρον. Such a Striking similarity seems to us to point to 
Menander as the author of our fragment ; cf. introd. 

15. ηην appears to be an exclamation not otherwise attested. Wilamowitz compares 
Euripides, I/erc. Fur. 906 r]i] (^ 7). 

16. The sentence et δε . . . στακτψ is not completed, a wince on the part of the slave 
at the idea of his brains' ashes leading Laches to break off with the question (κνίσθηε. 
A single stop instead of double dots should have been placed between στακτψ and ^κνισθης : 
the latter word is also wrongly accented. This passage seems to be much the earliest 
instance of the use of στακτη in the sense of τέφρα, (or which cf. e. g. Demetrius Constantinop. 

Hieracos. 2. 18 μ^τα στακτψ αττό κληματίδων. 

855. MENANDER? i55 

1 8. κατά των σκίΚων: cf. Aristoph. Peace 241 ό κατά Toiv σκΐλο'ιν and Schol. Rav. 
συμβολικον tm των 8ia b(i\iav άποπατούιηων (Wilamowitz). Whether this explanation Avould 
suit the present passage remains uncertain owing to the mutilation of the context. ΐκπ]ο8ών (?) 
in 1. 19 would be consistent with it. 

19. There may have been two dots, not one, after ]ο8ων, the papyrus being damaged m 
the place where the lower dot would be placed. Since κα€τ[ί] in 1. 20 is attributed to 
Laches, a change of speaker must have intervened in 11. 19-20. (κπ]ο8ών is probably to be 
restored rather than π]οδων. 

21. Perhaps ] πώς άφίκ^το, but the vestige before ως might also represent double dots, 
and ως should then be read. With regard to the name of the speaker inserted above the 
Hne, we read n]i{p]ptai on the strength of 1. 8, but the traces preceding the termination ιας 
are extremely slight, and though not inconsistent with ]υ[.^p they do not suggest those 
letters. 2[ω]σίας, a name possibly to be recognized in the first column (cf. note adloc), would 
in some ways be more suitable. 

23. The article τό at the end of a verse is noticeable; cf. introd. This line was 
apparently the last of the column. 

24. We have failed to fix the place of this small fragment. The letters suggest 


856. Scholia on Aristophanes' Achamians. 

Fr. (a) 1 1 -9 X 5-9, Fr. (i) 10-2 χ 5-1 cm. Third century. 

These scholia are contained in two fragments, preserving parts of two successive 
columns. The long interval between the subjects of the last line of Col. i and 
the first remaining line of Col. ii shows that the columns were tall, the probable 
height of the papyrus being over 30 cm. They were also proportionately broad, 
and the compact writing combined with extensive abbreviation enables the scribe 
to economize greatly in space. On the same scale another column would have 
brought him to the end of the play, and the commentary was thus completed in 
three columns. It may well have belonged to a series of similar commentaries, 
and is evidently not to be classed as a collection of school-notes. It is written 
in rather small sloping uncials, apparently of the third century ; the several 
notes are divided off from each other by double dots, accompanied by paragraph! ; 
a single high dot usually follows the lemmata, but is also occasionally used as 
an ordinary stop; accents and breathings are sparingly added. The system 
of abbreviation resembles that of the Berlin commentary of Didymus on Demo- 
sthenes and of the 'Αθηναίων Πολιτεία ; besides words shortened by the ordinary 
method of omitting the termination and writing a letter above the line, the 
following more conventional abbreviations occur : y'= γάρ, δ'= δε, κ = καί, μ = μ^ν, 
τγ' = τταρά, -η = ττοιητψ, τ^ = ττρο?, τ = των, φ] = φησί or φασί, ^ = €tVt. 

As will be seen from the excerpts quoted below, the scholia stand in no 
close relation to the extant scholia, of which the principal source for the 



Acharnians is the Codex Ravennas. The papyrus notes are usually not only 
far shorter but also less frequent ; vv. 392-444, for instance, are covered in 
five lines whereas in Dindorf's edition they occupy four pages. On the other 
hand words or phrases are sometimes here selected for comment which in the 
extant scholia are passed over (cf. 11. 9, 29, -3,^, 37, 38, 44, 68), and the notes are 
occasionally quite full, e. g. those on vv. 614-7 '■> similarly a more precise explana- 
tion than that of the scholia is noticeable in 1. ^^. Verbal agreements occur here 
and there, but they are nowhere striking and scarcely amount to more than 
is natural in a treatment of the same subject. If, indeed, there be any historical 
connexion between the annotations of the papyrus and those represented in the 
mediaeval MSS., it is of a very slight and distant character. 

In the commentary below Schol. means the extant scholia, which we cite 
from the edition of Dindorf, with some modification from Rutherford's transcript 
of the Ravennas. 

Fr. {a) 

Col. i. 

] τίνων 
r\ai^ κω 
μωίδιαι^ ]ί nepi 

5 ]σιου 

]oL 8(e) φα{σι) 
]y Κλξΐσθ(ίνη?) 
]αβαλλω(ν) : 
πωγ]ωνα €χ^ο(ντ ) 
ΙΟ ... 67Γί των πολλούς ξΐνον]? 6€χομ[ίνων) : 

Θ€]ωροί : 
Θίογνίδ* τραγωιΒιαΐ] ψν)(^ρος πο{ίητη?) 
]ν των 
15 τασΌνται• ]ματος [] 

φ]η{σ•ι) πολιν : 
]ηι α 
]τις eχ^cύv 


108 ? 







"[oi (€ίσί) : 

]αί/ μυτ 


]y σκληροί- 


Fr. (d) 







ψηφηδακ€ΐν• 368, 376 
την 'π•€ρυ 378 

]ivov : ουκ €ναστΓΐδ[ω(σομ,αι)] οίον [ 

€7Γ€ί ψη(ρ]οί9 8ίκαζοντ€ί χρωνταί . [ 
σι κωμιω]ιδιαν• ets tovs Βαβνλωι/ιο[νς 
. . . .]tovs τ{ων) Αθηναίων κ{αι) 7re5i[ 
. . . ν\πο Κλ€ωνο5 8ίκην e0f[ye 
Tiy ην κο]μητη9 : του Σίσυφου• οίον [ 
. . ιταρ\οίμίαν σκηψίν άγων ovjof . [ 

δ]υσ'Π•οτμο5• aaayerat γ{αρ) 7rap[a τωι Ευριπιδηι ως €ΚΐΓ€πτωκω9 419 

€Κ της βα.]σιλ€ίαί κ{αι) πτωχός π€ριν[οστων 

]ται παρ αυτωι νπο 5(e) χ^φωγ [ 

. . τα ρα]κη κ(αι) τα σχίσματα : σκιμα[λισω• 

τ]οις ρημασί : Τηλεφωι δ αΎ[ω φρονώ• ΧΡ^ο? 

μ€ν ουδ]€ν• πρ{ος) το χρ^ος Xeyci : ωσ-π•€[ρ η μητηρ• ισχνά μοι 
φυλλίΐα] δοδ τα σαπρα φνλλα α €Κ τ[ σκαν 

δικά* Χ\αχανιον τι : €μΐΓορ€υτ€[α• 

] υτΓ€ρ Λακ€δ(αιμονιων) ανδρών λ€Ύ(€ΐν) ο . [ -γραμμή• 

. . . δρ]ομ€ων : 'ΐΓαρακ€κομμ€να [ 
σικ(υον) ιδο'ιεν ον{τ ) σικνωι τιθωνωι €οικ{ ) [ τΓ€φυσΐΎγωμ€νοι• 
€κκ€καν]μξνοί : ττορνά δυο* ως πορν[ σκόλια• 

μζλη πα\ροίνια : Σ€ριφιων των Αθ[ηναι τταλλαδιων 

. . τα] π{€ρι) τας τριήρεις οντά Παλλάδος αγάλματα 
€V δικτυο]ΐ8 λ€(γ€ί) €v γνργαθοις \ τριχ[ιδων• 

]αί : τον δ[€] Τηλδφον [ 

] . . . . ί . [. . .^υκαν €π[ 

2θ letters ] . αυτών [ 
„ „ α]γωνίζο{μ€νων) τω[ν 
21 „ ] οντος 8αχ[θ 
φυλ€τα•] απο της α{υτης) φν[λης 

ΐ€ρωνυμου• πο(ιητης) 386 

446, 455 
457^ 469 


482, 483 

520, 526 

527> 532 
542, 547 

55°> 551 



Fr. {a) Col. ii. 

[ Yv?i[ 

[....] τ{ων) a[. .] . τω[ 

[.]ifaX( ) OL erepoL tov[s 

δαν ω? φα{σι) κ{αή οι η6[ TTTCpov anei 584 

55 'ίνα KaOas €is την φαρνγα €[ξ€μ€ση κομπολακ(υθου)• οντω Xe(yei) 589 

τον Λαμαχον οτ{ι) κομπαστψ [ην σΐΓθυδαρχ(ιδη5)• στρα 595) 59^ 

τωνιδη$ π{αρα) το στρατ€ν€σθα[ι μισθαρχιδη5 Se οτι μισθον 597 

λαμβάνων (φ ois αν π[ κοκκυγί?• e 598 

ρημιαν οι ορν{€ΐ9) : Τισαμ€ν[οφαιν(ηΓ'π-ου$)• Πάνου ργΐ'ΐΓ('ΐΓαρχιδα$)• πα 603 
6ο vovpyiai : Γ€ρητοθ6θδ(ωρου5) Tep[qs 605 

αλλ ό Κοισυρας• ο Μζ-γακλη^- τ[ 614 

5(e) κ{αι) όσοι προδοται (eiai) οι μ{ζν) α[ 

€Κ€ΐσ€ €ΐτα πννθαν€τ{αι) λ[ 

την ταξιν αντων η €μ[ 
65 τοι φη{σι) ο Κοισνρας κ{αι) Λαμαχ[θ5 616-7 

eXeyov €ξίστω• το 5(e) α7Γθ[νιπτρον 

ττροφωνονσιν €ξιστω ϊν[α 

Λαμαχο$• €ΐθ ο Αικαιοπ{ολι?) ονδ[ 619? 

χαυνοΐΓθλ(ιτα§) οίον χάννους : ο[τ€ και βασιλ€υ$• ν 6^ζ, 647 


7ο π€ρ €αντου λίγων οτ(/) βασιλ€[ν9 

πρώτον μ{ίν) ποτζρον ταις ναν[σι κρατονσιν 

μζγαλοφροσννην eavTOV [ 

δια 5(e) ταύτα φη{α•ι) Λακξδαιμο[νιον£) [ 652 

ΤΓθ(ιητην) φα{σι) γ{αρ) οι μ{ΐν) αυτόν €Κ€ΐ . [ 654 

75 οίον €ξ ων το δικαστικον [ 656-8 

κ{αι) npos χάριν λίγοντ . [ 

€ΐθ οντω κατ^πραττον [ 

φλεγυρα• βνθβρμοί : φ[€\|/αλθ5• σπινθηρ : €ΤΓανθρακιδ€$• ιχθυβς 66$, 668, βίο 

η Kpea: οι δ(€) Θασιαν τρ[ 671 

6. The remains of this line suggest Schol. 108 άχαρη μ(τρον ίστί nepaiKov . , . άλλοι 8e 

φασιν ΟΤΙ κίστη iariv, 

7. Cf. Schol. ovTos 6 1&Χ(ΐσθΐνηί άύ το ■yevetoi' ίζυματο eVt το au φαΐνΐσθαι veos' Sto (νρονχω 
ηυτον ίΙκάζ(ΐ. 


9. There is nothing in the extant scholia corresponding to -naiy^Dva (χο(ντ ) ; the ω is 
very uncertain, but ττωγωνα is strongly suggested by (χο{ντ ). The overwritten letter is 
plainly ο not ω. 

ΙΟ. Cf. Schol. on ουΒΐποτί y Ίσχίΐ θύρα : παροιμία eVt των πολλοΰϊ ξ(νονς αποδ(χομ(νων. 

11. Cf. Schol. ό κηρνξ καλά άλλον πρ(σβΐντην ίλβόντα πάρα Σιτάλκουί τον θρακών βασιλέως, 
προς ον ήσαν άποστύλαντες αντον Αθηναίοι' ovtos be εκάλ(ΐτο θεωροί. The double dotS after 

ef]iupos indicate that the name is the end of the note, not of the lemma. 

12. The note in Schol. is similarly worded ; οντος 6 Qioyvis TpaymSlag ποιητής ψυχρός. 
14. καταπ€λτάσονται is glossed in Schol. κατακοντίσονσι, καταπολΐμησουσι . . . καταΒρα- 


1 6. The note perhaps relates to σωσίπόλις in 1. 163 ; but σωσ]ιπο\ιν cannot be read. 

17-20. The remains of these lines give no clear clue to their subjects. In the extant 
scholia there are notes on 162 ό θρανίτης λ(ώς, 163 about Dicaeopolis and the σκόροδα, 
1 66 ού μη πρόσίΐ κ.τ.λ., i^ji 8ιοσημία, 172 ΐνην, but coincidcuces do not occur here with their 
language, δωσημία cannot be read in 1. 17 ; the first letter is certainly η. ]eiOir in 1. 19 
might be eVots referring to ΐνην, but is more likely to be the termination of a participle, 

or €1» OtS. 

21. Cf. Schol. μνττωτόν : αντ\ τον σκόρο8α, e| S)V 6 μνττωτος γίνΐται. κατασκΐυάζΐται άπο 
TV ρου κα\ σκορόδου κα\ ωον. 

2 2. σκληροί is probably a gloss on πρΊνινοι in i8o or άτΐράμον^ς in 1 8 1. Cf. Schol. 

πρίνινοι '. στ€ρ€θϊ κα\ σκληροί , . . aTepapoves : λίαν σκληροί . . . 

2 3- The letter before ν can hardly be η, so €πιξ]ηνον (cf. 11. 355, 359, 365-6) is un- 
suitable. ovK ΐνασπώωσομαι is gloSSed in Schol. avri τοΐι ov καθοπλίσομαι, ονκ άσπίδι πιρι- 
βαλονμαι σίμνννόμΐνος^ η σκΐνασβησομαι, ineibrj βραχνς dpi. 

24. Schol. are quite different, ψηφώ δακεΊν : οίον καταδίκαζαν, πανταχού ως φιλοδίκονς . . . 
τουρ ^ Κθηναίονς κωμωδΰ, 

25—7• Cf. Schol. τοιις Βαβυλωνίονς λίγ^ι. τοντονς yap προ των ^λχαρνίων Αριστοφάνης ίδίδαξ(ν, 
iv οΐς πολλούς κακώς ίίπεν. €κωμωδησΐν yap τάς τί κληρωτός κα\ χ€ΐροτονητας αρχάς καΐ Κλεωι/ί» 
παρόντων τών ζίνων , . . και δια τοντο 6pyισθe\ς ό \ίλίων iypa^aTO αυτόν αδικίας , . . π€δι\_ in 1. 26 

seems strange. 

27—8. Cf. Schol. OVTOS 6 Ί. μΐλων iWt ποιητής κα\ τpayωδoπOLbς ανώμαλος κα\ ανοικονόμητος, 
δια το nyav (μπαθΰς ypάφfιv νποθίσΐΐς . . . ίκωρωδίΐτο δι ώς πάνυ κομών. The WOrd κομήτης is USed 

in connexion with him by Aristophanes in Clouds 348. άνοικονο]μητης (τραγωδίας) would be 
a much less likely restoration. 

28. του 2ισνφον : τας Σ. MSS., οη which Schol. have δρψύν τίνα κα\ πανοΰργον παραδώώκασιν 
οί ποιηται τον Σίσνφον . . . 

29• There is no comment in Schol. on this verse beyond the Victorian gloss σκηψιν : 
ήγονρ πρόφασιν. 

30-3. Cf. Schol. . . . άφιιρίθη την βασιλύαν Οινΐνς δια το γήρας υπο τών Αγρίου παίδων κα\ 

π(ριτ](ΐ ταη(ΐνός ... 1. 32 seems to be a continuation of the same note, and 1. 33 
τα ρα]κη . . . σχίσματα may also belong to it ; the latter words may, however, be a gloss 
on 423 λακίδας ΟΓ 431 σπάργανα, or go back to τρύχη in 4 1 8. Cf. Schol. in the note on 
οΙν(νς quoted above τρύχη τά ράκη τραγικώς : similarly λακίδΐς in 423 are explained as δΐ€ρρωγότα 

Ιμάτια, or according to Gl. Vict, λακίς' βαχας . . . σχίσμα. 

33-4. Cf. Schol. σκιμαλίσω: (ζονβΐνίσω, χλευάσω κ.τ.λ. τρις ρημασι in 1. 34 belongs tO 
the same note. 

34. Schol. have only a note to the effect that the verse is a parody of a line in Eurip. 

TelephllS καλώς ΐχοιμι, Ύηλίφω δ' άγω φρονώ. 

35• i"p(of) . . . λ(γ€ΐ : there is nothing corresponding to this in Schol. On 457 Schol. 

has σκώπτΐΐ αίτον ως λαχανόπωλιν ίχοντα μητίρα την Κλΐΐτώ. 


36. Cf. Schol. olov μ^μαραμμίνα και (ΙτίΚη των \αχάν(ύν φύλλα . . . τα αττολίηίσματα των 

λάχανων. There was apparently no stop after bos. 

37. Cf. Schol. . . . ί'στι yap (17 σκάν^ιξ) λάχανον αγριον eiiTeXes. No note OCCUrS On epno- 

pfVTea, a reading in which the papyrus supports R and other MSS. evnopevrea A, 
(KnopevTea Bentley. 

38. There is no corresponding comment in Schol. 

39. For δραμιών cf. Schol. γραμμή δ' αντηί : άρχη, αφετηρία, η λίγομΐνη βαλβίς' 4κ μεταφοράς 
ονν των ^ρομίων. On παρακίκομμίνα the note is μη8έν eWeXe? έχοντα' άπο μεταφοράς των άΒοκίμων 
νομισμάτων . . . 

40. This line is obscure; σικνωι indicates that the reference is to verse 520, and we 
therefore restore σικ{υον) i8o]l€v, though it is noticeable that there is no stop after ώο]ιεν ; cf., 
however, 1. 36. τιθωνωι seems to be corrupt; ri^ac ωι is as unsatisfactory here as Τι^ωι/ώί. 
Ύιβωνόν occurs in Acharn. 688. 

41. Cf. Schol. φνσιγξ λέγεται TO εκτοί λεπισμα των σκορόΒων . . . πεπλησμενοι (ηεφυσημενοι R) 
ατΓο μεταφοράς . . . ασκών η φνσών. η εκκεκονμενοι, οίδονντεί. 

The note here on πορνα δυο apparently had no relation to Schol. πόρνα is the accepted 
reading ; πόρνα: R and Athenaeus. 

42. ira]poivia : Schol. have no explanation of the term σκάλων in the present passage, 

but cf. Wasps 1238 evioi 8ε φασιν ως εκ τοΰ εναντίου προσηγορενθησαν σκόλια τα παροίνια μέλη, 
and 1239 ^e|ets σκόλιοι/: . . . εν τοις Ώραξίλλης φέρεται τταροινίοις. For Σεριφίων cf. Schol. 17 "Σέριφος 
νήσος εντελίστάτη ττρος την θράκην. 

43• Cf. Schol. εν τα'ις πρώραις των τριηρών ην αγάλματα τίνα ξύλινα της Αθηνάς καθώρυμενα. 

44• Schol. have no remark on 8ικτνοις. τριχί8ες are explained as είδος Ιχθύων. 

45• ]ai is probably part of a note on νιγλάρων in 554, e. g. μέλος ω . . . χρώντ]αι or . . . ol 

κελενστίαί ; cf. Schol. 6 νίγλαρος κρονμά εστί και με'λος μονσικον παρακελενστικόν. On τον δε 
Ύηλεφον the only remark is κα\ ταΰτα εκ Ύηλεφον Έυριπίδου. 

48. This line appears to be part of a description of the quarrel between the two halves 

of the chorus; cf. Schol. 557 ενταύθα διαφεΊται 6 χορός εις δύο μέρη, κα\ το μεν οργίζεται εφ* οΐς 
λε'γει 6 Αικ., το 8ε κα\ αποδέχεται, and 563 ^° ήμιχόριον το σνναγωνιζόμενον αντω λέγει οτι μη 
αναχώρησης . . . 

49-52. Perhaps 1. 51 or 1. 52 should be combined with 1. 50, but we have failed to 
make out any connexion. If 1. 50 is rightly explained as a gloss on 568 φυλετα it is not 
possible to put 1. 51 higher up than 1. 49. There is no note on φνλετα in Schol. 

53. The first letter may be λ or χ instead of κ; the letter above the line seems 
to be λ or χ. 

54-5. Cf. Schol. TO πτερον αΐτεΐ Ίνα εξεμεση. εϊώθασι γαρ οί δνσεμεΐς πτερω χρησθαι. 

55—6. Cf. Schol. κομπόλακύθου : ματαιοκόμπον, κομπώδονς εν τω κανχάσθαι, παρεποίησεν κα\ 
παρεπλασεν ονομα{τα] όρνιθος δια το κομπαστην εϊιαι τον Αάμαχον. On ου σπονδαρχίδης the gloSS 
is ον σπουδάζων περ\ άρχης, 

57-8. Schol. are similar, the glosses being, on στρατώνιδης, άντΙ τον στρατευόμίνος, 

στρατιώτης, and οη μισθαρχ., μισθον λαμβάνων' η οτι τους των στρατιωτών μισθούς ήσθιεν. 

58-9. The note on κόκκυγες in Schol. is different : άντ\ τον άτακτοι κα\ απαίδευτοι. κα\ γαρ 

6 κόκκυξ το ζωον αμουσόν τι φθεγγεται. Α similar idea, however, to that apparently expressed in 

ερημιαν is tO be found in Hesychius κόκκυγες' επϊ ΰπονοηθεντων πλειόνων εϊναι, κα\ ολίγων 

59-6θ. Schol. have ό Ίισαμενος ώς ξένος κα\ μαστιγίας κωμωδεΐται, ό δε Φαίνιππος ως συώδης 
κα\ ηταιρηκώς, . . . ΤΙανονργιππαρχΐδας : τούτους κωμωδεί ώς πανούργους ... «is μάλακίαν διεβάλλετο 
Τερης και Θεόδωρος, και οτι εκ δούλων. 

6ι-4• Ιι^ Schol. ό Κοισύρα? is similarly interpreted as Megacles, but here the resemblance 
ceases. What follows apparently corresponds to the explanation of the allusion to ό Κοισύρας 


Koi Αάμαχος quoted in the next note, but it is quite differently worded. In 1. 62 the supposed 
δ of S(e) may be meant for an n, but the abbreviation a here would be more difficult 
to explain. 

65—7• Cf. Schol. ΐΐώθΐσαν 61 TTore ('κχ€οιτο άπόνιπτρον άπο των θνρίΒων Ίνα μη τις βραχί} των 
παριόντων ίξίστω Xeyeiv . , . τοΰτο Xeyti Βιασνρων Μ. κάϊ Λ. ώί πρότίρον μίν πίνητα: οντάς ΐΐτα 
εξαίφνης πΧηντησαντας άπο της ττόλΐως. τοις δαν(ίζονσι παρηνουν οι φίλοι ί^Ίστασθαι τον δαν€ίζ(ΐν τοΙς 
τοιοντοις όψίίλονσιν €ρύνονς και χρία, ΟΓ according tO another explanation, οί φίλοι χβίς και πρώην 
συν(βον\€υον καταχρίοις ονσιν υπό re ΐράνων κα\ οφΧημάτων (ζίστασθαι της ουσίας, ως μη δυναμίνοις 

απο8οΰναι. In 1. 66 τ of το is corrected. 

68. The paragraphus above this line indicates a new lemma, and the stop after Ααμαχος 
suggests (though it does not prove) that that name formed part of it ; hence we refer the 
note to 619. There is nothing corresponding in Schol. 

69. Cf. Schol. χαννοπ. : κΐχαυνωμίνους π(ρ\ την πόλιτύαν η την πύλιν. 

69—72. Schol. 648—9 have πότιροι ταΐς ναυσί: ποίοι αυτών των ^Αθηναίων (και των AaKfbai- 
μονίων Γ) iv τη ναυμαχία κρατοΰσιν . , . ποτίρονς ίίπυι ττολλά : άντΧ του πΐρ\ τούτου τον ποιητοΰ ηρώτα 
τίνας διαβαΚΚίΐ και κωμω^ΐί. ίφασκ( yap οτι οΐις αν ούτος ό ποιητής σκώ•^η, τούτους σωφρονίζΐσθαι κα\ 

γίνΐσθαι βίλτίους. In 1. J 2 the first ν of (αυτόν is written as a curved stroke above a, as if 
the word was to be abbreviated, and there has been some correction of the τ ; possibly 
€αν(τον) του [ should be read. 

73. bin B{e) K.T.X. seems to have been tacked on to the previous note without a new 
lemma. Schol. have δια τονθ' : διά τ6 'ίχ^ιν υμάς τ6ν Άριστοφάνην ποιητην άριστον. The papyrus 
agrees with R in reading ταυθ : Tovff A^. 

74. Cf. Schol. (VTiidev τινίς νομίζονσιν ev Αιγίνη τας κωμωδίας noieiv τον Ά. . . . ταϊς ιϊΚηθ(ΐαις 
€ΐς ην των (V τη νήσω κληρονχησάντων . . . ίΐλλωί* ούδεΐί Ίστόρηκίν ως ev Αϊγίνη κίκτηταί τι Ά. . . . 

κ\ωμωιδιας might be read after e/cei. 

75-7. These lines seem to give a paraphrase of 656-8; cf. Schol. 657 ovff υποτίίνων: 

ουδΐ τισι μισθον διδούς ΐν αυτόν ΐπαινίσωσιν^ 658 κατάρδων . . . καταβρίχων υμάς το'ις (παίνοις 
ως φυτά. 

78. Cf. Schol. 665 φΧ(γυρά : λαμπρά, φλ€γουσα, λάμπουσα, θΐρμη δια τους άνθρακας. 668 
φ€\1/αλυς : σπινθηρ. 

78—9• Cf. Schol. on ΐπανθρακίδίς, λίπτοί ιχθύΐί οπτοί, πάντα τα enl ανθράκων όπτώμίνα 

(πανθρακίδας (κάλουν. These two lines project below the last line of the preceding column. 

79. Perhaps after θασιαν a high point was written which has coalesced with the cross-bar 
of the following r. 

857. Epitome of Herodotus. 

10-7 X 7-1 cm. Fourth century. 

The lower portion of a leaf from a vellum codex, containing in all 28 lines, 
most of which are incomplete, from a historical work. The script is a medium- 
sized upright uncial of the biblical type, and probably of the fourth century, 
without lection-marks. The MS. is far from accurate, serious mistakes (probably 
due to omissions) occurring in 11. 3 and 17. The verso is concerned with the 
dispatch of Cadmus the Coan by Gelon to watch the struggle between Xerxes 
and the Greeks, and is nothing but an abstract of Herodotus vii. 163. The 
subject of the recto, the refusal of the Argives to join in the defence of Greece, 




corresponds to that of cc. 148-52 of the same book, though the verbal 
resemblance to Herodotus is here less marked. In the absence of external 
evidence to show which side of the leaf came first, we suppose that the order of 
the narrative in our fragment agreed with Herodotus, and therefore the recto 
precedes the verso. A mention in 1. 2 of the battle of Thermopylae, which 
is not described by Herodotus until cc. 201 sqq., causes some difficulty (cf. 
11. 1-4, note), but it is clear that this is a forward reference and not part of our 
author's description of the engagement. The chapters intervening between 152 
and 163 are occupied by, first, a digression on Gelon, and secondly his colloquy 
with the ambassadors who came to ask for help, and the lacuna between the end 
of the recto and the beginning of the verso no doubt contained a brief account of 
the unsuccessful embassy ; cf. note on 11. 15 sqq. Probably our fragment belongs 
to an epitome of Herodotus as such, rather than to a historical work closely based 
upon him. This being granted, the first name that suggests itself for the author- 
ship is Theopompus, who began his historical researches by writing an epitome 
of Herodotus of which only a few isolated words survive. The fragment is 
too short to enable us to obtain much idea of the writer's style, but the occurrence 
of at least two examples of hiatus (11. 20 and 21-2), which is very rare in the 
extant quotations from Theopompus, does not favour the view that he was the 
author, though his earliest literary efforts may have shown less care in this 

The fragment is in two pieces which do not actually join, but the position of 
the smaller one, which contains the last line of each page and parts of the two 
preceding ones, is made practically certain by the combination χρη\μ]ατα in 1. 27, 
that word being required by the context ; cf. note on 11. 15 sqq. 



[. .]5[ . 7Γρό\σφα[λ . . 
[Θ€]ρμοπνλαί9 ηγού^νΐ 
\ζ]ορτο οι αν α τριακο 
[ai\ovs πλην Αργ€ΐω~ 
5 [ο]υτοι γαρ βφ 6αυτω~ 
/j.€vovT€9 οντ€ αν 
Spas οντ€ vavs €8ω 
καν [και o]ySevi awe 
μα)([ονν δι]α την δο 
ΙΟ κο[νσαν αντων] προ? 

15 [• • •] απη\[θον] ο S[e Γβ 
[λ]ων €υλαβονμβ[νο9 
π€ρι τον μη νικη[θ€ν 
των των Ελληνω[ν 
KavTOS ατυ')(7}ση [νπο 

2 ο τον βαρβαρον €ΐΓ€μ[ψ€ 
Καδμον τον Χκνθον [ 
άνδρα Κω[ον ζπ\ι πί[ν 
τηκον[τορων τρ]ιων [ 
6ίΡ zl[eX0ouy . . .] πολ[. 


II[epaas avyy^vei ? 25 ro[ ] • ^• 

a[v..].[ [ ] . ^[αρψαρί 

οι;[.]θ7Γ/)[ [ ] • α ΧΡν[μ]α•Τ<^ [ . 

τιμβρα9 ντΓ€ρ€ί8[. . [. .] και γην και νδωρ 

' . . . attacked Thermopylae, the (Lacedaemonians) fought to the number of three 
hundred, except the Argives. These remaining at home provided neither men nor ships, 
and allied themselves with neither side on account of their pretended relationship to the 
Persians (?)... (The ambassadors) . . . departed. Gelon, taking precautions that if the 
Greeks were defeated he should himself suffer no harm at the hands of the barbarians, sent 
Cadmus, son of Scythes, a man of Cos, in command of three fifty-oared vessels to Delphi 
(with instructions to offer to the barbarians, if victorious), money, earth, and water . . .' 

1-4. προ]σ(βαλ may be imperfect or aorist. The subject is in any case the Persians 
or Xerxes, but the construction of 11. 1-4 is obscure. After 01 in 1. 3 a word has dropped 
out : {\ακ(8αιμονιοί) would suit ava τριακόσιους and might easily have been omitted through 
homoioteleuton, but then ττλψ Αργιών must be connected, not with the words immediately 
preceding, but with something lost before 1. i. {Ελληνες) or (Πίλοποννησιοΐ) would suit ττλψ 
Αργιιων very well, but involve a difficulty with regard to the figure, since 300 applies to the 
Lacedaemonian contingent. The reference to the battle of Thermopylae is in any case 
somewhat remarkable, since Herodotus first mentions that place in c. 175 and describes 
the battle in cc. 201 sqq., whereas our fragment corresponds to cc. 148-63 ; of. introd. 

5. The neutrality of Argos is discussed in detail by Herodotus, who opposes the Argive 
version of their action (cc. 148-9) to that current elsewhere (cc. 150-1) and then gives 
his own intentionally confused view (c. 152). If our restoration of 11. 9-12 is on the right 
lines, the epitomizer explained the action of the Argives in the light of c. 150 (the letter of 
Xerxes claiming relationship between the Persians and Argives), thus interpreting correctly 
the real opinion of Herodotus, who no doubt believed in the medism of the Argives, though 
unwilling to accuse them openly. 

14. ημέρας νπ(ρ(ώ[{-€ or -οι»?) : the subject here seems to have changed, and we have 
been unable to recover the connexion with Herodotus. 

Ig sqq. Cf. Hdt. vii. 163 οί μ(ν 8η των Ελλήνων ηγγΐλοι τοιαύτα τω Υίλωνι χρηματισάμ(νοι 
άπίπλίον• Τελών δε προς ταντα 8ίίσας μεν nepl το'ισι "Ελλησι μη ου δννωνται τον βάρβαρον xmep- 
βαλεσθαι, beivov 8e και ουκ άνασχετον ποιησάμίνος ίλθών is Πελοπόννησον αρχεσθαι υπο Αακ(8αιμονίων 
€0)1/ Σικΐλίης τύραννος, ταΰτην μεν την ό86ν ημίλησΐ, ο be άλλης Λχίτο. eneire γαρ τάχιστα επυθίτο 
τον Ώίρσην Βιαβεβηκότα τον Έλλησποντον, πέμπει πεντηκοντεροισιτρισΐ Κά8μον τον Σκύθεω nv8pa Κωοι/ 
if Δ^ελφούς, έχοντα χρήματα πολλά κα\ φίλιους λόγους, καραδοκησοντα την μάχην τη πεσεεται, κα\ ην 
μεν 6 βάρβαρος νικά, τά τε χρήματα αυτω δώόναι καΐ γην τε κα\ υ8ωρ των άρχει ό Τελών, ην 8ε οι 
"Ελληνες, οπίσω άπάγειν. 

1 7-9• The construction in περί τον μη . . . ατυχηση has become confused. Either περί 
τον must be omitted or ατυχηση altered to ατυχησαι or, what is perhaps more likely, a word 
like μέλλοντος is to be supplied after περί τον. 

2 2. en-It : the vestige of the letter after the lacuna is extremely slight, but there is not 
room for μετ]α. For επί with the dative in connexion with πεμπειν cf. Thuc. vi. 29 πεμπειν 

αυτόν επ\ τοσούτω στρατευματι, 

24- πολ[ may be some part of πολίς (cf. Hdt. /. c. έχοντα χρήματα πολλά), but it is not 
certain that any letter is lost at the end of 1. 24 ; 7Γολ1λο[υ is unsatisfactory. 
28. Perhaps [ri] και. χρτ^μ\ατα [ may end 1. 27 ; cf. Hdt. /. c 

Μ 2 


858. Oration against Demosthenes. 

Fr. {b) 18x7-7 cm. Late second or early third century. 

Two fragments of an oration attacking Demosthenes, written on the verso of 
a second-century cursive document of which only a few letters from the ends 
and beginnings of lines are preserved. The exact position of Fr. {a), containing 
parts of six lines from the top of a column, in relation to Fr. {b) is not certain, 
but that the two fragments belong to the same column is most likely. If so 
Fr. {a) must on account of the recto be placed above the right side of Fr. [b) and 
comes from near the ends of the lines, but there is nothing to indicate how near 

I. I of Fr. (b) is to the top of the column. The script of the oration is a sloping 
uncial bearing a strong resemblance to the hand of 853, with which it may 
be regarded as contemporary. The ends of lines are lost throughout, and the 
margin is also broken at the beginnings, being only visible at 1. 29, where ται 
seems to be the beginning of a line, though even that is not quite certain ; in 

II. 26-36 however, where the restorations hardly admit of doubt, it is clear that 
the interval betAveen the end of one line and the beginning of the next does not 
exceed four or five letters. No lection-marks occur except a doubtful accent 
in 1. 4, but there are several corrections (some due to the original scribe, others 
in a second hand), the text being very faulty. 

Where the fragment first becomes intelligible at 1. 13, an unfavourable 
comparison is being instituted between Demosthenes and another orator, whose 
identity is uncertain, the point of the contrast being that Demosthenes had never 
himself taken part in active service. In 1. 25 the subject changes, and the 
speaker criticizes Demosthenes for his behaviour when the news of the capture 
of Elatea reached Athens ; this passage is clearly borrowed from the famous 
description of that crisis in De Cor. 169 sqq., several of the phrases which 
Demosthenes there used being here actually placed in his mouth (11. 25-9). 
The oration to which the fragment belonged therefore presupposes the existence 
of the De Corona which was composed after B. c. 330 ; but on the other hand the 
general situation implied by our author seems to be the period between the 
capture of Elatea in 339 and the battle of Chaeronea in September 338, for 
since Demosthenes took part in that engagement the reproaches addressed to 
him in 11. 24-5 and 29-30 would be inapplicable at a later date. This incon- 
sistency at once gives rise to the suspicion that our fragment belongs to a 
rhetorical exercise, not to a genuine oration whether of Demades or another 
philo-Macedonian orator, and several other considerations combine to leave 
no room for doubt as to the real character of the composition. The florid, jerky 



style^ the use of bημηγόpos, a term foreign to Attic oratory, the exaggerated 
description of Demosthenes in 1. 19 as holding a shield in one hand and a 
psephisma in the other, and still more the serious blunder with regard to Attic 
law which has crept into a passage (11. 34-5) borrowed from the De Corona, 
are all quite incompatible with a contemporary of Demosthenes, and indicate 
that the oration is, like 216, a work of the Alexandrian school of rhetoric, and 
probably not earlier than the Christian era. 

We are indebted to Prof. U. von Wilamowitz-Mollendorff for several 
suggestions in the restoration and interpretation of this fragment. 

Fr. (^) Fr. {a) 

[ 1 . [ \av φων . [ 

[ ]■''•[ ]οσου σνμ[ 

[ ]ei/r[ ]vs τ€λ[ 

[ ]Xei/e[ ] '"o""" [ 

5 [ ] . ί . [. .14 1°" ""'f 

[ ].[..]-[ "^■'"^•f 

[ ]..[...).[..]..,[ ^ _M ^ 

[....].. 7Γθλ[. .] . οντησατ[.'\ . [ 
10 [. . . .]fi^TO_J/[. .]»?[. ](C . . . [ 

[• • • λ^ΡΥ Τ9ΐΑ.λ • • [ 

[....] κακ(ύ αλλ .[.•.] €LS Μαραθώνα e[ 

[. . na]pe)(^eiv οΐ-^ίο[^ α]λλα μην οποτ€ πα[ρακαλοι 

[tov]tov9 6ί? Θηβ[αί] ξΧθίίν ου τον^ μ^ν α[λλου^ 

15 [€^€π]€/χ7Γ€ί' avT[os 8]e οίκοι καθηστο βιβ . [. . . 
[. . .] ayaO^LS τουτ[. .] . . πολιτών τα οπλ[α . . . 
[. . .]τ . . €1 . . . πρωτο9 . . [.]e . . [e]iy την μα[χην 
[ξστ]ω δημηγορο9 και στρατηγό? [ο] αυτό? [και 
[Δημ^οσθζνη? ασπίδα και ψήφισμα ίχων α[γορ€υ 

2 ο [ΐτω] Θ€μ[ι]στοκλξου9 δημηγορουντο? ^μ[βη 
[σομ]αι ίξαγξτω Περικλή? ety Χο-μον πλ[€ΐ/σο 
[μαϊ] ακολουθήσω Τολμιδη δια Π^λοπονΙνησου €ΐ 
[δι]€ξβισιν ουτο9 Αημοσθξνξΐ δι πω? π[βισομαι 
ω γ€ ου θωρα^ ου δόρυ ου ζιφο? ουδζ το π[αρα του 



25 πατρόν Ελάτεια yap κατβιλημπτα[ί φη 

[σι] και π^παυνταί Siiirv^^ovvTe^ οι ττρυτ[ανίΐ$ 
[α]ν€στησαν 5e €Κ τη? ayopas οι ray σκ[ηνα9 
[ε]χοί/τέ9 τον Se σαλπικτην μ€ταπ€[μπ€ 
ται TIS ταύτα yap ην ακουξίν Αημοσθ€ν[η? 

3θ δ ονπωποτ€ σαλττιγγοί άκουσα? αυτο[? υ 
μα? ζξίψοβξΐ ταύτα λ€yωv και δΐ€^ιω[ν ο 
δζ δήμο? ανω καθητο η βουλή δξ [ουπω 
π[ρ]ο{υ}β€βουλίυκ€ί nepi των παροντω[ν και 
[τη]? fikv βουλή? μη προβζβουλ[€υ]κυϊα[? 

35 Aeyeti/ Δημοσθένη κηρυττοντ[ό\? τ\ου κη 

TOS ουδίνο? 

[/3]L'/f[o]y και απάντων eXeyej/ νομού? . αρ[ 

* .[ 
[.] τόύ? άύτόύ? OLK oieaOe και €υνο[υν 

[τι]να και παρηκολουθηκοτα το[ι? πpayμaσι 

40 [. 


]ν yap οι πλουσιωτατοι τ[[οί]] πολ[ίΓωί' . . . 
].[..]. ια? οι τ[α]? μζyaλa[? €πιδοσ€ΐ? 

]ωτ[.] και παντΐ? €βουλ€[σθ€ 

]ξαι την πάλιν αλ[ 
.] θορυβ[ο]υντο? ο[ 

]ν ωστ€ α[ 

. . .]fo[.]5e . [ * 

12-38. ' Yet when he exhorted them to come to Thebes, he did not dispatch the rest 
and himself remain at home, but . . . he Avas the first to go out to fight. Let the same man 
be both orator and general, and let Demosthenes harangue with a shield in his hands as 
well as a decree. If Themistocles is the orator I will embark; let Pericles lead an 
expedition to Samos and I will sail ; I will follow Tolmides across the Peloponnese, 
if he marches through it ; but how can 1 listen to Demosthenes, who has no breastplate, 
no spear, no sword, not even one inherited from his father? '• Elatea has been captured," 
he said, " the prytaneis have broken off" their meal ; the owner of tents have left the market- 
place ; some one is fetching the trumpeter." That was what we heard him say. Although 
Demosthenes had never yet heard the sound of a trumpet he was nevertheless terrifying you 
by these words and this description. The demos was seated on the hill, the boule had not 
yet deliberated about the crisis, and although the boule had not yet decided that Demosthenes 


should speak, when the herald made the proclamation and no one came forward he 
nevertheless (in violation of?) the laws said : " Do you not think that a loyal and a careful 
follower of events (is needed) ? " ' 

13-4. The identity of this commander who marched to Thebes is obscure; there 
is no need for him to have been a contemporary of Demosthenes, for 11. 20-3 are quite 
general. Timotheus, as Wilamowitz remarks, would be a most suitable person to mention 
in this context, but he did not command at Thebes in b. c. 378, though as he was strategus 
at the time he may have been credited with having done so by the author of this oration. 
θ of θηβ[αί\ has been corrected from β. 

14. [tov\tovs: or perhaps [aujrous•, in which case [<ίπ\€μπ(ν must be read in 1. 15. The 
initial lacuna throughout 11. 14-22 would be expected to extend to three letters. 

18-21. The restorations are chiefly due to Wilamowitz, who also suggested 7r[€tao/^ai 
in 1. 23 and φησι in 1. 25. 

22-3. For the reference to Tolmides cf. Aeschin. ii. 75 Ύολμίδον . . . os χίλιους ΐπιλίκτονί 

'4χ(ύν Αθηναίων bia μίσης ΙΙΐΧοποννησου πολΐμίας ούσης ahtas hu^rfei, which may, aS WilamowitZ 

points out, .veil be the source of the present passage. The statement is of course a rhetorical 

24-5. TO Ti\apa του\ πατροί : Demosthenes father was a sword-manufacturer ; cf. 
Dem. xxvii. 9. 

25—9• Cf. T)e Cor, 169 ίσπ^ρα μ(ν γαρ ην, ηκ€ δ' άγγίΚΚων τις ών τους πρυτάνεις ως 
Έ\άτ(ΐα κατ^ίΚηπται. και μβτα ταν& οι pev ευθύς (^αναστάντΐς μεταξύ 8ΐΐπνοΰντ€ς τους τ €κ των 
σκηνών των κατά την ayopav i^elpyov και τα yepp' ΐνεπίμπρασαν, οΊ 8i τους στρατηγούς μΐτΐπίμποντο 
και τον σαΚπικτην ΐκάΧονν. 

31—6. Cf. Z)e Cor, ibid, r^ δ' νστεραΊα αμα τη ήμίρα οι μΐν ττρυτάνΐΐς την βουλην (κάλονν ΐϊς 
το βονΧίυτηριον, υμύς δ' (Ις την ίκκΧησίαν eVopcvea^f, κα\ πριν ίΚΐΙνην χρηματίσαι κα\ τΓρυβουλίΰσαι 
πάς ό δήμος ανω καθήτο. καΐ μΐτα ταΰ& ώς ηλθεν η βυνλη κα\ άπηγγ€ΐλαν οΊ πρυτάνεις τα προσηγγελμίν 
(αυτοϊς καΐ τον ήκοντα παρήγαγαν κάκΐΐνος ειπεν, ηρώτα μεν 6 κήρυζ τις άγορευειν βουΧεται ; παρήει 
δ' ούδίίς. 

33• Trept is corrected from πάρα. 

34. The dots above Revindicate that the word was to be omitted; cf. 1. 37. The 
implication that the speakers at the εκκλησία were fixed by the βουλή betrays ignorance of 
Attic law on the subject ; cf. introd. 

36, νομούς παρ[αβαινων, as Wilamowitz suggests, is the natural restoration, but there 
is hardly room for so broad a letter as π, and it is not even certain that any letter stood 
between νομούς and ap[. 

37—42. Cf. De Cor. 171 καίτοι el μεν τους σωθηναι την πάλιν βουλομενους παρελθείν έδει, 
πάντες αν ΰμεϊς κα\ οι άλλοι ΆθηναΊοι άναστάντες επΙ το βημ εβαδίζετε' πάντες γαρ οίδ οτι σωθηναι 
αυτήν εβούλεσθε' εΐ δε τους πλουσιωτάτους, οί τριακόσιοι' εΐ δε τοί/ς αμφότερα ταϋτα, κα\ εϋνους τη 
πάλει και πλουσίους, οί μετά ταΰτα τάς μεγάλας επιδόσεις επιδόντες' κα\ γαρ εύνοια κα\ πλουτω τουτ 
εποίησαν, αλλ' ώς εοικεν εκείνος ό καιρός κηϊ η ήμερα εκείνη ον μόνον εΰνουν καΐ πλουσιον ανδρ εκάλει, 
άλλα και παρηκολουθηκότα τοΙς πράγμασιν εζ άρχης, καΐ συλλελογισμενον ορθώς . . . At the end 

of 1. 37 some such infinitive as άρμόσαι is required, but εννο[υν{}) has apparently been 
corrected, and what exactly was written is very uncertain. 


859-864. Poetical Fragments. 

The following six small pieces in verse, which do not seem to be extant, may 
be conveniently grouped together. 

859 contains the latter parts of a few hexameter lines from the end of 
a column, written in bold and well-formed uncials of the sloping type common 
in the third century. Some variae lectiones and corrections have been inserted 
apparently by a second hand, to whom the occasional accents and breathings 
may also be due ; a high point, placed slightly above the line, occurs once. 
There are mentions of Stymphelus and Talaus king of Argos (1. 2) ; and the 
very rare word άλαβώδης, otherwise known only from Hesychius, is found in 1. 5. 
On the verso are some blots and flourishes. 

860, consisting of three fragments from a column of lyrics, is more valuable. 
The good-sized, upright hand is evidently early in date and probably falls within 
the first century, or at any rate is not later than the beginning of the second. 
An insertion in 1. 3 and a variant, enclosed as commonly within two dots, at 1. 5 
are due to the original scribe, who seems also to be responsible for the occasional 
accents and punctuation (a point in the middle position in 1. 7). The subject and 
authorship of the poem are alike obscure ; the vocabulary is suggestive of 
Bacchylides : Fr. {a) 3 Ta]XaKapbLos, cf. Bacch. 5. 157, 15. 26 ταλαττ€νθη9 ; 5 epe/x- 
vai[s, cf. Bacch. 16. 116, where ξρ^μνόν should be retained ; 10 μβγαλοκλία, a com- 
pound otherwise only found in Bacch. 7. 49; Fr. (d) 7 μ€ν(ττ]τολζμων{?), cf. 
Bacch. 5. 126, 170, 16. 73. With regard to the position of the two main fragments, 
{/?) is probably to be placed below (a) so that the right edges of the papyrus make 
a more or less straight line, the extent of the gap between {a) 18 and (ύ) i being 
uncertain. This arrangement is indicated by some strongly marked fibres on 
the verso, which is inscribed with part of an account of some kind, written towards 
the end of the second century. 

861 is a narrow strip containing very scanty remains of two columns of 
iambics, the language pointing to tragedy rather than comedy. The squarely 
formed upright uncials belong to what is commonly called the biblical type, and 
may be assigned to the third century. A broad margin was left at the top 
of the columns. 

862 and 863 are fragments of comedies. 862 belongs to a dialogue 
mentioning a person called Phidias, a name no doubt frequent in the later Attic 
comedy (cf Antiphanes ap. Athen. ii. 38*5, Menander Δεισιδαίμων Fr. i). The 
hand, which is probably of the third century, is a better and perhaps rather 
earlier example of the style exemplified by 861. Change of speaker is denoted 
by the usual double dots. Two marks of elision are perhaps later additions. 


863, written in well-formed sloping uncials of the third century, is in rather better 
preservation. The verses perhaps belong to a single speaker, who seems to be 
bewailing his misfortunes ; but they are too broken for reconstruction. Two 
instances of the rough breathing and a high point at the end of 1. 8 may well be 
by the original scribe. 

864, containing the ends of lines from an entire column, comes apparently 
from an anthology. At the top are five hexameter lines, in which the hloi 
'Αχαιοί figure, written in a semicursive hand ; the letters of the last three lines, 
which seem to have been put in at a different time, are markedly larger and 
coarser than those of the two preceding. Below, in a more regular and probably 
distinct hand, is a series of iambic verses in tragic style, written continuously like 
prose. The column is divided off into three paragraphs, of which the third 
is separated by a broad blank space from the second, while a rather narrower 
interval is left between the second and the hexameters. It is likely that the 
names of the authors stood in these spaces. The occurrence in 1. 22 of the 
unattested word μυκη^όν, followed two lines later by θpηvωbόv, is noticeable. The 
papyrus probably dates from the third century. In the transcription given below 
we have tentatively marked off by horizontal lines the successive verses ; in the 
last paragraph the point of division is sometimes indicated by short intervals left 
between the words. 

859. 5-5X7-5cm. 

].[.]. a. [..]αλ.[.].[ 

ω δ[ 

]rjT€ και ey Ταλαοιο θ[ 

^τ]νμφηλοι/ αποπρολ . [ 

]αασꀕ napoiOe Si οι . . [ 

5 ]σωι/ αλαβώδζος ^v8o[ 

]ν ν^Ρ^'^'Ψ θαλαμον Be μο[λουσα 

]ητι. καταδραθοί ως το πα[ρος nep 

]αισί π€λ€σκ€το (ργον oy[ 

2. The form Ταλαώο is also found in a citation from Antimachus in Pausan. 8. 25. 9 ; 

cf. Etym. M. p. 746. 10 Ταλαωο μΐτα τον ι Tives' ην yap φασι Ίαλαοΐο' ου κατίπύγΐΐ 8ΐ, από γαρ 
των us (OS (υθ(ΐών Αττικών κβκλιται, κα\ πλεονασμό του ο, ως Μίνωο. 

3. Στνμφηλος was the name of several mythological personages, as well as of the city, 



river, and mountain in Arcadia. The following word is perhaps άποπροΚιπάν in some form ; 
but the vestige of the letter after λ is too slight to give any indication. 

5, αλαβώ8(ος : cf. Hesychius αλαβώδεϊ- άνθρακώ8(ς, κζκαπνισμίνον ; the word is a derivative 

of άλαβη = Άνθρακας. 

8. neXeaKfo occurs in Iliad X 433. 

860. Fr. (a) 9-2 χ 5-1 cm. 




Fr. (a) 

Fr. (^) 

]τοισι βροτων 

] 8ίδορ[κ 

] €ρ•)(ομζ.νοισιν υποσ[ 


τα]λακαρδω9 enXe 
]ντα )(^αλκον 

1/0 ορματ\ 

5 Ί 

]ωι/ ίπιορτ ζρυμναι[^ 

]Μ•] •[•••] 


(?) μ^νίπ\το\ζμων 

]τ αλκάν- 

]ei/ nvKivas aTi\a[s 

^\καστο9 αν η ρ 

] και €μι^ατον λ[ 

π\aτpL8os αί σφισιν ο[ 

ΙΟ ο]πλοΐ7 

]ι/ μ^γαλοκλ^α δο[ 

. . 


]ντ€9 αίΐ/ω? 

Fr. (.). . 

]ra πασαν e . [. .']λλο/3[ 


]αρ τον ^χογ\τ\ e[ 


a\v8pL yap ου\ 




jetre κα 

Fr. (α) 3• The meaning of the insertion (probably by the first hand) is not evident. 
There are some traces of ink after cp, but whether another letter or letters followed is very 

6. No doubt α]ελλαΐϊ Or ^vJeWats, to which €pe/Ln»at[i in 1. 5 probably refers. 

Fr. {b) 4. The first letter is more like p than φ. 



861. 12-6 X 35 cm. 

Col. i. 


]M- ' [■] 

]ων W€pa9 
]ω γ €μου 
ΙΟ ]p €/οω 
]iOU αν 

Col. ϋ, 



20 Q\ 



3θ ίχ[ 

4• JTepay ΟΓ ntpai. 

1 1 . δ£]σπότί;ΐ' ΟΓ ]? ποτ ην. 

862. ΐ3•2 Χ ιο•2 cm. 

] . α[. .]€ΐν 
5 ] . 0V9 ονον 

]ποντα TOVTOvt [ 


] . Οίον €πί[ 
]σ[. . rjoyy 6i[ovs 
]y : 7'A[j7i'] αι/ω : 
]€/)οί' εστί /ioi 
] . ον[. .] . 8 , νυν 
τ\ην κορην λαβζ[ 



]oKOS €στί// y ομω\β 
τ\ο TraiSiov 
10 eji'eyic' efe[. ! . . [ 

7. The correction may be due to the first hand. 

ουκ α|[ί]ω[.] 

] . . σασ[. .] 

863. 6-8 χ ιο•8 cm. 


"ψη μου [ Ιί/λ^^^ί 

] . T01S ero . [. .]^OiS e^oLS 
] . κω9 ουκ αν φιων ουδ αττα^ 
5 ]»/ μοι τη9 πολβω? πλβίστοί/ πολύ 
]αμοί διαφθπρουσι νυν 

^§poL τ€ και ΙΙαριδ€9 ομού 
] των ζνθαδ^• 
] irapeXdLTTOv προ τ[ο]υ 
] . eiy ανακρισιν [ 
] . ω? μαγου\μζ 

3- The doubtful ο may be e and the next letter had a long tail Hke ρ or υ : ] . τοι ae 
ν(ρ[τ(]ροΐί might read. But the supposed ρ may also be υ or τ. 

y. napiBfs occurs in the sense of μοιχοί in Anth. Pal. xi. 278 and Chariton 5. 2. 
Perhaps ΑλΐξανΥροι preceded. 

12. ΐσω[: or θίΐ{ 01 θ€μ[. 

]μονα9 €v φρ[€]σι μύθους 
]e φαίνεται eivai άριστον 

] . ουσί Se Seioi Αγαιοι 
]5 άλλοι iravTes αρι{σ)τοι 
]φρασ€ΐ τίνα τταντβ? 

π\€νθηρ€ΐ στολή \ στΐνουσα 

864. 15-8 χ 6-8 cm. 

]? αιώρων ν€κνν \ παν 
15 Ε]λλησποντιαν \ καθ €κ . [ 
πζ]φυρμζνοι \ τοτ e/c 6α\α\σ 
]^ίαί Ι άΚ^υ^ται ίνθα 
]ν \ αμουσον ακτη^ 
]ν /ίελο? Ι €π€ΐτα παν 
2ο ] κλνδων \ οποία κοχλο^ς 


'Ιποντκύν ]y | κοιΚαι Se ττ^τρων 

*" ]a5e? j μνκηδον €κροτο[υν 

μ\αζον oXevais Ι κοπτονσα , / , . . 

' Ι Ι^νων ανοίξαί κολπον [ 
ΙΟ ]vs -χορον? ! οπού Oeovs eSai ' ^ ο r ' 

■>• ^ ■ J . Οΰΐ/ βρηνωοον [. . . 


ο]ι>9 βροντής κτυπο\ν^ 

Ι. α of ]μοναί has been corrected from e. 

7. πΐρθήρη στολψ occurs in Jo. Chrysost. t. 2, p. 624 c (ed. Par.). 

10. The end of the verse may equally well be after οπού. eSnt suggests only 'Saiaev : 
ίδίΐ cannot be read. 

17. If the text is right aXeverai and evSa form a crasis. The epic word άλίύ(σθαι is not 
found in the tragedians, though αλευειι/ occurs in lyric passages. 

24. ^ in θρηνωδον is corrected apparently from χ. 

865-870. Prose Fragments. 

Plate I (867). 

The following six small prose fragments remain unidentified, and except in the 
case of 866 there is good reason for believing them to belong to works which are 
not extant. The first three seem to be historical, the fourth is perhaps from 
a commentary, the fifth is philosophical, and the sixth geographical. 

865 consists of the beginnings of the last eight lines of a column, written in 
a medium-sized uncial hand of the third century. The fragment belongs to 
a description of a war in which Greeks were apparently fighting foreigners, and 
the leader of one of the armies was the illegitimate son of a person whose 
name probably ended in -eu? (1. 5), this general being subsequently recalled, 
perhaps in consequence of an oracle (11. 6-7). 'Tbpovs, presumably the town 
in Calabria, is mentioned in 1. 3. A φρούριον of that name occurred in Book xxxix 
of Theopompus' Philippica (Fr. 210), which Avas concerned with Sicilian history, 
though whether the ψρούρων was identical with 'Tbpovs in Calabria is not certain. 
Possibly our fragment too belongs to a lost work dealing with Sicilian history. 
Apart from the Theopompus passage, there seems to be no mention of 'Τδρου? 
in Greek historians before the Roman period. 

866 contains a few letters from the first seven lines of a column. The script 
is a neat uncial of a distinctly early type, and may be ascribed with confidence to 
the first century. A mention of the Carthaginians in 1. 5 suggests that this 
fragment also is historical, but the context is quite uncertain. 

867 (Plate I) has six nearly complete lines from the top of a column, in 


a rather large and handsome square uncial, resembling the hand of ββΐ (Part IV, 
Plate V). That papyrus (late second century) provides an exceptionally early 
example of the type of hand to which the great Biblical codices belong. The 
present specimen is probably somewhat later than 661, and is likely to have been 
written in the third century. Two kinds of stops (high and middle points) occur. 
An iota adscript has been inserted in one place by the original scribe. The 
fragment refers to the capture of Ephesus, and may belong to a historical work. 
For -ηροσβίάζίσθαι with the dative, which occurs in 1. 4, the only example quoted 
in the lexica is Diod. xx. 39. 

868 consists of parts of twelve lines, apparently from the top of a column, 
written on the verso, the recto being blank except in one corner where there are 
one or two broken letters. The script is a medium-sized rather irregular uncial, 
probably of the first century. The nature of the fragment is very obscure ; the 
second person singular occurs in 11. 5 and 9, but it is difficult to believe that the 
lines belong to a connected oration or dialogue, and we are disposed to regard 
the fragment as a piece of a commentary, the blank spaces after άριστοι^ and 
aKoveis in 11. 6 and 9 in that case marking the division between the text and the 
scholia ; cf. 853. The rare word άττόκανμα (1. 4) is not found in writers of the 
classical period. 

869 contains the ends of twenty-two lines from the upper part of a column, 
written in a sloping uncial hand of probably the latter half of the third century. 
The subject is clearly of a philosophical character, and perhaps has reference to 

870 is part of a leaf from a papyrus codex containing a geographical work. 
The recto gives a list of tribes in Thrace, Macedonia, and Asia Minor, apparently 
in two columns, the successive names being numbered. Of the verso only a few 
letters from the ends of lines are preserved ; the last seven lines also seem to be 
a list of names, but the upper portion of the page is different. Which side of the 
leaf came first is uncertain. The script is a good-sized oval uncial of the .sixth or 
seventh century. 

865. 8x6-3 cm. 866. 6 χ 24 cm. 

απολ€ί7Γ[ ] τΓολί? μοι^ 

μνω διατ[. . . .]ΐ'[ ]αι πυΘομ([ν 

νίΓΟ Τ5/)ου[ι/]το9 κβλ[ τον στρα ]οβα\ονσι [ 

Τ€νματο9 ηγίΐτο , [ e ]e καθόλου [ 

5 coy νοθο^ V109 νστ\€ρον Se μ€ 5 1^](ΐρχηδονιο[ 



ταπ€μπτο9 6y€r[eT0 
τη9 κατά μαρτ€ΐα[ν 
μα/ων των Ε\\η\νων 

]/9€ΐ/ €ί9 πι .[ 

865. 3• The supposed λ after κ( might be χ. 

5- ωϊ is probably the termination of the genitive of a proper name ending in -evi. Τ lie 
phrase μ(τάπ(μπτος yLyveadai occurs twice in Plutarch. 

7. Kara μαντίΐα[ν : Or καταμαντ(ΐα[ι, but this WOrd is nOt knOWn. 

866. 2. πνθομ([ may be the end of a line. 

867. 5-7 X 7-5 cm. Plate I. 

ν8ωρ av[. . .] . . [η 
vtyK^v eni θα[ 
λασσαν- κακ[€]ίθ[€ν 
Εφξσω'^ προσ€βι[α 
5 σθη• τα δ άλλα γα[ρ 
[ν]π€ρμηκτ] ττροσ[. 

868. 8•ι Χ4•ι cm. 
]e)Lie[.]oi τον ακρατογ [ 
] και οτι θρανστη? σ[ 
]ς 5ου[λ]ωΐ' ημ€τίρω[ν 
]λοί9 αποκανματα [ 
]ί δικην τ€ΐσ•βί9 €μον [ 
]ον τοις αριστοις α[ 
8ια]κον€ΐτωσαν π€νι[ 
]μ€ρη9 yvvaiKiS α[ 
]^ωι/ ουκ ακου€ΐ9 <r[ 
]α0ί?[.]ω τ[ρ]αχηλον [ 

869. ΐ3•8 Χ 6•ι cm. 
] νπαρ^€ω9 διαττο . [. 
] μη βλβπβιν ναούς τ[. 
]? και βωμούς a0ay[. 
]ay ηλθον enc το 8ιστ[. 
5 ]ρον ζστιν η ουκ e . [. 
α]λλ ου^ι ταύτα μ^ν *[ 
]σηί τοις λοιποί? απο[ 


]νν δ€ ποτξ τοις κα[ 
]νονσιν θζοις απο 
ΙΟ ]7"«[[^']]''"ο Τ^^ (κασ 
] νομιζομενοίς ου 
]μ€νο9 avTOis παρασ 
]τί το/9 κατ αληθή 
] αλλ ουγ^ι τοια . . [. . 
15 ]s αναγκαστικο[. 
]ν €ί9 το προκ€ΐμ[€ 
νον ] μ€Ύΐ[σ\τα δί πασιν [ 
Υν αμα την παρα[ 

^κατα φλυαρί 

2θ ]ί 6ί9 ανΘρα[π . . . 
] . avT€S οτι [. . . . 
]λου9 νο[ 

867. Ι. ] • • ι»/: the first letter is probably a, δ, κ, λ, or χ, while the vestiges of the 
second suggest y, η, ι, π, or τ. It is not certain that a letter is lost at the end of the line. 



868, I. je/^^"]"' ^s possible, though the ν would be rather cramped. But there may 
have been a blank space before 01 ; cf. 11. 6 and 9. 

2. oTi θρανστης : the division ο Ύιθρανστης is less probable. 

869. 3. Some form of άφαγήζην is presumably to be restored, if the y is right; but the 
vestiges after αφα may represent the angular mark for filling up a line. 

5. Perhaps η ουκ (σ[τι. 
I 4. Possibly το γλωσ[σ. 
I 8. Or \iva μάτην. 


870. 14-5x5.5 cm. 

Col. i. 

Col. ii. 


Θνη τη9 


aLV' Αρα 

ν yap τω 


]οί yeyovaaiv 

] 7Γpoσηyopιas 

15 A]fiKaSes• 
]a>ve?• του 
] Ποντικοί. 

20 ] 

] • . «/ 













J 45 


.... [ 
. {λαια>\ 



] . y 




OpaKes [ 

] • 50 


Μυσοι [ 

] * * 


Βΐσσοι [ 

] • * 



] . 





] • 55 







I • 


• • • • 

48. 1. MaKfi^oves. 

54• Perhaps Τρ[αικοί. 

871, 872. LATIN FRAGMENTS 177 

871, 872. Latin Fragments. 

Plate V (871). 

We have not been able to identify the two following fragments in Latin, 
and print them here in the hope that some of our readers may be more successful. 

871, a papyrus, has a considerable palaeographical interest, since part of 
a document in Greek cursive on the verso, which is most probably of the fifth 
century, provides a fairly secure terminus ante quern. On the other hand it 
is unlikely that the writing on the recto was separated from that on the verso by 
a very wide interval of time, and consequently that the literary text is to be put 
earlier than the fourth century, while it may be as late as the commencement of 
the fifth. It is written in rather heavy rustic capitals, of a less formal and epi- 
graphic type than e. g. those of the Palatine Virgil, though not dissimilar in 
formation. The tail of the is a conspicuous feature ; / is made rather tall in 
qui in 1. 5 and iis in 1. 6. Words are divided off by dots after the manner 
of inscriptions, as in the Flerculaneum fragments on Actium and in 30, a manu- 
script which in Part I we perhaps dated rather too early. Somebody is addressed 
in the second person in 1. 3, and the treatise seems to have been of a philosophical 
character, and not extant, if the references for the rather rare word astutia, which 
occurs in 1. a, are complete in the new Latin Thesaurus. 

872 is a small piece from a vellum leaf of a book, containing on one side the 
beginnings and on the other the ends of a few lines, written in good-sized and 
rather ornate uncials which may be referred to the sixth century. S at the 
beginning of a line is made rather tall ; the same letter is combined with a C/" at 
the end of 1. 6 in order to save space. Whether the fragment is to be classed as 
prose or verse is doubtful. The scanty remains, so far as they go, would suit 
hexameters, and the lines differ considerably in length, but that is not seldom the 
case in Latin prose MSS. It does not seem to be Virgil ; but no good word 
occurs to provide a clue. 

871. 12-3 X 12-9 cm. Plate V. 

inertia • n^agis • .] . it • quam virtuf\e • 
et • astuti[ae • fnag]is • convenit • qiia[m • 
sapientia[e • me\inineris • autem de • [ 
iis • me • loq[ui no]n • qui • nuineros • λ[. 

5 tium ' suo . [ ]cunt • sed • qui • in[ • 

iis • partib\tis • in -] quibns • mdhis • ne[ • 
minimu[s • quidem • 
tins • quam[ • 



id ' qiiod - e . \ 
10 [n]egantf^ 


I. The vestiges before it suggest r, /, or j ; χ would probably also be suitable, but no 
example of that letter occurs in the papyrus. 

4. The letter at the end of the line if not a can only be m or possibly n, and judging 
by the preceding and following lines, not more than one or two letters should follow. 
a\r]iium is the obvious word, and this would involve suos, not suorum (the slight vestiges 
after suo would be consistent with either r or s) in 1. 5 ; but numeros artium suos, whatever 
the mutilated verb in Yuni may be {discunt, dicunt ?), seems an awkward collocation. The 
use of the plural numeros is noticeable ; it should mean not ' numbers ' but ' parts ', 
' members ', or ' office ', a sense in which the word is often accompanied by suus. 

6-7. nullus ne mtnimt^s quidem : cf. e. g. Cicero, Tusc. 5. 6. 16 nulla ne minima quidem 
aura; but n^c without quidem would also be possible. At the end of 1. 7 liben^ius 
suggests itself. 

II. \^pe]rforc^: the final letter may be m or n, but per/ormare ox per/ormidolosus are 
improbable, and the absence of a stop between r and/" makes per /orm[ inadmissible. 


5-9x7 cm. 





] . itis 

sic d[ 


ter s . 


10 iunc u\ 

] . er 




5. Or possibly ] . eri, but the appearance of i is probably due to the penetration of ink 
from the other side, the vellum being thin. 
II. The letter after s may also be e or 0. 



873. Hesiod, Theogonia. 

5-9 X 6-7 cm. Third century. 

The beginnings and ends of a few lines from the Theogonia of Hesiod, 
preserved on a fragment of a leaf from a papyrus book. The character of the 
handwriting, a rather small and informal round uncial, points to a date not very 
late in the third century, in which the codex form is somewhat uncommon except 
for theological works. A mark of elision is used in 1. 999, and in one or two other 
places a similar sign may have been obhterated, the surface of the papyrus being 
damaged. The columns of writing were remarkably tall, there being an interval 
of 60^ lines between the corresponding points of the recto and verso. The text 
agrees, so far as it goes, with that of Rzach. 


930 6Κ [5] Αμφ[ίτρίτη? και ξρικτυπου Ερνοσιγαιου 

Τρ[ΐ\των ([νρυβιη^ yevero //eyas oy re θαλάσσης 

Ίτυθμζν [βχωι^ τταρα μητρι φίλη και πατρι ανακτι 

paiei χρι{σ•€\α δ[ω Seivos θ€09 ανταρ Αρηι 

ρζίνοτορω Kv6i\pua Φοβον και Ααμον €ΤίΚΤ€ 
935 Seivovs ol τ αν\8ρ(ΰν πνκινα^ κλονζουσι φάλαγγα? 

ev πολζμω κρνο€γ[η συν Αρηι πτολιπορθω 

Αρμονίηγ re [η\ν Κα[δμο9 νπ€ρθνμο9 θίτ ακοίΤίν 

Ζηνι δ αρ Α[τ]λαντί9 [Μαιη re/ce κνδιμον Ερμην 

κ[ηρ]υκ α6[α]νατ[ων lepop λ€χο9 ασαναβασα 


[ηγ€ παρ Αιητΐω τίλζσα? στονο^ντα? aej^Aovy 

995 \τους πολλού? eTrereXAe μΐγα? βασιλ^ν]? υπ^ρψωρ 

[υβριστή? Πζλιη? και ατασθαλο? οβρι]μο€ργο? 

Ν 2 


\τουί reXeaas e? Ιωλκον αφικζτο πολλ]α μογησα^ 
[ωκ€ίη? 67Γί νηος άγων €λίκωπιδ]α κουρην 
[Αισονίδη^ και μιν 6ak{\f)\rf\v ττοιησατ ακοιτιν 
1000 \και ρ η "γζ Βμηθζΐσ υπ Ιησ\ο\νί\ ττοιμβνι λαών 
[Μηδβιον τ€Κ€ naiSa τον ο]νρξσιν ίτρζψζ Χαίρων 
[Φιλλνριδη? μξγαλου Se Alos v]oo^ e^ereXeiTO 
[αυταρ Νηρηο9 κουραι αλιοιο γ€ρ]οντο9 
[η τοι μ€ν Φωκον Ψαμαθη TCKe] δια θίαων 

997• ff Ιωλκον : we print the reading of the MSS. Ίαωλκόν Rzach. 

1004, dta: or 8e[i]a. 

874. ApolLONIUS Rhodius, Argonautica III. 

6x4-8 cm. Early third century. 

Oxyrhynchus papyri of Apollonius Rhodius have been remarkably pro- 
ductive of valuable readings (cf. 690-1), and it is to be regretted that the re- 
mains of the present MS. are not more extensive, since judging by the small 
fragment which survives it would have been of much importance for critical 
purposes. Only the ends of nine lines from the bottom of a column are pre- 
served ; but in this narrow compass occurs an apparent confirmation of a generally 
accepted emendation of Brunck (1. 26^), besides marginal references to unknown 
variants in two other lines. The text is written in a small sloping hand on the 
verso of a second-century list of persons, and probably dates from the end 
of that century or the earlier part of the third. There is one instance of an acute 
accent which may be by the original scribe, but no clear case of punctuation (cf. 
1. 268, note). Our references to the MSS. L(aurentianus) and G(uelferbytanus) 
are derived from Merkel's edition. 

[XeuyaXeTyy Φριξοιο €φ]ημοσννηί[σι]ν €λ€σ[^6 
[πατρός ο μΐν θνησκω]ν στνγξρα? eTrereXXer av[tas 
265 [ημ(Τ€ρη κραδίη τι] δί κίν πολιν Ορχομ€νοί[ο 
[οστί9 οδ Ορχομενό? κ]τ€ανων Αθαμαντος ξκητι 
[μητ€ρ €ην αχ^ζονσαν α]ποπρολίποντζ9 ίκοισθζ 
[ω? 60ατ Αιητης δί πα]νυστατο9 ωρτο θυραζζ 


[e/f 8 αυτή Ειδυια δαμαρ k]i€v Αιηταο 
270 [Χαλκιοπηί αιονσα το] δ αντίκα παν ομαδοίο ττην μ[ 

\epKos ζπ^πληθα τοι μζν\ μ^γαν αμφ^π^νοντο . [ 

[ 19 letters ] Kiev Αιηταο €v τ(ίσιν) ον(τωή φ€ρ€τ[αί 

oy φξρξται [ 

263• ΐφ]ημοσννηι[σι]ν fXea[^e : SO Brunck ,' . . . φημοσννηισινεΐσθαι L; (φημοσννησιν €(σθί . . 

G. The reading in the papyrus is unfortunately not certain, but at any rate does not agree 
with that of LG, while on the other hand the broken letters are quite consistent with 
Brunck's conjecture. 

264. (πΐτΐ\\(τ '. enereiXaT MSS. 

265. Kev ποΧιν : SO L J Ke πτόλιν G. 

268. At some little distance from the end of the line there is an ink-spot which perhaps 
represents a stop (in the middle position). 

269. This line is rewritten at the bottom of the column with a note concerning an 
alternative version found in some MSS. Whether the ordinary reading of the verse 
stood in the text is of course uncertain. No variant is cited by editors beyond the trivial 
ίδυία (L) for Είδυία. The abbreviation of ου(Γωί) is written in the usual way with a semi- 
circle above o, and cannot be naturally interpreted as the negative ov ; moreover the omission 
of 1. 269 would necessitate the alteration of the feminine participle and the following τ6 
δ' in 1. 270. There was indeed a considerable variation in that verse (cf. the next note); 
but there is no need to suppose that it affected the general construction of the passage. 
The letters preceding φ^ρ^ται in the second line of the adscript are very doubtful ; before 
the papyrus breaks off after φ€ρΐται, there is a short blank space, but not enough to show 
that the note ended here. 

270. πην μ[ in the margin at the end of the line seems to be a variant on {Χαλκιό)πη: 
άίονσα, but no other reading is attested here. The letter after ηην is almost certainly μ, not 
α ; it is unlikely that another letter has disappeared in the space between ν and μ. 

271. αμφίπίνοντο : SO LG ; άμφιττ. Brunck with four late Paris MSS. On the extreme 
edge of the papyrus opposite this line are signs of ink which would suit e. g. τ or φ : but 
they may be accidental. 

875. Sophocles, Antigone. 

5.5 X 5.7 cm. Early second century. 

A fragment from the top of a column, inscribed with the ends of five lines 
from the Antigone. The hand is a good-sized uncial, round and upright, but not 
calligraphic ; it probably dates from the first half of the second century. A 
different vi^riter seems to have made at least one alteration (1. 243), but the mark 
of elision in 1. 244 is apparently original. The antiquity of L's σημαίνων in 1. 242, 
where the variant σημανων is commonly preferred, is the one small item of any 
value to be gleaned from the text. 


[to πράγμα δήλοι? δ ω]? τι σημαίνων νί\ον 

σ' κν 

[τα Suva yap tol ττροστιίθη^κ^ ο[[χλ]]οι/ πολν[ν 
[ουκουν €ρ€ΐς ποτ €ί]τ' απαλλα)(^6ί9 a7re[i 
245 [fo'i δη λ€γω σοι τον ν€κ]ρον τ[ί]9 αρτΐ(ύ[9 
[uaylras βζβηκί καπι χρο>τ]ι διψιαν 

242. σημαίνων: SO LA; σημανων Ven. 47^ and several Other late MSS., and this was 
apparently also the reading of Didymus; of. Schol. Ajax 1225. 

243. The correction of the graphical error οχΚον seems to be due to a diorthotes ; 
whether he or the original scribe was responsible for the alteration of the preceding κ to σ is 
more doubtful. The method of the change is different, the κ being crossed through, while 
the χΚ are cancelled by dots placed above them. Presumably προστΐθηκ was first written. 

244. π of απα\λαχθ€ΐί has been converted from a γ. 

876. Euripides, Hecuba. 

2-9 X 8-4. Fifth century. 

A small fragment of a leaf from a papyrus book containing the Hecuba 
of Euripides. The somewhat negligent uncial writing, which is upright and of 
good size, seems to belong to the earlier Byzantine period, and may date from 
the fifth century ; the ink is of the common brown colour. Marks of elision 
were used, but no accent occurs. The paragraphus after 1. 738 and elision mark 
in 1. 740 are in blacker ink and seem to be due to a corrector, who is perhaps 
responsible also for βμωι; in 1. 703. A variant found in Parisinus 2713 (thirteenth 
century) alone of the better MSS. appears in 1. 740. 


700 [^v ψαμαθω Xevpa ] 

[ποντον VLV e^T^i/ey/cje πίΧαγιο? κλυδω~ 

[ωμοί aiai ] 

[ίμαθον ςνυπνιον ο]μματων €μα>ν [ 


Ε[καβη τι] δ[ρασω ποτέρα προσπβσω γονν 


Αγαμ€μι^οι/θ9 τονΒ' η [ψζρω σιγή κακά 

TL μοι προσωπω νω[τον ζγκΧινασα σον 

740 {8νρη\ το Kpa6ev δ' ου X€y[ety τΐ9 €σθ o8e 

703. The space suits ew^woi; (MSS.) better than εννπνον (Murray with Hermann). The 
division of the verse at aiai is also found in A. 

739 A dot above the line between ω and ν is apparently meaningless. 

740. κραθ^ν. so the first hand in Cod. Par. 2713, the reading having been subsequently 
altered to πραχθίν, as in other MSS., by correctors. KpaOeu of course gives no sense, and 
presumably κρανθ^ν was intended; cf. e. g. Ion 77 τό κρανθίν m hv ικμάθω. 

877. Euripides, Hecuba. 

Fr. (a) 1 1-8 X 4-3 cm. Third century. 

These two fragments from the upper part of a column also come from 
a copy of the Hecuba. The text, which is on the verso of the papyrus, the recto 
being blank, is in a slightly sloping uncial hand of the oval type, and was 
probably written in the third century. No lectional sign occurs other than the 
paragraphus. A variant at 1. 1272 is of some small interest. 

οψο\ι yvvaiKos coy ίοιχ ησσωμζρος 

δονλη[9 υφζξω τοις κακιοσιν δικην 

ονκον[ν δικαίως ίΐπβρ ζΐργασω κακά 
1.255 οιμ€{ι τ€κνων τωνδ ομμάτων τ ζμων ταλα9 

αλγ€ί[9 τι δ η μ€ παιδθ9 ουκ αλγ€ΐν δοκίΐ? 

χαιρ€[ΐ9 υβριζουσ €ΐ? e/x ω πανούργα συ 

ου γαρ μ[€ χαιραν χρη σ€ τιμωρουμ^νην 

αλλ ου τ[αγ^ ηνικ αν σ€ πόντια voTis 
1260 μων ν[αυστοληση γη? ορούς Ελληνιδος 

κρ[υ]ψη [μ^ν ουν π^σουσαν e/c καρχησιων 

προ? τ[ου βίαιων τυγχανουσαν αλμάτων 

αυτή π[ρο9 ιστον vaos αμβηση πόδι 

υποπ[τ€ροΐ9 νωτοισιν η ποιώ τρόπω 
1265 κυων [γ€νηση πυρσ έχουσα δζργματα 

πως [δ οισθα μορφής της €μης μ^ταστασιν 

ο θρη^[ι μαντις είπε Διόνυσος ταδ€ 


σοι δ ο[νκ €)(ρησ€Ρ ovSev ων ^χ€ΐ? κακών 
ου ya[p ποτ αν συ μ eiXey ωδε συν δολω 

1 27 1 [θανου]σα τυμβ[ω δ ονο]μα σω [ κβκλησ^ται 
[μορφή]? ζπωδον Ι^η\ τι τη? (μ[η9 epei? 
[κυνος] ταλαινη? σήμα ναυτ[ίλοις τ€κμαρ 
[ουδβν μ]€λ€ΐ μα σου ye μοι δον[το? δικην 

12 75 [fa^ σην] γ ανάγκη παιδα Κασα[νδραν θαν€ΐν 
[απ]€πτυσ αυτωι [σοί] δίδωμ ^[χ^ιι^ 
[κτ]ζνξί νιν η τουδ αλοχο[? οικουρο? πίκρα 
[μηπω] μαν^ιη Τυ^ν^δαρό^? τοσονδζ παις 
[καυτον] ye τ[ο]υτον [7r€]\e[ici'i' βξαρασ ανω 

1 28ο [ουτο? συ] μαιν[η και κακών €ρα? τυ\€ΐν 

1256. τί δε μ€ MSS., corr. Bothe. 

1272. The vestiges after €πω8ον are inconsistent with η and suit μ, and there is space 
for another letter between this and n. μ[η] τι gives a sense, but would be a doubtful 
improvement on the MSS. reading η τί. Nauck proposed Ιπώννμόν τι. 

1276. αυτω ταΰτα σοι 8ί8ωμ exeiv MSS. ταντα Seems tO have been Omitted after αυτωι. 

The line may have been completed by e. g. τάδί, but a graphical error is more likely. 

1279. y« ■ so L; but the vestige of the first letter is too slight to be decisive against 
the variants 8ί and ae. 


27•4Χΐ6•9 cm. Late first century. 

These remains of three consecutive columns, containing portions of chapters 
32-4 of the second book of Thucydides, were found not at Oxyrhynchus itself 
but in a small very shallow mound lying about a mile beyond the site to the 
north, where some experimental work (without other result) was done one day in 
January, 1906. The text is written in a round ornamental hand which we should 
refer to the latter part of the first century. Upright strokes are commonly 
finished off with apices, A is of the capital shape, Μ shallow-topped, X of the 
archaic form. No breathings, accents, or stops occur ; a short blank space marks 
a pause in 1. 23, paragraphi are sometimes employed, and the ordinary angular 
sign (cf. e. g. 853), which is here usually accompanied by a dot above and below 
it, like a διπλ^ -η^ρι^στιγμένη, is used to fill up short lines. But though early in 



date the MS. is inferior in quality, having several erroneous readings ; it is 
however of some interest on account of its support, in two doubtful passages, of 
the traditional text. Our collations in 878-880 are with the text of Hude. 

Col. i. 
[έστησαν η 8ζ βοηψξία αυτή 2 2. 3 
\των Θίσσάλων] κατά το ττα 
\\αιον ^νμμα\ικ\ον €γ€Γ€το 
[τοις Λθηναιοίς κ]αί αψικον 
5 \το παρ αυτούς Λαρ]ισσαιοί Φαρ 
[σαλίοί Παρασιοι] Κραννω > 
\yLOL Π^ιρασιοί Γνρ]τωνιοί > 

[Φξραιοί ηγονντο 8]e αυτών 
[e/f μζν Λαρισσης Πολυμη] 
ΙΟ [δης και Αρίστ]ογον9 απο > 
[τη? στασ^ω? €κατ€ρο? €]< 
[Se Φαρσαλου Μβνων η]σαΐ' 
[δξ και] τω[ν αλλωι/ κατά π]ο 
[Xeis] αρχοντ€9 [ 

Col. ϋ. 
15 ανζ•χωρησαν δια Βοιωτών 
οι/χ ηιπ^ρ €σφα\ον παριον 
T€S δ€ ΟρωτΓον την γην την 

Πΐΐρακην καλουμβνην ην 
νέμονται ίίρωποι Αθήναι 


2 ο ων νπηϊ[ί\[κ^ω'^οι ίδηιωσαν αφι 
καμένοι δξ ey Πίλοττοννη 
σον δίζλυθησαν κατά πο > 
λεί? έκαστοι ανα-^ωρησαν 
των δ αυτών οι Αθηναίοι φν 

25 λάκα? κατ€στησαντο κατά 
γην και κατά θαλατταν ωσ 
τηρ δη €μ€λλον δια παντο? 
[τον] πολέμου φνλα^βιν και 
[)(ίλία] τάλαντα απο των €v 

30 [τηι] ακροπολίΐ γ^ρηματων [c] 
[5o^e]i^ αυ[τοι\? (ξαιρ^τα ποι 
[ησαμβνοι? )(\ωριζ€σθαΐ και 
[μη αναλονν] άλλα απο των 
[άλλων πολξ]μ€ΐν ην δζ τι? 

Col. iii. 

23-3 π€ντη[κοντα νανσι προσ 25. ι 

β€βοηθηκ[οτ€9 και άλλοι 
Tiv€S των €[κζΐ ξνμμαχων 
άλλα Τ€ €κακ[ονν π€ριπλ€ 
45 ovT€S και ey [Μξθωνην τη? 
Λακωνική? [αποβαντ€? 
τωι τ€ίχ€ΐ πρ\ρσφαλον ον 
τι ασθβνα κ[αι ανθρώπων 
ουκ ζνοντων [«τι/χε δβ π€ 25. 2 

24. Ι 5° Ρ*- '''^^^ χωρον[? τούτου? Βρα 
σιδα? ο Τ€λλιδ[ο? ανηρ ϋπαρ 
τιατη? φρουρ[αν (χων και at 
σθομβνο? €β[οηθ€ΐ τοι? ev 
τωι χωρ[ι]ωι μξ[τα οπλιτών 
55 €κατον δ[ιαδραμων δβ το 
των Λθην[αιων στρατοπίδον 
€σκ€δασ[μζνον κατά την χω 
ραν και [προ? το τ€ΐχο? τίτραμ 
[μζ]νον €σ[πί7ΓΤ€£ ey την Me 
60 [θω]νην κ[αι ολίγου? τίνα? 
ev τηι ξκ[δρομηι απόλυσα? 


35 [ζίπηι η ίττιψίηψισηί κινζίν των μ^θ α[υτου την re ttoXlv 

\τα χρήματα τ]αντα es άλλο τι πζρΐ€ποι[ησζ και απο τούτου 

Υην μη οι πολ€]μίοι νηιτηι του τολμη[ματο9 πρώτος των 

[στρατωι €πιπλ€ω]σί [τ]ηί πο 65 κατά τον [ττολξμον ςπηινίθη 

[λ€ί και δ€ηι αμυνασψαι θα ev Χπαρτη[ι οι Se Αθηναίοι 25. 3 

4θ [νατον ζημιαν CTre^jerro [apjctj/rey π[αρ^πλίον και 

[σγοντ^ί τη\^ Ηλΐΐας 

5- Λαρ]ισσαιοι : SO ΑΒ ; Ααρισαιοι H(ude) with FM. 

6, The papyrus evidently agreed with the MSS. in inserting a name {Παράσιοι ACEFM, 

Ilepaaioi B) between Φαρσαλίοί and Κραννωνίοι. Η. brackets π. following Heringa, ΤΙαγασαΐοι 

Stahl. The correct reading is probably Φαρσάλιοι Ueipaaioi, omitting Παράσιοι after Κραννωριοι, 
as indicated by the new Thucydides commentary; cf. 853. xiii. 20, note. 

7. Ufipaaioi]: SO MSS.; cf the previous note. Πυράσιοι Η., cf. Strabo ix. p. 435 and 
Steph. Byz. 

10-3. The remains of letters are scanty and the decipherment is doubtful, τω (?) in 
1. 13 and apxovTfs in 1. 14 are on a detached fragment. 

17. 1. Ωρωιτον : the initial letter is correctly written in 1. 19. 

18. Πειραικην: SO MSS.; Τράΐκην Steph. Byz., H. The interlinear ι may have been 
inserted by the first hand. It is not clear whether the two dots merely enclose the added 
letter as is often the case, or represent a diaeresis ; the former alternative is more likely. 

19. 1. Ω,ρωπιοι. 

20. The correction is perhaps by a diorthotes. 

32. χ\:ύριζ(σθαι•. χωρ\ς θίσθαι MSS., rightly nO doubt. 

44. The paragraphus is misplaced ; perhaps the scribe took aXka for the conjunction. 

61. ίκ\ρρομηι•. eaSpopfj MSS., more appropriately. 

62, α[ντου•. so E, H. ; εαντοΰ ABFM. 

64. [. . . πρώτος: SO MSS.; πρώτου Herwerden, H. 

879. Thucydides III. 

1 2• I X 8-1 cm. Third century. 

. Part of one column, with the beginnings of a few lines of the column adjoin- 
ing, written in third-century sloping uncials of a common type. The portion 
preserved, from the fifty-eighth and fifty-ninth chapters of Thucydides, Book III, 
shows a correct text, supporting a traditional but suspected reading (1. 23). Two 
kinds of stop, the high and low (1. 13), are used, besides paragraphi ; these, like 
the interlinear insertions in 11. 8 and 11, may be by the original scribe. 

Col. i. 

[pas ξνμμαχ]ο[ι Se ομαι 58. 4 

χμοι? ποτ[(] γξνομ^νοις 



ων νμ€ΐς το εναντίον 

αν δρασαιτ€ μη ορθώς 

5 yvovTes' σκ€ψασθζ δξ' 

Παυσανίας μ^ν γαρ βθα 

τΓΤζν αυτούς νομιζων 

[e\v yrf τ€ 0ίλ[ί]αί τιθίναί' 

και παρ ανδρασι tolovtois' 

ΙΟ υμ€ίς 8e ei ktcvhtc η 

μ[α]9 και [χ]ωραν την Πα 

ταιΐδα θηβαϊδα ττοιησξ 

re. τι α\\ο η ev ποΧζμιαι 

re και πάρα τοις αυθζν 

15 ταις πατ€ρας τους νμ€ 
τζρονς κα[ι ^υ\•γΎζνζΐς α 
τιμονς γβρων ων νυν 
[ί]σ)(ονσι καταλ€ΐψζτ€' προς 
δζ και γην €v ηι ηλίυ 

2θ [θ]€ρωθησαν οι Ελληνας 
δονλωσ€Τ€ i'epa re θ^ων 
[οις] ζνξαμζνοι Μηδων 
[€κρ]ατησαν• €ρημοντ€ 
[και θ]υσιας [τα]ς [π]ατρίονς 

2 5 [των €σσαμ€νω]ν και κτι 
[σαντων αφαιρησ€σ]Θ€ 


Col. ϋ. 

σκ[ομ€ν €Κ€ΐνης ηι τα 59• ^ 

λα[μπροτατα μ€τ αυτών 
30 πρ[α^αντ€ς νυν €v τηι 

δζ τ[α δεινότατα κινδυ 

νζ[υομ€ν παθξΐν οπβρ 59• 3 

δβ α[ναγκαιον re και 

χαλ[e7Γωrατo^' τοις ωδε 
35 €)(^ο[υσι λογού τ^λίυταν δι 

ΟΤΙ κ[αι του βίου ο κίνδυνος 

ξγγυ[ς μξτ αυτού 

5- δ6 : so ABEFGM ; re C, H(ude). 

23. (ρημοντί : SO MSS. ; ΐρημονντΐί Stahl, ΐρημώσ€Τ€ Herwerden. Η. 
with an obeFus. 

prints ΐρημοΰτΐ 


Fr. (3) 1 8• I X 13-2 cm. Late second century. 

The following nine fragments from the fifth book of Thucydides fall into two 
groups, which were discovered on different occasions and come from quite different 
parts of the MS. Frs. {a)-{d), containing portions of chapters 32-4 and 40, were 


found together, and the remainder, covering chapters 96-105 and part of iii, 
made their appearance some little distance away ten days afterwards. The 
rather broad columns are written in a clear and upright semicursive hand, dating 
apparently from the later decades of the second century. High stops and para- 
graph! are used, double dots as usual denoting a change of speaker in the report 
of the debate at Melos. There are two instances of the rough breathing ; 
a final ν is occasionally represented by a horizontal dash over the preceding 
vowel ; iota adscript and | in ζνν are commonly but not consistently written. 
The text is not of a high class and shows several errors which are absent from 
the better mediaeval MSS. ; it supports tradition in two passages where 
emendations are accepted by Hude, but confirms Kriiger's conjecture τον και 
for και του in c 97, which Hude does not adopt. 

Fr. {a). 

TOi;]s αυ\τον^ 32, i 

] μζν Αθ[ηναιοι 
ατΓζκ\τζΐναν [ 
yvv\aiKas [ 
Ι1\ατ\αΐξ.υσίν [ 

Fr. φ). . 

[α8ν\να[τοι δ ovt€S δι]α[σωσαι το re] ev [Κν 33• 2 

[yjriXois] t[€1)(^os και τ]α9 €v [Παρρασιοις] πολ[€ί5 
ΙΟ απηλ[θο]ν• Λακ€δα[ιμ]ο[νιοι δ]€ tovs Τ€ Π[αρ 33• 3 

[ρ]ασιον9 αυτόνομους π[οιησαν\η9 και το [ret 

\χος κά\6ξ.\οντ^ς ανΐγωρησαν €π οίκου κα[ι 34• ι 

[του α]ν[τ]ου βάρους ηδη ηκοντων αυτοις τ[<αν 

[α]πο Θραικης μ^τα Βρασιδου ίζζλθοντων 
15 [στ]ρατιωτων ου9 ο Κλ€αριδα[ς] μβτα τα[9 σπον 

[δα? ζκ^pμισζ. οι Λακ\βδαι^^ο]νίοι €ψη[φισαν 

[το του? μ]€ΐ/ μ€τα Β ρα[σιδου] Είλωτας μ[αχ^ζσα 

[μζνου]$ ζλζνθζρους ([ι.]ναι και οικζΐν ο\τΓθυ 

[αν βουλ]ωνταί και υστ€ρ[ο]ν ου πολλοο α[υτου9 
2θ [μίτα τ]ων νίοδαμωδων €y Λ^πρίον [κατ€ 



Fr. (.). 

\στησαν\ κ^ιμ^νον €7Γί τι/ί Λακωνικ[ηι και 
[τηι HXjciai oures η8η διάφοροι Η[λ]€ΐ[οΐ9 rovs 
[S €Κ τ]η9 νήσου ληφθ€ντα[9 σφων και τα 
[όπλα] τταραδονταί 8e[ia]auTe9 [μη τι δια την 
25 [ζνμφ]οραν νομ[ισ]αν[τ]€[9] €λα[σσωθησ€(Γθαι 

[και ov]Te[9 ζπ]ιτι[μοι\ ν[€ωτ]€ρισ[ωσιν ηδη και αρ 
[χα? τινας e^ov]Tas α[τι\μους ^[ποίησαν ατι 
[μιαν δζ τοιανδβ] ώστβ μητ€ a[p)(^eiv μητ€ ττρι 
[αμξνον? τι η πωλον]ντα9 K[vpiovs eivai 

€Τ09 τ(ύ[ι πολζμωι €τ€λ€υτα αμα δξ τωι ηρι ev 
Θυ9 τ[ον €7Γΐγιγνομ€νου Bepovs οι Αργξίοι ως οι 
Τ€ π[ρζσβ€ΐ9 των Βοιωτών ov9 ίφασαν 7Γ€μψ€ΐν 
ουχ η[κον το Τ€ Πανακτον ηισθοντο καθαιρου 
μ€ν[ον και ^υμμαγιαν ιδίαν γξγ€νημ€νην 
35 τοί? [Βοιωτοΐί 

34- 2 

4θ. Ι 

Fr. (d) . 


4θ i[ 


Frs. (.), (/), (^). 

[τους τ€ μη 7Γροσηκο]ντ[α9 και όσοι αττοίκοι ον 

45 [τ^ί οι τΓολλοι και ά\ποσ[ταντ€9 Tives κζγΐίρων 
\ται €S το αυτό τϊ\β['ί\ασι[ ; δικαιωματι γαρ ουδ€Τ€ 
[pov9 €λ\€ΐπ€ΐ]γ ηγονν[ται κατα δυναμιν δξ tovs 
[μ€ν η^ριγιγν^Ισθαΐ' ημάς δ[€ φοβωι ουκ €πΐ€ 
[ναι ωστ€ €ξω το]υ κ[αι] πλ€ον[ων αρξαι και το α 

50 [σφαλάς ημιν δια το κα]ταστρα[φηναι α]ν π[αρα 
[σχοιΤ€ άλλως Τ€ και νη]σιωται [νανκρ]ατορ[ων 
[και ασθ€ν€στ€ροι €Τ€ρων ovtcs €ΐ μη TTJeptye 



[νοισθ€ : €1/ δ €Κ€ΐι/ωι ου νομιζίτβ ασ]0α[λ]€ί 9^ 

[αρ §€1 γαρ αν και ΐνταυθα ωσπ€ρ f/xeiS" των] δι 
55 [καιων λόγων ημάς ζκβιβασαν]τζς [τωι νμς. 
[ηρωι ξνμψορωί νπακον€ΐν] 7r6i^eT[e και η 
[μα9 το ημιν γ^ρησιμον διδασκο]ντας [n τυγγαν^ι 
[και νμιν το αυτό ξυμβαινον] π€ΐρασ[Θαι neidel 
[όσοι γαρ νυν μηδβτ^ροι? ξνμμ]αχου[σι πω? ου 

Fr. (/i) 

6ο [ο νμξΐί α]σ[θ€ν€ΐς re και €πι ροπής μιας ovtcs μη 103. 2 

[βουλ(σ]θ€ παθ[€ΐ]ν μ[ηδ ο]μο[ιω6ηναι τοις] π[ολ 

[λοις ο]ις τταρον ανθρωπΐΐω[ς €τι σω]ζζσθαι βπβί 

[δαν] ΤΓΐΐζου μένους αυτο[νς ζπι\ϊ\ττωσιν αι φα 

[ί/€]ρ[α]ί (Χπιδ^ς em τας αφα[ν€ΐς κα]θιστανται 
6ζ μαντικην τ€ και ^(^ρησμονς και οσα τοιαύτα μβ 

[τ] (ΧΐΓίδων λυμαίνεται : χαλεττον μεν και η 104 

//61S €1» ιστ€ νομιζομΐν προς δυναμιν τ€ 

την υμ€Τ€ραν και την τυγτ]ν ei μη απο του ίσου 

[εσται] αγωνιζεσθαι όμως δι πιστ€υομ€ν τηι 
7© [μξν τ]υ)(^ηι e/c του θειου μη ελασσωσεσθαι οτι 

[όσιοι] [[οσίοί]] ου προς δίκαιους ισταμεθα• της δε 

[δυνα]μ[€ως] τω (λλειποντι την Λακεδαιμο 

[νΐιων ημιν ζυνμαχ^ιαν προσεσεσθαι αναγ 

κην €\ουσαν και et μη του άλλου της ye συγγε 
75 νειας ένεκα αισχυνηι βοηθειν και ου πάντα ' 

πασι ούτως αλογως θρα[συν]ομεθα [:] της μεν τοζ. ι 

τοινυν προς το θείον ε[υ]μενειας ουδ ημείς οι 

ρμεθα λελειψεσθαι ουδέν γαρ εξω της ανθρω 

πειας των μεν ες το θείον νομισεως των δε 
8ο ες σφας αυτούς βουλήσεως δικαιούμενης πρασ 

σομεν ηγούμεθα γαρ το τε θείον δοξηι το αν 105. 2 

θρωπειον τε σαφώς δια παντός απο φυσ[εως] 

αναγκαίας ου αν κρατηι αργειν και ημείς ούτε 

θεντες τον νομον ούτε κοινωι πρώτοι χρη 

880. THUCYDIDES V 191 

85 σαμζνοι οντά Se παραλαβοντξ^ και €σομ€νδ 

ey acL καταλ€ίψοντ€[9] χρωμζθα αυτωι €ΐ8ο 

[rejy και υμα9 και άλλους €v τηι αυτηι δυνάμει 

[η^μιν γξνομζνους δρώντας αν αυτό και προς 105. 3 

[μ€ν] το θίΐον ούτως €< του Ηκοτος ου φόβου 
go [μ€]θα €λασσ[ω]σ6σ^αί τ[ης Se ey Λ]ακ€8αιμ[ονι 

[ους δο^ης ην δια το αισχρον δη βοη]θησ[ξΐν 

Fi•. {ή 

παρζ[χζ]τ€ ei [μη μ€ταστησαμ€νοι €τι ημάς 
άλλο τι [τ]ωνδ€ [σωφρονξστ^ρον γνωσ€σθ€ 
ου γαρ δη em ye τη[ν (v τοις αισχ^ροις και πρου ιιτ• 3 

95 τττοις κινδυνοι[ς πλείστα διαφθζίρουσαν 
[ανθρω]π[ο]υς [αισχυνην τρζψζσθξ πολλοίς 
[γαρ προορ]ω[μ€νοις 

III. 2 

1-2. The papyrus seems to have differed here from the ordinary text which would give 
40 letters between the s of του]? in 1. i and ρ of μ^ν in 1. 2, whereas the usual length of 
a line is about 34-5 letters. Perhaps τούτον was omitted ; that there was an agreement 
with Dion. Hal. De Thuc. lud, 845. 12, who has n-fpl hi tovs αΐτοίις χρόνου: tovtovs Σικυωνίονς 
^Αβηνάίοί, is less likely. 

14. [α]πο•. so MSS. ; irti H(ude). 

21—2. τηι Αακωνΐί([ηι και τηι HXJetat : τη: Αακωνικψ και της 'HXeias MSS. 

33• ηΐκον: ηκοντο or ΐκοντο MSS. The η in the papyrus is clear, and the line is quite 
long enough without the superfluous το. 

Fr. {d). This small piece, containing the first letters of lines, we have failed to identify. 
Since it was found with Frs. {a)-{c) it would be expected to come from the neighbourhood of 
cc. 30-40. 

49. To]v >c[at : so Kriiger ; κάΊ τον MSS., Η. 

50—1. It is likely that the papyrus had νανκρατόρων rather than ναντοκρατόρων (Β corr. 
Μ), but owing to the very doubtful identity of the two broken letters at the end of 1. 50 the 
size of the lacuna between νη\ηωται and ]ατορ[ων is uncertain. 

55. (κβιβασαν]Γ€ς : SO H. with CG ; but (φιασαν]Γί! (ABEFM) may equally well have 
stood in the papyrus. 

63. meCovpevovs '. this late form also occurs in C. 

ίπιλι]πωσιν (AB) suits the space better than ίπιλΛ^ωσΐ!» (CEFGM). 

γι. ου ττροΓ : 1. irpos ov with MSS. 

72. The second e of eWeinovri has been corrected probably from an /. 

75. αισχυνηι: και αϊσχ. MSS. The loss of και would be easy between κα and at. 

80. δικαιονμ(νηί : δικαιονμΐν η MSS. 



82. απο'. υπό MSS. 

84. κοιί'ω* : 1. Κΐΐμίνωι With MSS. 

87. νμας '. νμαί αν MSS. 

88. αντο : SO MSS. ; ταΐτό Η., cf. Valla and Schol. 

881. Plato, Euthydemns and Lysis. 

ιο•2 X 6•2 cm. 

Late second or third century. 

A small fragment containing on the recto part of a column, and a few 
letters from the ends of some lines of the column preceding, from Plato's 
Eiithydenms. The text, which is written in a small neat uncial hand, round and 
upright, of about the end of the second century, shows one or two unimportant 
variants as compared with the three principal MSS., with none of which it 
agrees at all consistently. Stops (in the middle position), paragraphi, and 
double dots marking a change of speaker occur. 

On the verso of this is a portion of a column from the Lysis, written 
in a small irregular uncial hand with some admixture of cursive, dating probably 
from the first half of the third century. Double dots accompanied by paragraphi 
mark, as usual, alternations in the dialogue ; there is also a doubtful instance of a 
high stop, and one accent. The surface of the papyrus has suffered considerably 
and decipherment is sometimes difficult. Considering the small size of the frag- 
ment variations from the ordinary text are surprisingly frequent ; they do not 
seem to be very valuable, though in most cases they are not obviously wrong. 


Col. i. 

\μον TOvSe : ap ovv €φη τ]αυ 
[τα ηγηι σα €ΐναι ων α\ν 
[αρζηΐί και ΐξηι σοι αν]τοΐ9 
[χρησθαι οτι αν βου\η\ι• 
5 [οίον βον9 και προβα]τα 
[αρ αν ηγοιο ταύτα σα\ €ΐ 
[ναι α σοι €i€ιη και απ]ο 
[8οσθαι και δονναι κ]αι 
[θυσαι οτοαι βονλοιο ^ejeo»'. 
ΙΟ [α δ αν μη ούτως €)(ηι] ου 

Col. ϋ. 

30Ι e 

302 a 

λημμ[ζνο9 ουκ ξστιν 
ην δ €γ[ω ω Διονωσοδω 
pe : τα\Καιπωρος αρα 
συ ye τ[ί9 άνθρωπος €ΐ 

15 και ουδί [Αθηναίος ωι 
μητ€ θ([οι πατρωιοι ΐίσιν 
μηθ u[pa μητ£ άλλο μη 
δβν καλ[ον και αγαθόν : €α 
ην δ €γω ω Διονυσοδω 

2θ pe• (υφημζΐ re και μ[η χα 
λίπως μ€ 7Γροδιδασ[κ€ 

302 b 

302 c 


ζστι yap €μοίγ€ και β[ω 
μοι και upa ττατ[ρωια 
και ταΧΧα οσαπ^ρ [τοι? 
25 άλλοις Αθηναιο[ΐί τ<ον 
τοιούτων ; ^[ιτα τοις αλ 
λθΐ9 ζφη Αθην[αΐοΐ9 
c^VK €στι Zivs ο πατρωι 

5. προβα\τα : cf. Τ, Ven. 189 and Par. 1808, where πρόβατον has an α written above the 
final syllable ; πρόβατον BW, Burnet. 

14. συ ye t\ls '. Tis συ ye Burn, with T, re συ ye B. 
22-3. βωμοί και: SO TW, Burn.; om. B. 

23. lepa πατϊρωια : Upa οΐκίϊα κα\ πατρώα BTW. 


[(πιτρ€πον]σίν άλλα ap[ 208 c 10 ζφη €[ι]ς διδασκα[λο]υ : 

[χ6ί σο]ν τις : ττιδαγωγος μων μη και οντοι σ\ον\ α[ρ] 

[60J7 •] Η-^^ δούλος ων X9\y^'\':\y °j* διδασκαλο\ι\ : 

\τ]μ^τΥρος ye €0?; : η δ^ι \π'\αντ\ω\ς δηπον : παμ 2θ8 d 

5 [νον η]ν δ εγω eXeu^e [7ro]AX[ou]y αρα σοι ye δ^σπο 

[ρον ον]τα ye νπο δούλου 15 [τας και αρ)(]οντας ως eoi 

[αρχ€σ]θα^ τι δβ και ποιων [kc^] €Α:ω[ι/] ο πατήρ €φι 

[αν ον]τος σον ο πα[ι]δαγω [στησι : αλλ αρα ζπ]ζΐδαν 

γος α[ρ]\€ΐ : άγων [δ]τ]πον [ ] • • • 

Ι. αρ at the end of the line is uncertain, but to read αλλ αρχ is not more satisfactory, for 
though the first of the doubtful letters is in some ways more like ρ than α the second is 
more like ρ than χ. Moreover the division apx\ei is very objectionable in a literary text, 
while to read apx[ei would make this line longer than any of those that follow, and besides 
necessitate a supplement of three letters at the beginning of 1. 2, where there is no 
known variant. 

2. σο]ν ris : ris σον MSS., which also read δδβ or 6 8e (6 alone Paris. 181 1) before 
πaι8ayωyός. The scribe omitted the α and perhaps also the t in the latter word ; he does not 
seem to have written πe8ayωγos. 

4. άλλα τι μην precedes f]peTep6s ye in the MSS. (omit αλλά . . . ίφη Ven. 189), 

6. ye: om. MSS. 

7. δβ καί : 8e MSS. except Vat. 226 which has καί in place of 8e. 



8. σον ο IT.: ό π. σον MSS, 

14. ye : the reading is quite uncertain, but something certainly stood in the papyrus 
between σοι and δΐσπο[τας. For the insertion of ye cf. 1. 6. 

15. ωί €οι[κ(ν : om. MSS. as hiKev Occurred a few Hues above in 208 b. It is superfluous 
here after apa. 

882. Demosthenes, In Aristogitonem I. 

9•8 X γ cm. Second century. 

A fragment from the bottom of a column of a roll containing the first 
speech of Demosthenes against Aristogiton. It is written in an upright and 
rather small round hand, not very regular, and probably dating from the second 
century. No stops or other lectional signs are found, but slight blank spaces, 
perhaps corresponding to marginal paragraphi, are left where a pause occurred in 
11. 7 and 10. An interlinear addition in 1. 8 may be by the original scribe. The 
fragment is too small to possess any critical value ; the writer was apparently 

[κ\αί /ί€γρα[γω9] κ[αι ι6\υ ων •π\αντ ανω ί 47 

[r]e και κάτω ποιω\ν ^ν] rats ίκκλησι 
[ai]s α>9 Seov στ[ρφλον\ν Χαβων ο 
[τι.]δηποτ€ παρω[ν ore] ηφαΐτο αψω 
5 [I'jo? eyei/ero τη[ρ κατά] Αημοκλζ 
[ον]9 (ΐσαγγζλια[ν αν]α.[σ€ΐσα]9 ποι € 
[τργ-^^ν άΚΧα μύρια ων ΐμο[ί\ μζν 

\^p\yov απάντων μνησθηναι συ ο\ιδα 
[ο\τι και τα [αντίγραψα αυτών e^eis 
10 [€ρ]γολαβων αυτωι [t]ls ουν ο τον τοι & 4^ 

Ι. 1. κ(κραγως. 

8. SY add €στί(ν) after απάντων : om. Blass with the other MSS. 

συ δ [ev] ο[ώα : om. ev AF, Blass. It is of course impossible to be sure that ev was 
inserted here as well as δ, but the similarity of συ and ev will readily account for the original 
omission of δ «υ, whereas δ by itself would less easily drop out. 

9. φΐ5 : 1. (χ(ΐ! with MSS. 



883. Demosthenes, In AHstocratem. 

18x4-1 cm. Third century. 

A short fragment containing parts of §§ 149-50 of the speech against Aris- 
tocrates. The roll was written in narrow columns, a large space (7-5 cm.) being 
left above them. The good-sized, well-formed hand is of the oval type, but the 
letters are upright or have only a very slight slope ; ω is noticeably small. It 
seems to be a rather early example of this style of literary writing, and perhaps 
goes back to the beginning of the third century. A stop placed midway in the 
line and accompanied by a paragraphus marks the end of a section. There are 
two agreements with minor MSS. against S ; but judging from the blunders 
in 11. 1 1-4 the text was not of a high class. 

τορονς ov ακ\ρί 
βω9 η8€ΐ πα\ν 
των ανΘρα>7τ[ων 
5 διακ€ΐμ€ΐ>[ον 
ζγθροτατα ϋ 
μιν. και μί\τα 
ταντα €πζΐδ[η 
τον 7Γρο9 Λμ[φι 

ΙΟ πολίν 7Γθλ[€ 

Λ 149 /^^^ πάλιν [ττο 

λζμξΐν n[po€L 
λ€το Χβρ[ρονη 
σον και ov[Siv 
15 ^ίχε TTOieiv [ 
νμα$ ^K€L κα 

§ 150 κον μ[ισ]6ο[ι πα 

λίν αυτόν Ολ[νν 
Blols τοι\β ν]μ\^ 
2θ Tepois ζ)([θρ019 

3• πα[ΐ']τωΐ' : SO Α ; των όντων Other MSS., Blass. 

5—6. 8ιακειμ€ν\ον^ (χθροτατα νμιν '. €χθ. νμίν διακ. ]\ISS. 

8. ταύτα : SO V ; ταντά y Blass With Other MSS. 

1 1 sqq. The ordinary reading here is ττρότΐρον πόλίμ^Ιν ειλίτο Ύιμόθίος τον προς Χ€ρρόνησον. 
The text of the papyrus has gone badly astray ; npoeiKero for (ϊλιτο is comparatively harmless, 
but πάλιν is an awkward repetition of πάλιν in 1. 17, and the omission before Χ(ρ{ρονη]σον 
reduces the passage to nonsense. 

884. SalluST, Catilina. 

15-8 X 15-4 cm. Fifth century. Plate V (recto). 

Latin classics have been conspicuous for their rarity among papyri from 
Egypt, and hence the following fragment of Sallust's Catilina, ch. vi, is of more 
than ordinary interest. It consists of a nearly complete leaf from a papyrus 

Ο 2 


codex, which may be assigned to the fifth century. The upright and well- 
formed hand is of the ' mixed ' type, the forms of the letters, in which cursive 
characteristics predominate, being in general similar to those e. g. of the legal 
fragments in P. Amh. 11. 38, which are no doubt of about the same date. The ink 
is of the reddish-brown colour common at this period. Dots in three positions as 
well as the colon (cf. P. Amh. II. 27) are used for purposes of punctuation, pauses 
being also sometimes marked by blank spaces (11. i, 3, 25) or paragraphi (1. 6). 
que is written q- ; the only other abbreviation which occurs is reip• for reipublicae. 
The scribe was extremely careless and made a number of errors, which have 
been amended to some extent by himself but more often by some one else. 
Since the colour of the ink in these corrections does not differ from that of the 
text, it is not easy to distinguish the hands ; but the alteration of e. g. propularent 
to proptlerant in 1. 18 seems clearly to be by the original writer, while the inser- 
tion of an7iis four lines lower down is not less clearly due to another person. 
There also occur a few cursive adscripts (11. 5, 6, and 10) which may be independent 
both of the original scribe and the corrector of annis, &c. ; if, however, they are 
to be assigned to one or other of them, the former seems more likely to be 
responsible than the latter. It may be noted that the cross-stroke of t in 
tempore, 1. 5, is brought down to form the base of the following e as in the 
Italian papyri of the fifth and sixth centuries. In several places small interlinear 
marks are found of which the significance is not clear ; cf. note on 11. 7, 26-7, 30. 
The text as corrected is good, agreeing in the main with the best MSS., of which 
there are a large number dating from the tenth century onwards. The most 
interesting reading is the occurrence in 11. ^-6 of the sentence ita brevi . . . facta est, 
for which there is otherwise small support. Our collation is based on the edition 
of R. Dietsch (Leipzig, 1859), ^o"^ whose text the papyrus rarely diverges. 

libermn adq• sohitum• \fuit^ hi postquam vi. a 

in una moenia convenere. dispari genere 


dissimili lingil^e^. alius alio more viven 
tes. incredibile memoratt^s^ est• quam fact 
a tempore tu 

5 le cob{erin[t] ita brevi multido diversa 

t g per con m 

^[[^]]^' i^«[[-y]]<i Concordia civitas facta est : 

sed postquam res eorum civibus moribus 
agris- aucta• satis prospera satisq• pollens 
videbatur : sicuti pleraq- mortalium I^^aben 


entia ia 
io tur- invidia ex opoletii^tn^ orta est 


[i\gitur reges. populiq- f\e^iitimi. bell\o tern 


[PlA^Yf [pa]iic[i\ ex aniicis auxilio esse [nam cete 
[ri metu peY\c\tilsi a peric[u]lis aber\ant 
4 lines lost. 


propuf^^a^'^e^tt : sociis «[[^]]^• amicis auxilia por[ta 


baftt m^tis^isq• [[^w]] dandis quam accipien 
20 dis heneficiis amicitias parabant imperium 6 

legetiimtm nomen hnperii regium habe 


bani' delecti quibus c[oyptis infinmim• inge 
nmm sapientia validtim eral• reip- consulta 

bant ii vel aetate ν el cur a similitudine 

25 paires appellabantur' post tibi regium 7 

imperium quod initio co7tservandae t\i 

t e 

[b]ertatis c^^d^q- augenda reip- fueral• in stiper 

\bi\am dominationem.q• se convertit• immu 
[tato m\ore annua imperia• binosq• impera 
,^0 \tores sibi fecere eo] mode min[ume 

I. /ui/, which is crossed through, is not found in the MSS. 

3. alius : so the majority of MSS. ; ah'i Dietsch with P^BT (2nd hand) p^ &c. 

5-6. ita . . .facta est : this sentence is found in Leid, G and with erat for est in a 
MS. used by Popma, Vind. i and 2, and cod. Herbipolitanus ; om. Dietsch. tempore, 
which is inserted above the line, is found only here ; the addition is no improvement, per 
concordiam as a variant for concordia is also novel ; the reading is uncertain, the supposed c of 
con looking more like n, and very little remaining of the final m. Both per concordiam and 
tempore might be regarded as explanatory glosses rather than textual variants. 

7. Above e oi eorum is a mark resembling a small c, which we do not understand. 

10. We suppose that the mistaken opulentum has been twice corrected, ia over the 
termination is clear, but the decipherment of the cursive letters which precede at a higher 
level is very doubtful. The first of them is probably e, and eniia seems just possible, though 
there is really more ink than is satisfactorily accounted for by nt. ex , . . or epo . . . might 
be read. 

II. temptare or tentare MSS. Just in front of the upright stroke of 3 in bello there is 
an angular mark to which we can attach no meaning. The low stop beneath it is doubtful. 


13. pey\c]ussi (p^ gg^ σ) might also be read, but is less likely ihs^xi pey[c]ulst. 

21. 1. legitimtim. 

22. annis (\o]rpus: so 3K; corpus annis is the usual order. 
24. ii: ei MSS., except g*, which has hi. 

26-7. Several small interlinear signs of doubtful significance occur here; cf Plate V. 
Above quod there is something rather like an e, and above the middle i of initio are some 
strokes resembling the letters li ; a more complicated sign appears over augendae, and an 
angular mark over e oifuerat. 

30. There is an angular mark above the η of min[w?ie•, cf. notes on 11. 1 1 and 26-7. 

885. Treatise on Divination. 

23-3 X 8'3 cm. Late second or early third century. 

This text, containing one well-preserved column between two others which 
have almost entirely disappeared, is written in careful and well-formed upright 
uncials of about the end of the second century. High stops are used, besides 
paragraph!, while a coronis below a short line at 1. 57 marks the end of a section ; 
an accent occurs in 1. 38. The subject of what remains is the interpretation 
of strokes of lightning when falling upon statues. A parallel to this is to be 
found in the work of Johannes Lydus, de Ostentis, §§ 47-52, where a section occurs 
(probably derived from Cornelius Labeo, a writer of the second or third century) 
giving the prognostications to be deduced when various objects, and among them 
statues, are struck by lightning, according to the position of the sun. Possibly 
astronomical conditions were also taken into account in the present treatise, 
though they do not figure in what remains. Whether it concerned thunderbolts 
only {itepX κεραυνών) or was of a wider character and included other Ιιοσημύαι is 
also doubtful. It is interesting as an early specimen of the treatises on signs 
and wonders which in the Byzantine period became so popular. A noticeable 
circumstance is that there are no traces of Egyptian influence, the gods men- 
tioned in 11. 44-6 being exclusively Greek. According to Lydus indeed (§§ 43, 
52), things were not struck by lightning in Egypt, or if ever they were, when the 
sun was in Pisces, it was a good omen. Thunderstorms do occur at the present 
day, though rarely. 



Col. i. 










Col. ii. 



^η αυτω earai 


τη9 ζυδαιμονι 


ay €au Se ολοσχ€ 



ρως κατατησηι 

65 Κ 

η €ΐκων πλη 


γ€ΐσα υπο τον Κ€ 


ραννον απώλζΐ 


αν αυτού τω« ye 



νζ,ι σημαινβι ο 



λα)ί• ^ρη ουν τον 


πένητα εικόνα 


αφκρουν και 


θν€ΐν Διϊ Kepav 



ϊ'[ί]ωί• και Ηρακλξΐ 



και Τνχηι ^ωτ€ΐ 


ρα κατά δυνα 


μιν και προσποι 


^ισθαι μςν το προ 



Tepov σημ^ιον 



τη9 5e πΐσονσης 


ξΐκονος €κθν€ 


σθαι και αποτρο 


ττιαζζσθαι το ση 



μ€ΐον θυοντα 



T01S avTois θξ 


οι? JJC 




€αν €iKoy€9 ανδρών 



κάλων κ[α]γαΘων 



υίΓο κεραυνού 



πλί;yα)σ[ί] . [. 

51. First σ of π^σουσης corr. from t. 


' (If the statue of a poor man be struck by a thunderbolt and do not fall), it will be the 
beginning of happiness for him; but if the statue when struck l)y the thunderbolt falls down 
entirely, it indicates the destruction of his whole family. The poor man should therefore 
purify the statue, and sacrifice to Zeus Wieldcr of Thunder, and Heracles, and Fortune the 
Preserver in accordance with his means, and appropriate the former portent ; but the portent 
of the fallen statue he should expiate and avert by sacrifice to the same gods. If the statues 
of noble men be struck by a thunderbolt . . .' 

31 sqq. The sense of the protasis of this sentence is apparent from what follows; 

it may be restored tau (ΐκων avbims ικνψης νπ\() I \Kfpavvov πλ»;γί|ι|[σα μη καταπ(ση »ρ\\χη κ,τ.\. 

In I.ydus, J)(^ Oskntis, the passage concerning statues is as follows (§ 47) : ** δί κατ α-^αΚμάτων 

κατ(ν(χΟη (^κιμαννοί) ποικίλας καϊ ίπαλλί/λουί τ«γ σνμφηρας τοϊί πράγμιντιν tlntiXf'i' fl yhp χαμακτηρΐί 
Ιδίων τίνων κ<Λ κόσμια πό\ίων τα αγάλματα νπωπτίύθη Tois παλακΰί, άρα τοΓ? ιτράγμασιν η ntpi αντα 

νβρίί. The Statues there meant arc public ornaments, or represent abstract qualities, and 
the portent has a more general significance than is the case here, where private individuals 
are concerned, 

41. The marginal sign, which stands midway between the two columns, is repeated 
again before 1. 87. Its meaning is obscure; it cannot be associated with the paragraphus 
below 1. 41, since at 1. 87 there is no paragraphus, nor on the other hand is it very likely in 
the latter place to have some connexion with the conclusion of the section in 1. 57, for 1. 10 
is a full line, and there is therefore no reason to suppose that a section ended at that point. 
The symbol might be taken to represent ap or 8p, but the first letter would be incompletely 

88Θ. Magical Formula. 

2 1 •3 X 1 2'5 cm. Third century. 

A formula for obtaining an omen, of a type common in magical papyri, and 
purporting, as often happens with Hermetic writings, to be copied from a sacred 
book ; cf. note on 11. 2-4 and Rcitzenstcin, Poimandres, pp. 138 sqq. 

The letters of the alphabet, which are frequently employed in astrology and 
magic (cf. Boll, Sp/iaera^ pp. 469 sqq., Reitzenstein, op. cit.^ pp. 260 and 288, 
Oicievlch, A BC-I^/d-ma/cr, P. Brit. Mus. 121. 705 sqq., &c.), play a somewhat 
mysterious part in the formula, their number being reckoned as 29 instead of 24. 
An uneven figure was in any case required owing to the nature of the process 
described in 11. 19-21, but how the figure 29 was obtained is quite obscure. To 
give confidence in the efficacy of the spell, the claim is made (11. 7-10) that it was 
used by Hermes and Isis in the search for the dismembered body of Osiris. The 
scribe was a very illiterate person, and makes several mistakes. A couple of 
dashes are placed in the margin below 1. i and against 11. 24-5. 

Μεγάλη ^Ισίί ή κυρία. pi ων θ€λΐ9 κληΒονισ- 

θήναι. λαβών φννι- 


20 1 

αντίγραφαν Upas βί- 
βλου τή9 €νρ€τίση9 kv 
τοις τον Έρμου ταμίοΐΐ. 
^ 6 8k T/JOTToy iarlv τα ττ€ρ[ί\ 
τά. γράμματα κθ 
ίΐ S)V ό Έρμη? <€ ή Ίσιί 
ζητούσα ίαντή? τον α- 
Βίλψον Κ€ άνδρα "Ο- 
ΙΟ σιρ€ίν. ίπίκαλοϋ μ^ν{?) 
τον (/ Κ€ τους kv βυ- 
θω θζον^ πάντα^ ttc- 

15 KOS άρσ€νο9 φύλλα κθ 
€πίγρ{αψον) kv Ικάστω των 
φύλλων τα των θΐών 
ονόματα κ€ k-mv^d- 
μ€νος kp€ κατα δύο 

2 ο δύο, το 5e ύπολίπό[/ζ]€- 
νον €σγατον άναγνω- 
TL κ\ ζύρησις σου την κλή- 
δονα kv 019 μίτ€στ€ΐν 
και γ^ρημαβισθηστ] τη- 

25 λανγωί. 

Ι. Ίσις Pap. ; so in L 7. 3. 1. (ΰρ€θ(ίσης. 7• L και : so in U. 9, II, 18, 22. 

9. olaipfw' Pap. 14. 1. φοίρικος. The If has been inserted later. 17. θίω~ Pap. 

19. 1. alpf. 19—20. διο' 8vo' Pap. 20. iiroXtTroT/ijevoi» Pap. 21. 1. άναγ/ίβι. 

24. 1. χρηματισΰησί]. 

' Great is the Lady Isis. Copy of a sacred book found in the archives of Hermes. 
The method is concerned with the 29 letters used by Hermes and Isis when searching for 
her brother and husband Osiris. Invoke the sun and all the gods in the deep concerning 
those things about which you wish to receive an omen. Take 29 leaves of a male palm, 
and inscribe on each of the leaves the names of the gods ; then after a prayer lift them up 
two by two, and read that which is left at the last, and you will find wherein your omen 
conssts, and you will obtain an iEuminating answer.' 

2-4. Prof. F. Cumont well compares the beginning of a magical formula found 

in Caial. codd. Astr. Graec. vii. p. 62 Βί^λοί (ίρ^θύσα ev 'Ηλιουπ-ολει r^s Alyinrrov ev τω ίερώ 
€V abvTois ^γγ^γραμμίνη ev Upois -γράμμασι κ.τ.λ. 

6. κθ: in 1. 15 « might be read in place of κθ, the right-hand part of the second 
nmneral being lost, but there is, we think, no doubt about the reading κθ here ; cf. introd. 

10. «Γίχαλοί μ([ν : the vestiges following μ stiit e better than a. μί[ν is not very 
satisfactory, and €ΤΓΐκαλο{•μαι constantly occurs in magical formulae of this character (e. g. 
the extract from P. Leyden W. quoted in note on 1. 14); but to read εττικαλοίμί (= eVi/ca- 
Χοίμαι) here makes the' change to the second person singular in I. 1 3 very diflficult. 

11, The sign following τόν is the ordinary symbol in magical papyri for 17X10?. 

14 sqq. Cf. e. g. P. Leyden W. xxiv. 31 sqq. λαβών φίΧΚοι/ δάφνης eniypcr^ov τον χαρακτήρα 
(L χαραΐί^ ώ (1. 0$) etm» και hei^as το (1. τώ) (ήλ/ω) Xeyc, ίκικάΚονμαί ae κ,τΑ. 

19. κατα biio bio : for this mixture of distributives cf. e. g. Luke x. i. 

887, Directions for Wrestling (?). 

10-6 X 5-8 cm. Third century. 

On the recto of this small fragment are parts of eight lines from the bottom 
of a column, containing repeated references to different parts of the body and 



apparently belonging to a treatise of the same class as 466, which is concerned 
with grips in wrestling. The careful and rather large uncial writing is probably 
of the third century. On the verso is another text in a similar and possibly 
identical hand ; but the letters are more hastily formed, and the lines are set 
much wider apart and also come further down towards the lower edge of the 
papyrus. The subject here is evidently different, but the remains are too scanty 
to give a definite clue to its nature. 



CTTt t6\v 5e|[io]i' [ωμον 

] eiy τα αριστερά του [ 
] 67Γί τον δζξίον α:,[μον 
] 67Γί το \α\κρον του [ 
] 67Γί τ[ο]ι/ αρίστίρο\ν ωμον 
] €7Γί το άκρον το[υ 
] επί το στηθο? π[ 

]ΐ]ση γαρ τον μ . [ 
λα]βουσαν μ€γαλα[ 
] και €^ω φξυγη [ 
]€ταί η γυνή eXe[ 
5 α]νθρωποί €πι του[ 
]α φαρμα[κ]α κατ[ 
]ίκαν καθζυδο[ 



888. Edict of a Praefect and Petition. 

Fr. (d) 9-2 X 14-9 cm. 

Late third or early fourth 

A petition to the exegetes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, with which is here 
coupled the Small Oasis, from two persons, one of whom was a woman (cf. note 
on 1. 9), concerning the guardianship of the children of their dead sister. Only 
the first two or three lines of this document remain and its purport is unknown ; 
the interest of the papyrus lies in the fact that prefixed to the mutilated petition 
is a copy of an edict, dated in the year 387, of the praefect Flavius Valerius 


Pompeianus, relating to the appointment of guardians for orphan minors. This 
ordinance directs that magistrates empowered to make such appointments 
{ol του χξψοτόνύν κύριοι) should do so in all cases where orphans were without 
guardians, since absence of the latter led to much delay in business in which 
orphans were involved. The question here arises, what magistrates were com- 
petent to appoint guardians? According to the lex lulia et Tiiia, passed in 
B.C. 31, this right was in the provinces vested in the praefects, and that that 
enactment continued in force in the third century is shown by 720, where 
it is expressly named (a. d. 247). In practice, however, the praefect of Egypt 
is seldom found exercising his power, which was delegated to subordinate officials, 
and in particular to the (ξηγηταί, who, as in 888, are the persons most commonly 
invoked in connexion with the guardianship of minors ; cf. e. g. B. G. U. 1070, 
in which a woman supplies to the exegetes the name of a man suitable for the 
guardianship of her children. From P. Amh. 85 and 86, which are applications 
addressed to the exegetes for leases of land belonging to orphans, it would appear 
that this magistrate was actually responsible to some extent for the proper 
management of property of that class. Professor Mitteis, to whom we are indebted 
for several points in the interpretation of this papyrus, thinks that the praefect 
was principally appealed to when the parties concerned came from different nomes, 
or when one or other of them happened to be residing outside his own nome, 
and the local magistrates were consequently unable to act. The latter explana- 
tion would well suit P. Tebt. 326, where the applicants who have recourse to the 
praefect are natives of Antinoopolis domiciled in the Fayum. The exegetae, 
however, were not the only officials competent in these matters. In 487 the 
γραμματζυί ττολεω? is stated to have assigned a guardian to certain minors, and the 
epistrategus is requested to direct the strategus to give orders that the γραμμαηνί 
should substitute another person. According to P. Tebt. 326, where the case is 
referred to the praefect, the magistrate who would actually make the appoint- 
ment in accordance with the praefect's instructions would be not the exegetes 
but the strategus ; cf. P. Cattaoui verso ii. 1 7-9, where the iuridicus proposes to 
instruct the strategus to make an appointment of guardians. In both these 
instances no doubt the strategus may be supposed to be acting merely as the 
temporary delegate of the superior authority ; but a more general competence to 
deal with such matters is proved, for Oxyrhynchus at any rate, by 56, where an 
application by a woman for a Kvpios is addressed to the exegetes because the 
deputy-strategus was absent, and 898. 26-9, where a strategus orders the 
guardian of a minor to be changed. A new date is supplied by this papyrus for 
the praefecture of Pompeianus, who is shown to have been in office in Oct. 287, 
while from P. Amh. 137 he is known to have been still praefect in July 289. 


[Φ]\α[ονίθ^ OvaXipios Πομπη]ιανο9 6 8ίαση[μο\τατο9 'ίπαρχος Αιγύπτου 

019 [^αν μη ττ^ποιημίνοι ωσ\ιν κηδίμόνίί ο(}[φαν]οΪ9 ot τον γζίροτονύν 

κύριοι καθ[€στώτ69 
iv[ 15 letters ποϊ\άσθωσαν τον? καθ' [ήλ]ικίαν κηδεμόνα?' 

οντω γαρ σνμβήσ€ται τη? π[ροσ• 
ηκ[ούση9 ίΤΓΐμζλΐία? τ^υγγάναν, ώ? ννν ye [π]ολλά των ορφανικων πραγ- 
μάτων των €πι το[Ϊ9 
5 Κΐ)[δ€μ6σιν όντων άνα]βολή9 τνγ\άν^ν δια το μη παρύναι TOis ορφανοί? 

επιτρόπου? ήτοι 
κον[ράτορα?. ζτονς] δ και γ (eVof?) των κυρίων ημών ΔιοκΧητιανον και 

Μαξιμιανον Χ^βαστων 
Φα\ω<ρι . . προξτίθη kv Όξυ]ρύγχων τω αύτω μην\ι\ Φαωφι κζ. 
. . [ 1 6 letters k]vάpγω ^ξηγηττ} ^Ο^νρυγ[γίτου κ]αΙ Μικρά? 

Όάσ€ω? βουλ(€νττ}) τή? λαμπ{ρα?) και \αμπ{ροτάτη?) Όξυρύγ- 
[χων πόλζω? ] 

ΙΟ [πάρα κα]ι 'Απολλωνία? άμφοτ[β]ρων Ώριγ^νον? μη(τρο?) 

Θαήσιο? άπο τη? λαμπ{ρά?) και λαμπ{ροτάτη?) 
[Ό^νρνγχΙων) π6λ[€ω?). τυ\6ντ€? τη? κ]ηδ€μονία? των άφηλίκων άδ^λφιδών 

ήμων, τέκνων τη? μξτηλλαχυ- 
[ία? 5^ letters Ώριγ]ίνου? άπ[ο] τη? 

[αύτη? πόλξω? . . . 

Ι. πομπη^ανος Fap. ζ. τυγ'χανειρ Fnp, 6. σεβαστώ Ρζ,ρ. 8. οξνρνγ' Fa.p, 

• Proclamation of his excellency Flavins Valerius Pompeianus, praefect of Egypt. 
Orphans for whom no guardians have been assigned shall have guardians in accordance 
with their age created for them by those competent to make the appointment . . . ; for it 
will thus result that they receive proper attention, whereas at present much business 
concerning orphans and depending upon their guardians is delayed because the orphans 
are unattended by iuiores or curatores. The 4th which = the 3rd year of our lords the 
August! Diocletianus and Maximianus, Phaophi . . . Published in Oxyrhynchus on the 
27th of the same month Phaophi. 

To . . . , exegetes in office of the Oxyrhynchite nome and the Small Oasis, senator of 
the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, from . . . and Apollonia, both 
children of Origenes and Thaesis, of the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus. 
We were given the guardianship of our nephews (or nieces), the children of our dead 
sister . . . daughter of Origenes, of the said city . . .' 


3. The lacuna may be filled e.g. iv \ίκάστω νομω eieias, or ii^Tos . . . ημ^ράν. π[ροσ\η- 

κ[ονσης Mitteis. 

Tovs καθ" [■ήλ'\ικίαν κη8(μόνα5, ' guardians Corresponding to the age of the orphans/ i. e. 
tutores for those below the age of puberty (14 years), cura/ores for those under 25 years. 
κη8€μών is here used as a wider term including both tutores and curatores ; cf. 11. 5-6 where 
enirpOTTovs ήτοι κου\_ράτορα5 is synonymous with τοίις καθ' ήλικ. κη8ίμόνας, ' tutores Or curatores as 
the case may be.' The distinction between tutor and curator is not infrequently lost sight 
of in provincial documents of this period, but no such confusion would be expected, as 
Mitteis has pointed out to us, in an official proclamation, and ψοι therefore does not mean 
that emrponovs and κουράτορας are convertible terms. 

5. There is a hole in the papyrus between η and s of άνα\βολης, in which there is room 
for a letter ; the writing surface seems to have been faulty at this point. The supplement 
of the preceding lacuna is a trifle shorter than it might be. 

6. There would be room for about five letters between κον[ράτορα5 and erovs, but a short 
blank space may well have been left before the date. 

8. The Small Oasis (Bahriyeh) which was grouped with the Έπτανομία (cf. P. Amh. 
137. I (πιστρ(ατηγω) Έτττ. και Όάσβω? Μικρας) would naturally, for administrative purposes, 
be combined with the Oxyrhynchite nome, to the west of which it lies ; cf. 485, where the 
implication is that persons living in the Oasis were under the jurisdiction of the Oxyrhynchite 

9. The petitioners were either brother and sister, or else two sisters ; in the former 
case, which is the more probable, they perhaps also stood in the relation of husband and 
wife. In any case the passage provides another instance of female guardianship, which has 
already been attested for peregrini by 495, and for Roman citizens by P. Tebt. 378; cf. 
Wenger, Zeitschr./. Savtgny-Sti/tung, 28, p. 305^. Various instances in the papyri prove 
the possibility of a mother acting as guardian to her children (cf. e.g. 898. 5-6), and the 
guardianship of mothers and grandmothers was eventually admitted by the later Roman law ; 
but that of women not so related to the ward was at no period legalized. 

889. Edict of Diocletian and Petition. 

23-5 X 9 '3 cm. Fourth century. 

This narrow strip from a papyrus written in a large cursive hand in very 
broad lines contains in 11. 1 1 sqq. part of a petition addressed to the boule of, no 
doubt, Oxyrhynchus, by a man who probably wished to be let off some municipal 
burden on the score of old age and ill-health. In support of his case he appeals 
to an imperial decree, of which a copy is prefixed in 11. i-ii. The papyrus 
is thus similar in character to P. Flor. S^j, a petition to the praefect claiming 
immunity from Aeiroupyiat, which begins by quoting several rescripts of Septimius 
Severus and Caracalla guaranteeing this immunity to persons over the age of 70. 
The authors of the present decree are clearly Diocletian and Maximian, and the 
date of it is apparently the third consulship of the Caesars Constantine and 

^ In 495 it is the sister of the testator, not, as stated by Wenger, his daughter, who is appointed 


Galerius, A.D. 300. It was of the nature of an indulgence {φιλ]ανθρωτΓία, 1. 5) 
apparently to persons over the age of 60 (e^/j/coiraeTets, 1. 9), but the special nature 
of the benefits conferred remains obscure, the only clue being afforded by 1. 8, 
where there seems to be a reference to ττράκτορζ^ (?) and to the practice of 
quartering persons upon others {e -ηίσταΘμοι). The remains of the date of the 
petition itself (11. 11-2) are too slight to fix the year, but it no doubt falls within 
the 50 years following A.D. 300. 

Γβ]ρμανικο9 Μίγιστο? Γουνθικ[ος Μίγιστος 
Ενσφη^ ΕΥ)τυγτ]^ Νικητής ^ΐβαστος κ[αΙ 

]s ϋαρματικοί Μίγιστοι Γ€ρμαν[ικος Μέγιστος 
Μα^ιμιαι/ο]9 οι ξπιφαι^ίστατοί Kaiaape[s 
5 φίλ]ανθρωπία ΚξΚίλβύκαμ^ν [ 

]ου γ^ρόνου της πολυαιτία? α . [ 
] καταΧαμβανόντων δια τ[ 
πρ]άκτορβς καΐ ίπίσταθμοι κο[ 
]ois έξηκοντα€τΐς ώ? ei iXa[ 
10 ΐΓρο€τύθη kv Ά\^^ανΒ\ρία rfj a ξίδων Α€Κξμβρίω[ν 

Καίσαρ]σιν το y νπάτοις. υπατίας Όα:[ 
των λαμ]προτάτων ΤΙαγων κθ . [ 

πό]λ€ω? δια του evap^ov πρντάνΐ^ως 
της] αυτής πόλεως [ 

15 τταρα της] αυτής πόλβως. του 7Γροτ€ταγ[μ€νον 

έξηκο](Ττον kviavTov ύπ€ρβζβηκοτ[ 
έβδο]μηκοστον και τρίτον kvιaυ\τov 

ir\epi ζμβ γήρας και την του σώ[ματος άσθίνϊιαν 
γηροβ]οσκίαν μήτ€ κτήσιν [ 
2θ ]ί/ ίπιρωσθήναι καμοι τον . [ 

]αι ίπι των όμοιων μου φθασαντ . [ 

6. 1. πόλυίτίας. II. νπατοί! υπατίας Pap. 1 6. ϋττΐρβίβηκοτ^ Pap. 1 8. ν οί την 

corr. from σ. 

1-4- Since there are two Augusti bearing the titles Germanicus and Sarmaticus, and 
two Caesars, while the consuls hold office for the third time and must be Caesars or Augusti 
[Αυτοκράτορ]σίν is the Only alternative for Καίσαρ]σίΐ/ in 1. ii), the reign of Diocletian and 
Maximian, and the third consulship of Constantius and Galerius are clearly indicated. 
A slight difficulty arises in connexion with the title Τοννθικόχ (= Gothicus; cf. for the form 
P. Leipzig 119. verso ii. 8, where perhaps Γοννθικοΰ should be read for Τουντικοΰ), which was 


adopted by Claudius, Aurelian, and Probus, but seems to be new as an epithet of Diocletian. 
With regard to the length of the lines, only in 11. i and 13 can the beginnings be restored 
with any degree of probability. In 1. i [Μτοκράτωρ Taios Αυρήλιος oiaX^ptos Αιοκληπανό: 
Γ€]ρμανικ05 implies an initial loss of 46 letters, and in 1. 13 [rf, κρατίσττ, βουλί} φ λαμπρά: καΐ 
λαμπρότατης Όξνρνγχιτων πό]λΐως a loss of 52, and since no shorter restorations of these two 
lines are likely, the initial lacunae may be estimated at not less than 45 letters throughout. 
How much is lost at the ends of lines is more uncertain. If the names of the Caesars were 

given in full, as is likely, in 11. 3-4, we must restore καϊ Φλαύιος Οΰαλερως Κωνστάντιος κα\ Τάιος 

Οναλίριος Μαξιμιανο\ς, i.e. 56 letters, of which 5-10 probably occurred in 1. 3; hence even if 
Τ(ρμαν[ικ6ς Μίγιστος is the last of Maximian's titles, there seems to be a loss of from 15 to 20 
letters, and the total number of• letters missing between the points at which one line breaks 
ofF and the next commences can hardly be less than 60 on an average, and may amount 
to 70 or more. In 1. 3 ΣαρματικοΙ Μέγιστοι secms to be an error for the singular, applying to 
Maximian alone, for if the plural is correct here, Τ(ρμαν[ικοΙ Μίγιστοι must then be read and 
Diocletian has already been styled Γίρμανικός in 1. i. ' 

8. Ko[ : or Ku[i'. 

II. Probably [Κωνσταντίω κα\ Μαξιμιανω τοΊς (πιφανεστάτοις Καίσαρ]σιν ; cf. the note οη 

11. 1-4• The date by the regnal years {?τονς ιζ καΐ ις κα\ Θ) probably occurred at the end of 
1. 10. The date beginning Ιπατίας refers to the following petition ; θυ[ may be read for ΟκΓ. 
Owing to the length of the lacuna before λαμ^ρστάτων the names must have been given in 
full, and it is quite uncertain who these consuls were. 

13. Probably [r^ κρατίστη βονλτ] της λαμπρός /cat λαμπρότατης * Οξνρνγχιτων πό\(ως • cf. 

note on 11. 1-4. ' 

15. προτ€ταγ[μενον : SC. (πιστάλματος ΟΓ διατάγματος 0Γ the like. 

16. ΐξηκο]στ6ν: cf. 1. 9 ίξηκορταΐτ'ις. έβδομηκο]στόν (cf. 1. 1 7) is also possible. 

890. Letter to a Strategus. 

20-2x14.7 cm. Third century. 

An incomplete letter from the prytanis of the local βονλη at Oxyrhynchus 
to the strategus, giving a list of persons who owed money to the municipal 
treasury. Apparently these sums were to be collected by the agents of the 
imperial government and to be balanced against moneys owing to the imperial 
from the municipal exchequer. 

AovKios ^ζπτίμιο9 Αυρήλιος 
^αραπίων ό και Άπολιι/άριο? και ώ? 
χρηματίζω ζμαρχος ττρύτανις της 
Όξνρνγχ€ΐτων πόλεωί Ανρηλίω 
5 Αξωρίδτ] στρατηγώ τωι φιλ- 
τατωι χαίρζίν. 

τους άπαιτ€ΐσ[θα]ι μέλλοντας άφ' §>u 
[6]φ[€ίλ]ουσι τη 7Γ[όλ€ί] χωρονντων 


[e/y 6ί]αγραφην των ίκ λόγου τήί 
ΙΟ [π6λ€]ω9 δια-γραφο μίνων καΐ νυν 
[γράφομίν] σοί προς το μη Ιμποδί- 
[ζ^σθαι τη\ν (ΐσπρα^ιν τον ίβρωτάτον 
[ταμείου. ] elal 8e Αύρήλιοι 

[ καΐ !/4]7Γθλλώί/ίθ9 καΐ Αομιττία- 

15 \y^^i οί τρξΐς ^]αρα'πιωνο9 του και 

[ άγορ]ανομήσαντο9, {δραχ^μα? 1) ν, 

[ Ήρ]ακλά9 ονόματος 

[ 2ο letters ]ατ . . [. . . 

12. ΐίρωτατου Pap. Ι4• 8ομιττια^\ι>ος Pap. 

' Lucius Septimius Aurelius Sarapion also called Apolinarius, and however I am styled, 
prytanis in office of Oxyrhynchus, to his dearest Aurelius Leonides, strategus, greeting. 
A written list of those from whom are to be exacted the sums which they owe to the city, 
and which are to be used in payment of moneys payable from the account of the city, is 
hereby given you in order that there may be no hindrance in collecting the revenues of the 
m.ost sacred Treasury, They are Aurelius . . ., Aurelius Apollonius, and Aurelius Domitianus, 
all three sons of Sarapion also called . . ., ex-agoranomus, 400 drachmae . . .' 

7. With άφ' ων the sentence begins as if the object οι άπαιτεΐσθαι, i.e. particular sums 
of money or τα επιβάλλοντα, was going to be stated ; but this is not expressed, so that άφ' S>v 
is practically equivalent to a. 

14. Perhaps [. . . . ό και Ά]π-ολλώΐΊθί, in which case δυο must be substituted for 
TpeU in 1. 15. 

16. {Βραχμας}) ν: αν, i.e. Αν\ρηλιος, might be read; but it is likely that the actual 
amounts of the debts were mentioned, not merely the names of the debtors. 

891. Apportionment of Duties to an Exegetes. 

ιι•8χ 6-7 cm. a. d. 294. 

A letter from the boule of Oxyrhynchus to an exegetes, acquainting him 
with the fact that he had been chosen to act in his official capacity during part of 
the month of Epeiph as superintendent or president in the discharge of certain 
duties, the nature of which is uncertain (cf. 1. 11, note), the expenses being borne 
in common by the whole body of exegetae. 

The papyrus is written in a small very flowing cursive, and the surface 
is much damaged in several places. 

['JE0' ν]πάτων ΟύαΚ^ρίων Κωι/~ 

των ίπιφανίστάτων Καισάρων. 

Όξνρνγχιτων Trjs λαμπρά^ και 
5 {5«f} λα)ΐ£π(ρο7άτί;9) ττόλβω? ή κρα(τίστη) βου- 
λή St Αυρηλίου Κορνηλιανοϋ 

διασ . . ( ) ίνάρχ^ον πρυτάν^ω^ 

Πτολζμξίνω τω και ϋαρμάτ]] 

(ξηγηττ} τω φιλ{τάτω) χαίρ^ιν. 
ΙΟ (ξηγητοΰ ζητουμένου e/s τα^ 

α . [. .]ay 'Επ€ΐφ έω? ί^, 

eSo^ev ωστ€ ae μ\ν προ- 

στηναι, τα Se άναλώματα 

άτΓο τον κοινού των άπο 
15 του τάγματος δοθηναί' και 

ίνα τοΰτο elSivai e^oiy 

(7ηστ€λλ€ταί σοι, φιλτατ€. 
2nd hand (ρρωσθαί σ€ €ύχ{6μ€θα), 

* In the consulship of Valerius Constantius and Valerius Maximianus, the most 
renowned Caesars. The most high senate of the illustrious and most illustrious city of 
Oxyrhynchus through Aurelius Cornelianus . . ., prytanis in office, to their dearest 
Ptoleminus also called Sarmates, exegetes, greeting. An exegetes being required for the . . . 
of Epeiph up to the 17th, it was decided that you should preside, while the expenses should 
be paid by the whole body of those belonging to the order. This letter is accordingly sent to 
you, dear friend, for your information. We pray for your health, dear friend.' 

1-2. The writing is much obliterated in these lines, but on palaeographical grounds 
the papyrus can hardly be later than Diocletian's reign, and that the Caesars are Constantius 
and Galerius is, we think, certain. Probably the initial e was written large, causing 1. 2 to 
begin much further to the right than 11. i and 3. 

5. The reading και \αμπ{ροτάτης) is very doubtful, and it is not satisfactory to suppose the 
repetition of καί ; but λαμπρά καί λαμπρότατη are the regular epithets of Oxyrhynchus, and 
though λαμ . ρ' might be read for και λαμ', the letter before the supposed ρ would suit 1/ or /i but 
not π. σψνοτάτης and αρχαία!, honorific epithets of Hermopolis (e.g. in P. Brit. Mus. 955), 
are out of the question here. 

7. δίασ . . ( ) : ^ιασημ[ ) Or διαστ[ ) might perhaps be read ; the letter following the 
doubtful σ has a vertical stroke coming below the line and suggests τ or p, while above this 
is a long horizontal line possibly representing an overwritten λ or μ. But 8ίασημ{οτάτου) and 
δ(αστ(ολίΰ)Γ) are unsuitable to the context, and no title of any kind would be expected at this 



point, so that it is perhaps safer to regard the word as part of the name of the prytanis, 
though in that case the abbreviation of it is remarkable. 

II. α . [. .]as Έπΐίφ : the supposed s is very doubtful, and there may be nothing at all 
between a (for which θ may be read) and Έττίίψ, but άιτ[6 τη:] a is unsuitable, for the lacuna 
ought not to contain more than 3 letters at most, and even with άπ[6] a there is no stroke 
above a to indicate a numeral^ as there is over ζ of tf. Moreover, to supply ημίραχ with ras 
and suppose that only the period and not the purpose for which the exegetes was required 
was expressed, is unsatisfactory. We prefer therefore to read α . [. ,]as in agreement with 
ras, though του Έπΐίφ would be expected. 

14. άττό τοϋ τάγματος : this seems to mean the ίξηγητικον τάγμα, for there were no doubt 
several exegetae, just as there were several gymnasiarchs ; of. Preisigke, Siddtisches 
Beamtenwesen, p. 60, and 900. introd. That βονλευτκόν is the word to be supplied with 
τάγμα (cf. C. I. G. 441 1 b. 5) is less likely. 

892. Appointment of a Superintendent of Works. 

24-2 X 13-8 cm, A.D. 338. 

A letter from the logistes of the nome to a member of the boule at 
Oxyrhynchus, informing him that he had been appointed by that body to super- 
intend the supply of wood required in building a public bath and a gate. 
Though written in a formal cursive hand the letter is only a rough draft, which 
has been subjected to correction, especially towards the end. The words added 
between the lines are more cursively written than the body of the document, but 
the hand seems to be the same ; μηb€v added in the margin of 1. 1 1 is almost 
certainly due to the original scribe. 

On the verso is a list of names preceded by a heading in two lines, the 
writing being much effaced. Apparently the individuals in question were sent 
to the Arsinoite nome to meet some charge. 

Φλαονιο9 Ενσίβίος λογιστής Ό[ξνρνγ\ίτον 
Ανρηλίω Πασίωνι Ώρίωνος §[ov\€vttJ 
TTJs αύτη? ττόλεωί άδίλφω e . [. . . . χ^αίρΗν. 
ΐσθι ίκ των ίπισταλίντων νττο τή[9 τή? πόλεω? 
5 κρατίστη? βουλής δια τον kvdpyov π[ρντάν€ως 

Αυρηλίου Νβπωηανοΰ τ^ρήσθαί σ€ [e/y 

των ίν^ρηζόντων ^ύλων e/y . . . οσ[ 

βαλανΐον καΐ [τ]ην κατασκ€ναζ[ο^μ€νην βορρινην 

τηί ΤτόλίΟϋϊ 

ττύλην, και 'ίνα τοϋ ipyov [ά\ντιλάβΎ} και Sia ταχ^ίων 

10 ταντα (κκόψας 7Γαρ€ν€)(^θήναι ποιήστ}^ (is το 

rrepl το Xovrphv [ 

μη^ν iviSpov yeviaOui το δημόσιον και ττολιτζίκον 
ipyov Ιπιστύλλτ), άδίλφύ. 

ύιτατΐία? Φλ[αον]ίω[ν 0]νρσου και Πολεμίου 
των λαμπρ[οτ]άτων Τνβι ιη. 

4- νπο Pap. 9• •"" Ρ^Ρ• 

' Flavius Eusebius, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, to Aurelius Pasion, son of 
Horion, senator of the said city, his . . . brother, greeting. Know that by the instructions 
of the most high senate of the city conveyed through the prytanis in office, Aurelius 
Nepotianus, you have been chosen to (provide) the timber required for the . . . bath, and 
also for the construction of the north gate of the city ; and you are hereby instructed, 
brother, to take charge of the work, and with all speed to get the timber cut and delivered, 
so that there may be no fraud in connexion with the public bath and the municipal work. 
In the consulship of Flavius Ursus and Flavius Polemius the most illustrious, Tubi 18.' 

I. Flavius Eusebius occurs also in 85 and 86. 

6. Cf. C. P. Herm. 83. 7—8 aipeOevros . , . fls σννων^ην ποιησ(\σθαι κα\ \α\νακομώηι^ ξύλων. 

[els σννωνην is possible here, but does not combine very well with ΐκκόψαε. [fls άνακομώην 
or [tls ΐττιμί'Κΐίαν (cf. 6. g. C. P. Herm. 67. 8) avouM be appropriate enough, but are somewhat 
long. For a siniilar notification of appointment cf. B. G. U. 362. v. 

7. Βημόσιον would be expected to occur somewhere at the end of this line ; cf. 1. 1 1 τό 
δημόσιον λοντμόν; but fls 8ημόο[ιον cannot be read, and though the letter following fh may be 
r, and the doubtful σ may be θ, iU re τό ίι[ημόσων is also inadmissible. Perhaps the word 
following fls gave the special name of the bath in question, but if so it differed from the 

8fiov βαΚανίΐον (43. versO iii. 24), Καί(σα)ρο5 βάλανίΐον (43. verSO iv. 24), and θίρμών Ά8ριανώι/ 
ΒημόσιοΡ βάλανΐΐον (896. 7 5 cf. 53. 6). 

1 1-2. The words from tvebpov to fpyov have lines drawn through or above them, 
indicating deletion, but fvfbpov γΐνίσθαι at any rate cannot be spared. Apparently the 
corrector, whether identical or not with the original scribe (cf. introd.), at first cancelled these 
words, intending to rewrite the sentence entirely, but changed his mind and merely added 
what was required to restore the sense of the passage. 

893. Judicial Sentence. 

1 2 '5 X 34 cm. Late sixth or seventh century. 

The extraordinary grammar of this document makes it difficult to construe, 
though its general purport is fairly clear. It is a decision or enactment (tvttos ; cf. 
note on 1. i) pronounced by three μ^ίζον^ί (cf 900. 19, note) of a village concern- 
ing some dispute, of which no details are given, between Marcus, another μείζων, 
and Marinus. The latter, who was apparently the plaintiff, is declared to have 
the right of imposing upon Marcus, acting through his daughter Sophia, a formal 
affidavit (Oflos opKos), in which perjury would have serious consequences ; and 

ρ 2 


Marcus would then be free from further proceedings. If Marinus declined to 
conduct an investigation by means of the proposed affidavit he was to be debarred 
from taking other steps in the matter. 

The writing is across the fibres of the papyrus. 

-\- Τω τύττω των ά^ιω[.^π(στων άν8ρων Παμουθίον μ€ίζ(ρνθ9) [ν]ί{οΰ) . σω[. ό\υ 

και ΤΙανΐρ^ν άπο μβιζ^όνων) 

[ν]ί(ον) [Ι]ωάννου και ΆπολΧω άπο μζΐζ{όνων) νι{ρν) Φοιβάμμωνο^ άπο κώμης 

'Απόλλωνος ύπ\ρ Μάρκου 

άπο μξΐζ[6νων) καΐ Μαρίνου στιπποπραγματζυτί], ωστ€ Μαρίνου βξουσίαν 


ζητησαι του 6ζ{ί)ου όρκου δια ^οφία θνγατρι του αύτοΰ Μάρκου άπο 


5 και μ€τα την ζητούμ^νον του θζ(ί)ου όρκου διά, τη αύτη Χοφία α\ύ]του δ\ 


ού8ίν\α\ λόγον ύπ^ρ οιασδήποτ€ όλον το σύνολον πράγματος, ζγράφ^η) 


Παΰνι [κ]θ ορα, ^κτη του ημέρας, δήλα δ€ πάλιν η €ΐ δζ μη θΐλησαι του 


Μαρίν\ου'\ ζητησαι τοΰ θ^{ί)ου 'όρκου δια τη αύτη Χοψία αύτοΰ δ\ Μαρίνου 

ούδύνα λόγον 

[ύπίρ οίασ]δήποτ€ όλον το σύνολον πράγμ{ατος) και άπ^λλάχ^θην αύτοΰ ώς 

iy τυπω. 

2. [ϊΙωαι/ΐΌυ Pap. 3• ^* θ'Γΐπποπραγματ(υτοΰ . . . Μαρίνω i^. αυτω eivai. are of ωστ€ OVCr 

an erasure. 4. 1. ζητησαι 8ia τοΰ , . . Σοφίας θυγατρός. 5• 1• ^^ f'/'"• • • • """^^ αντης Σοφίας αντώ 

Μαρίνω eaeauai. 6. Ι. οΙου8ηποτ(. *]. 1. ωρα , . . της ήμ, . . . θ(\ησΐΐ δ αυτός, 8. 1. 

Μαρίνος . . , δια τον . . . της αίιτης Σοφίας αυτω Μαρίνω ίσβσθαι, g, π ΟΪ δτ/ττοτί apparently 

COrr. 1. οΙουΡηποτΐ . . . άττηλλάχθη. 

' By the sentence of the honourable men Pamuthius, official, son of . . ., and 
Paniren, of official rank, son of John, and Apollos, of official rank, son of Phoebammon, 
of the village of Apollo, in respect of Marcus, of official rank, and Marinus, tow-merchant : 
Marinus has power to make inquiry by means of the divine oath through Sophia, daughter 
of the said Marcus, of official rank, and after the inquiry by means of the divine oath 
through the said Sophia Marinus shall have no ground of complaint on any matter of any 
kind whatsoever. Written on the 29th of the month Pauni, the sixth hour of the day. It 
is manifest on the other hand that, if the said Marinus refuses to make inquiry by means of 
the divine oath through the said Sophia, Marinus shall have no ground of complaint on any 
matter of any kind whatsoever, and Marcus is free of him as though he were declared so 
by sentence.* 


I. For Tvnos in the s§nse of ordinance or decree, found in late Greek, cf. P. Brit. Mus. 

77• 45-7 Z**?^^ KpoaeXfvaiv κατά σοΰ . . . ποιησασθαι . . . μηδέ αΐτησαι θΰον καΐ πραγματικον τύπον 
irpos τηνδΐ την 8ιαθηκην, Justin. NoV. ΪΙ3 tit. Oeiovs τύπους ή θΐίας KfXtvafis. 

άξιω[.]πίστων : αξιόπιστων mUSt be intended (cf. e. g. p. Brit. Mus. 77. 68 αξιόπιστων 

μαρτύρων) ; but the space between ω and π is so wide that it is difficult to suppose that nothing 
intervened. άξιω[ν]πίστων may have been Avritten, but not ά|ίο;[ΐ' καί]. 

7-9. This clause is added as a postscript to provide for the contingency of Marinus 
refusing to acquiesce in the form of investigation prescribed. Something seems to have 
been written between πάλιν and W, and the traces may be read as η; but the expression is 
very clumsy. 

894. Latin Declaration of Birth. 

9-4 X 10-8 cm. a. d. 194-6. Plate VI. 

Declarations of the birth of children are of frequent occurrence among 
Egyptian papyri, but these have always related to peregrini and until recently 
there has been no example of such a declaration made by a Roman citizen. Two 
years ago, however, the omission was supplied by some wax tablets in the Cairo 
Museum published by S. de Ricci, among which is a certificated copy, taken 
from an official register, of a declaration of birth made by a Roman in the year 
148 {Nouv. Revue Hist., 1906, p. 483 ; cf Archiv, IV. p. 252). The formula of these 
tablets, which are in Latin, falls into four sections : (i) Names of seven witnesses. 
(2) Date {a) by Roman consuls and month, {b) by Emperor and Egyptian months, 
Alexandriiae) ad Aegyptum, descripttim et recognitum fac\itim'\ ex tabula albi 
profession\tim libero\n(m nator[um] &c. (3) Date as before, M{arco) Petronio 
Honorato praef{ecto) Aeg{ypti) professionis liberorum acceptae citra causarum 
cognitionem tabula ν et post alia pag[ind) m, xviii k{alendas) Octobr{es). (4) Ti- 
b{erius) lulius Dioscorides . . . fil{iam) n{atam) luliam Ammonum ex lulia 
Ammonario xiii k{alendas) Septembres. . . . Here three chief points are clear : 
the declaration was made in the Latin language, it was made at Alexandria, and 
to the praefect of Egypt. A fragment of a tablet in the Bodleian Library has 
been recognized by Wilcken {Arckiv, IV. p. 267) as part of a similar Latin 

Another instance has now come to light in the following papyrus, which is 
later in date by some two generations. In the meantime according to the state- 
ment of Julius Capitolinus, Vita Marci, 9. 7-9, the formalities of registration had 
been regulated by Marcus Aurelius, who ordered that declarations of birth should 
be made within 30 days of the event at Rome to the. praefecti aerarii Saturni, in 
the provinces to certain tabularii publici. We should therefore be prepared 


to find in a registration of a date subsequent to this regulation some features 
distinguishing it from one of the reign of Antoninus. As a matter of fact, however, 
these distinguishing features do not occur. Our papyrus shows the same three 
essential points as the Cairo tablets : the declaration was made at Alexandria, 
and to the praefect, and the certificate is drawn up in Latin, though followed by 
the signature of the declaring party in Greek. The tabnL•r^^ publici, whatever 
that vague term may signify, do not appear. Prof. Mitteis, to whom we are 
indebted for information on this question of registration, thinks that perhaps only 
the praefectorial bureau is thereby meant. In any case it seems that the regula- 
tions attributed to Marcus Aurelius had practically no effect upon the form 
of a Roman declaration of birth in Egypt. 

The scarcity of dated specimens of Latin cursive makes this papyrus palaeo- 
graphically valuable. It is written in a clear and good-sized hand with occasional 
division of words. Abbreviations and an ordinal figure in 1. 6 (cf. 737) are 
followed by a single dot. a is sometimes supplied with an abortive cross-bar. 
On the verso are traces of ink which seem to be more than blottings, but the 
writing is too much effaced for decipherment ; it is probably Latin, perhaps 

21 letters ^qnno\^. J\ Imp[eratoris) Cae\sa\ris L{ttcii) 

Septimii Severi Pii Perti\nacis Aug{usti) A\rabi\ci Adiabenici 

mense die . . . A\lexandr{iae) ad A\egypt\uin, 

apud Marciim Ulpiiim Pri\mianum prcief{ectum) Aegypti 

17 letters pro\fessus est filium sibi natum 

20 „ ^num ex Ulpia Sabina xvi 

19 „ ] . hab{it ) [O'jxyryncAo. 

20 „ δϊ?λώ νΙό]ν μοί γ€γ€νησθαι 

7• [o]xyrync/ia Pap. 

'In the . . . year of the Emperor Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax 
Augustus Arabicus Adiabenicus, in the month . . ., at Alexandria on the coast of Egypt, before 
Marcus Ulpius Primianus, praefect of Egypt. . . . has declared a son, named . . . nus, born 
to him and Ulpia Sabina on the i6th . . ., being an inhabitant (?) of Oxyrhynchus. (Signed) 
I, . . ., declare that a son has been born to me . . .' 

I. Probably one line is lost which with the first half of 1. i gave the date by the Roman 
consuls and month, as in the Cairo tablets. The year may be the second, third, fourth, or 
fifth ; cf. 1. 4, note. 

3. mense . . . die . . .: so the Cairo tablets, which also support the supplement ad 

4. M. Ulpius Primianus is the only praefect with a name ending in -ianus who is 



known in the sole reign of Severus, and though the list is not certainly complete the three 
praefects who held office during this short period cover it quite sufficiently. There is 
therefore good ground for identifying the praefect of the papyrus with Primianus, whose 
name occurs in two inscriptions, C. I, G.. 4863. iv of a.d. 194-5 and C. I. L. III. 51 of 
Feb. 24, 196, and in B. G. U. 973. 6 (undated). Mantennius Sabinus was still praefect on 
April 2Γ, 194 {Archiv, II. p. 447, no. 77), and Aemilius Saturninus had entered office before 
July ΪΙ, 197 (B. G. U. 15. ii. i). The limits of Primianus' praefecture are thus from the 
second to the fifth years of Severus. 

4—5. Cf. Vita Gordiani \. 8 apud praefedum aerarii more Romano prof essus filium. The 
lacuna at the beginning of 1. 5 was filled by the name of the father. 

6. "^um is the termination of the son's name, and xvi refers to the day of the month 
on which the birth occurred, and which was given according to the Roman calendar ; cf. 
the Cairo tablets, section (4). According to the law attributed to Marcus Aurelius (cf. 
introd.) the registration had to be made intra tricensimum diem ; it is noticeable that the 
Cairo tablets are already in accordance with this regulation. 

7. \ihah• stands for hahitans referring to the name of the father, it is somewhat out 
of its place. Perhaps a plural participle was intended, connecting loosely with both parents. 
[O^xyryncho should then in either case strictly be ^O^xyrynchi, unless [O^cyrynchoirum) (so. 
urbe) be read. 

895. Return of Village-Accounts. 

19 X 15-4 cm. A.D. 305. 

A statement rendered to the logistes of the nome by two comarchs of 
the village of Tampeti, of the village-accounts for two months. Most of its 
details are lost through the mutilation of the papyrus. The report was required 
in consequence of an order of the praefect (cf. e. g. P. Tebt. o^-ifi) Clodius Culcianus, 
for whose period of office a new date is supplied ; cf. note on 1. 8. The document 
has been joined to another return of a similar character, of which only the 
beginnings of the first eleven lines are preserved ; ^αΙάΧον occurs apparently as 
a village name. On the verso at right angles to the writing on the recto are the 
ends of nine lines, apparently of an account of judicial proceedings. The last 
three lines are: ] . . . ev/o διάδοχο? er7r(ev)• τα ττ^ττραγμίνα } *Α]μμωνιανον Stv μνίαυ\ 
] κύριόν μου bίaσ(r|μ)ότaτov. 

ΈτΓΐ υττάτων των κυρίων ήμα)[ν Κων]σ[ταντ]ίου 
και Μαξιμιανου των ίπιφαν^στάτων Καισάρων το €. 
Ανρηλίω Χζύθι τω και ^Ωρίωνι λ[ο]γισ•ττ} Όξνρνγ^ίτ[ον 
πάρα Αύρηλίων ^ακάωνο9 Π^τίριο? και Ψόιτος 
5 Παταβητο9 άμφοτύρων κωμαργων κώμη9 Ταμιτίτι. 
του €ν€στώτο9 κα και ιγ (erovy) ίπιζητονντί σοι κατά 
ΚΐλίνοΊν του διασημότατου ημών ήγζμονος 
Κλωδίου Κονλκιανοϋ τους κωμητ[ικο]νς λόγους της 


ήμίτίρας κώμης μηνών Svo τον re Φαρμοΰθι 
ΙΟ και τον Παχών άναγκ[αι]ω[ν ήγ]ησάμ€νοι ίπι- 

8ί8ομζν ΐν ΐΐδύναί [^χ??]?• [€]στί Sl• 

τιμή? χάρτον και γράπ[τρων ....]. eX/ay ίργατων 

τριών άποσταλύντ[ων ] eni Βαβνλωνα (βραχμαΐ) ρκ, 

τιμής γάρτον και γράπ[τρων . . €Xi]as άλλον ίργάτον ivos 
15 [ά7Γοστ]αλ€ντων ίπι [την ]ιτών ττόλιν (βραχμαι) ρ[ 

[γίζΐ'ονταΐ)] δμον (βραχμαι) σ[ ] ρ . . [ 

[ ]ννμΐν 8e το[ 

[....] μΐταφορα π[ 

[ ] Μικράν "Olaaijv . [ 

^ο[ ] €λ[. .] . [ 

[. . . . παρ]€σχή[καμ€]ν [ 
Remains of 4 more lines, below which the papyrus breaks off. 

10. 1. a»'ay>t[atlo[j/. 15• 1• οποστάΚίντοί. 

* In the consulship of our lords Constantius and Maximianus, most renowned Caesars, 
for the fifth time. To Aurelius Seuthes also called Horion, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite 
nome, from Aurelius Sakaon son of Petiris, and Aurelius Psois son of Patabes, both comarchs 
of the village of Tampeti. In reply to your request in the present 21st which = the 13th 
year, in accordance with the order of his excellency the praefect Clodius Culcianus, for the 
village-accounts of our village in the two months Pharmouthi and Pachon, we, regarding 
this as a necessary duty, present them for your information, as follows : — For the price of 
papyrus and writing-materials . . . of three workmen sent to Babylon 120 drachmae ; for the 
price of papyrus and writing-materials ... of one workman sent to . . . i[. .] drachmae ; total 
together 2[. .jdrachmae . . .' 

2. The numeral e is not very satisfactory, but is confirmed by the date in 1. 6. 

6. The years are those of Diocletian and the Caesars Constantius and Maximianus, the 
year of the emperor Maximianus being omitted ; cf. e. g. the date in 71. 4. 

8. Clodius Culcianus is mentioned as praefect in Feb., a. d. 303, in 71. The present 
passage proves him to have been still in office at the end of May, a. d. 305. 

10. Perhaps α^αγ^ωι/ was written ; the space between κ and ω is narrow for two letters. 

12. γράπ^τρων Wilcken, who compares B. G. U. 1062. 20 ημψ χάρτου καϊ Ύράπτρων, 
] . fXiar, however, remains a difficulty, for there is hardly room for καϊ (πιμ\(ί\ίαί here, and 
certainly not in 1. 14. 

15. O^upi7x]trai' would barely go into the space, and ^αβυΚωνα in 1. 13 suggests a more 
remote locality, e. g. 'λρσινο^των. 

1 6. ρ seems to be the numeral ; it is followed at a slight interval by a tall upright 
stroke which may be ι = i o. 

17. Probably not ομ\ννμ(ν, since the statement of accounts is continued in 1. 18 sqq.; 
ίπώ(Ίκ\ννμ(ν, e. g., is more likely. 

19. Μικράν 'Ό[ασί]ΐ' : cf. 888. 8, note. 


896. Reports to a Logistes. 

25-1 X34 cm. A.D. 316. 

These two reports addressed to the logistes Valerius Ammonianus belong to 
the same series as 53, which was sent to the same official and is dated in the same 
year. The first of them, which is numbered at the top 127, is also closely con- 
nected with 53 in subject. It is an estimate of the probable expense of painting 
certain specified parts of some public baths which were in course of repair ; and 
these repairs were also the occasion of the report contained in 53. Some new 
technical terms occur in the description of the work stated to be necessary. 
This is followed by a medical report, similar to 51-2, 476, B. G. U. 647, &c. (cf. 
983), upon an official in the service of the governor of the province Aegyptus 
Herctdia (cf. note on 1. 29). The doctors certify that the person in question, who 
was perhaps suspected of malingering, was suffering from a mild attack of fever. 

Col. i. 

ΟύαΚζρίω Άμμωνιανω τω και Γ^ροντίω \[ογίσ7β Οξ(νρνγχίτον) 

πάρα Αυρηλίου Άρτ€μιδώρου Άρσινόου άπο τήί 

λα/χπ(ράί) και λαμπ(ροτάτψ) Όξυρυγχιτων ττόλζως ζωγράφου την 
5 ίπιστήμην. ίπιζητούστ) Tjj σβ ίμμ^λ^ία την 

σύνοψιν των δίομίνων τόπων ζωγραφιάς 

του ζύτυχω? Ιπισκίυαζομ^νου Τραιανων 

'Αδριανων θέρμων δημοσίου τη9 

αυτής πόλεω? βαλανίου, κατά ταύτα δηλω χρί)- 
ιο ζ€ΐν €19 λόγον ζωγραφιάς των τ€ δίομίνων 

τόπων των δύο ^^υγ^ροφόρων και ίμβατικοΰ 

[θ]όλον 4νο9 και άρδρομηκιαίων όλου ξυστού 

[€ΐ]σόδων και ίξόδων καΐ παραθολίων τεσσάρων 

\τ'\ου ίξωτΐρον ξυστού και των άλλων τόπων 
15 [€ίί μ]'£ν τιμήν χρωμάτων αργυρίου δηναρίων 

[μυριάδ ...].[ ] • ^°V ζοογραφίας όλων €ργων 

[αργυρίου δηναρίων μυ]ριάδαν μίαν οπ€ρ 

[προσφωνώ. ] 

[ύπατΐίας Καικινίου ^αβίνο]υ και Ού^ττίου 'Ρουφίνου 


20 [των λαμπερότατων) ] (2nd hand) Αύρή{\ίο^') Άρτ€μ(- 

[ζΤΓίδύδωκα. ΑνρήζΚίΟί) ]ων €γρα(ψα) νπ(€ρ) αύτον μ{η) ί8(6τος). 

Col. ίί. 

[ ρκη ] 

0[να]λ[€]ρ[ίω Άμμωνιανω τω καΙ Τ^ροντίω λογισττ) Όξ(υρυγχ^ίτον) 

πάρα Ανρηλίων "Ηρωνο^ [•] . [ fai Διδύμου 

25 Διοσκόρου άμφ^οτίρων) άπο της Aa[/X7r(/)ay) καΐ] λαμπερότατης) 

πόλίως δημοσίων ιατρών. ΐπ[€σ]τάλημ€ν ύπο σου 
σήμζρον ήτις ίστίν Φαρμοΰθι ς- [U] ^ιβλιδίων 
ΐπιδοθίντων σοι ύπο Απολλώνιου όφ^φικιαλίου) ηγουμένου 
Αιγύπτου Ήρκουλζίαί Αυρηλίου Αντωνίου ωστί γ^νίσθαι, 
30 [cTTJf TTJiy^ οΐκίαν kv τη αύτη πόλΐΐ και τούτον €φιδΐν 
και [ή]ν άν καταλάβ[ωμ€]ν πβρί αύτον διάθ^σιν ey- 
Ύ[ράφώ\ς προσφωνήσαι. 8θ€ν γ^νομίνοι iv6a δρω- 
μ€[ν αύτο]ν το[ΰτ]ον κλ€[ινή]ρην 6ντα πυραιτίοις 
α . [.]ι ...[•] συν€χ[6μ€νον' οπ^ρ] προσφωνοΰμζν. 
35 ύπατίίας Εαι[κι]νίου ΐ![α]βίν[ου και] Ού^ττίου 'Ρουφίνου 
των λαμπ{ροτάτων) Φαρμ[ο]ΰθι [ς.] 
and hand Αυρήλιο? "Ηρών Ιπίΐδίδωκα 

πρ[οσ]φωνων ω? πρόκειται. 
3rd hand Αυρήλιος Δίδυμος ^πιδίδωκα προσφωνων 
4θ ώρ πρ[6]κ€ΐται. 

4• οξυρνγ'χιτων Pap. 7"^• τραιανων abpiavav OVer an erasure, probably of α8ριαρων 

θίρμων. 26. ϊαΓρωι» Pap. 28. 5πο Pap, 31. ey Pap. 33. \. πυρ^τίοις. 

' To Valerius Ammonianus also called Gerontius, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, 
from Aurelius Artemidorus son of Arsinous, of the illustrious and most illustrious city of 
Oxyrhynchus, a painter by profession. In reply to the request of your grace for an 
inspection of the places requiring painting in the public bath of the said city now auspi- 
ciously under repair at the warm baths of Trajanus Hadrianus, I hereby declare that for 
the painting of the parts requiring it — of the two cold water conductors, and one vapour- 
bath, and the entrances and exits of the entire colonnade, and four passages round the 
vapour-bath in the outer colonnade, and the other places — there is required for cost of paint 
. . . thousand denarii of silver, and of the . . . painting of the whole work ten thousand 
denarii of silver ; which I therefore report. The consulship of Caecinius Sabinus and 



Vettius Rufinus the most illustrious, . . . (Signed) I, Aurelius Artemidorus, have presented 
the report. I, Aurehus ... on wrote for him, being illiterate.' 

' To Valerius Ammonianus also called Gerontius, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, 
from the Aurelii Heron son of . . . and Didymus son of Dioscorus, both of the illustrious and 
most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, public physicians. We were sent by you to-day, 
Pharmouthi 6, in consequence of a petition delivered to you by Apollonius, officer of 
Aurelius Anton ius governor of Aegyptus Herculia, to go to the house in the said city and 
inspect this person, and to make a written report upon the condition in which we found him. 
Having therefore proceeded thither we saw the man himself lying on a bed seized with 
a slight . . . fever ; which we accordingly report.' Date and signature of the two physicians. 

7-8, TpaiavQiv'^bpiavaiv θέρμων: the ' Baths of Hadrian' are also mentioned in 54. 14 
in A. D. 201, Λvhen too they were undergoing repair. Cf. 53. 5-6 τον (ϋτυχως (Ή[ι]σκ€να^ο]• 
μίνον θΐρμων 8ημυσίον βαλανίον, which is evidently identical with the βαλανίον here ; the note 
ad loc, is to be modified accordingly. 

II— 13. €'μβατικοΰ [θ]ο\ον : ΐμβασίί and in later Greek ίμβατη are used in the sense of 
a bath. For θοΚος of. P. Magd. 33. 3 ζηά Melanges Nicole, p. 282 ivrSn γυναικ^ίω» ΰόλωι. 

αρ8ρομηκιαίων is an unknown word of uncertain signification ; παραθόλιον is also new, but 
creates no difficulty. 

16. It is not possible to read v]wfp ζωγραφιάς, since not only is there no sign of any tail 
for the p, but a mark like an overwritten ν would remain unexplained ; the supposed v, 
however, is more directly above the ο than elsewhere in the papyrus. >£€φα]λίου for κΐφαγαΐυυ 
might be read but is not satisfactory ; perhaps καΙ rfy^eov. 

29. Aegyptus Jovia, Aegyptus Herculia, and Thebais were the three provinces of Egypt 
according to the reorganization of Diocletian. It was supposed by Mommsen {Abh. 
d. Berl. Akad., 1862, p. 500), whose view has been generally followed, that Aegyptus Jovia 
consisted of the western, Aegyptus Herculia of the eastern, portions of lower Egypt, the 
latter coinciding with the province afterwards called Augustamnica ; but the intrinsically 
more probable hypothesis of C. JuUian {Rev. Hist. xix. p. 357) that Aegyptus Jovia was the 
Delta and Aegyptus Herculia corresponded to the Heptanomis with the Arsinoite nome, is 
supported, as the editors notice, by a papyrus published by Collinet and Jouguet in Archiv, 
III. pp. 339 sqq., and receives fresh confirmation from 896. Mommsen's theory, however, 
might be reconciled with these two documents by transposing Aegyptus Herculia to the 
west bank. 

31. καΓαλά/3[ω/Λί]ί/ : or perhaps καταΚάβΙωμ^ι, the singular being used by mistake for the 
plural ; the middle is supported by 51. 10. 

33. κΚΐΐνήρψ οντά occurs in the corresponding passage of 983. 

34. The mutilated word is probably an adjective qualifying nvpfriois. 

897. Declaration to Riparii. 

i6'5xi2-6cm. a.d. 346. 

A declaration on oath addressed to two riparii of the Oxyrhynchite nome 
by four inhabitants of a village, denying all knowledge of the whereabouts 
of a certain individual whom they had been ordered to produce. On the riparii., 
who were police-officers, see 904. 3, note. The papyrus is nearly complete ; the 
missing termination probably contained only the signatures. 


'TwaTiias των δεσποτών ημών Κωνσταντίου 

το δί και Κώνσταντο? το γ' Αυγούστων. 

Φλαουίοι? Εύλογίω και Διονυσαρίω ριπαρίοις Όξνρυγ)({ίτου) 

Ίταρα Αύρηλίων Αμόιτο^ " ίΐρου καϊ Πατάπιος 
5 Παησίου και Χαρμάτου πρεσβυτέρου και Παπνοντίου 

ΤΙαησίου των πάντων άπο κώμη9 Ισαίου 

Ζαπίτου. ΐπύθίτο ήμΐν ή ϋμων εμμύλια 

ώστ6 Χωοΰν Ήρακλήου υποβληθέν- 
τα ζΊναι άπο τήΐ ήμίτερα? κώμης άνα- 
ΙΟ ζητήσαι και παραστησαι. κατά ταΰτα 

ομολογοΰμίν όμνύντ€9 τον σζβάσμιον 

θίΐον ορκον των δεσποτών ημών Αύγουστων 

\)ϊ\ητ€ τον Χωοΰν €τι dvai επι ttjs 

[ημών κ]ώμης μήτε είδεναι ημάς 
15 \οπου πο'\τε εστίν, και μηδέν διεψεΰ- 

[σ]Θαι [ή εν]οχοι ει[ημεν τω] 6ε\ι\ω ορκω 

]\[ ' 

Ι. νπατίΐαί Pap. 6. ϊσειου Pap. 8, i/TTOiSXij^ei^a Pap. 12. αυγουστδ Pap. 

14. τ of μητ( corr. from δ. 

' In the consulship of our masters Constantius for the fourth time and Constans for the 
third time, the Augusti. To Flavius Eulogius and Flavius Dionysarius, riparii of the 
Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Amois son of Horus, and Aurelius Patapis son of 
Paesius, and AureHus Sarmates the elder, and Aurelius Papnutius son of Paesius, all from 
the village of Ision Zapitou. Your grace required us to search out and produce Choous son 
of Heracleus, supposed to belong to our village. We therefore declare on the august 
divine oath by our masters the Augusti that Choous is no longer at our village, and that 
we do not know where he is, and that we have made no false statement, under pain of 
becoming liable to the consequences of the divine oath . . .' 

7. Ζαπίτου: or Ζαπίσον 0Γ Zayviov. The name of thls village is new; cf. 'laeiof Παγγά 
(899. 7), Ίσύον Τρύφωνος (719. 1 4). 



898. Petition to an Acting-Strategus. 

23-3 x8 cm. A. D. 123. 

A petition to Hermodorus (cf. 714), basilicogrammateus and acting-strategus, 
from Didymus, a minor, complaining of fraud on the part of his mother Matrina 
in her capacity as his guardian. It is alleged that Matrina, after various acts of 
bad faith, had obtained possession of a deed belonging to Didymus and demanded 
in exchange for it a document absolving her from all claims in connexion with 
the guardianship. 

Ερμο8ώρωι βασιλ{ικω) γρα{μματύ) 

δίαδξ)^ομ€νωι και [τ]τιν σ•τ[ρα(τηγίαν) 
Ίταρα ΔίΒνμον Αωνυσίου του κα\1 
Φατρζως άττ Ό^νρνγχων π6λ€ω[9. 
5 ή MVTVP f^ov Marpeiua Ήρακλήον 
τον και Ματρί[ου ο]ΰσά μον €π[ίτρο- 
TTos και πολλά μ[€ ά]8ικοϋσα ίτι 
και Ίτλανήσασά μξ ίποίησβν eis 
Οασιν καταβηναι και γράψασθαι 

ΙΟ Διοσκόρω άνδρι άτηλ^υθίρα^ 
αντήί οντι ι8ίωι αύτης αδοτ . [. 
αργυρίου ταλάντου evbs ημισ\ο}υ 
και νποθίσθαι οσα βχω kv Trj 'Οάσί\ι 
κτήματα \λά\β6ντα του Αιοσκ6ρο\υ 

15 γράμματα άπ(ρ[ισπγίστου. άναβά[ν- 
τα δί μ€ €19 τον Ό^υρυγγζίτην 
μ€τα και του Αιοσκόρου ίνήδρ^υ- 
σ€ν άχρι &ν αΐτήσυ μ€ την άπ€ρί- 
σπαστον και ταύτης €νκρατ^9 

2θ γίνομίνη και σννίίδυΐα έαυτήι 
πολλά των ίμων άνηρπακυίηΐ 

ου προτβρον όμολογ€Ϊν θ€λ€ΐ 
αίτονσά μ[€] άντΙ ταύτης άπο-χην 
της επιτροπής, οίομβνη e/c τού- 

25 του δύνασθαι ίκφυγξΐν ά διίπρα- 

ξίν καίτοι Φιλονίκου τον στρα(τηγοΰ) 
καθ' υπομνηματισμούς κρ^ί- 
ναντος €Τ€ρ6ν μου ίπίτροπον 
κατασταθήναι, ου πιστεύοντας 

30 οϋτ€ αυτί} ούδβ τηι ηλικία μου. 
χωρίς δζ τούτων ούδε όψω- 
ν ιόν μοι ^χορήγησξν €τι προ μη- 
νών τριών, eK παντός θλίίβου- 
σά μζ e/y το μη δύνασθαι κατ αύ- 

35 τν^ προζλθζΐν. S)v πάντων χά- 
ριν άναγκαίως ίπιδιδονς το 
αναφορών άξιώ ^χ^ίν kv κατα- 
χωρισμω και διαλαβΐΐν ώς kav 
σοι [δ]6ξτι. (βτονς) ζ Αντοκράτορος 

40 Καίσαρος Τραιανον Αδριανού ^(βαστοΰ 
Παϋνι κθ. 

1 1 . (StcDt Pap. 

20. avveibvM Pap. 

21. αρηρπακνΐηι Pap. 


' To Hermodorus, basilicogrammateus and deputy-strategus, from Didymus son of 
Dionysius also called Phatres, of the city of Oxyrhynchus. My mother Matrina, daughter 
of Heracleus also called Matreus, who is my guardian and by whom I am much injured, 
has ended by beguiling me and causing me to go to the Oasis, and to draw up with 
Dioscorus, the husband of her freedwoman and her confidant, a ... of one and a half talents 
of silver, and to mortgage all my property in the Oasis in return for a deed of release 
received from Dioscorus. On my return to the Oxyrhynchite nome with Dioscorus she 
watched for an opportunity of asking me for the deed, and after obtaining possession of it, 
being conscious of the theft of much of my property, she refuses to acknowledge having it, 
and demands in return a receipt for her guardianship, thinking by this means to escape 
the consequences of her misdeeds. This she has done notwithstanding the fact that 
Philonicus the strategus has decided, in accordance with a report of proceedings, that 
another person should be appointed as my guardian, distrusting both her and my own 
youth. Besides this she has failed to supply my allowance for the last three months, using 
every means of oppressing me so as to render me incapable of proceeding against her. For 
all these reasons I am obliged to present this petition, and beg that it may be registered, and 
that you will take whatever steps you think best. The seventh year of the Emperor Caesar 
Trajanus Hadrianus Augustus, Pauni 29.' 

I. ΈρμοΒώρωι : cf. 714. 2, referring to the year before the date of the present papyrus. 
In the previous line there [στρα(η?γω) should be read in place of [τώι, for 898. 26 shows 
that Philonicus was the name of the strategus. 

6. €7r[irpo]n-of : cf. 888. 9, note. 

9. "Οασιν: i.e. the Small Oasis (Bahriyeh) ; cf. 888. 8, note. 

I I . αδοΓ . [. : a substantive is wanted to be the object of γράψασβαι and to govern the 
genitive ταλάντου in 1. 12. The letters a8o are quite clear, and the next letter is 
either τ or π. Possibly aborop is to be read ; cf. 1. 18 την άττΐρίσπαστον, and P. Brit. Mus. II. 
361 verso 5 n€p\ άδότον προοικ[6ί•. but this needs other support. For 18ίω cf 974. 

15. γράμματα απ€ρισπάστον : i.e. a deed of indemnification, distinguished by the formula 
άττίρ/σπαστοι/ ππρε'Ιβσ^αι or an equivalent phrase ; cf. e.g. 270, 286. 9 sqq., and P. Tebt. 392. 
In 1. 18 the deed is called ή άπΐρίσπαστοί simply. 

22-3. The construction is mixed: ov πρότερον . . . ^eXei would naturally be followed by 
nph av λάβτ), instead of which a participial phrase is used as if πρότίρον were absent. 

26. ΦίΚονίκου : cf. note on 1. i and 957. σΓρα(τ7;•)^σαΐ'7-οί) is possible, if Philonicus had 
resigned or died and was not merely absent temporarily. For the competence of the 
strategi in the appointment of guardians cf. 888. introd. 

31. οψώνιον : the allowance of Didymus was probably fixed by his father's will ; cf. e. g. 

4Θ4. 16 17 δ' αντη γυνή μου χορηγήσΐΐ τω υιω μου κ.τ,λ. 

899. Petition of Apollonarion. 

35-3 χ 25-3 cm. A.D. 2όό. 

The recto of this papyrus consists of a copy of a petition from a woman 
called Apollonarion, claiming on the score of her sex to be released from the 
responsibility of cultivating various plots of Crov^n land in the Oxyrhynchite 
nome. That women were legally exempt from the obligation to undertake this 
duty was known from B. G. U. 648. 12-4 ds rjv {γ^ωργίαν) γννη ονσα ουκ οφείλω 



καθέΚκζσθαι κατά τα VTib των ηγ€μόνων καΐ (πιτρόπων ττίρΐ τούτον ζίατϊΤαγμ^να (the 
correctness of Wilcken's interpretation of that passage in Osi. i. p. 702 is now 
confirmed against the view of Mitteis, Aus d. Griech. Papyrusurk. p. 48) ; cf. also 
P. Tebt. 327, a petition from a woman asking to be released from the liabilities 
of an (ττίτηρησα γ^νηματυγραφουμ^νων ντιαρχόντων inherited from her father. 

The petition of ApoUonafion is dated at the end Thoth i of the 9th year of 
an emperor, who from the reference in 1. 10 to the praefect Aemilius Saturninus 
must be Septimius Severus : it was a very elaborate and composite document, giving 
apparently the history of her case from the beginning, and quoting both her own 
previous petitions and various official correspondence in coniiexioh with them. 
Since the papyrus contains only the concluding portion of the document, one or 
more preceding columns being lost, and what remains is in far from perfect con- 
dition, it is difficult to trace fully the whole complicated narrative, but the general 
outline of Apollonarion's proceedings is fairly clear. Her first step was to send 
the petition which occupies 11. 2-32. In this she explained the nature of her 
liabilities in connexion with the cultivation of Crown land (11. 3-8) and the 
difficulties into which she had fallen (11. 8-14), and requested that she, as a woman, 
might be released from the obligations and her place taken by men (11. 14-20). 
In support of her claim she appended an account of a similar application made 
in court in A.D. 154 by a woman j which after the recital of earlier precedents 
created by two praefects and an epistrategus was decided in the applicant's 
favour (11. 20-32). The tiame and rank of the official to whom this initial petition 
was addressed are lost, but 11. 9-10 show that he was not the praefect, and 
11. 16-7 that he was above the strategus. The hypothesis that he was the 
epistrategus can be supported by the possible restoration συ ό Kvpios (-πιστίράτηγοί 
in 1. 18; but sirtce this petition seems to be identical with the βφλίδιον which in 
11. ^^ and 38 is coupled with an (τηστολη of the dioecetes, probably the latter 
official was addressed, his tiame being Flavius Studiosus, as appears from a con- 
temporary document oil the verso (cf. p. 225). In answer to Apollonarion the 
dioecetes wrote a letter, apparently to the acting strategus of the riome, at the 
same time enclosing a copy of her petition. The text of this letter, as is shown 
by 1. 33 €ω5 τούτου Trjs (ττιστολη^ καΐ τον βιβλίώίον το άντίγρα{φον) , occurred imme- 
diately before 11. 2-32 : (σημίω[σ]ά[μην at the end of 1. 32 may indicate the official 
signature of the dioecetes appended to the enclosure. The date in 1. ^;^, Pha- 
menoth 6 of the 7th year, applies to this signature, not to Apollonarion's petition, 
which was probably written a short time previously. Concerning the contents of 
the dioecetes' letter, it is clear both from Apollonarion's reference to it in a later 
petition (11. 44-5 καθωί ττρότζρον cTreWciAas) and from the terms in which it is 
spoken of by the acting strategus (11. 37-8) that the dioecetes admitted the justice 


of Apollonarion's claims. The next step, as appears from 11. 37-8, was for 
Apollonarion to write a petition to the acting strategus, Ammonianus, enclosing 
the letter of the dioecetes and her original petition, and no doubt asking him to 
give the necessary instructions to the local officials of the different villages 
to remove her name from the list of cultivators. This petition to the acting 
strategus must have been presented between Phamenoth 6 and Pachon 27 of the 
7th year, for on the latter day Ammonianus wrote to the comogrammateis of 
the villages concerned the letter contained in 11. 36-9, enclosing a copy of Apollo- 
narion's petition to himself, the letter of the dioecetes and the original petition, 
and ordering an inquiry into the facts to be held and a report to be made. So 
far the negotiations seem to have proceeded smoothly, but at this point a hitch 
occurred ; for in Tubi of the 8th year (i. e. eight months later than Ammonianus* 
letter to the comogrammateis) Apollonarion addressed a second petition to the 
dioecetes, of which the conclusion is extant in 11. 40-45, while the lost beginning 
of it presumably preceded the letter of the dioecetes which occurred immediately 
before 11. a sqq. In this second petition Apollonarion began by quoting the 
dioecetes' letter in answer to her first petition, and the first petition itself (11. 2-23), 
then recounted the action of Ammonianus (11. 33-9), and ended by asking the 
dioecetes to give stricter instructions to the new strategus (whose name is shown 
by one of the documents on the verso to be Diophan[es]), so that pressure might 
be applied to the local village authorities to cany out the previous orders 
of the dioecetes and to release her. The second petition of Apollonarion to the 
dioecetes is, we think, the βφΧζ,ίΙιον which in 1. 46 is coupled with an αναγραφή and 
(ΤΓίστολη as having been quoted in the papyrus. Hence the texts of both these 
documents seem to have immediately preceded the beginning of the second 
petition. The (ττιστολη is no doubt a second letter of the dioecetes (to the 
strategus or Apollonarion) in answer to the second petition: and with it we 
should connect [€σ]ημ€ΐωσάμην in 1. 46, interpreting that on the analogy of 
€σημίω[σ]ά[μην in 1. 32 as the oflucial signature of the dioecetes appended to 
the copy of the petition enclosed in his reply ; but the identity of Aufidius 
Ammonius, who also appends his signature in 1. 46, remains quite obscure. The 
nature of the αναγραφή is explained by Col. ii of the verso, which seems to contain 
an actual copy of it. It was a report, probably supplied by the various como- 
grammateis, giving the situations and descriptions of Apollonarion's holdings and 
the names of the previous cultivators. Probably it was sent to the dioecetes by 
Apollonarion along with her second petition to him, and was also included 
by him in his reply. That this reply was, like the earlier one, favourable to 
Apollonarion is clear from the context, especially the words oh άκολ.[ο]ύθω[5 κ.τ.λ. 
in 11. 46-7 : the date at which it was dispatched is not stated, but though the 




second petition was written in Tubi the reply had not taken effect by the end of 
the year, for on Thoth 1 of the 9th year Apollonarion sent off yet another 
petition, addressed, as we think, to the strategus. In this she began by citing the 
whole dossier, which by this time comprised the second letter of the dioecetes, the 
αναγραφή, and her own second petition with all its enclosures, and concluded 
(11. 46-50) with the usual request that the local officials should be instructed 
to release her from liabilities. Of this petition to the strategus we take the 
papyrus to be a copy, and, if so, the beginning of this third petition of which 
the end remains in 11. 46-50 was the actual beginning of the papyrus. A brief 
summary of the arrangement of this very complicated document, as reconstructed 
by us, may be of assistance. 

I Petition of Apollonarion to the strategus (beginning) I 

a second letter of the dioecetes 

3 αναγραφή 

4 second petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes (beginning) 

5 first letter of the dioecetes 

6 first petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes 11. 2-32 
4 second petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes (continued) 11. 33-5 

7 letter of Ammonianus 11. 36-9 
4 second petition of Apoll. to the dioecetes (end) 11. 40-5 

I petition of Apoll. to the strategus (end) 11. 46-50 

The chronological order of the documents is 6, 5, 7, 4, 3, 2, r. 
On the verso, the surface of which is much damaged, are two incomplete 
columns belonging to three distinct documents, written in hands which strongly 
resemble each other, but are perhaps not identical, and are certainly different 
from the hand of the recto. The upper half of Col. i contains parts of 22 lines (the 
last 8 being almost entirely obliterated) of a document quoting a νττομνηματίσμός. 
Among the words decipherable are 1. i ]as άποφάσ^ω? [ , 3 7ταροίκ( ) καΐ γ€ωργ( ), 
5 Άντωνίνω, 6 L•] ^Akf^^avbpeiq) rfj irpos Α1γυ[τττ]ω, y ττρσ τ' elbcov] ^Αττριλλίων Φαρμονθι 
ιγ, 8 ]s ei7r(ey)• καταφυγην kirl σ€ τον κνρί-, g ον ] λέγων ί8αν€[ί]σάμην, ΙΟ κζ]φά- 

\atov καΐ Tovs tokovs. So far as can be judged, this document, unlike the two 
following, has no bearing on Apollonarion's case. The rest of Col. i is occupied 
by a copy of a petition similar to that of Apollonarion, made apparently a year 
later by another woman called Heraclia. It begins ΑωφάνΙζί. (or -τω), the rest 
of that line and the two next being almost entirely effaced, but in 1. 4 sqq. is 
a passage which is legible : νττο σου ζττι.στάλμ(ατοί ?) ου €[στίν] αντίγρα{φον)' 
Αωφ^άνηί) στρα(τηγόί) *Οζ(νρνγ\ίτον) | (5) κωμογραμματίΰσί των υ7Τογ€γραμμ[€νω]ν 
κωμ{ών). βιβλ(ώίων) 8οθίντ(ων) juot | (6) υττό Ήρακλξίαί Θ^ωνο? ω άνξίλημιττα[ι] 
άντίγρα^φον) (ΐιιστολ(^ης) γραφζίσ(ηί) νττό \ (y) Φλανίου Στουδιώσου του κρα(τίστον) 



διοικ(7)Γου) ttipX \y\€(t)py{ias) δί^μοσία? y^y as ov | (8) ττροσηκονση^ avrfj αντίγρα[φον) 

€τ:ι.στίλλί{ται) υμίν δπωί kζiτάσavτ[ζs) | (9) κατά το ακρ^ιβίστίρον τω . . . [ ] 

ακ\όλο\υθόν (στιν τ . . . | (ΐο) σ€σημ{€ίωμαή, (erovs) η Μ€σο(ρη) €7τα{γομ4ν(ύν) €. With 
this letter of Diophanes cf. the almost identical letter of Ammonianus in 11. 36-9 
of the recto. Then follows a copy of the petition to Diophanes from Heraclia 
enclosing a letter of the dioecetes Flavius Studiosus, but these two documents, 
which continue up to the end of 1. 17, are in a hopeless condition. In 1. 18 sqq. 
is what appears to be a short imperial decree bearing upon the immunity of 
women from γεωργία and beginning Αυτοκράτωρ Καίσαρ Aovk^los) Σζτττίμ(ιοί) Σ€οχ)ηροί 
Ενσ(β(ψ) : the words γνναιξίν biKaias -παραιτήσεων occur in 1. 21, and a date, 
■η (hovi) Φαρμονθ(ή ιη, 1. 32 also seems to belong to the decree, but the subject 
of the two following lines, which are the last of the column and begin much 
further to the right, is different. Col. ii has only the beginnings of lines, and 
probably not more than about a third of each is preserved. The subject of the 
first five lines is uncertain, but the rest of the column (11. 6-45) is occupied 
by a document bearing upon Apollonarion's case, being we think a copy of the 
αναγραφή referred to in 1. 46 of the recto (cf. p. 224). It begins (1. 6) ΐ7]λονμ{€ν) 
αναγράφ€σ[Θαί, Apollonarion is alluded to more than once, and there are numerous 
references to lands at various places, including the νομαΐ ALovυσίάbos mentioned in 
1. 6 of the recto, while lists of persons occur, in one case being followed by the 
words 7rai^T(es) ovt[€s) 'προγέωργο{ί ?). 

[ 30 letters ] -- {) a\{) h • {) οίτ{) 8t[ . 

2nd hand [ΦΧαονίω ^τουδιώσω τω κρατίστΐύ διοικηττ) παρά !47Γ]ολλωΐ'αρίΌι; τή9 

[και Άριστάνδρα? Άριστάνδρου μη- 

[τρδί Αι]δνμη9 Tfj[s άπο rrjs Όξυρνγ\€ΐτών] τΓολεωί. τή? 

€νμ€Ρί[στάτψ Ι9 letters 

[ ]pvv€y im[ 25 letters ]t ίχθίσθαι ίπΐ το κατ ΐμΐ 

σ[ 25 letters 

5 [•••]* f^^i- ']^ίονσι .[..].. [.]/?[ ]?■[ τον] Όξνρυγ- 

γζίτου a)s σννα . [ 25 letters 

[. . π]6ρ[ί] ^€1^ ""^όλιν (apovpas) κ, 7r[e/)]i ie Χύσιν €Κ [τ]ων νομών 

^ίοΡυσίάδο[9 {apOvpas) . καΐ τηρΐ {apovpas) . και 

π]€/3ί το Ίσΐον Παγγα (apovpas) ρι και mp\ ^€ρ[ν]φιν {apovpas) ληL• 

και nepl ^€f e/ceXei) και Ke[ 25 letters 

. . .]croy. es όσον μ^ν ovv 3ύναμί5 μοι ύπήρν€ν τανταί ίγ^ώργονν 

και άν[ 25 letters 



[τα τγλούμ^να, knu δ\ συνίβη μοι c/c re ί7Γΐκλ[α]σμων ΚζΧ^υσθίντων 

[ ύττο του λαμπρότα- 
το \τον\ ήγ^μόνος Αιμιλίου Χατουρνίνου καΐ e| άλλων τινών αφορμών 

και σ[ 25 letters 

[άνα]γκαίω9 a)(^e86v τι δκνιαυτίσαι μ€ kv τούτοις ου μόνον συν^γο- 

μζν[ην 19 letters άλλα 

[και] δια τονΤο την τ€ ^νδομ^ν^ίαν μου και τον oUeiov κόσμον και 

την α . [ 25 letters 

[και ά]λλα τών ίμών πλΐΐστα ^μφορα πολλού άξια ολίγου παντ^λώ? 

kv τω [ 25 letters 

[eiV €v8eia\y μ€ ου την τυχοΰσαν πίριστηναι. ου δη χάριν ύπίρ του 

μη μ€τα[νάστ]τ]ν [μ€ yeviadai 

15 [....] 6^ . . σ{ω]»' μόνων τραφίΐσα και άνα . . «σα δίομαι €πιδιδοΰσ[α 

το υπόμνημα 21 letters 

[. . . τα] συμβζβηκότα μοι και άπαλλάξαι μ€ της γεωργίας τών προ- 

κίΐμίνων [ά]ρ[ουρών και γράψαι τω του Ό- 
[ζυρυγχ\€ίτον στρατηγώ δπως ό έκαστης κώμης πραγματικός πρό- 

νοιαν ποιήση[ται 17 letters 

[. . γ€ωρ]γίαν γ€ν€σΘαι• άνδράσι γαρ ίοικίν τα της γεωργίας, ώί καΐ 
συ 6 κύριος €πίστ[ασαι, ΐ6 letters 

[ ]ματων δια την ίμφυτόν σου ζύζργ^σίαν ύπίταξά σοι ώς 

ίτ^ραι αφο [••].[ ίν ω 

2θ [διά] σου κατά πάντα ^ύζργζτημίνη. δίζυτυγΐΐ. (ίτους) ιη θίοΰ 

Αιλιου Άντωνίνου Θ[ώθ Ι4 letters 

....]. €τίδος Πτολλίωνος, ΧατουρνΙνος ρήτωρ (ΐπ(β)' Πτολλίων ό 

πατήρ της [σ]υνηγορ[ουμ€ν]ης kj . [ 

[....]. δΐ€τάσσ€το γην βασιλικήν re και δη[μοσ]ίαν πίρί re κώμην 

Βουσ€Ϊρ[ι]ν και Θιντήριν και Τα . . [ 

[••••]• Χ9^ κώμας του Ήρακλίοπολίίτου. kπ€l ουν kκeίvoυ μ^ταλ- 

λάξαντος kπι κληρονομώ ταύτη οι [τών κω- 
[μών] τούτων κωμογραμματεΐς παρά τά άπηγορ^υμ^να kπιβάλλoυσι 

αύτχΙ την τοϋ πατρός y€<»/?yf[ai/ . . 
*5 1• •»] K€KpiTCU δ€ ύττδ τών κατά καιρόν ηγεμόνων και kπιστpaτήγωv 

γυνα[ΐκα]ς ταύτη τη χρ^/α μη καθ€λ[κ€σ- 



[^]a[i,] Koi α[ύτη άξ\ίοϊ άναγξΐνώσκονσα τα κΐκριμίνα άπηΧ[λα]χθαι 

τή9 γξωργία? άνδράσι μόνοι? πρ[ο]σηκ[ού- 
[ση]9. [Πα](3[μ]€νίωι/ €in{evy άναγνωσθήτω τα €[π]1 των τοι[ον]των 

κ[€]κρίμ€να. άναγνωσθίντο9 ...[•.. 
δ[ί]ατ[άγ]ματο9 Τίβ^ρίου 'Αλζ^άνδρου anayop[ivov\To? γυναίκα yecupyia . 

.[.].. ατί[σ]θαί ίπΐ του β (erous) Γάλβα [. . . 
. . ί καΐ Ούαλζρίου Εύδαίμονο? του ήγ€μον€ύσαντο? το αύτο κ€κρικ6το[9 

eJTTi του e (eVoyy) Άντωνί[ν]ου [. . . 
3© καΐ Μιγικίου KopeXXiavoD ΐττιστρατήγου ίπΐ του ι (eroi/9) Λντωνίνου 
Kaiaapos του κ\υ\ρ\ίολρ, Π. αρμενίων (Xniev)' άκοΚ\ού- 

\θω\9 τ[οΓί] άναγνωσθύσι δύναται η Ταθυνν jfj? γ€ω[ρ]γίας 

άπηΧΧάγθαι τ [. ''\το[.\ [• • • 

^'['"]^/?°Μ^ [yjecopyoi)? etV την y^oapyiav μβταδιατά^αι. ΑποΧΧ[α>ν]αριον 

ή και Άριστάνδρα ίττιδίδωκα. eat] μίω[σ]ά[μην. 
[. .] [ίτου?) ζ Φαμξνωθ <^. €ω? τούτου Trjs €πιστοΧή? και του βιβΧ[€]ιδίου 

το avTiy ρα{φον). προ? ην άκοΧού6[ω9 
[π]ο[ι]ών ό του νομοϋ βασιΧικο? γραμματεύς Άμμωνιανο? διαδεγόμενο? 

την στρατηγίαν eniaTCiXev τοις 
35 πραγματικοί? των κωμών nepl ά{?) εστίν τα εδάφη ώ? ύποτετακται' 
Άμ[μ]ωνιανο? βασιΧικο? γραμματεύ? διαδε-χ^όμενο? τη[ν] στρατηγίαν 

κωμογραμματεΐ Χύσεω? και άΧΧων κω- 
μών. βιβΧειδίων δοθέντων μοι ύπο ΆποΧΧωναρίου τη[?] και Άρισ- 
τάνδρα? ω άνείΧημπται επιστοΧη του κρα[τίστου 
δι[ο]ικητοΰ ετι δε και βιβΧείδιον περί γεωργία? ην εδήΧ[ω]σεν μ^ 

προσήκειν αύτβ, το έτερον επιστεΧΧεται ύ[μΐν 
οπω? κατά τα κεκριμενα την ε^ετασιν ποιησάμενοι δηΧώσητε μοι. 

εσημιωσάμ{ην). {ετου?) ζ Παχιών κζ. 
40 δέον ουν τ^ν μεταδιαταγην έτεροι? γενέσθαι κατά τά γραφεντα ύπ^ 

σου και τ^ν άπαίτησιν των φόρων πα[- 
[ρ]ά των γεγεωργηκότων, όθεν δέομαι εάν σου ttj τύχ^η] δό^ΐ] [κ]εΧεΰσαί 

επιστρέφεστε ρον γραφτ}ναι τω νυν 
στ[ρ]ατηγώ του νομοϋ οπω? επαναγκάστ) του? μεν πρ[α]γματικού? κατά 

τά επ επιστ{α)Χ[ε]ντα αυτ[οΐ? 

τ[η]ν μεταδιαταγην ποιήσασθαι, του? δε πράκτορα? την άπαίτη[σιν 

π]οιήσασθαι παρ[ά] των άντιποιουμ[ενων 


τ[^]$• yrjs yecupywv, καΐ μη ίροχλίΐσθαί μ€ γυναίκα οΰσ[α]ν dvavBpov 

καΐ άβοήθητον, KaOm [7Γ]ρ6τ€ρον in[i- 
45 σ[τ]€ίλα9 nepl τούτον, ΐν ω ίύβργξτημ^νη. 8ΐ€ντν-^ξΐ. Ά[π]ολλω 
νά[ρ]ιον ή καΐ ΑριστάνΒρα ίπίδύδωκα. (erovs) η Τΰβι ι[. 
[€σ]ημιωσάμ(ηιή. Ανφίδιος 'Αμμώνιος ^σημ(<βιωσάμην). eooy τούτον τ[ο] 

βίβλύδ\ι\ον καΐ ή avaYp[a](pfj και ή επιστολή' ois άκολ[ο]νθω[ί 
[ά]ξιώ ζΤΓίστζΐλαί σε τοΓ? των τόπων πραγματικοί^ οπω[ς] καθ' (α) ήξίωσα 

την μ[€τα]διαταγην ποιήσωνται προς 
το και τονς πράκτορας την άπαίτησιν των όφίΐλομίνων ποιήσασθαι 

παρ' ων προσήκζΐ. (eTOvs) θ Θωθ α. 
\^Απολλ]ωνάριον ή και Άριστάνδρα Άριστάνδρον Ιπιδίδωκα. Κορνήλιος 

Πίκνσιος ίπιγίγραμμαι α[ν]τής κνρ[ιος. 
ζο [ ]ς νπηρύτης ίπή[ν]€γκα. (ίτονς) Θ Θωθ α. 

4- 1. ίκθίσβαι. πι οί em above the line. 7• «o'toi' Pap. 8. νηηρχΐν Pap. 14. imp 

Pap. 19. νπ€τα|α Pap. 25. νπο Pap. ; so in 1. 37. 35. ϋποτίτακται Pap. 38. ν\^μιν 

Pap. 47. σ( added above the line. 

' To his highness the dioecetes Flavius Studiosus from Apollonarion also called 
Aristandra, daughter of Aristander, her mother being Didyma daughter of . . ., of 
Oxyrhynchus. ... (I am lessee of) 20 arourae near the metropolis, . arourae at Chusis in the 
pastures of Dionysias, ... no arourae at Ision Panga, 38^ arourae at Seruphis, and . . . 
arourae at Senekeleu and ... As long as I had the power I cultivated these and (paid) 
the taxes, but since it has been my fate as the result both of the extra levies ordained . . . 
by his excellency the praefect Aemilius Saturninus and of other causes ... to have perforce 
spent nearly all the year on them, not only being hard pressed . . . but also in consequence 
(having sacrificed) both my household stock, my private ornaments, and . . . and a large 
quantity of other property worth a considerable amount for quite a small sum . . ., I am 
hence reduced to extreme poverty. For which reason, in order that I may not become 
a wanderer . . ., as I have only ... to live on, I present this petition, and entreat you (to 
pity) my fate, and release me from the cultivation of the aforesaid lands, and to write to 
the strategus of the Oxyrhynchite nome instructions that the official in each village shall 
provide for the cultivation being performed by others ; for men are the persons suitable for 
undertaking the cultivation, as you yourself, my lord, . . . owing to your innate kindness, 
I have appended ... in order that I may be completely benefited through you. Farewell. 
The 1 8th year of the deified Aelius Antoninus, Thoth . ., in the case of . . . etis daughter 
of Ptollion : Saturninus, advocate, said, " Ptollion the father of my client was appointed 
(to cultivate) Crown and public land at the villages of Busiris, Thinteris, and ... in the 
Heracleopolite nome. He died leaving her as his heir, and since the comogrammateis of 
these villages are imposing upon her the obligation to cultivate her father's land in defiance 
of the regulations forbidding this, and it has been decided by praefects and epistrategi from 
time to time that women are not to be forced to undertake this duty, she too requests, citing 
these judgements, that she may be released from the cultivation, which pertains only to men." 
Parmenion said, " Let the judgements upon such cases be read." There were read a decree 


of Tiberius Alexander in the 2nd year of Galba, forbidding women to be made cultivators, 
and a decision of Valerius Eudaemon to the same effect in the 5th year of Antoninus, and 
another of Minicius Corellianus, epistrategus in the loth year of Antoninus Caesar the lord; 
whereupon Parmenion said, " In accordance with the judgements which have been read, 
Tathun . . . has the right to be released from the cultivation . . . , and other cultivators ought 
to be appointed for the land in her stead." I, ApoUonarion also called Aristandra, have 
presented this petition. Signed, the 7th year, Phamenoth 6. So far the copy of the letter 
and the petition ; acting in accordance with which the basilicogrammateus of the nome and 
depuly-strategus Ammonianus wrote instructions to the officials of the villages where the 
lands are situated as follows : Ammonianus, basilicogrammateus and deputy-strategus, to 
the comogrammateus of Chusis and those of the other villages. I send you a copy of the 
petition presented to me by ApoUonarion also called Aristandra, to which is joined a letter 
of his highness the dioecetes, and also a petition concerning the cultivation for which she 
declared herself not to be liable, in order that you may, in accordance with the judgements 
on the subject, hold an inquiry and report to me. Signed, the 7th year, Pachon 27. 
The change in appointment of other cultivators ought accordingly to take place in 
conformity with your letter, and the rents should be exacted from the former cultivators ; 
I therefore entreat you, if it please your Fortune, to command that stricter instructions be 
written to the present strategus of the nome to compel the officials to make the change 
in accordance with the orders which they have received, and the collectors to exact the dues 
from the cultivators who claim the land, and not to harass me, a woman without a husband 
or helper, following your previous instructions in this matter, that I may obtain relief. 
Farewell. Presented by me, ApoUonarion also called Aristandra. The 8th year, Tubi i[.]. 
Signed. Signed by me Aufidius Ammonius. Thus far the petition, the list, and the letter ; 
in accordance with which I entreat you to instruct the local officials to make the change in 
the appointment as claimed by me, and the collectors to exact the dues from the proper 
persons. The 9th year, Thoth i. Presented by me ApoUonarion also called Aristandra, 
daughter of Aristander. I, Cornelius son of Pekusis, have been appointed her guardian. 
I, . . . s, assistant, have brought the petition. The 9th year, Thoth i. 

1, The nature of this much abbreviated marginal note, which is written in a larger 
band than the body of the text, is quite uncertain. 

2. For the restoration Φλαουίω Στουδιώσω κ.τ.λ. cf. introd. p. 225. 

9. For ΐπικλασμοί, which were special levies at intervals, see P. Tebt. 373. 12, 
note. After κΐλΐναθίντων a date probably followed. 

10. Aemilius Saturninus is known from B. G.U. 15. ii. i, a letter from him to the 
strategi of the Heptanomis written on Epeiph 1 7 of the 5th year. His official rank was not 
there given, but P. M. Meyer's view that he was praefect is now confirmed by the present 
passage and 916. 10, where he is mentioned as praefect in Pauni of the 6th year; cf. 
Cantarelli, La serie dei prefetli di Egitto, pp. 63-4. The precise date of this petition of 
ApoUonarion to the dioecetes is uncertain (cf. introd.) ; it cannot be later than Phamenoth 6 
of the 7th year (cf. 1. 32, note), and probably is not many months earlier. After Saturninus 
the next praefect who is known is Q. Maecius Laetus, who held office in the loth year. 

17. πραγματικός: cf. 11. 35-6, where by πραγματικοί are meant the κωμογραμματΰί, and 
11. 42-3, where they are contrasted with the πράκτορΐς. The word seems to be a general 
term for a minor official; cf. P. Amh. 107. 15 των τοϋ νομού πραγματικών^ P. Brit. Mus. 164. 

7 των βασι\{ικων) γρα(μματίων) κα\ πραγματικών, Ρ. Flor. 57• 54. &C. After ποιηστ^ται something 

like ωστ€ νφ' ίτέρων την γ(ωρ'\γΊαν γΐνίσθαι is required by the sense. Possibly the previous 
cultivators (ol γ(γ(ωργηκότα) were to be reinstated ; cf. 11. 40-4 and the αναγραφή on the verso 
(p. 226) which contains a list of these persons. 


18. inicT[ may be ίπίστ\ασαι or SOme part of ίπιστοΧη or €πιστί\λΐΐν, but hardly (πιστ[ρά- 
τηγος; cf. introd. The construction of 11. 18-19 is not clear. νπ€ταξα, if right, refers to the 
υπομνηματισμός appended by ApoUonarion in 11. 20-32, and 8e has perhaps dropped out. 
νπίταξαϋ όπως Cannot be read, and the word following erepai does not seem to be any part 

of άφίημι, 

21. ] . ίτιδοί Πτολλ/ωΐΌί : the name of the applicant is given in 1. 31 as ή Ύαθννν , 

where the termination is not -ens. Probably she had two names. 

eV . [: perhaps en, yrju being an accusative of the same kind as e.g. Aeschin. 3. 24 
ίχειροτονηθη Αημησθίνης την άρχην ; οτ an infinitive such as γεωργήν may have occurred. 

25. ίπιστρητηγων corresponds to (πιτρόπων in the parallel passage fromB. G. U. 648. 
12-4 quoted on pp. 222-3; cf. Wilcken, Os/. i. p. 427. 

27. Parmenion, the presiding judge, cannot have been praefect, for on Thoth i of the 
i8th year of Antoninus (cf. 1. 20) that office was held by Sempronius Liberalis (B. G. U. 372). 
Perhaps he was epistrategus of the Heptanomis, but that view is open to the objection that 
in Choiak of the 20th year the epistrategus was Statilius Maximus, as is shown by 487. i, 
while B. G. U. 340, an undated petition to him, refers to events in the 12th year, so that 
Statilius Maximus may have been already in office in the 1 8th year. Other possibilities are 
that Parmenion was 8ικ.αιο8ότη5, 8ιοικητψ, or t^ws λόγο?. 

28-30. For Tiberius Alexander and Valerius Eudaemon cf. Cantarelli, op. cit. pp. 33 
and 49. Minicius Corellianus, epistrategus of the Heptanomis, occurs also in P. Gen. 31 
which refers to the 9th year of Antoninus. Before Ουαλΐρίον ΕυδαΙμονος, υπομνηματισμού, not 
διατάγματα!, is to be understood, as is shown by the word κΐκρικ6το[:. In 1. 28 after ytapyta 
no compound of Άγ^σθαι seems satisfactory. 

32. {σημιω[σ]ί[μην is the signature of some official and the following date refers to it, 
not to (πι8€δωκα which marks the end of ApoUonarion's petition. The signature may have 
been added in the office of the dioecetes upon the receipt of the petition, but since the 
petition is itself an enclosure in the letter of the dioecetes, we are disposed to regard 
(σημιω[σ]ά[μην as the signature of the dioecetes at the conclusion of the copy of the petition 
which he was forwarding ; cf. 1. 46 and introd. 

33. ίω: τοίτον : cf. 1. 46, Β. G. U. 6 1 3. 25 and 36, and introd. 

37. ω άνίΐΚημπται : a singular antecedent for ω can be found in τό erfpov on which 
βιβλώίων depends, but the plural βφλώίων being probably used, as often, for the singular, the 
writer may well have meant it to be the antecedent of ω. Cf. the letter of Diophanes 
quoted on p. 225, where the phrase recurs, but with the abbreviation οι βιβλ{ι8 ) 8οθ(ρτ{ ). 

For άναλαμβάνίΐν in the sense of ' including in ' cf. e. g. 985 ^v (πάνω άν(ΐ\{ημμ(ναΐ) iv τω 
τον η {(τονς) λόγ(ω) (8ραχμα\)'β, and Β. G. U. 1 68, 24 τα ΰφ' ίκατίρον μίρους [\ίχθ(ν]τα toIs 
νπομνημασι άνίλημφβη. 

38. τό fTfpov : το 'σον or τό άντίγραφον would be expected at this point (cf. the letter of 
Diophanes quoted on pp. 225-6), and perhaps τό ίτΐρον means no more than the ' duplicate', 
i. e. ' copy.' If it means the second of two βιβλί8ια, and the plural βιβλίΐδίων in 1. 37 is really 
correct, these were probably duplicates, not two petitions to Animonianus written at 
different times, so that the sense would be much the same. None of the three documents 
stated to be enclosed in Ammonianus' letter actually follows in 1. 40 sqq. ; the βιβ\ί8ιou ntpl 
ytapyias is the Original petition to the dioecetes already quoted in 11. 2-32, and the letter of 
the dioecetes immediately preceded it, but the petition of ApoUonarion to Ammonianus 
himself does not seem to have been cited in the papyrus ; cf. introd. 

39. {(Tovs) ζ Ώαχων κζ: the traces of the figure of the year are very slight, and would 
suit e. g. η as well ; but the date of Ammonianus letter is clearly later than Phamenoih 6 of the 
7th year (1. 33), the date of the communication from the dioecetes which caused it to be 
written, and unless the date in 1. 39 is earlier than that in 1. 45 (Tubi of the 8th year) we are 


unable to explain the relation of 11. 40-50 to what precedes, for 11. 40-5 cannot be regarded 
as an enclosure in the letter of Ammonianus. 

41. των ■γΐγ€ωργηκότων : apparently the previous cultivators were to be made responsible 
for the land leased by Apollonarion ; cf. προγίωργο^ι}) in the αναγραφή cited on p. 226. In 
11. 43—4 a different phrase is used των άντιποιονμ[€νωι• ττι\ςγης γεωργών, and in 1. 48 they are 
vaguely called S>v προσηκ€ΐ. ίΐτιστρίφίστΐρον was suggested by Wilcken. 

900. Petition to a Logistes. 

24-3 X 16 cm. A.D. 322. 

A petition to Dioscurides, the same logistes Avho issued the proclamation 
about the gj^^mnastic display in 42, from a functionary who had been nominated 
as an annual superintendent of the express-post, and who here complains of the 
failure of certain donkey- drivers to support him in carrying out his duties. It is 
badly put together, in spite of the comparatively high position of the writer. 

The year of the sixth consulate of Licinius Augustus and the second 
of Licinius Caesar, in which the papyrus is dated (cf. 42. 8-9), is still disputed. 
The two most recent discussions are those of Jouguet in Coviptes rendus de 
ΐ Acad, des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres, 1906, pp. 231-6 (cf. Archiv, III. pp. 339-43), 
and Seeck in Rhein. Mus. 1907, pp. 517 sqq., who uphold A.D. 322, and Viereck 
in Archiv, IV. pp. 156-62, who decides for A.D. 323. Of these alternatives we 
prefer the former. 

'ΤπαΓ€ί[α]9 των 8€σπ\οτων -ημών Λικινίου Χ^βαστοϋ το ς•' καΐ 

του ίΊΓίφαν άστατου Καίσαρος το β' [ 
Ούαλζρίω ΔίοσκουρίΒτι τω και ΊουΧιανω \o\yL<rrfj Ό^υρυγχ^ίτον) 
παρ[α] Αυρηλίου Δ ωσ κόρου ΧιΚβανοΰ άρξαντος βου[λ[€υτου)] τή9 

λ[αμ7Γ{ράς) καΐ λαμπ{ροτάτη9) 
5 Ό^υρχτγγίΐτων πόλεως, πραιποσίτου μου οντο^ ττατριμωναΧίων 
δίκάτου πάγου τοΰδζ του νομοϋ υποβληθέντος ιίτι ih κονδουκτορίαν 
του o^ios δρόμου του €ύτυ)(ω9 flatovTos ίτους, και ^γ^ρην τοίνυν τους 

e^ ίθους 
ταύτην την -^ώραν άποπληροΰντας ύπ\ρ των ίνιαυσίω? e/y τοΰτο 

λομίνων ύπακούζΐν και ημζΐν τοΐ? ίνχ^ιρισθ€Ϊσι πλΐστα δημόσια ^πιτά- 
ΙΟ γματα και την \ώραν ην e^ ίθους άποπληροϋσι άποπληροΐν, παραγομέ- 
νων αύτοΐς των ίπι τούτοις άναλωμάτων. αλλ' ΐπιδη μανθάνω τούτους 


βονλομ€νον9 iveSp^veij/ την τηλίκαύτην άπαρ^τητον )(pe(av τισΐ μ\ν 
άπι[6\ΰσί^ kuiovs Sk διαβάλλοντα?, των ήμίρων τήί άντιλήμψζωί σ[υ]να- 
χθίντων του λιτονργήματοί, €κ τούτον ήπίγβην τα βιβλία intSovvai 

ΐζ ών TOVS avT0V9 όνηλατα^ ίπαναγκασθηναι Φαΰστον και ^Ω,ρον καΐ 

Ίτάντ ^xuv νπβρ ων e^eTeXovv κατ 'ίτο^ τήί κονδονκτορίας \ρ€ΐων πάν- 
\τα τ€ παρα]σγβσθαι ayjops { s } Τ0Ϊ9 €νι{αυσί)οΐ5 ύπακονοντ€9, καΐ 

ή[μ]α^ δια των 
[αυτών τ]ην ίνχβιρισθξΐσαν χρ^ίαν άποπληροΐν και μη e/y ανάγκην μ€ 

\σβαι ίντυ\χύν tois μ^ίζοσιν irepi τούτον. (2nd hand} ίνΐδρ^ίας γ^γΐνη- 

20 [ύπατζία]^ της ττροκιμίνης Μίσορη «j*. 
3rd hand [Ανρ{ήλιος)] Δώσκορος ίπιδ^δωκα, 

3• ϊουλίαι/ω Pap. 12. 1. άπαραΐτητον . . . tovs /xei/ ά7Γΐ[ό]ΐ'ταί. ^3• ^ οΐ (Viovs COrr. 

from ι. 1, σ\ν'\ναχβΐΐσΰν. 1 4. λί of λίτουρ^ί/ματοί COrr. 1 6. το οί KovbovKTopias COrV. 

17. \. viraKovovTus, 18. αν οί (νχειρισθ^ισαν COXV. 

' In the consulship of our masters Licinius Augustus for the sixth time and Licinius 
the most renowned Caesar for the second time, ... To Valerius Dioscurides also called 
Julianus, logistes of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelius Dioscorus son of Silvanus, 
ex-magistrate and senator of the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus. 
Being already the administrator of the impenal patrimonial estates in the tenth pagus of this 
nome, I have besides been nominated as contractor for the express-post for the year 
auspiciously approaching. It was accordingly incumbent on those who customarily 
discharge such services on behalf of the annual nominees to this office, to render obedience 
to me who have been entrusted with so many public burdens, and to discharge their 
customary services, for which their expenses are provided. But whereas I learn that these 
persons are desirous of acting fraudulently in respect of these important and unavoidable 
functions, some by absenting themselves, and others by deception, and since the period 
before entering upon this duty has become short, I therefore hasten to present this petition, 
requesting that the said donkey-drivers, Faustus, Horus, and Chaereas, be compelled to 
retain and to provide everything for the functions pertaining to the contract which they were 
■wont yearly to fulfil, in obedience to the annual contractors, so that I may with their 
assistance perform the function entrusted to me, and not be reduced to appeal to the officials 
upon this matter. (Endorsed) Concerning a case of fraud : in the consulship aforesaid, 
Mesore 6. (Signed) Presented by me, Aurelius Dioscorus.' 

5. The πατριμωνάλια are the properties belonging to the imperial patrimonium, which in 
Egypt in the Roman period were usually called ονσιακά. The occurrence of the term 
pairimonalia in the fourth century is noticeable. 


6. υποβΚηβΐντος : cf. B. G. U. 906. lO υποβληθέντα βονλΐυτην, P. Leipzig 40. iii. 1 7 των 
νποβΧηθίντων νττό των /3 ο^•υλ(υτών els τον κ(φα\αιωτην. 

KovhoxjKTopiav τον S^eos δρόμου : cf. 138. 9 ττακτάριοί τον οξίως δρόμου, 140. 7 σταβλίτηί τον 

6ξ. δρ., Ρ. Flor. 39• 6 γραμματηφόρηυ τον όξ. δρ. In Ρ. Oxy. Ι. ρ. 2 1 9, &C., Λνε took 6ξ. δρ. to 
refer to the race-course, but, as Wilcken has remarked to us, the cursus velox or express 
postal service is doubtless meant ; cf. Cod. Theod. 8. 5. 62 and Preisigke, Klio, VII. p. 269. 
KovSovKTopia = conductoria is novel, and conducioria is apparently not found in the sense 
implied here. 

12-3. For άπαραίτητον χρύαν cf. 904. 9. τισϊ pkv άπί^ο'\ΰσι, has no construction, and should 
have been in the accusative. The reading is indeed uncertain, and the supposed π not very 
satisfactory ; but a participle seems required to balance διαβάΧΚοντας, and d7ri[o](}(r(, but for 
the case, gives a good sense. It is noticeable that eVioty was originally written for iviovs. 

των ήμερων . . . σ\υ^ναχθ€ντων I we SUppose σ\ν'^ναχβίντων tO be an error for σ[ν]ναχθ(ΐσων, 

and the meaning to be that the interval of time remaining before Dioscorus had to take up 
his duties had become short, This remedy is somewhat violent, but cf. B. G. U. 893. 1 2-14 

ovTOi oi ΚΐκΚηρωμίνοι . . . άντϊΚημ^^^νται της αρχν^. . . o\iyai(?) ^juepat eV μίσω ΐΐσίν, where the 

sense appears to be very similar, and, for this use of άντιλαμβάνΐσθαι, e.g. B. G. U. 18. 14 

άντιΚαμβ. της ίγχφισθ^ίσης α^^υ^τοΊ: χρ^ία t. 

15• On the duties of όνηλάται see Rostowzew, X'hO, vi. p. 253. 

16-17. '^^^' «X^*»' is strange, but we can find no other suitable reading, and πάντ is 
supported by the following πάι^τα. παν τ exeiv . . . πάν [τ€ παρα]σχΐσθαι would hardly fill the 
space at the beginning of 1. 17. avTovs is practically certain in spite of the letters marked 
doubtful, for though the ντ could equally well be read as π, and vs might possibly be «, 
these alternatives give no word. The final s has been written twice over, once as a flourish 
below the line, and again in the ordinary position, tviois seems to be a slip for (vtavaiois, 
a word which has already occurred in the adverbial form in 1. 8 ; the mistake may have 
been assisted by eviovs in 1. 13. to7s eViotr is hardly a possible expression. 

19. To'is μ^ίζοσιν \ μΐίζων and μ(ΐζ6τΐρος are apparently general terms for a person in autho- 
rity, used in much the same way as όφφι,κι,άΚιος. The titles commonly occur without further 
definition as e. g. in 894. i, but are also found both in combination with a local name 
indicating the sphere of influence, e.g. 158. 2 τώ μ(ίζονι ttjs αϋτη[ς] Ύαμπίτι, or with the name 
of the person to whom the μύζων was subordinate, e. g. 131. 14 μείζονα Κλανδιανον, Β. G. U. 

367. 5 and 368. 10 κ6μ(τι κα\ μΐΐζοτΐρω 2τρατηγίον τον πανΐνφημον πατρικίον] cf. the similar USe 

of όφφικιάλιος in 896. 28. The earliest instance of a μύζων that we have noticed is P. Brit. 
Mus. II. 214. 22, of the reign of Aurehan. 

901. Petition to a Public Advocate. 

15 X 12 cm. A.D. 336. 

This document like 902 is addressed to an official occupying the position 
of cKbiKos or defensor (cf. 902. i, note), though in this case as a deputy. It 
is a complaint of a woman against a neighbour arising out of a chase after her 
pigs which had got loose ; but the details of the story are lost owing to the 
mutilation of the papyrus. On the verso are a few letters which apparently have 
no relation to the petition on the recto. 


'TTrare/ay 0\υιβίου\ Ν^πωτιανοΰ καΐ Τβττίου Φακούν8ου 

των λαμπρότατων ΙΙ[α\χ^ων τ• 

Φλαουί[α>] Ίονλιανω διοικοΰντι ^κδικίαν Ό^υρυγγίτου 

πάρα Λύρηλία? Άλλοντο9 Θωνίου άπο κώμης Τααμπ€μο[υ] 
5 6 πάγου, έσπίρινί? ώρεί ττ} χΘ^9 ήΗ•^ρφ ημ^τ^ροι χνροι 

δυο την όρμην ποιούμενοι ίπι ημίτερον (δαφος 

γ€νώμ€νοι ϊν νδραγωγιω μηχ^ανης των ημετίρων 

πύδων και Παβάνον τίνος άπο της αυτής κώμης, [και] 

δ προιρημ[ύνος ΙΙ]αβάνος παράτυπων ^yoav μξτοι 
ΙΟ χΐρας ξοίλιον . . . . ιν τους χυρους βουλ6μ€ν[ο]ς 

και τοΰτο μ . . . [ ]ως μηδαμώς άδικηθ€ΐ[ς 

ύπο των χνρ\ων άλ]λα ίχόμξνος της προς τους 

χύρους €...[.. οτι] έμοί επελήλυθαν βορλόμ^νος 

ρικατα . [ 1 5 letters ] . ως ί μη '4κ τίνος 

15 [άπο]νύας την [ ]π . [ά]λλ* ονν των βωων 

[....]. ογ ανκα .[...]..[. .]ημην υπ' αύτοΰ 

[ 33 letters ]κ6ψας ως ίκ των 

1 8 „ ] οις τίνα? παράγ€Τ€ 

[ 26 letters ] θρασύτητι [. . . 
20 [ „ „ ' ]ονσα .[ 

Ι. viruTfias . . . τΐττιον Pap. 3• φλαουϊ[ω] ϊονλιανω Pap. 5• 1• «στί'ίριΐ'αΓί ωραις . . 

χοίροι: 1, χοφ. also in 10, 12, 13• 7• '• Ύ^όμ^νοι. ημιτΐρώ Pap. 8. 1. παί8ωι>. 9 

προϊρι;/ΐ[ίΐ/οί Pap. ΙΟ. ]. ξύλιον, 14. ϊ μη (κ'τινος Fa.p. Ιζ. \. [ατΓο]νοίας . 

1 6. υπ Pap. 18. 1. τταράγΐται. 


' In the consulship of Vibius (?) Nepotianus and Tettius Facundus the most illustrious, 
Pachon 6. To Flavius Julianus, deputy-advocate of the Oxyrhynchite nome, from Aurelia 
Allous daughter of Thonius of the village of Taampemou in the fifth pagus. In the 
evening time of yesterday our two pigs made a rush into our piece of land, and got into the 
channel of the water-machine of our children and a certain Pabanus, of the said village. 
The aforesaid Pabanus happening to be by, and having in his hands a stick, wished to 
(catch) the pigs and (remove them ?) from the place. He had not been in the least injured 
by the pigs, but full of . . . against them, because they had overrun me, wishing to . . . 
(I know not how ?) unless from some madness . . .' 

I. Cf. for these consuls, whose gentile names are not known from literary sources, 
P. Flor. 96. 6 and 13, where Vitelli reads Oiii . [.]ov and TertTiOu. With regard to the latter, 
though the traces of the second r in our papyrus are excessively slight, the letter is guaranteed 
by the comma after the first τ (see critical note). This mark, which is quite clear, would 


not have been inserted if the next letter had been a vowel, and we have no doubt that the 
supposed t in P. Flor. 96 is a similar sign, which is sometimes so exaggerated that it could 
easily be mistaken for a letter. Moreover, Tettius has the advantage of being a well-known 
Roman name. Out . [?pv may represent either Virius, as Vitelli suggests, or Vibius. 

3. bioiKovvTi ίκΒικίαρ : the occurrence of this phrase shows that Wilcken's objections in 
Archiv, II. p. 127 to our supplement hioiK{pvvTi) \τψ στρ{ατηγίαν) in P. Amh. 72. i are 
groundless. Its precise significance is not yet proved, but we adhere meanwhile to our 
original explanation that it means a deputy, and not the magistrate proper ; cf. the analogous 
use of Sunwv in e. g. 727. 5, P. Brit. Mus. 908. 13 and 19. 

4. The village of Ίααμπψου is mentioned in 501. 10, &c. 

8. τΓίδωΐ', if not equivalent to παίδων as suggested above, might be for irebimv; but ireSia 
in papyri commonly mean the lands of a village, not of a private owner. 

10 ti/ is no doubt an infinitive depending on βονλόμ(ν[ο^, but not \αβ{Ίρ or λαβίν. 

14. Perhaps ουκ οΐ8α δ]πως. At the beginning of the line there is a vestige of ink in 
front of 01, but if another letter was written this line was begun further to the left than those 
above it. 

902. Petition to a Public Advocate. 

31-5x39 cm. About A. D. 465. 

A petition to a defensor (Ικδικο? : cf. note on 1. i) of Cynopolis from a 
cultivator, complaining of oppression and wrongful imprisonment by a member of 
the senate. According to his own statement the petitioner would seem to have 
been treated with extreme harshness ; but it is likely from his repeated offer 
(11. 9-10, 16-7) to pay any debt which could be established against him, that right 
was not entirely on one side. A difficulty arises regarding the date of the 
papyrus; cf. note on 1. 19. 

Φ\Κα\ουί(ΰ Ίσακ τω λογιωτάτω σγρΧαστικω ίκδίκω τή9 ανω ΚυνοποΧίτων 
[τταρά] Αυρηλίου Μακαρίου υΐοϋ Ίωσηφ άπο της αυτής ττόλεω?. 
πρ[ο τ]οΰτου ύδροπάροχος καθύστηκα και γεωργός φανερών πραγμάτων 

του [τή]9 μακάριας μνήμης Φοίβ[ά]μμωνος του πολιτίυσαμίνου, μίτά 

δζ την τούτου τίλ^υτην 
5 ό τ[ούτ]ου άδίλφος Θζόδωρος ίπισήλθ^ν ίίς την φροντίδα των τούτου 

κ[αι τυρ]αννικω τρόπω άπύσπασΐν οκτώ καλά e/c των ίμων βοίκων 

και [€στί]λατο και παρ^σκ^ύασίν μ€ αδίκως άναλημφθήναι τω δ^σμω- 

τηρίω προ 
τριών τούτων μηνών, και €Κ τούτον συνέβη το νπολοιπον των ΐμών ζψων 


Tfi λιμω τΐθνάναι, ταϋτα ψοΰ 4τοίμω$ ΐχοντο? d και φανζίην χρεωσ- 

ΙΟ αύτω ίγγράφω? πληρωσαι. €πι τοίνυν οΐ €kSikol ίττξνοήθησαν kv rah 

npo[s] τω βοήθπαν ope^ai roh ά8ικονμΐνοΐ9, eh TeXeiau γαρ άνατροπην 

και e/y αί)^άτην 

π€ΐνωι/ πζρύστην €ΐ/€Κ€ν του προΐφημίνου 7Γολιτ€νομζνου, TOvaSe τούί 

€πίδίδωμι Trj afj λογιοτιτι ά^ιών KeXivaat τούτον μ^τασταΧηναι, 

πρώτο(ν) δή ττωί μβν 
παρασκ([υάσαι] την αντον άρΐτην άποδονναί μοι anep άπίσπασ^ν 

τυραννικω τρόπω βοικά μου 
15 ζωα ζύθαΧή καθώς και άπύσπασίν, π^ρΐ δζ των άΧΧων τα δοκουντα τη 

ση Χογιδτητι πρα- 
γβηναι aveOifi^vai re μ€ των δξσμων, ίμοϋ ώ? irpoeinov έτοίμως eyovTos 

δσα ίποφιΧω αύτω ίγγράφως• μισοΰσ^ιν yap οι νόμοι τους τα άδικα 

/x€i/[o]uy, Χογιώτατζ €κδικ€ κύρΐ€. (2nd hand) ΑύρήΧιος Μακάριος 

Ιωσήφ ίπιδίδωκα. 
3rd hand μ^τα [τ]^ν νπατύαν ΦΧα[ου(6\υ Βιβιανοϋ του Χαμπροτάτου το β και του 

δηΧωθησομύνου Άθύρ κδ. 

Ι. lo-aifj Pap. 2. ϊωσί^φ Pap. 3• ύδροπαροχοί Pap. 6. e of « COrr. βοϊκω» 

Pap. 9. 1. χρΐωστων. II. οι in tois and αδίκουμίΐΌίί written above η, which is crossed 

through. II-2. \. €σχάτην netvav. 1 3. \. λογιότητι. ι ζ. Second π οί απΐσπασεν COTT. 

16. Some letters inserted above Βίσμων have been erased. 17. First σ οι μισ-ονσΐΐν corr. 

from ζ. διαπρατ^το Pap. 1 9. ομΐνου αθ blotted. 

* To Flavins Isaac, most learned advocate and defensor of the upper quarter of Cynopolis, 
from Aurelius Macarius, son of Joseph, of the said city. In the past I was appointed 
irrigator and cultivator of real property on the estate of Phoebammon, of blessed memory, 
member of the council. After his death his brother Theodorus entered upon the manage- 
ment of his property, and tyrannously seized eight fine beasts out of my kine ; he also 
sent and had me unjustly carried οίΤ to prison three months ago, in consequence of which 
the remainder of my kine have died of hunger. This he has done in spite of my readiness 
to pay, if written proof of any debt to him can be produced. Therefore, since advocates 
have been devised in the cities for the puφose of lending assistance to the oppressed — and 
I have been reduced to complete ruin and the extremity of hunger through the aforesaid 
member of the council — I present this petition to your wisdom, begging you to order him to 


be summoned, first of all bringing about the restoration to me by his excellency of my kine 
which he tyrannously seized, in the same good condition in which they then were ; and for 
the rest directing that what seems good to your wisdom should be done, and that I be 
released from my bonds, since I am ready, as aforesaid, to discharge any debt secured in 
writing. For the perpetrators of injustice are hateful to the laws, most learned lord 
advocate. (Signed) I, Aurelius Macarius, son of Joseph, presented this petition. The year 
after the consulship of the most illustrious Flavins Vivianus for the second time, and of the 
consul whose name is to be declared, Athur 24.' 

I. σχόλαστικω ΐκΒίκω : cf. 901. 3, 129. 3 του λαμπρο{τάτον) tKbUov ταύτης ttjs ^Οξυρυγχιτών 
πόλί(ωϊ), P. Brit. Mus. I. 87. 85 ΐκΒικος Έρμώνθ{€ωΐ), Β. G. U. 1094. I σχολαστικός καί ίκϋικος 
της Έρμου π(5λ(ίω)ί (1. πό\([ως)?), Ρ. Strassb. 4Ο• 6 σχολαστικά και σννηγό[ρω (ί) της] θηβαίϋος. 

These «δικοί are the defensores civitaiis who from the year a.d. 365 appear as regulariy 
constituted authorities in the provincial towns (Cod. Just. i. 55; Cod. Theod. i. 29). They 
were elected by the body of the citizens, the decurions being ineligible, and held office 
originally for five years, but after the time of Justinian only for two. Scholastic! are 
expressly named in Cod. Theod. i. 29. 2 among the classes suitable for the appointment. 
The de/efisores had a limited jurisdiction in civil cases and in minor criminal matters ; their 
chief function was, as described in 11. lo-i of the papyrus, to protect citizens from oppression 
and injustice — plebem tantuvi vel decuriones ab omniimproborum insoleniia et tevieriiate tueantur. 
Cod. Theod. i. 29. 7; cf. Cod. Just. i. 55. 4 ut imprimis parentis vicem plebi exhibeas, 
descriptionibus rusticos urbanosque non paiiaris adfligi, officialium insolentiae, iudicum procacitaii 
. . . occurras, &c. In P. Leipzig 34. 10 of c. a.d. 375 the form δηφήνσωρ is used. 

The σχολαστικοί were advocates employed in defending cases and similar legal work, 
such as drawing up petitions; cf. Cod. Theod. 8. 10. 2, where they are coupled with 
officiales, and their avarice is censured: nee latet . . . scholasticos ultra modum acceptis 
honorariis in defensione causarum omnium et anno?ias et sumptus accipere consuesse. 

3. νδροπάροχος'. cf. 137• 2 2 νδροπαροχ{ίας) and P. Brit. Mus. III. IO44. 25. φαν€ρώρ 
πραγμάτων is similar to ακίνητων πραγμάτων in 126. 1 7, &C. 

7. [εστί]λατο is not quite satisfactory, the λ being doubtful, and the middle voice 

13. πρωτο(ν) 8η πως : ΟΓ πρωτο(^υ)πως, aS Wilcken suggests. 

19. This date is singular, for the order of the words must imply that Vivianus had 
been consul for the second time, whereas his only recorded consulship is that in a. d. 463 
(when his partner was Fl. Caecina Basilius, or, according to Marcellinus, Felix), and the 
lists show no blanks in the years preceding and following that year, to which period without 
doubt the papyrus belongs. For the phrase τοϋ δηλωθησομίνον cf. C. I. G. 3467. 3, 42. 9, 

and 60. 12 rolr άποδίίχθησομΐνοις υπάτου το γ, P. Brit. Mus. ΠΙ. 99 1. I νπατΐίας . . .]λ€ίου του 

λαμπρότατου κα\ του άποδιχθησομίνου : numerous Other examples are given in Du Cange, s. v. 
ύπατοι δηλωθησόμίνοι* Its Occurrence in a date μ^τα την νπατίαν is unusual. 

DOS. Accusation against a Husband. 

27-2X2i-6cm. Fourth century. 

This singular document is an elaborate indictment of a husband by his wife, 
who gives a circumstantial account of the former's violent or insulting behaviour, 
extending over a considerable period of time. The two, whose names are not 
mentioned, seem to have been a young couple, united originally by an άγραφος 


7άμο9, and subsequently by a regular contract (11. 17-8) ; but in neither condition 
could they succeed in living on terms of harmony. The present document, which 
is unaddressed, was presumably a kind of affidavit used in proceedings taken 
against the husband ; it is written in vulgar Greek, and in an irregular uncial 
hand, the letters of the first two lines being much enlarged. The occurrence 
of the word -πολιτική in 1. ^'j is of special interest in connexion with the much- 
discussed Epistle of Psenosiris ; cf. note ad loc. Ori the verso are a few lines of 
shorthand in two columns. 

Tlipi πάντων S>v ίΐπΐν κατ ίμον ύβρεων. 
4ρίκλ€ΐσ€ν TOVS €[α]ντον δονλονί και τους 

έμοΰ αμα των τροφίμ[ω]ν μου και τον προνοητην καΐ τον 
νίον αύτοΰ cVi oXas €[πτ]α ημέρας e/y τα κατάγαια αύτον, 
5 Tot/y μ€ν SovXovs αύτ[ον κ]αι τ^ν 4μην δούλην Ζωην νβρίσα^ 

άττοκτίνα^ αυτούς των 7Γ[λ]ηγων, καΐ πϋρ προσήνΐγκ^ν Tats τρο- 
φίμαις μου γνμνώσας αν[τά]ς παντελώς α ου ποιοΰσι οι νόμοι, καΐ 
λίγων Tois αύτοΐς τροφίμοις οτι δ6τ€ πάντα τα αυτής, και ππαν 
ΟΤΙ ούδίν €χ€ΐ παρ' ημών, τοις δζ δούλοις λέγων μαστιγ{γ}ο(υ)μ€νοι{'ή οτί 

ΙΟ τι ηρκ€ν €Κ της οικίας μου; βασανιζόμ^νοι οΰν ίίπαν οτι ούδΐν 
των σων ηρκ€ν αλλά σώά ίστιΡ πάντα Τα σα. 
απήντησαν δ€ αύτω Ζω[ίλ]ος οτι και τον τρόφιμον αύτοΰ kve- 

κλισ€ν, και €ΐπ(ν αύτω δτ[ι] δια τον τρόφιμον σου ηλθας ή δια την 
τοίαν ηλθας λαλήσαι Ιπάνω αυτής ; 

15 και ωμοσ^ν ίπι παρουσία των επισκόπων και των αδελφών αύτοΰ 

Koi TOIS δονλ.οΐ3 

ΟΤΙ άπ€ντ€ΰθ€ν ού μή κρύψω αύτή{ν) πάσας μου τάς κλζΐς και επέχω 

αντοΰ fvtffTfvev κάμοί ουκ ίπίστ(ν(ν, 

οΰτ€ υβρίζω αυτήν άπ€ντ€ΰθ€ν. και γαμικον γίγον^ν, καϊ μ€τά 
τας συνθήκας ταύτας και τους όρκους ίκρυψ^ν πάλιν ίμ\ τας κλύς 
e/y 6/χ€. καΐ άπζλθοΰσα [e/jy το κυριακον Ιν ^αμβαθώ, και εποίησαν 

2θ ray €ξω θύρας αύτοΰ ΐνκλισθήναι επάνω μου λέγων οτι δια τι άπήλ- 
θας ίίς το κυριακον ; και πολλά άσ^λγήματα λίγων c/y πρόσωπον 
μου και δια τής ρινός αύτο[ΰ,] και wepi σίτου (άρτάβας) ρ τοΰ δημοσίου του 
ονόματος μου μηδίν δΐδωκως μηδξ άρτάβ{ην) μίαν. ένίκλίΐσίν δ€ 
τους τόμους κρατήσας αύτ[ο]ύς οτι δότ€ την τιμήν των (αρταβών) ρ, μηδίν 

25 ^«^«[/ccuy] ώy προΐΐπον. και ίΐπζν τοις δούλοις αύτοΰ οτι δότ€ συμμά- 
χους ίνα και αυτήν ένκλύσωσι. και ίκρατήθη Χωοΰς ό βοηθός αύτοΰ 


eh TO δημόσιον και 7rapea)(ev αύτω Εύθάλαμο^ eve^vpov και ούκ ήρκίσθη. 
ηρκα κάγω άλλο μικρόν και τταρξ,σγον τω αύτω Χωοΰτι. απάντησα? δζ 
αύτω €ί? Άντινόου ^χ^ονσα το προ? βαλανΐόν μου μζθ ων ίχω κοσμαρι- 

30 8ίων, και απίν μοι οτι ef τι ^χ€ΐ9 μ€τ ίσου αΐρω αύτα δι ο δίδωκί? τω 
βοηθώ μου Χωοΰτι ίνύχυρον δια τα δημόσια αύτου. μαρτυρήσαι δΐ 
π€ρΙ τούτων πάντων ή μητηρ αύτοΰ. και πβρι Άνίλλα? τη? δούλη? 
αύτοΰ ΐμξίνξν θλίβων την ψυχ^ήν μου και kv τβ Άντινόου και ίντανθα 
ΟΤΙ €κβαλ€ την δούλην ταύτην ίπξίδη αύτη οίδβν οσα κέκτηται, ϊσως 

35 θΐλων μοι καταπλί^αι και ταντί] τη προψάσξΐ άραι ΐί τι ^χ<»>' κάγω ούκ 
ηνζσ\όμην ίκβαλίΐν αυτήν, και βμανβν λίγων 'ότι //era μήναν 
λαμβάνω πολιτικην (μαυτω. ταΰτα δΐ όιδΐν 6 θ(€0?). 

Ι. ν3ρ(ων Pap. 3• ^• '''"'^ τροφίμαΐί, 4• ^ό" Ρ^^Ρ• 6. προσην(γ'κίν Pap. 7• '° of 
ποιουσι added above the line. 8. 1. rats αίταΐς τροφίμαις. g. μαστίγ'γομ^νοι Pap. I'J. 

υβρίζω Pap. 22. σ of σίτου COrr. from Γ. 26. ϊνα Pap. 28. 1. απήντησα. 3 1. 1. 

μαρτύρησα. 33. SeCOnd ο of αιτίί/οου COrr. 34. ϊσωί Pap. 35. \. μΐ ίοΐ μοι. και 

added above the line, ai of apai corr. (?) 37. ικ of πολιτικην added above the line. 

' Concerning all the insults uttered by him against me. . He shut up his own slaves and 
mine with my foster-daughters and his agent and son for seven whole days in his cellars, 
having insulted his slaves and my slave Zoe and half killed them with blows, and he applied 
fire to my foster-daughters, having stripped them quite naked, which is contrary to the laws. 
He also said to the same foster-daughters, " Give up all that is hers," and they said, " She 
has nothing with us "; and to the slaves when they were being beaten he said, " What did 
she take from my house ? " and they under torture said, " She has taken nothing of yours, 
but all your property is safe." Zoilus went to see him because he had shut up his foster-son, 
and he said to him, " Have you come on account of your foster-son or of such a woman, to 
talk about her ? " He swore in the presence of the bishops and of his own brothers, " Hence- 
forward I will not hide all my keys from her (he trusted his slaves but would not trust me) ; 
I will stop and not insult her." Whereupon a marriage deed was made, and after this agreement 
and his oaths, he again hid the keys from me ; and when I had gone out to the church at 
Sambatho he had the outside doors shut on me, saying, " Why did you go to the church ? " 
and using many terms of abuse to my face, and through his nose. There were 100 artabae 
of corn due to the State on my account of which he paid nothing, not a single artaba. He 
obtained possession of the books, and shut them up saying, " Pay the price of the hundred 
artabae " having himself paid nothing, as I stated before ; and he said to his slaves, " Pro- 
vide helpers, to shut her up also." Choous his assistant was carried off to prison, and 
Euthalamus gave security for him which was insufficient, so I took a little more and gave it 
for the said Choous. When I met him at Antinoopolis having my bathing-bag (?) with my 
ornaments, he said to me, " I shall take anything you have with you on account of the 
security which you gave to my assistant Choous for his dues to the State." To all this his 
mother will bear witness. He also persisted in vexing my soul about his slave Anilla, both 
at Antinoopolis and here, saying, " Send away this slave, for she knows how much she has 
possessed herself of," probably wanting to get me involved, and on this pretext to take 
away whatever I have myself. But I refused to send her away, and he kept saying, 
" A month hence I will take a mistress." God knows this is true.' 


3. τροφ.>[ω>: cf. P. Leipzig 47. 10. The τρόφψα^ here were apparently some girls 
who were being brought up by the complainant, the masculine in 18 bein^g an errar 
A different male τρόφιμος is mentioned in 1. 12. 6 ^ . 

6. For the hyperbole in d^omVa. cf. e.g. P. Brit. Mus. I. 113. 12 (d). 11 ό νρ.ώστ,. 
^v^vaeu ^e. ^ The instrumental use of the genitive τά. π^λ]νγώ. is noticeable. 

9. παρ^ ,;;,ω^ (hterally 'on our side') is practically equivalent to παρ ί,μίν. 

ΐ4• roiav IS a slighting reference to the writer of this indictment. For inav<^ cf 131 

14-5 μάρτυρας Td\y\, eipeOJvTas ,πάνω του πατρός μου, Β. G. U. 29. 1-2 ^ο-χον . . . ίπάνω των 

ψω. κλήρων (both of Byzantine period); the word is used in another uncommon 
sense in 1. 20. 

15. With this oath made in the presence of the bishops cf P. Leipzig 43 where 
a bishop acts as a judge. f 6 ^^i 

_ 16-7. The insertion above the line is a parenthetical explanation of οΰ an κρύ^Ι,ω 

k\(Is. r- 1 r r • • 

2 2. Speaking through the nose aggravated the insult ; cf. μυκτηρίζ^ιν, naso susbendere, &c. 
in Fersius i. 33 balba de nare lociitus has a different meaning. 

29. προς βαλανίον is perhaps better written as two words than one. In either case the 
article meant seems to be some kind of handbag which was carried by a lady in going to 
he bath, and would ho d trinkets and similar objects. A connexion with βαλανίνη, so. σ?ολ,' 
(ct. 265. 3), IS less likely. ^ 

34. αίτ^ οΐδ(ΐ>: cf. P. Tebt. 424. 5 d Be μίτανοάς, συ οΐ8ας. 

35. καταπλ^ξαι is the Opposite οΠκπλ^κΗν as used in P. Tebt. 315. 21 κάγώ ae ^κπλ^'ξω 

37• i^ov πολιτική m the sense of πόρνη cf. P. Grenf IL 73. 9. The present passage, 
which supplies a contemporary parallel, supports our view of that papyrus as against the 
interpretation of Deissmann {T/ie Epistle of Psenosiris) who wished to make τξ, πόΚιτ,κψ 
there a proper name. 

904. Petition to a Praeses. 

31-3 X 88-5 cm. Fifth century. 

A petition addressed to an unnamed praeses (of the Thebaid) by a certain 
Flavius, who had consented to act as substitute for Philoxenus in the post of 
riparius, a police official (cf. 1. 3, note). Philoxenus had undertaken to provide 
Flavius with the requisite staff of helpers and indemnity in case of accident, but 
had failed to fulfil his bond ; and Flavius, who had been subjected to much 
indignity and even violence in the performance of his duties, now prays that he may 
be released from them and the original holder made responsible. The petition is 
cast in a stilted and rhetorical style ; the handwriting is an exceptionally large, 
formal cursive. 

1 Tlapa Φλ{αουίου). 

2 η Tfjs νμ^τύραί 8ίκαωκρισ[ί]α9 καθαρότη^ πάντως κάμ\ ίλζήσζΐ rbu γ^γηρα- 

κότα και άσννθηκά διαπ^ττονθότα και χλζύην παρά Φιλοζβνου τον καθο- 
σιωμ€νον μαγιστριανον. 



3 ovroy yap λόγον ένωμότως μοι δ^δωκως και ίπαγ[γ€ΐλ]άμ€Ρ09 ώ? πάντω$ 

οσατΓξρ ίπιζητξΐται eiy την τον ριπαρίον XeiTovpyiiav €κτο9 ττάση9 
νπομι/ήσ€ως πληρώσ€ΐ, 

4 παρ€\ων μοί καΐ ττρος βοηθί,ίαν oUeTas re καΐ συμμάγρυ^ καΙ [ά]\λονί Tovs 

όφ€ίλοντα9 την παραψνλακην τή9 ττόλίω? ττοιύσβαι, ου μόνον δ\ τοντο, 
αλλ' ei και σνμβτ] ατόπημα τι yeveaOai 

5 αύτον το άζήμιον ττληροΐν τοΐ[ς] την βλάβην νπομίνονσιν, άλλα και τα άλλα 

πάντα τα συντίνοντα eis την λίΐτουργζίαν ταύτην άποκαθιστάν τούτων 
δ€ όλων €κτο5 γίγίνηται 

6 και παρορών /xe τον άθλων κα& έκάστην ήμύραν μ€Τ€ωριζ[ό]μξνον σγοινίοι^ 

καΐ πληγαΐς κατακοπτόμ^νον κατά το σώμα, μη Κίκτημίνον μη άδ^λφον 
μη avvyevrj μη 

7 νιον δννάμξνον άμα μοι συνπαθΐν, ay λοιπόν e/s αύτο το της σωτηρίας πνίΰμα 

δνστνχΐν μ€. 66ev ray ικεσίας προσφέρω τί} ύμ^τίρα εξουσία ωστ€ e/xe 
μίν ίλ€νθ€ρωθήναι 

8 ray τοιαύτας λ€ΐτουργ€ΐ[α]ς, [τον] 5e [πρω]τότυπον κατ αν ay κάζ^σθαι η δι ύαυτοΰ 

ή δια οιουδήποτε προσώπου την τοιαύτην λ€lτoυpyίav ίξανύσαι, ίμοΰ άπο- 
ταξαμύνου και μη 

9 δυνάμενου [μηδαμως ύπομενιν τ]^ν τοιαύτην άπαρετητον και φορτικωτάτην 

λ€lτoυpyίav, Ίνα Kayoo τούτου τυ\ων εύγαριστήσω ταΐς άκλεινεΐς άκοαΐς 
της υμετέρας 
ΙΟ εξουσίας, μεyaλo[πpεπεστaτε ημών ηy]εμωv κύριε. -{■ 

2. ϋμ€Τ(ρα5 Pap. ; SO in 11. 7 and 9. 1. καβωσιωμίνου. 3. ίπαγ'[γ€ΐλ]α/;ΐ6ΐΌί Pap. 

νπομνησεωί Pap. 4• ο^λί Pap. 5• ^πομΐνονσιν , . . αποκα&ίσταν Pap. 7• *''°'' • • • 

iKeaias . . . νμίτίρα Pap. 8. 1. της τοιαύτης. 9• ^• απαραίτητοι. Ίνα Pap. 1. άκΚινίσι. 

' From Flavins. The purity of your righteous judgement will surely pity me, an old man 
who has suffered a breach of covenant and mockery at the hands of Philoxenus, the devoted 
magistrianus. He gave me his word on oath, and promised that he would surely fulfil 
without any reminding every requirement for the office of riparius, providing for my support 
both servants and assistants and others whose duty it would be to undertake the guarding 
of the city ; and not only so, but he promised that if anything extraordinary happened, he 
would himself make up the loss to those who suffered injury, and also that he would set 
right everything connected with this office. But all this he has evaded, paying no attention 
to my unfortunate self, who am daily suspended by ropes and have my body belaboured 
with blows, and possess no brother, no relative, no son to sympathize with me, so that at 
last the very breath of my life is in danger. Accordingly I make my entreaties to your 
highness that I should be released from so grievous an office, and that the original holder 
should be compelled to finish it either himself or through some other person, as I renounce 


it, being unable to endure any longer an office so severe and onerous, in order that having 
gained my request I may bless the impartial ears of your highness, our most noble lord 

2. άσυνθηκή is presumably an adverb from άσύνθηκος, a form occurring in Onesand. 
Slrateg. i. 37. άσύνθηκα would have been more normal with καίχλΐνην following. 

μαγιστριανοΰ : the magistria7ii were the agentes in rebus in the service of the magisier 
officiorum, and were employed as messengers or representatives in the provinces ; cf. Cod. 
Theod. 6. 27, Cod. Just. 12. 20 De agentibus in rebus, καθωσιωμίνος which = devoh'ssimus, 
i. e. a true servant of the State, was the regular epithet of inagistriani ; cf. e. g. Cod. Just. 12. 
21. 7 schola devoiissiinoruni agentum in rebus, C. I. G. 3467. 7—8 καθωσιωμίνω μ[αγΥστριανω και 


3. ριπαρίου: that the riparius, who first appears in the fourth century, was primarily 
a police official appears clearly from 1. 4, where the παραφυλακη rrjs πόλίω: is mentioned as 
the sphere of duties of his assistants, and the other evidence is in accordance with this. In 
P. Amh. 146 a riparius issues to eirenarchs an order for arrest similar to those sent in earlier 
times by the strategus (e.g. P. Tebt. 290), decurion (64), or beneficiarius (65). Petitions 
to riparii concerning cases of assault are extant in P. Cairo 10269 and P. Leipzig 37, and in 
897 they are found engaged in the search for offenders. Other references to them are 
P. Leipzig 49, where a riparius appears as surety for the appearance of a person, P. Leipzig 
62. i. 34, where two riparii are found acting with a ΰποδίκτης χρυσοΰ τφώνων in the delivery 
of gold to a χρυσώνης, C. P. R. 30. 52, whcrc a pitrapios τον ενάτου οίκου occurs in a papyrus 
of the sixth century, when the ' houses ' of the great nobles play an important part in the 
administration of the country (cf. 133. 8), and P. Brit. Mus. 653. 17. They were sometimes 
officials oi μητρόπολης (e.g. P. Leipzig 49), sometimes of the nome(P. Leipzig 37 and 897), 
and are often found acting in pairs, e.g. 897, and P. Cairo 10269. The office, as 904 
shows, was a burdensome XeiTovpyia. 

5. αποκαθιστάω : this form occurs as early as Aristotle, Metaph. 11. 8. 12; cf. Diod. i. 
78, Act. Apost. 17. 15 καθιστάντΐς, &C. 

8. [πρωγότυπον : cf. 136. II ομολογώ eya> δ πρωτότυπος, P. Strassb. 40. 25-8 μίτ €γγυητ[ον^ 
. . . άναδίχομίν(^ον^ . . . το πρόσωπον τον πρωτοτύπου. 

905. Marriage Contract. 

20•4Χΐ8 cm. Α. D. 170. 

A short but interesting contract of marriage between two inhabitants of the 
Oxyrhynchite village Psobthis. The formula, as usual in Oxyrhynchus marriage- 
contracts, is of the protocol type, not that of a ομολογία as in the Fayum ; cf. 496. 
The dowry brought by the bride is briefly described, the obligation of the husband 
to maintain his wife adequately is emphasized in the stereotyped phraseology, and 
provision is made for the restoration of the dowry in case of a separation. An 
uncommon clause is added at the end, where the bridegroom's father appears as 
a consenting party to the deed and guarantor of the repayment of the dowry ; 
and the opening formula is also remarkable ; cf. 1. i, note. 

R % 


[ Άντωνί]νου καΙ Φαυστύνα^ ^ββαστών. 

[e^iSoTO Μην68ωρο]ς "fipov μητ{ρο9) Τακαλλίππον άπο κώμης Ψώβθίως 
[την αντον θνγατ'\€ραν Θατρην μητρός Θ ατ ρητός ^ΑποΧλωνίω 
[^Ηρακλ€ονς μητρο]ς Ταυσοράττιος άπο της αυτής κώμης προς γάμου κοι- 
5 \νωνίαν. ή 5' ίκδοτ]ος φύρίΐ τω άν8ρΙ [e/y φ€]ρνην λογον [χ]ρυσον μ\ν κοινοΰ 

[Όξυρυγχ^ζίτη] μναγαΐον er [[τέταρτοι/]] ev uSeaL συντιμη6ί.ν, 
[καΐ eVi kv 7Γαρ]αφ€ρνοις ιματίων σουβροκομαψόρτια 8ύο, 

[ei/ μ\ν \νον το 8k €Τ€ρον XevKov. ^ονουν^ συμβιούτωσαν 

\ουν άΧΧήΧοις οι γ]αμοΰντ€ς φυΧάσσοντ^ς τα του γάμου ' 8ίκαια, 

ΙΟ \καΙ 6 γαμών ίπιΐχ^ορηγίίτω τη γαμουμίνη τά 8ζοντα κατά 8ύνα- 
μιν [του βίου. k\av 8\k ά\ΐΓαΧΧαγη Ύ^νητ[α\ι τίκνων όντων η καΐ 
[μη γβνομύνων άπο86τ]ω ό γαμών τά παράφερνα πάντα 
μ\ν άμ[α'\ τ[η άπ]αλλαγ^ την 8[ϊ\ φ^ρνην kv ήμίραις ίξή- 
κοντα ά[φ' η]ς €[άν ή ά]παΧΧαγη γύνηται, της πράξζως [Γαι;]] ούσης 

15 τω €κ8ι86ν[τ]ι Μηνο8ώρου παρά του γαμοΰντος καΐ €Κ 
των ύπαρ)([6]ντων αύτω πάντων, παρών 8e ό πατήρ του 
γαμοΰντος Ήρ[α]κΧής Μώρου μητ{ρος) Άπ[οΧ]Χωνίας άπο της αυτής κώμης 

ξύ8οκ(ΐ τω [[tc]] γάμω και €νγυάταί €ΐς €κτισίν 
την προκαμίνην φβρνήν. κυρία ή σννγραφή 8ισσή γρα- 
φύσα προς το έκάτβρον μίρος 'ίχ^ιν μοναχόν, καΐ ίπ^ρωτη- 

2θ [θ€ν]τζς έαυτοΐς [[αλλτ^λοί?]] ώμοΧόγησαν. {ζτους) ί Φαμ^νώθ ιη. 

4• κ of κώμης οοΓΓ. from π, and γ and μ of γάμου written above μ and γ which are 
crossed through. 5. [eis φΐ]ρνην λογού added above the line ; 1, φβ]ρνη5 λόγον. 6. 1. 

μνααϊον. 7. Ιματίων Pap. 1. σονβρικομαφόρτια. 1 4. ο οί ονσης ΟΟΠ". from τ. Ι5• 1• 

ΜψοΒώρω. ιη. ηρ[α]κ\ης . . . κώμη: added above the hne. 

' . . . Antoninus and Faustina, Augusti. Menodorus son of Horus and Tacallippus of 
the village of Psobthis has given for partnership of marriage Thatres, his daughter by Thatres, 
to ApoUonius son of Heracles and Tausorapis. The bride brings to her husband in respect of 
dowry one mina's weight on the Oxyrhynchite standard of common gold, in kind, according 
to valuation, and in parapherna in clothing two outer veils, one . . ., the other white. Let 
the husband and wife therefore live together observing the duties of marriage, and the 
husband shall supply the wife with necessaries in proportion to his means. If a separation 
takes place after the birth of children or before it, the husband shall restore all the super- 
dowry at the time of separation, and the dowry in sixty days from the day on which the 
separation takes place; and Menodorus, the giver of the bride, shall have the right of 
execution upon the husband and upon all his property. The father of the husband, 
Heracles son of IMorus and Apollonia, of the said village, being present assents to the 


marriage, and is surety for the payment of the aforesaid dowry. This contract is valid, being 
written in duplicate in order that each party may have a copy ; and in answer to the formal 
question they have declared to each other their consent. The loth year, Phamenoth 18.' 

I. It is very unlikely that this line is a date. There seems to be barely room for 
(erovs) t (cf. 1. 20) Αυρηλίου ^Αντωνί]νον, even if erovs were written as a symbol ; it is also 
noticeable that the month is not added (there being a blank space after Έ,φαστων), and the 
date at the end makes another at the beginning quite superfluous. Moreover, the mention 
of the empress in a date would be very unusual, though possibly it might have been thought 
appropriate in a marriage-contract ; cf. the coins in which Faustina is associated with 
Fecunditas, Fortuna muliebris, Laetitia, &c. These considerations suggest the probability 
that 1. I contains some unfamiliar formula, e. g, τ^ τύχη 'ΚντωνΊ\νον κ.τΧ, with which might 
be compared the άγαθί} τύχη common in wills. In any case, however, the mention of 
Φαυστΰνα Έ,φαστη here appears to fix the year given in 1. 20 as the loth of Marcus Aurelius, 
for though the phrase (π(ρωτη\βέν\τ(ς ωμ6kόyησav in II. 19-20 suggests a later period (cf. note 
ad loc), the fact that none of the parties to the contract is an Aurelius gives strong support 
to a date earlier than Caracalla. For Faustina cf. 502. 3-4, where a priest of ΦαυστΊνα 
"Σφαστη occurs in the reign of Marcus. 

5. ό Se Μ)?ι/όδωρ]οί is too long, and the natural subject of φφβι is the bride. We there- 
fore suggest €κδοτ]οί, though that word does not apparently occur in the papyri ; cf however, 
(kSiSovoc and (κδότη!. 

6. [Όξνρνγχ€ίττι] : cf. 4θβ. 3 χρνσίο]ν σταθμω 'θξνρυγχ(ίτ[τ) μναιάϊα irevre. The insertion 

of γ in μναγαιον exemplifies a common phenomenon; cf. P. Tebt. 26. 12, Mayser, 
Grammatik, pp. 167-8. 

7. σονβρ{ι)κομαφόρτιορ seems to be a new compound; cf. 921. 4 and B.G. U. 327. 7 

8. ]vov is the termination of some word like σανδύκινον or κροκώηνον. 

ΙΟ. €πί\χορηγ€ίτω : cf. e.g. 906. 6. 

12-3. Cf. 603, where it is similarly provided that the παράφΕρνα were to be returned on 
demand, and the φ{ρνη within sixty days. The latter term is also that fixed in 497. 6 and 
P. Gen. 21 {Archiv, III. p. 387); in Roman marriage-contracts thirty days is a commoner 
limit. At the beginning of 1. 13 the space is rather broad for αμίι^α], and perhaps a^Si^a αυΎ\β 
irji) should be read. 

16-8. On the analogy of this passage we would suggest that the signature which in 
497. 22-4 follows those of the bridegroom and the bride's father is that of the bridegroom's 
father, who was perhaps made security, as here, for the repayment. Similarly in 906. 10 
Isidorus, who is only a few years younger than the father of the wife, may well be the father 
of the husband. In P. Leipzig 27, which like 906 is an agreement for divorce, the husband 
is associated with a person who actually pays over the dowry on his behalf to the wife's 
father ; but this fourth person is there unlikely to be the husband's father, since not only is 
no such relationship stated, but the husband was a freedman, who would not be expected to 
have an assignable father. Mitteis suggests that he was the banker, but that does not seem 
at all probable ; we should prefer to suppose that he was more intimately concerned in the 
transaction, and had appeared in the original marriage-contract as the husband's 

19. This is a remarkably early example of the use in Egypt of the stipulatory formula, 
which only becomes common in the third century. In fact we are unable to refer to another 
instance from the second century apart from those in which Roman citizens are concerned, 
for in C. [P. R. 22. Γ35, 'which is cited by Mitteis, Reichsrecht, p. 486^ €π€ρω]Γΐ/^6ί[σα is an 
erroneous reading (Hunt, Goli. Gel. Anz., 1897, p. 462). 


906. Deed of Divorce. 

ΐ2•6 X 33• I cm. Second or early third century. 

The conclusion of a contract for divorce ; cf. 266, P. Leipzig 27, C. P. R. I. 
23, &c. The document is apparently called an άποχ?/, referring to the repayment 
of the dowry ; cf. note on 1. 10. At the end are the names and descriptions of 
the principal parties to the contract, Horion who is no doubt the wife's father, 
Plutarche the wife, and a third person who is not the husband but may have been 
a surety for him ; cf. 905. 16-8, note. 

[ . 45 letters ]«•[••]•[ 

[ 24 „ ] . αλ[ ]σο . [. .] κ[αϊ\ τα Sia 

TTJs αυτής σννγραφήί ^[σ]ταιι[ίνα 
παράφ[ζ]ρ[να οντά Ικ] δραχ^μων τ^σσαράκοντα, οΐ Sk τρ€Ϊ9 κα} μη ίνκαλβΐν 

άλλήλοι? μηδξ ivKaXiaciv 
μηδί ΐΐΓ€λβνσ€σθαί μήτ€ ττΐρϊ μηδίνος των ety την σννβίωσιν τον Διογένους 

και Trjs ΙΙλοντάρ)(η5 
5 Τζίνόντων μηδζ Trepi άλλον μηδενός απλώς μίχρι της ίνΐστώσης ήμίρας. ό 5e 

και €πΐ)(ορηγή[σ]ζΐ άπο τον ννν τα \δ\^οντα τοις avrois viois αντων παρ αντω 

διαιτα)μζν[ο]ΐ5 οίχρι 
ηλικίας, άπο δ\ τον ννν e^eTvat τω Aioyevn και ttJ Πλοντάρχτ} έκάτίρο? 

αυτών άρμ6ζ€σ[θαι] ως ίαν αιρή- 
ται γάμω άν€ν6ννω οντι, η την ζσομίνην ίφοδον άκνρον etvai, την δξ δηλον- 

μίνην σ[ν]νγραφην 
κ[αι] την [γ]ζνομζνην αυτής δια τον καταλογΐίον δημοσίωσιν [καί] μ^τάδοσιν 

σννχωρονσβι άκνρον (ϊναι. 
ΙΟ κυρία ή άποχη. Ώριων ός (Ιτών) νζ άσημ{ρς). Πλοντάρχη ως [ίτών) κδ 
άσημ{ος). 0[. . ( )] Ίσίδ(ωρος) ως {^τών) μη ονλ{τι) 6φρ{νι) δ€ξ{ιώ). 

7• 1• εκατφω. ΙΟ. 1. as for of. 

' . . . and the parapherna fixed in the said contract, worth 40 drachmae. The three 
further agree that they neither make nor will make any claim or proceed against each other 
on any point connected with the union of Diogenes and Plutarche, or on any other subject 
whatever up to the present day. Diogenes shall henceforth provide the necessary means 
for the said sons, who shall live with him until they come of age ; and henceforth it shall 



be lawful for Diogenes and Plutarche, either of them, to marry as they choose without 
incurring liability, any act of aggression against them being invalid. The above-mentioned 
contract, "and the registration of it through the record-office, and communication of it are 
acknowledged to be invalid. This receipt is valid. Horion, aged about 57, with no 
distinguishing mark. Plutarche, aged about 24, with no distinguishing mark. Ο . . 
Isidorus, aged about 48, with a scar on his right eyebrow.' 

1—2. Cf. P. Leipz. 27• 20—3 "apoiv be άττίχιν πάρα τοΰ Σωσά ras δια τηί συνγραψης φ^ρνη: 
αργυρίου Βραχμά: τρι[ακο]σίαϊ κ[α\ τα πα}ράφ(ρνα πάντα. In marriage-contracts the repayment of 
the παράφ€ρι>α is generally provided for without any stipulation concerning their value, such 
as commonly occurs in connexion with the φ€ρνη. In the marriage-contract of Diogenes 
and Plutarche, however, though ίισ]ταμ[(να and οντά εκ] are very uncertain, the value of the 
παράφίρνα seem to have been stated. 

7. €κατ€ρ[ο]ις Cannot be read, nor L• for as. 

9. δια τοΰ καταΧογύου 8ημοσίωσιν apparently refers to the registration of deeds through the 
archidicastes in the Library of Hadrian and Nanaeum at Alexandria ; cf. 719, P. Leipzig 10, 
and, for the latest discussion, P. Strassb. 29 introd. These deeds were, however, in all 
previously known instances χαρόγραφα, i. e. private notes of hand without the intervention 
of the agoranomus or other notarial official, whereas the document in the present case was 
a συγγραφή, \. e. the original marriage-contract of Diogenes and Plutarche. The extant 
marriage-contracts of the Roman period are all notarial συγγραφαί (cf P. M. Meyer, JiCho, VI. 
pp. 442 sqq.), and that a συγγραφή should have undergone δημοσίωσι: a.t Alexandria is a new 
and surprising phenomenon. The only explanation which we can suggest is that the 
συγγραφή in question resembled that mentioned in 259. 11 in being Ιδιόγραφος, i.e. that 
it was really a χαρόγραφον (cf P. M. Meyer, op. cit., p. 447), which required to be sent to 
Alexandria to receive official δημοσίωσκ. What is precisely meant by μίτάδοσιν here is also 
not quite clear, owing to our ignorance of the terms of the συγγραφή and the circumstances of 
its δημοσίωσίί, but μΐτάδοσιν is likely to be connected with μεταδοθήτω which occurs in the 
instructions of the archidicastes quoted in the documents bearing upon the δημοσίωσις, e. g. 
719. 4, B. G. U. 578. 7. μΐταδοθήτω in the latter example is explained by Mitteis {Hermes, 
xxxii. p. 647) as ' the communication of the copy of the petition concerning δημοσίωσις to the 
defendant through the strategus ', but this explanation does not very well suit the other cases 
where the δημοσίωσις is not preparatory to an action at law as in B. G. U. 578, but is only 
a precautionary step (cf. 719. introd.). Perhaps μχτάδοσκ means the official communication 
of the fact of δημοσίωσις to all Concerned. 

10. αποχή : the reading of the last three letters is uncertain, but an abbreviation of 
ά7Γαλλα7/ΐ7 or άποζυγή is not admissible. The repayment of the dowry was the chief point in 
a contract concerning divorce ; the formula of 2ββ and P. Brit. Mus. II. 178 is simply that 
of an αποχή : cf Lesquier, Rev. de Phil. 1906^ p. 25. 

907. Will of Hermogenes. 

26*5 X 22-4 cm. A. D. 276. 

The following will is preserved on the verso of 412, a fragment from the 
Κβστοί of Julius Africanus. The testator, Aurelius Hermogenes, a president of 
the boule at Oxyrhynchus, divides a considerable real estate between his five 
children — three sons and two daughters — and his wife. Property of various 


kinds is first apportioned to the sons, a special bequest being made to the eldest 
of them (11. 7-1 1). Other property was similarly to be shared by the daughters, 
the elder of whom was married ; the dowry bestowed on this elder daughter 
is confirmed, and provision made for the future marriage-portion of her sister 
(11. 1 1-6, 2,4.-^). To the wife is given the absolute ownership of some land hypo- 
thecated as security for her dowry. A guardian is appointed for the three 
younger children who were still under age, to act in the case of the sons until 
they attained their majority, in that of the daughter until her marriage ; the wife 
of Hermogenes is associated in the guardianship, and a nephew is requested 
to give his assistance when required. 

The chief point of interest in this will, which is not the original document but 
a copy taken after the original was opened (cf. 1. 38 and note), lies in its adherence 
to Latin formulae. According to the express statement of 1. 2 the deed was 
drawn up in Greek ; yet it reproduces in a striking manner the phraseology 
of the will of Gaius Longinus Castor at Berlin (B. G. U. 326 ; cf. Mommsen, 
Sitznngshei'. d. Pr. Akad. 1894, p, 47, Scialoja, Bull, delt Inst, di dir. rom. vii, 
p. 2, &c.), which was translated from the Latin. In the recent monograph of 
Ardir\g\o-'R.n\z, La sticcessione testainejitaria secondo i papiri gj-eco-egizii^ where the 
evidence is conveniently collected and fully discussed, it is remarked (pp. 277-9) 
how little difference the promulgation of the constitutio Antonina made to the 
testamentary formulae current in Egypt. Latin phrases and forms appear 
sporadically, but the few previously published Greek wills of the third and follow- 
ing centuries have been cast in the typically Greek shape. In the light of the 
present text this conclusion needs some modification. The preference here 
shown for Latin forms may be traceable in a greater or less degree to the high 
municipal position of the testator ; but the influence of Roman law upon the 
formulae of Egyptian wills was evidently stronger than has hitherto been 

The papyrus is dated on Pauni 7 (June i) of the first year of the emperor 
Tacitus, and is said to have been opened in the following month Epeiph (June 25- 
July 34) of the 'same first year'. Aurelian seems to have been killed before 
March 25, 275, but since Tacitus was not chosen emperor till about September 
and his accession could not have been foreseen, it is evident that the date of the 
papyrus refers to the year 276. Tacitus only reigned six months, his death 
probably occurring early in April ; that the news of it had not yet reached 
Oxyrhynchus by Epeiph is however not very remarkable, for there were con- 
siderable variations in the length of the periods which elapsed before changes 
in the imperial succession became generally known in Egypt : Commodus 
appears in the date of B. G. U. 515 more than five months after his death. Cf. 


912. 40, note, and P. Strassburg 8. 17, where Pauni 14 of the first year of Tacitus 
occurs, and Preisigke's discussion in pp. 30 sqq. 

The ends of the lines are missing throughout and the exact extent of the 
loss is not quite certain. Assuming that 1. 6 corresponded verbally to B. G. U. 
326. i. 15, the number of letters to be supplied in 11. 1-16 is about '^^, in the 
remainder a or 3 less ; and our restorations are made on this hypothesis. In one 
or two places a slightly longer supplement seems necessary, but not more than 
can be accounted for by a reasonable variation in the length of the lines and the 
size of the writing. 

[Ανρή]\ιο^ Έρμογ^νη^ ό και Ε[ν\8αίμων ^iηγητης βονλζντηί [καΐ π]ρ[ντανΐ9 

τη9 λαμπ]ράς καΐ λαμπροτά[τη9 Όξνρνγ^ίτών πόλεως τ68ξ το βούλημα 
'Ελληνικοί? γράμμασί κατά τα συν κ^^ω ρήμωνα υπηγόρ^υσίν 
Ανρήλιοί Έρμ€Ϊνο? και Ώράων καΐ 'Ηρακλ€ί$η9 και Πτολ^μαΙς και Αιδνμ[η, 

οι 7re]vT€ TeKva μου γλυκύτατα [e]>c [τη? συνούση? μοι ι8 letters γυναι- 
κά? Αύρηλία? Ίσιδώρα? τη? και ΤΙρύσκα? ματρώνα? στολάτα?, aipiaei τβ 

ύποτ€ταγμ€ντ) ^φ' οϊ? ξκαστο? τΓροσδ[ κληρονόμοι μου ίστωσαν, οι 

δ\ λοιποί 
5 πάντ€? άποκληρόνομοί μου ίστωσαν, προσ^ργβσθωσάν re τη κληρονομιά μου 

€πι τοΐ? 4κάστφ καταλιμ[πανομίνοι? οπόταν ρασθαι 

εαυτού? €μοΰ κληρονόμου? Hvai, ουτοί re υπεύθυνοι ^στωσαν διΒόναι ποιησαι 

παρασχίσθαι ταΰτα πάντα [οσα kv ταύτη τη διαθήκη μου γ^γραμμίνα 

τοΰτό Τ€ τη π[ίστ]€ΐ αύτων παρακατατ^θ^{ι)μαι. Ανρηλιοι? Έρμ^ίνω και 

*Ωρ€ίωνι και 'Ηρακλείδη τοΐ? τρισί μου [υιοί? ώ? πρόκειται καταλείπω 

κοινω? e^ ί- 
σου ύπ\ρ τη? κληρονομιά? τη? ίμή? ο €χω π€ρι το" Ιστρου των κατά το άνω 

Ίσβΐον άμπξλικον χωρίον και σ€ΐι[ικά? άρούρα? πάσα? και 1 6 letters 
νυ? και χρηστήρια και συνκυροΰντα πάντα και α? €χω πβρι Χ^φω σπιτικά? 

άρούρα? πάσα? και kv τη μητροπ[όλ€ΐ την 28 letters 

10 μου οικίαν και την kv αύτη βνδομ€ν€ΐαν πάσαν, τω δ\ Ερμύνω μόνω κατ 

βξαίρζτον α? 'ίχω π^ρι Χ€ν[ κοινά? προ? 

σπτικά? άρούρα? πάσα? και δοΰλόν μου ονόματι Φιλοδιόσκορον. Αύρηλίαι? 

Πτολζμαίδι και Διδύμη ταΐ? πρ[ογ€γραμμ€ναι? θυγατράσι μου 



μι καταλίίπω και avrais κοινώς e| 'ίσου νπ\ρ Trjs κληρονομιάς της ^μης ο €χω 

κοινον Ίτρος τον αύτ[ον 24 letters άμιτζΧικον 

χωρίον και σ€ΐτικας άρονρας πάσας και προχρίίας και χρηστήρια και σνν- 

κυρονντα πάντα, Tjj Sk Αιδνμτ) [μονί] κατ e^aipeTov 20 letters 

άλλα και ττ} Πτολζμαίδι βζβαιώ Sia τούτου μου του βουλήματος ήν φθάσας 

ίπιδίδωκα αύττ} προίκα e[ 21 letters και καταλείπω την 

15 δούλην ονόματι Εϋνοιαν, τα 5e λοιπά μου δοΰλα σώματα τίσσαρα Διοσκου- 

ρίδην καΐ ^αβξΐνον και 'Ερμ[. . . και τοΐς προκ^ιμίνοις άρρ^σι τοις 

τρισϊ και Tjj μια των θηλαίων, λίγω δη Tjj Διδύμτ^. Αύρηλία Ίσιδώρα ttj και 

Πρζίσκα TTJ συνούστ} μοι \yυvaικi 29 letters 

πρ^πόντως π€ρι την σνμβίωσιν άναστραφ^ίσχι καταλ[ζί\πω κυρι^υτικως ας €χω 

κοινάς προς τον [αύτον 22 letters π€ρι . . .- 

βιν σ€ΐτικας άρούρας πάσας προυπαλλαγζίσας αύτβ υπ Ιμοΰ πphς την προσ- 

ζνζχθΐΐσάν μοι επ' αύττ) τ[. . . φ^ρνήν. ίπίτροπον δξ ποιώ των προκ€ΐμί- 
νων άφηλίκων μου τβκνων τ[ριώ]ν Ώρίίωνος και Ήρακλίίδου και Δίδυμης ecoy 

αν οι μ\ν άρρ[<ίν^ς της ηλικίας γίνωνται ή δζ θήλΐΐα 
2θ άνδρι γαμηθβ Ανρήλιον Δημήτριον [του] Διονυσοθίωνος, επακολουθούσης πασι 

τοΐς TTJ ίπιτροπίία διαφ€ρ[ουσι της προγίγραμμίνης μου γυναικός 
Ίσιδώρας της και Πρξίσκας, και δια τοΰτο [ου βό\ύλομαι άρχοντα η άντάρχοντα 

η €Τ€ρ6ν τίνα παρ€ντιθ€ναι 4αυτ[ον 29 letters e- 

τΓίτελλω γαρ και της του άν€ψιοΰ μο[ν Δί]δύμου ihai (ύσφ^ίας βοηθήσίΐν τω 

Δημητριω kv άς kav αύτοϋ [δίηται 26 letters 

Αύρηλίω Διονυσάμμωνι φίλω μο[υ] καταλείπω δοθήναί τ€ βούλομαι κατ €Τος 

€0* hv ζήσ^ται χρόνον ά[φ' ων ίχω 26 letters 

π€ρι Μωα σπιτικών άρου[ρ\ών οϊνου μίν άμα τρύγοι Κ€ράμια τριάκοντα και 

πυροΰ μίτρω δ^κάτω τω Παυ[νι μηνι άρτάβας Ι4 letters ttj Δι- 

25 δύμτ) . ωρα .[.].. . γ^νομ^ν . ύπο των αδελφών αυτής αργυρίου τάλαντα 

τίσσαρα, την φροντίδα τ[ 3^ letters 

κληρον[ο]μια. το βούλημα ^ποίησα kv ttj λαμπρά και λαμπροτάττ] Όξυρυγ- 

χζΐτών π6λ€ΐ α {<ίτ€ΐ) του κυρίου ημών [Μάρκου Κλαυδίου Τακίτου 

Παΰνι ζ. 
{^τους) α Αύτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Μάρκου Κλαυδίου Τακίτου Εύσφοΰς 

Ευτυχούς Χφαστοϋ Παυνι ζ. Αύρή[λιος 'Ερμογένης ό και Ευδαίμων 

το βούλημα π€ποίη- 
κα €πι [πασ]ι τοΐ[ς] προκ€ΐμίνοις. ΐλύθη του αύτοΰ α (ίτους) Έπξίφ. 


3. τττοΚψαϊς Pap.: SO in 11. 11, 14. 4. ϊσιδωραί Pap. : SO in 1. 16. 6. νπΐυβννοι 

Pap. 7. |ανρί;λιοίί Pap. 12. κ of κοίΐΌΐ/ corr. from π. l8. ττροντταλλαγείσαί Pap. 

27• TraOVt Pap. 

' Aurelius Hermogenes also called Eudaemon, exegetes, councillor and prytanis of the 
illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, dictated the following will in the Greek 
language, in accordance with the permission. Aurelius Herminus, Aurelius Horion, 
Aurelius Heraclides, Aurelia Ptolemais and Aurelia Didyme, my five dearest children by 
my . . . wife Aurelia Isidora also called Prisca, a matron wearing the stola, shall be my 
heirs according to the disposition below written, and on the conditions on which each . . ., 
all other persons being disinherited ; they shall proceed to my inheritance in accordance 
with the bequests made to each of them whenever they . . . themselves to be my 
heirs ; they shall be responsible for giving, doing, and providing all this which is written in 
this my testament, and I confide this to their honour. To Aurelius Herminus, Aurelius 
Horion, and Aurelius Heraclides my three sons as aforesaid I bequeath jointly in equal 
shares on behalf of my inheritance the vineyard belonging to me near the village of (?) 
Istrus by the upper temple of Isis, and all the corn-land and . . . and utensils and all 
appurtenances, and all the corn-land belonging to me at Sepho, and in the metropolis my 
. . . house and all the furniture in it ; and to Herminus alone as his special property all the 
corn-land belonging to me at Sen . . . jointly with . . ., and my slave called Philodioscorus. 
To Aurelia Ptolemais and Aurelia Didyme my aforesaid daughters ... I give and bequeath 
likewise jointly, and in equal shares on behalf of my inheritance, the vineyard belonging to 
me at . . . jointly with the said . . . with all the corn-land and the plant, utensils, and all 
appurtenances. To Didyme alone as her special property I bequeath . . . and I also confirm 
to Ptolemais by this my will the dowry . . . which I previously gave her, and I leave to her my 
slave named Eunoea ; my remaining four slaves, Dioscurides and Sabinus and Herm . . . 
and . . ., I bequeath to the three sons and one of the daughters, to wit Didyme. To Aurelia 
Isidora also called Prisca, my wedded wife . . . who has conducted herself becomingly in 
our married life, I leave as her own property all the corn-land belonging to me at . . . bis 
jointly with the said . . ., which was previously mortgaged by me to her in security 
for the dowry brought to me with her ... I appoint as guardian of my three children 
aforesaid who are under age, Horion, Heraclides, and Didyme, until the boys attain 
majority and the girl is married, Aurelius Demetrius son of Dionysotheon, with the con- 
currence, in all that pertains to the guardianship, of my aforesaid wife Isidora also called 
Prisca ; and accordingly I do not wish any magistrate or deputy or any other person to 
intrude himself . . ., for I further enjoin it upon the piety of my nephew Didymus to assist 
Demetrius in any way that may be required of him. To my friend Aurelius Dionysammon 
I bequeath and I wish that there be given him during his lifetime from . . . and the corn- 
land belonging to me at Moa thirty jars of wine at the vintage and . . . artabae of wheat 
by the tenth measure in the month of Pauni. (I direct that there be provided as dowry) for 
Didyme ... by her brothers four talents of silver . . . This will was made by me in the 
illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus in the first year of our lord Marcus 
Claudius Tacitus, Pauni 7. The first year of the Emperor Caesar Marcus Claudius Tacitus 
Pius Felix Augustus, Pauni 7. I, Aurelius Hermogenes also called Eudaemon, have made 
this will with all the above provisions. Opened in the same first year, Epeiph.' 

1. βονλημα: cf. 11. 1 4 and 26 below, and P. Leipzig 29. 7 Έλλψικοϋ βουλήματος. 

2. Cf. 990 and P. Rainer 1702. 13 {Wt'en. Stud. ix. p. 241) '^ράμμασιν\ 'EXXj/wkois ακο- 
\ovQm rfj θεία [διατά|«. According to the older Roman law the use of the Latin language 
was essential in all legal transactions. The emperor who established the right to use Greek 


is thought to have been Alexander Severus, to whose reign the Rainer papyrus belongs ; 
whether the permission applied to other countries besides Egypt is disputed ; cf. Arangio- 
Ruiz, op. at., p. 266 sqq. 

3. σννοΰση! μοι is restored from 1. 16, and was probably followed by some epithet. 
άΒΐλφψ και would not fill the space. 

4. ματρώνας στολάτας : cf. Β. G. U. 86o. I, P. Flor. 1 6. I. The s^ola was the mark of 
rank and dignity, alpeaei = volun/ali, a common term in connexion with wills, προσδ [is 
a verb apparently meaning ' shares ' or ' is endowed '. 

For the supplement κληρονόμοι μου ίστωσαν cf. Β. G. υ. 326. i. 6, where, as Schubart 
informs us, the fifth letter is almost certainly i, and therefore something like [και αύται ίστωσαν 
κληρο]νόμοι is probably to be restored. The construction of the rest of that line remains 
imcertain ; /^[epovi], however, is not necessary (cf. e. g. 11. 7 and 1 2 of our papyrus) and 
possibly μ[όι>αι 8]e μου κ\ηρορ[όμοι may be read (cf. P. Leipzig 29. 5 κληρονόμον σί ρ{ό]ι\τι]ρ 
κατά πάντας τους ι[ο]μουε καθίστημι), though the repetition of κληρονόμοι is awkward. Or 
perhaps \ομοι is part of some phrase with οί] νόμοι, for which cf the passage of the Leipzig 
papyrus just quoted, and P. Brit. Mus. L 77. 13-4 (Will of Abraham^) ως ίπο των . . . 

νόμων διηγορίυμ€να, 

4-5• Ο' ^^ λο(7ΓοΐΊ . . . ?στωσαν : cf. Β. G. U. 326. i. 7, and the will pubHshed by de Ricci 
in Wessely's Sh(d. z. Palaographie I, p. 6, 1. 24 ; the phrase corresponds to the Latin formula 
ceteri omnes exheredes sunio (Gaius 2. 128). The papyrus proves that /χου, not μοι which 
Arangio-Ruiz wishes to read before ^στωσαν {pp. cit., pp 223, 276), is correct. 

5. B. G. U. 326. i. 7-8 is on this analogy to be read προσε[ρ]χ€σ[ίωσάΐ' re ττ^ κληρονομΙα\^ μου, 

which is now confirmed by Schubart. tm . . . κατάλιμ[πανομ£νοις is there replaced by ίκάστη 
vnep του Ιδίου μίρους, after which 1. οπόταν (Schubart) for από τ[ων. We accordingly read 
οπόταν in the corresponding position, the infinitive . . . ρασθαι, which is also adopted from 
the Berlin papyrus, perhaps depending on an intervening verb, e. g. φαίνηται. The ρ of ρασθαι, 
Schubart tells us, can be any letter having a long tail, i. e. i, φ, or ψ, and it is preceded at an 
interval of three letters by a similar long stroke. άπογρά^Ι^ασθαι therefore does not seem 
suitable. Dareste proposed μ(τα τό όράσθαι, and Gradenwitz suggests a connexion with 
cernere, but this is hardly convincing. 

6-7. Cf. B. G. U. 326. i. 14-5, where ταΰτα (so Schubart) not αυτά is no doubt to be 
read after παρασχίσθαι, as here. Schubart would write in the Berlin text πάντα [τά] iv . . . 

•/(γραμμΐνα, (Χη. τη re π'ιστΐΐ \τα\ΰτης (nOt [α]ΰτήί) παρακατατίθομαι, but this absolute USe of €117 

does not greatly commend itself, and the mood might be due to a sin/ in the original Latin. 
It therefore seems more satisfactory to have either δσα . . . •^(■^ραμμίνα ϊστί or τά . . . γιγραμ- 
μίνα in the lacuna here. The corresponding Latin formulae are damnas esio dare 
facere praestare . . . fideique ems commitio; cf. the will of Dasumius C. L L. 1352. 116 and 
125, the will of Hadoindus in Brissonius, de Formulis vii, ita ut ubicumque aliquid per hoc 
testamentum meum dedero legavero dareque iussero id ut detur fiat praestetur fidei tuae heres mea 
committo, &c. 

7. Or perhaps [τίκνοις appeal δίδωμι καταλΐίπω : cf. 11. 1 1-2. μου is by no means certain. 

8. Trepi to . . . Ίσάον ; it is not quite clear how these words should be constructed or 
even how some of them should be divided. Perhaps τό "ίστρου, sc. ίποΊκιον, των κατά τό ανω 
Ίσ., SC. οίκοπίδων, is the best interpretation ; but the first τό may refer to Ίσΰον and "ίστρου . . . 
ανω be descriptive of that name ; cf. combinations like Ίσιων Παγγα (8ΘΘ. 7)> 'lo'""»' 

Τρύφωνος (719. I4). 

g. νυς, which is clearly written, is puzzling. Some expression corresponding to 

^ We are surprised to see that Arangio-Ruiz, op. cit,, p. 295, repeats the error of writing Ιψαι in 1. 51 
of that papyrus. Evidently k<p' ψ should be read there as well as in 11. 28 and 60. 


προχρπα! in 1. 1 3 is expected. The lacuna at the end of the Hne was presumably occupied 
with a description of the οΙκία. 

ΙΟ, The names of several Oxyrhynchite villages beginning with Sev are known, 

SeveKfXtv, Σΐνίπτα, Σΐνοκωλίνώ, Σίνοκωμί!, 2(ρτώ. The following Koivas προς is indicated by 1. 12 

where τ6ν αύτ[όν, if correct, implies a previous mention of a person with whom Hermogenes 
held property in common, and the end of 1. 10 seems the most suitable place for the name to 
be given; cf. also 1. 17. 

1 1-2. δίδω]μί καταλ(ίπω = do lego, as 6. g. in C. I. L. 1352. 125 ; cf. B. G. U. 326. i. i8 
[.7 (cVi hίh(ύμι καταλίπω, and ii. 1 7. The name to which top αντ[όν refers probably occurred at 
the end of 1. lo; cf. the previous note. 

14. Perhaps e[v άργνρίον raXavTois . . .: cf. 1. 2ζί 

1 6. The line may be completed e.g. eivooCar; μοί (so 494. 9) κα\ κατά πάντα. 

17. Perhaps nepl Κορω]3ιν (45. 9) or θώσ]βιν (614, &c.). 

18. It was the usual practice in marriage contracts to give the wife a general claim 
against the husband's property for the repayment of her dowry, but in the present case the 
security seems to have been limited to a portion of the husband's estate which was formally 

mortgaged for this purpose. For eV αΰτ^ cf. e.g. 266. 9 προσηνίγκατο αυτω ^ψ' (αυτί} (V 

φΐρντ], τ[ηΐ) -γάμου might be supplied before ψ^ρνην, but three or four letters would 
be enough. 

19. For ηλικίας yiveauai cf. e.g. 496, 12, 651; the age of 14 years is probably here 
meant, at which time a boy passed from the care of a h(/or {ίπίτροποή to that of a curator 
(φροντιστής). According to the provisions of some Oxyrhynchus wills (cf, 491, 9, 495. 10) 
επίτροποι are appointed to act for minors up to the age of 20 or 25 years, but these cases 
are anterior to the consiitutio Anionina, and considering the strong tendency of Hermogenes 
to use Roman formulae, it is safer to take επίτροπος here in its technical Roman sense, A tutor 
but not a curator could be appointed by a Roman will. For the phrase ΐπίτροπον ποκΐν cf, 
Β, G, U, 326. ii, 17 (ποίησα (πίτροπον Tjj 18ία πίστι. The analogy of the present passage, 
in which the tutor is assigned to the daughter as well as the sons, makes it clear that in that 
much discussed clause also (cf. Arangio-Ruiz, op. cit. pp, 232 sqq,) επίτροπος means tutor. 

20. (πακολουθούσης : cf, 909. 4 άφηλίκων μήτηρ κα\ ΐπακολονθήτρια, and note, 

21. άρχοντα η άντάρχοντα : cf, e.g. C, I, G, 2 22 2, 1 7 ά[ρ]χόντων η άνταρχόντων. άντι- 

corresponds to the Latin pro-. But the intervention of a magistrate would according to 
Roman law be necessary when the sons required a curator; cf. 888. introd, 

23, φιλώ μου is very doubtful ; the name of Dionysammon's (?) father may be 
given instead. 

25. Possibly ev &pa γάμου γενομένη, with 8οθηναι βούλομαι before τη Αι8νμτ], but the 

reading would not be very satisfactory, and γενομεν., if rightly deciphered, may also be 
constructed with υπό. 

26, We suppose that there is a small dash after κληροιίοΐμία, followed by a short blank 
space ; but the papyrus is damaged in this part, and a letter or two may have intervened 
before the supposed το. There is not room for Ευσεβούς κ.τ.λ. at the end of this line. 
Perhaps Τακίτου alone stood here, with the Roman month or a reference to the consuls ; cf, 
B, G. U. 326. ii, ΪΙ-2, 

28. ελίιθη κ.τ.λ. : this entry, Avhich is in the same hand and was evidently written at 
the same time as the rest of the text, indicates that the whole document is a copy made 
after the λύσις had taken place. Cf. B. G, U, 326, ii. 21 καΐ άνεγνώσθησαν τη αυτή ημ^ρα εν η 
κα\ η διαθήκη ελυθη, and for λΰειν in this couuexion also 715. 19, Β. G, U, 592. ii, 7, &c. 


908. Contract between Eutheniarchs. 

30-6 X 8-5 cm. a. d. 199, 

An agreement between Sarapion, who was either himself a eutheniarch 
at Oxyrhynchus or, more probably, the grandson of a person holding that office 
(cf. note on 1. 5), and five other eutheniarchs concerning the grinding of wheat for 
bread to be supplied to the city. The precise terms of the agreement are much 
obscured by the mutilation of the papyrus ; the five eutheniarchs were however 
each to bear the expense of one factory, and Sarapion and his grandfather were 
apparently together made responsible for a sixth, the average daily output of 
each mill being fixed at 20 artabae. But the details are comparatively unimpor- 
tant, and the value of the document lies mainly in the fresh information supplied 
regarding the office of gymnasiarch and eutheniarch. The eutheniarchs, who 
first appear towards the end of the second century, superintended the food 
supply of the capital towns ; but they are not very often mentioned and their 
official rank is not yet clear (cf. P. Tebt. 397. 14-5, note). They are sometimes 
found holding another office simultaneously, e. g. that of exegetes ; in the present 
case five eutheniarchs were gymnasiarchs. We here learn further that at 
Oxyrhynchus they formed a board of at least six ; and 11. 18-21 indicate that 
these six held office for a period of a single month. Hence it would appear 
that the number for the year was twelve, and that they exercised their functions 
in alternate months in two sections of six. With regard to the number of the 
gymnasiarchs, of whom five are mentioned in 11. 6-15, this is the largest figure 
yet attested for Oxyrhynchus ; but C. P. Herm. 57 (to which Wilcken called our 
attention) indicates the coexistence of at least ten gymnasiarchs at Hermopolis, 
and there may well have been ten or twelve or even more at Oxyrhynchus. At 
Athens at this period there were monthly as well as yearly gymnasiarchs, 
and the monthly office was sometimes held by more than one person (Boeckh, 
Staatshauskaltung, I. 548). 

^αραπίων 6 καϊ ' Ω,ρύ<α\ν . . . 

ωνο9 δια τον κατά πατ[6ρα πάπ- 
. που Άπιωνος γυμναΐσ^αρχ^η- 

σαντο^ τη9 Ό^υρυγγζίτων 
5 πόλεω? νυνύ ΐύθηνίάρχτ]? 

τή^ αύτης πδλζως Τιβΐρίω 

ΚΧαυδίω Αιδνμω και d>s \ρημα- 


τίζίΐ των άπο του Δωνυσΐίου 
καΐ τή9 Upas συνόδου Upovn- 
10 κων άτ€λων και Θίωνι τω 


[και Άν]τιμάχω καΐ Διονυσίω τω και 

[. . . . κ]αΙ ^Α\ιλλ€Ϊ τω και ΊσιΒώρω 

[^η]γητ€ύσαντι και Ώρζίωνι 

[τω κ]αι Β€ρ€ν€ΐκιανω ^^ηγη- 
15 [τ€ύ]σαντι τοΐς € γυμνασιάρ- 

[χαΐί] και ^ύθηνιάργαι^ της αύτήί 

\^ Οξυ]ρυγχξΐτών πόλεω? χ[αίρ]€ΐν. 

[συ]ν€θύμην vpos υμάς νυν 

[€]ύθηνιαρ)(οΰντι άπ[ο λ] του 6ν- 
2 ο [roy] μην OS ΊΊαϋνι έωί κθ του 

[ej^^y μηvbs 'Επ€ίφ του Ιν^στω- 

[tosI ζ i^τoυs) ωστ€ ύφ' έκαστου υμών 

άρτοκοττύον %ν άτταρτισθήναι 

[. .] . ησΐ€ . . τρζφόντων υμών τα * 

25 [κ\τήνη χόρτω τ€ και KpiOfj ίπι τω 

[ά]ληθ€ΐν τ[α κτ]ήνη ήμ€pησίωs καθ' ί- 

καστον kp[y]aστr|pιov μ^χρι "^"^^[00 

άρταβών €[ΐ]κοσι •[•]•• ασαρ [. χο- 

[ρηγ]οΰντο5 τα kv έκάστω €ργαστηρι[ω 
3© κ[τ]ηνη κατά το σ[.] .[..].. λωκαμξ 

[.] .[...]. υμών . . σανμασυου[. .] . [.] . π[α- 

[pjfXCii/ €1/ €ργαστ•η[ρ]ι[ν] τον . . [ 

[.]ι/€/3π( ) €μοϋ 'Γα/3[€];(θί'[τ]οί Tpo(f>as . . . 

[ά\\ήθovτas irpos το ... . [έρ•γ\αστήριον Ta[s 
35 ϊσas ήμ€pησίωs υ[ άpτάβas 

(ΐκοσι, ουκ i^ovTos [ooSevi] ημών [π]α[ρα- 

[βα]ίν€ΐν τα προγ€γραμμ[€να. κ]υρι[α] ταυ[τ]α 

τα γράμματα €^ασσά γραφύν[τα] irpos [το έ]κά- 

Τ€ρον ημών e^eii' μοναχον. (βτoυs) ζ 
4θ Αυτοκρατόρων Καισάρων Λουκίου 

^€ΤΓΤΐμίου Χ^ονήρου Εύσ€βοϋ5 n€pTiva[Kos 

'Αραβικού Ά8ιαβ[η]νικοΰ Παρθικού Μεγίστου 


καΐ Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Άντωνίνου Χφαστων 
TIavvL κη. (2nd hand) 'Χαραπίων (ό) καΐ Ώρ€ί[αρ 
45 5ί' €μοΰ 'Απίωνο9 π[ά\ππου 
ευδοκώ πασίν τοΐ? προκβι- 


5• 1. ΐνθηνιάρχου (J). g. "iepas . . . 'iepoveiKmv Pap, 12. ϊσιΒωρω Pap. 1 8. νμας 

Pap. 19. 1. [("^ύθηνιαρχοΰρτας. 20. παϋνι Pap. 2 2. νφ . . , νμων Pap. 35• io'as Pap. (?) 

' Sarapion also called Horion, son of . . . on, through his paternal grandfather Apion, 
ex-gymnasiarch of Oxyrhynchus, at present eutheniarch of the said city, to Tiberius Claudius 
Didymus and however "he is styled, a victor in the games and exempt from taxation, member 
of the Dionyseum and the sacred club, and to Theon also called Antimachus and Dionysius 
also called . . . and Achilles also called Isidorus, ex-exegetes, and Horion also called 
Berenicianus, ex-exegetes, all five gymnasiarchs and eutheniarchs of the said city of 
Oxyrhynchus, greeting. I have made a compact with you being now eutheniarchs from 
the (30th .'*) of the present month Pauni till the 29th of the following month Epeiph in the 
current 7th year, that one bakery be fitted out by each of you . . . the animals being fed by 
you with grass and barley, on the understanding that they grind daily in each factory as 
much as 20 artabae of wheat . . . supplying the animals in each factory ... to provide one 
factory, the fodder being provided by me, and we shall grind at (this) factory an equal 
amount daily, namely 20 artabae ; and it shall be unlawful for any of us to transgress the 
aforesaid conditions. This contract, done in six copies in order that each of us may have 
one, is valid.' Date and signature of Sarapion. 

I. Probably 'Qpei]a)vos or 'Am]mvos. 

5. It is not clear whether (νθψιάρχης refers to Sarapion or to Apion ; in the former case 
the order is irregular, in the latter (ώηνιάρχου should have been written. On the whole we 
prefer the second alternative, though why Sarapion appears in the business at all then 
becomes obscure, and his action must be supposed to depend upon a private arrangement 
between himself and his grandfather. 

8-10. This Aiovvae'iov is more probably an Oxyrhynchite than an Alexandrian temple; 
cf. B. G. U. 1073, a notification from the boule of Oxyrhynchus to the record-office of the 
election of a person to the σύλλογος of a Upa σννο8οί, which entitled him to are'Xeta, and 1074, 
the statement of this individual's claim, which in 1. i cites a rescript of Claudius Gothicus 
(cf. Wilcken, Arch'v, IV. p. 564 and Viereck, Xh'o, VIII. p. 413) addressed to'is άπυ της 

οίκονμίνης nepl τον Αιόννσον UpovUais στίφανΐίταις. A τόπος κάΚούμ(νο! Λιονύσου 'Γΐχγιτων at 

Oxyrhynchus is mendoned in 171 (Part II, p. 208), and the impost in 917. 3 apparently 
called σπ(ον8η) Αιον(ύσον) may in some way have benefited the Aiowa-elov. 

19. άπο [λ] : cf. 1. 44, which shows that this contract was written on Pauni 28. 30 days 
would be a natural period. 

24. [ΐκ] της ίσης is not Satisfactory, for though the doubtful e may be σ, the vestiges of 
the next letter do not seem to suit η ; a stroke below the line suggests rather ξ or p. With 
'ίσης moreover a diaeresis would be expected over the t. [ήμί]ρησίως cannot be read. 

28. Not (μοΰ Σαραπίωνυς. 

30. There may be a letter at the end of the line after e, e. g. v, but a first person 
plural does not accord at all well with κατά τό. The traces do not suit δeδη\ώκaμev, and 
άνη\ωκαμ(ν is unsatisfactory, π might be read in place of το. 


31. Perhaps τνασαν. The doubtful μ may be λ or δ; avbpas would be possible. . . . 
ήμας to\\s would assist [a]\)j^oi/raf in 1. 34, but the τ especially is difficult. 

32. Perhaps τον 'Κπ[1ωνα. 

33. ep is followed by the curved mark commonly used in abbreviations to represent π. 
•παρ\4'\χον[τ\ος is very doubtful. 

38. ΐξασσός is unknown to the lexica but is parallel to τίτρασσόί, P. Amh. 107. ιό, 
Β. G. U. 817. 17. The word is also to be recognized in P. Strassb. 29. 46 where, as the 

facsimile shows, ίξασση γραφίσα should be read for i^as συνγραψϊσα. 

909. Sale of Acacia-Trees. 

27-5xio-8cm. a. d. 225. 

A contract for the sale of fourteen acacia-trees on the edge of a vineyard 
for 1200 drachmae, the purchase-money being devoted to the payment of 
arrears of taxes upon the vineyard. 

Αυρήλιος ΤΙτοΧΚίων ΤΙτολΧίωνος άπ '0^υρύγ)(ων 

πόλξως επίτροπο? άφηΧίκων τέκνων 

Άπολλωρίον τον και Δί8νμου Ονησοίτος 

και ή 7ων άφηλίκων μήτηρ και βπακολου- 
5 θήτρια Αύρηλία Εν8αιμονΙς Άντινόου 

τον και Έρμον 'Avrivois )(ωρΐ9 κνρίον χρη- 

ματίζονσα κατά 'Ρωμαίων Ίβη τίκνων 

δικαίω Ανρηλιοις ^βρήνω νίω Αυρηλίου 

'Αμμωνίου €^ηγητ€νσαντο9 τήί Όξυρυγ- 
ιο χ€ΐτών πόλβωί και ^€ρήνω ^ξρήνον 

και Θζωνάτι χρηματίζοντι μητρός 

Τααρμιύσιος και ϋωτηρίχω Αιδύμου άπ[ο 

της αύτης πόλεως χαίρ€ΐν. όμολογονμίν 

π^πρακίναι νμ€Ϊν τοΐς τύσσαρσι e^ ίσου 
15 τας οΰσας €πΙ χώματος άμπ€λ[ί]κοϋ 

κτήματος νεοφύτου των άφηλίκων 

ΤΓ€ρΙ κώμην XeveuTa άκανθας αριθμώ 

τέλειας δ€κατ€σσαρας τίΐμής της συμ- 

ΤΓ€φωνημύνης προς αλλήλους άργυ- 
20 ρίου δραχμών χ€ΐλ[ί]ων διακοσίων, αι πρατ, 

€χώρησαν e/y συνωνην ττυροϋ χωρή- 



σ\α\ντο9 vTTep μετρημάτων τή^ 7rpo/c[e£- 
μ€νη? αμπέλου γ^ρόνων θίοΰ Κομ6δο[ν 
ΙπΙ τω νμαί την των ττροκξίμίνων άκαν- 

25 6ων άναβοΧην e^ [β]πιρίζων και άρσιν 
ταΓί ύμων δαττάι^αι? ττοιήσασθαι οπόταν 
αίρησθαι, kwdvayKov Se μ^\ρι του Μυσαρή 
τοΰ €ν€στώτο9 δ [eTovs), καΐ μβτα την των ακανθών 
άναβοΧην και άρσιν τον \^κ\όσμον των τδ- 

3© πων το ΐσον ποιήσασθαι ήμά^ re κατά το η- 
///[ajy καΐ νμάί τον? πβπρακότα? κατά το €Τ€ρο[ν 
ήμισυ καθω? εττί τούτοι? Ιστάθη, καΐ ίπηρω- 
τηθζντ€9 ώμοΧογήσαμεν. κυρία ή πράσΐ9 
δισση γραφβΐσα. (βτου?) δ Αύτοκράτορο? Καίσαρ[ο9 

35 Μάρκου ΑύρηΧίου ^βουήρου ΆΧ€^[άνδρου Ενσ€βο]ΰ9 
Ευτυχίου? Χζβαστοϋ Τϋβι le. 
2nd hand ΑνρήΧιο? ΙΙτοΧΧί[ων ΠτοΧΧίωνο? μξτ Ιπα- 
κόΧουθητρία? τη[? μητρο? 

γ. Τίκνώ~ Pap. 8. υϊω Pap. 9• ^^ οι (ξηγητ^νσαντος COrr. flOm η. Ι4• ί^σου 

Pap. 21-2. ο οί χωρησ[α^τοί corr. from α and ί added above the line. 27. 1. αίρησθΐ. 

2 8. των added above the hne. 30. "ίσον Pap. 32. 1. ΐπΐρωτηβίντα. 

' Aurelius Ptollion son of Ptollion, of Oxyrhynchus, iuior of the children of Apollonius 
also called Didymus, son of Onesas, who are minors, and the mother of the minors, who 
gives her concurrence, Aurelia Eudaemonis daughter of Antinous also called Hermes, of 
Antinoopolis, acting without a guardian in accordance with Roman custom by the right of her 
children, to the Aurelii Serenus son of Aurelius Ammonius, formerly exegetes of Oxyrhynchus, 
and Serenus son of Serenus, and Theonas styled as having Taarmiusis as his mother, and 
Soterichus son of Didymus, of the said city, greeting. We acknowledge that we have 
sold to you four in equal shares the fourteen acacia-trees in good condition growing upon 
the embankment of the newly -planted vineyard belonging to the minors, at the price agreed 
upon between us of 1200 drachmae of silver, which sum was devoted to the purchase of 
wheat paid for the dues upon the aforesaid vineyard in the reign of the deified Commodus, 
on condition that you shall perform the complete uprooting and removal of the aforesaid 
acacia-trees at your own expense whenever you choose, but of necessity not later than 
Mesore of the present 4th year, and after the pulling up and removal of the acacia-trees the 
place shall be set in order in equal shares, half by us and the other half by you the buyers, 
as hereby agreed, and in answer to the formal question we have given our consent. This 
sale, of which there are two copies, is valid. The 4th year of the Emperor Caesar Marcus 
Aurelius Severus Alexander Pius Felix Augustus, Tubi 15.' Signature of Aurelius 


4. Cf. P. Leipzig 9. 6, where three άφηλικις send an απογραφή through their mother as 
(πακολουθί,τρια, and 907. 20, where the concurrence {ίπακολονθΐΐν) of the mother in the acts 
of the guardian of minors is provided for by will. 

15. For ηκανθαι in vineyards cf. P. Brit. Mus. 214. 13-5 (II. p. 162). The wood was 
used for boat-building (Hdt. ii. 96), and for various kinds of machinery (P. Brit. Mus. 1177. 
177-220 = III. pp. 186-7), 3•"^ gum arable was obtained from it (Hdt. ii. 96). 

20. The clause at προσΐχώρησαν κ.τ.λ. takes the place of the usual acknowledgement of 
the purchase-price by the seller. Apparently the money in question had been paid direct to 
the sellers of the corn. 

25. άναβολην: this word is generally used for 'banking up', and the trees were «Vi 
χώματος (1. 15); but the context shows that it must here be employed in the unusual sense 
of digging up or uprooting. e| [ΐ'^φίζωρ is very uncertain ; ω[. can be read for (ξ, but ώ[5 
yields no sense, ώ[ί ejn-i ρητΰν being inadmissible. We suppose the sense of enippiCos, Avhich 
apparently does not occur, to be similar to that of ΐπφρίζιον which is read by editors in 
Diosc. I. 10 ρίζα δε . . . πλάγια δε τα ΐπιρρίζια έχει, i.e. the smaller roots subsidiary to the 
main ones ; for the form cf. ΰπόρριζος. 

910. Lease of Land. 

31-5 X 9 cm. Λ. D. 197. 

A lease of 5 arourae of land at Pakerke for four years, following the usual 
formula. In the first and third years of the lease the land was to be sown with 
wheat at a rent of 6 artabae per aroura, in the second and fourth years with 
green-stufifs at a rent of 3a drachmae per aroura ; cf. e.g. P. Tebt. 377. Seven 
artabae of seed-corn were lent by the landlord for the first year's crop. Caracalla 
is called in the date formula emperor-designate on Nov. 4, 197, as in inscriptions 
and coins of that year ; his tribimicia potestas began in the following January, and 
already by May, 19H, he was placed on an equality with his father (C. I. L. viii. 
2465) ; cf. 976, which was written 2% days later than 910, Caracalla being still 
emperor-designate, and 916, \vhere he appears as full emperor in Pauni (May 26- 
June 24 A.D. 198). 

^Εμίσ\θωσζν Ίζρακ\ί]ρύν ^lepaKLCuvos άττ Ό- 
[ivpOyy^up ττόλβω? άγορανομήσαζ rfjs αιιτής 
[πολεω]? Τζωτί Χαραπάμμωνο^ μητρός 

[ ]ατο^ καταγξΐι/ομ^νω kv κώμΐ] Πα- 

5 [κ€ρκη] άπηλίώτον τοπαρχίας ds €τη 

[τ€σσα.]ρα άπο του Ιν^στωτο^ Τ {^τονς) τα? 
[ΰπαρ^ο]ύσα9 αντω π^ρΐ την Πακ€ρκη άρού- 
\^ρα? πίν\τ€, ωστ€ τω μ\ν evearcoTi τ (^Vet) 
[και η {€T€i)] σπξΐραι πνρω ξκφορίον κατ eroy 

S a 


ΙΟ [κατ ά\ρονραν άνα ττνρον άρτάβα? f|, τω Se 
[iifj]9 ζ (£Τ€ί) καΐ Θ (erci) ξυλαμήσαι χλω- 
[ροΪ9 φ6]ρου ωσαύτως κατ eroy κατ άρου- 
[pau άνα] δρα^ζ^μας τριάκοντα δυο. όμο- 
[λογεΓ Se] ό μ^μισθωμίνο? αυτόθι 

15 [€σ)(^ηκίναι] και παραμζμζτρήσθαι τταρά 
[του γ€ο]ύχου kv 7Γρ[ο]χ/3€ί'α Ci'y σπίρμα ■ 
[ύπ^ρ τη]? yrjs μόνου του ίν^στωτο? €tov9 
[πυροϋ άρ]τάβα? έτττά, ών τα? ΐσα? ίττά- 
[ναγκο]ν αποδώσει αύτω άμα τοΐ? τη? 

2θ [γη? ίκ]φορίοι? τω Παΰνι μηνΐ του αύτοΰ 
[ίν€στ]ώτο? eτoυ[s] μίτρω ω παρ^ίληφΐν 
[άκίνδ]υνα πάντα [π]αντο? κινδύνου, 
[των] τη? γη? δη[μ]οσίων όντων προ? 
[τον γ€θ]ΰ)(^ον, ον [κ]αί κυρίξύξΐν των 

25 [καρπ]ων €ω? τα κατ 'ίτο? 6φ€ίλόμ€- 

[να κό]μίσηταί. kav δί τι? άπο του ίσιόν- 
[το? €]του?, ο μη ^[ί]η, άβρο\ο? γύνηται 
[παρα]δ€)(^θήσ€τα[ι] τω μξμισθωμύνω, 
[ο? β]€βαίουμύνη[?] τη? μισθώσ^ω? 

3© [άπο]δότω τα Ικ[φ\όρια καΐ του? φόρου? 
[κα]τ' €Τ0? μηνΐ [Π.]αΰνι, τον 5e πυρον 
[k]<^ άλω τη? Πακύρκη vkov καθαρον 
άδολον άκρ€ΐθον κίκοσκιν^υμίνον 
μίτρω τίτραχοινίίκω παραλημ- 

35 πτικω του γ^ούγου, τη? μ€τρήσ€ω? 

γ[€]ίνομ€νη? ύπ[ο των] παρ' αύτοϋ, και ή πρα- 
ξ[ι]? €[σ]τω ίκ re αύτοϋ και kK των ύπαρ- 
χόϊ'τωι/ αύτω πάντων, kπ[ι] τω τον 
αύτον μβμισθωμίνον παραδώναι την 

40 γ[ην] τω ^σγάτω kvιaυτω τξθρυοκο- 

πημ^νην και κα[θ]αραν άπο θρύου και δ€Ϊ• 
ση? πάση?, κυρία ή μίσθωσι?. {^του?) ς- 
Αύτοκράτορο? Καίσαρο? Αουκίου ^^πτιμίου 
Χζουήρου Εύσφοΰ? Π^ρτίνακο? Χφαστοϋ 

910. LEASE OF LAND 261 

45 Άραβίκον Άδιαβηνικον και Μάρκου Αυρηλίου 
ΆντωνξίΐΌυ Καίσαρος άποδ^Βηγ pevov 
Λύτοκράτορο? Άθύρ η. (2nd hand) TecSy ^αρα- 
πάμμωνος μβμίσθωμαι ίπΐ 
τα τέσσαρα ίτη την yrjv ίκφορί- 

5© ου και φόρου κ[α]τ άρουραν κατ '4το9 
της μ\ν kv τι[υ'\ρω διετίας ανά πύ- 
ρου άρτάβας e|, [T]rjs 8h kv γΧω- 
pois ανά δρα^ζ^μάί τριάκοντα 
δύο, και 'iay(ov τάς των σπερμάτων 

55 ττυροϋ άρτάβα? [έπ]τά και αποδώσω 

πάντα ώ[9 π'\ρ[6κζΐτα]ι. Πτολξμαΐοί Διο- 
νυσίου '4γραψα [νπψ] αύτοϋ μη €ίδ[6- 
τος γράμματα. 

Ι. ϊ(ρακ[ι\ων 'Up. Pap. 1 4. ο before μ^μισθ. over an erasure. 18. iVas Pap. 

26. ϊσιον\το5 Pap. 37• υπαρχόντων Pap. 

' Hieracion son of Hieracion, of Oxyrhynchus, ex-agoranomus of the said city, has 
leased to Teos son of Sarapammon, his mother being ... as, inhabiting the village of 
Pakerke in the eastern toparchy, for four years dating from the present 6th year, the 5 
arourae which he owns at Pakerke, on condition that in the present 6th year and in the 
8th year Teos shall sow them with wheat at the annual rent of 6 artabae of wheat per 
aroura, and in the following 7th and 9th years he shall cuUivate them with green-stuifs 
at the annual rent likewise of 32 drachmae per aroura. The lessee acknowledges that he 
has on the spot received and had measured to him from the landlord as a loan for seed on 
account of the land, for the present year only, 7 artabae of wheat, of which he shall be 
compelled to repay an equal amount to the lessor together with the rent in kind in the 
month Pauni of the said present year, by the same measure as that by which he received it, 
guaranteed completely against all risks, the taxes upon the land being payable by the 
landlord, who shall further retain the ownership of the produce undl he recovers his annual 
dues. If after the coming year (which heaven forbid !) any part be unirrigated, an allowance 
shall be made to the lessee, who when the lease is guaranteed shall pay the rent in kind 
and money annually in the month of Pauni, the wheat at the threshing-floor of Pakerke, 
new, pure, unadulterated, unmixed with barley, and sifted, according to the 4-choenix 
receiving measure of the landlord, the measuring being done by his agents ; and he shall 
have the right of execution upon both the lessee and all his property, and the said lessee 
shall deliver the land in the last year with all the rushes cut, and free from rushes and dirt 
of all kinds. This lease is valid.' Date and signature of the lessee. 

30. τά ίκ[φ]ό/)ία κάί Tovs φόρους : for the distinction of. P. Tebt, 377. 23—7, note. 


911. Lease of a House. 

ii'iX7-2cm. A. D. 233 or 265. 

This contract for the lease of part of a house at Oxyrhynchus follows so far 
as it goes the ordinary formula (cf. e. g. 502) ; the chief point of interest in it is 
the mention of a special appointment of a ύττογραφίύ^ or subscriber to act on 
behalf of the lessee, whose sight was affected ; cf. note on 11. 6 sqq. The papyrus 
was written in the third century in the 13th year of an emperor who must 
be Severus Alexander or Gallienus. 

Έ μίσθωσαν Αυρήλιος A η μητριοί 

ό και [Z]'jul\os apyjL^paTivaas ^^ηγη- 

τη? β[ο]υλ€υτη9 τη^ Ό^υρνγγζίτων πό- 

λεω? Ανρηλίω Θζογβρι Oeoyivovs 
5 τον Θ€ογβνου9 άπο τη? αύτη? π6λ€ω[ί 

άσθ^νΐ τα? οψι? μ€Τ νπογραψίω? 

του συνγωρηθ^ντο? αύτω ίκ τ[ών 

υπομνημάτων τη? στρατηγία? 

Λνρη[λίο]υ Αιονυ[σ]ίον τον και Άμμωνίο[ν 
ΙΟ ίπι χρ[ό]νον €τη Svo %τι άπο α Θωθ 

του ίν€στωτο? ιγ (βτον?) άπο των υπαρ- 
χόντων αύτω ev τη αύτη Όξνρνγχω[ν 

νόλΐ. [eJTr' άμφόδον Αρόμον Θοήριδο? 

ήμισυ μ€ρο? οικία? και αίθριου νψ' ην 
15 κατάγων και ανλή? και των ταύτη? 

χρήστη ρίων [π]άντων κοινή? π[ρο? 

[ ] . . [.]ον κατά το[ 

2. [^]ωϊλοΓ Pap. 6. /χ€τ' Pap. 1. μ^θ'. 8, υπομνημάτων "ΡΆρ. II. υπαρχόντων 

Pap. 14• ϋφ Pap. 

' Aurelius Demetrius also called Zoilus, ex-chief priest, exegetes and councillor of 
Oxyrhynchus, has leased to Aurelius Theogenes son of Theogenes, of the said city, who 
has weak sight, and is acting with the subscriber who has been appointed for him in 
accordance with the memoranda of the office of the strategus, namely Aurelius Dionysius 
also called Ammonius, for a period of two years from Thoth i of the present 13th year, of 
his property at the said city of Oxyrhynchus in the quarter of the Square of Thoeris, a half 
share of a house and yard, beneath which is a cellar, and court, and all the appurtenances, 
being held by me in common with . . .' 



6-8. An appointment of a ΰπογραφΐύς by the strategus seems to be quite novel, and 
shows the υπογραφών! in a somewhat new Hght. This term is frequently used in contracts 
to designate the person who signs on behalf of an illiterate party to an agreement, but 
per se has no other concern with the business in hand; there is no reason to suppose that 
ordinary ' subscribers ' of this kind required any official recognition. A man with defective 
sight would naturally need in his business transactions the services of such a υπογραφΐνς, 
but the latter would not be expected to have the prominence here accorded him, or to be 
specially appointed by the strategus. On the other hand if the physical disabilities of 
Theogenes had been such as to debar him from acting on his own account, his representative 
should have been termed κηδΐμών or φροντιστί,ς, not ίττογραφίύς. The position of this officially 
constituted νπογραφΐΰς appears to lie somewhere between that of the curator mente capti and 
the normal * subscriber '. 

912. Lease of a Cellar. 
26-8 X 7-9 cm. 

A.D. 235. 

A lease of an underground chamber in a house together with the space 
above the exhedra, at an annual rental of 60 drachmae ; cf. 502, the phraseology 
of which is closely similar, and B. G. U. 253. The date in 1. 40 appears to show 
that the death of Alexander Severus and the accession of Maximinus occurred 
some days earlier in the year 20^^ than has been generally supposed ; cf. the note 
ad loc. 

Εμίσθοασ^ν ΑύρηΧία Βησον9 
Χαραττίωνο^ μητρός Χαραπιά- 
8os άπ Ό^νρνγχων πόλβω? 
μζτα σνν€στωτο9 Αυρηλίου 
5 Θύωνος τον και ΆσκληττιάΒον 
ΑύρηΧίω Πατύτι ΊΊανούριο^ 
άτΓο Μ€ρμ€ρθων kn kviavTov 
eVa άπο a Θωθ του ίίσιόντος β {'4tovs) 
άφ ^9 και αύτη e^ei (μ μισθώσει 

ΙΟ πάρα Αύρη\{ίου) Ισιδώρου Χαιρήμονο9 
€ΤΓ άμψόδου Νότου Κρηπζΐδο^ 
οικίας το evov κατά-γ^ιον και Toy 
ίττάνω τη? e^iSpas τόπον kvoi- 
κίον τον eroi/y άργνρίον 8ρα^μων 

15 έζήκοντα. βφαιουμ^νη? 8k τη? 
μισθώσεως γ^ράσθω 6 μ^μι- 

νον παρα8ότω τον? μισθού- 
μίι/ου? αύτίϊ ώ? πρόκίΐται 

25 τόπου? καθαρού? άπο κοπριών 
και πάση? ακαθαρσία? ω? kav 
παραλάβτ) και τα? ίφζστώσα? 
τοΐ? τόποι? θύρα? και κλξΐδα?, 
ή άποτΐΐσάτω οδ kav μη πα- 

3θ ρα8ω την άξίαν τ€ΐμην ο 8' [ka]v 
προσοφιΧξ,σγι άπο του kvoi- 
κίον μζ& ήμιολία?, γξίνομί- 
νη? τη? πράξ^ω? παρά τ€ αυ- 
τόν και €Κ των ύπαργόντων 

35 αύτω πάντων, κυρία ή μίσθω- 
σί?, και kπ€pωτηθeι? ώμο- 
λόγησίν. (€τον?) α Αύτοκράτορο? 
Καίσαρο? Ταίον Ίονλίον Ούήρον 


σθωμίνος τοΪ9 μισθουμίνοι? Μαξιμ€ίνον Ενσίβονς Εντνχονς 

αντω τότΓΟί? enl τον χρονον 4° [^€βα{στοΰ) Φαμ(]νωθ α. (2nd hand) 
άκωλντω?, καΐ άποδότω το kvoi- Ανρηλία 

2θ κιον kv 8όσ€σι δνσΐ του ίτου^ [Βησον^ μ\€μίσθωκα ως πρ[6- 

8t εξαμήνου το ημισν αν- \κξ.ιται ] 

νΐΓ€ρθίτω9. μ€τα Se τον χρό- ....... 

γ. fVtavToVa.'p. Τ4• 8ραχμώ Υ^ρ. 21. ανΰπ(ρθ(τως lPa.p. 24• h αντω. ^Ο, 

[<α] Pap. 32• l•^^' Pap• 34• νπαρχοντώ Pap. 

' Aurelia Besous, daughter of Sarapion and Sarapias, of Oxyrhynchus, acting with 
Aurelius Theon also called Asclepiades, has leased to Aurelius Patus son of Panouris, from 
Mermertha, for one year from Thoth i of the coming 2nd year out of the house which she 
herself holds on lease from Aurelius Isidorus son of Chaeremon in the South Quay quarter, 
the cellar within it and the space above the hall at the rent of 60 drachmae of silver for the 
year. When the lease is guaranteed the lessee shall use the parts leased to him throughout 
the period without hindrance, and shall pay the rent in two instalments in the year, half the 
sum at intervals of 6 months, without any delay. And at the end of the period he shall 
deliver the parts leased to him as aforesaid free from filth and dirt of every kind, in the 
condition in which he receives them, with the existing doors and keys, or shall forfeit a sum 
equivalent to what he fails to deliver, and for arrears of rent one and a half times the 
original amount, the lessor having the right of execution upon both his person and all his 
property. This lease is valid, and in answer to the formal question he gave his consent. 
The ist year of the Emperor Caesar Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus Pius Felix Augustus, 
Phamenoth i.' Signature of Aurelia Besous. 

4. μετά συι/ίοτωτοί : the precise legal significance of this phrase, which is found in 
several papyri of the period subsequent to the constiiutio Antonina, is somewhat obscure. 
That it is not equivalent to μετά κυρίυν is quite clear from e. g. C. P. R. I. 9. 2 (χωρίί κυρίου 

χ^ρηματιζονση . . . συνίοττώτός σοι Αυρηλίου Έυδαίμονος : cf. Ρ, Leipzig 4• 8 S^d Ρ. Strassb. 29. 

29), where there is a direct opposition between κύριος and συνΐστώς. Wenger, in his most 
recent discussion of the subject, Go//. gel. Anz. 1907, p. 293, proposes to find an explanation 
in the distinction between Reichsrecht and Volksrecht ; where the former no longer re- 
quired a κύριος the latter retained him in the form of a συνίστώς : cf. P. Leipzig 28. 4 μ(τα 

συνεστώτος ου έκο\ϋσ\α 4μανττι παρψ(γκα. συμπαρών is Sometimes USed as a synonym for 

συνιστώ:; cf. P. Leipzig 3. i. 2 and 29. 3, 20. 

40. Φαμί]νώθ a : this is a remarkable date, since Alexander Severus is supposed to have 
been killed about Feb. 10, and that the accession of Maximinus should have been known 
at Oxyrhynchus so soon after as Feb. 25 is incredible. If Φaμf]uώθ a here is correct, the 
death of Alexander must be put back somewhat earlier; a date from about Jan. 10-20 is 
the latest that would be expected. On the other hand some days of January in this year 
must be allowed to Alexander in order to account for coins on which is marked the 14th 
year of his tribunicia poiesias, which would date from Jan. i. The problem is further 
complicated by a papyrus from the Heracleopolite nome translated by Wessely in Fiihrer 
Pap. Erz. Rainer No. 249, which is dated in Pharmouthi of the 14th year of Alexander ; 
that is to say, the writer of that document continued to reckon the year by Alexander at 
least 30 days after another writer, at a place further south, had adopted the new reckoning 


by Maximinus. The discrepancy, however, is less striking than that between B. G, U. 784 
which is dated by Pertinax on April 2, 193, and B. G. U. 515 which is still dated by 
Commodus on June 2 of the same year, both documents coming from the Fay urn. It 
seems that the scribes were not very prompt in adapting themselves to the altered conditions, 
and that force of habit sometimes led careless persons to go on using a superseded 
formula; cf, 907. introd. 

With regard to the reading, the numeral a might perhaps be e, but that makes hardly 
any diiference. It is a little surprising that there is nothing to be seen of the abbreviation 
of 2(βα{στον\ for the papyrus is broken only slightly above the line of the letters. [Se^aaroO] 
θώ^ might well be read, but Thoth i of a first year is an impossible date, since according to 
the Egyptian reckoning Thoth i always began a new regnal year. There is no doubt 
either about the number of the year in 1. 37, which is also guaranteed by 1. 8, or that '\.ωθ a 
was written at the same time as the rest of the date, θώ^ α might possibly be explained as 
an inadvertence of the scribe caused by a reminiscence of 1. 8 ; but this cannot be regarded 
as a satisfactory hypothesis. 

41. πρόκΐΐται may of course have been abbreviated. 

913. Lease of Land. 

31-7 X 23-5 cm. A. D. 442. 

A lease of 9 acres of land for apparently three years (cf. note on 1. 8), at the 
rent of half the produce, the landlord being responsible for taxes and the tenants 
providing seed. 

\^Τπατ€ία? Φ]λαονίων EvSo^iov κ[αί] Αιοσκόρον των λαμπρ{οτάτων) 

Φαωψί ιη. 

[ β]νγατρί τον τ[ή]9 αρίστη? μνή{μη)9 Δανιηλίου 

[ΐΓροπο\ιτζυ6\ιχίνον τή? λαμπρά? καΐ λαμπρότατη? O^vpvyyj.Ta>v πόλίως 

5 [πα]ρά Ανρη[λίω]ν Άρμινσων νίον Παδιδνμον και Τάορ θνγατρο? Κάστορος 
[. .]θ€σμ[. . . ά]πο κώμη? Πτώχ^ίω? τον αντον νομον. έκονσίω? 
[βονλ6μβθ]α μισθώσασθαι k^ άλληλβγγνη? άπβ τον Ινβστώτο? 
[ΐτον? '4ω?] σπορά? τη? τρισκαιδ^κάτη? Ινδικτίονο? άπο των 
\Ρπαργόντω\ν σοι ίν π^δίω τη? ήμ€Τ€ρα? κώμη? ίδάφον? 

ΙΟ [σιτικον άρ]ούρα? evvea ή οσα? kav ωσιν, ίπΐ τω ήμά? ταύτα? 
[σπ€Ϊραί οι?] αίρώμξθα γβνήμασιν ίψ' ήμισια? πάντων των 
[π€ρίγίγνομ]€νων καρπώ[ν] k(f> ωτ€ ήμά? παρασγύν σο\ Tfj γξούχω 
[το ημισν μζρ]ο? άντΙ φόρον των πίριγιγνομίνων καρπών 
μ[€τά καλή]? πίσ[τ]€ω?, ήμά? 81 τον? μ^μισθωμίνον? άν& &ν 

15 ποιονμ[€θα] καμάτων τη? γεωργία? και άντΙ των καταβαλλομένων 
παρ' ήμώ[ν σ]πίρμάτων τη γη '^χ^ίν το άλλο ήμισν μίρο? 


avvnep\6eT\(u^, των τη? γη? δημοσίων όντων npcs σ€ 
την γ€ονχ[ον•] €πάναγκ€9 δζ ημάς c^ άλληλίγγνη? Ίταρασγύν 
το ήμισ[υ μ]ίρος των καρπών kv τω δβοντί καιρώ άννπ^ρθξτω? 
20 και την άν[αβο]λην των \ν\ά[ρ)ονρών ποιήσασθαι. κυρία η μίσθωσις 
δισση Ύρ\αψ€Ϊ\σα κά^ι] ^π€ρ(ωτηθζντίς) ώμ[ολ]ογήσαμ€ν. (2nd hand) Ανρή- 

λ€ίθ(ί) Άρμιύσιον υίον 
Παδίδνμ{ι]ου κ[α]ι [Τάορ] θυγάτη ρ Κάστορος οι προγ^γραμμίνοι μξμισθωμ^θα 


γήν και άποδώσ[ομ](ν e^ αλληλεγγύη? το ήμισυ /xepo[y] των περιγιγνο- 

μύνον καρπον 
καΐ συμφωνΐ ήμ[ΐν πάν]τα τα εγγεγραμμένα ώ? πρόκιται. Φλ{αούιο9) 

^αραπίων ^ίΐρίωνο? αξιωθεί? 
25 έγραψα ύπερ αύτώ[ν πα][)6ντων γράμματα μη ειδότων. 

(ist hand) ^ ώ' emu //ι . . 

On the verso vestiges of an endorsement. 

3. 8ανίη\ιου over an erasure. 5. α of αρμινσιον corr. from 0. mov Pap. *j. αλλη- 

\(•γ•γυψ Pap. 8. "ivhiKTiovos Pap. 17. ai/U7rep[^er]toi Pap. I9. αννπΐρθίτω! Pap. 

21. 1. Άρμιύσιοί ν'ιός. 23. 1. ΤΓ(ρίγιγνομ€ν<ύν καρπών. 

' In the consulship of Flavins Eudoxius and Flavius Dioscorus the most illustrious, 
Phaophi i8. To . . . daughter of of Daniel, of excellent memory, president of the council 
in the illustrious and most illustrious city of Oxyrhynchus, from Aurelius Harmiusius son of 
Padidymus and Aurelia Taor daughter of Castor, . . . from the village of Ptochis in the said 
nome. We desire of our own free will to lease upon our mutual security from the present 
year until the sowing of the 13th indiction, out of the land belonging to you in the fields of 
our village, 9 arourae of corn-land or thereabouts, on condition that we sow them with any 
crops we please on the basis of half shares in the resulting produce, the terms being that we 
shall pay to you the landlord in place of rent the half of the produce in good faith, and 
that we the lessees in return for the labour bestowed on the cultivation and the seed sown 
by us in the land shall keep the other half, with no delay, the taxes upon the land being 
due from you the landlord ; and it shall be obligatory upon us on our mutual security to 
pay the half of the produce at the proper season with no delay, and to perform the banking 
up of the land. This lease, of which there are two copies, is valid, and in answer to the 
formal question we have given our assent.' Signatures of the lessees written for them by 
Flavius Sarapion. 

4. [προττολιτΐνο^ίνον : cf. 67. 2, C. P. R. I. 19. 1, P. Leipzig 37. 3. The tide probably 
means president of the decurtottes {πόλιτίυόμςνοι) ; cf. Mitteis, C. P. R. I. pp. 61-2. 

6. ]θΐσμ[ is awkward and raises doubts whether the fragment containing these letters 
and ]pa ηυρτ^ϊ in 1. 5 is after aU rightly placed here ; the hand, however, though not certainly 
identical, is very similar, the fibres of the papyrus correspond rather well, and the verso, 
which contains vestiges of an endorsement in the right position, is also suitable. A title 

913. LEASE OF LAND 267 

referring to Κάστοροϊ would be apposite, but ]θίσμ[ suggests nothing likely. The name 
"Ενθίσμο! occurs in 70. 6, and possibly this may be read here as the patronymic of Castor, 
τοΰ being omitted, though in the case of the other persons concerned grandfathers' names 
are not added, and there would barely be room for [Ev], 

8. For ίως] σποράς cf. Β. G. U. 586. lO irpos μόνην την τοΰ ΐνΐστωτος erovs σποράν. αττό] suggested by e. g. P. Tebt. 378. 9 ; but a difficulty would then arise concerning the 
number of the indiction, which should in that case be the nth, not the 13th, and ea>r has 
the further advantage of defining the term of the lease. 

II. There is not room in the lacuna for οΓ? iav. The rent of one half the produce was 
fairly common in the Oxyrhynchite nome ; cf. 103, 277, 729. 

14. For ij[eTa κα\η]ς (or άγαθη]ί) πίσ[τ]€ως cf. e. g. P. Leipzig 28. 21. 

20. The corrupt word ναουρων is more probably for αρονρων, as Wilcken suggests, 

than e.g. for veovpythv or Pfwpav (cf Theophrast. C. PL 3. 13. 3 δίά το v^ovpyov re elvai 
την γην και άκάρπατον, and Photius νίωρον veov). 

914. Acknowledgement of a Debt. 

i7-iXii-6cm. a.d. 486. 

A promissory note for the payment of two solidi of gold, due in consequence 
of a purchase of dye. The goods had already been delivered to the purchaser, 
who in the present document undertakes to pay the money for them two months 

[ 4- To]is μίτα την υπατίίαν Φλαονίου Θξοδωρίχον τοΰ 
λαμπρ{οτάτον) Μ€χ€ΐρ € θ ίν8ικ{τίονο^). 

[ΑύρήΧ^ιο^ ΆτΓφοντο? νιο? 'ApeovTOS μητρο? Kvpias 

[όρμ]ώμ€νος άπο ttjs Ό^υρνγγιτων πόλζω^ 
5 [Λύρη]λίω ^ξρήνω νΐω Δανη^ιΧΐω άττο τή9 

[αντήί π]όλ€ωί γαίρζίν. ομολογώ οψίλζΐν σοι καΐ 

[χ/3€]α)στ€«/ άτΓο τιμής διαφόρων βαμμάτων 

[ϋύν €]ώνημαι πάρα σοΰ και ^βάσταξα κατά τα μεταξύ 

[σνμφ]ωνα γ^ρνσοΰ νομισμάτια δύο, γί{νξται) )(ρ(υσοΰ) ν.ο{μίσμάτισ) β. 
ΙΟ [τά ^6 τό]ΰ )(ρυσοϋ νομισμάτια δύο ακίνδυνα 

[7Γάντ]α άπο παντός κινδύνου €πάναγκ€ς 

[άποδ]ώσω σοι kv τω Φαρμοΰθι μηνΐ του 

[ζν€στ]ωτος eroi/y ρζβ ρλα της παρούσης ίνάτης 

[ίνδι]κτιονος άνυπ^ρθίτως, της ίίσπράξ^ως 
15 [σοι γι]γνομζνης π[α]ρά τ€ ΐμοϋ και €Κ των νπαρ- 

[•^6ντ]ων μοι πάντων υποκειμένων Tfj 


[€ΑίΤί]σ€ΐ TOvSe τον χ^ρύονς €ν€χνρον λόγγ 
[και ύπο]θήκης Βικαίω. κύριον το γραμμάτων 
\8ισσο\ν Ύραφ\[ν\ k[cu\ ([πίρωτηθΐΐς ώμολόγησα. 

On the verso 
20 yf /^αμμάτιον) Άπφοντο? νιου Άρζώτον άπο τήί λαμπρας Ό^υ[ρνγγιτων 


Ι. ϋπατΐίαν φλαον'ϊου Pap. 2. ϊν8ικ(τίονος) Pap. 3• ^• Άπφοΰς. vtos Pap. 5• ί• 

Αανιηλίην. 1 4• ανϋπ€ρθ6τως Pap. 1 5. νπαρ[χοντ'\ων Pap. 20. viov Pap. 

' The year after the consulship of Flavius Theodoric the most illustrious, Mecheir 5, the 
9th indiction. Aurelius Apphous son of Hareous and Cyria, coming from the city of 
Oxyrhynchus, to Aurelius Serenus son of Daniel, of the said city, greeting. I acknowledge 
that I owe as a debt to you, of the price of various dyes which I have bought from you 
and removed in accordance M'ith the agreement between us, two solidi of gold, total 2 solidi 
of gold ; and the two solidi of gold I will of necessity repay to you free of all risk in the 
month Pharmouthi of the current 162nd = the 131st year and the present 9th indiction 
with no delay, and you shall have the right of execution upon me and all my property, 
which is mortgaged for the repayment of this debt, as security and lawful pledge. This 
bond, which is written in duplicate, is valid, and in answer to the formal question I have 
given my consent. (Endorsed) Deed of Apphous son of Hareotes, of the illustrious city of 

I. There is an inconsistency in the statements of date, for the year after the consulship 
of Theodoric was a. d. 485, whereas the dates by the indiction in 1. 2 and by the Oxyrhyn- 
chite eras in 1. 13 combine to fix the year as 486. The letters ]is are broken, but 
satisfactory enough, and ]/3 cannot be read ; there would indeed be room for one or two 
more letters in the lacuna, but with a chrism and an enlarged initial letter the space would 
be sufficiently accounted for. The scribe therefore seems to have made a mistake ; cf. 133 
and 140, in which the eighth year after the consulship of Basilius appears where the ninth 
would be expected. 

3. 'ApfovTos : in the endorsement on the back the father's name is given as 'Apfarov. 

9. For [σνμφ]ωνα cf. e.g. P. Strassb. 40. 13. 

10. The supplement is a trifle long for the lacuna. 
13. On the Oxyrhynchite eras cf. 125. introd. 
17-8. Cf. 136. 41 and P. Amh. 151. 19. 

915. Receipt for Lead and Tin. 

6x30-4 cm. A.D. 572. 

A receipt for lead and tin supplied by a lead-worker for repairing the pipes 
of a bath. The papyrus was found rolled up with four similar receipts issued to 
the same lead-worker, which are described in 1000-1003. The writing is in 
each case across the fibres. 915 alone is dated by the two Oxyrhynchite eras. 


-\-Έ8όθ{ησαν) 8{ία) Άπολλω μολιβονργ{ον) Γΐωργίω παίδι Ci'y κόλλησιν 

των σωλήνων 
τον \οντρ{ον) τον προαστίου) Φαωφι κ lv8{iktlovo?) ς μολήδον λίτρ(αι) 

δώδξκα και κασιδηρίον \ίτρ{αι) τρΪ9, 
γί{νονται) μολήδ{ον) λί(τραι) φ και κασιδ{ηρίον) λί(τραι) γ μ{6ναι). 

(and hand) γί{νονται) μολ{νβδον) λί{τραι) δώδεκα και κασιδηρ{ίον) 

λί(τραι) τρΪ9 μ{6ναι). 
(ist hand) (crovs) σμθ και σιη Φαωφι κ ίνδ{ικτίονο^) 'ίκτ[η^. ] 

Ι. 1. μολύβδου ργ(οΰ), 2. 1. μολύβδου . . . κασσιτίρίου : SO in 1. 3• 

' Provided by Apollos, lead-worker, for Georgius, servant, for soldering the pipes of the 
bath in the suburb on Phaophi 20 of the 6th indiction, twelve pounds of lead and three 
pounds of tin, total 12 lbs. lead and 3 lbs. tin only. Total 12 lbs. lead and 3 lbs. tin only. 
The 249th which = the 218th year, Phaophi 20, 6th indiction.' 


9ie. Tax-Receipt. 

16-3 X 19-4 cm. A. D. 198. 

A receipt for a series of payments on account of a tax of which the name 
is abbreviated as rjj or 77+ and the precise nature is still a matter of uncertainty. 
This impost is known from two other published texts, B. G. U. S7'^• 5 and to, 
and P. Tebt. 500, in both instances occurring along with the νανβιον and other 
imposts on land. Wilcken {Ost. I. p. 174^) interprets it as meaning oyhor}. The 
present text shows that it was calculated upon the aroura, and the mention 
of the praefect's instructions concerning it suggests that it was a special levy 
rather than a regular tax. The sums paid are rather high, amounting to 640 
drachmae within two months (11. ia-9), but it is not clear whether the individual 
to whom the receipt is issued was the tax-collector or the tax-payer. Caracalla 
appears as full emperor in Pauni of the 6th year (May 25-June 24 of A.D. 198) ; 
cf. 810. introd. 

"Ετονί 9 Λονκίον ^€7Γτιμί[ον 
Χ^ονήρον Ενσ€βοΰ5 Ιΐ€ρτίνακ[ο9 
Χφαστον Άρ(^α)βικον 'Αδιαβηνικ[οΰ 


Παρθικού Μίγίστον και Αύτοκρ[άτο]ρο9 
5 Καίσαρος Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Άντα[νί]ΐΌυ 

Χφαστοΰ ΙΙαννι. 8ΐίγράψη ΊΊασίωνι 

[/ί]αί μξτόχΙ^οΐί) δημ{οσίοΐ9) τραπ{€ζίταις) Ό^ίυρυγχ^ίτου) [λ]6γ(ρυ) ηί 

της Kf\(e)v- 

σθίίσης κατ άρουρα[ν άρ]€ν€)(^θήναι 

ακολούθως τοις γρα[φξΐ]σι ύπο Αίμίλί[ο]υ 
ΙΟ Χατουρνίνου του λα\^μ\προτάτου ηΎζμ\6νος^ 

Τιββρως Κλούδιος Τίμΐΐνος 6 κ[αϊ\ 

Ταιιων δρα^Ιμας) 8ιακοσί[α'\ς, γί(νονται) [δραγ^μαί) σ. ΙΙασία\ν\ 

βασιλικ{ρς) τραπ(^ζίτης) σ€σημ{€ίωμαι). 

και Trj L^ του αύτου μηνός όμ(ρίως) 6 αύτος δρα(^μα)ς 
15 τριακοσίας τ€σσ€ράκοΐ'[τ]α, γί(νονται) (βραγ^μαΐ) τμ. Πασίων 

βασιλικ{ος) τραπ{€ζίτης) σζσημ{ξί<ύμαι). 
2nd hand και ττ} ια του Έπύφ δμοι{ως) λ6γ{ου) tj"*" 

δραγ^μας εκατόν, / (δραχμαι) ρ. Ζωίλ(ος) \'[τΓ]η[ρ]€{της) 

2θ και TTJ κδ του Φαωφι όμ(οίως) [λόγγου) η"^ δρα- 

χμας [δ]ι[ακοσ]ί[α]ς , [ ^/ [δραχμαΐ) σ. 

3- β of α/)βικοι» written through an α. 6, \. διέγραψα. 1 1, oy of κλουδίοί corr. 

1. Κλαι'διο?. 1 7• ν of του and first c of «πίίφ corr, 20. θ of κδ corr. 

' The sixth year of Lucius Septimius SeA'erus Pius Pertinax Augustus Arabicus 
Adiabenicus Parthicus Maximus and of the emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus 
Augustus, Pauni. Paid to Pasion and his associates, pubhc bankers of the Oxyrhynchite 
nome, on account of the tax of | (?) ordered to be paid upon the aroura in accordance with 
the edict of his excellency the praefect Aemilius Saturninus, by Tiberius Claudius Geminus 
also called Gaiion(?) two hundred drachmae, total 200 dr. Signed by me, Pasion, public 
banker,' Records of other instalments follow. 

9. On the praefecture of Aemilius Saturninus cf. 899. 10, note. 

1 1-2. The name Γαιών occurs in P. Brit. Mus. II. 258. 130-1, &c., and the repetition 
of the t here was perhaps a clerical error. The initial letter is uncertain, and might be meant 
for σ or possibly e, and e could also be read in place of a. In any case a second name 
seems here more likely than e. g. οί[π(ίρ) (for vnep) ίγ\γαί\ι}ων, for though the interchange 
of 01 and V is common enough, to postulate it in a doubtful passage is not very satisfactory. 
There would too only just be room for the abbreviation of π and ey in the lacuna. 


917. Taxing-Memorandum. 

5 X 9-8 cm. Late second or early third century. 

A memorandum extracted from the day-book of a collector of money-taxes, 
summarizing payments under various heads. Of the imposts mentioned two, 
the νανβίον (1. 2) and Ιτταρονριον (1. 3), are familiar. The tax of | (1. 2) is not often 
met with in Roman times, but a 'ίκτη τξμαχών occurs in P. Brit. Mus. III. 1171. 72 
and a €κτη levied upon παράδεισοι apparently in P. Tebt. 343. 69, where we sup- 
posed that it was connected with the Ptolemaic tax of ^ of the produce for 
άτΐόμοιρα upon vineyards and gardens, in spite of the fact that the άπόμοιρα is 
known to have been sometimes calculated in Roman times upon the acreage 
of land. That the €κτη here too means the ά-πόμοφα is very likely, especially as the 
latter is found in 653, where several of the taxes mentioned in 917 occur ; the 
name (κτη, however, may be a mere survival and not necessarily imply that 
the tax was actually ^ of the produce. The tax va( ) φο{ ) (1. 2) is known 
from 653, where we resolved the abbreviations doubtfully as να(ΰλον) φο{ρτ[ων). 
να{υλον) is on the whole more probable than να{νβων) ; but φο{ρτίων) is unsatis- 
factory, and φο(ρ€τρου) is more likely than φό(ρου) though να(ύλον) φο{ρίτρον) 
is a somewhat tautologous expression ; φοινίκων or φοινικωνο^, however, would 
more naturally be abbreviated φοι{ ). The remaining impost, abbreviated 
σ-η{ ) hiov{ ) (1. 3), we connect with στιονΙ{η) in 653, and regard it as levied 
nominally for a libation to Dionysus ; cf. στιονίη as a tax in P. Tebt. 347. 2. 
There may well be a connexion between this tax and the ί:^ιοννσάον at Oxy- 
rhynchus, which perhaps benefited by the proceeds ; cf. 908. 8-10, note. 

Two other similar memoranda by the same tax-collector are described 
in 981-2. One of these has only the beginnings of lines ; the other, which is 
complete, mentions besides k-napo{vpLov) a tax called ττηχ(ίσμοΰ) ττξρισ{τ€ρώνων), for 
which 47 dr. i ob. 2 chal. are paid, ττηχίσμοΰ by itself appears as an impost 
in P. Brit. Mus. II. 11 71. 73, where 7^ dr. are paid for it, and 400 drachmae are 
entered for €πφολ(ηί) ττηχισμοΰ in P. Brit. Mus. III. 1157. i it, 600 dr. in 1. 113, and 
400 dr. for 'πηχ(ισμοΰ) οΙκο-π{4δων) in 1. 152. The editors suggest that the charges for 
ττηχισμόί were for measuring areas, but remark that the amounts paid are high ; 
possibly the impost was levied upon the areas measured, not on behalf of the 
measuring. That the impost yefojuerpias means land-tax, not a tax for measuring, 
was maintained by Wilcken (Osi. I. pp. 173-6), but the evidence subsequently 
discovered does not support that view ; cf. P. Tebt. I. p. 39. There is, how- 
ever, somewhat less difficulty in referring the term τιηχισμόί than γίωμξτρία to 
an area measured, and we are disposed to regard the ττηχισμόί τηριστ^ρώνων 


as a tax upon pigeon-houses levied according to their size. In Ptolemaic times 
there was a tax upon them called τρίτη τηριστ^ρωνων (i.e. | of the profits ; of. 
P. Tebt. 84. 9, note), but this is not known to have survived into Roman times, 
and the ττηχισμόί ττβρίστ. may have taken its place. The 4th year, in which 917 
and 981 are written (982 is dated in the 31'd year), more probably refers to the 
reign of Septimius Severus than to that of Marcus Aurelius, Elagabalus, or Severus 

Εξ €(Ρη(μ€ρίδο9) Απιωνος πρά{κτορο5) άργ{νρικώ]ή Ταλαώ. 

να[νβ(ον) και τ καΐ να{ύ\ον) φο{ρίτρου ?) του €ν€στ{ώτο9) S {ξτονς) (δραχ^μαΤ) 

κβ {ημιωβίλιον), 

€παρο{νρίον) (δραχμαΐ) ρθ χΙ^αλκοΐ) γ, σπ{ον8η^ί) Δίον{υσον}) (δραχμαϊ) η 

(τ€τρώβολον) χΙ^αλκονς) α, 

y {ppayjLcu) ρλθ (τΓ€ντώβολον). δόσις (δραχμαΐ) ρλθ 6β{ολοι) <γ, 

5 y^ (δραχ^μαΐ) ίκατον τριάκοντα kvvea 6βο\{ρΐ) τ- 

(erouy) δ Πανί/ι €. 

2. β οΐ κβ corr. from δ. 

'From the day-book of Apion, collector of money-taxes at Talao. For naubion and 
the tax of ^ and freight by water for the present 4th year 22 dr. i ob., for land-tax 109 dr. 
3 chalci, for a libation to Dionysus (?) 8 dr. 4 ob. i chal. Total 139 dr. 50b. Paid 
139 dr. 6 ob. Total one hundred and thirty-nine dr. 6 obols. The 4th year, Pauni 5.' 

3. ση{ον8ης) : the first letter might possibly be e, but σ is a more suitable reading and 
is confirmed by 653 ; cf introd. 

4. The sum actually paid is i obol in excess of what was due ; similarly in 981 the 
δόσ-ίί exceeds the previous total by nearly 2 obols. 

918. Land-Survey. 

Height 21-2 cm. Second century. 

The verso of this long papyrus contains the text of the new Greek historian 
(842), and a short description of the document on the recto was given in Part V, 
pp. iio-i. This is a very elaborate survey-register of Crown land at a village in 
the south-west of the Arsinoite noma near Ibion Argaei, which is mentioned 
e. g. in V. 17. The plots leased to separate cultivators are arranged in σφραγί^^ί 
of varying sizes which have a double system of numbering. One set of numbers 
refers to the order in which they occur in the present list, beginning with the ist 
σφραγίί and ending, so for as the papyrus goes, with the 12th ; the other set of 
numbers refers to some more extensive register, of which the σφραγΐδ€5 here 

918. LAND-SURVEY 273 

described formed a part. In only two cases are the figures of the second set 
preserved, the ist and 2nd a0payi6es of the present list corresponding to the 
17th and 1 8th of the other ; and it is not unlikely that there was a difference of 
16 between the two sets of numbers throughout. From these numbered σφρα-^ώ^^ 
must be distinguished the use of the term σφραγί^ in 918 to denote the individual 
plots ; cf. ii. 16, note. 

The normal scheme of the survey is as follows. First comes a description of 
a particular σφραγί<ί as a whole, — its geographical relation to the preceding σφραγί^, 
its number on both systems, its size, the rents yielded by it, and its adjacent areas. 
Where as the result of flooding or other cause in former years (ranging from the 
3rd to the 1 3th of an unnamed emperor) the rents were no longer paid or had 
been reduced, or the land had changed its category (e. g. χβρσάλ/χυρο^ which had 
become pasture land), information is added on these points, there being several 
references to earlier surveys. The general account of each σφραγίί closes with 
the words &v το κατακ{ ) (cf. ii. i^, note), referring to the following description 
of the individual plots into which it was subdivided. These more detailed entries 
give the geographical position ot each plot (in the first entry the arourae are 
defined as αργόμ^ναι^ in the later ones as Ιχόμίναι), the name of the lessee or 
cultivator, the size and rent of the plot, the adjacent areas, and the addition made 
to the rent as the result of a reassessment. Where the land was not paying 
the normal rent or had undergone changes, the details already summarized 
in the general account of the σφραγίί are repeated in reference to the particular 
cultivators, e. g. in Col. xi. 

The papyrus is divided into four sections separated by gaps, and as the 
writing on the recto and verso runs in opposite directions, D, the last section of 
the historical work containing Cols, xi-xxi, is the first of the land-survey, com- 
prising Cols, i-viii. Col. i, which is much mutilated, is in a different hand from 
the rest, and is apparently the concluding part of a summary of the succeeding 
columns. It is concerned chiefly with land καθ' vbaros (cf. Cols, ix-xv), and 
ends γίνο{νταί) καθ' vbaros [apovpai) x/z/ctj/i't λ'/3'^δ'. ων η iroaeia. In Col. ii 
begins the detailed list of σφραγΐδ^ί. Lines i-3 indicate the point from which 
the survey starts, and 11. $-y apparently define the position of certain arourae, 
aaf in number, which stand in some obscure relationship to the ist σφραγί$. The 
general description of that σφραγί^ occupies 11. 8-13, and the details concerning 
the two sets of cultivators of the 93^ arourae comprised in it fill ii. i-iii. 2. 
In iii. 3 begins the general description of the 2nd σφραγίς, which contained 
io| arourae, the details following in iii. ii-v. 14. The 3rd σφραγί? (v. 15-21) 
contained only 2 arourae situated in a hollow which seems to have been formerly 
dry but was now flooded, and as no rent or cultivators were assigned to it only 



the general description was required. The account of the 4th σφραγί5 (vi. 1-8) 
is incomplete, but the number of the arourae in it (8, including ^-^ aroura for 
a canal) is preserved. It was divided among three sets of cultivators who owned 
respectively 4^q, 2, and i^f arourae. vi. 19-vii. i contains the description of 
what is clearly the 5th σφραγί5, though the number is for some reason omitted. 
It comprised 5 3^2 arourae, but only 4 3^^ are accounted for in vii. 2-1 1 , so that 
either 5-3^2 is an error for 4-3*2 o^ an entry has been left out. vii. 13-18 gives the 
description of the 6th σφραγί^, which contained s^Te arourae, and the details 
concerning the several plots followed in Col. viii, of which only a few letters from 
the beginnings of lines are preserved, section D breaking off at this point. So far 
the land in question, with the exception of that in the 2nd σφραγί^, had been 
in good condition. The rents up to this point range with one exception from 
6i artabae per aroura down to 4||, this being the commonest rate ; cf. P. Brit. 
Mus. II. 267, where the rents of Crown land near Lake Moeris range from 7 to 2| 
artabae per aroura, 4|-3 art. being the most frequent. The exception occurs 
in the description of the 6th σφραγίί, where the 303^ arourae pay at the rate of 
{πνρον άρτάβα^) δ κ'ξ,'ρ'^', i. e. 4-^q -^q γ|ο , or 49^6 art., a fraction which could not be 
expressed without departing from the ordinary series of fractions of the artaba 
έ h T2-i &c. In every instance an addition to the rents had been recently made 
of amounts ranging from -^^ to i artaba, and in one case (iii. 1-2) the rent had 
been twice raised. The case is different when we turn to the later columns 
of the survey on the recto of sections C, B, and A. These are chiefly concerned 
with land which had been flooded, and was therefore unproductive except where 
it had been reclaimed for pastures. A, containing the ends of lines of Col. xiii, 
Col. xiv, which is incomplete, and Col. xv, of which the ends of lines are lost, 
deals with the nth and 12th σφραγΐ^^ί ; but to which σφραγίί C (parts of 12 lines 
from Col. ix) and Β (containing a portion of Col. x. Col. xi, which is fairly well 
preserved, and a few letters from the beginnings of lines of Col. xii) refer is not 
indicated, and the relative order of these three sections would be quite doubtful 
apart from the text on the verso. If we are right in regarding A as the first 
section of the historical work (cf. Part V, pp. 114-5), it is the last of the survey, 
and C and Β must belong to the σφραγϊΐζ^ intervening between the 6th and 
nth; but it remains uncertain whether C comes between D and Β or between 
Β and A ; cf. Part V, pp. 1 13-4. Col. ix, so far as can be judged from its scanty 
remains, deals with land similar to that described in Col. xi, various αναμ^τρησαζ 
(cf. xi. 5) being mentioned. Nothing can be made of Col. x, but Col. xi. 1-9 gives 
the conclusion of a general description of a new σφραγί$, which had been flooded, 
the entries concerning the individual holdings following in 11. 10 sqq. Owing to 
the loss of the beginning and the uncertainty of the construction of the various 

918. LAND-SURVEY 275 

relative clauses which are piled one upon another the details are not clear, but 
various categories of land καθ' vharos are distinguishable : (τ) in 1. 2 that on which 
rent continued for a time at any rate to be exacted, 3>v τα [φφορια δΐ€σΓάλ(77). 
(ζ) in 11. 3 and 13 land of which the rent had been reduced and which subsequently 
had been converted into pasture land, (3) in 1. 21 land kv eiroxfj, a category frequently 
mentioned also in Cols, xiii-xiv, and apparently implying land upon which the 
collection of the rents (in xi. 21 4 artabae to the aroura) had been suspended 
indefinitely ; cf. P. Tebt. ^^6. 13-5 and 337. 2, notes. Col. xii, as we have said, 
is represented only by a few letters, and Col. xiii, with which section Λ begins, 
has only ends of lines. Both this column and Col. xiv give part of a detailed 
list of entries referring to what must be the nth σφραγί^, since the account of 
the 1 2th σφραγίί begins at the top of Col. xv. Of the five entries in Col. xiii two 
are concerned with land L• ^ττοχτ/, two with land in another category, the arourae 
being called €ναφζΐ[μίναι), a term which occurs in P. Tebt. II. 325• 5 ', cf. note 
ad loc. The land had presumably been placed in this class because it had been 
flooded, but to judge by P. Tebt. 325 €ναφζί{μ4νη) γή was capable of being 
cultivated, though at only a nominal rent. Col. xiv contains five more entries 
concerning lands placed L• €ττοχί} in the 8th year. Rents at the rate of 4^ and 
i| artabae to the aroura are mentioned (the latter b'eing exceptionally low, 
cf. p. 274), but if our interpretation of (ττοχή is correct these represent only the 
rents paid before the land went out of cultivation. Col. xv begins with a 
description of the lath σφραγίς, which occupies 11. 1-12. Lines 3-1 1 summarize 
in a manner similar to xi. 1-5 the changes which had taken place in the character 
of the land since the 4th year as the result of various €τησκ4ψ€ΐς, but owing to the 
loss of the ends no connected sense is obtainable. The σφραγίί seems to have 
consisted largely of χ€ρσάλ{μνρο5) which had been converted into νομαί at different 
periods, and, since 3o|| arourae are mentioned in 1. 6, to have been more extensive 
than usual. Lines 13-21 give the first three entries concerning individual hold- 
ings. In one of these the land had become καθ' vbaros in the 12th year, but the 
remark is added άτ:οκατ€στάθ{η) τ[ω] έν€στ[ωτι] (Irei) [, showing that it had been re- 
claimed in the year in which the survey was written. Since no years later than the 
1 2th are mentioned elsewhere in the papyrus, the iveard? hos is likely to have 
been very soon after the 12th, and may even be the 13th. The handwriting 
proves that the survey belongs to the second century, and most probably to the 
reign of Antoninus or Majrcus Aurelius. We print Cols. ii. i-iii. 16, v. 15-21, 
xi and xiii, which afford good specimens of the whole. The parts omitted 
mainly consist of repetitions of the same formulae or are too much damaged to 
be intelligible. 

Two other land-surveys of the Roman period exhibit a classification of land 

Τ 2 


by numbered σφραγΐδ^ί, P. Fay. 339 and P. Bruxell. i (Mayence and de Ricci, 
Music Beige, 1904, pp. loi sqq.). P. Fay. 339 is a mere fragment, but the 
accounts of the nth and 12th σφραγίδας are for the most part preserved ; the text 
of the entry concerning the lath σφραγί^ is quoted in our publication, that of 
the nth follows the same formula. The geographical situation of each σφραγίς, 
its size, rent, cultivator, and surroundings are given ; but the areas are much smaller 
than in 918, being only i and i-| arourae in the two cases, and the term σφραγί^ 
seems to be used to denote a plot of ground belonging to a single lessee rather 
than a group of such plots ; cf. ii. 16, note. On the other hand in the Brussels 
papyrus, which though reputed to come from Dimeh is on account of the proper 
names more likely to have been discovered at Hermopolis and to refer to land in 
the Hermopolite, not the Arsinoite, nome, the σφρα/ϊδ^ί are much larger than 
those in 918, one of them containing over 635 arourae. ιδιωτική as well as 
βασιλική γη is included in them, and the land-tax upon the former is added 
to receipts from rents of the latter, whereas in 918 private land, though frequently 
mentioned among the ydroves, is not included in the survey. The Brussels survey, 
of which the extant portions cover the 6th to the loth σφραγ^€ί, is moreover on 
a much less elaborate scale than 918, and does not enter into any details concerning 
individual cultivators of Crown land. 

Col. ii. 

2nd hand [άρχομ€ν]ων άττο ν6τ[ου ]ovy φοι(γικωνο9) kv ^π^ίρω 

[ ]λονμ{βρω) 

[ ] Ώριγβνους ά7ΐ[ ] e| άπηλ{ιώτον) διώρνχ^ο^ί) T^/f- 

[ι/α//ίί κα]λονμ{ζνηί) μίθ' {ην) γνης [ ] κβΔη' δίατίν[ο{νσαι)] 

> \ 


5 ν6τ{ον). y[i(Tov€s)] ν6τ{ον) των της [ Ά]μννταροντο[5 T^fjs 

*Αμνν\τ6\υ, βορρά διωρυ^ [ ,] άπη\{ιώτου) Τασαταβοΰτοί 

[τ^ή? 'Οννώφ[ρ]€ω9 σι(τοφ6ρος\ [λίβο(9) διωρν]^ μξθ' {fjv) o86(s). 

[a] σφρα{γΐ9) ή €στ{ί) ιζ σφρα(γΙς) e[ ] . iV€iX{ ) και 

καμπ{νλη ?) αττορω 
(άρουραι) 6ι\' ων ά(να) [ττυροΰ άρτάβας) ς-^' {αρουραι) β \καΙ α(ΐ'ά) 
{ιτνρον άρταβας)] SlS' μ {η) {αρουραι) ^tV, /^ «' 7Γ{ροκ€ίμ€ναϊ). 
ΙΟ γί{τον€ς) ν6τ{ου) διωρνξ, μζθ' (ήν) γνη[ί a\vv8p(ps), βορρά βασιλ{ικη) γη 

δια γ€ωργ{ων) Άγχ^ορίμφ€ω[ς] Όννώφρζως κα[1 JJaTvvtos 

918. LAND-SURVEY 277 

"Η.ρωνο{^) και μ€τ6)^(ον), άπηλ{ιώτου) ίδ{ά<ρη) Θβαβησξως της 

λιβο(9) Τξκνάνι^ λζγομ{ίνη) δίώρνξ μξθ' {ην) οδό?, ούν [το κατακ[ )• 

άρ\6μ(€ναι) άπο ν6τ(ον) [•••]• ^ys Άμήονς τον Χοκονώττ[ιο^) και [. . . . 

15 Άμήον? του Πατνι/ξως €^ άλληλ(€γγνη?) ά(να) (ττνρον άρτάβαί) δδ'μη 

{άρονραι) €δ'τ]^ί<τ^. 
γί{τονξ9) νότ{ρύ) διώρν^, βορρά ή Ιγρ{μίνη) σφροι^γίς), άπηλ(ιώτου) 

κατοικ{ικα) ζδ(άφη), λι{βο$) 
διώρν^. και προσωρίσ6[η) άλλο κατά [άρουραν) (πνρον άρτάβης) β', 
βορρά ίχ^6μ(€ναι) ίγβ(αίί/ονσαι) άπηλ(ιώτον) Άγ)(ορίμφ€ω9 Όννώφρ^ω^ 

Δζίου και Ίσίωι/ο(ς) ΤΙαι/€φρβμμζω9 και Πατύνις "Ηρωρ[ο(9) 
20 τοϋ"Ηρωνο(ς) e^ άλληλ(€γγνη9) {άρονραι) γΖ.5' coi^ a(ya) (πνρον άρτάβας) 
ςδ' [άρονραι) β, και ά(ΐ'ά) (πνρον άρτάβα?) δΔδΊΙη' 
[άρονρα) αΖ.δ', /^ αί π{ροκύμζναι), kv ah κοίλωμ(α) καθ' νδ(ΰΐτο?). 

γί{τον€ς) νδτ(ρν) ή ίπάνω 
σφρα(γΐ9) και €πί τι /i(epoy) ίδι(ωτίκα) ίδ(άφη) Θ€αβήσ€ω5 ϋξαον- 

/oeouy, βορρά 
βασιλ{ικη) γη ηπ€ΐρο5 δια γ€ωργ(ων) Άγ)(^ορ[ί]μ(φ€ως) Όννώ^φρζω^) 

και iTaTWi[o(s) 
"Ηρωνο(9) και μ^τόγί^ον), άπ{ηλιώτον) Θξαβήσΐως Πξσονρξω^ 

κλήρ{οή, [ 

5• ντ of αμυρταρουτο\5 COrr. 6. Final ο of τασαταβοντος COrr. from η. 

Col. iii. 
λιβο5 διώ[ρν]ξ. [καΐ προσωρισ6{η) άλ]λο κατά (άρονραν) (πνροΰ 

άρτάβηί) L•. 
ιβ {^Τ€ΐ) (άρονραι) β τον . [. . . προσωρί]σ[θ(η) ] άλλο κατά 

[άρονραν) {πνρον άρτάβης) δ'. 
άπηλ{ιώτον), L άνα μύσο[ν όντων ίδι]ωτικ{ων) εδαφών παρατ{€ΐν6ντων) 

βορρά 67Γί ν6τ{ον) [ .]ξ, β σφρα{γΐ9) η €στ{ι) ιη 

5 σπ{6ρω) {άρονραι) ιη' ά(να) {πνροΰ άρτάβαί) ΐδ' [{άρονρα) α ά{να) 
{πνρον άρτάβας) δΔδ'μ'η'] (άρονραι) Οη', ^/ αΐ π{ροκ€ίμ€ναι). 


γί(τοι/β9) v6t{ov) δίω{ρνξ) TcK[i^ayis λ€]γομ{€νη) μ€& (rjv) 686(9), βορρά 

γη ηπ€ΐρο{'ή δια [γ€ωργ(ωρ)] Όι/νώφρξω? τον "Ωρου και 
Jίπoλλωvωv τ[ον Παν€]φρύμμ€ω9, λιβο9 Τααμξίους 

] . /wu( ) ιδιω(τικά) ίδ(άφη) 

Trjs Άρμΐ€οο[ς και] kiri τι μύρο? ή προκ[Ημζνη) βασιλ{ικη) γη, 
ΙΟ άπηλ{ιώτον) διωρνξ. S)u το κατάκ[ )• 

άρχ6μ{€ναι) λιβός B€Via[. . ο? Άγχ]ορίμφ€ω9 τ[οΰ 

Άγχορίμψξωί και [Πατννιο{ς) ] "Ηρωι/ο{ς) τον Ν[€σ•τνήφ€ω9 

€^ άλληλ{ζγγνηή ά{να) (ττνρον άρτάβαή δΐ,δ'μη' [{αρονραΐ) . . 

γί{τον€?) ] ν6τ{ρυ) Τζκνά[νΐ9 
λ€γομ{€ρη) διώρνξ, βορρά [βασιλ{ικη) γη ή]π€ΐρο{ή δια γ€α)[ργ(ων), 

15 άπηλ{ιώτον) ή €χο{μ€νη) σφρα{γίς), \ιβ[ο[$) κα\ προσω- 

ρί[σ'θ{η) άλλο 
κατά {άρονραν) {ττνροΰ άρτάβης) L•δ' . 
7 more lines. 

Col. V. 
14 lines. 
15 ν6τ{ρν) και άπηλ(ιώτον), 5 άνά μ{βσον) οϋση9 διώρνχο^ς) και ικανον 

διαστήματ{ος), . 
γ σφρα{γΐ5) γβρσο{ν) kv κοιλ(ωματι) καθ' ΰδ{ατοή (αρονραι) β. 

γί{τον€9) νότ[ον) διώρνξ 
Φαγήον? λζγο{μ€νη) μξθ' (ην) σννώρ(ια) Ίβιωι/ο(ς) Άργαίον, βορρά 
'Απολλωνία? τη? ^αραττίωνο? κλήρο(?) κατοικ{ικο$) άνα μ[ίσον) 
οΰση? διώ{ρνγο?) και Ήρακλύδον τον Άπολλωνιο{ν) κληρο[?\ 
20 άΐΓηλ{ιωτον) 6δο{?) δημοσί[α) kv rj άφβσι? λίθινη,, λιβο? 
ή €χ^ομ(βνη) Φακήον? λίγομ{ύνη) διώρν^. 

17. 1. συζ'όρ(ια). 21. e οί (χομ^ΐνη) COVT. 

Col. xi. 
[ δια] το καθ' ϋδατο? γ[€γο(ν€ναι) {αρονραι)] δδ'η'ι^ς- λ'βΊ' 

α[ . . .]€δ' αϊ er[. ( ") 
[διοι το καθ' ϋδ]ατο{?) γζγο{νίναι), S)v τα [€]κφ6{ρια) δΐ€στάλ{η), 

μ[€μισ•]θ(ωμ6ναι) γ (eret) ύπο 

918. LAND-SURVEY 279 

7Γρ,σ{βντ^ρων) τψ κώ{μη9)] {dpovpai) ιη^', &u τά U<p6{pta) τω 8 

(€T€l) ήλασσ[ώθ{η)] διά το καθ' ϋ8{ατος) 
[γ^γο{ρίραή, άλωueίa9] {άρονρα) α a{uh) {ηνρον άρτάβαή S8' , S>u 
daiv αϊ e/c τη? [γ€γομ{ίνηή τω ια (eVet) 
5 [τον alycaXov] auap[.Tpn]a.cos .ύρ.θ^.ΐαα.) ά.τΐ καθ^ ϋδ{ατο,) νομ5>ν 
^ ^ {άρουραι) q[L\8 

Γ ] yiijov^i) των δλ{ων) ν6τ{ον) διωρυξ μ^θ' {ήν) ^ ί^ηί 


[βορρά ίδ^ω{τ^κά)] ^8{άφη), άπηλ{^ώτον) 8ca,pvi μ^θ' (^.) /3ασ.λ(.κί,) 

γή ijn{eLpos) δ<ά) γ€ωργ{ων) καΐ του ττρδ? νοτ{ον) 
[μίρον, . . . .]y( ) η σφρα{γίή, λφΚή 8cS>{pvi) καΐ kn[i] tc μ{^ροή 
^'^ ^ ' ί8ιωτ{cκ^) Ιδ{άφη). 

S)V [το] κα[τα]κ{ )' 
ΙΟ άρχ6μ(^ναΐ) ν6τ{ον) χ[ορ]τονομων ^μφ6{ρω.) {άρονραή ώ^ ^Ύ y proves) 
^ νότ{ου) διωρυξ, 

[βολρρα ττρ6τ{^ρον) μψισβ{ωμίνη) η ^χο{μ^η) t . . [' •]/ί( )' ^Ρ' 
^^^ \{ιώτου) καΐ λφ[^]9 διωρνξ. 

β[ορ]ρα ^χ6ΚβναΟ μ[ψ.]α6{ωμ^να.) γ {^τα) Μ ^Α[.]αφν?"ΗρωνΚ^) καΐ 

των λοίπ{ων) πρζσβ{υτ€ρων) 
[r]fi, κ[ώμη^] i&povpa.) λ[. ,ψ at οδσ(αΟ καθ' ί55(ατο.), &. τά 

€κ[φ6{ρια)] τω 8 {hei) ηλασ<τωθ{η), 

&ν .1[σιν αϊ kK] τψ yevo{μίvψ) τω ια (^T.i) του alsftaXod ανα- 


Ι. [€ύρ6^(6ΓσαΟ άντΙ κ]αθ' ΰ8{ατοή kv νομ{αΐή{άρονραή ^l8' κα[. ...]•, 

/ αί π{ροκ€ίμΐναι). 

[yc(TOve,) ν6τ{ου) ή ϊ'^ά\νω [σ]φρα{γίή, βορρά κλή[ρ{οή] κ{ατ)ο^{κ^^οή 

[καΐ €]πί τι μίρο{9) άλωι/€ί'[α]ν 

Γ , άπ]ηλ{ιώτον) 8ιωρυ^ κα\ κ[ατοι]κ{ικ^) ί8{άφη) [και] 

daay((oy6s), λιβο{9) διωρυξ. 

[βορρ]α καΐ ά7Γηλ{ιώτον) Ιχομ{^νη) 8ih, yeω[py{ωv) ά]\ων^ία^ 

{αρουρα) α ά{νά) {πυροΰ άρτάβας) δ[8. 
[yt{TOve,)] ν6τ{ου) ή kπάvω σφ[p]a{yίs), [βορρά κα\ άπηλ{ιώτου) 

8]ιωρυξ, λιβο{'ή ή €π(άι/ω) σφ[pa{yί9). 
20 [βορρ]α ^χ6μ{€ναι) Ιγβ{αίνουσαι) λιβΚ^) Χ[α]φήμον[θ9 'Λyχo]p(μφeω9 

του Όννώ{φρζω9) καΐ 'Αγχο{ρίμφ€ωί) 


"Ωρον ά{να) (πνρου άρτάβαή δ ey κωθ . [ ]•[•]••• 

yeft)[/)(y )] αϊ ουσ{αι) kv kno^fj 
άπο [ . {hovs)] δια το καθ' νδ{ατοή [γζ]γο{ν€ραι) 

1. ( of ετ[ corr. from α. The fractions after δδ' have a horizontal stroke above them; 
similarly in 1. lo and xiii. i and i6. 

Col. xiii. 
[ ay letters {άρονραή . ]δ'η'i'δ' Sm a(ua (πνροΰ άρτάβαή δδ' 
[ 28 „ e]i/ knoyji reray//(ei/ai) 

[τω . {€T€i) δια το καθ' νδ{ατο?) y^yoivkvai). yiijov^i) νότιου) και 

βο]ρρά και λιβο9 διω(ρυξ), 
[άπη\{ιώτον) 35 letters ] 
5 [ 23 letters και μβ]τ6χ(ωι^) {αρονραι) yL•δ' , αι ονσ{αι) 

[ 29 J} ] yL[TOV€s) v6t{ov) και βορρά 

[ 29 » ] τον προς ν6τ{ον) μέρους 

[ 29 „ ] 

[28 „ τ]ω δ {^τζί) ίναφζΐ(μ€ΐ/αι) δια το 

ΙΟ [ 26 „ yi(Tov€s)] v6t{ov) βασι\{ικη) yfj alyi{aXins), 

[βορρά 24 letters ] 

[ 28 letters τ]ω δ {ha) €ναφα{μ^ναι) δια το 

[27 » y]i(Toves) νότ{ρν) Ιϋλωρος 

[ 26 ,, δι]ώρνξ, άπηλ[ιώτου) έτ€ρα 

15 [διωρυξ, λί(/3δ?) 20 letters] 

23 letters ]•[••• Φ (αρονραι) αδ'ηι'^'^'δ', &ι/ 

[ 23 }, ] /^ αϊ π{ροκ€ίμζναι). και kv kiro\{fj) 

[τω . (€Τ€ί) δια το καθ' νδ(ατος) y(:yo{yevai). yt{Tov€s) νο\τ{ρν) και 

βορρά και λι[βθ9) μ€μισθ(ωμ€ν ) 

[ ] 

ϋ. 2. Probably not κα\λουμ{ΐνω), for there is hardly room for a proper name, even if an 
rjiT€ipos was likely to bear one. 

4. μζ& (ην) : the abbreviation μ(θ{ ) occurs frequently in this survey, always following 
the description of one of the yeiroves, but is nowhere written out. It is clearly different from 
ava μίσον which occurs in a corresponding position, e. g. in v. 18, and is, we think, contrasted 
with it, meaning ' beyond ' as opposed to ' between ' ; cf v. 17, where μΐ6{ ) συνωρ{ι.α) Ίβι'ωΐΌ(ί) 
Αργαίου must mean that the boundary between the lands of Ibion and the village with which 

918. LAND-SURVEY 281 

Θ18 is concerned lay beyond the canal which was the south yeir«p of the 3rd σφ^α^. 
μ.β(6ρ.ον) would hardly give the required sense, and would have been probably abbreviated 
%βο{ ) and ,.θ' {^ή (or 5. or o) is practically certain In Β G U. 571. 9-io. where 

Wilcken reads άη6 χ/ρ<το{ν) ύπολ(.5γον) {Spovpa) a ?,, yi{rov.s) βο{ρρα) ν8ρ{αγωγοή μ.θορο,, \φο, 
χίρσο,, νότου ί8ρ{αγωγ6ή μ^θ{οροή ίδ( ), άπ;,λ(.ώτον) κ.τΧ, AVe propose μeff (ο.) opor, . . . μβθ 

{tv) βδΗ>,). ^^^ .^^^ ^j^^ ^f these figures, which seem to give the total of the arourae 

described in 11. 3-7, is uncertain, for they have a line above them such as is found elsewhee 
in the papyrus above a series of fractions, e.g. xi. 10, but not above numerals referring to 
arourae The relationship of 11. 3-7 to 11. 1-2 and 8 sqq. is very obscure, but regarded as 
fractions the figures are still more difficult, _ r.^^ ,ν,^ 

8 [αϊ σφΜ^) : the restoration of the missing figure is certain, not only from the 
position of the entry at the beginning of the list (cf. iii. 4) but from Col. vi, where « 
αφρα(γ\ή fj iar{c) ^ζ σ[φρα{γίή occurs in connexion with the south νβ.τω. of the 4th '^fP-T^' 
^^ Zll ) is perhaps for eV .lX{v^vr,): Ιλύ<ο meaning to cover with slime is quoted by 
Hesychius. eV«\(w^'•"?) and ^ν.^\{ημ^νη) are unsatisfactory, σπορω is to be connected with 
Upovpai), not with the preceding words ; cf. iii. 5- ^ . , • w . π ^ - .,,. 

12. μ.τόχ{ον) is more probable than μ€τΟλ(ο,.) here and m 1. 24, since Ισιων Ώανφψμ^ω, 

(1. ίο) seems to be meant. 1 . n j * ' Λ, ττ\ nr 

U TeKvavis λβγομ^νη) 8ιωρνξ : neither this canal nor that called Φαγ^οτ^ (v. 17), or 
Φακήον. (V. 21), was known previously. For &. [ro .ara< ) cf. iii. 10 xi. 9. The abbrevia- 
tion «ατα.( ) perhaps stands for κατά κ.φαΚψ, which is used e.g. m Anst. ^^^• 2. 1°• 7 "^ ^^e 
sense of kJ' Lpa. Cf. P. Tebt. 343. 5 and 88, where a«φάλo(υ) in a survey-list apparently 
means ' nondescript ',' unclassified.' , j. • • *i,„ 

16. Ippa ή ?χο ,.'.,) .φpa{yίή means not the 2nd or any other σφραγί. adjoining the 
ist, but the plot described in 11. 18 sqq.; cf. 1. 21, where .ότ(ον)^ .πα.α,σφρα(ο...) refers 
back to the plot described in 11. 14-7. both plots being comprised m the ist .φραγ^^ 
Similarly in iii; 15 aπ,λ(«ώrov) f, ^χο{μνη) σφρα{γίή corresponds to λ.βο. , βπα.(ω σφρα(γκ) m 
the y«Vo.ei of the next plot described ; cf. also xi. 16 and 19, where η ατανω '^ΦΡ-Τ-' ^f^'l 
η each case to the preceding holding. This, the ordinary use of aφpay.,, which occurs 
SroughoSr918 in describing the y.Vov« of the individual holdings to express the separate 
parcefs, must be distinguished from its use to denote the larger areas which had numbers, 
and contained several .φρα^8.. in the narrower sense. Where ^^^•f/;, ;;!; ^.^ Uff' 
or ή irrdvco σφρα{γίή occurs in the description of a numbered σφραγα as a whole, it reters 
to another numbered σφραγί?, not to an individual holding. 
18. For iγβ{aίvovσaι) cf. P. Tebt. 84. 91 and note, 
iii. 3. For the occurrence of an angular sign before avh μέσον cf. P. Tebt. 86. 32. In 
V. I it takes the shape of a wavy line. 

e ση(όρω): cf. u. 8, where σπόρω is written out. ,. j r. .i, -.i, r^ 

The missing figure of the arourae assessed at si artabae is supplied by the arithmetic 
ί loi = I -1- 9i), and confirmed by the details concerning the 2nd σφραγ^^ given in 111. 1 7-v. 
i4!%h;ce two^mentions of | aroira at that rate occur. The rate at which the 9I arourae 
ivf'rp assessed (4.^ artabae) is restored from 1. 13, &c. . ^ , . 

''"%TrThe Restorations of the proper names are derived froin an entry m Col. iv. 
where i aroura belonging to these three persons is described. Βε..ά[μ»ο. ^\ ^«^ i"^P^°^^^^^^^^ 
but there is no likelihood of a connexion between this name, which ought to be Graeco- 
Egyptian, and Benjamin. 

V. 17. Though the ω of σν.ώρΗ is for the most part lost in a lacuna, this spelling is 
confirmed by σννώρ{ια) Ίβ. Άργ. which occurs in Col. vii. 


21. €χομ{ΐνη) is Superfluous and should be omitted, or perhaps altered to ττροκΐψίνη, 
since the canals called Φα-γηους (1. ly) and Φακηουχ are obviously identical. 

xi. I. In the fractions of the aroura after ^ we should expect J^ ^; λβ can be 
read, but the two following letters are irreconcilable with ξδ. The following a may be for 
α(ι/ά), but the sign for πνροϋ αρτάβας would not fill the lacuna. At the end of the line ίτ[. is 
perhaps {τ[άγ(ησαν), sc. eV ^ποχη ', cf. xiii. 17. 

2-5. The punctuation of these lines is not clear, and to what figure hv in each case 
refers is uncertain. The land ' leased in the 3rd year' (1. 2) corresponds to that described 
in 11. 12-3, the 1 aroura in 1. 4 to that in 1. 18, and the 6| arourae in 1. 5 to the 6| arourae 
in 1. 15. The i8f arourae in 1. 3 would be expected to correspond to the figure in 1. 13, 
but the vestiges following [apovpaC) there suit λ, not t. 

9. η before σφρα{•γίί) is probably η, not the number of the σφραγίς, since there is no 
stroke above it such as occurs with the numbers of the σφραγΐδε? elsewhere. 

II. 17 (χο{μ(νη) clearly refers to the land described in 11. 12-7; the following word is 
not σφρα^γίί), and to read φ [σφ/5α(γίί)] is unsatisfactory, for the individual holdings com- 
prised in the numbered σφραγίδα? do not themselves have numbers; cf. ii. 16, note. 
IMoreover after ι ..[..] is a horizontal line indicating μ, or merely a mark of abbreviation, 
but not occurring in the abbreviation of σφραγίς elsewhere in the papyrus. 

21. It is not clear whether ey means 5^ (arourae) or is an abbreviated word. ^ is not 
a common fraction of the aroura, but occurs in Rev. Laws Ix. 23. It is not possible to read 
Ζ for f and connect the fractions with the preceding δ. 


i4'5XiO'3cm. a. d. 182? 

Memorandum of an advance of 160 drachmae to a ship's captain for customs- 
dues to be paid at Memphis on a cargo of olives and honey. The 22nd year in 
which the document is dated probably refers to the reign of Commodus. 

Εβ {€τονή TlavvL κζ 

€Κ λ6γ(ρυ) κλή{ρον ?) Ίουλ{ίον) Xapaniimvos;). 
KaWia κνβ€ρνήτ(τ}) c/y τ€λη 
Μίμφζωί των (:μ[β]ληθ€ντ(ων) 
5 αντωι kXatai Π ροσωπ^ιτωρ) c| 
κομισ6{ζντων) άττ 'Λρσίνοξίτ[ου) καϊ 
μόνχι KXavSia Ίσιδώρα 
μίλίτος κ€ρα{μίων) ζ καϊ σε- 
ββιτίων κ S>v \6yo{v) 
10 δώσζΐ {BpayjiaC) ρ|. 

δ6(τω) λ6γ[ον) ^αραπ{ίωνι) [δραχμών) ρ^, 

4. θ of ffJ{3Ύ.ηβfvτ{<ύv) corr. from τ. 


* The 22nd year, Pauni 27, on account of the holding (?) of Julius Sarapion. Paid to 
Calleas, pilot, for the taxes of Memphis upon his freight of 90 Prosopite measures of olives 
carried from the Arsinoite nome, and 7 jars and 20 boxes of honey for Claudia Isidora 
solely, 160 drachmae, of which he shall render an account. 

Let him render an account to Sarapion of 160 drachmae.' 

2. κ\τι{ρον) is not quite satisfactory, but κ\η{ρονόμχ)ν) or -ων is unlikely owing to 1. 11, 
where a Sarapion is apparently mentioned whom it is natural to identify with the Julius 
Sarapion here. 

3-4. The τί\η Μΐ'μφεω! are analogous to the duty called λιμίνος Μψφΐως in Fayum 
customs-receipts, e.g. P. Fay. 69, 72, &c. ; cf. P. Brit. Mus. III. 1107 and Preisigke's recent 
discussion of this tax in P. Strassb. i. p. 50. In P. Hibeh 1 10. 24, of the third century b. c, 
only a small sum for γραμματικόν was paid at Memphis upon a freight of corn. 

5. We suppose Π/)οσω7Γ(ίτί;Γ) to be a measure deriving its name from the Prosopite 
nome, like the ^οξνρυχίτηϋ{ν, Brit. Mus. III. 11 70. verso 79, &c.) from Oxyrhynchus. Ώρο- 
σωη{ίτι8οί) might also be read in agreement with ΐλαϊας (cf. e. g. 116. 1 1 μίτρον Όμβητικοΰ 
φοίνικο{{;)), in which case the measure is not specified ; but apart from that small difficulty it 
is unlikely that olives from the Prosopite nome in the Delta would be taken to Memphis 
via the Fayum. The figure at the end of the line is doubtful; it is more like cj than t, but 
does not greatly resemble either. A figure of some kind however seems essential. 

8. σΐβίΐτίων: cf. P. Par. 10. 22 σφΊτιον γυναικύον. The word is supposed to be 
a diminutive of σίβίς, which according to Hesychius = πνξίς. 

II. Σαραπ(ίωΐ'ί) : the letters are damaged but fairly secure. 


Θ20. Account of Food. 

i3'9Xi3'8 cm. Late second ok early third 


A short list of various articles, largely comestibles, with the prices paid for 
them. This is written on the verso of another money account of which parts of 
two columns remain, the beginnings and ends of lines respectively being lost. 
The items in the second column are dated in Phamenoth and Pharmouthi of the 
a I St year of an emperor whom from the handwriting we should suppose to be 
Antoninus or Commodus ; the document on the verso, which is in a different 
hand, is unlikely to be very much later. 

Διζνφων (άρτάβη) a {βραχμαϊ) κ (βνόβολοΐ), 

σινάπ€ω9 μ{ίτρα ?) ζ {8ρα\μαι) κ^•, 

πλατακίων (δραχμαϊ) κβ (οβολόί), 

λΐπτων [δραχ^μαϊ) η, 

5 σαλώτια {δραχ^μαϊ) β {δυόβολοή, 


eXeaL (δρα^μαι) ιθ [δνόβολοι), 

πΧατακίων (δραχμαϊ) μη, 

στρουτ{οΰ) μ€γάλ{ον) (δρα-^μαϊ) η, 

σφαι[ρ]ίων (δραχμαΐ) κδ, 

ΙΟ πΧατακίων [δραχ^μαι) νς", 

σφαιρίων (δραχ^μαϊ) νβ, 

is Χ6γ(οι/) άραβω{ι/09) στροντ{ον) (δραχμαΤ) ιβ [ 

βοών (δραχμαΐ) € [ 

Ι. διζνφων J'a.p. 3• First α of πλατακιων corn. 6. 1. ρ'λαΐαι. 8. 1, σΓρον^(οΰ) ; 

SO in 1. 12. 

1. διζίιφων : cf. Anth. Pal. ix. 503 Οίκ αλόγω? fv 8ιζνφοΐί δνναμίν τίνα 6e'iav eivai ΐφην. 
χθΐε yoxiv 8ίζυφον iv χρονίω ηπιάλω κάμνοντι τΐταρταιω jrf ριηψα, και "yeiOver ταχίως, οια κρότων, υγιής. 

8ιζνφοις and δίζυφον have been commonly rejected (βιζνθοις Erasm., ζιζύφοι: (cf. Geop. χ. 44 
ζίζυφα elg οϊνόμίλι φνλάττ€ται) Bapt. Pius, &c., ζωνφίοις Toup, ' gcnuina VOX nondum reperta ' 
Stadtmiiller), but are now confirmed by the papyrus. Αίζνφον is apparently another form 
of ζίζνφον, the fruit of the zizyphus or jujube-tree ; cf. e. g. Pliny, Ιί. Λ^. 15. 14. § 47. 

2. μ{ίτρα): or perhaps μ{άτια) : the abbreviation consists of a μ with a small f written 
above and somewhat to the right of it. 

3. ττλατάκιον is a (new) diminutive o( πλάταξ, which, according to Athen. 309 a, was an 
Alexandrian name of the fish κορακϊνος. 

4. For λΐπτων cf. P. Strassb. 40. 48 τά e'^ euovs Βώόμΐνα λεπτά , . . ; what exactly is meant 
is not clear. 

5. σαλώτια : the word is unknown. 

8. στρονβυς μέγας or μεγάλη means an ostrich, but ostriches can hardly have been 
purchased for 8 drachmae. Perhaps this was a part payment; cf. 1. 12, where 12 drachmae 
are paid as earnest money for στροντ{οϋ). In P. Leipzig 97. xxviii. 18 and 20, xxix. 19 and 
2 1 occur entries of an artaba εΙς τά στρονθων. 

g. σφαιρία are probably sweetmeats, so called from their shape ; cf. Vi'/a MS. 
S. Simeonis Sali σιλίγνια κα\ σφαιρία κα\ όψάρια. 

921. Inventory of Property. 

34•3 χ ΐ4•4 cm. Third century. 

A list of various articles, chiefly of dress ; cf. 109, 741, P. Tebt. 406, P. Gen. 
80, &c. The list is on the verso of a lengthy third-century account, of which the 
beginnings of lines are lost throughout, mostly concerning measurements of build- 
ings, &c., and mentioning different kinds of ττήχ^εΐί — άττλοι, καμαρωτικοί (or -ωτοί), 
and €μβα6οί : e. g. eirt ro] α{ντο) anXdi uriyJ^Hs) yjiQL•^ \1β\ ών καμαρωτικοί | σνδ, oi] 
λοΐ7τ(οΙ) •7Γ?7χ(€ΐ?) υκζΔ<^'ί β'. ττηχ€ΐ9 καμαρωτικοί are not otherwise attested ; the form 
ίμβαζοί for ψβα^κοί occurs in Heron, De Mensuris, p. 314. Mention is made of 


,ιτίναατο. yovβ,vapUv '.ρικίνων, σνμψ^λίων, and κάπνων -ηλακίων. At Ae bottom 
is an entVy concerning κ].ράμ^α, followed by the signature Ανρηλω[^] ^apas 
^σημ{€ΐωσάμην), part of a date, and . . .] i^:ώebωκa. 

Th άττοκίμ^να -naph Άρσινβην ίττικάρσιον Kaivhu «, 

7Γ€ρφολά8ια epea y, i5 σινδόνια σκιωτα β, 

στρώματα σ . ικιανα y, ^oU^ia τρφα^α δ, 

σονρικοπάλΧων «, άναβοΧάδια y, 

5 Ιμάτιον XevKhv «, βαΧανάριον α, 

κοΧββια σμάλΧ^α S, σιν86νΐον παχύ «, 

μαφόρτιον XevKhv «, 2θ Κ€ρπικάρια τριβακ{^) β> 

κ^ρπίκαρια kp^a KaXXk{ov) β σινδβνιν ΚυγοποΧ{ίτου) τριβ{ακ}>ν) α, 

καΐ Χινα, 'Αφροδίτη, 

ΙΟ π^ρίζωμα «^ ^'^^«^ ^' 

σαβανοφακιάριον μη{κρΙν) α, ^ και kv τω 7rvp{t]yL<TKco 

σανανο(ρακιάρι{ον) Θαήσι{οή α, 25 μνστρα, 
άΧΧο τριβακίν «, πίττερα?. 

8. .αλλβ(ον) inserted later: the final letter has a stroke above it. 12. 1. σαβανο- 

φακιάρι{ον). i6. δ written through γ. 24. «ω of ττυρ^γ^σκω above the line. 

'Articles deposited with Arsinoe:-3 woollen wraps, 3 . . . coverings i outer cloak, 
1,•. i.ntl.. woollen (Λ shirts i white veil, 2 woollen pillows belonging to Calleas, 
LΓsleZe^ones ?1 dle'l smS face-cloth, x' face-cloth belonging to Thaesis, χ ditto, 
Torn X Lrcross-b;nd!2 cambrics with shaded stripes, 4 worn shirts, 3 shawls i bathing- 
Lg"?), Tthick cambHc,'2 worn pillows, χ Cynopolite cambric, worn, an Aphrodite, 2 cups; 
and in the casket some spoons, some pepper. 

3. σ . .K.ava is perhaps a geographical adjective; ^h; first letter may be α 

ί αονρ.κοπά\\ων: usually spelled σονβρ^οττίίλλιο. ; cf Β. G. U 327• 7, C. F. Κ. i.p. 124. 

4. '^°Y'^°''7''' ; .,, ^ ζ connected with μαλλο?: cf the collateral forms μαρ^Κη 
6. .^X^a IS possibly to be ^°^^;^;;^^^ ^^ ζ^ ^^ other trace of the spelling with an 

σμαριΚη, μάραγνα σμαραγνα, &C. , DUl mere scciiio 

as a nroper name on the analogy of θαησι{ο!) m 1. i2. • -n r-^« «« . 

^i χ.^σαβα.οφα..άρ.ο. is a new compound, σαβάν.ο. occurs m P. Gen. 80. 4. 
II: iZapL•'. cf. C. p. R. I. 2X. 19 σονδάρ.ο. [eV«}ip^cov and 27. 9 vraXX.oXovyXo.[o. 

'"'^"ΤΓ— ά: cf. Arrian, Peripl Mar. Ruhr. p. 13/-- — «> explained to be 

''''' 1rVavap.ov is apparently novel; the word may mean a towel or perhaps a bag 
carried by a person going to the bath like πρό? βάΚανων in 903. 29. 


24. πνργίσκω seems lo be the word intended, though there is something between the p 
and γ. The surface of the papyrus was faulty here, and this may have disconcerted 
the writer. 

26. nlnepas is apparently a form of nenf pis: cf. Alex. Trail, i. p. 67 mntpoyapov for 


922. Account of Horses. 

31-1 X 21-7 cm. Late sixth or early seventh 


This document contains particulars concerning a number of horses and other 
ζωα, how they had been disposed of, changes effected by sale and purchase, and 
losses through decease. The use to which these animals were put is not stated, but 
some of them may well have been employed in the οξυ^ Ιρόμο^ (cf. 900. 6, note), 
or perhaps the bημόσίos κίρκο5 (145. a). The popularity of horse-racing at this 
period seems to have led to the introduction of foreign breeds and variation of 
qualities; one of the horses here enumerated came from Constantinople (1. 15), 
and several unknown technical terms or epithets occur. 

The sheet of papyrus is so made up that the recto of a strip added along 
one side coincides with the verso of the remainder, and on this surface, which is 
thus mostly verso, the account is written. On the back at a distance from each 
other are two semi-effaced and illegible lines in which we can discover no 
connexion with the main document. 

+ Ta 8vo ίπττάρια "ΑσκΧον 18όθη eh τον ίππικ{6ν). 
το ίππάριν "Ω,ψ^ω^ kSoSirj) els το άνω στάβλον. 
το Ιππάριν του άρχο{ντο9) ίδ6θ{η) eh το αύτο στάβλον. 
το ίππάρ{ιον) Σπανίας ίδό6{η) eh το αύτο στάβλον. 
5 το ίππάρ{ιον) τον Άρσινοίτον eS66(r]) eh το αύτο στάβλον. 
το μικρόν λ6νκον ίππάριν eSo&irj) eh τον ιππικ(6ν). 
Πατρίκιον και τον μικρόν γ^ράτην 3€δώκαμ€ν 

{ιπ\ρ του πυρρού ϊππου του άνω στάβλον. 
το λeυκov ψοράδιν και πέλατον δe8ώκaμev 
10 ύπ€ρ του αποθανόντος μικρόν ΐππον. 
τον KevTivov πeπpάκaμev και ήγopάσaμev 
τον μικρόν μeλavov τον ev τω στάβλω. 
τον ΐππον τον Xeyo/xero;/ ilAejS πeπpάκaμev 

ίπ\ρ τριών νομισμάτων και ταντα eχ^eι ό κύριοι Φιλ6ξevo{■s). 


15 TO ίπττάριν Κωνσταντίνου πολίω? πίπράκαμ^ν 

νπ€ρ [νο{μισμάτων)] γ καΐ ταντα €χ€ΐ ό κύριο? Φιλόξενος. 
^ β ζω[α T]fjS Ήρακλζου? και το ζωον Ούρξξΐηβτ 

7Γ€πρά[κ]αμ€ν ύπ{1ρ) νο{μισμάτων) €/3' και ταύτα €δ6β{η) τω αντω. 
VE ζωον το[ύ] άρχο{ντοή και το του υδροφόρου και όμουργος 
2θ άπαίθαναν. 

το φοράδιν το αποθανών νποκάτω Μήνα μ€ΐζοτ€ρ{ου). 
ήγοράσθη άπο "Ωφίως ζωα τρία νο{μισμάτων) ηγ' , 
και άπο Παλλώσεω? άλλο ζωον νο{μισμάτων) γ. 
2nd hand ήπίθανίν ή 6νοθήλ{€ΐα) των Καραν^ωτων. 

25 την άλλην ονοθήλιαν των αυτών Καραν^ωτων και την των άπο 

κα\ την μικράν Ιπώλυσα και ΐλαβα τίσσαρα νο{μίσματα) ύπίρ αύτων. 

Ι. δϋο Pap. -^ππαρ^α Pap. ; so in 11. 2-6, 15. iVV«(o.) Pap. ; so in 1. 6. 5. «P*"- 

voIrovPap. 7. ποίπατρ«ω.εοΓΓ.(?). 8. ίπ.ρ Pap.; SO in 11. ΙΟ, 14, 1 6, and 20. 

ϊπ-που Pap. : so in 11. 10, 13. i?• Above the last 5 letters of ovpe«r?^r there is a horizontal 

stroke. 19. i-V^opovPap. 20. 1. d..'^a.o.. 21 1. απο^α.0. .ποκατω Pap. 

24. 1. απίθανων. 2 5. την in both cases corr. from η, and final ν of αΧΚψ and ονοθηΚιαν 

inserted. 26. 1. (πώλησα, 

' The two horses from Asclou were delivered to the groom. The horse from Ophis 
was delivered to the upper stable. The horse of the magistrate was delivered to the same 
stable The horse from Spania was delivered to the same stable. The horse from the 
Arsinoite nome was delivered to the same stable. The small white horse was delivered to 
the ffioom. I gave Patricius(?) and the small ... for the bay horse of the upper stable 
I gave the white mare and the . . . for the small horse which died. I sold the ... and 
bought the small black one which is in the stable. I sold the horse called Pleb for 3 so idi, 
whi?h the revered Philoxenus has. I sold the horse from Constantinople for 3 solidi, 
which the revered Philoxenus has. I sold the two asses (?) from Heracleopolis and the ass 
from Oureeiebt for 5f solidi, which were paid to the same. The f.^ of the magistrate 
and that of the water-carrier and its mate are dead. The mare which died belonged to 
Menas the official. Three asses were bought from Ophis for 8| so idi, and another from 
Pallosis for 3 solidi. The she-ass of the Karaneots is dead. The other she-ass of the said 
Karaneots and that belonging to the people from Lucii and the small one I sold, and 
received 4 solidi for them.' 

I. -Ασκλον on the analogy of "αφ^ω^, 2navias (which occurred in 190), &c., should be 

a P^a^^"^^^^^,;^^^^ ^^^^ ^Q bg a proper name rather than a title. The paragraphus 

after 1. 6 indicates that ίππ«(ό.) ends the sentence (cf. 1. i), so that Patricms does not refer 
to the groom. Perhaps the name of a horse is meant; cf. 1. 13 and note, γ^ρατην may 
possibly mean' aged '; cf. the late form y.paWa. The r might be read as γ. . 

9. πί-λατον: or πίλαγον, which is no easier. For φοραδ<ο). cf. Hesych. φοράδα: α. 
βηΚίΐαι ΐπττοι. 


II. KtvTivos is an unknown word. 

13. Χπησν τον λΐγόμ^νον Ώλΐβ : cf. 140. 2 2 ζώου τοϋ λεγομένου Περισσοί). Is ΤίΚίβ con- 
nected wkh p/edei'us (cf. ΠατρΙκιον in 1. 7 and note) ? 

17, ^ώα in this context more probably signifies asses or mules than oxen (cf. P. Amh. 

146. 3 βοϊκα ζωα). In P. Amh. 150. 23-4 χόρ(τυυ) ξηρ{ον) ΤΓ€φορτ{ισ)μίνα ζωα πιντηκοντα aSSeS 

are likely to be meant; cf. 140. 22 τον ίμοϋ ζώου in a contract concerning a στάβλον. 
According to Sophocles' Lex. ζώον was not used of horses. 

19. όμονργός docs not Seem to occur elsewhere, but όμο(ργης a.nd 6μο(ργία are attested in 
late writers, όμονργοΰ was perhaps intended. 

24-5. Καρανίωτων is not likely to mean natives of Karanis in the Fayum, though cf. 1. 5 
Άρσινοίτου. There may well have been a village called Καράναα nearer to Oxyrhynchus. 


923. Petition to a Pagan Deity. 

20-1 X 8-4 cm. Late second or early third 


A petition addressed to the deity of some Oxyrhynchite temple, perhaps 
Sarapis, apparently with a view to prevent the departure of a certain person 
to Alexandria for purposes of sacrifice, and to cause him to sacrifice at the 
Oxyrhynchite Sarapeum instead ; but owing to the incompleteness of the first six 
lines, where the construction is uncertain, the precise object of the prayer is 
obscure ; cf. 1. 6, note. Similar petitions or questions addressed to Graeco- 
Egyptian deities are extant in P. Fay. 137-8, B. G. U. 239-30, Wessely, Script, 
Gr. Spec. no. 26, and P. Brit. Mus. τιβη d {Archiv, IV. p. 559); cf. also 925. 
The papyrus is broken at the top, but it is not certain that any lines are missing. 

[ ] . ίω μeya\[ 

[ ] . . σ€ Άπιων[. . . 

τ . . [.]c . . γη Έ^άκων . [. . 
[....]. τισαι αύτοΐς ώστ€ 

5 [ ]ί€ίί αύτοΪ9 τον 

μ[. . . .]ν ογ (Χασαν e/y 
θυσίαν σου του κυρίου μ^ 
κατίνύγκαι eh Άλζξάι/- 
δρ€ΐαν, €7Γ€ί κατ dyvoiav 
10 των φροντίδων αύ- 


των ήργάσατο, άλλα erepov 
άντ αύτοΰ, και ίκύνον 
θνσαι kv τω kv Όζνρνγ-χ^ξίτ]] 
^αραππω. τοϋτο ήμύν 
15 86s. 

Ι. Perhaps με•γάκ\ω, for which cf. e.g. P. Fay, 137 beginning Σοκωνι/ωκο^ΐ ^eSt ^ιΐί(γά)λ(ωί) 
μfyά\<ύι. Line i here may be the beginning of the petition, but [τω κυ\ρίω (cf. P. Fay. 138. i 
Kvpioi Αιόσκονροί) is unsuitable ; the traces of the letter before the supposed t rather suggest 
γ or T. 

2. The letter before ae may be t, v, or v. 

3. Unless Έξάκων is nominative, the following letter must be r, which is possible. 

4. Possibly [χρημ]ατίσαι. 

5. ]i€cs seems to be the termination of a future verb, though this does not yield 
a satisfactory construction, i^ or π can be read in place of «. 

6. Possibly μ[ό(τχο\ν, in which case (κβΐνον in 1. 12 is the object, not the subject, of βΟσαι. 
But it seems hardly likely that the petition should be merely concerned with the place where 
a calf was to be sacrificed, and the question whether a person was to make a journey was 
frequently asked of an oracle; cf. P. Fay. 137-8 and P. Tebt. 284. 2 sqq., and for 
a Christian parallel 925. We prefer therefore to suppose that τον μ[. . . .]v is a personal 
name or description. 

8. KareviyKai ; lesS probably KaTtveyKT). 

924. Gnostic Charm. 

9 X 7-6 cm. Fourth century. 

A charm for warding off fever, similar to B. G. U. 956 (edited with a com- 
mentary by Wilcken in Archiv, I. pp. 430-7) and P. Tebt. 275, but Christian 
instead of pagan ; cf. B. G. U. 954-5. The Deity is not addressed under any 
particular name at the beginning, but the essentially Gnostic character of the 
charm is shown at the end by the mystical symbols and the occurrence of the 
title Abrasax, a common Gnostic name of the Supreme Being. 

'JT [ΐτιγ φνλά^ιις και συντη- 
ρήο•τ]ς 'Apias άπο τοΰ ίττιημζρι- 
νον φρικο9 και άττο τον καθημε- 
ρινού φρικο9 και άπο τοΰ ννκτερι- 
5 νοϋ ψρικοί και άττο του λεπτον 

|το(ν) λίΤΓΓΟί/} πνρ€[τοΰ 

φηί. ταντα €ύ[μ€νω]9 [7r]/oa[|- 
€ί9 ολω9 κατά το θίλημά 



σον πρώτον καΐ κατά την ττ ίσ- 
ιο τιν αντήί ΟΤΙ δούλη ίστίρ 
τον θ{€ο)ΰ τοΰ ζώντος, και ΐνα 
το ονομά σον ^ 5ίά παντοί 
\η} δ€δοξασμ€ν[ον. ] 

15 α Ί{ήσό)ν πατήρ νί 

V — 

ι πν{(νμ)α α 

Άβρα σάξ 

oy μήτηρ Χ{ριστο)ν ο 
— υ 

ω άγιος α> 

On the verso 


2. 1. Άρίαν . . . της ΐφημ^ρινψ. ν of (πιημ€ρινον ΟΟΓΓ. from σ. 3~4• 1• '"ί^ καθημΐρινήί 

. . . τη: wKTfpivrjs. 1 6. 1. ayiov. 

' Verily guard and protect Aria from ague by day and quotidian ague and ague by 
night and slight fever and ... All this thou wilt graciously do in accordance with thy 
will first and with her faith, since she is a servant of the living God, and in order that thy 
name may be glorified for ever.' 

1. η μην: cf. Β. G. U. 229. 3 and 230. 3 η μ€ν σοθησωι {st'c). 

2. ΐπιημΐρινόί is Contrasted with pvarepivos (1. 4), καθημΐρινόί with e. g. τριταίος ; cf. 

p. Tebt. 275. 21, &c. 

6. Above the r of Xetttov is what looks like a π, but in any case seems to be superfluous. 
The line cannot have proceeded nai άπό €πα\φης, for though ίπαφη is coupled with Upa 
νόσος in contracts relating to the purchase of slaves, who are guaranteed to be άναπόριφοι 
πλην ifpai νόσου και επαφής (e. g. in 95. 19), the term does not signify a disease, as will 
shortly be demonstrated by Prof. Kubler. 

7-8. [7τ]ρά[^]|"ϊ is very doubtful, for the writer elsewhere divides words between two 
lines correctly, and the supposed ρ might be t, τ, or φ, while of the supposed α only the 
slightest vestige remains. 

10— II. Cf. B.G.U. 954• 8 ΐμοΰ τον δονλον σον', 8ον\ος τον θ(οΰ τοΰ ζώντος OCCUrs ίπ 
Daniel (Theodot.) 6. 20, 

15-7• "^ and χϋ are written larger than the rest. The use of .the vowels is very 
common in magical formulae, but it is curious that here they are six, not seven in number, 
€ being omitted, unless indeed it was written to the left of α or η, where the edge of the 
papyrus is damaged. 


925. Christian Prayer. 

5.6 X 9-6 cm. Fifth or sixth century. 

This prayer is a Christian counterpart of the pagan petitions to the oracle of 
which 923 is a specimen. The writer asks whether it was the divine will that he 
should make a certain journey and whether success would attend him. Pre- 
sumably this prayer was to be deposited in some church, just as the similar pagan 
documents were left in the temples ; cf. P. Fay. 137. introd. It is written in 
a clear cursive of the fifth or sixth century. 

+'0 ^(€0)9 6 τταντοκράτωρ 6 αγω? 
6 ά\ηθινο9 φιλάνθρωπος καΐ 
8ημιονργο9 ό 7τ{ατ)ηρ τον κ{υρίο)υ (και) σω{τή)ρ{ο)9 
ημών Ί{ησο)ΰ Χ{ριστο)ΰ φανέρωσαν μοι την 
δ τταρα σοι άλήθιαν €ί βούλτ] με άπ^λθ^ΐν 
ety Χιούτ ή ευρίσκω σ€ συν ψοΐ 
πράττοντα {καΐ) ΐύμζνήν. yivoiTO, ο^. 

' Ο God almighty, holy, true, and merciful. Creator, Father of our Lord and Saviour 
Jesus Christ, reveal to me thy truth, whether it be thy will that^ I go to Chiout, and 
whether I shall find thee aiding me and gracious. So be it ; Amen. 

rt^ is the commontymbol for άμψ, gg being the sum of the numerical equivalents of 
the letters. 


92β. Invitation to Dinner. 

2.9x4-9 cm. Third century. 

This and the following papyrus (927) are further examples of the formal 
invitations to feasts of which we have previously published examples from 
Oxyrhynchus (110-1, 524, 747) and the Fayum (P. Fay. 132), but which 
curiously enough have not yet appeared in other collections. The occasion 
of the party in the present case was the (ττίκρισίί of the person in whose 
name the invitation was issued, i. e. his admission to the privileged class who 
were wholly or in part exempt from the poll-tax ; cf. P. Cbcy. II. pp. 217 sqq. 
The normal age of candidates for ^τιίκρισι^ was about 13 years, since on reaching 

U 2 


14 they became liable to the tax ; the formality thus heralded the attainment of 
puberty and the entry upon the duties of a citizen. This invitation is peculiar in 
having upon the back what seems to be an address, which former instances have 

lacked ; the address, however, is in a different hand and doubtfully deciphered, 
and possibly it is not really connected with the note on the recto. 

KaXei σε Ήραθίων 
δζίίτνησαι eis την kiri- 
κρισίν αύτοΰ iv rrj οι- 
κία αύτ(ο]0 αΰριον ήτις 
5 eoTif € άπο a>p{as) \β.\ 

On the verso 

2nd hand ΧαιΧα^ιωνι 

6. 1. Χαιράμμωνι (?). 

' Heratheon invites you to dine with him, on the occasion of his examination, at his 
honse to-morrow, the 5th, at the 9th hour.' 

5. The abbreviation of &pas consists of an ω through which a /j is drawn. 

927. Invitation to a Wedding. 

3-2 X 6-2 cm. Third century. 

A formal invitation to a wedding, by which no doubt a feast in celebration 
of the wedding is to be understood ; cf. 926. introd., and 111, 747, and P. Fay. 13a, 
which are also invitations to wedding feasts. The writing is on the verso of 
a strip cut from two documents which have been gummed together ; one of these 
apparently mentioned the emperor Alexander Severus, so that the invitation may 
be referred to the middle or latter part of the third century. 

Καλΐ σαι "Ερως 
U9 γάμους ήτΐί 
eoTiv αΰριον κθ 
απ Ο (upas υ. 

Ι. 1. σ(. 2-3• 1. αΰριον ητκ iarip: cf. e. g. Θ2β. 4-5. 

* Eros invites you to a wedding to-morrow the 29th at the 9th hour.' 


928. Letter of Lucius. 

10-2 X 7-3 cm. Second or third century. 

In this kindly letter written by Lucius to Apolinarius, who is addressed as 
* brother ', the latter is warned of a plot against a girl who had lost her pro- 
tector, and is asked to befriend her. The writing is across the fibres of the 

Α^υ\κίθ9 Άπολιναρίωί root 
άδίλφωι yaipeLv. 

ΙπΙ Ζωττνρου τξλζντήσαντοί TJ} 

TdtSi του Άμψιθαλύο^ ξίσιρ οι 
5 ineSpevovTe?, ώμβίλησαί 

Si μοί ΊΓ0Τ€ ΊΓ(ρΙ τούτου, φα- 

V€p6v σοι ποιώ ΐνα kav 8οκι- 

μάστ}^ 7Γοιήστ]9 πρΙν προ-> 

Χημφθηναι• ούδΐ γαρ ό του 
ΙΟ Χφαστύνου μητέρα Ιχβί. 

iav ταρζί^ια σίαυτω ποι• 

^[s] κάμοι Κζράμιον πΙ/ζ- 

'^\ρ\ν. τα παιδία παρ (μου και 

Ίσιδωριωνοί προσαγ6ρζ[υ]€. 
15 (ρρώσθαί ae ίυχ^ομαι. 

On the verso 


4• 1• Qai^i' 5• 1• e0«ip«vowef. 7. Ινα Pap. g. τ of του \\Titten over Something 

else. 14. Ίσι^ωριωνος Pap. 

' Lucius to Apolinarius his brother, greeting. Since now that Zopyrus is dead there 
are persons making designs upon Thais daughter of Amphithales, and you once had a 
conversation with me on this subject, I therefore inform you, in order that if you think 
fit you may act before she is entrapped ; for the son (?) of Sebastinus has no mother either. 
If you are making pickled fish for yourself send me a jar too. Greet the children from me 
and Isidorion. I pray for your health. (Addressed) To Apolinarius.' 

3. The use of the article with the proper names in II. 3-4 is imusual, but neither 
τη{τ}θίδ^ nor TJ} τταώί can be read for 1^ Tattt. 

9. It is difficult to avoid reading 6 before τον, though the sentence then seems irrelevant. 
Without 6, the subject of ίχίΐ is Thais. 


929. Letter OF Nicanor. 

34.5 X 9•8 cm. Late second or third century. 

The subject of this letter is the loss of some articles of clothing, which the 
writer wished his correspondent to assist him in recovering. It is on the verso of 
the papyrus, the recto containing the latter parts of lines of a column of early 
second-century accounts, of which the upper portion has been erased to receive 
the address of the letter. Three sections remain, each following the same 
formula, e. g. (the last) (i) ντ:\ρ ^ (a) ] αΚφα ξ βητ{α) λς- (3) ]wf( ) Ρ"" Άδρι(αΐ'?) 
και δ' λ^ (4) ] ι ν(^,/ T^h (5) ] Άχλς- λτΐολλώνΐζ τξ6 (6) ] λημ(ματο^) τξδ, / άνηλ{ώματοί) 
τ^δ, ττλ{ηρ€ή. The preceding sections are similarly headed ] νπ(ρ δ and ]y v-nep e 
respectively, with άλφα and βητ{α) followed by different figures in the next line ; in 
No. 3, 1. 3, there is a y before aju,e( ) and Άδ( ) for Άδ/3ΐ( ) ; Άττολλώνυ appears 
in the same position in both cases. 

The verso had already been once used, and has been cleaned to make way 
for Nicanor's epistle. The original document began with a date of the 21st year 
of Commodus (a. d. 180), but beyond this only a few isolated letters are legible. 

Νζΐκάνωρ Νιννά- yfj XevKfj^ και συν τον- 
ρω τωι άδ^λφω y^aipciv. 15''"?' ά'λλα 8νματα ττάν- 

ίίδώί σον το [σ]πονδξον τα, ώς ίΐναι knl το αύτο 

το προς πάντας και αριθμώ '4^, άποκαταστή- 

5 ννν ίν τοντό μ€ νπη- σαι μοι e/y Ό^νρνγχβίτην 

ρ€τήσ€ΐ9. καλώς ποιή- e^ S>v €σχον τα irpoKei- 
σ€ΐς απαίτησα? Τιθό- 2ο μ€να πάντα. Sio γράφω 

IV τον ναντικον δνμα σοι, άδ^λφί, ΐν d αλλότρια 

καροίνου χιτώνο? ίστιν ίδτ]9, epeis δί μοι kv 

10 kv ω λίνον και λίν- τάγ^ι π€ρι τούτον, 

τιον τριβακόν, και epia, €ρρωσΘαί σ€ ίΰχομ(αή. 

ταύτα δ\ πάντα σνν- 
cvrji €ίί τον γιτωνα τον καροΐνον 
και kσφpayίσθη 
On the recto 

25 Νιννάρω οικονομώ Άττίωνος ο•τρα(τηγοΰ) 
2nd hand 7r{apa) NeiKavopof. 

2. xaipeiPap. 3. 1. [σΐη-ουδαίοι». 5. 1. μοι. 1 2. 1. συΡΐνην, tis . . . κα\ροινον 

above 11. 13-4• 



' Nicanor to Ninnarus his brother, greeting. Knowing your goodness to all, I ask you 
now to do me this one service. Please demand from Tithois the sailor a garment consisting 
of a brown tunic, inside which was a linen cloth, a worn towel, and some wool. All these 
were inside the brown tunic, and it was sealed with white clay, and with it send back to me 
all the other garments, making the total number six, to the Oxyrhynchite nome whence 
I obtained all the aforesaid articles. I write therefore to you, brother, to see if they are in 
some one else's possession. Please tell me at once about this. I pray for your health. 
(Addressed) To Ninnarus steward of Apion, strategus (?), from Nicanor.' 

5. €v TovTo : or perhaps iv τουτ(ω), but there is no other case of the confusion of ο and 
ω in this letter. 

8. δνμα for fv8υμa is apparently novel. 

9. καροΊνου seems to be for καρυΐρον, 'nut-brown'; cf. Theophr. de Sensu 78 καρίΊνον 

χρώμα eV χΧωρον και Kvavofibovs. 

12. συν€νηι•. this form is the converse of the common use of ην (or jj, e.g. P. Tebt. 

317. 19—20 βφ' S)V €[ά]ΐ/ . . . ην. 

i*j. αποκατάστησα!, continuing the construction of άιταιτησα: in 1. 7, would have been 
more regular. 

19. e^ ων makes a bad concord with Όξυρυγχΐίτην. 
25. στρα(τηγον) is very doubtful. 

930. Letter to Ptolemaeus from his Mother. 

15 X 9'2 cm. Second or third century. , 

An interesting letter from a mother to her son, whose teacher (καθηγψψ) had 
just left him, and who was now in the charge of his τταώαγωγ05. The writer 
with evident anxiety urges him to find another teacher. 

[ ]^ f'V o'f*'' A'*'* 

[γ]ράφ€ΐν και πίρΐ S)v e- 
[a\u )(ρζΐαν €χΐ)?. eirev- 
Oev ζλοιττήθην kiriyvov' 
5 σα πάρα rfjs θνγατρο? 
τον καθηγητού ημών 
Aioyivovs KaraTreirXev- 
K€vai αυτόν ημΐρίμνουν 
yap ΊΓζρΙ αντον €ΐδυΐα 8' 
ΙΟ τι κατά δνν[α]μίν μίλλίΐ 
σοι ττροσύχξίν. ίμίλησξ 
Si μοι 7Γ€μψαι και πνθί- 

15 σ•Κ€ΐς. κ<ά iXiytv το ζήτα, 
έμαρτνρξΐ Se ττολλά πβ- 
ρι του 7Γαι8αγωγοΰ σου. 
ωστ€ οΖν, τίκρον, μ^λη- 
σάτω σοι τ€ και τω παιδα- 

20 γωγω σον καθήκοντι κα- 
θηγητή σ€ ηταραβάΧΚζίν. 
ασπάζονται σ€ πολλά at 
άδίλψαί σου και τα άβάσ- 
καντα παιδία Θ^ωνίδο^ 

25 κα\ οι ήμύτίροι παντ€9 
κατ δνομα. άσπασαι τον 


σθαι nepl Trj9 νγία? σου και τ^ιμιώτατον παιδαγω- 

kmyvSivaL τι avayeiva)- ySv σου Ερωτα. 

In the left-hand margin 

] . ταιδ . . e^^[. .]...[...] 'Αθύρ κ[.] 

On the verso 

30 ] ΠτοΧζμαίω υίώι. 

4• 1. ίΚνπηθην, 

* ... do not hesitate to write to me about anything which you require. It grieved me 
to learn from the daughter of our teacher Diogenes that he had sailed, for I had no anxiety 
about him, knowing that he intended to look after you to the best of his ability. I took 
care to send and ask about your health and learn what you are reading ; he said that it was 
the sixth book and testified at length concerning your attendant. So my son, I urge both 
you and your attendant to take care that you go to a suitable teacher. Many salutations 
are sent to you by your sisters and Theonis' children, whom the evil eye shall not harm, 
and by all our friends by name. Salute your esteemed attendant Eros . . . (Addressed) . . . 
to her son Ptolemaeus.' 

3. ivTevdfv, whether meaning 'forthwith' (e.g. P. Tebt. 378. 11 ivTevdev be ίσχορ) or 
'therefore', is more probably to be connected with ίΚνπηθψ than with the preceding 

15. The subject of TKfyev is the καθηγητής] his daughter could hardly have given this 
information, ro ζήτα no doubt refers to Homer, and is therefore likely to denote the sixth 
rather than the seventh book, the Homeric books being commonly numbered by letters not 
figures; cf. notes on 852. Fr. 25, and 853. iii. 3-5. 

23. άβάσκαντα: cf. e.g. P. Fay. 126. 10 TO άβάσκαντον αυτής τταώίον. 

2 8. There is a blank space after "Ερωτα, which indicates that this is the name of the 
παι8αγωγ05, not the imperative of ίρωτάν to be constructed with what follows in the margin. 

29. If the letters «pp are right they no doubt belong to ΐρρωσο or ΐρρωσθαι, but the 
succeeding vestiges present difficulties. The letter next after the lacuna may be θ or a, but 
neither ίρρ[ώσ]5αι nor 6ρρ[ωσ]^(αί) (νχ[ομαι) suits, the plural €ρρωσθ{ΐ) is unlikely, and there is 
not room for φρ^άσ^^αι. 

931. Letter of Theopompus to a Strategus. 
Chicago. 22-9XiO'2cm. Second century. 

A respectful letter to a strategus of the upper Sebennyte nome (cf. 1. 15, 
note) from a friend, accompanying the present of an ounce of purple. The fact 
that in 1. 8 the praefect is called κράηστος not λαμττρότατοί indicates that the letter 
was written before the close of the second century, and the early occurrence 
of the formula (ρρωσθαί σε . . . εύχομαι, which is here combined with (ρρωσο, is 
noticeable ; cf. 237. vi. ^^, note. The papyrus was briefly described in Part 1. 163. 


θ€07Γ0/χ7Γ05 Χαραττίωνι rm 

7ΐμι[(ΰ\τάτωι χαίρ€ΐν. 
m ηθίλησα9, κνρΐ€, την 
ούγκίαν της πορφυραΐ^] eVe/i- 
^ ψα 8ια τον κομίσαντος [τ]ο άπο 
σον ΐπιστόλιον φνλακος So- 
βησόμ^νον eh την ξίνιαν 
τήι μακρά- σε yap τωι κρατίστωί ηγ^μόνι 
άκολονθΐΐν ίστοχασάμην. 
,ο ζρρωσθαί σ€, κνρύ μον, σνν τήι 

κρατίστηι άδίλφηι και τήι KvpiXXr] 

Φαωφι i€. 

On the verso 
15 Χαραττίωνι στρατηγωι ϋίβίννντον ανω τόπων 
π{αρα) Θ^οπόμπον 

8. τηι μ€ΐκρα above the line. 6. 1. δοθησομ^νην. 

«Theopompus to his most esteemed Sarapion greeting. As you ;;;^ίΐ«^' J;^^^^^^^^ 

Cyri'la '^GoodV• Phaophi 15. (Addressed) To Sarapion. strategus of the upper 
toparchy of the Sebennyte nome, from his friend Theopompus. 

8. The ^.μ v-ho receives presents at the ί.Λ (of. ArMv, IV p^ 53?) is "-ο™ IMy 
to be a youthful daughter of the praefect than of Sarapion, espeaally as yap in 1. 8 suggests 
that 11. 8-9 are dosely connected ^th the preceding ^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ 

iurisdi?;io7ZnhfS;:itrn:rha7tt ^trXi^or the three ..p.«. That the 


rtpSve Aw«X», was already known from Ptol. &ogr. ,v. 5. =1 and .3- 


932. Letter of Thais. 

9•6 X 12 cm. Late second century. 

A letter from a woman to a relative or friend, giving him various instructions 
about the payment of dues and other matters relating to agriculture. The sen- 
tences are loosely constructed and the meaning in consequence not always 

Θαίρ Τιγρίω τώί ί8ίω γαίρ^ιν. 
€γραψα Άπολιναρίω ίνα γίρηται kv rfj 
ΙΙίτνη ίνα μ\β\τρήσηι. epi σοι Sh Απολινάρι? 
πώ? τα θάματα και τα δημόσια• το υνο- 
ζ μα ο αν αυτός σοι €Ϊπτ]. αν 'ίρχυ άψζς άρ- 
τάβας e| h τους σάκκους σφράγισα^ λα)(α- 
νοστΓ^ρμου ϊνα πρόχιροι ωσι, και kav 
δνντ) άναβηναι ΐνα ίπιγνοΐς τον ονον. 
ασπάζεται σ€ ^αραποδώρα κ{α\) ^αβΐνοί. τα 
ro γριρίδια yoaph μου μη πώλι. 

Ι. θαΐί . . . ϊδιω Pap. 2. 'ίνα Pap. ; so in 11. 3, 7> 3•^^ 8. 7• *" Ρ^Ρ• ^• ""^ 

Pap. 9• '^ Ρ^Ρ• 

* Thais to her own Tigrius, greeting. I wrote to Apolinarius to come to Petne for 
the measuring. Apolinarius will tell you how the deposits and public dues stand : the name 
will be that which he will tell you himself. If you come, take out six artabae of vegetable- 
seed, sealing it in the sacks in order that they may be ready, and if you can go up to find 
out the ass, do so. Sarapodora and Sabinus salute you. Do not sell the young pigs 
without me. Good-bye. 

3. It appears from 88. 4 and elsewhere that Ώίτνη is indeclinable. 

4-5. The construction and punctuation of these two lines are not clear. Apparently 
a verb is to be understood with πάν, and ο αν κ.τ.Χ. is the predicate of τό όνομα. After the α 
of Βημόσια above a hole in the papyrus there is a mark which might be taken for the top of 
a «r, but to suppose that σ was written e. g. for {fl)s does not seem likely, and the mark in 
question is more probably accidental, or denotes a pause. The * name ' was presumably 
that of the person to whom the measuring specially related. 


933. Letter of Diogenes. 

Width 9• 2 cm. Late second century, 

A letter to Apolinarius, a τΐρξσβζντηί^ from a friend, chiefly concerning 
a little girl who probably was Apolinarius' daughter and had been commended 
to the care of his correspondent. 

Xaipois, Kvpii μου σγι καί πάντα αντβ 

ΑτΓοΧιναρίζ, παροί ύπηρκται ωστ€ ina- 

Aioyivovs φίλου. νύ^θόντα σε μαρτυρη- 

τυχων [τ]οΰ προ9 σ[(] yei- θη. και π^ρΐ του οΐκου 
6 νομζνο[υ] ήδιστα σε άσ- 2θ αμέριμνος ydvou ώ? 

παζομ\αϊ\ ζύγβμ^νο? σου παρόντος, δΐΐπ^μ- 

πάσι το[Ϊ9 θ€θ]Ϊ9 ne[pl τ]η[9 ψάμην τβ μικρά το 

[σ]ω[τηρίαί σου] κ[. . . . €7Γίστό[λ]ίθί/, ίποίησα 

about 3 lines lost Sk και τον νυκτοστρά- 

[ ]/ο[. . . την μ€- «5 τηγον φ[ύ]λακα κοιμασ- 

γ\α^ην Ιορτην ζξα. θαι ττρος Tfj οικία, άσπα- 

π€ρϊ Trjs μικρας ky^va- σ\αί\ Itkav\T'\oykvr]V τον φίλον. 
15 μην άχρι? άν καταιτλίό' ίρρ[ώ]σθ(αί) σβ (ϋχο{μαι), κύρΐ€. 

In the left-hand margin 

ΐάν σοι άβαρί? η [π^ύθου] πάρα Άντινοου et ήy6paσ€v τω παιΒίω σου 
3θ το φαιΧόνιον, €ί ^e μη άγ6\ρασον. 

On the verso 

Άπολιναρίωι /3 . . αντ( ) πρίσβζυτβ 

π{αρα) Aιoyevoυs 


1 8. 1. μαρτνρησίΐν. 2^. (πι<Ττο\\]ιον' Pap. 

* Greeting, my good Apolinarius, from your friend Diogenes. Having met with a man 
who is going to you I greet you most kindly, praying to all the gods for your preservation. 

I came to the great festival. With regard to the little girl, I was there until she sailed, 

and everything was provided for her so that when you come back you will bear me witness. 
Have no more anxiety about your household than you would if you were present. I sent 
the letter to the little girl and made the night-strategus sleep on guard at the house. Salute 
my friend Plutogenes. I pray for your health, sir. If it is no trouble to you inquire of 


Antinous whether he bought the cloak for your child, and if not, buy it. (Addressed) 
To Apolinarius, . . . legate, from Diogenes, linen-merchant.' 

I. For the optative in place of the more usual infinitive cf. e.g. 52β. i, 
P. Tebt. 417. I. 

8. The size of the gap below this line is estimated by the apparent length of the lacunae 
in 11. 29-30, which are written along the left-hand margin. 

13. The late aorist ηξα occurs e. g. in Pausan. 2. 11. 5 ηξας. 

14-5. Apparently τταρ avrfj is to be understood with iyeva^qv, and αχρις αν καταιτλΐνστ} is 

for αχρις κατί'πλίυσί ; but possibly an adjective meaning ' careful ', ' sollicitous,' has been 
accidentally omitted after μικρά:. 

24. ννκτοστράτηγοι occur at Hermopolis, e.g. P. Leipzig 39. 3, 40. iii. 16 (late fourth 
century) and were probably established in other large provincial towns of Egypt, as they were 
in those of Asia Minor (Hirschfeld, Sitzungsber. Berl.Akad. 1891, p. 868) ; cf. the wKTfpivbs 
στρατηγός of Alexandria. Their existence at Oxyrhynchus, however, cannot be inferred 
from the present passage, since it is uncertain where the letter was written. The oflSce 
is described as a munus personale in Dig. 50. 4. 18. 12. It is somewhat surprising to find 
the ννκτοστράτηγοί himself mounting guard over a particular house, especially as it seems 
from 1. 33 that the writer Diogenes was a person in a private station ; his correspondent, 
however, was a man of some importance. 

30. φαίλόνιον : the transposition of λ and ν is common in this word ; cf. P. Fay. 347, 
2 Ep. Tim. 4. 13 φ(\ονην. 

31. The letters /3 . . are close to the name Άηόλιναρίωι, while αντ{ ), which is written 
smaller, is separated by a wide space both from β . . and -πρΐσβΐντΐ!. j3ou[A(evr.v)] ^Αντ{ινοΐ(ύν 
iToktas) is a possible reading, but too doubtful to insert in the text. For πρίσβ^υτη cf. 33. 

iii. II πρΐσ^βίντην 'AXe^avbpemv, B. G. U. 932. 2 πρΐσβ(ντ[οΰ τώρ^ βαρβάρων I an error for 

πρΐσβνττ} is unlikely. 

33. οθονιακον: cf. C. I. G. 3582. 2 Αί]λίου ^ΑγαθόποΒο: δθονιακοΰ. Boeckh regards 

οθονιακου as a proper name, but the word is, we think, more probably a title both there and 
in our papyrus. 

934. Letter of Aurelius Stephanus. 

14 X i4'3 cm. Third century. 

A letter concerning purchases of yokes and manure, and other domestic 

Αυρήλιο? Χτίφανο? Λνρηλίω Χαιρήμονι 

τω ά8€λφω γαίρζίν. 
k^iovTOi μου €ί? 'AXe^avSpLav μΐτζβα- 
λόμην τω σγοινωπΧόκω ΙΙζτοβάστ€ΐ πα- 
5 ρόντο? Ήρακλήου e/y τιμήν ζ^υκτηρίων 
Βραγ^μα? έ^ήκοντα, και et? τιμήν κ[6]πρου 
€v Χνσ(ΐ παρόντος Κοπρίω? {δρα)(μα9) μ, και Trj Κα- 
Xfj ωστ€ Κοπρύ ά? ίΐ^ον μ€τα χ€Γραί τα? 


(βραχμα?) μη. μη ουν άμ^Κήση^ του βαΧ^ίν την 
ΙΟ κόπρον. σννβφώνησα γαρ (άρταβα?) Κ€ {Βραγ^μων) ρ παρόν- 
τος Κοπρίω^' 8ώσ€ΐ9 ουν τας λοίπά? (βραχμας) ιβ. μη 
άμΐλήσΐ)^ τταραβαλβΐν €Κ€Ϊ και τβ γυναι- 
κι «Β? αν τταραγύνωμαι και χάριν των 
ποτισμων. (ΰρον τον Αίθιοπάν και κα- 
ι 5 λώί αύτω ζστιν. άσπασαι τους ημών τταν- 
ταί. ίρρώσθαί σ€ ΐϋχομ{α.ι). 

On the verso 

Αύρηλ(ίω) Χαιρήμονι π{αρα) Αύρη\{ίου) Χτζψανου. 

5• Second η of ηρακΚψυ ΟΟΓΓ. from ου. 

' Aurelius Stephanus to Aurelius Chaeremon, his brother, greeting. As I was setting 
forth for Alexandria I paid to the rope- weaver Petobastis in the presence of Heracleus as 
the price of yokes 60 drachmae, and as the price of manure at Chusis in the presence of 
Kopreus 40 drachmae, and to Kale for Kopreus the 48 drachmae which I had with me. 
Do not fail therefore to throw the manure on the land. I agreed to pay 100 drachmae for 
25 artabae, in the presence of Kopreus ; you will therefore give him the remaining 
12 drachmae. Do not fail to go there, both to help my wife until I return, and for the 
sake of the irrigation. I found Aethiopas and it is well with him. Salute all our friends. 
I pray for your health. (Addressed) To Aurelius Chaeremon from Aurelius Stephanus.' 

5. ζΐνκτηρίων : ζΐυκτηρια apparently in connexion with a water-wheel (the yokes of the 
oxen which drew it?) occur in P. Flor. 16. 26. 

<]. (V Xvatt: for the village of this name cf. 899. 6. eV χύσ«, 'in a heap,' referring to 
the KOnpos is less likely, even if the κόπρος in the present case consisted of sifted nitrous 
earth {sebakh), which Wilcken {Archiv, II. pp. 308-12) supposes to have been used in 
Roman times, as now, for purposes of fertilization. For the name ΚάΚη cf. Β. G. U. 839. i. 

10. An infinitive is omitted after σννΐφώνησα, e. g. λαβΰν or ωνΛσθαι. 

12. For ΊταραβάΚΚαν in the sense of going to a place cf. 930. 20-1 καθηκοντι καθηγηττ] σε 
παραβάλλειν, 937. ΙΟ παραβάλης προς rfj πλατεία, and Β. G. U. 824. 14 τταράβαΚε εκεΐ. 

935. Letter of Serenus. 

3ΐ•5 χ 8-8 cm. Third century. 

A letter from a man to his brother, chiefly concerned with the health of 
various members of the family. On the recto, perhaps in the same hand, are- 
remains of tviro columns of a list of persons, many of them women, the names 
being either in the nominative or dative case, followed in some instances at any rate 
by amounts in artabae. One entry is Θαήσ€ΐ γννα{ικΙ) Άτρη{τοή νί{οΰ) βαλαν[, 



another "Ωρω λυκτου [, while towards the end of Col. ii is the heading λαχ[αι;]ο7Γ(ώλαι) 
6μοί{ω$) with a note below the next entry Ιιάφο{ρον) β (hovs) (άρτάβηή δ' .[. The 
names Πρ[€ΐ]σκιλλα and Κακητ{οί, gen.) also occur. The document appears to be 
a taxing-list of some kind. 



τω άδίλφω γαίραν. 
θζ,ων συνΧαμβανόν- 
τοαν ή άδίλφη enl τ[δ 
5 κομψ6τ€ρον ίτράττη, 
και ό άδζλψο? δξ Άρττο- 
κρατίων σώζεται 
και [νγι]αίν€ΐ, σννλαμβ[ά- 
νο[νσι] γαρ ήμ€Ϊν aei ο[1 
π[άτ]ριοι θίοΐ ημών 
6[ίδό]ΐ'Τ€? ημξΐΐν vyia\y καΐ 
σω\τ\ηριαν. ίμξΧΚον 5[e 
καΙ α\υτο\^ άναβηναι t\tj . 
€π€[ί οι ιταρα\ ^αραπίω[νο5 
(Ίπον [κακ]ω5 'ίχ^ιν α[ύ]τ[6ν, 
διο γ[ράφ]ω σοι όπως δι ο[ν 


iiiv [^χν^] ίίά ώρα? γράφ[ΐ]9 

μο[ι] n[e]pi τούτον, ή μ€ταφ[ορ^ 

των άνκαΧων ίστ€ eiJ^[€- 

6)9 ύπο τον πατρός' €φθαν€ 

γαρ Ίτροβαστά^αί ray iv Tais {άρον• 

pais ?) ι . 
άσπασαι πολλά τον γλνκντα- 
τον άδβλφον ^Αρποκρατίωνα 
και Seavovv και Θ^ωνα 
25 και Αιογίνην και ^ΗΧιόδωρον. 
τΓολλά υμάς navfas άσττά- 
ζΐται *I[ep]aKiaiva και ή 
θνγάψ[ηρ] Τσ€νησΐ9. 

ΐ[ρ]ρωσθ{αί) σ€ (ϋχομ^αί) 



17. α of δια above the line. 
Btavovv corr. from a. 

ig. I. ίσται, 21. προ above the line. 

24. θ of 

' Serenus to Diogenes his brother, greeting. With the assistance of heaven our sister 
has taken a turn for the better, and our brother Harpocration is safe and well ; for our 
ancestral gods continually assist us, granting us health and safety. I intended to come up 
myself on the [.'^th, since Sarapion's friends said that he was ill. I write to you therefore 
to ask you to write to me at once (?) about him by any messenger you may have. The 
transport of the bundles will be performed immediately by my father : he has already taken 
away those in the i[ . ] arourae. Many salutations to my sweetest brother Harpocration, 
Theanous, Theon, Diogenes, and Heliodorus. Many salutations to you all from Hieraciaena 
and her daughter Tsenesis. I pray for the health of you and all the household.' 

5• κομψότίρον : cf. P. Tebt. 414. 10 eav κομψως σχω, St. John 4. 52 κομψότ(ρον ΐσχιν. 
19. άνκαλων: cf e.g. P. Amh. 150. 25 χόρτον . . . iv ayyaXais {sic), P. Flor. 1 7. I3, 

and an Oxyrhynchus ostracon published in Arch. Report, 1904-5, p. 16 τηΚ^ως μανΒάκαι ζ^ 
άγκάΧαι τν. 

21. At the end of the line figures apparently follow the symbol for apovpai. 


936. Letter of Pausanias. 

ι6•7 X 14-9 cm. Third century. 

This letter is noticeable for several unusual words which it contains. It 
is written in a fairly regular sloping uncial hand in two columns, that to the left, 
of which only the ends of lines remain, following that to the right. The writer 
apparently anticipated that he would not finish his letter in a single column, but 
curiously began on the right-hand side of the sheet, leaving a broad margin 
in front of his first column. The writing of the left column, which was no doubt 
considerably narrower than the other, is of a reduced size. A graphical peculiarity 
is a horizontal dash placed below as well as above the figures in 11. 6, 11, &c. 

Col. i. 

Παυσανίας Ίουλίω Άλ^ξάνδρωι 

τώι πατρί χαίραν. 
προ μ€ν πάντων εύχομαι σ€ υγίαιναν J 

και το προσκύνημα σον ποιώ πάρα τοις 
5 Ίπιχωρίοι? θ^οΐς. κόμισαι παροί Χνρου 

κλουίον ωων π καΐ βανκάλιον οπού 

τριχοίνίΐκον σινάπ^ως καΐ ημίγονν 

kXaiov βαφανίνον και βανκάλιον οπον 

'ημίχονν μβλιτοί και το ξιφίδιν. 
ΙΟ κόμισαι πάρα Άγαθημίρον μΐλικηρίδα 

και κνθραν πλακούντων ι και μΐλίτινα 

στεφάνια γ• ταντα Svs Trj άδΐλφτ) μον 

και άσπάζον αύτην λ^ίαν. κόμισαι πάρα 

τον κομίζοντος σοι το ^πιστόλων κλονίον 
15 €χον μ καΐ σφνρίδιον Κανωπικον οπον ζίύγη 

άρτων δ και <Γ ζίύγη σκωρσίλαναί. 

ό ήπητης λ€γ€ί οτι ον δίδω οντ€ τον χαλκον 

οϋτ€ το φαινόλιν άτ€ρ Ίούστον, Xeyet γαρ 

ΟΤΙ ονπω λζλντρωται το φαινόλιν ονδ\ 
2θ Φιλό^^νον ολ' e| όλων ονχ ivpov. άπήλθον 

προς τ^ν μητίρα (Αμ)μωνίον και λίγ^ι οτι 

ονκ ίχω άρτι σίΐτον ονδ€ τα βιβλίδια άπήρ- 



[τ\ισται Ιω? άρτι. tveiyyov μοι Svo σκυτάρια 
άν[α\βολον καΐ ταλ{λ}οίριον ίππικινακοι 
25 π€ντα€τία? καΐ ύπόβημα. άρτι μοι 
ΤΓψψον σαρκοφανην e^ovTU μα- 

θοί, ϋ. 






]τως ήμα9 
] €/Χ6 και την 
]€ρα μου ypa- 
]μζΐν καΐ 
^Γο 8ά. ποη- 
]y το yap ei 
] . ΟΤΙ 7Γ€ΐρα- 
]μου k\6uv 
\αν €χ€ί kv ey- 
] τταρα σολ λη- 
] μ^στον irev- 
-8]ράχμον και βίί- 
] . epeov μνρον 
]ω στατήρα top 


45 [ 



]ον γαρ αύτοΰ η 
ζλ]αβον και άφη- 
] . άνάΧωμα κα\ 

]τί iVTTiVKOl 

] 8' ΰστίρα πα- 
] €μω ονόματι 
άσπάζί\ταί σ€ η μήτηρ 
]νημά μου 

€ρ]ρώσ6αί σ€ eif- 
γομαι πολ]λ[οΓ]9 
[χρόίΌίΓ. ] 

Ι. ϊουλίω Pap. 2. τωϊ Pap. 3• vyiaimPap. 6. κλουϊοι; Pap. ; soinl. 14• 

8. οπ of οτΓου COrr. from και (?). II. πλακουίαωΐ' ϊ Pap. α of /xeXmi/a COrr. from ο. 12. 

1. has. 19. ο οΐ φαινολίν corr. from ι. 2θ. χ of ουχ corr. 

* Pausanias to his father Julius Alexander, greeting. Before all else I pray for your 
health, and I perform the act of worship on your behalf to the gods of the country. Receive 
from Syrus a basket of 80 eggs and a jug with 3 choinices of mustard and half a chous of 
raphanus oil and a jug with half a chous of honey and the dagger. Frorn Agathemerus 
receive a honeycomb and a pot of 10 cakes and 3 honey-sweet garlands; give these to my 
sister and salute her warmly. Receive from the bearer of the letter a basket containing 
40 eggs (?) and a Canopic basket with 4 pairs of loaves and 6 pairs of . . . The cobbler says 
that he will not give up either the money or the cloak without Justus, for he says *' The 
cloak has not yet been redeemed, and I have entirely failed to find Philoxenus ". I went to 
the mother of Ammonius, and she says " I have no food now, and the petitions have not 
yet been got ready ". Bring me two hides, a wrap, and a small crate . . . five years old, and 
some (?) shoes. Send me now an open-work covering (?) having a . . .' 

6. kKoviop seems to be a form of κλονβίον or κλωβίαν, a bird-cage; cf. the Hebrew 
keliiv. κΚονβίν occurs in P. Tebt. 413. 14, where it was mistakenly regarded as a form of 
κοΚόβιον. For δτΓου after β at the end of the line cf. 11. 8 and 15. Both here and in 1. 15 
the second letter is apparently π not μ, and όμοΰ, if that were the word meant, should of 



course be followed by a dative ; in 1. 8 the reading is doubtful on account of a correction 
and the imperfect state of the papyrus. 

II. μίΚίτι,νον has been altered to μΐλίτίνα, the ο having been converted to an a, but the 
stroke representing the final ν being left untouched. This is more likely than that μ(\(\)1- 
Ti{o)v a should be read, for numerals in this letter have a stroke below as well as above, and 
the original ο is more unaccountable if a figure was intended. 

16. σκωρσΐΚύνας is presumably a compound of σκωρ and σίΚινον, but no such word is 
known ; the doubtful ei may be 17, but this is not less difficult. 

20. δλ' i^ οΚων = Ίταντάπασιν, ' entirely ' ; cf 893. 6 okov TO σΰνόΚον, 

24• ai\iipo\ov : cf. p. Tebt. 4x3. 10 τί{σσα)ρα ά*(ά),3ολα, which we were therefore wrong 
in altering to άι(α)βο\ά{/) on the analogy of 741. 13-4. The end of this line is puzzling ; 
perhaps ιππικιν is a separate word = ίππικόν. The final letter is possibly e. g. v, but only 
a single stroke is visible ; s is unlikely. 

25. For irevTafTias cf. P. Fay. 347 Terparias, which occurs in a list of miscellaneous 
articles ; but the meaning is obscure in either case. 

26. The adjective σαρκοφανης is used of animals in Sext. Pyrrh. Hypoi. i. 14'. 50 τα re 
οστρακόδίρμα και τα σαρκοφανη, but σαρκοφανην here seems to be a garment of some sort. 

39. Not ajrepeoC. 
42. ίλ]αβοι/ : or ]λβον, 
48. Perhaps προσκύνημα. 

937. Letter of Demarchus. 

21x9-1 cm. 'fhird century. 

The following letter to a woman named Taor from her brother Demarchus 
is chiefly concerned with a stone bowl, about the safety of which the writer was 
anxious. The usual request for various articles and announcement of other 
articles on their way to the addressee form the conclusion. 

Αήμαργρ^ Τάορ rrj 

άδξλφί] ττλζΐστα γ^αίραν. 
γζΐνώσκίΐν σε θίλω οτι 'iypa^- 
ψάί μοί 7Γ€ρι ον ίποίησίν μοι 
5 'Αγατ€Ϊνο9. eav ονν ζήσω 
y^povqv και ^λθω e/y την 
πατρίδα μου ίκδικήσω €μαυ- 
τ6ν. καν νϋν ονν irapay- 
γΙλλω σοι, ω κυρία μου aSeX- 
10 φή, ίνα παραβάΧ-ης προς Trj 
πΧατίία του θεάτρου και 
μάθ^ς π€ρΙ tfjs φιαΧης 
τήί Χιθίνη? kv (τ)ω πΧοίω 

και παραγγζίΧ-ης πασι τοΓρ 
15 €Κ€Γ, ΦιΧοκύρω και Ζωσίμω, 
παρατηρίΐσθαι αύτηΡ μ^ 
δόξυ αύτω [[λα/3]] τω Άγα- 
Τΐίνω Χαβή[σ]αι την φιάΧην, 
κα\ϊ\ αντίγραψαν μοι Sia τον 
20 Άντινο€ω[9] π€ρι CV σοι 
€π€μψα, και [γ]/ί)ά•\|τοί/ ίκ€Ϊ 
το κατ €ΐδθ9 οτι τι και τι (iXrf- 
φας. και ef tivos χρ{ΐζ^ι ο Άν- 
τινο€ύί παραστήσεις αύτω 
25 και ίΧζύσει μ€Τ αύτοϋ προς Thp 
Ta\<T\oiTdv. \π'\€μψον τον μα- 


In the left margin, at right angles 

ώόρτην σου και το κ^ράμιοι/ τον γάμους και δικότνλον kXaiov χρηστού. 

ίρρώσθαί σ€ (ΰχομαι. 

On the verso 

ie|e γ σακκού8ια π{αρά) τον Άντινο- 
30 Ιίΰί του σοι τα γράμματα δίδοντος- 

άιτόδ{ος) Τάορ ττ} άδίλψτϊ π{αρα) Αη[μ]άρχον. 

2. χαφΰ Pap. 4• ο of ου corr. from τ. 5• ^• ^Αγαθύνος, and similarly in 1. 17. 

8. παραγ'γΐλλω Pap.; similarly in 1. 14. 10. ϊνα Pap. 17. ω of αυτωοο^ from υισ. 

ig. κ of κο[ι] corr. from f. 25. υ of αυτόν corr. from p. 29. 1. δΐξαι. 

' Demarchus to his sister Taor, very many greetings. I would have you know that 
you wrote to me about what Agathinus did to me. Well, if I live and come to my native 
land I will have my revenge. And for the present I bid you, my dear sister, go to the street 
of the theatre and find out about the stone bowl in the boat and warn them all there, 
Philocyrus and Zosimus, to keep a watch on it, lest Agathinus should determine to take the 
bowl. Write me a reply through the man from Antinoopolis about whom I sent to you, and 
write the list there, that you have received so and so. If the man from Antinoopolis wants 
anything provide him Λvith it, and come with him to meet Tasoitas. Send your cloak and 
the jar of pickled fish and two cotylae of good oil. I pray for your health. You will 
receive three bags from the man from Antinoopolis who is the bearer of this letter. 
(Addressed) Deliver to my sister Taor from Demarchus.' 

13. The papyrus has fv ω ττλοιω, of which the easiest correction seems to be to write 
τω for ω. ev ω πλοΊορ might perhaps mean * engraved with a relief of a boat ', but this 
is less likely. 

18. For \αβη[σ\αι cf. Bekker, Anecd. Ox. I. p. 268 cVtI λαβώ π^ρισπώμερον θίμα . . . κα\ 
ό μίΚλων τοΰ Χαβά Χαβήσω' κα\ παρ Ενπολί^ι \(Χάβηκα ως μάθω μαθήσω, ου ό τταρακύμίρος μιμήθηκα. 

But there is not much room for the [σ], and the β is of the cursive form like a κ, which is 
not used in ππραβάΧης in 1. 10 ; the other letters, however, are clear. The writer began the 
same word after αντω in the line above. 

22. Ti και τι is analogous to τό καϊ τό : this is simpler than to take τί κα\ τί as an indirect 
interrogative, on being redundant. 

26. Το[σ]οιτάι/ : cf. P. Fay. lOI. recto ii. 9 Ύασντης. 

27. yapovs : the usual form is ό yapoi or τό yapop, but το yapos occurs in Geopon. 20. 46 

ed. Basil,, and Et. Mag. τάριχος . . . πάρα τό yάpη (χ(ίΡ. 

938. Letter of Demetrius. 

Chicago. 8-9 χ 17.8 cm. Late third or fourth century. 

A letter from a son to his father, reproaching him for his failure to send 
fodder for the oxen. The papyrus was briefly described in Part L 161. The 
writing is across the fibres. 


Δημητρίου Ήρακλ€ί8τ] πατρί )(atpeiv. 

ουκ ακόλουθοι/ πράγμα ίττοίησας eveSpevaas ras τροψα^ των κτηνών 
TTJs Χ^ναώ, €κπαλαί ίτησταλίΐς δώδεκα σαργάνας γόρτου ίκίΐ άποστΐΐΚαι 
καΐ μη πύμψας, ώ? ίκ τούτον κινδύνευαν τα κτήνη δίαψθαρήναι. των 
5 ούν κτηνών κακώ^ αγόντων και της yfjs δια τοΰτο μη ποτιζομίνη^ ήπεί- 
χθην και νυν σοι γράψαι οττοοί αυτής Spas γομα^σας^θήναι ΐπιτηδίίω? τας 

ποίησα? άποστείλΐ]?. Tjj yap άσχ^ολία μου \γαρ\ εδοξας επίγγίλάν. 

έρρώσθαί σ€ πολλοΐγ ^povois 

7• f Jrey γίλαν Pap. 

• Demetrius to Heraclides his father, greeting. It was an unfitting act of yours to 
intercept the fodder for the oxen at Senao, and not to dispatch it, although you had long ago 
been instructed to send twelve baskets of hay thither, with the result that the oxen are in 
danger of destruction. Since the oxen are thus in a sorry state, and the land in conse- 
quence is not being irrigated, I hasten to write to you now once more and beg you 
instantly to get the baskets properly laden and send them off; for you seem to be mocking 
my industry. I pray for your long health.' 

3. Σίΐ/αώ, which is presumably a village of the Oxyrhynchite noma, is not mentioned 

939. Letter TO Flavian US, 

25-3 X 17-6 cm. Fourth century. 

An affectionately worded Christian letter, apparently from a dependent to 
his master, concerning the illness of his mistress. The style, which shows the 
influence of the New Testament, is more polished than that of the average letter 
of the period, and the document ranks high as a specimen of epistolary com- 
position. A strip containing the beginnings of lines is missing in the upper 
portion, but the sense is always clear though . the restoration is sometimes 
quite conjectural. 

[Γω κυρίω] μου Φλαβιανώι 

[Δημήτ]ρΐ09 γαίρειν. 

[ώί kv αλ]λοίί πλίίστοίί νυν ίτι μάλλον ή προί σ€ 
[του δ€σπ6]του θεοΰ γνωσις άνβφάνη απασιν ήμΐν 
5 [ωστ€ την] κνρίαν άνασφήλαι €Κ ttjs καταλαβούσης 
[αύτην ν6σ]ου, και €Ϊη δια παντού ήμαί \dpiTas ομο- 

Χ 3 


[Xoyowrajy 8ιατζλ^ΐν on ήμΐν ΐλίως kyhero 
\καΙ Tois ζυ\χαΪ9 ■ημών ivivevaev διασώσας ημΙν 
\την ήμων] κυρίαν kv yap avrfj πάντ€9 ras ίλπιβαί 

ΙΟ [€χο/χ€ί/.] συνγνώμην δί, κύρύ μου, σχοίη? μοι 
[κα\ djvovsi] anoSi^ei με (ί και es τηλικαύτην σ€ 
[άγωνία]ρ άκων ΙνίβάΚον γράψας nepl αυτής οσα 
[e/co/iiVo).] τα μ\ν yap ττρωτα kv θλίψζΐ airrijs 
[πολλτ) ου]ση9 ουκ ων kv ίμαυτω άπ€στ€ΐλα 

15 [σπουδάζων] €Ϊ πως Ικ παντού τρόπου δυνηθ^ίης 
[προς ημάς] άψικίσθαι, τοΰτο του καθήκοντος 
άπ[α]ι[τοΰντ]ος' ώ[ς δί ίπι τ]ο ρααν ίδο^€ν τίτράφθαι 
€Tepa σ€ ypάμμaτa ίπικαταλαβξΐν ^σπούδασα δια 
Ευφρόσυνου 'ίνα σ€ ίύθυμότβρον καταστήσω. 

2ο νη yap την σην σωτηρίαν, κύρΐί μου, ης μαΚίστά 
μοι μίλβι, €1 μη €πιν6σως ίσχήκξΐ το σωμάτων 
τ6τ€ 6 υίος 'Αθανάσιος αύτον αν άπίστβίλα προς σ€ 
αμα ΤίΧουτάργω ή νίκα ίβαρύτο ttJ νόσω. νυν δ\ 
πως πλίονα ypά^|rω π€ρΙ αυτής άπορω, ίδο^^ν 

25 μ^ν yap ως προξΐπον aveKTOTepov €σ\ηκ€ναι άνακαθίσθα- 
σα, νοσηλότίρον 5e όμως το σωμάτων ^χ^ι. παρα- 
μυθούμ[ζ]θα. δζ αυτήν έκαστης ώρας €κδ€)^6μ€- 
νοι την [σ]ήν άφιξιν, ίρρωσθαί σ€, κύριί μου, 
δια παντός τω των όλων 

3θ δ^σποττ) ΐϋχομαι. 

Φαρμοΰθι <^, 

On the verso 


*J. ΐΚΐω! Pap. 14• ουκ Pap. 19• ~iva Pap. 22. vtos Pap. 25. ανακαθ(σβ(ΐσα 

inserted later. 

' To my lord Flavianus from Demetrius, greeting. As on many other occasions so 
now even more plainly than ever has the regard of the Lord God for you been revealed to 
us all by the recovery of my mistress from the sickness which overtook her, and may it be 
granted us to continue for ever to acknowledge our thanks to Him because He was 
gracious to us and inclined His ear to our prayers by preserving for us our mistress ; for i© 


her the hopes of all of us rest. Please pardon me, my lord, and receive me kindly, though 
I unwillingly caused you so much anxiety by writing to you the messages which you 
received. I wrote the first letter when she was in much pain, and I was beside myself in 
anxiety that you should come to us by every possible means in your power, for this was 
what duty demanded ; but as she seems to have taken a turn for the better I am anxious 
that you should receive another letter by Euphrosynus, in order that I may make you more 
cheerful. By your own safety, my lord, which is my first interest, if my son Athanasius 
had not then been ailing, I should have sent him to you with Plutarchus when she was 
overcome by the sickness. But now I know not what more I am to write concerning her, 
for her condition seems, as I have said, to be more tolerable, as she has sat up, but she 
nevertheless remains rather ill. We comfort her by hourly expecting your arrival. I pray 
my lord, to the Master of all for your continued health. Pharmouthi 6. (Addressed) To 
Flavianus from Demetrius.' 

II. tvvovs: or perhaps ΐΚ(ως, which has already occurred in 1. 7. ιλ^ω? 84ξασΘαι is 
a Sophoclean phrase, Aj. 1009, Tr. 763. 

28 sqq. ίρρωσθαι κ.τ.λ. is in darker ink, and at first sight appears to have been added 
by a different hand ; but (κ8(χόμί- presents a similar appearance, whereas the rest of the 
sentence voi . . . ίίφιξιν, which must have been written at the same time, is just like the 
preceding lines. It is therefore improbable that any distinction of hand should be made. 

940. Letter to a Clerk. 

io«7 X 30 cm. Fifth century. 

A letter containing instructions to a νοτάρωί concerning the vintage. The 
writing, as is usual with Byzantine letters, e. g. 941-3, is across the fibres of the 


Χυνορω rioas kv ταυτοτητι μίΐναι ras pvaeis οίχρί rfjs TiXivraias μ€ρίδο9 

ίνα μ^ 
86ξωμζν διώκ€ΐν τού$ άλλον? τους μήιτω τρνγήσαντα?. τοίνυν^ ώρ άνωτίρω 

καταξίωσαν kney^iv του λογισμού eooy όυ μάθ^? τ^ν των άλλων μερίδων 

5 και kv τοσούτω γράφίΐς μοι και οντω? σκοπώ το πρακτίον. τον 8k 

Thv φροντιστών μ€ταστ€ΐλάμ€νο? ίχε kyyvs σον μίαν μίαν. 
On the verso 

imSo(f) τω θανμασ[ιω(τάτω)] Ίωσ'^φ νοταρίψ 

. . . λαρμόσωνοί. 

2. "ίνα Pap. 


* It is my desire that the flow of the wine should remain as it is for some time until the 
last holding is ready, that we may not seem to press hardly upon the others who have not 
yet gathered the grapes. Therefore, as stated above, please to delay the account-taking 
until you learn the capacity of the other holdings, and in the meantime write to me, and 
thus I shall see what is to be done. Send for Phoebammon the steward, and keep him at 
hand together with you. (Addressed) Deliver to the most admirable Joseph, clerk, from (?) 
Charmoson (?).' 

1. A careful discussion of various explanations of the mystic formula χ/χγ is given by 
Smirnoflf in Berl. Phil. Wochensch., Aug. i8, 1906, pp. 1082 sqq. He suggests that 
the letters correspond to the Hebrew ηπΝ = its or ev, comparing the representation of the 
Hebrew tetragrammaton by the Greek mm. It may perhaps be regarded as some slight 
support for this view that the order of the letters occasionally follows that of the Hebrew, 
ΓΜΧ (cf. Arch. Report for 1906-7, p. 10 ad fin.) ; but the question remains unsettled. 

2. σννοραν in the sense of to ' resolve' or 'determine' is common in Byzantine Greek, 

e.g. Concil. Chalced. 639 e συνορωμΐν προ πάντων μέν τα πρωτ(7α . . . φυ\άττ(σθαι. 

6. μίαν μίαν was used for κατά μίαν by Sophoclcs according to Antiatt. 108. 9, and 

Apophthegm. Patrum 80 a (Migne, vol. xlv) χρη oZv μίαν μίαν σνγκαταβαίνβιν τοις άδίΧφοΐς is 

quoted by Jannaris, Hist. Gr. Gram. § 666 as an instance of the same use, while Sophocles, 
Lexicon, p. 427, translates this ' once in a while, occasionally '. In the papyrus, however, the 
context clearly indicates that μίαν μίαν means ' together ', una, and the sense may well be 
the same in Apophthegm. 80 a, emphasizing the συν of σνγκαταβαίναν. 

8. Possibly π(αρά) Χαρμόσωνος or Ααρκάσωνος, but π{αρά) does not really account sufficiently 
for all the traces, and the word ending in -ωνος may be the name of the place of which 
Joseph was vorapios. 

941. Letter to John. 

ΐ3•3Χ3ΐ•4 cm. Sixth century. 

In this letter the writer entreats his friend to help him in obtaining from the 
monastery of St. Justus a piece of ground to be used for brickmaking. 

+ 'Ειηι8η δ ττλινθίντη? λίγα τον τόπον του υίοϋ NivvoySo^ 6στρακώ8ηί 
και μη π€7Γθΐημ4νον ds πλινθβνσαι, ως δΐ Xeyei ό'τί iav σ•[κ]ι/λ^ί npbs τον 

του οικονόμου του αγίου Ίούστου παρ€\ΐΐ σοι τόπον ολίγον ή άντίς του 

S V ^ αρ[ί\στ€ρων αύτοϋ ήγουν (κ δίξιων, καταξίωσαν γαρίσασθαί μοι 

irpos αύτον αλλ άρτι και ΰπΰν αύτψ. §ikos παρίχ^ίΐ σοι την χάριν, Ικ 

του γαρ 

941. LETTER TO JOHN 311 
eyyi^S Ιστιν. αλλ' οΰτω^ Xeyei^ αυτω οτι kav OiXtis τταρίχομ^μ σοι το 


μόνον Ίτάρ^γβ μοι, τον Β\ Θών σον. ίύθύ^ Sia Φοιβάμμωνοί δήλωσαν μοι 
την παρ αύτοϋ άπόκρισιν. core ie αύτω οτι οΚ\ί•γη\ν μ6ν[ον θ€λομ]€ν και 

ου ΊΓολλήν. 
ΙΟ ίπίδ{ο$) Ίωάν[ντ} ir(apa) ]ivov. + 

2. νϊου Pap. 1. ^ίιννοντος 6στρακώ8η, 3• σ οΓπλίΓ^ίυσαι corrected. vlovVap. 4• Γούστου 
Pap. 6. αλλί Pap. ; so in 1. 7• 7• fyV^s Va.p. 10. ϊωαν[νη Pap. 

* Since the brickmaker says that the place of the son of Ninnous (?) is full of sherds and 
not adapted for brickmaking, and as he says that if you will trouble to go to the son of the 
steward of the monastery of St. Justus he will provide you with a small space, either 
opposite the martyr's shrine, or on the left of it, or on the right, vouchsafe me the favour 
of going to him and speaking to him now. It is likely that he will grant you this favour, 
for it is close by. Say to him this : " If you wish, we will pay you rent, only grant me the 
favour and God be with you (?) '*' Inform me immediately by Phoebammon of his answer. 
Tell him that we only Avant a little and not much. (Addressed) Deliver to John 
from . . .' 

I. The meaning of this π with a dash through it, which is not uncommon at the top 
of letters of this period, is obscure. It is written like the abbreviation of παρά, but παρά 
without a following name is meaningless. Possibly, however, the custom of commencing 
παρά του Bt'iva, e. g. 904, led scribes to write π{αρά) even when there was no real intention of 
adding the name. 

3. σκνληναι προς = ' to take the trouble of going to,' as is shown by instances where «ap 
replaces πρόί, e.g. Cyrill. Scythop. Vi'fa S. Sabae σκνΚηναι ίως τοΰ οίκον. Cf. 123. 10 (third 
or fourth century) ποιησον αυτόν σκνληναι προς Ύιμόθ^ον, which we translated wrongly, and 
B. G. U. 830. 25 where the active form σκνλαί nva προς is found in a letter of the first century. 

4. The form άντίς, evidently employed in a local sense, is remarkable. It occurs at 
a later period with an accusative, e. g. Th. Prodromus 3. 285-6 (twelfth century) άντίς vtpbv 
φαρμάκιν, and is used in modern Greek. 

7. The subject of eanv is perhaps ό τόπος, the meaning being that the proposed change 
of locality would be slight ; this seems more likely than that ή χάρις is the subject, and that 
€γγύς is metaphorical, ' the favour is nothing out of the way.' 

8. τον de θών σου : this very elliptical phrase appears to mean, ' I pray that God may 

bless you (if you do as I ask)'; cf. 155. 4-5 ποΊΟ^οΊς χρόνοις καΙ κάλοΐς την Ιμίτίραν μίγαλο- 

πρ(«Γίίαν), ' Ι wish long life and happiness to your magnificence.' 

942. Letter of Timotheus. 

Chicago. 7 X 30 cm. Sixth or seventh century. 

A letter from a man who had just arrived at Nilopolis, where he had received 
a letter from the addressee ; in consequence of this he had resumed his journey 
without delay though very unwillingly. Both the writer and the person addressed 


bear abbreviated titles (apparently ordinarins and exceptor respectively) which are 
somewhat obscure but seem to be military ; cf. 11. β-η, notes. The papyrus was 
briefly described in Part I. 162. 

'\-KaTh. Tijv τρισκαιδίκάτην κατ^Χάβαμ^ν την Νίΐλονπολιτων nepl ωραν 

€κτηρ^ και μ€τα το 
άπολνσαι ημά? τά ζωα γράμματα ημΐν άπ^δόθη της σή9 αδελφικής 

λαμΐΓρ[6τητο^) π€ρι όγδόην ωραν 
και δ θ€θί οΐδ(ν^ €Ϊπ€ρ μη ήμΐθα aTroXvfravTes τα ζωα^ d 5* αύτα ίϊχαμζν 

ίπαναλνσαι. προ τριών ούν 
ωρών, οτ€ και δυνάμεθα ίξ^λθζΐν Trjs πόλίως, ίξΐρχόμξθα όφζίλοντΐ? συν θ^ω 

5 πάνυ δ^ ήμας άήδισ^ν ή άδίλφική σου λαμπρ{6τη9) μηδίν ημΐν σημάνασα των 


On the verso 

+ €πίδ(οί) τω δ€σπ6(ττ)) τω 7Γά(ν)τ(ων) λαμπρ(οτάτω) ΐύδοκ[ιμωτάτω) πά(ντων) 

φίλ(τάτω) άδ€λφ(ω) Πζτρωνίω €ξκ{βπτορί) 
ττ{αρα) Τιμοθέου 6ρδ{ιναρίου) Θζοδόδου. 

4• ωρών Pap. 7• 1• QfoboTov. 

' We reached Nilopolis on the 13th about the 6th hour, and after we had released the 
animals a letter was delivered to us from your brotherly excellency about the 8th hour ; and 
God knows whether we had not released the animals, and whether we had any more to 
unloose. Accordingly before three hours were passed, as soon as we could leave the city 
we leave it, being obliged by the help of God to arrive. We were much displeased with 
your brotherly excellency for not explaining to us any of the consequences. (Addressed) 
Deliver to the lord my most excellent, most illustrious, and most beloved brother Petronius, 
exceptor, from Timotheus, ordinarius of Theodotus.' 

1. &ραν ίκτην : about noon. 

2. ζώα: probably donkeys rather than horses; cf. 922. 17, note. 

3. δ* αυτά: or perhaps δαντα for ταΰτα: cf. θίοδόδου in 1. 7. A better sense would be 
obtained if 6ίσαυτ(ίκ)α could be read, in which case €Ϊχαμΐν ίηαναΚίσαι would mean ' could 
have returned '. 

6. (ξκ{(πτορι) : cf. the (ξκ(π(τορ€ς) mentioned in 43. recto ii. 26, an account of military 
supplies. The excepiores were a kind of clerks, and those in 43 were clearly connected 
with the army ; probably Petronius too held a military position ; cf. the next note. 
ίξκ{ουβίτορι), as Wilcken remarks, is also possible; cf. P. Brit. Mus. I. 113 (7). 14 

7. 6ρί(ιναρίον) : we have not found another instance of this title in a papyrus, and the 
meaning is uncertain, but as ordinarius was used for a centurion and equated to ταξίαρχοι, 
the term may well apply to some minor military officer. 


p43. Letter of Victor. 

17-4 X 34 cm. Sixth century. 

A request to a chartularius (cf. 128. i, &c.) that he would send three persons 
in order that a decision might be arrived at on the question which of them was 
responsible for the dues upon a bath. 

+ Κατα^ιώσΐ] ή ση γνήσια αδελφότης Μηναν τον λαμπρότατον καΐ Seprjvov 
τον λαμπρότατον τραπ^ζίτην και Μηναν τον ττροκονράτορα παρασκ^υάσαι 
άπζλθΐΐν eh δίαιταν €V€K€v τον Χοντρού, καΐ μη άποσττ) άττ αντων ό 

^\ρί σννομολογ€Ϊ τω ίνδόξω οίκω 6 όφΐίλων k^ αντων τον φόρον τον 

5 δονναι. ^€ρήνο9 γαρ ό λαμπρότατος τραπεζίτης δια πίσματος γνναικος 

Κόλλονθον τον εύλαβέστατον ίκ τον λο{ν)τρον, και οτ€ ^ποίησ^ν το πΐσμα 

αντον ον θίλξΐ άποστήναι. 
καΐ ζτ} Kvpios ονκ άφίσταμαι των τριών, αλλ' αύτοΙ πληρονσιν τον φόρον 
του λοντρο[ν] e<io[s . .]€iy άντιγ€ονχο[ν.] + 

On the verso 

+ δ€σπό(ττ)) τω άπά(ντων) λαμπρο(τάτω) τιμαξιω{τάτω) σύν θ{€ω) άδίλφω 
•\-Τζωργίω γαρτ{ρνλαρίω)-\• Βίκτωρ σνν θ(€ω) α . . . λ( ). 

3• σ of αποστη corr. from ο. 4• First ο of σννομολογΐΐ over an erasure. 6. τον 

ίνΚαβ(στατον above the line in a different hand. 7. αΚΚάντοί Pap. 

' May your true brotherliness vouchsafe to cause the most illustrious Menas and 
Serenus the most illustrious banker, and Menas the agent to come to arbitration with respect 
to the bath, and let not the official leave them until the one of them who owes the rent of 
the bath agrees with the noble house to pay it. For Serenus the most illustrious banker 
through the persuasion of his wife chased the most discreet Colluthus out of the bath, and 
having done what he was persuaded to do will not depart. As the Lord lives I do not 
leave the three, but they pay the rent of the bath until the deputy . . . (Addressed) To the 
most illustrious and honourable lord, by the grace of God my brother George, secretary, 
from Victor, by the grace of God . . .' 

2. προκονράτορα : cf. P. Brit. Mus. III. 1032. 10, a letter of about the same period as this, 
and Gloss. Basil, προκονράτωρ «'στίν ό φροντιστής ή eWoXtui, ό ηραγμα ίτίρον κατ ίντολην αυτρν 


4. άχρι συνομολογΰ : SO probably rather than αχρκ αν όμοΧογΐΐ, though σ and ν when 
written small, as here, are at this period often indistinguishable. For οίκω cf. 126. 4, note. 

6. άποστηναι ; sc, Tov λουτρού (?). But the connexion is not very clear. 

7. ^17 κύριο: is frequent in the LXX ; cf. e.g. Judges 8. 19 C» Kvpios . . , οίκ αν 
άπ^κτΐΐνα νμας. 

8. The term avnyfovxo:, which is apparently not found in literary sources, occurs also 

in 153. 3 τά eVS(o|a)) ά., 156. 5 χαρτον{\άριος^ και ά., Β. G. U. 303• 28 μί-ΫοΚοπρί^πίστατον) 

τριβοννον α., and 693• 2, all of the Byzantine period. In 156 we translated the word as 
' land-agent ', i. e. the deputy of the owner, which on analogy should be the meaning. The 
ytovxovPTfs of Byzantine papyri are commonly people of importance, e. g. Flavius Apion at 
Oxyrhynchus (133. 4-5, &c.), whose representative would be an influential person. In the 
indices of the B. G. U. αντιγ(οΰχος is classed among the officials. 

The preceding word seems to be an infinitive, but there is not space for eX^fii», 
and rJKHv and Ιδΐϊν are not suitable. A break occurs in the papyrus after the supposed v, and 
this may have been followed by another narrow letter. 


(The collations are with text of Ludwich.) 
{a) Iliad. 

944. 6-1 x6•^ cm. A few letters from the ends of ii. 43^-444, with elision- 
marks. Third century, written in sloping oval uncials. 

945. 13-5 X 6-5 cm. Fragment of the top of a leaf from a book, containing on 
the recto the ends of ii. 722-741 and on the verso the beginnings of 753-772, 
with occasional breathings, accents, and elision-marks. 724 Final e of 
μν]Ι]σ^σθ€ corr. to at by a second hand. 734 Τπ^ριαίι;. Fifth century, 
written in heavy sloping uncials. 

946 5-7 X 5-3 cm. A few letters from the middles of n. 861-867. 864 
'}me]ans re και Κντι[φο,. Late second or third century, written in broad, 
slightly sloping uncials. 

947 7-5 X 2.9 cm. A few letters from the beginnings of iv. 443-452, from the 
bottom of a column, with elision-marks. Third century, written in a small 
and neat but not very regular uncial hand. 

948 Fr. {a) 8.9 χ 4-3 cm. Two fragments containing the ends of x. 233-243 
and 250-255, with stops (middle and low points) and occasional breathings, 
accents, and marks of quantity. Third century, written in a good-sized 
semi-uncial hand. 

949. 13x4-6 cm. A few letters rom near the ends of x. 437-452, trom the 
bottom of a column, with occasional accents (449 ^«)• 44^ βοην aya'fios 
[Διομήδη? (τόι; δ' V ύίΓοδρα Ζδώι; ττροσίφτ, Kpareph^ Αωμ^^ψ MSS.). 451 
Ήτολ^μιξωΙν. Late second or third century, written in square upnght uncials 
similar to those of 869 (Plate I). r 1 * 

950 Fr. (b) 23.8 X 5-7 cm. Two fragments, the first containing a few letters 
from near the beginnings of xi. 322-329. the second the ends of 359-402 
(a whole column), with stops, and occasional breathings, accents, and elision- 
marks. 366 eorir. 368 φ]ναριζ^ν. 37^ ^νμβωι added by a second hand 
above ττυρνωι, which is crossed through. 375 arciXKC. 381 ατ:ο θνμον oXeaaai. 
Third century, written in sloping oval uncials. 


951. Fr. (<5) 8 X 6 cm. Part of a leaf from a book, containing on the verso 
portions of XX. 425-437 and on the recto portions of 470-482, with elision- 
marks. 473 The letter before ovs is not ρ or τ but seems to be a, i. e. irapja 
or κατ]α. Fourth century, written in heavy sloping uncials. 

952. ιι•7 Χ5•3 cm. Parts of xxiv. 74-90 from the top of a column, with high 
stops and occasional accents. 78 re omitted. Third century, written in 
sloping oval uncials. 

ib) Odyssey. 

953. Fr. {d) 11 χ 11 -9 cm. Four fragments from three distinct columns of 
a MS. of iv. Fr. (a), from the bottom ot a column, contains a few letters 
from 97-100, Fr. {b), from the top of a column, parts of 197-204, Fr. {c) 
a few letters from 222-224, and Fr. {d), from the bottom of a column, parts 
of 248-261, with high stops, and occasional breathings, accents, and elision- 
marks. 249 κατ€βη Ύρωων. 251 ανβφύτων. 252 €γων iXoevv (the reading 
of Aristarchus ?). 254 με for μ€ν. Second century, written in a round 
upright uncial hand of good size and handsome appearance. 

954. 2-6 X 9'3 cm. Fragment of a leaf from a vellum book, containing on the 
verso the beginnings of xiv. 299-303 and on the recto the ends of 328-332, 
with frequent accents. Fourth or fifth century, the verso being written 
in lighter and more sloping uncials than the recto. 

955. 7 X 2•8 cm. Fragment of a leaf from a book, containing on the verso 
a few letters from xvii. 601-606 and on the recto parts of xviii. 27-40, with 
high stops and frequent accents. 34 ξνν€]ηκ. Third century, written in 
upright uncials, those on the recto being much smaller than those on the 

956. 9-6 X 14-2 cm. Ends of xxiii. 309-326 and beginnings of 342-356, from 
the tops of two columns. 317 μίγαλα (or βαρ4α. 318 Α]αίστνγονιην αφικοντο. 
320 omitted. 345 ρ' omitted. Second or third century, written in heavy 
square, nearly upright uncials of medium size. 


These may be classified as follows (we call attention to the fact that the 
texts of 957-8, 962-7, 969-72, 974, 977-8, 980-1, 987-95, and 997 are given 
nearly or quite in full). 

Writing Exercise 966 verso. 

Magical papyrus 959. 

Orders to officials 965, 969. 

άττογραφαί 962 recto, 970. 

Reports to officials 983, 989. 

Declarations on oath 972, 976. 

Petition 991. 

Lease 975. 

Wills 968, 990. 

Loan 988 recto. 

Deed of surety 996. 

Miscellaneous contracts 977, 980 recto. 

Receipts 964, 995, 1000-3. 

Taxation 960, 966 recto, 979, 981-2, 997. 

Census-List 984. 

Land-Survey 984, 986, 988 verso. 

Accounts 962 verso, 971, 978, 980 verso, 985-6, 998-9. 

Orders for payment 973-4, 992-4. 

Private Correspondence 963, 967. 

Titles or σίλλνβοί 957-8, 987. 

Demotic papyrus 961. 

Arabic papyri and paper 1004-6. 

957. S'S X i3'4 cm. A strip of leather, once glued to a papyrus, perhaps 
a σίλλνβοί, and containing a much abbreviated official note, of which the 
text is (l) Φίλ{σνίκον) στρα{τηγοΰ) (cf. 898. a6) <j• τόμ(θ9) ζξητ{ασμζνων?) db(&v) 
J ot άτΓο bLa\oy{r]s ?) ζ (hovs) (a) 'Abptavox) 6s e(n-(i) των irpos 'παραγγί.λ{ίαν) (3) 
άττό ly, below which in the right-hand corner is ainj( ) enclosed apparently 
between rounded brackets. The symbol after dh{5iv) is obscure ; it resembles 
the sign for δραχμή or a cursive ai, the following letters ot being raised slightly 
above the line : perhaps (και) οί. Α. D. 122-3. Complete. 4 lines. 


958. 2 X 8-4 cm. A strip of vellum, perhaps used like 957 as a σίΚλνβοί. It is 
inscribed with two lines (i) ] TTpaK{ ) τοΰ μηνο$ Σξβαστον (2) ] γ {hovs) Τίτου 
(a. d. 8o). The strip is. complete above and below the writing, and perhaps 
nothing is lost at the beginnings of lines. TTpaK( ), if correct, probably 
refers to -πράκτωρ or a derivative, but ηρακ{ ) can equally well be read. 

959. 7-2 X 13 cm. 8 incomplete lines containing magical symbols, interspersed 
with occasional Greek letters. About the third century. 

960. S-^J X 9*5 cm. Memorandum of a payment of corn by two persons, the 
text being Αυρηλία Qeavovs Αώύμον καΐ 6 vios Ανρηλωί Σαραττίων δ καΐ θίων 
Σίρυφ^ω^ 770λ€ω? (άρτάβαζ) μΖς-'. Σβρυφ^ω? ττολι? seems to be identical with 
the known Oxyrhynchite village Σξρνφα (cf. e. g. 991). Third century. 
Complete. 5 lines. 

961. IO-2XI2-4 cm. Demotic papyrus containing the first 15 lines of a 
document. First or second century. 

962. ii'5x6.i cm. On the recto the first 18 lines of an απογραφή of sheep, 
addressed to the strategus (cf. 245-6) probably in the reign of Claudius or 
Nero, the writing being much obliterated. On the verso a memorandum 
concerning various contracts, of which the text is Πολεω?" αγορασμον οικία? α 

{eTovs) NepMi;o(s) Φαρμονθ{ι), καΧ biaipicnv τ α (hovs) ΠαίΐΊ, ιδ {^tovs) 

Κλαυδίου μη(νοα) Τζρμανικζίον άγορασμ(ον) oi/cias. Probably written in or soon 
after the reign of Nero. Complete. 8 lines. 

963. 16 X 97 cm. The upper part of a letter from a woman to her mother, 
thanking her for sending a καθ^Ιράριον ('stool'). The text of 11. i-ii is 
^Ω,φζλία QeapovTL ttj μητρί γαίρ^ιν. άστιάζομαί ae, μητίρ, δια των γραμμάτων 
τούτων €ΤΤίθυμονσα ηbη θίάσασθαι. χάριν δε σοι οΓδα, μητ€ρ, eiri τί) anovbfj τοΰ 
καθζδραρίου, ίκομισάμην γαρ αυτό. ουκ άλλότριο[ν γαρ] τοΰ rjOovs TTOieis, φιλ[τάΓη 
μητίρ, σ^-τΓουδά^ουσα . . . Second or third century. 14 lines. 

964. 137 X i6'3 cm. Receipt for the rent of a camel-shed, of which the text 
is Αυρτ^λιο? Θέων 6 και Έιί/δαίμων ίτΐΐκαλονμζνο^ Άριστίων καΐ η άδίλφη Σαραττοΰί 
η και ^Αγαθόκλια αμφότεροι Άριστίωνο? και ώί €χρημάτιζ€ν Ανρηλίω Ίσιδώρω 
χαίρξίν. δμολογονμ€ν άτΐίσχηκίναι τταρά σοΰ τα ενοίκια ου Ιχ€ΐ5 ^μ,ώζ; ev μισθώσίί 
καμηλωνοί €7γ' ^.μφόbov \^1ττ]ττ(ων Ώαρ^μβολης των από Φαμζνωθ Ιω? Μζσορη τοΰ 
buλη\υθότ[o]s ι (ίτουί) ev bpaχμaΐs διακοσίαυ εικοσβι, μίνοντο$ ημύν τοΰ λόγου 
"πάντων από τοΰ iveaTotTos μηνοί θωθ ενοικίων άκολούΘω[ί] ttj μισθώσει, κυρία η 
άττοχη καΐ (ττ€ρωτηθ4ντ€5 ωμολογήσαμ^ν. (^τουζ) ία Αυτοκράτοροί Καίσαρος Που- 
πλίου Αίκίννίου Γαλλιηνοΰ Γζρμανίκοΰ Μεγίστου Έ,υσζβοΰί Έιύτυχοΰ^ Σίβαστοΰ θωθ 
<Γ. Signature of Aurelius Theon. Α. D. 263. Complete. 12 lines. 

965. ιο•2Χΐ2•ι cm. An order to the collectors of corn-dues at the village 
of Φίλονίκου (cf. P. Hibeh p. 8) to deal gently with a certain individual. 


The text is Ώράκτορσ[ι\ σιτικών Φιλονίίκου. μη τταρ€[νο]χλησητξ Αονκίω 

K€pe\[. ]ανιανω και άττόλυσον την [..... αντ]οΰ έ'ω? ου καταστι^ίρωσιν 

[ ]. Cf. ρ. Brit. Mus. Π. 379> Ρ• Reinach ^'j, and Fayiim Toivns, Ostr. 

45. Third century. Written across the fibres. Incomplete. 4 or 5 lines. 

966. i27xio-5cm. On the recto 7 lines of an official account, apparently- 
giving a list of payments from different villages. The text is κοΧ (ξ ^πικρίσ^ω^ 
τΐνροΰ (αρτάβαι) χ'πθb'κb'μηy λάχανου {άρτάβαι) 'J^ζη'j''κb'. Πουχεω?" φακοΰ 
(άρτάβαι) β, λάχανου (άρτάβαι) ξγ/., καΐ (ζ (ττικρίσζωί [. Third century. On 
the verso are two lines in rude uncials, no doubt a writing-exercise, of which 
the text is ey ττασιν €(ττ ahiKTov -η (corr.) γνώμη καλόν (a corrupt iambic line) e. . 

967. 15*1 X 9-2 cm. The upper part of a letter from a man to his sister. 
Lines I-II "Άτιίων ^Έιζακωνοΰτι τηι άδ^λφηι χαίρίΐν. φασί τον κράτιστον ηγεμόνα 
ίλ(ύσ€σθαι ivOabe vepl την τριακάδα, δ ϊν elbfis γράφω σοι. καλώί be ττοιησίΐ^ 
(ττιστίίλασα ets άγρόν άρζασθαι των els Tohs άμττίλωναί ττοτισμων τι] ττζμττττ] του 
(ξηί μηνο9 . . . Address οη the verso. Second century. 18 lines. 

968. 39*9 X 13-4 cm. Ends of lines of the will of a woman called Didyme, 
leaving her property to her sons by her former husband Κλάροί and her 
present husband Sarapion, and making provision for her τροφοί Άράσΐί. At 
the end are the signatures of the testatrix and witnesses, one of whom 
is called Έκάτων. Cf. 489-95. Written across the fibres, probably in the 
reign of Trajan or Hadrian. 45 lines, including 3 lines of an endorsement 
upon the verso. 

969. 8•8 X 12-4 cm. An order to an άpχeφobos to summon an accused person, simi- 
lar e. g. to 64-5. The text is ^Apχ(φόbωι. μζτάττ€μψον Άττολλώνιον Ταίου, (ντυ- 
χόντοί Άττολλώνιου Trepi κατασττορά^. Early second century. Complete. 3 lines. 

970. 8•ι χ 8'7 cm. Beginning of an άττογραφη addressed to the comogrammateus 
of Σζρΰφΐί by an inhabitant of Antinoopolis. The text is Κωμογρα(μματ('ι) 
Σίρύφζωί τιάρα Αυρηλίου Πάριδο? του και Ζζυζιανοΰ Nepoutavciov του και Γ^νζαρχζίου 
ά^Iob€b€ιγμ(4voυ) άρχκρίωί Trjs λαμττράί^Αντινοξωνηόλίως bia Αυρηλίου Ώτολίμαίου 
Ί€ρακιαίνη9 άττο IleAa. ά-ηογρά^φομαι) κατά τα κζλ€υσΘ(ζντα) ύττό Αυρηλίου ^Αν- 
τωνίνου του κρα(τίστου) TTpds raty €ττισκ(ζφθ€ίσαΐί ?) [. Αυρ. Άντωνΐνοί is perhaps 
identical with Αυρ. ^Αντίνοοί, vice-praefect in A.D. 215-6 (cf. Cantarelli, 
La serie dei prefetti, p. 66\ unless wpos ταΐ^ €τησκ{4ψζσι), a new title, be read. 
ίτΐΐκρ[ίσ€σι) is unsuitable. Early third century. 1 2 lines. This άττογραφη has 
been glued to another, of which the beginnings of 8 lines are preserved, and 
which on the verso has Χαιρη(μονι) στρα{τηγω) and at right angles ] Σζρύφί^ως). 

971. 14-7 X 7 cm. Account of expenditure on irrigation, of which the text is 
Aoyo(s) άντλ(ήσξωί) Αιονυσίου. Mex^clp) κδ ττοιοΰσι υbpaγω{ybv) kv τ(ω) κλ^ηρω) 
Ιργ{άταΐ5) β όβ(ολοϊ) ι, κ€ β όβ{ολοι) ι, κς• β όβ(ολοι) ι, κζ α όβ[ολοΙ) e, κη 


α.ντλ{ονσι) (ργ^άταις) δ 6β(ολοΐ) λς-, κΘ αντλ{ονσί) καΐ iTapay{ovai) ν^ραγ{ωγον) 
δ ο/3(ολοι) λ^, λ δ δβ(ολοΙ) λ<7-, και ανηλ{ώματο$) kvoLKLOv κηλ{ωνίίον) (cf. Ρ. Tebt. 
Π. 342• ίϋ. 19) οβ{ολοΙ) try,/ όβ{ο\οΙ) ρξα. και Τ€ίμ{ηί) €λαι(ου ?) {bv6βoλot), / 
όβ(ολοΙ) ρξγ, ot (δραχμαΐ) κζ.. Late first or early Second century. Complete. 
10 lines. 

972. 14-9x10 cm. Conclusion of an oath taken by an official upon entering 
ofiice, similar to 82, a fi-agment of an oath by a strategus. The text is 
e]ls [to (V μη]h€vl μξμφθήναι [η] ί[νο]χο[ί ζ]ΐην τω ορκω. καΐ ττ[α]ρ€σχον he ^μαυτοΰ 
Ινγυητην Γάων Ίονλων Άντώνιον τταρόντα και evboKOVvTa. irovs β Αυτοκράτορας 
Καίσα[ρ]θ9 Μάρκου Αυρηλίου Σξουηρου Άλ€^άι;δρου Ευσίβονί Έυτυχοΰί Σίβαστου 
Μίσορη (τταγομ&ων α. Tatos ΐΐονλφίρνωί Ti/3epeiiOS ώμοσα τόν 6[ρ]κον καΐ 
€κτζλ4σω την χρ€ία[ν ώί 77]/30Ketrat. (2nd hand) Γάιο? 'Iou[A]io[s] 'Αντώνιο[ί] 
Ινγνομαι (1. ΐγγυωμαι) αυτόν ίκτξλου(^ν)τα την ^ηΧουμένην χρίαν ώ? ττρόκίται, 
Α. D. 323• ^^ lines. 

973. 8.5 χ 10 cm. Α notice to sitologi, similar to 516, 619-32, and P. Leipzig 
1 1 2-1 1 7, authorizing them to pay 24^ artabae of wheat, beginning Αημητρία 
Άι;δρο/Λάχ(ου) δι(ά) Άπολ(λωνίΌυ) βοηθ(^οΰ} σιτολ^όγοι^) Φοβόου τόπ{ων) γαίρΐΐν. 
διαστ€ίλατ€ κ.τ.λ. The Φοβόου (or Φοκόου) τόποι are clearly identical with the 
Φοβ . μου τόττοι in P. Leipzig 116. 2. After the date, the 9th year of Aurelius 
and Verus (a. d. 168-9), is the signature of a certain Ευτυχής, perhaps 
a σιτολόγος. Nearly complete. 12 lines. 

974. 4'5X9•! cm. An order for the payment of 3 artabae of wheat. The 
text is Π(αρά) Σάρα Αωνυσίω γξωργω χαίρων, hbs Ζωσιμω ιδιω i-nep όψωνίων 
Ίτυροΰ άρτάβας δυο, γί{νονται) ττυρου {άρτάβαι) β. (Ιτου?) δ Μίσορη e σίσημί{ωμαι). 
Third century. Complete. 4 lines. 

975. 1 9-8 χ y•^ cm. Signature to a lease of 2J arourae, in which the lessee 
agrees to pay rent at the rate of 5^ artabae per aroura and acknowledges 
a loan of 28 drachmae to be repaid αμα rfj (e)ju,i) Tpv[y]rj, apart from other 
debts to the lessor. Written in the and year of an emperor who is probably 
Domitian or Trajan. 20 lines. 

976. 1 1-7 X ιι•8 cm. Conclusion of a declaration on oath, containing the date 
(ζτους) <i Αυτοκράτο[ρος) Καίσαρος Αουκί[ου Σεπη]μιου Σζουηρου Ευσζβοΰς Ileprt- 
νακο{ς) Σζβαστοΰ ^Αραβ[ικοϋ] ΆbιaβηvLκoΰ και Μάρκου Αυρη{\ίου) ^Αντωνίνον 
Κ[αί]σάρος ά^τob€bιγμ€vov Αντοκράτορο{ς) *Αθυρ λ (i. e. Nov. 26, Α. D. 197 > cf. 
910. introd.), and the signatures of Άντζΐς Σαραττατος, who makes the 
declaration, and of a collector of corn-dues as γνωστηρ (Παυλζΐνος ττρά{κτωρ) 
σι{τικων) . . . . λ( ) δι(ά) Διονυσίου βοη{θου) γνωρίζω) ; cf. 496. 16, note. 
14 lines. 

977. 18-7 χ 7*2 cm. Conclusion of a document relating to a payment of 800 


drachmae for the <^opos of an άσχόλημα (the collection of a tax ?), containing 
only the date and signatures. Lines 4-19 (hovs) β Αυτοκρατόρων Καισάρων 
Ταίου Ονίβίου Ύρββωνιανοΰ Γάλλου και ΓαιΌυ Ονιβίον Άφινίον Γάλλου Ουβλδου- 
μίανοΰ Ουολονσιανοΰ Ευσεβών Ευτυχών Σεβαστών Μβχειρ ι. Αυρη{λω^) Σαρα-ηίων 
6 κ(αι) ΆτΓ^Γ? βονλ{€υτψ) δι' ({μου) Αυρη{λίου) Αωσκόρον και ώί χ{ρηματίζω) 
άι:οσυστα(θξΐ9) διεττο^ισα φόρου του τΐροκ^ίΐμ^νου) ασχολΎΐ{ματοί) τα^ 'προκ{€ΐμ4να5) 
bpaχ{μάs) οκτακοσίαί, / {bpaχμal) ω, ώ? 7Γ/)ο'κ(€ΐται). (2nd hand) Αυρήλιοί 
Αωνύσιοί 6 και 'Αφροδίσιο? γυ{μνασίαρχο5) βουλ{ζυτψ) σζση{μίίωμαι) τasbpaχμas 
όκτακοσίαί, / (δραχμαι) ω, followed by a similar signature by an exegetes. 
A. D. 253. 21 lines. 

978. 4-6 X 7'5 cm. Beginning of a list of articles of furniture. The text is 
Κίρλάρια (1. κβλλάρια?), δίφρο? (sic) β, λίβανοθήκη, οσοτττρον (1. ίσοτιτρον), τνλ[η\, 
κ . [. Third century. 6 lines. 

979. 7*4 χ 4-2 cm. Fragment of an account of payments in artabae from the 
villages of Σ^νΙ-πτα, Σκώ, Σ6ΐ'€Κ€λ(€υ), and ^ονίμ{ου). Second or third century. 
6 lines, the ends of which are lost. 

980. 14-9 X 7-8 cm. On the recto parts of 14 lines from a list of abstracts of 
contracts (?), the last 8 lines referring to a purchase of land. Early third 
century. On the verso is a short list of payments for the purchase of 
houses, of which the text is Κορνήλιο? ΐίοικιλτψ τιμψ οικία? iv TriVrei ι? 
ήν τιμψ (δραχμαι) 'Β, "Apeios οπωρο'Π•ώλ77[?] τιμηί οικία? (δραχμαι) φ, Αημέα^ 
κλτ}( ) οικ(ία?) (δραχμαι) 'Δ. ω (1. ό ?) μ€ίζω{ν ?) ί(ΤΥΐμ(ΐ{ώσατο ?). Third century. 
Complete. 7 lines. 

981. 9 χ 9-5 cm. Extract from the (φημ^ρίζ of Apion similar to 917 and 982. 
The text is 'E^ iφη{μ€pLboή Άττίωι/ο? '7Γρά(κτορο?) αργ{υρίκων) Σ€ντω{λ€νω) 
Ι'π-αρο(υρίου) του €νζσ{τωτοή δ {ζτου^) (δραχμαι) σν (δυο^ολοι), ττηχ{ίσμου) Trepi- 
στ{€ρ(άνων) του α(υτου) δ (Ιτου?) (δραχμαι) μζ (ό/3ολό?) χ{αλΐίθΐ) β, γ{ίνονται) κ.τ.λ. 
Cf. 917. introd. Late second or early third century. Complete. 6 lines. 

982. 6-5 X 6-5 cm. Fragment of a similar memorandum of Apion, written 
in the 3rd year, the ends of lines being lost. Cf. 917. introd. 4 lines. 

983. 24-5 X 1 8-7 cm. Report, similar to 896. ii, addressed to Valerius Ammo- 
nianus, logistes, by two δτ^μοσιοι ιατροί, of whom the second is named Άττίων 
Ήpobότoυ, concerning the injuries received by a certain Μουει?. The papyrus 
is numbered 106 in the series of which 53 is no. 105 and 896 nos. 127-8 ; cf. 
53 and 896. introd. Dated in the consulship of Sabinus and Rufinus (a. d. 
316). Incomplete. 16 lines. 

984. Height 18 cm. The verso of this mutilated papyrus contains the Paeans 
of Pindar (841). On the recto of sections A-C is a census-list of persons 
with their ages, parentage, abode, &c., e. g. Yiav^ovii^i) άπ€λ(€υ^€ρο?) Άττολ- 



λώνίας (ξ άιτογρα{φη$) α{υτον) οΙκών ev Up&i "Apms θ(ον μβγίστον ye/)6(tos) 
αστ/(,αο9) {ha>v) μ€, Ύανονρΐί γ{ννη) αυτοΰ (hciv) λ, Θαησιν Θνγ{ατ4ρα) (ίτών) ς-, 
Σζντταν€σν4{α) αλλην (hovs) α Σ(ντταραΐΘ{ίή άλλη μη{τροή Ύατναγοντο{$) , δι rjs 
καΐ €bηλ{ώΘ^]) Π€ταρ'ποχρα{τίωνα) νΐόν αυτο{ΰ) άττογβγρα{μμ4νον) τώι γ (Iret) Τίτου 
θζον (irovs) α τίτΐλ^ντηκίναι. Ήρακληί Πτολ{€μαίον) του Ήρακλήο{υ) μητρο{ή 
Σξνφώιτο{9) 7ΐ{ρ€σβντίραί?) Αύκο{ν) άφηλ{ιξ) αϊτό γ{νμνασίον) (ξ ά-ηογρα{φη9) 
Εύδ(αιμοΐΌ?) Ανκον τον "Ω.ρον φροντιστου οίκων iv μ4ρ€ί [ημίσζΐ) οΙκίας Σ^νοννώ- 
(φρξωί) Ήρακληον μίλ{ίχρωή {(τών) ι[.]. Other entries of interest are (ι) Όι;ι;ώ- 
(φρίί) Όρσζύτον του Ανκόφρο{νοί) μητρο{5) 'AypeVio(s) Φατρ4[ω9 e]£ άπογρα{φηή 
α{υτοΰ) άττο γ{νμνασίον) οίκων kv μάνΙ{ρα) Ήρακληον Ί4ρακο^ (h&v) μ, (ζ) Σισνφα 
Σι[σ]ύφ{ω5) του Όφιε'ω? μη{τρο$) Tepeiros (ξ άιτογρα{φή$) α{ντον) 'πασ{τοφ6ρος) 
Ά7Γ[ο]λλωι;ο5 θ(οΰ μ€γίσ{τον) οίκων h τταστοφορίω του αντο{ΰ) Upo{v) {(τών) ξ, 
(3) 'Upai Ήρaκλ€ob{ώpov) το{ν) Ήpaκλ€ob{ωpov) μη{τρο^) Άττολλωνία[ί] ττροξξνου 
βονλ[€]ντων (a phrase which recurs in another fragment . . . (ξ ά'πογρα{φψ) 
α{ντου) ■7rpo^eyo(? ?) βονλ{ζντων) οίκων kv . . .). The following rare names occur : 
Φώΐ9, Xe^ez^eCs, Σενχβμε^ευ^, Tepexa( ) (fem.), Ύ^υφωυ^ (fem.), Ίαανουφι^ (fem.), 
Θαρίων ΑΙσχνρατο$, Σξνύφΐί (fem.), "^avris, Teaiv/^is (fem.), Θάλλουσα, Ποΰι;σι?, 
Παανοϋφΐί, Πατ^/3ΐ9, Άτήρίί, Σαρττοκρατί^ (fem.), Σφραγίς (fem.), Τοώι;σΐ5 (fem.), 
Ψιραίθηζ, ^evTOvs, Άρουσώυ, ΐΐανφωΐί, Ταυφώι? (fem.); Άβαβΐκι{5 ?), Σζντιτόλλα 
(fem.), Σ4ντρ[ι]ς (fem.), Ταψωβάΐί (fem.), Τα7Γη'χι(ϊ) (fem.), ΤαφΓ/3ΐ5 (fem.), 
Φιλοστίφ{ανο9), ΆστΓίδα?, Παρ€χάτη$, Πετουφώΐί. The locality is apparently 
Oxyrhynchus, the αμφο^ον Κρ[77]7Γ(Γδο?) being mentioned ; cf. 714. 1 1 Νότου 
Κρτ]7ΓΪδο5. Written after the reign of Titus, probably in that of Domitian. 
On the recto of section D in a different hand (cf. Part V. p. 13) are parts of 
a few lines from a land-survey, mentioning various κλήροι, a { = νρότ€ρον) 
κάτοι{κο5) precedes some of the personal names. 
985. Height 37-1 cm. The verso of this papyrus contains the fragments of 
Euripides' Hypsipyle (852). On the recto is a private account of receipts 
and expenditure written in the second half of the first century in a large 
cursive hand. Only one column has complete lines, e. g. 11. 6 sqq. : [t]a. 
λημμα{το^) ^^ρματο'ί οίνοττρά{τον) άπο τιμηί οϊνον γξνη{ματο5) η (eTOVs) ds σ{νμ- 
τιληρωσιν) (δραχμών) Τξη μ€τα τα{$) €ττά{νω) {bpaχμάί) 'Βφ^τ? κατά μέρος {bpaχμal) 
ρ. φ. άνηλωμα{τοί) Φαύστω άντλονντί μηχα{νην) μηνο$ Σ€βα{στον) δ e <Γ ημ€{ρων) 
γ ωί το(υ) μη{νος) {bpaχμωv) κ αί σνναγό{μ€ναί) {bpaχμal) β. €ργάτηί τηρονντί τον 
όΐνον τον h ηλια{στηρίω) Μουχινωρ (an Oxyrhynchite village ; cf. 491. 3) 
(δραχμαΐ) δ. . . . ιγ. Σαραττίωνι Β6λλ[εω] (so in another fragment) αμτΓζλο{νργω) 
δι(ά) Π€Τ€σ(ουχου) {bpaχμai) κ, L α•ημα{ίνξί) ό Σαρα{ι:ίων) άνηλω{θηναι) €ργά(ταις) 
δυσι σκάπτοιη•(ι) χούι; και €'7Γΐτι^ο(ί)ντι) (sic) toIs ovois els τό άττηλιωτίκόν χώμα τον 
χωρίον εωί κδ ημςρων ια epy(aTai?) κβ &να (τίτρώβολον) ο/3ο(λοι) τττ; at (1. 0Ι) 


(δ/οαχμαι) φ (τζτρώβολον), ων δο(^6Ϊσαι) α{ντω) ctti λόγ(ου) (δραχμαΐ) η. ις- 
Ήρακλατι μ-ηγα{ναρίΐύ) 1(Γά(γοντι ?) ^rj(i'os) 2)€;8α(στοί5) ζ έ'ω? κ (δραχμαι) r;. In 
another fragment a series of figures is summed up / els το α{υτό) (δραχμαΐ) 
'Γχβ (τρίώβολον), ων (ττάνωι άν€ΐλ(ημμ4ναί) (cf. 899. ^y, note) iv τω τοΰ η (cTOVi) 
\όγ(ω) (δραχμαΐ) 'Β, κα(ταλ€ί'!τονται) (δραχμαΐ) Άχ;8 (τρίώβολον). 
986. Height 20-5 cm. The verso of this papyrus contains the commentary on 
Thucydides (853). On the recto are three distinct documents which have 
been joined together to form a roll of sufficient length ; cf. p. 107. The 
first of these, which is on the recto of Cols, xix-xiv of the commentary, is 
part of a list of house-property apparently in the hands of ονσιακοί μισθωταί, 
probably at the Arsinoite village of Oxyrhyncha, in the i6th year of Hadrian 
(see below). Col. i (on the recto of section H) is a mere fragment and 
Col. ii has only ends of lines ; but Col. iii is well preserved, and contains the 

following three entries (11. 4-25) ''^^ αντου Ζ //epos \f/eL\ov τό'η{ον) άν[ ] 

μην[ ] . ρωΐ t/xiVei (sic) ψιλοΰ τόττον ιδιω( ) [. . .]αμο . . [. οΙκία] καϊ ανλη 

8ηλ(ωθ€Ϊσα) 6ΐηκ6κρατ^σ0αι ττρό τ?/? άναλγιμψ^ω^ νττό ΐΙζΤζσούχου ^Αμμωνα τοΰ Πασ- 
τωοντοί άττο της κώμ{ψ) e$ ου ττ€ρίγ€γον4{ναι) άττό Ινυικίων {bpaχμas) ιβ. yiroves 
της ωληί (sic) oiKtas και avXfjs νότου τίκνων "Ηρωνο? τοί; Ζηνωνο[ί οι]κία, βορρά 
ρύμη βασιλ[ίκη), λιβο5 'Άρμίύσ•€ω(ί) ΥΙάτρωνοί δια κ[λη]ρονόμων οικία, άτιηλ(ίώτου) 
taobos και έ'^οδο?. τοΰ αυτοΰ γ' μ[4ρο]ς οικία? και αίθρίου ζτιικρατηΘ\ν νπο τοΰ 
αυτόν ([ζ ο]υ (bηλ{ώΘη) le (erei) 7rept[ye]yoye(rai) (δραχμά?) δ. γίτον^ς των όλων κ.τ.λ. 
Αμμωνίου ^ Α[μμ]ωνίον τοΰ καϊ 'FυbLωvos γ€ναμίν[ου] ουσιακοΰ [μισθ]ωτοΰ και ξνοφ^ι- 
λίσαντος ey τ .[...] Ζ μίρος b' /u[epoL's] οικία? και αυλής, γίτον^ς τψ ολ(ηί) οικία? 
και α[ύλ7/?] νότου και άττηλ{ιωτου) ρύμη βασίλ(ίκη), λιβός Που)/ρ6ω5 [οικία,] βορρά 
ίΤ€ρων οι[κ]ί(α), ου το irepiyevap^evov) συν τοις σιτι[κοΓ?] ίττάρχουσει τοΰ 'Αμμωνίου 
€πάι;ωβ6 ωρισται. In the margin against the beginning of each of these 
entries is κόλ(λημα) (\ζ. Col. iv is less complete ; 11. 4-7 τοΰ α[υτο]ΰ ψιλ[6ς] 
TOTTos άττό [μ](ρονς α.νοικο^ομημ€νος από σνν[. . .] -πλίνθου (or ζ ττλίνθου) ου μ4τρα 
νότον CTTi βορρά ττήχ^ζΐς) μ, λιβός Ιπ' άτΓηλ{ιώτην) τ[οΰ] ιτρος νότον μέρους ττηχ(€ίς) 
ίθΔ, Ικ δ€ τοί; 7Γ/)05 βορρά τ:ηχ{ΐΐς) ιβΔ, [1]^ υυ μηb€v ττζριγίν€σθ{αι). The next 
entry mentions τί) γ€ναμ{4νΐ)) τω ιγ (erei) eTreXeiio-ei [τ]ώι; ονσιακων, and that 
following begins Φανίου Ώ€Τ€σορφιώμίως τοΰ Φανίου. In Col. ν, which is in 
the same hand as Cols, i-iv and is on the recto of Col. xiii of the com- 
mentary, begins a return of irpoaobiKa €bάφη (i. e. confiscated land) at 

Oxyrhyncha supplied by the comogrammateus. Lines 1-5 [παρά ]y 

"Ηρωνος κωμογρ{αμματ€ως) Όζνρύγ)(^{ων) [ τ]ωι> ΰπό [τ]οΰ της μ€ρίδο{ς) 

βασιλ(ικοΰ) γρα{μματ€ως) Ώτολζμάίο{ν) eis [^ττίσκ^ψιν] μ€τaboθξvτ{ωv) προσοδικώι; 
ibaφωv τοΰ ις- {^τονς) [Αυτοκράτορας Κ]αίσαρος Ύραιανοΰ 'Abpιavoΰ "Σζβαστοΰ (Α. D. 
1 31-2). €ΐναι bi' followed by a survey-list of holdings with rents, yeiroves, 

Υ 2 


&c., which is continued in the fragmentary Cols, vi-viii. Col. viii has been 
cut down the middle and joined to another document in a different hand 
(Col. ix), the line of junction corresponding to the margin between Cols, viii 
and vii of the verso. This is a return by σιτολόγοι y το•κ{αρχία'$) to an official 
of the Πολίμωνοζ /xepi?, probably the basilicogrammateus, and mentions 
βασ\ιλ[ίΚΊ]ν) γην (ττυρου) φογη 7Γροσο[δ(ου) [apovpai) ?] λδ (ττυροΰ) [. . . Αίο]νυσο- 
8ωριανηί ουσίας (ττυροΰ) €γ'η, but is too much damaged to be intelligible. 
Cols, x-xv, corresponding to Cols, vi-i of the commentary, belong to 
an account of seed-corn issued at the rate of i artaba per aroura to 
various cultivators of Crown land, the rent of the holdings being described in 
detail. Col. xi is well preserved, but the others are more or less broken. 
The formula is the same throughout ; e.g. xi. 7-15 Μνσθα,ί Ήρακληο{ν) τον 
Αζίου του 'Οννω{φρως) και Aeios Αίον του Όννώ(φριοί) (άρουραι) y^'il'Lt^-'^'b', 
3)V α{να) {τΐυροΰ) ^Δίβ'μ (αρουραι) βb'ηL•ίf', κα\ ά{νά) (ττυροΰ) bΔκμ (αρονρα) 
α, (ττυροΰ) γγ'η. Ά)/χοριμφ(ι)ο(9) 'Οννωφρι,ο(ς) τοΰ Δειου (άρουραι) iLh' , ων ά(νά) 
(ττυροΰ) ΙΔιβ'μ' (αρουραι) βΔ, καΐ ά(νά) (ττυροΰ) δΖδ'.'.' (αρούραί) b'i{ , και 
α(να) (ττυροΰ) δΖ (αρούρας) Δίΐ^'λ'β', καΐ ά(νά) (πυρυΰ) δι'ς•' /^(^ΐ- i-'eo'e (άρουραι) 
β, καΐ ά(νά) (πυροΰ) by' καΐ t'e'o'e' (αρουραι) {(αρουραι)} γη'ι<τ'^'β\ «αι ά(νά) 
(ττυροΰ) hΔκ'b'μ' (άρουραι) β ι tf', (ττυροΰ) ιΔb' . 31-6 Πενεου^ρι? '^Υ{ρακληο(υ) τοΰ 
Υ\ζνζουτΐριο(ς) και rT€i'e[o]v^(pi9) ττρ€σβ(ύτ(ρος) ΑζίουτοΰΌννώφριο(ς) και Ήρακλτ}? 
Ηρακλ?;ο(υ) τοΰ ΓΓ€ζ^6ουϊ/(ριο?) οι γ (άρουραι) ^ηΐ -Wi'b', ων ά(νά) (ττυροΰ) ee' και 
ι cO'e' (άρουραι) yij'iV'^'^', και &(νά) (ττυροΰ) bΔb' μ' (άρούρας) Δ)^ β' , καΙ 
ο.(νά) (ττυροΰ) δΖδ'ο'β' (άρουραι) β, και ό.(νά) (ττυροΰ) δδ' (άρούρας) b'r|ί(^'k'β\ 
(ττυροΰ) 9 ς-' κ' δ'. The fractions ^^, ^, -^^, -^^, and ψζ of an artaba are 
unusual; cf. Θ18. introd. and P. Tebt. 341. 

987. 7*7 X 9"4 cm. A piece of vellum with the name "Αττα Βίκτωρ in uncials 
enclosed in an ornamental border, and below in different ink ]. χρ. Fifth 
or sixth century. 

988. 15 X ι8•4 cm. On the recto is the conclusion of two copies of a χαρόγραφον 
concerning a loan of corn, the first copy having lost the beginnings of lines. 
Col. ii. I-IO ατΓοδώσω δ^ σοι τά ττροκίίμ^να κζφάλαια συν rois συναχθησομ4νοΐί 
διάφοροι? τω Flawi μηνι τοΰ ίνίστωτος τ(τάρτου erov? εφ' αλω Ίσιου Ώαγγα via 
καθαρά aboXa άβωλα κίκοσκιν^υμίνα, τον μ\ν ττυρόν και άκρ^ιθον ώ? ci? το bημόσιov 
μ€τρονμζνον, την be κριθην καλώς ττξττατημίνην χωρίί bίσηs και άθίροί, ττάντα μ4τρω 
τω ττροκζΐμένω κ.τ.λ. Dated in the 4th year of Severus Alexander, Athur 30 
(a. D. 224). On the verso is a memorandum concerning the sale of unpro- 
ductive land, of which the text is 'Εγλτ}μ(φθ€ν ?) €Κ γραφής ΰηολόγου ιη (^τους) 
Κομο'δου Ίσζίον Ώαγγα Άρχζττόλώος κλήρου μζθ( ) και των συνχωρουμίνων (is 
Ίτρασιν ουκ έλασσον διπλ^? τιρ.?)? μ(θ( ) άμμου κατ€ζ(υσμ€νου) (άρονρών) δ, ye^r(oj;(s) 


νότ{ον) βα{σιλι,κη ?) δια Άριστάι;δ(ρου) Ζηνωνο5 καΐ άλλοθι; κακοφνψ, βορρά Σαρα- 
τΓΐάδο? Ήρώδου νυνί Ήρώδου Διονυσίου, απτίλιώτ[ου] η μζγ[ά]λη διώρυ^, λφ{η) η 
kTipa ^ώρυξ, χ^ρσάμμον (άρουρων) ζ, ydT{ov€s) 7:άντοθ{€ν) [Σα]ρα7:ιάδ(θ5) Ήρώδου 
ννρϊ 'Ηρώδ[ου] Διονυσίου. Third century, soon after A.D. 234. 

989. 24 X 10-8 cm. A list of persons and €ργαστηρια at different villages, sent 
apparently to some official with a view to the exaction of a contribution from 
them. The text is . . . Πασίων χαλκ^ύί. kv εποικίω Πτολε/Λα ^ργαστηριον, 
καΧ kv κώμχι Ίψ kpyaoTrlpiov] 'Αμμωνίου συν TOis vl[ois] και Evayyikov χαλκ[€ω?.] 
και h εποικίω Ύααμ[τ:ψου] (ργαστήρων. και L• κώμτ] "Ω,φι ίργαστηρων. και h 
τω Ήρακλ€ίω ^ποικίω ^ργαστήρων, καταμίνι 1\ h εττοικίω ΣινηΙκλτί] κσλουμ[φω. 
και h κ[ώ/Λ]ί] Σ€/)υφ6ΐ Φενα/Λουνίί υί05 Διοσκορου. και h κώμτ} Πανευει Παγωνίί. 
και iv Θώσβι Σαλόνι?, και L• Χυσι ανω Ίβοζΐί. και Ίσίου Ύρύφωνοί Π4νβα. 
και h κωμτι Άδεύ 'Αμμώνιου, άξωνμ^ν tovtovs σνντζλάν συν ημ€Ϊν. Late third 
or fourth century. Incomplete, the beginning being lost. 26 lines. 

990. 9-5 X 25-3 cm. Beginning of a will of a woman. The text is Ύττατίία? 
'Ιουνίου Βάσσου και Φλαουίου Άβλαβων των λαμττροτάτων k -πάρχων Μεσορτ) κη L• 
τη λαμ-ηρα καΐ λαμττροτάττι Όξνρνγχ€ΐτ[ών] ττόλει. Αΰρηλία Άϊα? θυγάτηρ Άγα[θ]οΰ 

Δαί/χονο? Κίκιλίου &pi{avTOs) γζνομ[4νον ] t^s λαμτ:{ραί) καΐ λαμ%{ροτάτη$) 

Όξυρνγχζ^ων ττολεωδ robe το βούλη[μα ] (ττοίησα νοονσα και φρονούσα ^εττινο- 

σα)5 έχουσα γραφί^ν ?....] Έ[λ]λ7]νικοί5 γράμμασίν κατά τα συνκζχωρημένα ύττ[. . ., 
followed by parts of two more lines. For the formula cf. 907. A. D. 331. 8 lines. 

991. 8.3x11 cm. Beginning of a petition (?) addressed to a police official 
called ^ηότττη? ύρηνψ. The text is 'Τττατεία? 'Αντωνίου Μαρκελλίνου και 
Π€τρωνίου Προ^ίνου των λαμ{ττροτάτων) (cf. Ρ. Cairo 10690) Φαρμοΰβι ι.^ Φλανίω 
Διοσκο'ρω ^τγοτγττ] Ιρψης Όξνρνγχίτου τταρά Αύρηλία? Ταα^Λ/χωνίου Σapa^τίωvos άτιό 
κώμη9 Σίρύφζωί γ ο {sic, not 7Γ(άγου)) του αντον νομοΰ ... Α. D. 34Ι• 9 1^"^^.^ 

992. 8-6 χ ι6•ι cm. Order for the payment of a jar of wine. The text is 
'Ιουλιανοί Δωρο^εω. τταρασχοΰ Μαρία γυνή (sic) Πεκολαρίω (1. -ου) οϊνο^ δι(πλοί}ν) 
α €V λοχίαΐ5 αίτψ\ σζσημ{άωμαι) οίνου διττλουν α. (έ'του?) τιθ μη (1. νη) Φαρμοΰθι 
κ/3. Α. D. 4ΐ3• Written across the fibres. Complete. 6 lines. 

993. 'o-g X 7-3 cm. Order issued by a church for the payment of two jars 
of wine to a plasterer on the occasion of a feast. The text is + Ή αγία 
ίκ(κ)λ(ι?σία) Άνουθίω δι(ακόνω ?) οΙκ{ονόμω}) του αγίου Γαβριήλ. 7Γαρασχ(οΰ) τό> 
κονιαττ} ύ7Γ(έρ) TTjs ίορτ{ηή του Ύΰβι β Σνδ(ικτίονο5) οϊν(ου) δι(7;λa) β δυ'ο μ{όνα), 
followed by flourishes. Sixth century. Complete. 5 lines. 

994. 30-5x8 cm. Order for the payment of 12 artabae of corn to a monk. 
The text is +Φοφά[μμ]ων KoV(es) και Σαμουήλ 'η€ρίβλ{€τττοή. τταρασχου 
Ίου'στω μονά^οντι) λο'γίου) όψωνίον KaTh. σνν/ιθ{ααν) καΐ έττΐ τψ ^varrjs Σνδικτίονο? 
σίτ(ου) καγκ^λλω άpτάβas δώδεκα, γί(νοιται) σίΓ(ου) καν(κ€'λλφ) {άρτάβαι) φ 


μό{ναι). (eVoDs) po<7 ρμς Θωθ . . Μίκ{τίονο5) Θ. + Α. D. 499• -^ difficulty arises, 
as often, in the figure of the indiction, which should be the 8th not the 9th. 
Written across the fibres. Complete. 4 lines. 

995. 31x11 cm. An illiterate receipt for a solidus and three κόμτα. The 
text is γ^μ,γ + Κνρί{ω) μου άδ€λφ(ω) Βαριχα Φοιβάμμων χ€ρ{ίστηί). Ιχω rrjs σηί 
apeTrjs inrep τον κυρίου μ[ον] Ιωάννου χρίσου νομιματιαν eya, yi{yiTai) ν[ο{μισμάτιον)\ 
α μόνον. Meao/)T) ια Θ Ivh^iKTiovos) o.pxfj, te ό/Αθΐ'(ωί) καΐ κόμτα ( = coniia}) τρία 
μόνα, χρυσίον νομ{ισμάτιον ?). Written across the fibres, in the fifth century. 
Complete. 4 lines. 

996. 17-1 X 29-4 cm. Deed whereby two yewpyot become surety to the heirs of 
Flavius Apion that two other γεωργοί, Praous and Georgius, would remain on 
the estate belonging to the heirs, the formula being practically identical with 
that of 135, beginning Βασιλεία? του θειοτάτου καΐ ζυσεβζστάτον ημών 5ea7r[o|rou 
μ€γίσ[του ejvepyeroD Φλαο[νίου] Ύφζρίου Μαυ/)ΐ[/(ΐ]ου του αιωνίο\υ\ Αυγούστου καΧ 
Αυτοκράτορο^ ^του$ γ, viraTeias του αντοΰ ζυσίβ^ζστάτου) ημών δ€σπ(θΓου) erovs α 
^Αθυρ κδ lvb{tKTiovos) τρίτης (Α. D. 5^4)• τοΓ? υττερφυ^στάτοΐί διάδοχου . , . 
Άνήσιοί ττρξσβύτεροί υίό? ^Ανονττ μητρός Τά/37 /s καΐ Αυρήλιου ^Ανουττ φρονηστηί 
vlos Άνησίου ίτ4ρου μητρόί Ύαττάνηί ορμώμενοι από εττοίκίου μεγάλου Μούχεως και 
Τεώργιοί υιό? '\ωάννου από εττοικίου Εύτυχιάδο? . . . δμολογοΰμεν εκούσια γνώμτβ 
κ.τ.λ. Nearly complete, only the last few lines, which corresponded to 135. 
38-31, being missing. Title on the verso. ;ji lines. 

997. 15-1 X 9-2 cm. An account relating to various Oxyrhynchite villages, 
perhaps a list of fines for arrears of taxes. The text is [? 'Ύ'7τ]ερ ι ( = Ιεκάτη^ ?) 
■παρολκων (cf P. Amh. 126. 20 ντ:(ερ) ν'περχρονί{α$)). Νε[(λ]ου (■ποικ{ίου) κε, 
Ύανά^ωί κε, ΥΙετνη κ, Τακολκιλεω? ι, Te^eet t, Σεφω λ, Ta^Treirei λε, 'ϊεμη i<j•, and on 
the verso in a different hand Νείλου ετΐοικ{ιον) [.,] Ύανάεω$ δ. Fourth century. 
Practically complete. 11 lines. 

998. 32 X 45 cm. Account of allowances (?) to inhabitants of various Oxyrhyn- 
chite villages, beginning [Γΐ']ώσ(ΐ5) tt/s τταραχωρησ^εω^) του bεσ'πό{τov) ημών τοΰ 
κνρον οϋτω5' τοις άττο Παλώσεω? Άλεξ{ανζρεία9) νο{μισμάτία) ογ κερ{άτια) δ, 
[τ]οΐί αϊτό Ευαγγελείου καΐ Ύίλλωνοί σί{του) ά(ρτάβαή σ και ' Αλεξ{ανδρεία5) 
νο{μισμάτία) ις-. The Other payments are made to [rjois άπό Νεκώνθεωί ν{ιτ^ρ) 
άποτάκτ{ων) χοψ{ίων), [rjois από Ύαμττετι, Σεφώ, Πακερκη, Μεσκανοννεωί, Σκέλου5, 
Ύερνθεω^ καΐ Θεαγένου^ καΐ 'Νικητου, Μελίτα, 'Νήσου Ααχανίαί, Θαήσιοί, Ilayyou- 
λεείου, Νήσου Aευκabίov, Αουκίου, Ύαρουσεβτ, Ύαρουθίνου, Ύακόνα, Όστρακίνου, 

Ιβίωνοί, Στεφανίωνο5. The total is given in a second column, γί{νονται) 
σί{του) (άρτάβαί) ^ατπ<Γ καΐ 'Άλεi{avbpείas) νο(μισμάτια) τκ κερ{άτια) δ. Late 
sixth century. Practically complete. 24 lines. The papyrus was briefly 
described as 191. 


999. 34 X 37.3 cm. Account of receipts and expenditure on one of the estates 
of FJavius Apion the younger (cf. 138. 5)• Lines 1-5 Φλαουίω ΆτΓίωι;^ τω 
ΐΓαι;6υφ(7^μ(ρ) καΧ ύτ7€ρφν{€στάτω) άιτό ίιτάτω[ν 6ρ5ιναρί]ω{ν) γ^ονχοννη (καΙ) hraveia) 
ττ; λαμπρά 'Οξνργχαων 77oXei. λόγο{ή λ[ημμά{των)] καΐ L•aλωμά{τωv) γ€ν[ο]μί{νων) 
bi Ιμου Στεφάνου 'ηρο{νοητον) Παγγονλξάου συν το{ΐή aAX(ois) μ€ρ{€σί) {κα\) 
Μα[ρ]γαρίτον καΐ Άμβιοντο5 και Μαωνμα καΐ &λλ{ων) ^ξωτικ{ών) τόττων {καϊ) Ηΐ 
rijs € ivbiiKTbvos) (hovs) α(]γ (καΙ) σξβ (Α. D. olo-j). λημμ{ατα) oϋ{rωsy 
7Γ(αρά) κληρ{ονόμων) ' A■rτφoΰτos 'Επιμάχου άπό κτήμ{α)τ{οί) Παγγονλ^^ου σίτου 
κ(αγκ6'λλω) {άρτάβαή ve (καΙ) νο{μισμάτια) σ(] . . ., followed by similar entries, 
one of which is τι{αρά) του κοινού των γβωργών υ{•π€ρ) i5t(as) γψ. The names 
Σ,ναμοΰν and Ύαττητάρ{ω, ?) occur. Title on the verso. One nearly complete 
column, probably followed by another which is lost. 33 lines in all. The 
papyrus was briefly described as 196. 

1000. 6'S X 26-8 cm. Receipt similar to 915 for 4 λίτραι of tin, provided by 
Apollos, μολυβουργό^, ds l•iόpΘωσ{ιv) του λ4βυτο^ (1. λύβητο^) του γ€ουχικ{οΰ) 
μακ€λλαρ{ίου). Written across the fibres, about A. D. 572. Cf. 915. introd. 
Nearly complete. 3 lines. 

1001. 8-3 X 31.3 cm. A similar receipt for 6 λίτραι of tin and 4 of lead 
provided by Apollos Τ^ωργίω γαστρισι{ ) (? = καστρισίω, castrensi) ds μ6τοσι{ν)^ 
(cf. P. Brit. Mus. III. II77. 395 μοτώματο?) των μαγ€ΐρΐκ{ών) [σ]κ€[υ]ώ[ν] του 
beσ'Iτ{ότoυ) ημών του κύρον. Written across the fibres, about A. D. 573. 
Nearly complete. 3 lines. 

1002. 5-8 X 31-5 cm. A similar receipt for 8 λίτραι of lead and some tin 
provided by Apollos eis bιόpθ{ωσιv) του σωληv{os) λξγομ{4νου) Σαβητ{ ) του 
λουτρ{οΰ) TTJs μ^γάκΜ ohiias) ds ^7ΐιβουλ[. Written across the fibres, 
about A. D. 573. Incomplete. 3 lines. 

1003. 6-5 X 30-3 cm. A similar receipt for 8 λίτραι of lead and 4 of tin 
provided by Apollos ds bιόpθωσ{ιv) των χαλκίων του κτημ{ατοί) Μεσκα- 
2;οΰι;€ω9. Written across the fibres, about A. D. 573. Nearly complete, 
3 lines. 

1004. 34-3 XI 7-3 cm. Arabic papyrus containing on the recto 34 lines, 
of which the ends are missing, and on the verso a complete letter (?) of 
9 lines in a large hand. Seventh or eighth century. 

1005. 18.9x33-1 cm. Arabic papyrus containing on the recto 8 complete 
lines with part of one line at right angles, and on the verso the last 10 lines 
of another document with part of one line at right angles. Seventh or 
eighth century. 

1006. 15-6 X 7-7 cm. A complete Arabic document of 13 lines, written on 
paper in the mediaeval period. 



(a) 852 (Euripides, Hypsipyle). 
{Numbers in thick type refer to fragments) 

dya^oy 60. 1 1 5- 

αψιν 1. i. 7, iv. I ; 20-1. i6; 
60. 2o; 64. 68, 86, 93, 


ayKokt) 32. 5, 9; 60. 10. 

ayyos 60. 33, 61. 

aypias 60. 5"• 

αγρός 1. iv. I^• 

άγχίάΚο! 1. 11. 2 6. 

α7ω[ 19. 2. 

αγώι/ 60. I02. 

αδίΐι/ 1. ii. 21. 

άδ/σποτοΓ 1, 1. II. 

"Adpaaros 1. ϋ. 34 > 8-9. 14 ; 

60. 8ο. 
άύ 1. η. 2θ ; 2. 8 ; 60. 99• 

aeiptiv 1. ii. 39• 
Άζηλοί 61. 2 (?). 
d^p 57. 2 2. 

Άθλιος 64. 99• 

αθνρμα 1, 1. 2. 

αιαΐ 64. 7 2* 

Atyatos 1. ϋ. 27 ; 64. 103• 

Αίγινα 1. ϊϋ. 7• 

α(^)7Ρ ^7. 9• 

αίρ^ν 1. iv. 27 (eupe^eis Pap.). 

αισχρίίί 60. ι6, 41 ; 66• 6. 

αϊσχννίσθαι 60. 5^• 

οΖτί'α 60. 1 6. 

άκοντίζίΐν 60. 72• 

άκούίΐν 60. 47> 5^• 

ακτή 64. 8ο, 104. 

αλι^τβυΓ 8-9. 3• 
άΚκη 20-1. 6. 

αλλά 2. 9; 10.4; 20-1. 13; 

60. 33» 99; 64. 90. 

αλλαγή 69. 5• 

ίίλλος 1. iv. 35. V. 33 ; 60. 

II, 48. 
άλμη 60. Ι3• 
άλσος 1. iv. ΙΟ, 14 ; 60. 

apapravfiv 60. 48' 

αμύβίΐν 1. ίϋ. 3° ; 8-9. 7 ; 

60. 7• 

άμο; 59. 2. 

ά)αφί 60. 74• 

'Αμφιάραος 1. iv. 1 5, 29 ; 64. 

63. Άμφιάρ€ως 1. iv. 42 j 

60. 25 ; 63. 6. 
^Αμφιόριος 1. ϋ. 33• 

ά/χφίί 1. iii. 30• 

αν 1. iv. 6, 9, 29; 57. 17; 

60. 19, 52; β1• II ; 62. 

4. = fav 1. iii. 32 ; ""»' 

22. 7• =^ "^" ^• "• ^9' 

iv. 14• 
ανά 57. 9 ; 64. 58. 5»/ 1. ϋ. 

29, iv. 14• 
ανάβουν 1. ill. 17. 
αναγκαίος 60. 93• 
αι^αδιδόΐΌΐ 57. 12. 
αναίτιος 60. Ι09• 
ανάξιος 20-1. 3 ; 60. 54• 
άνάπαλιν 64. 59• 
άι/άτταυ/χα 1. 111. Ι4• 
άναπΐταρνύναι 8—9. Ι7• 
άνάτττΐΐν 1. ill. 5• 
ανασσα 60. 23• 
άνατιβίναι 63. 4• 
ανερμήνευτος 1. iv. 1 8. 
αι/ήι/υτοϊ 61. 9* 

άΐ';7Ρ 1• ίϋ• 24> iv. 24 ; 60. 49 ; 

63. 2. 
άνθρωπος 1. ίν. 15; 84. 3• 
άνιίναι 60. 47• 
άνοΒνρεσθαι 1. IV. 7• 
άντάγΕίι/ 57. Ι9• 
αντεσθαι 64. 64 (?). 
ανω 1, ϋ. 8. 
ά'^ίΟϊ 64. 69. 
αοι8η 1. IV. 4• 
απάγβιι^ 1. ϋ. 3Ο• 
άπας 1. iv. 27. 
άπειρος 20—1. 8, 
άπίρχεσθαι 20—1. Ι3• 
Άπληστος 64. 7^• 
από 1. iv. 33 ; 58. 4• 
άποβαίνειν {ν. Ι. επιβ.) 1. ϋϊ. 2 2. 
άποΜόναι 64. 65 ; 72. 6 (.?). 
αποί[ 33. 4• 
άπολΐίπειν 1. 111. 34• 
άτΓολλίΙί/αι 32. ιο; 60. 14, 28. 
Απόλλων 60. 2 0. 
άπομαστ'ώιον 64. 94• 
άπότΓΤολίί 70. Ι. 
απορία 1. IV. 1 8. 
άπορος (1. ηφιλος ?) 1. iv. 1 8. 
Άρα 60. 21, 86. 
'Apyeios 1. ϋ. 3 1, ϊ"• 2 8, iv. 

34; 60. 32, 62, 80. 
'Apyoi 42. 2 ; 60. 50, 97• 
'Apyw 1. ii. 19; 60. 14 ; 64. 

, 93• 

αρετή 27. 5• 
άρήγειν 60. 1 6, 39• 
"Αρης 64. 102. 
πρι^ρόί 22. 7 Q)' 



apoTOs 1. iii. 2 5• 
αρσην 1. 1. II. 
Άρχίμορης 60. 7^• 

άρχη 1. iii. 2 7; 60. 77. 

Άσιάί 1. iii. 9; 64. ιοί. 

ασκοπο! 57• 2 I. 

aapevos 1. IV. 2 Ο. 

Άσωπία 1. iv. 27. 

ήτη 1. iii. 31• 

α^ 60. 89. 

avyf] 1. li. 4. 

αύδαΐ' 1. ii. 1 4. 

ανλη 8-9. 6. 

ηνξημα 1. ii. 5. 

αΰρα 58. I (?). 

αϊτός 60. 92, 102. 

άφικνϋσθαι 60. 37* 

αφιλος (^άπορος Pap.) 1. iv. I 8. 

[α^φιστάναί 57. 4• 

άφρων 68. ΙΟ. 

αχθ(σθαι 60. 92• 

βαίνΐΐν 34-5. 6. 

Βά<;^ίθί 64. Ιθ6. •• 

βαΚΚΐίνλ. ϋ. ι8; 57. 8. 

βαρνβρομος 64. 8θ. 

βασιλΐΐα 1. iii. 29. 

βασι\(νς 8-9. Ιβ• 

βι'αίοϊ 60. 4°• 

βίΟΓ 60. 94• 

βιοτη 64. ιο8. 

βλ€π(ΐν 60. 52. 

βΚώσκΐίν 1. iv. 33 5 β2. 6 ; 

64. Ι04. 
βοάν 1. iii. 10. 
βον\Κ 22. 4• 

βούλΐσθαι 1. iv. 36 ; 60. 53• 
βότρνς 57. II ; 64. III. 
Βρόμιο! 58. 3• 

/3ροιπ-[ 73. 5- 

βρότΐίος 60. ΙΟΟ. 

βροτόί 60. 90, 92• 

γάλα 57. Ι3• 

•γαΧηνΐΐα 1. iii. 4• 

■ya/i€ii/ 1. ν. 5• 

yaiOs 60. 60. 

yapl. iv. 19, 31, V. 8; Ι2..3; 
20-1. 14; βΟ. 17, ι8, 2θ, 
23. 27, 28, 35,41,44,48, 

52,54,77, ΙΟΙ, Ι09, no; 
64. 69, 75, 106; 66. 6. 
ye 20-1. 6, 8, 13; βΟ. II 
(SePap.); 64. 106. 

yfvea 1. iii. 38. 

yiveiov 60. 26. 

•yewaroy 8-9. 1 1 ; 22. 9. 

ye'i/os 1. iv. 34 ; 57. 25 (.?) ; 

59. 7. 

γή 1. iv. 25; 20-1. 12, 15; 

60. 93. 

γΊγρ(σθαι 18. 7 ; 60. 88. 
•γιγνώσκίΐν 20—1. g. 
γλυκύ? 32. 4. 
yaw 60. 25, 30. 
γόοί 1. IV. 6. 
Γοργάί 64. 77. 
γοργωπόί 18. 3• 
γρα[ 1. i. Ι. 

γννη 1. ι 7, iv. 38, V. Ι, 28; 
2. 3; 20-1. χ; 22. 5; 
60. 45, 49, 55, 89; 64. 
63 ; 74. 3- 

δάκρυ 1. iv. 7 ; 64. 96. 
Ααναίδαι 1. iv. 36 ; 64. 87 (?)• 

Δαι/αοί 1. iii. 16 ; 60. 34• 

SfSoiKevai 20—1. 7• 

δΐίκνύναι 28. Ι ; 60. 43 ; 60. 

δ«ι/ 1. i. 9 ; 60. 95, 96• 
δΐΐσθαι 1. i. 6. 
Sepoy 1. ii. 23. 
δίσμιοί 60. 29• 
δίσποινα 34—5. 2. 
8evpo 1. ii. 29 ; 64. 83• 
δίχΐσθαι 1. V. 3; 20-1. ιο; 

58. 7; 60. 19, 89• 
δη 1. iii. 33, iv• 38 ; 20-1. 

13; 24. 3; 57. 24; 60. 

18; 61. 6; 64. 66, 67. 
δ^λοΓ 8-9. 9• 
δητα 20-1. 6, ίο; 27. 4; 

64. 7ο. 
δ«ί 1. ϋ. 19 ; 22. 3, 7(?); 

60. 17, 28, 33, 58, 6ι ; 

64. 103. 

δίαιτα 60. 1Ι5• 
διαριθμ(ΐν 22. 7 (?)• 
διαφίρΐΐν 60. 46• 

δίδάσκίΐν 64. ΙΟΙ. 

διδόναι 1. V. 7, 35 ; 34-5. 6 ; 
60. 98 ; 61• 14; 64. 97• 
δΐ(κπ€ραν 60• 96. 
διηκΐΐν 60. 45• 
διϊπ€της 1. iv. 3Ι. 
δίκαιος 60. 117- 

δί'κ»? 60. 57• 

διοΧλίναι 60. 1 7• 
Αιόιτυσος 57. 2 ; 64. 1 52. 
Αιοτρόφος 1. iii. 23• 
δ<σ; 78. 5• 
δμωΐί 34-5. 5• 

δο«ί«; 5. 5(?); 27. 6; 60. 

5, 9• 
δό^χοΓ 1. i. 9, iii• 20, iv. 13, 

20, 22 ; 8-9. 16 ; 34-5. 

6 ; 60. 23, 36. 
δόρυ 8-9. 1 1. 
δoυλetα 61. 8. 
δοΰλος 1. ii. 18, iv. 22, 23; 

20-1. 16. 

δούλοσυνη 64. 86. 
δράκων 1. ii. 24; 18. 2; 60. 

δράν 18. 6 ; 60. 42 ; ββ. 5• 

δρόμος 60. 73• 

δροσίζ(ΐν 7. 4• 

δρόσος 1. 11. Ι7• 

δρΰί 1. ϋ. 23• 

δυ[ΐ'α 1. ν. 30. 

δυνατός 1. Ι. 8. 

δύο 64. 105. 

δυστνχΰν 61. 7• 

δυσχ€ρης 1. iv. 1 9. 

δω/χα 1. i. 12, ΐί. ΐ6, iv. 24; 

34-5. 4• 

Αωρίς 1. iv. 12. 
Ίδώτωρ 7. 5• 

eoi; 20-1. 13; 27. 3 • 

εγγύί 1. iv. 1 1 ; 10. 3• 

ί'γώ 1. ϋ. II, iii. 15, iv. 19; 
10. 6; 12. 4; 20-1. 9, 
15; 60. 8, 12, 16, 21, 
28, 29, 31, 36, 60, 76, 
89 ; 61. 13 ; 64. 64, 65, 

72 {(μίθιν), 76,86,93-98, 

ΙΟΟ, ΙΟΙ, ιιο; 72. 3 5 
75. 2. 



ί'ί 11. I, 2. 

ft 1. I, 8; 20-1. 15; 60. 
53.^59;. 64. 73;^, 73. 4• 
et br] 1. iv. 38. el' που 1. 
V. ΙΟ. 

tlbivai 60. 18, 35, 37, 51. 

(Ikos 60. 97• 

flKarivos 1. ui. 14. 

etvai 1. i. 5, 10, iv. 28, 34, 
V. 6; 60. 31, 32, 51, 54, 
95, loi, 104; 61. i3(?); 

63. 3; 64. 64, 71; 65.8. 
etViti/ 20-1. 4 ; 59. 8 ; 60. 

(ipyeiv 33. 3. 

elpeaia 8-9. 8. 

efs 1. i. 8, V. 6 ; 64. 58. 

eti 1. ii. II, iii. 32, iv. 35; 

2. 9 ; 5. 3 ; 20-1. 6 ; 60. 

48, 52, 93. 99; 63. 3; 
^ 64. 85, 98. 
ΐίσβαίνΐΐν 1. iv. 20. 
ίΐσοδο? 1. ii. 16. 
(Ισοράν 60. 20, 29. 
ίίσπίητίΐν 1. iv. 16. 
fiTi 1. iv. 2 2, 23. 
tK 1. iv. 34; 32. II. 
(κγάΚηνίζΐΐν 1. 1. 3. 
(κ8ημία {^ψημία Pap.) 1. iv. I 5. 
(κδώάσκίΐν 60. 54• 
exel 23. 2. 
em^ej/ 64. 83. 
ίκκΧΐπτ€ΐν 64. 79• 
εκλά/χττειι/ 64. 62. 
(κουσίωί 60. 35• 
(ΚΊΤΐίθΐΐν 64. 6θ. 
(κπνΰν 60. 38• 
exreXeti' 32. 4 • 
cXtyos 1. iii. 9• 
(KcCefpos 60. 24; 61. 12. 
(λίσσ(ΐι/ 1. ii. 27; 60. 74 J 

64. 61. 
"eXXi/c 60. 32, 44. 
(μαυτοΰ 60. 46. 
i/i/ie^ 12. 3. 

f/uof 1. iv. 5; 60. 10, II, 18, 
19, 27, 44; 64. 94, 95, 
97; 66. I ; 70. II. 

ψπολη 64. 87. 
(μηορία 1. iv. II. 

ΐμπυρα 60. 33, 58. 

iv 1. iv. 21, 29 ; 2. 4 ; 20-1. 

12 ; 22. 10; 32. 5; 60. 

27, 105; 64. 77, 90. 
^νανΚΊζΐΐν 1. 1. 8. 
ivineiv 64. 92, lOO. 
ivdabe 64. 87. 
Ινοττή 8—9. 13. 
fuonrpov 1. ii. 3. 
evTos 1. 1. 7• 
(ξ 1. iv. 27; 60. 13. 
ίξάγΐΐν 20-1. 15; 59. 6. 

ΐξαμαρτάνΐΐν 22. 8. 
(ξ(πίστασθαι 60. 4^' 
{ξίυρίσκ€ΐν 20—1. 6. 
(ξισονν 39. 2. 
1^0)1. V. 28; 34-5. 5- 

ΐοικΐναι 57. Ι. 
(παώΐΐσθαι 60. 21. 
(ττασκΰν 60. 59• 
€π«' 18. 5 (-0 ; 64. 64, 95• 

eneira 60. 47• 

ίπίσθαι 60. 3°• 

inextiv 60. 2 2. 

eVt 1. ii. 17, 32, iii• 4, 19, 

iv. 7, 9; 32. 9; 58. 9; 

60. 10, 22 ; 64. 60, 68, 

8i, 89. 
€πιβαίνην 1. iii. 2 2 (z;. /. αττοβ.) ; 

64. 86. 
fVtjSovXeviii' 60. 36. 
(τηχώριοί 1. iv. 28. 
(πονομάζΐΐν 60. 107. 
eVra 60. 87. 
ίπωμ[ 58. 9. 
epyov 1. ii. 33. 
epeti' 1. V. 27. 
fpeaOai 1. iv. 23. 
ΐρ€τη5 1. iii. 12. 
ερημιά 1. iv. 1 5 (1• ^κδημία ?). 

ep^/ios 1. iv. 14, 17 ; 64. 82. 

eptr 8-9. 7. 
tpvpa 1. ii. 32. 

(ρχ(σθαι 1. iv. 9 ; 38. 2 (?) ; 
60. 16, 18; 61.3,5; 64. 

83; 72.3. 

e'i 58. 8; 60. 49; 64. 65, 
93 (et's Pap.), 102. 

ΐσθης 1. iv. 13. 

€σω 34-5. 6 ; 61. 3. 

'4σωθ(ν 58. II. 

erfpos 1. iii. 17, 28 ; 60. 91. 

fToipos 66. 4 (•''). 

iv 60. 41, 42. 

fvbaipovfiv 64. 69, 70. 

ii/fXTTti 20-1. 4. 

(irjpepos 64. 62. 

ουνίτης 64. 78• 

fvnpfnrjs 60. 23. 

(Ιρίσκΐΐν 1. iv. 27 (I. atpf^ei'r) ; 

20-1. 15. 
Ευρυδίκη 22. II. 
ΕΰρώτΓτ; 1. iii. 2 2. 
(νσΐβης 60. 40. 
ΐΰτυχία 64. 89. 
ίύτυ;^ώί 1. iv. 38. 
ΐΰωπόί 1. ii. 6. 

ΐψιστάναι 1. iv. 2 2 ; 57. 4 (?)• 
ίχίίΐ' 1. i. 9, iii• 36 (?). iv. 10, 

18, 23; 8-9. 14; 20-1. 

3,4, 14; 60.40,93, 116; 

61. 4; 63. 5; 64. 76; 

76. 4. 
(χθρ05 1. iv. 15. 

ζΐυγνύνΜ 8-9. Ι5• 
Zeus 1. iv. 10, 21, 28. 
ζηλωτο! 60. 104. 
ζην 61. 6. 
Cuyoc 70. 7. 

7' 1. ii. 7, 12, 17, 19, 22, iv. 

6; 60. 49, 57, 113; 61. 

6; 64. 109. 
V 4. 2. η yap 64. 75, 106. 
^'δ^ 13. 4. 

Ήδωι/ΐί 64. 5o schol. 
fJKeiv 1. i. 2 ; 18. 8; 60. 27, 

39 ; 64. 68 ; 65. 6. 

ηκιστα 2. 6. 

ζΧίί 10. 5. 

ημΐ'ΐ! 1. i. 8, iv. 37; 60. 69, 

75, 77,98; 64. 63,67. 
ήν22. 8; 27. 7- 
ήπιος 60. 56. 
ησσον 60. ΙΙ3• 
ηχΰρ 1. ϋ. 28. 

θάλαμος 57. 7 ί 58. 3• 
θαλάσσιο; 64. 8 1. 


θάνατος 1. iv. 5 ; 20-1. 7 ; 

75. 5• 

θάπτΐΐν 60. gi, 98. 
uea 1. V. ΙΟ. 

θέλΐΐν 58. 1 ; βΟ. 53> 56, 7ο. 

^Φΐί 1. iv. 39 ; 77. 3. 

^€(5f 1, iii. 32, iv. 30, v. 8; 
57. 20; 64. 713 69. 3; 

76. 5; 81. 3. 
depanfia 1. ii. 7• 
θ(ράπ(νμα 1. ii. 12. 
θ(ρίζ(ΐν 60. 94. 

eij^at 64. 68. 
% 8-9. 15. 

θηραν 1. iv, 41. 
^tyyaven' 59. 4• 

θνησκίΐν 30. 3 (.') ; 60. 8, 15, 

17, 29, 92 ; 61. 6; 64. 

79 ; 75. I (.?). 
θόα? 1. i. 7 ; 2. 4 ; 33. 7 ; 

64. 105, 115. 
Θράκη 64. 51 schol., 98, 
θράκως 1. iii. 2 ; 64. 50 


θράσσα 1. iii. 10. 
^oeiiy 10. 7. 
^ueii/ 65. 9. 

Θνμ05 1. iii. 15 ; 8-9. 12. 

5ύρα 33. 2. 

Ίάσωι/ 64. 95. 
Ιατηρ 66. 3. 

Ιδύν 1. ii. 2, iii. 15 (1. vBelv), 
iv. 17, 20, V. 31 ; 60. 165 

23> 75• 
ιδού 1. ii. 8. 
tSpis 20-1. 5. 

le'pai 1. iii. 15. 

ifpos 1. ii. 23, iii. 23. 

irjios 1. iii. 9. 

iKfTLs 60. 25. 

iKVf'iadai 60. 86 ; 64. 80. 

Ίστάναι 20—1. 2. 

Ιστός 1. iiL 8. 

ίστότοΐΌί 1. ii, 10. 

Ίώ 1. iii, 29. 

Ιω 12. 4; 60. 14; 64. 76. 

Ίωλκός 64. 93 (Κόλ;(θΐ Pap.). 

Κάδ /ioi 1. iv. 37 ; 60. 84. 


καθίστάναι 61. II. 
Kaiveiu 64. 78• 
Katpoy 60. 27. 

κα*(όί 60. 19, 2 7, 55, 115; 
61. 2; 64. 7o, 76, 88, 

96; 68. 8. κακώς 60. 1 4. 
KtiKuu 1. ii. 35. 
Καλλιόπτ; 1. iv. 8. 

κα\6ς 60. 49, no; 66. 7. 
καν 22. 7. 
καπνοί 58. 2. 

κάρα 60. 43 ; 64. 74. 

καρδία 61. 3 • 
κύρπιμος 60. 94• 
κατά 60. 96, Ιθ8. 
καταθρψ(Ίν 1. iv. 4• 
κατακτΐίναν 64. 75• 
καταφΐΰ-γΐΐν 63. 2. 
κάτω 64. 57• 
Kfii/oy 64. HI. 
Κΐλ(νσμα 1. iii, 12. 
Kerof 60. 21, 
κ€ρασφόρος 1. iii, 3Ι• 
κ(ρκίς 1. ii. 9• 
κηλημα 32. 7• 

κιθάρα 1. ϋ, 32, iv. 6 (ζ'. /. 

κίθαρις ΟΓ κιθάρισμα) • 64. 

κίθαρις 1, iii. ΙΟ, iv. 6 (?). 
κιθάρισμα 1. iv. 6 (.^). 
κλείΐ/όί 1. V. 5; 60. ΙΟΙ. 
κλΐ]δοϋχος 1. iv. 28. 

κλ^ζΐΐν 1, ϋ. 20, iv, 26, 
κληθρον 34—5, 3• 

κλισία 8-9. ΙΟ. 

κλυείΐ/ 1. iii, 18, 28 ; 60, 53• 
κοίτη 8-9. 6 ; 64. 82. 

Κόλχοί 64. 93 0• Ίωλκόϊ ?). 

κόμιζαν 64. 105; 83. 2. 

κομψός 22. II. 

κοσμά,ν 60. 46 J 64. Ι02, 

Koup^Tes 1. iii. 24. 

«paros 1, iii. 26. 

κρίκΐΐν 1, ii. II {v. I. Xeyeiv). 

κρηναίος 60. 6o, 

κρήνη 18. I. 

ν^ρήτη 1. iii. 23. 

Kp'iveiv 20-1. II. 

κρόταλοί' 1. ii, 8. 

Kpovfiv 1. i, 4, 

κρωσσός 1. iv. 29, 

KTeivdv 1. iv. 3 ; 36. 3 ; 60. 

9, 36. 

κτήμα, 59. 3. 
κτύπος 1. li. 8. 
κύκλοϊ 20-1. I 2 , 

κϋ /ia 1. iii. 19, 
κνμο(κ^τνπος 1. ii. 28. 
κυναγός 1, IV. 2. 
κυπαρισσόροφος 58. ΙΟ. 
Kvpeii; 1. i. II ; 60. 85. 
KwXveiv 62. 5• 
κωπη 64. 84. 

Xay;^ui'iH' 1. iv. 5, 

λαμβάνειν 1. iv. 29 ; 36. 4 ; 

63. 8 ; 68. 3. 

Xe'yeii/ 1. ii. II (v. I. (cpeKeif) ; 
22. 9; 60. 59; 64. 96; 
66. 6, 7. 

λΐίμων 1. ii. 29, iv. 21. 

\e'meiv 1. iii. 2 2, 26. 

XeKTpov 64. 77• 

XevKaivdv 60. 1 3. 

λευκίοφα^ί 1, ii. 4. 

λ(ύσσ(ΐρ 10. 4 ; 18. 3 ; 60. 

Ai7/ii/toi 1, ii. 10; 4. 4; 62. 
3; 64. 104. 

Χημνος 1. ii. 26 (f. /. Κ^σοί) ; 

64. 73. 

λίβανος 57. I 6. 

Xtp^ji/ 64. 85. 

λόγος 1. iii. 18; 32. 8; 60. 
44; 61. 9. 

Αυκοΰργος 1. iv. 20 J 2. 2. 
λυπηρός 1. i. Q. 

μακάριος 1. 1. 5• 

μακράν 10. 4. 

μακρόπολος 1. lil, II. 

μόλα 10. 2, 

μίλλον 60. 57• 

μανθάνΐΐν 1. iv. 39 5 64. 73• 

μάντις 60. Ι5• 

μάρτυς 41. Ι ; 60. 1 8. 

μάχη 64. 102. 

pryas 1. iv, 43,' 60. 12. 

μίγ(θος 12. 2. 

μίλαθρον 1. i. 6, iv. 26, 



μίλαν 1. ίί. II. 
/xeXfOi 64. 87. 
μίλλ€ΐν βΟ. 29. 
μίλος 1. iv. 6. 
μ(\πΐσθαι 1. iii, 12, 
/ΐί^λωδοί 1. ii. 14. 

μ€ν 1. i, II, iii. 13 ; 60. 8, 40, 
41, 48, 68, 88, 90, 95, 
105, 112, 116 ; 64. 63. 
μ(ν ουν 60. 43• 

μίρΐΐν 1. i. ΙΟ. 
μΐνος 1. ϋ. 35• 

μβ'σοϊ 1. iii. 8, 33• 

μ€τά 1. ίν. 8. 
μΐτανίσσΐσθαι 1. iii. 37• 

μη 22. 3; 27. 7; 60• ι6, 
8ι, 95, 117; 64. 79» 89. 

μη^ύί 60. 42. 
μηλοβοσκός 1. iv. 24• 

//ϊ5τ>7ρ 64. 66, 71. 92, 95, 

μηχανή 64. Ιθ6. 

μιμνησκ€σθαί 1. ϋ. 6 ; 60. Ιθ6. 

μνημοσύνη 1. ϋ. 25• 

μονοβημων 1. 11. 38. 

μονοΊκητος 1. IV. 1 7. 

^(Jj/Of 65. 3 (?)• 

μονσα 1. ϋ. II, iv. 7; 64. 

Μυκ^ι/αι 1. ϊν. 34• 

vaUiv 60. 50• 

νάμα 1. ίν. 3Ι• 

ΝαύπλίΟί 64. 85• 

vavs 63. 7• 

vaiJrjjr 64. 84. 

vtavlas 1. ί. 4 > 61. 4• 

veapot 1. ϋ. Ι3• 

veKvap 57. Ι5• 

Ni/x€u 1. iv. ΙΟ ; 60. ϊο8. 

Ni/xeaf 1. ίν. 21. 

Nf'/x€tof 1, ϋ. 2 9• 

]ν€μον 1. ίν. Ι. 

v€os 60. 91• 

νζσορ 1. ϋ. 26 (ν. /. Αημνος), 
νικάν 20-1. Ι3• 
yiv 60. 73• 
νόστοί 60. 85• 
vxiKTfpoi 8-θ. ΙΟ. 

fw 60. 53; 80. Ι. 

ννξΐ. ί. 8; 8-9. 6; 57. 23. 
νυχΐίΐΐν 8-9. Ι3• 

^eviKos 64. 85. 

^cVos 1. iv. 12 (^eij/.), 25; 

2.7; 27. 5; 60. 30, 43, 

50; 64. 69. 
ξινών 2. 4. 

ο (rel.) 1. ii. 27, iii. 6, iv. 3, 

10, II. 

ode 1. i. 6, 10, ii. 8, 9, 14, iii. 
15, iv. 5, 13, 21, 22, 24, 
26; 20-1.5, 14; 60. 19, 

22, 34,35,47, 52,55,57, 
92, 105; 62. 3; 64. 66, 
90, 93, 98. 

δδίοί 1. iv. 30. 
οδοιπόρος 1. iv. 1 6. 
όδόί 64. 58. 
όδυρμός 1. 1. 3, 

8ζο! 1. ii. 24. 
οϊδμα 1. iii. 4; 64. 81. 
Οίκλη! 1. iv. 42 ; 60. 15. 
oiKos Li. II ; 58. 8; 59. 5. 
οΐμοι. 64. 88, 96. 
οΐνη 58. 4. 
οίνωπόί 64. III. 
οίος 10. 5 ; 20-1. 7 ; 37. 4 ; 
66.4. οΓάτεΙ.ϋ.ιδ; 64.77. 
οιστροί 1. iii. 29. 
όλβιος 1. ίϋ. 2 7, ίν. 26. 
oWivai 10. 8. 
'όμμα 1. ϋ. 24; 60. 44, 52 ] 

64. 96. 

όμον 61. 5• 
δ/χω? 61. 5• 

oi/ftSof 60. 32. 

όνομα 4. 3• 

δτΓπ 1. ίν. 19. 

οπΚον 1. ίί. 30 ; 64. Ι02. 

όραν 1. ίν. II ; 60. 46, 57• 

opyi7 22. 3 (St' opy^y) ; 60. 6. 

ορ^ώί 60. 6, 9• 
opiou 1. ίν. 35• 
όρ/χαι/ 1. ίν. 37 ; 64. 67. 

δρί /tf 60. 8ο; 64. 8 1. 
ορός 64. 51 schol. 

ορού f IV 1. ϋί. 3• 

Όρφ(νς 1. iii. 10; 64. 98. 

Of 1. ί. 3, ϋ• 23, ίϋ. 25, ίν. 27, 
ν. 6 ; 5. 2; 18. 4 ; 60. 7, 
ΙΟ, 30, 38, 58, 89, 97; 
64. 72; 73. 4; 83. 3• 

δσιος 1, ν. 2 ; 60. 3 1 • 

οσοί 1. ί. 9• 

oanep 60. 96. 

δσπίΐ. ί. 5, ίί. II ; 20-1. 15 ; 
60. 21, 9θ. 

όταν 1. iv. 16. 

δτεΐ. ii.29; 57. 25; 64. 64. 

ΟΤΙ 64. 74• 

ου, ουκ 1. ϋ. 9, ίν. 31, V. 30 ; 
2. 4 ; 12. 3 ; 18. 8 ; 60. 
9, II, 40, 49, 52, 54, 57, 
9ο; 62. 5; 63. 5; 64. 
74• οίχίΐ. iv. 23; 10. 3; 

59. 4• 

ovde 34-5. 6 ; 57. 4 (?) ; 60. 

ovBels 60. 7, 20, 90. 
ονκονν 20—1. 8. 
ουν 1. V. 9; 60. 43• 

οΰνεκα 60. 8. 

ούριος 61. 2 (?). 

οϋτις 20—1. 4• 

οντος 1. ίϋ. 32, ίν. 20, V. 7, 

II ; 20-1. 9, II, ΐ3 ; 
27. 6; 60. 6ο, 89, 95 ; 
64. 102; 93. ι. 

ούτω, ούτως 60. 5, 45• 

Παγγαίοί 64. 51 schol. 
■πάθος 1. ίν. 5• 

παις 1. ϋ. 1 3, ϋί. 21, ίν. 42, 
V. ιι; 20-1. 7; 22. 6; 

60. 14, 36, 67, III, ιΐ2; 
64. 65, 109; 72. 3• 

παρά 1. ίί. 15, ίϋ. 8, ι8; 8-9. 

6; 58. 7; 64. 63. 
παραινε'ιν 60• 89. 
παραμΰβιον 1. ίί. ΙΟ. 
nape'ivai 60. 35> 52 ; 61. 5• 
παρθένος 1. ίίί. 6. 
παρύναι 1. ϋ. 3 Ι• 
πάροικος 18. 2. 

πάτ 1. ίν. 32 ; 18. 6(?), 7 ; 

60. 48, 5ΐ• 
πάσχαν 20-1. 7 ; 60. 38, 41, 


πατήρ 1. iii. 35 '■> 8-β. 1 1 ; 

βΟ. 15 ; 64. 74, 75. 95, 

99 ; 64. Ι05. 
πάτρα 1. ϋί. 30, iv, 40; 8-8. 


πάτριος 1. iii. 20. 
πεδ/οί* 1. ϋ. 3Ι• 
π(8ον 1. ϋ. Ι7• 
πeiθ€ιv 27. 7• 
πει(9ώ βΟ. ιι6; 83. ι. 
π€λα? 32. 2 ; 60. 2θ. 
πίλάττ^ϊ 1. ϊν. 12. 
πίμπαν βΟ. 2 2. 
π(ντηκόντορος 1. ϋ. 21. 
πΐπλον 1. iii. 12. 
πέρα? 77. 4• 

πε/)ΐ 1. ϋ. 23 ; 8-9. ιο; 88. 

πίριίχίΐν 32. 5• 
Πηλίύς 1. iii. 7• 
πι^λι;^ 18. 4- 
πημηρη 1. iv. 4Ι• 
7Γΐ7«^ 1. ϋ. 9• 
πικρός βΟ. 8, 
πίτν€ΐν βΟ. 25• 
πίτνλοί 1. iii. II. 
ττλάί 62. 9 • 
πλάι-»} 1. iii. 14. 
Πλίυρώι/ 8-9. 2. 
πληθο! 1. iv. 32. 
ττλήν 60. II. 
πλησίος βΟ• 5®• 
πΰθίΡ 1. V. 4• 
ποΐ 20-1. ΙΟ. 
ποικίλος 1. ϋ. 36. 
ποιμην 18. 5 • 
ποΓοΓ 1. iv. 33• 
πολιοί 64. 74• 

πόλις 1. iii. 20; 20-1. 10; 
64. 93. 

Πολυδωροί 1. V. 9• 
πολύκαρπος 7. 2. 
noXui/eiViji 1. iv. 40• 

πολίίί βΟ. 45, ^3, ϊΐ6. 
ποί/βΓι/ βΟ. 90. 
πόρος 1. iii. 1 6, iv. 9• 
πόντιος β4.'73• 
πορΐΰΐΐν 91. 3• 
πόροί β4. 85, 103. 
π<5σΐ5 1. iv. 3• 


ποταμός 1. iii. 6. 

TTore 1. i. 5, 9, iv, I ; 57. 6 ; 

60. 52; 64. 99; 86. 3. 
πότΐρα 1. ii. 16. 
πότρια 57. 2 Ο. 
ποΰ 10. I, 2. 
που 1. V. ΙΟ. 
τΓοΰί 20-1. II ; 64. 79• 

πράγμα 60. 6, 1 1 4. 

πράσσ€ίρ 60. 3^• 

πρίπΐΐν 1. ϋ. 13. 

προδίδομαι 60. 3^• 

προθν^ιν 1. iv. 36. 

πρόθυμα 60. 02. 

προθυμία 20—1. 1 1 . 

πρόθυμος 64. 64, 65. 

πρόθυρυν 1. ϋ. Ig. 

Ώρόκρις 1. iv. 2. 

πρόϊ 1. iv. 13, 37; 2.5; 60. 

25, 26, 30, 42, 50, 114. 
προσδοκία 64. Ιθ8. 
προσίρχΐσθαι 1. i. 6. 
πρόσθ( 61. 12. 
προστιθίναι 60. 2 4• 
πρόσφορος 1. ϋ. 12. 
πρότίρορ 1. iii. 19. 
πρυμνήσια 1. iii. 5• 
πρώρα 60. Ι3• 
πρωτόγονος 57. 2 2. 
πρώτον 60. 43• 
πυλ., 1. i. 4, iv. 37• 
πυρ[ 87. 2. 
πώϊ 1. iv. 44 ; 30• 2 ; 64. 79, 

83, 90• 

ρήν 57. Ι3• 

βίϋμα 60• 6 1. 
ρύΐσθαι 60. 28. 
ρυΓ($ί 1. iv. 29. 

σαίρίΐν 1, ϋ. 17. 

σαυτοΰ 60. 79• 

σαφής 1. iv. 13. σαφώς 65. 

7• σαφέστατος 60. Ι9• 
actW 18. 4 • 
σ^/χα 1. ϋ. 36 ; 57. ΙΟ. 
σίγα 18. 5 (?). 
σιγαν 60. 7• 
σίδηρος 8—9. 8. 
σκοττίΓι; 20-1. 14; 60. 114. 

σμύρνα 58. 2. 

σο'ί 1. i. 3, lOj ii. 5, i9J 60. 
28, 30, 38, 39, 43, 100, 
no; 64. 65, 70, 75, 88, 
92, 105; 66. 2 ; 79. 2. 

σοφός 1. iii. 18 ; 61. 14. 

στάζ€ΐν 57. 14. 

στατός 1. iv. 3 1. 

στάχυς 7. 3 ; 60. 94. 

στίγη 1. i. 7• 

στΐίχ(ΐρ 1. iv. 14. 

στενΐΐν 60. 96 ; 64. 89. 

στίργΐΐν 60. 12. 

στίρνον 64. 94• 

στίφανος 60. 103. 

σΓΐ)3οί 20-1. 5• 

στολ[ 60. 8ΐ. 

στόλος 64. 83. 

στόμα 1. ϋ. 20. 

στράτευμα 64. 68 ; 65. 4 (?)• 

στρατηγός 60. 87• 

στρατιά 60. 62. 

στρατός 1. iv. 32, 36• 

σ-ύ 1. ϋ. 15, 25, iii. 32, iv. 22, 
39; 20-1. 10; 27. 7; 
60. 17, 18, 23-5, 51, 54, 
56, 79, ιιι> 112; 61. ίο, 
13; 64. 65, 66, 79, 9°; 
75. Ι. σίθΐρ 1. iii. 36 ; 
60. 42, 53• <^Φ» 64. 66. 

σφων 1. i. 5• 
συμβάλλΐΐρ 60. 1 1 7• 
σύμβουλος 20—1. 14• 
σύμμαχος 63. 5• 
συμφορά 20-1. 8; 60. 34, 


συν 60. 1 1 0. 
συνταράσσίΐν 1. iv. 32. 
σφαγή 8-9. 9 j 60. 22. 

σώ^ίΐι/ 60. 2 1 ; 63. 6 ; 64. 
66, ιο6; 74. 4• 

σώμα 1. iv. 23• 

σώφρων 22. ιο; 60. 44, 5', 

ταλαίπωρος 60. 55• 
ταλας 20-1. 8; 64. 71- 
τάσσ(ΐν 64. 75• 
τάχ ην 57. Ι7• 
τάχοϊ 60. 47• 


ταχνπΧον! 1. iii. 13. 

TfKvov 1. ii. 6, iii. 25 ; 8-9. 
15; 32. 6; 34-5. 5; βΟ. 
9. II, 34,38,91; 64.58, 
{66}, 73, 77,86, 91, 97, 
loo, 105; ββ. 3. 
TfKvovp 1, iii. 7. 
T^veiv 64. 74. 
T-i^w; 60. 26, 59. 
rt^fW 1. iii. 32; 60. 56, 

iii; 64. 100. 
τιθηνημα 60. ΙΟ. 
τίκτ€ίν1.1 5; 44. i; 60. ll. 
nV 1. i. 6, 9, 15, iv. 6, II, 
24, 33, V. 34; 10. 7; 
20-1. 6, 10, 15; 22. II ; 
23. i; 24. 3; 57. 6, 10; 
eo. 95 ; 64. 83, 90, 99, 
r<i 1. ii. 4, V. 6; 20-1. 15 • 
eo. 53, 59 ; 62. 7 ; 64. 
71; 82.3. 

τοξ(ύ(ΐν 60. 76. 

τό^ον 1. ii. 37. 

τόπο: 64. 98. 

'•oVf 1. iii. 13, 14. 57 

60. 30 ; 64. 76. 
TpeWl. iv. 19; 20-1. 10. 
T/je'0eti/ 64. 90; 81. 2. 
'■/3Wf[ 58. 6. 
τρισσόί 1. iii. 26. 
τροφό! 1. iii. 24 ; 34-6. 5. 

τροχάζίΐν 64. 59. 

Tvpios 1. iii, 21. 

'■'5x7 60. 33, 37; 70. 2. 

νθίΓν 1. iii. 15 ^Ι8ΰν Pap.). 
νΒωρΙ.ΐν. 29, 3i; 60. 13. 
v/ifif 1. i. 4. 
uoV 64. 69. 
νπ^ρβαίνίΐν 1. iv. 35. 

νπώίσθαι 60. 37. 
υπι/ΟΓ 1. ii. II; 32. 4 (?)_ 
wo 57. 8(.?); 60. 16. 
Ύψιπύλη 1. iv. 26, 33; 10. 
3; 12. 4; 64. 69, 72' 

φάναι 23. i; 60. 36. 
φάοί 57. 21 ; 70. 6. 
]φατοί 1β. 4. 

φίρβηνβΟ. 12 (φφ«„ Pap) 
Φψ^ν58. 6; 60. 12 (1. φφ- 

^""Χ 56, 93 ; 64. 63. 
0ίν 18. 7- 
</)eryfti/ 20-1. 5; 64. 72. 

*^''^„°^1•"• 15, iii. 33, 4ΐ(?); 

20-1. 14; 32. 6; 58.5,' 

60. 20 ; 67. 5. φίλτατο^ 

20-1. Ι. 
$AtoiWtof 1, iv. 25. 
Φ<ίβο! 18. 4; 20-1. 3; 64. 

6ο, 76. 
Φοΐβοί 8-9. 13; 60, 58. 
Φοινίκη 1. iii. 21. 

φράζ(ΐν 62. ΙΟ. 

Φρψ 1. i. 3. 

φρον^ΐν 1. ν. 2. 
φροντίς 1. iii. 32. 
φρουρΐΐν 1. ϋ. 25. 
φρούριον 20-1. 12. 

^i^ya'f 1. iv. 40; 8-9. 5, 12: 
70. 5. 

φυγή 64. 72. 

φύιινί. ν. ιο; 60. 45, οο. 

φύλαξ 18. 1 8. 
φνΚάσσΐΐ,ν 20-1. 9 12. 

0υσίί 60. 24, 96, 114. 

χαίρην 64 67. 

j^oAicfos 1. ii. 30. 

Xipis 1. ii. 12; 57. 18; 59. 


I 10; 60. 28; 61. 14; β4. 

I 61, 6^, 99. 

X^'ii^ 1. iv. 30 {χρησθαι Pap.). 

X^ip 32. 11; 58. 7, 10; 64. 


χίροιψίΛν.-^ο; 6. l; 27. 2 
Λ^ώ. l.ii. 39, iv. 21,33,35; 

60. 50 ; 103. 2 (?). 
χορός 1. iii. i8; 13.4; 22.9. 
Xpav, κίχρημαι 1. i. 7 ; ;^ρήσ^αί 

72. 2. 
;rpf''a 1. iv. 16. 
Λ:ρ6ώ«/ 60. 48, 117. 
ΧΡη 5. 4 ; 60. 114 ; 77. . . 

83. 3 (Ρ). '' 

XPV[ 5. 3. 
XpnCftv 1. iv. 29. 
Ai/JoVof 22. 4 ; 64. 62. 
;^ρυσ€0/ίαλλοί 1. ii. 22. 
Xpvaeos 1. ii. 37. 
χωρα 1. iii. 27. 

^evSos 60. 59. 
ψυχί} 60. 49. 

20-1. I, 8 ; 23. 3 ; 60. 
13, 15, 22, 25,33, 43,50, 
112; 64. 63, 69, 73, 86, 
91; 74. 3. 

ωκυπόδης 1. ii. 34. 
<oKvnopos 1. iii. 37. 

ώϊ (relative) 1. i. 10, ii. 3, iv. 
15; 58. 9; 60.8, 11,14, 
62; 64. 71. (final) 1. iii. 
19, iv.30; 34-5.3. (un- 

^ certain) 1. v. 29 ; 24. 3, 4. 

ωστΓ€ρ 64. 67. 
ωσπΐρΐί 63. 7. 
ωσ -re 60. 94 ; 64. 79. 
ωφίλημα 60. 12. 

άγαραίίτι^σίί• 18. 3© 
dyvofiu 14. 26. 
αγορά 6. 3. 
nyor 8. 5. 

(ί>) 853 (Commentary on Thucydides II). 
(Nnmd,rs in thick type refer to columns.) ' 

άδβώ? 16. 26. 

άδιαφΐτως 5. 1 5. 

««' 10. 38. «i'et' 17. g^ 6. 

'AV«ioy 1. 24, 32; 3. 19, 

28; 10. 26, 30; 13. 26; 
17. 8 ; 18. 18. 

Άΰμονίων δήμο! 13. 1 6, 
αθροισις 12. 5• 



Αϊγύπτιοί 3. Ι5• 

AloXevs 5. Ι4• 

αισχρός 17. 1 6. 

αιτία 1. 21, 28, 33 > 3. 2 1, 

, 33; 7. Ι. 

ακϋλου^ίΐΐ' 13. 4• 
άκολού^ωί 3. Ι. 
ακούίΐν 7. 1 8. 
ακουσίως 6. 33• 
ακριβώς 3. 1 7, 34• 
άκροβοΚίζΐΐν 1β. 2 4• 
αλαζονεία 17. Ι3• 
aXij^ijsl. 21 ; 3. 21. 
'Αλικαρνασσΐνς, Διονύσιος ό Άλ. 

1. 8. 
«λλά 1. 14, ΐ9> 32 ; 2. 25; 

15. 8, ΙΟ, 23; 16. 26, 38; 
17. ΐ7• 

«λλ^λωι/ 1. 4 > 5. 37 ; 15• 

36; 16. 15- 
άλλος 1. 19; 2. 30 ; 11. 2; 

13. 8; 16. II. αλλω$ 

16. 9- 

αλογιστεΐι» 7. 6. 
αλό^ωί 2. 24* 
apxipraveiv 13. 21. 
αμάχητη 7. 34• 
άμφισβητΐΊν 13. 27. 
άμφότίροι 7. Ι 7 • 

αν 1. 34; 2. 21 ; 7. 24; 14. 
ίο; 18. 21. 

αί/ά 4. 4• 

αναγιγί'ώσκίΐΐ' 5. Ι3• 
aiOyKii^'eti' 16. 37 ; 1"^• 7• 
dmy/c;; 2. 28. 
άναψΐϊν 12. 2 2. 
άναρ8ρότ(ρος 17. 4• 
ai'art^ei'at 8. 24. 
άνατρίχην 2. 23. 
αι/αχωρεΐι/ 7-33• 
avbpua 16. 38. 
ανΐσις 1β. 34• 
di/exfiv 12. 13• 
ανήρ 17. 24 ; 19. Ι3• 
άνθρωπος 18. 6 (?). 
nvUvai 12. 6. 
di'TeyicaXeii' 2. I (?). 

αντί 17. 17 ; Fr. 17. 5• """ 
Toi 1 4; 4. 33; 5• I' 10; 
9. 4,9; 10• 27; 12. 27, 

28 ; 13. 1, 3 ; 15. 3 ; ιβ• 

25; 18. 22; 19. 5. 

άνωμάΚως 5. 1 8. 

άνωτάτω 1. II, 

αξία 15. Ι9• 

άξιος 10. 2 Ο. 

άπαίρ(ΐν 13. 24. 

άπαντάν 17. 4• 

απαριθμύν 9. 12, 

άπαρτίζΐΐν 1. 1 8. 

άπίΐρία 18. II. 

απΐΐρος 6. 35• 

απιστεΐί/ 14. 1 9• 

άττλοΰΓ 17. 1 8. άττλουσΓίροί' 

16. 14. 
άττό 1. 19, 28, 3ο; 2. 15; 

3. 19, 26, 27; 5. 35; 6. 

ι8, 23; 7. 24; 9. 4> ΐ3; 

10. 35; 12. Ι, 13; 13. 

2ο; 18. 35; 19• 7• 

άποβαίν(ΐν 7. 23. 
ά^:oθvησκeιv 14. 7• 
άτΓοτιθίναι 5. Ι. 
ατΓρεττω? 2. 23. 
απροσδόκητος 6. 4• 
απτΐΐν 6. 34• 
"Apyoi 11. 15. 
αργώ? 12. ιο; 16. 26. 
άρ^τη 14. 8 ; 15. 24, 28 ; 19. 
12 ; Fr. 4• 2. 

άρθρον 5. 26. 

ΆρκαΒία 13. 23• 

άρσΐνικός 5. Ι9• άρσ^νικως 

14. Ι. 
"Αρτεμις 10. 1 4• 
αρχεσθαι 1. 3Ο• 

άρχί 3. ι8; 18. 33• 

αρχωμ 1. 12; 2. 6, 28, 31, 

35; 3. ι; 16. 20. 
ασκησις 16. 36. 
αστν 9. 14• Ι5• 
ασφαΧως 11. 2. 
are 6. 4• 
'Αττική 9. 1 8. 
*Αττικ<ίϊ 13. 2. 
ανξάνΐΐν 1. 31 ; 3. 27. 
ανξησις 3. Ι9• 
αυτόνομος 10. 27, 28. 

αύτόί 1. 22, 24, 29, 35; 3. 
26; 10. ι8; 13. 8, 28; 

15. 22 ; 17. 1 6. ό αυτός 
2. 22; 5. 35; 10. 32; 
17. 24. 

αφανέστερος 3. 35• 
άφηγε'ισθαι 3. 34• 
άφίστάνια 13. 24. 
αχθΐσθαι 1β. ΙΟ. 
άχρι 9. 14, 17 ; 16. 6. 

βαίνειν 5. 35• 
βασκαίνειν 16. ΙΟ. 
Βοίωτό? 13. 2 6. 

γαία 11. 15. 

yap 2. 6, 21, 24, 30. 34; 3. 

29; 5. 8, 14; 7. 7 ; 9• 

25; 13. 5,7, 23; 14.29; 

17. 6 ; 18. 27. 
ye 3. 2. 
yeapyia 17. 28. 
γ^ 13. 2 6. 

yίyveσθat 3. 3° ; 15. 8. 
γιγνώσκειν 5. 5• 
γλυκύ? β. 34• 
yoiv β. 32• 
γράφειν 2. 12, 19, 2 8, 32, 

35; 6. ίο; 7. 3°; 13. 

14) 22. 

yvvi) 19. 14, 16. 
Βαμάζειν β. ΙΟ, 

δ€ 1.34; 2. 32; 3.ι6, 18,34; 
5. Ι, 6, 15, 31 ; β. 27; 
7. 19; 9. II, 15; 10. 8, 
II, 13, 17, 29, 36, 37, 
38; 13. 8,14, 22; 15. 17, 
19; 16. 9; 17. 8. 

8εΐν 2. 35 ; 6. 26 ; 8. 8. 

δεινός 13. 8 ; 17. 2. 

δεκτεον 7. Ι9• 

Βεχεσθαι 7. 3^• 

Βηλονότι 19. Ι4• 

8ηλος β. 30• 

δημοκρατία 15. 8. 

8ημος 8. 24 ; 13• 1 6. 

8ημόσιος 8. 25• 

δίά 1. 23, 26; 7. ι; 8. 8; 
10. 12, 26 ; 13. 9; 15• 
9, 24; 16. 21, 3ΐ• 

διαγιγνώσκειν 17, 29• 



διαιρεΐν 1. i6; 2. 29, 36 : 5. 

biairav 1Θ. 6. 
hiaKp'iveiv 7. 37• 
diakveiv 7. 32, 
8ιανο€Ϊσθαι 12. 20. 
διασπάν 1. 1 5. 
διάστημα Q. 13. 
Stara^^ts 7• 27. 
δίατίλίίι/ 16. II. 
διαφίρΐΐν 2. 20 ; 15. l6. 
8ιαψθΐίρ(ΐν 5. 2 4, 29. 
8ιάφοροί 15. 1 6. 
δκξίρχίσθαι 2. 17• 
8ΐ€ξΐΐΐ'αι 1. I 2. 
δι?;γίίσ5αι 1. 29 J 3. 4• 
δίηγησις 1. 1 9• 
διιστάναί 5. 3^• 
bUaios 15. 2. 
StotKeiv 15. ΙΟ. 
Διονύσιος (6 ' Αλικηρνασσΐνί) 1. 

7, 34; 2.34; 3. ίο; 4. 2. 

ΔίόΐΊΌΌ? 10. 8. 

δίσυλλά/3ωί 5. 12. 
διώκΐΐν 5. 23, 2 8. 
8οκιμάζ€ΐν 4. 3°• 

δό|α 7. ι8; 14. 2ΐ; 19. 1 6. 
δόρυ 5. 32. 
δννασθαι Υτ, 3• 2. 
δυσκολοί 14. 1 5) 1 8. 

fav 3. 2. 

εαυτοΰ 2. 33 ; 18. 21. 
ίγκ\ιτ€0ν 6. 25• 

6t' 2. 28, 35; 3. 6, 31 ; 7. 
17; 11. 2 ; 12. 27; 14. 
^ 28; 16. 34. 

flSevai 12. 24• 
ei8os 18. 19. 
(Ικότωε 1. 34• 

e'fai 1. 3 ; 2. 24, 29 ; 3. 22 ; 
5. 31 ; 7. 18 ; 9. 10, 16; 

10. 13, 14, 16, 17, 23; 
13. 7, 23, 26; 14. 15; 
17. 24, 27; 18. 10; 19. 

11, 12; Fr. 4• 4• 

ίϊπΰν 1, 22; 10. ι8; 14. g, 


tipeiv 2. 33• 

els 5. 7, 24, 34, 35; 6. 20; 

7. 8, 36; 10. 19; 13. 3; 
15. 10. 

fls 2. 24, 25, 32 ; 14. 6. 
(Ισφίρΐΐν 6. 13. 
fira 2. 17. 

fK 7. 23 ; 9. 16 ; 16. 9. 
ΐκαστος 1. i8; 13. 13; 14. 
^ 30, 34; 15. 20, 26. 
eKUrepos 7. 25. 
emWev 1. 30 ; 6. 20. 

€K€lVOS 16. 7• 
€Κ(χΐΐρία 12. 14. 
(κλιμνάζαν 10. I 2. 
εκφΐύγίΐν 5. 24, 28. 
ίΚάχιστος 19. 9. 
ΐλίυθίρως 15. 35 ; 16• 8- 
Έλβνθηρ 10. 9• 
ίλλίπΐ7ί 17. 2 3• 
€λτΓΐζ(ΐν 12. 20. 
€μπ(ΐρος 5. 23, 2 7• 
ΐμφντο! 16. 3^• 

eVl. 8; 2.8,25; 3. 28,33; 
5. 2, 36; 8. 7; 10. 13; 
13. 14; 14. 6; 15. 4, 18, 
19, 21; 16. 14, 15, 34; 
17. 12, 24; 18. 28; 19. 

ivavTios 2. 34; 7• 3j 23• 
ΐναντιονσθαι 6. 2 7• 
(νδ(€στ€ρωί 18. ^Ο, 
Ινΐκα 8. 2. 
ei'^a 1. 3• 
(νθυμΛσβαι 3. 3^• 
eviKcos 4. 16. 
ej/iot 10. 35; 13. 14• 
iVtore 5. 18, 19. 
ΐνιστάναι 12. 28. 
ΐντομα 10. 3^. 
i^ayeiv 16. 2 2. 
i^aipeiv 16. 2 2. 
(^eXavveiv 8. 5. 
4e>Xeo-^ai 7. 2 ; Fr. 3. 3. 
e^erafeti^ 1. 2 2 ; 3. lO. 
e'l^s, TO e. 10. 29 ; 13. 7. 
ΐξιστάναι 7. 7• 
e^oppav 7. 1 3• 

?|ω 3. 29 ; 6. 9. 

(ξωθίν 3. II. 
ίορτη 10. 1 6. 
iiraivuv 13. I. 

eVaXXjjXos 2. 19. 

'ίπαΚζις 9. 2. 

€π€ΐσάγειν 3. 2 8. 

(ΤΤΐΐτα 3. 30. 

^π(ζ€ρχ€σθαι 12. 27. 

eVt 1. 19, 32 ; 2. 2 2, 30; 7. 

17. 19, 25, 33; 10. 16, 
30; 16. II ; 17. 12. 

ΐπιβάλλίΐν 15. 2 2. 

imeiKTjs 4. 7• 

ΐτηβνμΰ.ν 13. 14• 

eniKp'iveiv 17. 32• 

ΐτΓΐμΐλΐΐα 8. g', 17. 26. 

ίπίσημοί 10. Ι7• 

(πιτάσσΐΐν 6. 1 6. 

ΐπιτάφιος 14. 3. 

eiriTrjdeins 5. 8. 

(πιτη8(νμα 15. 37• 

ΐπιτιμΰν 3. 13. 

(mrpeneiv 16. 9. 

ΐπιφίραν 6. 32• 

ΐπιχΐίρητίον 5. II. 

β/ίγοί/ 7. 9? 24; 17. 12, 27- 

epeti/ 10. 29 ; 15. 2. 

(ρ4τη! 12. 2. 

'Epe^^evs• 10. 3• 

"Ερμοκράτψ 6. 24• 

'4ρχ(σθαι 5. 34; 7. 3^ ; 8. 

34 ; 12. 21. 
εσ^ολ)7 2. 1 8. 
έσχατος 5. 31 ; 6• 2 2. 
ΐΤΐρος 17. 2 0, 32. 
έτοιμος 12. 2. 
€ΓΟί 16. 21. 
ίυ 10. 8. 
ΐύδοξία 7• Ι9• 
(νκόλως 18. 23. 
(νλάβΐΐα 1. 2 3• 
ευΚαβώς 16. 1 6. 
Ευριπίδης 10. 3• 
(ΰρίσκΐΐν 17. 33• 
εφεξής 2. 20 ; 3. 3• 
exeti' 5. 23, 27; 7. 21; 10. 

38 ; 18. 36• 

εως 9. ΙΟ. 

Γ3. 5. 

Zeuy, /net Δία 1. 2 5• 
ζημία 16. 7 • 

C^" 16. 9. 35• 


ή1. 20 ; 2. 22, 25 ; 5. 20 ; 
β. 22 ; 7. 22, 23. 

;7Sea>y 1β. 6. 
^δοίΊ? 16. 2, IT. 
ήμ€Ίί 17. II. 

ΐ7μφα 10. ι6; 15. 37• 
Ήροδοτοί 2. 9 ; 3. Ι3• 
)7ρωί 10. 34, 3^. 

ήτοι 5. 2 2. 
^ΤΤΟΙ^ 17. 29• 

^for 10. 37• 

^epos 1. 15. 

θουκυδιδί;Γ 1. 9, ΙΟ ; 3. 4? 20; 
6. 17. 

θριάσιον ττίδίην 13. 3• 
θρίώ^ί 13. 5• 
epvXe'iu 3. 2 2. 
^Uftos 7. 13• 

ί 3. 14- 

ϊδίοίΐδ. ι8; 16. 14; 17. 25. 

Ιδίως 1. Ι4• 
ZeVai 5. 13• 
ίκανως 14. Ι3• 
ίτΓΤΓβί/ί 12. 19. 
Ισηγορία 15. 1 9. 
ίσος 15. 2 2. 
ϊσχΰβιν 8. 6. 
ίσ;(ΰί 1. 23. 
Ιστορία 1. ι6 ; 3. 1 8. 
Ίταλιώττ^Γ 6. Ι7• 
^ΙωνΓί 5 14. 
Ιωνία 6. 24. 

καθησθαι 12. ΙΟ. 

ί(αϊ γαρ 2. 34 ; 9• 25- 

και μ^ι/ 2. 2 7• 

καιρόϊ 2. 27 ; 17. 12. 

καίτοι 16. 34• 

κακοπαθΰν 16. 36 J 17- 5• 

κακονν 6. 3Ι• 

κακώς 14. 9• 

καλίΐι; 5. 31 ; 10. 35• 

Καλλιρα;^θϊ 10. 7 (?)> 37• 

κατά 2. 6, 7, 26, 28, 35; 4. 
28; 7. 12; 8. 6 ; 10. 26, 
28; 13. 12; 15. 17, 19, 
21,37; ιβ. 7; 17. 25. 


KaraKoveip IQ. 19. 

κατάμ(μψις 18. 37• 

καταπλησσίΐν 6. 3^• 

κατηγορία 16. 7• 

KaT0tic[ 3. 8. 

κατορθοίν 8. 12. 

κεφαλαίοι» 1. 1 1 ; 2. 32. 

κ(φα\η 3. 9• 

κήρυγμα 5. 6. 

κλεΟΓ 19. II, 12. 

Kivbvvtvsiv 14. 8. 

κίνδυνος 17. Ι, 3» 8. 

Koiror 1. 33; 15. 2 1, 23, 36; 

16. 16; 17. 25; 18. 35; 

19. 7• 
Κορκνρα'ίκά 1. 26 ; 2. Ι9• 
κοσμοΓ 7. 2 6. 
κρΰσσων 18. 2 0. 
Kpiveiv 1. 2 9 ; 17. 3 Ι • 
κύκ\ος 9. ΙΟ, 14, Ι7• 
κωλυίΐι/ 3. 3• 
κωπη 12. 3• 

Αακίδαιμόνιος 1. 25; 6. Ι9; 

16. 24. 
Αάκων 17. 6. 
Λακωνία 10. Ι3• 
λαμπρός 15. 20. 

λ€γ"ΐ' 1• 27 ; 2. 34 ; 5. 7 ; 

6. 7, 1 2 ; 10. 36 ; 14. 2 ; 

15.9; 17. 13, ΐ7• 
Xe'^ti 1. 5. 
Xf^TrTeoi" 19. 8. 
λιμην 9. 1 8. 

Αιμνατις,'Άρτΐμις Λ. 10. Ι4• 
λογίσ/χοΓ 2. 4• 
Xoyosl7. 13; 18. 27. 
Χοιπός 1. Ι3• 
Λυδίακά 3. Ι5• 
\υπΐΐν 16. 5• 

μα Αία 1. 25• 

μάλιστα 18. 20 ; Fr. 1 6. 4 (.''). 

/ιάλλον 16. 35• 

Μσρα^ώΐ' 14. 2. 

μίγιστος 7. 1 8. 

μΐβόριος 13. 25. 

μΐλλην 3. 23 ; 12. 9 • 

μΐμφΐσθαι 1. ΙΟ. 

/ι/κΐ. 34; 3• 22; 5. 14; 9. 

II ; 10. 8, 36; 11. 14; 

15. 17; 16. 6; 17.6. 
μίμος 3. 29 ; 13. 12; 15. 21. 
μίσος 4. 5 ; 13. 9• 

μ(τά 1. 3ΐ; 6. 24; 10. 25. 

μΐτάβασις 3. 12; 6. 2 8. 

μίτανοΐΐν β. 32. 

μΐτα^ί) 3. 12, 

μεταφορικούς 5. 34 J 12• Ι, 12. 

μ(ταχ(•.ρίζ€σθαι 8. 8. 

μ€Τ€χ€ΐν 10. 3°; 15. 1 6. 

μί'χρι 2. 1 6. 

Μ"? 3. 3, 19 ; 5. 24, 28; 7. 

17; 14. 6; 15.9; 1^• 36; 

17. 4; 19• ιο• 
μη8ί7. 36; 16. 37• 
μ-ζδ"? 7. 35 ; 17. 2 8. 

μην, κα\ μ. 2. 27. 

μόνος 2. 33 > 18• 26, 29. 

ναός 10. 37• 
νανς 6. 19, 2 2. 
νίότης β. 33• 
νόημα 19. Ι5• 

νομίζ(ΐν 8. 3; 10• 23; 14. 
27; 15. 20. 

νόμιμος 10, 2'^. νομίμως \Q.l6. 
νόμος 15. 1 8, 27; 16. 37 > 


νυν 7. Ι9• 
νυν 15. 1 6. 

ο'ίκαδί 13. 5• 

otKeti/ 10. 33 i 15• 7• 

οΐκησις 10. 2 7, 28. 
01K0S• 7. 33• 

οίος 1. 30. οίον 2. 13; 16. 
7, 2ΐ; 17. 2 3, 32. οϊός 

Τ€ β. 26. 

ολιγαρχία 15. 9• 

δλοί 16. 21. 

Όλνμπίαζΐ 13. 5• 

Όλυ/χπίά? 1. 13; 2. 7 > 4. 

Όμηρικώς 4. 6 ; 7. ΙΟ. 

"O^T^poy 4. 1 6 ; 6.14; 17. 1 8. 

ομιλία 7. 36• 

ομοίως 1. 3 ; 2. 36 ; 6. 9• 

δμως 1. 2 8. 

όποίοί 7• 24. 



όττόσοί 9. 1 6. 

δτΓου 10. 14. 

όραν 7. 2 5• 

οργίζίσθαί 16. I. 

6ρ(γ(σθαι 13. I 3. 

6ρίζ(ΐν 4. 29. 

«5ρμ5ι/ 13. 15 ; 17. 2 7- 

οσοΓ 6. 20. 

oanep 3. 2 I . 

ϋταν^. 32; 8. 35; 12. 2. 
ort 1. 12, 15, 21, 23; 2. ι; 

3. 31 ; 8. 3- 

οίδε 2. 9) 25 ; 3. 6; 6. 31 5 

16. Ι, 6. 
ovBfLs 6. 20. 
ovtirepos 5. 19• 
οίικΐτι 7. 1 1. 
ονι- 2. 33• 
ουτ€ 18. 36. 
ovros 1. 28; 2. 31 ; 3. 35 ; 

4. 10 ; 5. 15 ; 15. 4• οΰτως 

1. 35; 5. 22; 10. 1 1. 
6φ(1λ(ΐν 3. 3ΐ• 

πάθο: 7. 7• 

πάλί!/ 1. 32; 2. 17, 22, 29; 

9. ι6; 15. 2. 
πανοικία 10. 32• 
jravavbij] 6. 2. 

παρά 1. 27; 15. 7 ; 17. 8. 

Ίταραβαίνΐΐν 3. 1 1 (?). 

irapahibovai 2. 5 ; 6. 21. 

παρακμή 15. 4• 

παράνομος 11, 1 8. 

Παράσίοι 13. 2 2. 

παράταξκ 5. ^6. 

■παρίλκαν 5. 25• 

παρίχίΐρ 18. 2 2. 

TiSy 2. 17, 21 ; 3. 31 ; 11• 

14; 15. 17. 
πατρίς Fr, 4• Ι• 
πίδ/οι» 13. 4• 
πίί^ίίΐ/ 16. Ι9• 
Ildpaievs 9. II, 1 6. 
πίλαί 16. Ι. 
IleXaayt/coi 11. 1 5. 
ΙΙΐΚοίΓοννησιακός 3. 23. 
Π<λοποΐΊΊ7σίο$• 2. 1 8. 
πίμπΐΐν 6. 21. 
πίνΐσθαι 17. 1 6. 

7Γίρί1.8,9, ι8; 6.9,28; 19.12. 

π(ρΙβολος 9. Ι5• 
π(ρΐ€ΐναι 17. 2. 
Περικλ^ί• 8. 3 5 3°• 
ΤΙΐρσικά 1. 31 ; 3. 20. 
Ώηρΐία 13. 2 Ο. 
Πίνδαρος 6. 35• 
πισηνίΐν 14. ΙΟ. 
Πλαταϊκά 2. 15. 
ττλατυΓ 2. 8. 

πλf'iστoς 10. 2θ; 18. 19• 
πλί/ων 3. 25. 
πλ€θνάζ€ΐν 5. 2 0. 
πληβος 15. II. 
ττλουτίίΐ' 17. Ι3• 
π\οντος 17. 1 1. 
ΤΓοιεΐι/ 3. 20 ; 6. Ι9• 
ποικίλος 2. 1 1 . 
TroXipeif 1. 24; 7. 3Ι• 

πόλίροΓ 1. 21 ; 3. 22, 25; 6. 

34; 7. 9, 12. 
πόλίί 4. 15; 17. 2 0. 

πολίτύα 15. 2 2. 

ποΧιηνΐοθαι 15. 35 ; 1®• ■'^• 

Π•θλίΤίΚΟί 17. 28. 

πολλάκ/ί 6. 27 ; 7. Ι ; 13. 27. 

ποΧΚαχοΰ 2. 20. 

πολι'ί 1. ίο; 2. 2 6, 27 ; 3. 
9; 8. 12; 10. 30; 15. 7• 
ϋί πολλοί 1. 27 ; 5. 2 5, 2 9• 

novelv 17. 75 9• 

770Τ€ 10. 9• 

ΓΓοτ€ΐδαιατίκά 1. 20. 

πράγμα 1. Ι7, 3°; 2. ^, 2g ; 

3• Ι J 2, 33; 14. 16, 20; 

15. 10. 
πράσσαν 3. 13• 
πρίσβίία 7. ^Ι. 
πρ€σβντατος 9. 5• 
πρ/ί/ 1. 2θ; 7. 32. 
προ 17. 2. 
προγονοί 7. 2 2, 
προκύσθαι 3. 1 4• 
προνοΐϊν 7. 12. 
πρόνοια 8. II. 
προπβτίος 1. 35• 
τρό?1. 4, 35; 3, ι8; 15. 9, 

23, 36; 16. 2; 17. 2. 
προσηκίΐν 15. 3• 
προσθήκη 3. 28. 

Ζ d 

προσκύσθαι 7. 1 7• 
πρόστιμον 16. 8. 
προτιθίναι 1. 13 ; 3. 24. 
πρώτος 3. 27j 33• '^9^''"°'-' 3. 22. 

ραστώνη 16. 35• 
ρητΐον 3. 23; 5. 22. 

σανρωτηρ 5, 30• 

σ»7/ίόί 10. 37, 38- 

Σικελία 6. 1 8. 

σκότος 5. Ι7• 

oTpaTfVfiv 7. 3Ο• 

στράτευμα 7. 32. 

στρατοπεδίί/είΐ' 5. 2. 

σνγγράφίίν 3. 24. 

σνγγραφινς 3. 3'• 

συ)'ί£οπτ€ίΐ' 1. 1 7. 

συγκριτίκοϊ 17. 1 7• 

συγ;(€ίζ' 2. 21, 

συκοφαυτΓ 4. 9• 

σνμβαίνΐΐν 2. 3Ι• 

συμβάλλΐίν 7• 2. 

σνμβασις 5-34• 

σνμβόλαιον 15. Ι 8. 

συμμαχΰν 6. 2 2. 

σνμμαχία 6. 2 Ο. 

σνμμίσ-γίΐν 7. 35• 

σνμφίραν 15. II. 

σύνδίσμος 19. 4• 

συΐ'είΐ'αι 16. Ι5• 

σννΐίρΐΐν 3. 2. 

συι/εχώϊ 2. ΙΟ, 33; 3. 5• 

συνήθης 1. 5; 5. Ιο; 13. 2. 

συνήθως 13. 4• 
συ^'tστά^'αι 13. II. 
σύνταγμα 1. 9• 
σνιτελείν 10. 6. 
συντιθίναι 5. 33• 
Συράκοιισσαι 6. 2 3• 
συστρίφαν 13. 1 1 . 
σφόδρα 1, 2 2. 
σ;^ίδόΐ' 3. 27. 
σχήμα 5. ΙΟ. 
σώ^ί»/ 6, 20. 

τάγμα 13. Ι 7. 
ταλαιπωρεί»' 17. 3 (?)• 
re 6. 26; 17. 25. 
τεΐχοί 9. 2, ΙΟ. 


reXeiovv 1. 20. 
TfXfov 3. 29. 
τίλΐντάν 14. I. 
τ4μ(νο5 10. 35• 

Tt^eW 4. 33, 34 ; 5. I ; 17. 
18 ; 19. 5. 

τιμαν 15. 23. 

Tif 1. 35; 2. 32; 3. 34; 4. 

27; β. 7; 11. 2; 14. 28; 

15. 20; le. 2. 
TOi 3. 2. Cf. καίτοι. 

τοιοϋτοί 1. 33 ; β. 12 ; 7. 12, 

2o; 15. 8. 
το(ουτί5τρο7Γθί 14. ρ (?). 
τοτΓίκώί 13. 3• 

τόπος 2. 25 ; 12. 17 ; 13. 1 6. 
τοσοΰτοί 9. 12. 
τρύς 1. 1 1 ; 10. 1 6. 
τρ4π(ΐν 1. 20, 33• 
τρ/φείΐ/ 4. 35• 
τριακοντουτης 4. II. 

vjrayiii' 5. 7• 


νπάρχΐΐν 17. 23• 

ίπ(ρβατόί 13. 7• ντΓΐρβατω! 

10. 29- 

υπήκοο: 18. 32• 

ύττόβ. 33; 16• 37; 17• 7• 

υπόθΐσις 2• 24; 3. 30. 
ύ770λ7;\//^ίΓ 7. 20, 21 ; 14. 17• 
υπονοΐ'ιν 3• 35• 
ίιποπτενειν β. 5 5 15• 38. 
νποφίρΐΐν 17. Ι. 
ύστατος 2. 1 6. 

φaiveσθaι 13. 8 ; 17. 6,12; 

19. 17. 
Φάλί^ρον 9. II, Ι3• 

φάναι 2. 36 ; 3. 21 ; 4. 27 ; 

β. 17, 35; 10.8, II ; 15. 

φανερός 3. 32. 
φίλια 5• 7• 
φΐΧίΚΟ! 5. 6. 

φίΧοί 5• 8. 

φυλάσσΐΐν Q. 1 ; 11, 3• 

φυλή 10• 36. 
φύσΐί 19. Ι, 8, 9• 

χαρύντως 18. 1 9 (?). 
χίΐμών 1. Ι5• 
Χ"> 8. 7• 
ΧΡν 2. 36. 
λ'Ρ^α 8. II. 

χρησθαι 5. 6, ΙΟ, ι8; 11. Ι9• 

χρηστοί 7• 2 2• 

χρόΐΌί 1. 14; 2. 21, 22, 25 ; 

3. 3• 

;(ώρα 10. 20, 28. 
χωρίζΐΐν 7. 38• 

ψόγοί 19. ΙΟ, Ι3• 

ώί 1. 13, 22; 2. 9, 35; 3• 
23; 4. 13; 5. ι8, 19; β. 
3ο, 32, 35; 7. 2ο, 27; 9. 
5; 13. 5, 13; 14• ίο; 15. 
19; 17. ι6, ι8, 32. 

ώστί 5. 25, 2 0, 28. 


{Numbers ΐ7ΐ thick type refer to papyri^ 

aya^o'i 885. 59. 
ayfti/851.3; 856. 29; 858 <5. 

8. aye 854. 6. 
ayopd 858 b. 27. 
ayopeCeiv 858 b. ig (?). 
aypelv 854. 8. 
^Αγρίππας 849. 25. 
ay0i'tfea^ai 856. 48 ; 857. 2. 
αδεικτοΓ 966 (?). 

ά8(λφΟ! 850. 23, 25, 32 ; 

886. 8. 
αδύνατο? 850. ίο. 
SeXXa 860 a. 6 (?). 

Αθηναίοι, 856. 20, 42. 
ahflu 850. II. 

αίι/άί 860 α. 13- 
aipeiv 849. δ ; 850. 4 ; 886. 

(ι) Greek. 

αίωρί^ν 864. 14. 
ακατονόμαστο! 850. Ι7• 

ακολου^ίΓι/ 855. Ι, ιο; 858 ί^. 


άκούίΐν 849. 27; 858^. 29, 
^ 30 ; 868. 9. 
άκρατος 868. Ι. 

άκρος 887. recto 4, 7• 

ακτή 864. Ι 8. 

αλαβώδ»?ϊ 859. 5• 

αλίύίσ^αι 864. 17• 

αλι;^;]? 849. 22 ; 869. 13• 

αληθώς 849. 3, 4• 

dX/cij 860 a. 7• 

αλλά 849. 2θ, 26; 851. 7 ; 

854. 6; 855. 6; 858 ί^. 

13; 869. 6, 14. 
αλλήλων 855. 7• 

856. 58; 


ίΙίλλοΓ 858^. 14; 864. 4 '> 

867. 5• 
5ρα 850. 23, 35; 869. ι8. 

αμουσος 864. 1 8. 
άμφίΐννύναι 850. 2 0. 

(ίν 855. 4, 6 • °' 

863. 4• 
ανά 857. 3• 
di'aytyi'waKeii' 886. 
άναγκάζίΐν 850. 5• 
di/ayicaartKor 869. Ι5• 
άνάκρισις 863. ΙΟ• 
άνατιθίναι 858 (5. 1 6. 
'Ai/Spdi't/coi 850. 21. 
άνήρ 857. 6, 22; 860 β. 8, 

ι6; 885. 58; 886. g. 
άνθρωπος 851. 8; 869. 2ο; 

887. verso 5• 


ανθύπατος 850. Ι5• 

άνιστάναι 850. 4, 9 {άνιστάν) ', 

858 <5. 27- 

avoiyvvvai 864. 23• 
αντίγραφαν 886. 2. 

ανω 858 3. 32 ; 862. 14. 
i^toy 849. 28; 858 3. 13; 

862. 18. 
αόρατος 850. 34- 
άπαΧΚαγή 850. 2 Ο. 
άπαντάν 858 3. 36• 
άπαξ 863. 4• 
άπαλη 850. 2 9• 
άπ€ρχ€σθαι 850. 1 3 (Ο J ^57. 

άπύναι 850. 3Ι• 
ο'τΓο 854. 8; 856. 5°; 869. 


απόβαλλαν 866. 3 (Ο• 
ατΓογιγί'ώσκίίΐ' 850. 6. 
άπο8ιδόναι 849. 1 1. 
αποθνησκΐΐν 849. 3) ^3• 
άπόκανμα 868. 4• 
απ'ολειτΓίίί' 865. Ι. 
απολλνναι 855. 9• 
άπόνιπτρον 856. 66. 
drroTrpoXetVeti' 859. 3 (?)• 
άποτροπίαζίσθαι 885. 53• 
άποφίρειν 849. 9• 
άπράγμων 855. Ι3• 
απτίΐΐ' 855. 9• 
ά7Γώλ€ΐα 885. 38. 
αρα 849. 2, 6, 2 2. 
'Αραβία 870 5 (?)» 7• 

ΆργίΓοι 857. 4• 
apiCTrepcJr 887. recto 2, 5• 
άριστος 864. 2, 4; 868. 6. 
Άρκάδ^ί 870. Ι5• 

αρσην 886. 15- 
άρτίως 855. Ι7• 
άρχικΰνηγοί 851. 2. 

αρχΐ7 885. 31 • 

άσπίΓ 858 b. 19• 

arci/ifetv 849. 13; 850. 15• 

άτνχΐ'ιν 857. Ι9• 

αυτός 849. 2, 9> ΙΟ> ^^ ! 

850. Ι, 26, 27, 32, 35; 

851. 7 ; 855. g ', 856. 
32, 47, 50, 64, 74 ; 857. 
19; 858 3. 15, 30; 869. 

12; 885.32,39• ό αυτός 
858 3. ι8; 885. ζ6. 

άφαγνίζίΐν 869. 3 (?)• 
αφανής 850. 30. 
άφΐλκαν 854. 7• 
άφύναί 855. 4) 6. 
άφΐΐροΰν 885. 43• 
άφικνύσθαι 855. 2 1. 
Ά;^αιοί 864. 3• 

Βαβυλώι/ίΟί 856. 2ζ. 

βάλλων 856. 8 (.?). 

βάρβαρος 857. 20, 2 6. 

βασιλεία 856. 3Ι• 

βασιλίύς 849. ι6 ; 856. 70. 

β/σσοι 870. 32. 

/3ιβλοϊ 886. 2. 

βιοΰν 863. 4• 

βλίπίΐν 869. 2. 

βλώσκ€ΐν 859. 6. 

βούλ(σθαι 849. 7; 23 ; 850. 

14; 851. Ι ; 858 3. 41- 
βουλή 858 3. 32, 34• 
βροντή 864. 26. 
jSpoTo's 880 β. Ι. 
βροχίζίΐν 850. 6. 
/3ν0όί886. II. 
/Swjuoy 869. 3• 

Γαλάται 870. 23. 

■χάρ 854. 8; 855. 1 4, 22 ; 

856. 3θ, 74; 857. 5; 

858 3. 25, 29, 39; 860. 

ι6; 867. 5; 870. 6; 

887. verso ι. 
>€ 849. ι8; 855. 8; 858 3. 

24; 861. 5; 862. 8. 
Γίλων 857. Ι5• 
γίνος 885. 39• 
Τερης 856. 6θ. 
Τίτης 855. 3, 4• 
γΐφυρα 850. 2 4• 

y^ 857. 28. 

γίγν(σθαι 850. 3° ; 865. 6 ; 

870. II. 

γνώμη 966. 
γνωρίζΐΐν 850. 8. 
γνώριμος 850. 7• 
γόι/υ 850. 33> 35• 
γρπίί 849. 6. 



γράμμα 886. 6. 

γυνή 850. 2 1 ; 868. 

verso 4• 

γυργαθός 856. 44• 

δαι'ί»/ 864. ιο(.?). 
ΔάοΓ 855. II, ΐ3• 

Αάρδανοι 870. 33• 

8άς 855. 9• 

SetKWi'at 856. 49• 
duv 856. 54• 
Semm;/ 858 3. 26. 
8('ίπνον 854. 4• 
Δελφοί 857. 2 4• 

Sextos 887. recto ι, 3• 

8(ρκ(σθαι 860 3. Ι. 
δ(σπότης 855. 14, 1 6. 
8ίχ(σθαι 856. 2θ. 
δ», 855. 7- 

Βημηγορΰν 858 3. 20. 
δημηγόρος 858 3. 1 8. 
δ^μοί 858 3. 32. 
Αημοσθενης 858 3. 1 9, 23, 29, 

διά 849. Ι, 21 ; 854. 6; 

856. 73; 857.9; 858 3. 

22 ; 886. 7• 
δίακοι/ίίΐ' 868. 7• 
διακονία 850. Ι3• 
διασω^ίΐι/ 865. 5• 
διαφ(ύγ(ΐν 855. 12. 
διαφβύρΐΐν 863. 6. 
διδοι/αι 857. 7• 

δΐίΙΐίΐΌΐ 858 3. 2 3, 3ΐ• 

δάρχΐσθαι 850. 2 2. 
δίκά^Εί!» 856. 24• 
ΔικαίότΓολίϊ 856. 68. 
δικαστικός 856. 75• 
δίκ;? 856. 2 7 ; 868. 5• 
δΐοί 864. 3• 
δοκβΐν 857. 9• 
δοκιρά^ίΐι/ 849. 25. 
δόρν 858 3. 24• 
δοΟλοί 850. 17 ; 868. 3• 
δρομΐύς 856. 39• 
δύναμις 885. 47• 
δύ^ασ^αι 854. 9• 
δυο, κατά δύο δύο 886. Ι9• 
δυστυχίίυ 861. 8. 
δωρΐά 850. 12. 



iav 885. 34, 58• 

ίαντοΰ 850. 6 ; 858. 70, 72 ; 

857. 5 (ί'φ' ίαιιτων) ; 886. 


tyf ipeiv 849. ΙΟ. 

ί'γώ 849. I, 15; 850. 5 ; 

851. 3 ; 854. 4 ; 855. 4, 

6, 12, 13; 861. 5; 862. 

15; 863. 2, 5; 868. 5• 
fovos 870. 3• 
ei 849. 2, 6, 22 ; 850. 27 ; 

855. 15• 
εΐκών 885. 36, 42) 52, 58. 
efrai 849. 5> 22 ; 851. 6, 7 ; 

855. 5. 14, 23 ; 856. 2θ, 

43, 62; 858 <5. 1 8, 29 ; 

862.8, 15; 864. 2; 869. 

5; 885. 32; 886. 5; 

eiVftv 850. 32 ; 851. Ι, 2. 
61? 966 (?). 

fi'i 850. 7, 27 ; 856. 25, 55 ; 

857. 24; 858 <J. 12, 14, 
17, 21 ; 866. 6; 869. 
16, 2θ(.?); 887. recto 2. 

ctaayeij/ 856. 3°• 

iira 856. 63, 68, 77. 

ίκ 856. 36; 858^. 27; 

864. 1 6. 
ίκαστος 860 a. 8; 889. io(?); 

886. 16. 
€Kfl 849. 10; 856. 74. 
fKeWev 867. 3. 
εκεΐΐΌί 850. 30. 
fK(laf 856. 63. 
ίκθΰεσθαι 885. 52. 
«κάειι» 856. 41. 
ΐκκλησία 850. 1 6. 
(κπίμττ(ΐν 858 3. 1 5. 
(κποδών 855. 1 9 (.''). 
ίκφοβύν 858 <5. 31. 
'Ελάτεια 858 b. 25, 
"Ελλί^ι/ 857. i8; 865. 7. 
'Ελλ»;σπόί/τι&!Γ 864. 8 (.?), 1 5• 
ΐμαντον 849. I 9. 
(μβαίνΐΐν 858 ί. 2 0. 

iv 854. 9; 855. 10, 22 ; 
856. 44; 864. I ; 870. 
6; 886. 3, II, 16, 23. 

(ρίργημα 850. 34• 

ΐΐ>θα 864. Ι7• 

efOade 855. 17; 863. 8. 
Ϊνθ(ν8€ 855. 12. 
ίνθίρμο! 856. 78• 
evvofiv 850. 6. 
6| 856. 75• 

f^ayetf 858 3. 21. 
ί'ξαπαταν 855. Ι4• 

ίξψ(ΐν 856. 55 {■)■ 

ϊζφχ^σθαι 850. 2 2. 
ΐξΐΐναι 855. 2. 
ί'Ι^ιστάι/αι 856. 66, 67. 
e'iw 887. verso 3• 

ioiKevai 856. 40. 

€7ret 849. 28. 

ΐπητα 855. 4; 864. 19. 

ΐτηνχΐσθα 886. 1 8. 

e7rt'850. 12; 856.58; 857. 

5, 22; 867. 2 ; 869. 4; 

887. recto i etsaep., verso 


ΐηιγράψΐΐι/ 886. 1 6. 

fni8eiKin!vai 855. II. 

ίπώώόναι 850. 1 4• 

inUvai 860 β. 5• 

(πικαλίΐσθαι 886. ΙΟ. 

ΐπιστοΧη 850. 1 8. 

ΐπιστρίφΐΐν 850. 7• 

epyov 859. 8. 

i'peii' 861. ΙΟ. 

epepvos 860 α. 5 (^• ^• fpvpvos). 

ΐρημία 856. 5 8. 

Έρμ^ί 886. 4, 7• 

epvOpos 854. 8. 

(pvpvos 860 ί7. 5 (^'• ^• fpep^'os). 

€ρχ€σθαι 850. 28; 858 /J. 

14 ; 860 α. 2 ; 862. 1 1 ; 

869. 4• 
eV 859. Ι. 

ΐσχατοί 886. 21. 
erepos 849. 18; 856. 53• 
(νδαιμονια 885. 33• 
ΐύλαβύσθαι 857. 1 6. 
evvovs 858 (5. 37• 
fvpiaKeiv 850. 3 1 J 855. 12 ; 
886. 3, 22. 

Έίιρώπη 870. 12. 
(νχαριστά.ν 850. 1 1 . 
(ϋχαριστία 850. 1 3. 
"Εφΐσο: 867. 4- 

f'xdv 849. 17, 19; 855. 7, 
9, 19 ; 856. 9, 18 ; 858(5. 
19, 28; 860 β. 15- 

Zei^tf 850. 4, 13. 
Zeus 885. 44. 
CfiT-eli/ 886. 8. 
ί^ω«/5αΐ'(?) 851. 3- 

7 869. 5. 
ή-γύσθαί 865. 4• 
ηγίμών 851. I, 5• 

ΐϊδ/ωΓ 849. 1 6. 

ηην 855. Ι5• 
ήλιος 886. II. 

ij/iiii 849. 9 ; 854. 8 ; 855. 

ήμ€ρα 857. Ι4• 
Tjperepos 868. 3• 
Ήρακλ^ί 885. 45• 
ησυχία 858 ι5. 8. 

θάλαμοί 859. 6. 

θάλασσα 864. ΐ6 ; 867. 2. 

^αρρεΐι/ 849. 7• 

(9€\eti/ 849. 21 ; 886. 13. 

θΐμιστοκλψ 858 δ. 2θ. 

^60ί 849. 8, 2 1, 25; 850. 

36; 851. 7; 862. 13; 

863. 3; 864. ιο; 869. 

9; 885. 56; 886. Ι2, 17. 

θερμοπύλαι 857. 2. 
θίΤτάΚοί 870. 28. 
θεωρός 856. II. 
θΓ;βαι 858(5. Ι4• 
θλίβαν 850. 8. 
^οοϊ 854. 6. 
θυρνβΰν 858 ^. 43• 
θρακΐς 870. 3°• 
θρασνς 855. Ι7• 
θραυστός 868. 2. 
θρηνωδός 864. 24- 

^ι;«ι/ 885. 44> 55• 
θώραξ 858 (5. 24- 

ΐδου 849. 14; 850. $0. 

ιερός 886. 2. 

Ίι;σοΰϊ 850. ΙΟ. 

ϊνα 849. ιο; 856. 55» 67. 

Ίσΐϊ 886. Ι, 7- 



Ίστάναι 850. 27. 
Ίωάνι/Τ/Γ 850. 3; 1 6, 2 2, 25, 
27, 28, 31. 

Κήδ/χοΓ 857. 21. 
κάδο? 854. 7- 
KOeti/ 855. 20. 
καθ(ύ8ίΐν 887. verso 7. 

καβησθαι 858(5. 1 5, 32. 
καθύναι 856. 55. 
καθόλου 866. 4• 
Καίσαρ 850. ΐ8. 
KotVot 849. 18. 
κακός 858 ^.12. 
JKaXerc 861. 9• 
καλοί 885. 59 5 93^• 
Καρ;^τ;δόι/ίθί 866. 5• 

κατά 850. ι6; 855. ι8 ; 
864. 15; 865. 7; 869. 
13, ΐ9(?); 885.47; 886 

κατα^αρθάνΐΐν 859. 7• 
κατάκαυσίί 855. 4• 
καταλάμβαναν 858^. 25• 
καταπίπτ€ΐν 885. 35• 
καταιτράτταν 856. 77• 
Karapyeiv 850. 34• 
κατίχΐΐν 849. 2. 
κεΐσ^αι 849. Ι5• 
Kepavvios 885. 44• 
Kepaui/o's 885. 37) ^Ο. 
κ^ρυξ 858 b. 35• 
κηρνσσην 858 <5. 35• 

κλαίβιι/ 850. 8. 

ΚΧασθίνης 856. 7• 

Κλε'ωι/ 856. 2 7- 

κ\η^ονίζΐΐν 886. 13- 

κλτ;δώι/ 886. 2 2. 

κληματίς 855. 2. 

κΚηρονομία 855. 1 8. 

κλί^ικ 850. 33) 35• 

κλΰδωί/ 864. 2 ο. 

κνίζΐΐν 855. 1 6. 

κοίλο? 864. 21. κόϊλοί 854 

Κοίστ;ρα 856. 65• 

κόλποί 864. 23• 
κομήτης 856. 2 8. 
κομίζειν 850. Ι 8. 
κομτταστη! 856. 5^• 

κόπτΐΐν 864. 9• 
κόρτ; 862. ΐ7• 
κουφός 855. Ι4• 
κόχλοΓ 864. 2 ο. 
Kpeas 856. 79• 
KpoTciv 864. 2 2. 
κτύπος 864. 26. 
κύκλος 855. ΙΟ, 2 2. 

κύριοΓ 850. 29, 33; 851. 5• 

κνρι'α 886. Ι. 
κώθων 854. 6. 
κωμω81α 856. 3• 
Κώοί 857. 2 2. 

λακΐδαιμόνιοι 856. 73• 
λαλίίι/ 849. 12. 
Λά/^αχοί 856. 56, 65. 
λάμβαναν 850. 14 ; 856. 58 ; 

862.17; 886.1,4; 887. 

recto 6, verso 2. 
λαχάΐ'ΐοΐ' 856. 37• 
Αάχης 855. ΙΟ. 

λ4γαν 849. 6 ; 850. 1 7 ; 

856. 35- 44, 66, 70, 7^; 

858^. 31) 35) 36• 
λοιποί 869. 7• 

μάγος 851. 6. 
μα^ο'ί 864. 9• 
Μακεδονί 870. 2 9- 
μαντ€ία 865. 7• 
Μαρα^ώι; 858 ί>. 12. 
μάχΐσθαι 863. II. 

μάχτ/ 858(5. ΐ7• 
Μίγακλήί 856. 6ΐ. 
ρβγαλοκληί 860 α. ΙΟ. 
μεγαλοφροσύνη 856. 72• 
/Lieyaf 850. 33) 851. 7; 

858 3. 40; 886. ι; 887. 

verso 2. μίγιστος 869. ΐ7• 
μίλλΐΐν 849. Ι. 
pcO^oi 864. 19• 
μίν 855. 13, 17; 856. 62, 

71, 74; 858(5. 14; 869. 

6; 885. 49• 

μίνειν 857. 6. 
^χε^ίπτόλφοί 860 b. 7 (0• 
/ιΐίσοϊ 850. 1 6. 

μ(τά 849. 19 ; 850. 5• 

μΐτατίίμτϊΐΐν 858 Ρ. 2 8. 

μΐτάπιμπτος 865. 5• 
μΐΤίϊναι 886. 23. 

μη 849. Ι ; 857. ΐ7; 858(5. 

34; 869. 2. 
ρί?δ6ίί 850. 7• 
p^r 858 (5. 13• 
pjjr^jp 849. 7 ; 859. 6. 
μιγνΰναι 860 (5. 9• 

ρίσ(9(;ί 856. 57• 
ρόΐΌί 850. 13. 

μνβος 864. Ι. 
μνκηδόν 864. 2 2. 
Μυσοί 870. 31 • 
μνττ(ύτός 856. 21. 

ναι 855. Ι3• 

ΐ'αΟί854. 6; 856. 7ΐ; 857.7- 

νίανίσκος 849. Ι9• 
νεκρός 849. 4) Ι5• 
νεκρονν 850. 9• 
ι/ε'ίίυί 864. Ι4• 
νηφΐΐν 854. 9• 
ΐΊκαν 857. 7• 
νόθος 865. 5• 

νόμιζαν 869. II. 

ι/όροί 858 3. 36. 
νυν 850. 12; 862. ι6; 863. 
6. ι-υι-ί 849. 28. 

^ίνος 856. ΙΟ. ^βίΐΌί 864. 3. 
\ίφος 858 (5. 24• 

οδε 854. 9• 
οιεσ^αι 858 (5. 37• 
οίκοι 858(5. Ι5• 
οικονομία 850. 12. 
οίνος 854. 8. 

οΓοί 862. 12. οίον 856. 23, 
28, 69, 75• 

ολίγος 850. 22. 

όλος 885. 4°• 

όλοσχερώϊ 885. 34• 

όμοΰ 863. 7• 

όμως 862. 8. 

δνορα 886. 1 8. 

οΐΌί 862. 5• 

οπλοί/858(5. ι6; 860 3. ίο. 

ότΓοΐοί 864. 2 ο. 

δπου 864. ΙΟ. 

όπότί 858 (5. 13- 


όράν 849. 4• 

οργή 850. 2 9- 
όρμάν 860 (5. 4• 

o^vis 856. 59• 

ο? 849. ι6 ; 850. 24, 3^ Ι 

856. 36, 58, 75; 858 3. 

24 ; 860 α. 9 ; 886. 7> 

13. 23• 
"Οσφις 886. 9• 
οσοί 855. 8; 856. 62. 
ore 856. 70. 
ort 849. 4; 856. 56; 868. 

2; 869. 21. 
ου (reflexive) 859. 4• 
oir, ού /c 849. 17, 24; 850. 

15; 851. 6; 855. 5; 

858 3. 14, 24, 36; 862. 

18; 863. 4; 868. 9; 

869.5,11- ούχί855. 16; 

869. 6, 14- 
ούδ£849. 25;854. 8; 858 3. 

24 ; 863. 4• 
ouSetV 857. 8; 858 3. 36. 
οΰν 885. 4ΐ• 
ουπά>ποτ( 858 3. 3Ο• 
oure 854. 5 ; 857. 6, 7• 
οίτοϊ 849. II, 22; 851. 5 5 

856. 29, 49, 73; 857-5; 

858 α. 4, <^• I4j 16, 23, 

29> 3^ ; 869. 6. οντοσί 

862.3, 6. 

ούτω, οντωί 849. II ; 856. 

4θ(?), 77• 

]οφρων 861. 1 6. 

οψΐ! 850. 27. 

παώίον 862. 4, 9• 

παί? 849. Ι5• 

Παλλάϊ 856. 43• 

Ιίάμφυλοι 870. Ι9• 

πανουργία 855. II ; 856 59• 

πάνυ 855. ζ. 

παρά 850. ι8; 856. 30, 32, 

57 ; 858 3. 24. 
παρακαλΰν 84i9. 2 'j; 8583.13- 
παράκλητο! 850. ΙΟ. 
παρακοΚονθΐΙν 858 3. 38. 
παράλειπαν 863. 9- 
παρύναι 858 3. 33• 
παρίχ(ΐν 858 3, 1 3- 


Πάρις 863. 7• 

πάροιθΐ 859. 4• 

παροιμία 856. 2 9- 

παροίνιοί 856. 42- 

πάροί 859. 7- 

7γ3? 850. 12 ; 858 3, 41 ; 
860 α. 14; 864. 4, 5, Μ> 
19; 869. 17; 888. ΐ2 ; 

πατήρ 858 3. 25• 

πατρίς 860 α. g. 

παύΐΐν 858 3. 20. 

ΠαφλαγόκΕί 870. 2 4- 

π6δί[ 856. 26. 

πείθαν 858 3. 23. 

πΐΐράζίΐν 849. 24• 

πΐΐράν 849. 21. 

π€λίσθαι 859. 8 (-εσκετο) ; 

860 a. 3- 
Πβλοπόΐ'ί'/ίσοϊ 858 3. 2 2. 
πΐμπειν 857• 20. 
ττί'νί/ί 885. 42. 
π(νθηρης 864. 7• 

7Γί4 868. 7- 

πΐντηκόντορος 857- 2 2. 
πΐραίναν 850. 2 4• 
περαί 861. 4- 

περί 856. 4, 43; 857. ΐ7; 
858 3. 33; 886. 5, ΐ2. 

ΙΙΐρικΚης 858 3. 21. 
πΐρινοστύν 856. '^1. 
π^ριοράν 855. 6. 
nepiTiOevai 855. ΙΟ. 
Uepaai 857. II. 
πέτρα 864. 21. 
Πετροϊ 849. 8, 1 3, 14) 24• 
πίπτ(ΐν 885. 5Ι• 
πλ(ΐν 858 3. 21. 
πλ(ίων 850. 2 3- πλείστον 
863. 5• 

πλημμίΚΐΐα 850. 3°• 
πλην 857. 4 ; 862. Ι4(•'')• 
πλήσσΐΐν 885. 36, 6 1. 
πΧουσιώτατος 858 3. 39• 
ποίεΐί» 851. Ι, 
ποιητής 856. 12. 

ττόλις 856. ι6; 858 3. 42 ; 
863. 5; 866. Ι. 

πολίτης 858 3. 1 6, 39• 
πολυί 863. 5• 

πονηρός 855. Ι7- 
Ποντικοί 870. 17. 
Ιποι/τ-ίοί 864. 8. 
πορΐΰεσ-θαι 850. 2 5• 
πόρνη 856. 41- 
ποταμός 850. 24• 
πότΐρον 869. 8. 
που 862. 7- 
πραίψίκτος 849. 12. 
προ, προ του 863. 9- 
προβου\((ΐΐΐν 858 3. 33, 34- 
πρόδηλος 855. 3• 
προδότης 856. 62. 
προκύσθαι 869. 1 6. 

προς 850. 23, 25, ^\, 33; 
851. 2; 855. 7, ι6; 856. 
34, 76; 857. ίο. 

προσβάλλΐΐν 857. Ι. 
προσβιάζΐσθαι 867• 4• 
προσίρχΐσθαι 855.. 7• 
προσηγορία 870. Ι4• 
προσιίναι 850. 20. 
προσκννύν 850. II. 
προσποΐ€Ϊσθαι 885. 4^. 
πρότερος 885• 49• πρότερον 

856. 71- 

προψωνΰν 856. 67. 
πρΰτανις 858 3. 26. 
πρώτος 858 3. Ι7• πρώτον 

856. 71. 

πΓω;^όί 856. 3Ι• 

πνκινός 860 3. 8. 

πνι/^άνεσ^αι 856. 63 ; 866. 2. 

πυρ 855. 3- 

πύρδανον 855. 2. 

Πνρρίας 855. 8, 21. 

πώγων 856. 9• 

πώ/ια 854. 7- 

πως 858 3. 23. 

ράκος 856. 33- 
peiv 850. 24. 
Ρ^^ 856. 34- 

σάλπιγξ 858 3. 3°. 
σαλπικτής 858 3. 28. 
Σά /ios 858 3. 21. 
σαπρός 856. 36. 
Σαρμάται 870. 34- 
σβίννύναι 850. 29• 



σίλμα 854. 6. 

σημα'ινΐΐν 885. 40. 

σημΰορ 885. 5θ, 54• 

σίκυος 856. 40• 

σκίλο!, κατά των σκ. 855. ΐ8. 

σκηνή 858 ί>. 2'^. 

σκηψις 856. 29. 

σκληρός 856. 2 2. 

Σκύ^,,ί 857. 21. 

στακτη 855. 1 6. 

arefay/Ltoy 850. 2. 

στίνΐΐν 864. 7• 

στ^^οΓ 887. recto 8. 

σι-ι'χοί 860 b. 8. 

στολ?7 864. 7• 

στρατΐίχιν 856. 57• 

στράτευμα 865. 3• 

arparjjyoi 858 <5. 1 8. 

στρατιώτης 850. 20. 

Στυμψηλοί 859. 3• 

σύ 849. II, 2θ, 21 ; 850. 7, 
II, 12, 29; 855. Ι, ι6; 
866. 22. 

σνμμαχΰν 857. 8. 

συμπαθίΐν 849. 5• 

συί/ 854. 6. 

σνναθροίζΐΐν 850. 32. 

συ^δουλοί 855. 5• 

σφίίί 860 ίΖ. 9• 

σχήμα 850. 20. 

σχίσμα 856. 33• 

Σώτ€ΐρα 885. 4^. 

ταλακά/^διοί 860 ί7. 3• 

Ταλαόί 859. 2. 

ταμΰον 886. 4• 

τά^ΐϊ 856. 64. 

τάχα 851. 7• 

7•α;(υ 855. ΙΟ. τάχιστα 850. 

Tf κτόσαγ€ί 870. 2 2. 
Te;;^!/;? 855. 12, 1 3. 
τι^λαυγάί 886. 24. 

astutia 871. 2. 
autem 871. 3• 

convenire 871. 2, 

de 871. 3. 

τίβιοί 855. 3. 
\τιθωνωι 856. 40• 
rtVeti/ 868. 5• 

rty 850. 26; 855. 12, 15; 
856.2,37; 858(5. 29, 38; 

864. 5. 
τοι 856. 65. 
Γοίοί 869. 14. 

τολμΰν 850. Ι5• 
Τολμί8ης 858 ι5. 2 2. 

τότ( 864. 1 6. 

τρά;^;;λθί 868. ΙΟ. 
Tpe'is 857. 23. 
τριακόσιοι 857. 3• 
τριήρης 856, 43• 
τρόπος 886. 5• 
τρύ^ 854. 8. 
Τυχ»? 885. 46. 

Ύδροίί 865. 3• 

νδωρ 857. 28 ; 867. ι. 

ν'ιός 865. 5 • 

υμΰς 858 (5. 3°• 

νπαρξις 869. I. 

i7re> 850. Ι ; 856. 69. 

vnepidflv 857. Ι4• 

υπΐρμήκης 867. 6. 

ύτΓο 850. 24; 855.2ο; 856. 
27,32; 857.19; 865.3; 
885. 37, 6ο. 

νπολ(ίπ€ΐν 886. 2 Ο. 

υστΐρος 862. II. νστΐρον 

865. 5• 

φαίνΐσθαι 864. 2. 
φάι /at 849. 24; 850. 27; 
856.6, ι6, 54,65, 73,74• 

φαντάζΐΐν 864. 25. 

φάρμακον 887. verso 6. 
φάρυν^ 856. 55• 
φΐίδισθαι 849. 17• 
Φίίδίαί 862. 7- 

(ίΐ) Latin (871-2). 

e 871. 9• 
ego 871. 4• 

in 871. 5• 
inertia 871. ι. 

φίρΐΐν 855. 2, 1 8, 2 2. fvty- 

κύν 882. ίο; 867. ι. 
φιυγΐΐν 856. 2 7 ; 887. verso 3• 
φιλΐ'ίν 849. 2 0. 
φίλτατος 855. ΐ8. 
φλυαρ[ 869. Ι9• 
φλύαρος 855. Ι5• 
φοίΐ/ίξ 886. 14. 
φοιταν 854. 7• 
φορτΊον 855. 8. 
φρα[ 854. 2. 
φρι?!' 855. 15 ; 864. ι. 
Φρυγβϊ 870. 2 5- 
φυλακή 854. 9• 
φνλΐ7 856. 50• 

φύλλοι/ 856. 36 ; 886. ΐ5, ΐ7• 
φνραν 864. 1 6. 
φωΐ'[ 858 Λ. Ι. 

χάλκίος 864. 25. 
χαλκοί 860 α. 4• 
χάρίΓ 855. 19 ; 856. 76. 

χάννος 856. 69. 

χβφ 850. 28 ; 856. 32 (?). 
χορός 864. ΙΟ. 
Xpeor 856. 35• 
xpj? 885.41. 
χρήμα 857. 27. 
χρημάτιζαν 886. 24- 
χρήσθαι 856. 24. 

ψήφισμα 858(5. Ι9• 
ψήφος 856. 2 4• 
ψυχρός 856. 12. 

δ 855. 3• 
δδ€ 851. 3• 

ώλε'ι//? 864. 9• 

ώ /xof 887. recto 3• 

ώς (relative) 851. ι ; 854. 5 ; 

856. 41, 54 5 859. 7• 

= οτ€ 855. 21 (?). 
ωστί 858 δ. 44• 

is 871. 4, 6, 9• 

loqui 871. 4• 

magis 871. ι, 2. 
meminisse 871. 3• 



minimus 871. 7. 

ne . . . quidem 871. 6-7. 
negare 871. 10. 
non 871. 4. 
nullus 871. 6. 
numerus 871. 4. 

pars 871. 6. 
perforare 871. 11 (?). 

quam 871. i, 2, 8 (?). 
qui 871. 4, 5, 6, 9. 

sapientia 871. 3. 
sed 871. 5. 

sic 872. 8. 
suus 871. 5. 

ter 872. 9. 
tunc 872. 16. 

virtus 871. i. 


Κλαύδιοί 962. 


^ρων 962. 


ΤαΚβα 899. 28. 

βώί Tiros 984. Tiros 958. 

AiroKp, Καΐσ. Tpaiavos ΆΒριανος Σΐβαστός 898. 40 j 986. 
Αδριανός 957. 

Antoninus Pius. 

Άντωνΐνος Καίσ. ό κύριος 899. 3*^• 
θ(6ς Αι'λίΟί ΑντωνΙνος 899. 2 Ο. 
'Avrωvlvos 899. 29. 

Marcus Aurelius and Verus. 

Άντωνΐνος και Ούήρο: οί κύριοι 2ΐβaσroi 973. 

Marcus Aurelius. 

^ΑντωνΊνος και ΦανστΊρα 2fβaσΓoi 905. Ι. 


θ(6ς Κόμο'όος 909. 2 3• 
Kopobos 988. 

Septimius Severus. 

Imp. Caes. Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Aug. Arabicus Adiabenicus 
894. I. 

AvroKp, Καϊσ. Αούκιος 2(nripios 2(ovrjpos Ενσ(βης 899. inlrod. 

Septimius Severus and Caracalla. 

Αντοκρ. Καϊσ. Aovklos ^enripios Έ,ΐουηρος Ένσφ. ΤΙ^ρτίναξ Σίβ. Άρα/3, Άδιαβην. και Μάρκος 
Αυρήλιος Άντωνινος Καΐσ. anobfbeiypevos AvroKp, 910. 43 > 976. 


Αντοκρ. ΚαΊσ. Λούκιος 2(Τΐτίμιος Έ^ονηρος Εύσί/3. Ώΐρτίναξ Σίβ, Άραβ. Άδία^.•/''• ΐίαρθικος 
Μέγιστος και Αντοκρ. Κηΐσ. Μάρκος Αυρήλιος ΆντωνΊνος Ί.φ. 916. Ι. 

Αντοκρ. Καίσαρΐς Αονκιος Σεπτίμιος Έίονηρος Ένσΐβ. ΙΙίρτίναξ Άραβ. Ά8ιηβην. Ώαρθ. Μίγιστ. 
και Μάρκος Ανρήλιος Άντων'ινος Σΐβαστοί 908. 4Ο• 

Severus Alexander. 

Αντοκρ, Καΐσ. Μά^;κοΓ Αυρήλιος Έ(ονηρος Άλίξαν^ρος Ενσεβ, Ευτνχ. 2(β. 909. 34 > 972 J 


Αΰτοκρ. Κα'ισ. Γάιος Ίονλιος Ονηρος Μαξιμΰνος Ενσ^β. Εντυχ. Σ(β. 912. 37• 

Gallus and Volusianus. 

Αντοκρ. Καίσαρΐς Τάιος Ονίβιος Τρΐβωνιοιος Γάλλος κα\ Γάιος Ουίβιος Άψίνιος ΓάλλοΓ Ου(λ- 
8ουμνιαν6ς Ονολονσιανος Είισίβ, Εντνχ. Σ(βαστοί 977. 


Αντοκρ. Κσίσ. Πονηλιος Λικίννιος Γαλλιηνός ΓιρμαΐΊΚος MeyiaT. Ευσ{β. Εντνχ, Σΐβ. 864. 


Αντοκρ. ΚαΊσ. Μάρκος ΚλανΒιος Τάκιτος Ενσΐβ. Εντνχ. Σ(β. 907. 2'J. 
δ κύριος Μάρκος Κλαυδίου Τάκιτος 907. 2 0. 

Diocletian and ΙΝΙαχιλίαν (cf. Index III). 

οί κύριοι Αιοκλητιανος κα\ Μαζιμιανος Σΐβαστοί 888. 6. 

[Αντοκρ. Γάιος Αυρήλιος Οναλίριος ΔιοκλητιανοςΙ Γερμανικός Μεγιστ, Γοννθικος [Μί'γιστ. κ ,τ. λ. 
Ενσΐβ.] Εντνχ. Νικητής Σεβ. κάϊ [Αΰτοκρ. Μάρκος Ανρήλιος ΟίιάΚεριος Μαξιμιανος Ενσφ. Εντνχ. 
Σφ.λ Σαρματικος Miy